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YALE UNIVERSITY
Xibrarg of the ©foinitg School
GIFT OF
j Douglas dlgde Macintosh j
| DWIGHT PROFESSOR OF THEOLOGY
DWIGHT PROFESSOR OF THEOLOGY AND \i
PHILOSOPHY OF RELIGION
1916-1942
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THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY.
(From a Photograph dy Messrs. Russell and Sons.)

{Frovtiftpiece.

THE

LIFE AND WORK

OF THE SEVENTH

EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. K.G.

BY
EDWIN HODDER.

POPULAE EDITION.
WITH EIGHT FULL-PAGE ILLUSTRATIONS.

CASSELL & COMPANY, Limited
LONDON, PARIS, NEW YORE $ MELBOURNE.

1887
[all rights reserved.]

PREFACE TO THE ORIGINAL EDITION.

For many years Lord Shaftesbury resisted every appeal that was made to
him to allow his biography to he written. " No one can do that satisfactorily
hut myself," he said, "and I have neither the time nor the inclination."
Towards the close of his life, however, it became apparent to him that a
biography was, to use his own word, " inevitable," and it was then his wish
that it should he written with his co-operation. " If the story, such as it is,
must be told," he said, " I should like it to he told accurately. That cannot
he done unless I furnish the means."
He accordingly placed at my disposal a mass of material, and, in addition,
he was good enough to allow me for many months to be in frequent personal
communication with him, when, pen in hand, I took down the record of his
life as he narrated it. His memory to the very last was surprising, and as
the scenes of his earlier life passed before him, he would recall facts and
figures, dates and words, with such accuracy that although, at his request, I
subsequently verified them, it was almost unnecessary to do so.
The conditions imposed upon me were simple and explicit, and were
expressed as nearly as possible in these words : —
" I will give you every assistance in my power ; place letters, hooks, and
documents, in your hands ; give you introductions to those who know most
about me ; and tell you, from time to time, what I can remember of my past
history. I will answer any questions and indicate all the sources of infor-
tmation available to you. But I will not read a word of your manuscript, nor
^>ass a sheet for the press. When the hook is issued to the public I will, if I
lam alive, read it, hut not till then. All I ask is, that the story of my life he
jold in its entirety — political, social, domestic, philanthropic, and religious."
I I was awai'e that Lord Shaftesbury had kept voluminous Diaries, and
irom the first was anxious that these should he placed in my hands. " They
^re of no value to any one but myself," was his reply; "they have never been
Seen by anybody, and they never will be. They are a mass of contradictions ;
thoughts jotted down as they passed through my mind, and contradicted
jerhaps on the next page — records of passing events written on the spur of
|he moment, and private details which no one could understand but myself."
In these circumstances I felt that I could not urge Lord Shaftesbury to

IV PREFACE.
entrust them to me, but he promised that he would, if possible, go through
them and furnish me with some extracts if he found any that were " worth
putting into print." But neither time nor opportunity came for this ; the
busy life was busy to the last, and increasing weakness made any effort of
this kind impossible.
For six months I continued my work, and in many long and intensely
interesting interviews gained much information and many important details
of his personal life. But I was conscious that without the aid of the Diaries
I stood only on the threshold of the subject, and he was conscious of this too.
I therefore lost no opportunity of urging him to let me have access to
them. In June, 1885, warned by continued failure in health that the end was not
far off, Lord Shaftesbury yielded to these entreaties, and placed the first
volume of his Journals in my hands, promising to let me have the remainder
in succession. "It was never my intention that a page or a line should ever be pub
lished," he said to me ; " but I have been looking through them again, and I
think it is possible that there are some portions of them that may do good.
At all events, I do not see how you can perform your task without them, for I
cannot give yon the personal assistance I could have wished. Besides, all
that I could tell you, and much more, is written here, and I must leave it to-
your discretion to make what use of them you like. You will find they were
written in hurried moments, just as thoug-hts or events arose. They were
true at the time, hut I may have changed my opinions, or have found after
wards that I had taken a wrong view of things. You are at liberty, of
course, to take any view you like of my actions, and to praise or blame them
as you will, but do not attempt to represent me as always in the right, or you
will inevitably break down in your task. You will find that the movements
in which I was engaged brought me at times into opposition with all classes,
even with those who were working with me, oftentimes with men I loved
dearly and greatly admired. I did not seek this opposition ; I could not help
it ; but do not represent me as having been always a man of a cantankerous
disposition because of this, unless you find the evidence overwhelming that
such was the case. Above all things — and this is one of my strongest
motives for placing these volumes in your hands — try to do justice to those
who laboured with me. I could never have done the few things I have had
I not been supported by true, zealous, earnest men, who gave me their time
and their brains to help forward the different movements. My religious
views are not popular, but they are the views that have sustained and com
forted me all through my life. They have never been disguised, nor have I
ever sought to disguise them. I think a man's religion, if it is worth any
thing, should enter into every sphere of life, and rule his conduct in every
relation. I have always been— and, please God, always shall he— an Evan-

PREFACE. V
gelical of the Evangelicals, and no biography can represent me that does not
fully and emphatically represent my religious views."
For the selection of the quotations from Lord Shaftesbury's Diaries I am
alone responsible. My object has been to make them illustrate, as much as
possible, every phase of life and opinion. If it should appear that, in some
instances, I have inserted passages which are of too purely a domestic
character, I can only plead that I have acted in the spirit of the instructions
given to me by Lord Shaftesbury. For example, on one occasion he had been
narrating to me some incidents in the life of the late Countess of Shaftesbury
in connection with his factory labours, and lamented how little the factory
people knew the extent to which they were indebted to " that blessed woman,"
as he called her. Then he spoke of her death. " But you will find it all
recorded in the Diaries," he said. " Those entries would be far too private
and personal to put into print, would they not ? " I asked. " Not at all," he
answered ; " I should like you to use them. I should wish you to use them.
Her memory is far better worth preserving than mine." And then taking down
from a shelf in the library the " Shaftesbury Papers," edited by Mr. Christie,
he turned to a page in which the First Earl pays a tribute of affection to the
wife whose loss he mourns. " There," said he, " that, in my opinion, is the
best thing in the book."
In his Diaries Lord Shaftesbury has unconsciously done what he eo often
said no one but himself could do satisfactorily — he has " written his own
life." It was by a mere accident, however, that the whole of these valuable
records were not destroyed. About the year 1880 he was suffering from ill
ness, which confined him to the house, and he determined to occupy his enforced
leisure in looking through and burning old papers. The Diaries were con
signed to a heap, awaiting destruction ; but in the meantime health returned,
the usual daily duties were resumed, and the books and papers were put away
to await another pause, and so escaped the threatened fate.
Only a few of the bulky quarto Diaries of Lord Shaftesbury, and four of
his Journals of Travels, had been placed in my hands, when the news came
from Folkestone of the alarming illness which terminated in his death. For
the privilege of perusing and making extracts from the remaining volumes,
for information supplying the defects of my own personal knowledge, for
access to his correspondence, for reading the proofs and examining the
extracts from the Diaries with the originals, and for other invaluable aid, I
am indebted to the great kindness and courtesy of his son, the Hon. Evelyn
Ashley. Before Lord Shaftesbury gave me the first volume of his Diaries to
peruse, he intimated that it would, in his opinion, be of special advantage to
me in my labours to have the assistance of some one who, apart from his own
family, had known him for many years, and in whose judgment he could
repose the fullest confidence. To this end he asked me to place myself in

VI preface.
communication with Mrs. Corsbie, the daughter of the late Mr. Alexander
Haldane, one of his most intimate friends, with whom for thirty years he had
been in almost daily correspondence. To her careful and valuable assistance
in reading the proofs for the press, and for the kindness which placed at my
disposal the voluminous letters of Lord Shaftesbury to her father, I am under
the deepest obligation.
The sources from which much of the information in this work has been
drawn have been extremely various, and I have to express my hearty thanks
to the Secretaries of Societies with which Lord Shaftesbury was connected ;
to co-workers with him in various departments of labour ; to personal friends
and others, who have given me ready access to whole libraries of reports,
minutes, pamphlets, and other records, and have rendered me important
service in many ways.
It has been my endeavour to let the record of Lord Shaftesbury's whole
life-work be told, as much as possible, in his own words ; and in doing so I
have not added to his opinions or founded conjectures upon his plans. My
aim has been to present him as he was : a Christian gentleman first, then a
patriot, a statesman, a social reformer, and all that is implied in the word he
liked so little— a philanthropist.
" I have no desire whatever to be recorded," he wrote shortly before his
death ; " but if I must, sooner or later, appear before the public, I should like
the reality to be told — be it good, or be it bad — and not a sham."
I have made no endeavour, therefore, to tone down his strong Protes
tantism, or his unshaken and unshakable belief in Scripture, in dogma, and in
prayer. He was a man with a single aim; his labours in the field of politics
sprang from his philanthropy ; his philanthropy sprang from his deep and
earnest religious convictions; and every labour — political, benevolent, and
religious — was begun, continued, and ended, in one and the same spirit.
E. H.
21, Craven Park, Willesden, N.W.,
October, 1886.

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER I.— Ancestry and Home.
The Coopers and the Ashleys— Anthony Ashley Cooper— His College Days and Mar
riage— Sketch of His Career— Raised to the Peerage— Made Lord High Chancellor
—Committed to the Tower— The Habeas Corpus Act— Indicts the Duke of York
as a Popish Recusant— Flies to Holland— Death— Various Estimates of his Cha
racter—The Second Earl— Education entrusted to John Locke— Letter from his
Son— The Third Earl— Author of the " Characteristics "—Nature of his Philo
sophy—The Fourth Earl— Handel-Fifth and Sixth Earls— St. Giles's House, the
Hereditary Seat of the Ashleys— The Park and Pleasure Grounds— St. Giles's
Church— Its Monuments— Almshouses— Village of Wimborne St. Giles ... 8
CHAPTER n.— Childhood and Early Years.
Birth— Home Influences— Maria MLUis— The First Prayer— Dawn of Religious Life—
Manor-House School, Chiswick— Harsh Treatment— His First Great Grief— Mis
taken Views of Education— A Sad Childhood— Removed to Harrow— New Influ
ences—State of his Mind on Religious Questions— First Visit to St. Giles's House
— Love of Country Scenes— Cranborne Chase— A Strange Scene at Harrow-
Determines to Espouse the Cause of the Poor— An Autobiographical Fragment-
Oxford— Takes First-Class in Classics— Extracts from an Early Diary—" Fugitive
and Desultory Notes "—Elected Member for Woodstock at age of Twenty-five 
Birthday Thoughts— Supports the King's Government— Canning's Eloquence-
Letter from Mrs. Canning— Friendship with the Duke of Wellington— Early
Labours in Parliament—" Cursed with Honourable Desires "—Diary— Self -depre
ciation— Change of Ministry— Canning, Premier— Place Offered— Office Declined
—Grounds of Refusal— State of Political Affairs— At Strathfieldsaye— Letter from
Duke of Wellington— Death of Canning— In Wales— Studies Welsh— Misgivings
as to Public Career— Letter from Lord Bathurst— Wellington, Head of New Ad
ministration—Appointed Commissioner of India Board of Control— Suttee-
Schemes for the Welfare of India— Catholic Emancipation— Desires to Devote
his Life to Science— Called to Another Career  ig
CHAPTER HI.-1828-1833.
Treatment of Lunatics— State of the Lunacy Laws— Mr. Robert Gordon— First Im
portant Speech in Parliament— Diary— Letter from Lord Bathurst— Appointed
Commissioner in Lunacy — Investigation into State of Asylums — Efforts in Litera
ture—Work for India— Bishop Heber— With the King— Works of Charity— For
giveness— Scientific Pursuits— Family Affairs— Astronomy and Sir James South
—Catholic Disabilities— Foreshadowings of Future Career— Self-depreciation and
Despondency— Robert Southey— Elected Member for Dorchester— Marries Emily,
Daughter of the Fifth Earl Cowper— Successfully Contests Dorset— Election
Expenses in 1831— Correspondence with Duke of Wellington— Petition Against
the Dorset Election — Pecuniary Embarrassments— Letter from Ernest Duke of
Cumberland— A Second Triumph— Letters from Southey— Condition of the
Working Classes— State of the Times— Sir Robert Peel's Policy— Cotton Supply
and Manufacture — Progress of Inventions — Condition of the Lancashire Opera
tives— Child-Jobbers and Child Labour— The Apprentice System— Outline of
Early Factory Legislation— Michael Thomas Sadler, M.P. for Newark— Mr.
Sadler Loses his Seat in Parliament— Lord Ashley becomes Leader in the Factory
Agitation — The Parting of the AV ays— Pays Tribute to Mr. Sadler and Other
Labourers — States his v iews on the Factory System— Explains Principles on
which the Agitation shall be Conducted— Letter from Mr. J. R. McCulloch—
Opposition of Master Manufacturers— Address of the Operatives of England and
Scotland — Report of Commission of Inquiry — Introduces Bill to Limit Hours of
Labour " for Women and Young Persons " to Ten Hours a Day — Opposition of
Lord Althorp— Bill Defeated, but Principle Established that Labour and Educa
tion should be Combined  50

Vill CONTENTS.
CHAPTER IV.— ITALY-1833. PAGE
First Travel-Diary— Plains of Burgundy— Jura' Mountains— Geneva— Protestant and
Papal Switzerland— Brieg— The Simplon— Milan— High Mass in Cathedral— A
Retrospect— Venice— Her Sun Set— Bologna— A Wayside Accident— Rome— St.
Peter's— The Forum and Coliseum— St. John Lateran— Guido's Aurora— The
Shortest Day— Christmas Eve— Ceremonies at St. Peter's— Te Deum at the Gesa
—St. Agostino— Catacombs— Pusey and Bunsen— Viterbo— Siena— Florence— Sar
dinia— Nice— A " Kingdom of Italy " — Home  91
CHAPTER V.-1831-1838.
Diary Resumed— Letter from Southey— A Stormy Political Horizon— Alma Mater-
Installation of Duke of Wellington as Chancellor— Introspection— Change of
Ministry— A Note-Book of Passing Events— Correspondence with Sir Robert
Peel— Appointed a Lord of tbe Admiralty— Painstaking Diligence— A Short
lived Ministry— The Church Pastoral Aid Society Founded— Difficulties Con
cerning it— Factory Act of 1833 in Operation— Trials from Friends— Harassed by
Fruitless Correspondence — The Ten Hours Agitation Grows — Mr. Poulett
Thompson's Bill — Opposed and Withdrawn — Mr. Charles Hindley's Bill — A
Pledge from the Government — Richard Cobden and Factory Legislation — "De
luded and Mocked" by the Government— Factory Question Actively Resumed—
An Able Speech— Letter from Charles Dickens— Word-Portrait of Lord Ashley in
1838  1W
CHAPTER VI.— 1838— 1839.
Commencement of Diaries— Lord Melbourne— Lockhart's Life of Scott— Appoint
ment of Vice-Consul at Jerusalem — Lord Lindsay's Travels— A Case in Lunacy
—Success of Pastoral Aid Society— At Windsor Castle— Progress of Science — The
State and Prospects of the Jews— Religious and Political Action in Jerusalem-
Letter from Sir Robert Peel— Fall of the Melbourne Administration— Sir Robert
Peel Sent for— The " Bedchamber Question "—Appointment in Royal Household
offered to Lord Ashley— Peel urges its Acceptance— Attempt to Form a Ministry
Fails— Lord Melbourne Recalled— Board of Education, oonsisting of a Com
mittee of the Privy Council, Appointed— Letter from Duke of Wellington— Lord
Stanley's Motion to Revoke the Order in Council— Supported by Lord Ashley—
The Measure Attacked as Adverse to the Constitution, and as Hostile to the
Church and to Revealed Religion— Lord Stanley's Amendment Lost— The Esta
blishment of the Committee of Council on Education  122
CHAPTER VII.— Scotland— 1839.
The Bull Ring, Birmingham— Poverty and Luxury in Liverpool— Boldness— The
Slave Trade— Southey— Carlisle— Afternoon Service— Sir Walter Scott— Archi
tecture of Kirks— Churches, Ancient and Modern— Extempore Prayer— Edin
burgh Castle— Annals of Scotland — In the Trossaehs— Melancholy without
Despondency— Charm of Scott's Genius— Rossie— The Carse of Gowrie— Dnnkeld
—Fanaticism of Early Reformers— Gaelic Life— The System of Gleaning— Oban
—Scotch Architects— Glasgow Factories— Dr. Macleod— Rev. Robert Montgomery
—Blindness— In Courts and Alleys— Sir Archibald Alison— Cora Linn— Chilling-
ham— Red Deer and Wild Cattle— The Duchess of Northumberland— Ravens-
worth— Van Mildert, Bishop of Durham— Fountains Abbey— Ripon Cathedral—
Newby— York— Cathedral Services— Castle Howard— Chatsworth— Haddon Hall
—Home— Letter from Daniel Webster— An Estrangement— Marriage of Lord
Palmerston to Lady Cowper— Happy Close of the Year  136
CHAPTER Vni.— 1840.
Announcement of the Queen's Marriage— A Magistrate— The Old Story Renewed—
The only Conservative Principle— Marriage of the Queen— Letter from Daniel
Webster— Attempt upon the Queen's Life— Church Extension— Chimney Sweeps
—Early Legislation— Various Acts for Protection of Climbing Boys— Lord Ashley
Takes up the Question— Mr. Steven— Labours In and Out of the House— Law
Suits as "Test" Cases— A Rescued Boy— Progress of the Factory Movement-
Mr. Oastler— Appointment of a Select Committee— Children not Protected by the
Factory Acts— Commission Granted to Inquire into the Employment of Children
—The Syrian Question— Mehemet Ali and rorahim Pasha— Prospects of the
Jewish People— Efforts for their Protection— Return to their Own Land— Conflict
with France Anticipated— Memorandum to Lord Palmerston— The "Bear"
Kliice— Thiers and Guizot— Fall of Acre— At Broadlands— Article in Quarterly
on " Infant Labour "—Socialism and Chartism  154

CONTENTS. ix
CHAPTER IX.— 1811.
Indifference of the Clergy— Sympathy with the Poor— Practical Christianity— Pro
gress of Children's Employment Commission— The Second Chamber— Lord
Morpeth's Registration Bill (Ireland)— Admissibility of Jews to Municipal Offices
—The Duke of Wellington— Anecdotes— A Dissolution Threatened— Sir Robert
Peel's "No Confidence" Motion— Ascot— Oxford Commemoration— Parliament
Dissolved— General Election— Speech to Electors of Dorset— Letter to Sir R. Peel
—Tour of Inspection in Lancashire— A Mill-Hand at Stockport— Sir Robert Peel
Offers an Appointment in Royal Household— The Offer Declined— Middle Courses
Proposed— Letter to Central Short-time Committee— Offer of Appointment in
Prince Albert's Household— Declined— The New Ministry— Illness of Bickersteth
—Drainage and Ventilation Bills— Letter from Colonel Napier— M. Cornelius—
The Jerusalem Bishopric— Frederick William IV. of Prussia— Dr. Bunsen— Out
line of his Special Mission— Progress of the Negotiations— The Bill for Creating
the Bishopric Passes— Enthusiasm and Opposition — The Druses— Consecration of
Bishop Alexander— The Episcopal Benediction— Lord Ashley's Power of Reading
Men— Anecdote of First Earl of Shaftesbury— The Cripple Dodds . . . .175
CHAPTER X.— 1842.
Traetarianiam— Oxford Professorship of Poetry— Letter to Mr. Roundell Palmer-
Rev. Isaac Williams and Rev. James Garbett— Letters from Hon. William Cow-
per, Rev. E. Bickersteth, and " Charlotte Elizabeth "—A Suggested Compromise
—Correspondence with Rev. Dr. Pusey and Rev. John Keble— Letter from Arch
deacon WUberforce— Result of the Contest— The King of Prussia in England-
Correspondence with Sir Robert Peel— His Hostility to Factory Bill— Announce
ment to Short-time Committees— Principle in Government and Opposition— A
Socialist Ally— Bishop Alexander's Entry into Jerusalem— Report on Mines and
Collieries — Public Indignation Aroused— Terrible Disclosures— The System Ex-
Eosed— A Great Speech— Richard Cobden and the Philanthropists— Cobden alters
is Estimate of Lord Ashley's Character— Lord Palmerston's Support — Letter
from Prince Albert — No Peer to take Charge of Bill — Victory— Trade Depression
and Riots— Tour through Manufacturing Districts— The Duchess of Beaufort and
Sir Robert Peel— China and Afghanistan  206
CHAPTER XI.— 1843.
Apprehensions — The "Repeal Year"— Daniel O'Connell— Afghanistan— The Gates of
Somnauth — Lord Ellenborough's Proclamation— Pious Slave-holders— Assassina
tion of Mr. Edward Drummond— Correspondence with Sir Robert Peel thereon-
Troubled State of Country— Second Report of Children's Employment Commis
sion—Nature of its Revelations— Need of Education among the Working Classes
— An Address to the Crown thereon— A Remarkable Speech— Factory Education
Bill Proposed by Government— Opposition of Dissenters— The Bill Amended and
ultimately Withdrawn — The Opium Question — The Indo-Chinese Opium Trade —
First Great Indictment of the Opium Trade in Parliament — Arguments Used —
Motion Withdrawn — Opinions upon the Speech — Estimate of Characters of Sir
Robert Peel, Lord John Russell, and Sir James Graham— State of the Poor of
London— Field Lane Ragged School— A Disreputable Locality and its Traditions
— A Novel Practice in the Church— Pews and Pew-rents— Birthday Reflections-
Opposition to Collieries Bill— At Brocket— Movements in the Churches— Pusey
Interdicted from Preaching— Letter from Elizabeth Fry— A Foreign Tour-
Antwerp— Aix-la-Chapetle— Bavaria— Carlsbad— Prague— Vienna— Visits to Phil
anthropic Institutions — Continental Sundays — Linz— Ratisbon— Nuremberg—
Wurtemberg— Heidelberg — Frankfort— Domestic Life— Russia— Lord Ashley's
Philanthropy Attacked— Miss Harriet Martin eau— Speech at Sturminster on
Condition of Agricultural Labourer— Consequences— The Nestorian Christians
—Correspondence with Lord Aberdeen  . 238
CHAPTER XH.-1814.
Hatred of Oppression— Distressed Needlewomen— The Ameers of Scinde— Motion
for their Itelease from Imprisonment— Result of the Motion— Tahiti— Queen
Pomare— Pritchard the Missionary— War with France Imminent— Sir James
Graham's Bill for Regulation of Labour in Factories— Agitation— " The Ten
Hours and No Surrender I "—Distance Traversed by Children in Daily Work—
A Masterly Speech— Attack by Mr. John Bright— A Scene in the House— Peel in
a Dilemma — Government Stratagems to Rescind Votes— " Jack Cade " Legisla
tion— Unpopularity of Sir James Graham— New Factory Bill brought in— Motion
for Introduction of New Clause— The Ten Hours Bill Argued on Commercial
Grounds— Sir James Graham Threatens Resignation— Sir Robert Peel Follows
Suit— A Signal Defeat— Mr. C. Greville's View of the Situation— Second Threat
ened Resignation .of the Ministry— Correspondence with Sir Robert Peel—

X CONTENTS. PAGE
Dissenters' Chapels Bill— Report of Metropolitan Commissioners' in Lunacy-
Motion Thereon— Public and Private Asylums— Lunacy in its Early Stages —
Middle-class Patients -Motion Withdrawn— Mr. Sheil's Eulogy— Placing a bon
at School— Mrs. Fry— Visit of Emperor of Russia— Tour through Factory Districts
—Receives Addresses— Fresh Schemes— Beset by Bulls of Bashan . . . . ASa
CHAPTER XIII.-1845.
Retrospect and Forecast— The Irish Secretaryship-State of Calico Print-Works Bill
to Regulate Labour of Children Therein- At St. Giles's— Defenceless State of
Dockyards and Coast— Tractarian Movement— Mr. Ward Censured and Deprived
of his Degree-Converts to Rome— Maynooth— Sir Robert Peel's Bill for In
creased Grant-Excitement in the Country— The Bill Carried— Speech on May
nooth— The Evangelical Fathers— Jews' Society— Death of Bishop Alexander—
The Railway Mania— Two Bills on the Lunacy Question— The Regulation of
Lunatic Asylums— The Better Treatment of Lunatics— Both Bills Carried— Ap
pointment of Permanent Lunacy Commission— Insanity of the Poet Cowper—
The Society of Friends— A Coming Storm— The Potato Disease— Commission of
Inquiry Appointed— Changes of View on Corn Laws— Letter from Lord John
Russell— Resignation and Re-appointment of Sir Robert Peel— A Painful Alter
native ...  •

318

CHAPTER XIV— 1846.

Repeal of the Corn Laws -The Ten Hours Bill— Mr. John Bright— Seat for Dorset
Resigned— Hard Work in Factory Districts— Care of Ten Hours Bill devolves on
Mr. Fielden— Out of Parliament— In the Lobby— Fall of the Peel Ministry— Lord
John Russell, Prime Minister— The Colonies— Indian Successes— Letter from Sir
Henry Hardinge -Gloomy Views— The Ragged School Union— Curious Coinci
dence of Names— Labour for the Poor— The London City Mission— The Labourers'
Friend Society— Housing of the Poor— Perambulations in Low Haunts of London
—Speaking to the Outcasts— With Little Children— The Model Lodging-House
System Inaugurated— Article in Quarterly Review— Poverty and Riches— Dreams
of Future Work— Activity in Religious Circles— Young Men's Christian Associa
tion—Early Closing Movement— Bishop Gobat— A Foreign Tour— Belgium, Ger
many, Switzerland, Holland— " The Cells where Memory Slept"— Invited to
Stand for Bath— Famine in Ireland— Pope Pius IX.— A Talk with Lord John
Russell— Unsuitable Education— Poverty . .  338
CHAPTER XV.-1847-1850. The Ten Hours Bill.
In Lancashire— Mr. Fielden's Ten Hours Bill— Debate thereon in the Lords— Lord
Brougham— The Bishop of Oxford— The Bill Carried— Rejoicings— Letter to the
Short-Time Committees— A Check to the Rejoicings— The System of "Relays"
and "Shifts"— A Test Case— The Bill in Jeopardy— Mr. Baron Parkes's Adverse
Decision in the Test Case— An Appeal to the House— The Work of Agitation Re
newed—Sir George Grey's Proposal — Acceded to by Lord Ashley— A Split in the
Camp— The Government Bill becomes Law— The Principle Established by the
Ten Hours Bill— Recantation of Mr. Roebuck and Sir James Graham— Letter
from Mr. Roebuck— Mr. Gladstone on Factory Legislation— Tributes— Summary
of whole Subject  367
CHAPTER XVI— 1847.
Famine in Ireland— Day of Humiliation— National Education and Wesleyan Support
— Letter from Lord John Russell— Election Speech at Bath — Incidents of the
Election— Returned Head of the Poll— Ragged School Business — Broadwall
Ragged School— Roger Miller, City Missionary— His Death— Article on Mrs.
Elizabeth Fry— Article on Lodging-Houses— A Round of Visits— Leader of the
Conservative Party— Missionaries— Miss Strickland— Highland Scenery— A Pre
sentation at Bradford — Party Spirit— Labours in Lunacy Cases— Baron Lionel
Rothschild and Jewish Disabilities— At Windsor— Dr. Hampden— Faith . . 380
CHAPTER XVII.-1848.
A Coming Storm— Re volution in France— Flight of Louis Philippe— A Revolutionary
Epidemic— State of England— Louis Philippe Lands in Sussex— Panic among
English Residents in France— Efforts for their Relief— Metternich Deposed—
" Revolutions go off like Pop-guns ! "—The Chartist Demonstration— Ends in a
Fiasco— The Prince Consort— A Conversation at Osborne— Letter from the Prince
Consort— Letter from Lord John Russell— The Prince Visits Homes of the Poor-
Presides at Labourers' Friend Society— May Meetings— State of Sanitary Science
—Chairmanship of Board of Health— Ragged Schools and Emigration—Condition
of the Poor— Emigration Scheme Expounded— Farewell Address to Emigrants-
Anecdotes of Thieves— A Strange Experience— A Thieves' Conference— Lord
Hardinge— In Scotland Again— Special Providences— With the Queen Dowager
—With the Queen at Harrow— Death of Lord Melbourne  389

CONTENTS. XI
CHAPTER XVIII. -1849.
_. _ PAGE
Habeas Corpus Act Suspended— Distress in Ireland— Plans and Projects— Illness-
Scheme for Subdivision of Parishes— Good Friday— Idle Ecclesiastics— Attend
ance at Court— Capital Punishment — A Sorrowful Narrative — Death of Son at
Harrow— Effect on Lord Ashley— Ragged School Emigration Scheme— A Very
Precious Letter— Approach of Cholera— Labours on the Board of Health— The
City of the Plague — Public Prayers— Cholera Statistics— Lord Hardinge— Sunday
Labour at the Post-Office— Collection and Delivery of Sunday Letters Suspended
—The most Unpopular Man in the Kingdom— The Order Prohibiting Sunday
Labour at Post-Office Rescinded  408
CHAPTER XIX.— 1850— 1851.
Trusteeship of Money— Miss Portal— Death of Rev. E. Bickersteth— Mediation— Ash
Wednesday— In Paris— Adolph Monod— Low Haunts of Paris— At Madame
Pozzo's — The President's Reception at the Elysee— Lamartine — Theatres— Board
of Health— Extra-mural Interment Bill— Death of Sir Robert Peel— Memories—
In Scotland— The Papal Aggression— Dr. Wiseman— The "Durham Letter" —
Great Meeting at Freemasons' Hall— Letter from the Bishop of Oxford— Speech
on Progress of Popery— Action of English Catholics— The Ecclesiastical Titles
BiU— Archdeacon Manning Joins the Church of Rome— Roman Catholics and
Roman Catholicism— Christian Fellowship— The Great Exhibition— The Shoe
black Brigade — Bible Stand in Exhibition — President of British and Foreign
Bible Society— Speech at Anniversary Meeting— Model Lodging-House Bill-
Common Lodging-House Bill— Death of Lord Shaftesbury— Lord Ashley Reviews
his Career  421
CHAPTER XX.— 1851 (June)- 1852.
Farewell to House of Commons— In the House of Lords— Speech on Common
Lodging-House Bill— Model Lodging-House Bill— Early Impressions of House of
Lords— First Acts of Power— St. Giles's— Sweeping Ref orms— The Truck System
— Cottage Accommodation— Kossuth— Socialism— Thomas Wright, the Prison
Philanthropist— A Coup d'&tat— The Militia Bill— Brook Street, Grosvenor
Square— May Meetings— At Ems— Death of the Duke of Wellington— Chancellor
ship of Oxford— Lying in State— The Story of the Madiai— An Amusing Letter—
"Uncle Tom's Cabin" — Slavery— Address from Women of England— The Fugi
tive Slave Law— Friendships— The Rev. E. Bickersteth— Mr. Alexander Haldane
— Revival of Convocation— Auricular Confession— Resignation of Lord Derby-
Lord Aberdeen, Premier  415
CHAPTER XXI.-1853.
The Poor of London— Progress of Ragged School Work— Advice to Teachers-
Inspiring) Zeal— Refuges and Industrial Classes— Emigration— The Poor Dis
placed by Building Improvements— A further Common Lodging-Houses Bill-
Juvenile Mendicancy— Juvenile Delinquency— A Curious Episode— Challenged
to Fight a Duel— Correspondence with Lord Mornington— Youthful Offenders
Bill— The Waldensian Christians— Pasteur Meille— Peripatetic Schoolmasters-
Foreign Taste— Protestantism Abroad— Anti-Slavery Agitation— Stafford House
—Reply from the Women of America— An Editor's Mistake— China— London
Missionary Society— Sanitary Ref orm— " Unpardonable Activity "—The Board
of Health Abolished— Democracy— English Radicals— The Career of a Philanthro
pists-Financial Difficulties— Family Affairs— Rewards to Agricultural Labourers
— Palmerston's Reply to Scotch Memorialists  466
CHAPTER XXn.-1854— 1855.
A Cloud in the East— Rumours of War with Russia— War Declared— Christians in
Turkey— Russian Intolerance— Religious Liberty in France— Correspondence
with Emperor of the French— Offer of Order of the Garter— Reasons for Declin
ing the Honour— Colonisation of Syria— Chimney Sweepers Bill Thrown Out—
A Mothers' Meeting — Harrow— Death of Lord Jocelyn— Death of Duchess of
Beaufort— Wild Court— War in a Christian Spirit— Lord Raglan's Despatches-
Letter to Mr. Haldane— Mismanagement in the Crimea— Change of Ministry—
Palmerston, Premier— Offer of Duchy of Lancaster— Correspondence thereon
with Lord Palmerston— Letter from Lady Palmerston -Organisation of Sanitary
Commission for Crimea— Letter to Lord Panmure— Instructions to the Sanitary
Commissioners— Letter from Miss Florence Nightingale— Death of the Czar-
Visit of Emperor of the French— Letter to Mr. Evelyn Ashley— Offer of Duchy
of Lancaster Renewed— Letters from Lady Palmerston— In Perplexity— Inter
position of Providence— Religious Worship Bill— Opposition of Lord Derby and
the Bishop of Oxford— Success of the BUl— Sardinia— National Education-
Death of Sir Robert Inglis— Milliners and Dressmakers— Death of his Son
Maurice— Letter to Mr. Evelyn Ashley— Woburn Abbey— Life Peerages . . 486

Xll CONTENTS.
CHAPTER JXXDX— The Inner Life. paob
Unpopular Religious Views— An Evangelical of the Evangelicals— Disclaims Leader
ship of the Evangelical Party— The Old School— Justification by Faith— Inspira
tion of the Scriptures— Dogmatic Truth— Simple Preaching— How to Meet
Opponents— Divine Providence— The Second Advent— Collected Passages from
the Diary on Religious Themes— The " Sortes Biblicse "—The " Little Flock"—
The Incarnation— Prayer— Sins of Omission— Distraction the Order of the Day—
The Highest Point of Christian Life— The Religion of the Future— Neology—
"Schools of Thought "—Evangelical Union— The Vicarious Sacrifice— Intellect
and Heart— Merit— Limiting the Almighty— Calvin's Commentaries—" It is
Finished"— "It is I "—A Good Friday Meditation— Preaching Smooth Things-
Easter Day— Fears— The Song of Moses  519
CHAPTER XXIV.-1856-1858.
A Ten Years' Diary— The Sabbath Day— A Parisian Sunday— The Crystal Palace-
Sunday Bands— A Packed Meeting— Threatened Riots— 24, Grosvenor Square in
a State of Siege— Early Closing Movement— Saturday Half-Holidays— At Wind
sor — Peace Rejoicings — Life Peerages— Peers from the Ranks of Commercial
Men— Death of Lord Cowper— Harvest Home— Chinese Difficulties— The Lorcha
Arrow— The Opium Trade— Motion on its Legality— Dissolution of Parliament-
General Election— Return of Lord Ashley for Hull— Exeter Hall Special Services
—Opposition— Motion to Amend ReligKras Worship Act of 1855— Speech on
Religious Worship Act Amendment Bill— Action of Bishop WUberforce and the
High Church Party— Bill Withdrawn in Favour of Archbishop of Canterbury's
Bill— Indian Mutinies— A Special Prayer— Letter to Mr. Evelyn Ashley— Speech
at Wimborne— Comment in the Times— A. Statement Questioned— Letter from
Lady Canning— Fifteen Years Later— Missionary Zeal— Sir Henry Havelock—
Sir Henry Lawrence— Vote of Censure on the Governments — Indian Affairs —
Ceaseless Correspondence— Religious Meetings— The People's Park, Halifax-
Elevation of Mr. Macaulay to the Peerage— Correspondence with Lord Macaulay
—His Death— Letter from Mr. Charles Sumner— Admission of Jews to Parliament
—Social Science Congress at Liverpool  531
CHAPTER XXV.-1859-1860.
Dawn of Italian Freedom — The Men and the Hour — Events Leading to the Struggle
—Sympathy with Sardinia— The Reform Bill— Ministerial Crisis— Palmerston's
Cabinet— A Proposed Italian Committee— Correspondence with Garibaldi— An
nexation of Savoy and Nice to France— Letter to Count Cavour— Speech in House
of Lords on Savoy— Affairs in Syria— Druses and Maronites— Sunday Services in
Theatres— The Victoria Theatre— A Strange Scene— Effective Reading— Lord
Dungannon's Motion against Theatre Services— A Graphic Speech— Letter from
Lord Stanhope— Christianity in India— Testimonials— Great Meeting in Free
Trade Hall, Manchester — Presentation to Countess of Shaftesbury — Social
Science Congress, Bradford— Preparation of Speeches— Nervous Susceptibility . 556
CHAPTER XXVL-1861-1863.
Metropolitan Improvements — Displacement of Labourers— Criminal Lunatics-
Appointment of Select Committee — Lord Shaftesbury gives Evidence — Proposed
Benevolent Asylum for Insane of Middle Classes— Meeting at Freemasons' Hall
—Speech— Mr. Thomas Holloway— Letter from Mr. Bowen May— The Holloway
Sanatorium— Headstrong Zeal— Death of Count Cavour— Civil War in America
—Indian Irrigation and Inland Navigation — Famine in India— Cotton Supply-
Illness and Death of a Daughter— A Mother's Devotion— Letter from Lord Pal
merston— The Order of tbe Garter— A Word of Warning— A Generous Offer-
Illness of the Prince Consort— His Death—' ' Journal of Passing Events " Renewed
—American War— Obituary for 1861— Order of the Garter Accepted— Lancashire
Cotton Famine— Lancashire People — Address to Cotton Operatives— Pauper
Lunatics— Insurrection in Poland— Causes leading to the Insurrection— Great
Meeting in Guildhall— Speech in House of Lords on Poland— Letter from Miss
Florence Nightingale— Friendship with Lord Palmerston— A Delicate Matter-
Letter from Lord Palmerston— His Generous Nature— Financial Difficulties— A
Fraudulent Bailiff  570
CHAPTER XXVII.-1864-1865.
Climbing Boys— Cruelties Practised upon Them— Their Work and Rest— Slow Pro
gress of' Legislation— The "Cant of Pseudo-Philanthropy"— The Chimney
sweepers Regulation Act— Fails to Answer its Intended Purpose— Ten Years
Later— Suffocated in a Flue— Manslaughter— The Chimney Sweepers' Emanci
pation Day— Forcible Language— Rapid Speaking— A Stern "Rebuke— Justifica
tion of Strong Language— Theological Discussions— Neology— " Essays and
Reviews"— Colenso on the Pentateuch— Renan's " Viede Jesus"— "Ecce Homo"

CONTENTS. Xlll
—The Creed of Neologians— The Worship of Intellect— Correspondence with Dr.
Pusey— Letter from Bishop WUberforce— Endowment of the Greek Chair,
Oxford— Correspondence with Archdeacon Denison— In the Grisons— Letter to
Mr. Haldane— Law Suits— Position of Parties in Church and State— English
Liberality— With General Garibaldi— Friendship— Death of Rector of Wimborne
St. Giles— Bishop of London's Fund— niness of Lord! Palmerston— The Political
Outlook— Mr. John Stuart MU1— The Malta Protestant College— Death of
Dowager Countess of Shaftesbury— Protestantism in Paris— Close of American
War— Cattle Plague— Form of Prayer by Bishop of Oxford— A Pending Calamityt585
CHAPTER XXVIH.— Lord Palmerston and Church Appointments.
1855—1865.
Career of Lord Palmerston— His Approaching End— Letter to Mr. Haldane— Closing
Scenes— Death of Lord Palmerston— His Friends and Enemies— Funeral in
Westminster Abbey— Estimate of His Character— Gaps in Many Lives— The
Parties at Cambridge House— Bounty Money— Honours— The Centre of all Action
in Politics— Review of Church Appointments— The " Shaftesbury Bishops "—
Principle governing Lord Palmerston's Church Patronage— List of Ecclesiastical
Preferments— The T' Bishop Maker "—His Advice to the Premier— Care in Select
ing Practical Men— Pontics Disregarded in the Nominations— Tribute to Mr.
Haldane— Prospect of Vast and Irrevocable Changes  601
CHAPTER XXIX.— 1866— 1867.
A Gloomy Prospect— Homeless Boys— The Chichester and Arethusa Training-
Ships— Loss of Early Friends— Dr. Pusey on the Prophet Daniel— The Victoria
Institute— The Reform Bill— Correspondence with the Earl of Derby— Office of
the Duchy of Lancaster Declined— Controversy on Ritualism— Visit to St. Alban's
Church, Holborn— Social Science Congress, Manchester— The Reform BiU in the
House of Lords— A Remarkable Speech— Tendencies towards Democracy-
Socialism— Conservative Working Men— A Conservative Democracy— Agricul
tural Gangs— BUl for Regulating the Labour of Juveniles in Workshops— Clerical
Vestments BUl— Proposed Aboli tion of the Fifty-eighth Canon— Sacerdotal Do
minion—A Ritual Commission Appointed— Letter from Right Hon. Spencer
Walpole— In Paris— Opening of the Salle EvangeUque— Theatre Services— Sir
James South— Deputation to Napoleon HI  613
CHAPTER XXX.-1868-1869.
The Opening of Parliament— Urged to bring forward Ecclesiastical Courts Bill— Mr.
DisraeU, Prime Minister— Debate on Disestablishment of Irish iChurch— May
Meetings— PubUcation of "Speeches, 1838— 1867"— Report of Ritual Commission
— Uniformity of Public Worship BUl— Winthrop and Longfellow— Statue to Lord
Palmerston — Death of Duchess of Sutherland— Letter from Mr. Robert Lowe-
Letter to Mr. Gladstone— Sir Moses Montefiore— Special Diaries on Movements
of the Times— Fear of Debt— Self-imposed Tasks— Ecclesiastical Courts BiU— An
Old Friend in the Almswalk— Uncovering Oastler's Statue— Ovation at Bradford
—Houses and Glebes to Roman Catholic Priests— Debate on Irish Church Bill-
Death of Lady Palmerston— The Political Horizon— Lord Ashley's Son and Heir
—Professor Seeley— Dr. Temple and the Bishopric of Exeter— Intolerance of
Evangelicals— Religious Controversy— Report on St. GUes's Estate by Govern
ment Commissioner  ;  629
CHAPTER XXXI.-1870-1871.
Bible Revision— Judge Payne— Religious Education in Schools— Demonstration in St.
James's Hall— Letter from Mr. W. E. Forster— Deputation to Mr. Gladstone-
Letter from Mr. Gladstone— Education Bill in House of Lords— Mr. Orsman and
the Golden Lane Mission — Costermongers— The Barrow and Donkey Club—
"KG. and Coster "—Presentation of a Donkey— Deceased Wife's Sister BUl—
Greek Brigandage— Church Congresses— At Pegli— Italian Honours— Levees-
Female Suffrage— Letter thereon— Wedding Day— Murder of Archbishop of Paris
—Correspondence with Archbishop Manning— ChUdren Employed in Brickfields
—Domestic Anxieties— The BaUot-Daniel Webster's Opinion— Speech in House
of Lords— A Further Speech on the BaUot— In Scotland— Forster's "Life of
Dickens "—Self -Analysis— Past, Present, and Future  641
CHAPTER XXXH.— The Shadow of Death. 1872.
The VeUed Future— An Annual ExUe— Sir Henry Holland— Athanasian Creed-
Ecclesiastical Courts Bills— Letters to Lady Shaftesbury— Thanksgiving for
Recovery of Prince of Wales— Religious Clauses of Education Bill— Levee at
Buckingham Palace— A Patriotic Meeting— Social Reforms— Conference on
Church Reform— Foreshadowings of EvU— At Panshanger— Illness of Lady
Shaftesbury— Costermongers' Prayers— Death of Lady Shaftesbury— Letter to
Lady Gainsborough— At Mentone— A Terrible Week— Death of Lady Constance
Ashley— A Gleam of Sunshine  660

XIV CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XXXIH. -1873-1875. PABE
The Discipline of Suffering— Watercress and Flower Girls' Mission — " Emily" Loan
Fund— Temperance Movement— A Moderate Drinker— A good old Custom— Evils
of Intemperance— Charity Organisation Society— Mr. Plimsoll and British Seamen
—A Scene in the House— Letter to Mr. Plimsoll— Dr. Mcllvaine, Bishop of Ohio
—Church Reform— Window Gardening and' Flower Shows for the Poor— Lines
by Dean Stanley— Facilities of Worship Bill— The Confessional in the Church
of England— Great Meeting in Exeter Hall— Death of Bishop WUberforce—
In the TwiUght— Scotland— State of the Church— Public Worship Regulation Bill
—Strauss— Among the Costers— Return of Mr. Evelyn Ashley for Poole— Church
Congress at Brighton— Sanitary and Social Questions— Weary of Controversy-
Messrs. Moody and San key— At the Agricultural Hall— Shaftesbury Park Estate
—Artisans' Dwellings Company— Urged to Visit America— Master and Servant-
Factory System in India  670
CHAPTER XXXIV.-1876-1878.
John Forster— The Royal Titles Bill -Visit to Windsor— Moves Amendment on
Royal Titles Bill— A Brilliant House— Vivisection— BiU for Restricting Cruelty
to Animals— The Bulgarian Atrocities— Meeting at Willis's Rooms— Official
Report on the Atrocities— Indignation Meetings— George Moore— A Separation
—Mr. Dillwyn and the Lunacy Laws— Select Committee Appointed— Portrait by
Sir John MUlais— The Hon. WilUam Ashley— Bosnian and Herzegovinian
Refugees— Tribute by Lord Hartington — " S.P.C.K. " Controversy — Isolation —
Touching Memories— Factory Consolidation BiU— Freedom of the City of Edin
burgh—Death of Earl Russell— A Meteoric Course— Roseneath— Sensitiveness-
Rev. Canon Reeve— Rev. C. H. Spurgeon— Correspondence with Mr. Spurgeon—
Mr. George Holland— Mr. Joseph Gent— Mr. T. B. Smithies— " And many more\693
CHAPTER XXXV.-1879-1882.
Bill for Regulation of Mills and Factories in! India— An Old Theme— Habitual
Drunkards BiU — Vivisection— Scenes of the Past— Manor House, LChiswick—
Wales— A Congeries of Troubles— Political Prospects— Centenary of Sunday
Schools— At Gloucester— Coming Changes— State of Ireland— Letter to Mr.
Evelyn Ashley— Diary of Political Events— The Snapping of Old Ties— Lord
Beaconsfield— 80th Birthday — Celebration in GuildhaU — Letters — Lines by Miss
F. P. Cobbe— Open-Air Preaching— In Whitechapel— General Garfield— Corre
spondence with Mr. Russell LoweU — The Opium Trade — Among the Costers —
Reverence, the Basis of aU True Religion — The Salvation Army — Letters to
Admiral Fishbourne— Letter from Dean Law— Persecution of Jews in Russia—
The Oath of AUegiance— Studying the Scriptures— " One Tun" Ragged School—
A Christmas Gathering — Death of Mr. Haldane — At Willesden Cemetery — A
Thirty Years' Correspondence— Some Gems of Thought and Expression . . 712
CHAPTER XXXVI.— Word and Work. 1874-1884.
Speeches— Church Pastoral Aid Society— Church Reform— Blue Books— State of the
Pulpit— Burial of Nonconformists— Anecdotes of Contemporaries— Evening Com
munion—Schism—The Church not Apostate— British and Foreign Bible Society
—That Book— Young Men's Christian Association— Stimulating and Inspiring
Speeches— Baron of Hyde Park— GScumenical Council— Temptation of Young
Men— Amusements— A Coincidence— Gymnastic Exercises— Ambition —Religious
Tract Society— Pernicious Juvenile Literature— Reminiscences of Labour — At
George Yard— Two Portraits— Dan Liddle— Punch, the Casual— Tribute to a
Woman's Influence— Letters to ChUdren— Shoeblacks— Among the Poor . . 740
CHAPTER XXXVIL-Last Years. 1883-1885.
The Evening of Life— Memory— A Curious Study— In a Dilemma— HoUand House—
" Let me die in Harness "—Summary of Labours— Acrobats— Luther Commemora
tion—Donkey Show— The Housing of the Poor— Articles thereon— Royal Com
mission—Lord Salisbury's Act— Public Honours— Banquet at Mansion House-
Freedom of the City— At Brighton— A Goodly Record— Letter from Rev. C. H.
Spurgeon— Last Visit to Scotland— Letter to Canon WUberforce— The House of
Lords— Correspondence with Lord Rosebery— Home Rule— Public and Private
Morality— Inquiry into Lunacy Laws— Lord Selborne's Lunacy Amendment Bill
—Miss Marsh- Mr. Weylland— Gifts and Legacies— Distribution of £60 000 in
Charities— The Sunday Question— Earl Cairns— Eighty-fourth Birthday— Failing
Strength-Last Visits— Protection of Young Girls— Last Entries in the Diary—
Folkestone— A Sacred Chamber— Into the Light— Memorial Service in West
minster Abbey— In St. Giles's Church— Conclusion  751

APPENDIXINDEX .

777780

LIST OF ILLTISTBATIONS.
PAOl
The Earl of Shaftesbury . Frontis.
St. Giles's House . . . 16
Almshouse Walk, and Church, St. Giles's, Dorset . 18
Harrow Church and School Room 22
Hohrors of the Coal Mine . 221
" Jack Cade's Insurrection " . 298
The Westminster School of Industry, Old Pye Street . . 467
Lord Shaftesbury Inspecting the Costers' Donkeys . 647

THE LIFE AND WOEK

OF

THE EAEL OF SHAFTESBUKY.

In one of the most depraved quarters of London, not far northward from the
foot of Hoiborn Hill, in a neighbourhood with a network of disreputable
courts and alleys, the resort of notorious ill-doers, the dread of timid way
farers, and the despair of the police, there sit, in an ill-furnished room, two or
three men, waiting anxiously. They are men belonging to humble but
respectable walks of life, and have, it would seem, nothing in common with
the people who pass along' the uneven pavement of what is called by courtesy
the " street " — the crop-headed jail-birds, the cunning-faced cadgers, the
sickly, ill-clad women — hurrying awav to creep into holes and comers for the
night. The wind is in the east,-^nd, although the spring of the year is
approaching, it is as cold as in the depth of winter.
The street grows quieter ; the great clock of St. Paul's has some time
since boomed out the hour of rnidmght, and there is silence, broken only by
snatches of discordant song from some straggling reveller. Presently there
is heard the firm, steady tread of one who walks as with a purpose. The step
is recognised ; the door is thrown open, and the watchers grasp the hand of
the stranger — a tall, slight, pale-faced man, with a g-rave and thoughtful
expression of countenance. He returns the salutation cordially — although it
is obvious that he belong's to a different rank from those with whom he is
associated — and without delay proceeds to the business that has brought him
to this strange place at this strange hour. A hurried conference is held, cer
tain plans are discussed, there is a still and solemn silence for a few minutes,
and then all the party rise, button up their stout overcoats, and sally forth,
one of the number bearing in his hand a small parcel of candles ! They
walk in silence until they reach their destination — the Victoria Arches under
Hoiborn Hill, known as the Yagrants' Hiding Place — where they light their
candles and enter the dark, dismal vaults. As they enter, a few poor,
miserable, hunted wretches brush hastily past and make then- escape into the
street, or plunge into the recesses of the Hiding-Place, conscience making'
cowards of them all. It is some time before the visitors can distinguish
objects distinctly — the darkness is intense, and some of the arches are vast.
As their eyes become more accustomed to the gloom, they see sights which
B

2 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY.
cannot now. thank God, be seen, and will never more bo seen in the great
city where vice and misery are rampant still in the midst of luxury and
high civilisation. There, spread on the dank floor, on layers of rotten
straw filled with vermin of all kinds, lie wretched human beings whose
poverty, occasioned by the wrong-doing or misfortune of themselves or others,
has deprived them of every other resting-place. As the light falls upon their
faces some of them start up with the keen, cunning look of those who know
that they have broken the laws and must depend upon their wits to escape
the penalty ; others turn over with a sigh of weariness, and draw around them
the scanty garments that scarcely cover them ; while others break out into
foul imprecations upon the intruders. Everywhere, in holes and corners,
some almost burrowing into the soil, others lying closely side by side for the
sake of warmth, are to be seen these poor outcasts, sheltering in the only
place on earth where they can rest — this hiding-place of sin and misery,
of filth and rags. Terrible are the faces that meet the gaze of the visitors,
faces that bear indelible marks made by vice, disease, or sorrow ; faces that
haunt the imagination long afterwards, and re-appear as spectres in the
visions of the night.
Not to gaze and moralise, but to work, is the object of the visitors ;
not to pity only, but to help ; and by two o'clock in the morning they
have taken thirty of these wretched outcasts, and have brought them
from the cold and darkness of the arches into the light and warmth of
a comparatively cheerful room used as a Ragged School. Among the
' rescued are two boys — mere skin and bone in bundles of rags — whose
sunken jaws and sparkling eyes tell the story of their sickness, and want, and
premature decay. They are seated on either side of the tall, slight man,
whose sorrowful eyes have grown more sorrowful, as he looks upon them
through the mist of his tears. His heart has been torn by the revelation made
to him of the hapless lot of those boys. They are brothers in affliction, who
have been drawn together by mutual need, for both are orphans. One of
them has seen better days, and can remember a bright and cheerful home;
but "when father died" and the home was broken up, he was left friendless
and destitute, and in his misery found a shelter in the dark arches, where his
companion had slept alone every night for a whole year, until this comrade in
misfortune came to share the straw and the rags that made his bed. But the
dawning of this day has brought with it the dawning of hope ; the " kind
gentleman," beside whom they sit, has spoken to them words of tenderness
and pity which seem like the echoes of words spoken in childhood, when
happiness had a meaning ; and when they learn from him that they need no
more go back to the arches, but may find comfort, and help, and home in a
Refuge for the Homeless, the floodgates of their tears, closed since their
young hearts had grown hard and cold with the world's neglect, are opened,
and they weep for very joy.
As their rescuer returned towards his home that morning, his head was
bowed, and his heart was heavy. He know that there were hundreds, and it

IN the Mouse op lords. 3
might be, thousands, of boys in the great city in as hopeless a case, who were
drifting from bad to worse until they should be past hope — sunk into irre
mediable depravity ; and he knew not how they were to be reached. By day
and night the wailing of the world's sorrow haunted him; the cry of the
children rang ceaselessly in his ears ; and it was no fig-ure of speech he used
when those who saw his cheeks grow paler, and his face more sad, asked him
of the cause, and he answered with choking voice : " I have been in a, perfect
agony of mind about my poor boys ! "
Turn now to another scene. It is the House of Lords. There is a
stillness approaching to solemnity, broken only by the voice of a noble lord
who is speaking, in a strain not often heard in that august Assembly, upon a
subject which has never been discussed there before. Every sentence he
utters increases the spell by which he holds the House, and every develop
ment of his argument tends to move that stately assembly to a demonstration
of feeling it is not wont to exhibit. Por more than thirty years the speaker
has been exposing the evils which beset operatives — especially children,
young persons, and women — engaged in the manufacturing industries. He
has carried measure after measure for their relief ; inhuman hours of labour
have been shortened ; excess of physical toil has been abridged ; oppression
and cruelty, resulting in premature death, have been checked; and the means
of education and^mental improvement made possible. There are millions in
the land who thank God for the voice that is now ringing in that august
chamber ; for it is the voice of one who has pleaded the cause of the poor and
the oppressed as none other has done in the world's history. Rarely, how
ever, has it been raised with greater effect than on this night, albeit his
speech consists mainly of extracts from a Bluebook. Por years he has been
waiting until the set time should come when, strengthened by the success of
former efforts, he may introduce that part of the great question of Protection
which presented the gravest difficulties in the way of legislation ; and now he
is informing the House that the evils which were supposed to he peculiar to
manufactures exist, even in a more aggravated form, in connection with the
cultivation of the soil. He speaks of organisations of rural labour in many
counties, known as " agricultural gangs," a system of revolting cruelty under
which the maximum of labour is obtained for the minimum of remuneration,
by extortionate gang-masters who monopolise all the children in a district, in
order that they may not be independently employed. The gangs are collected
in the morning, marshalled by the gangsmen, and driven off into the fields to
clear them of weeds, to spread manure, to " thin '' the turnips and mangel-
wurzel, to pick off stones from the land, or to gather in certain root crops.
At a rapid pace they are driven long distances to the scene of their labour ;
the little footsore and weary children, not more than six or seven years of age,
being dragged by their elders and goaded on by the brutal gangsmen. Tear
in, year out ; in summer heat and winter cold ; in sickness and in health ;
with backs warped and aching from constant stooping ; with hands cracked

4 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY.
and swollen at the back by the wind, and cold, and wet ; with palms blistered
from pulling turnips, and fingers lacerated from weeding among the stones ;
these English slaves, with education neglected, with morals corrupted,
degraded and brutalised, labour from early morning till late at night, and, by
the loss of all things, gain the miserable pittance that barely keeps them from
starvation. The plain, unvarnished tale is told, and the sigh of relief is followed by a
burst of genuine and unusual applause. Then, when the outlines of a Bill to
remedy these frightful wrongs, and to affect the entire agricultural population
of eveiy county, have been sketched, the speaker closes with this appeal : — ¦
My Lords, in attempting: to grapple with this evil I hope your Lordships will
kindly aid me by your sympathy and support. In this way you will give the
crowning stroke to the various efforts made for many years past to bring all the
industrial occupations of the young and the defenceless under the protection of
the law ; and that, whether they are employed in trade, in manufactures, or in
any handicraft whatever, every child under a certain age may be subjected only
to a limited amount of labour, and be certain to receive an adequate amount of
education. All that remains for your lordships now to do, as representing the
landowners of the kingdom, is to embrace within the scope of your beneficent
legislation the whole mass of the agricultural population. Then, I believe, we
shall be able to say that no country upon the earth surpasses us .in the care we
take of the physical, the moral, and the educational well-being of the myriads
of our humbler fellow-creatures. My Lords, the object you have in view is well
worthy of all the time, the anxiety, the zeal, and the talents which can be
bestowed upon it ; and I am satisfied that your lordships will earnestly desire to
see it accomplished.
The appeal was not in vain, the " crowning stroke " was given — and there
was swept away from the face of the land the last of the long series of evils
which could be dealt with by industrial legislation.
Change the scene once more. It is the month of May. The busy Strand
is unusually crowded; men and boys are distributing handbills concerning
every philanthropic and Christian organisation under the sun. Multitudes
are pressing in at the open doors of Exeter Hall. A group of foreigners, on
the opposite pavement, are looking on in blank astonishment ; they are
gazing at a sight which is more characteristic of English life and feeling
than can be seen at any other place, or at any other season. It is the
Pestival time of England's great Religious Societies. There are assembling,
from all parts of the earth, those who have been fighting throughout the year
a hard battle with the world's sin, and miseiy, and want, and who have come
to tell of their victories or defeats, to hear of the conquests of others, and to
gather up strength for further conflict. From this centre will issue forth
mighty waves of influence that will reach to the uttermost parts of the earth,
and affect the condition of the ignorant, the needy, and the oppressed, from
the rising- to the going down of the sun.

THE BIBLE EFFETE ! 5
Enter the building. It is thronged in every part. The vast area of the
hall presents at the first glance a motley, indistinguishable mass ; examine
more closely, and there will be seen a larger proportion of earnest-looking
faces than is commonly met with in so great an audience. There is an air of
soberness and sedateness — perhaps of demurencss — over the many, although
scattered here and there are gi-oups of friends who are exchanging cordial
greetings. The vast orchestra, with the exception of the two front rows, is
packed, for the most part with men, many of whom aro attired in clerical
garb. Presently the organ ceases to play, and there is a stir and a flutter in the
audience, as divines, philanthropists, and social or religious leaders drop in by
twos or threes, and take up their position on the platform. But the signal
for a spontaneous burst of enthusiastic greeting is given when the secretary
precedes a tall, slender, pale-faced man, who gazes for a moment with cold,
passionless eyes upon the sea of heads and the waving handkerchiefs, as he
holds the rail of the platform nervously, and then, after a formal bow, huriea
himself in the depths of a huge arm-chair. Every person in that hall has
recognised him ; every person claims to know and revere him, and eveiy
person represents a constituency of some kind, each member of which would
greet him as heartily on the ground of knowing and revering him.
The preliminaries of the meeting over, the chairman rises to speak, and
again the hall rings with repeated cheers. He stands unmoved — still as a
statue : there is a far-away look in his eyes ; he seems almost unconscious
that he is the object of attention. As the cheering continues, he seems almost
displeased at the demonstration, for no shadow of a, smile passes over the
strongly-marked lines of his face. Then, when the echoes of the thunderings
have died away, he draws his slight, but graceful form to its full height,
grasps firmly the rail of the platform, and in a loud, but rather indistinct,
voice, commences his speech.
It proceeds on a somewhat dead level, althougli uttered with great dignity,
until he adverts to certain philosophical works that have recently issued from
the press, and have disturbed men's minds by their tendency to teach that the
Bible is unsuited to the present times. Then the whole manner of the man
is changed ; the pale face kindles ; the voice becomes clear and ringing ; the
slender frame is all alive with strength and energy ; the whole man is trans
figured, i
Good Heavens ! (he exclaims) were the truths of the Book prevalent in the
hearts of men. should we be disturbed and frightened, as we are day by day, by
those gigantic frauds that are bursting out in every community, and which lead
us to believe that all honesty in trade, all honesty in public life, all honesty in
private life, have left the world for ever 1 Is it unsuited to the times in which
we live, when, if its holy precepts and its Divine commands had been listened
to, we should not have before us these gigantic evils. . . Ah ! but now they
come and tell us that the Bible is effete ; that it is worn out ; that it can do
nothing ; and that we must now have some new influence, some new principle

6 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY.
by which to regenerate and guide man. Effete I Indeed, I should like to know
whether it is effete at this moment in India. Is it effete in the effect lately
begun to be produced in China 1 Is it effete in the islands of the Pacific Ocean 1
Is it effete in Madagascar 1 Is it effete in Italy ? You see what a country Italy
is now become ; you see how the Italians are now grasping at the Word of God ;
and, although they have not thrown off the trammels of the Church of Borne,
they have imbibed the first principles whereby their conduct in public and
private life should be guided. The Bible lies at the root of their freedom, and
they know it well enough to make it the basis of their hopes and fears. That is
the Book that will guide them. That Book, so far from being effete, possesses
at this moment a greater force — a greater power of giving life, if I may so say —
than in any antecedent period of its history. I should like to know who are
they who say it is effete 1 Do the priests in Spain think it is effete 1 If they
think so, why do they prohibit it under such fearful penalties? Why do
they incarcerate, or confiscate the property of, or send into exile, those men who
devote their energy and their time to the study of God's Word ? Does his Holi
ness the Pope of Rome think it effete 1 Does he think it » harmless plaything,
that may lie upon the tables of his subjects ? Do the Geologists themselves
think it effete 1 If so, why do they pass their nights, why do they sweat and
toil over the midnight lamp, for the sole purpose of destroying a book that is so
effete — that if left to itself, would soon die, or become an object of general con
tempt 1 They do not think it effete. They know its power upon the heart and
the conscience. They know that if left to itself, that good old Book must work
its own way, and what they deny with their lips they confess with their fears.
Effete 1 It is effete as Abraham was effete when he became the father of many
nations, when there sprang of one, and him as good as dead, as many as the stars
for multitude and the sand upon the sea-shore innumerable. It is effete as
eternity, past, present, and future, is effete. It is effete — and in no other sense —
as God Himself is effete, the same yesterday, to-day, and for ever.
Last scene of all. The bright autumn sunshine is streaming in through
the window-panes of a little village church, plain almost to meanness. Beside
the entrance to a vault, made beautiful by evergreens, stands a coftin, covered
and surrounded with floral tributes from princes and peasants, from nobles
and costermongers. An aged man, of over four-score years, is being laid to
rest in the burial-place of his fathers. Only his sons *nd daughters, his
relatives, friends, and tenants, stand around the bier, yet the whole nation
mourns. But yesterday that bier had rested, on its way to this simple
village church, in "Westminster Abbey, and then all England stood around
and wept. Each man, woman, and child of the thousands who had gathered
there, felt that a personal loss had been sustained ; every class in society,
every section in the Church, every institution in the land, had been influenced
by him. Por sixty years he had been the champion in every battle on behalf
of the poor and the oppressed ; the friend and helper of all who were afflicted
in mind, body, or estate; and, especially, the leader in every movement
having relation to the claims and interests of the labouring classes. And
while those who thronged the Abbey shed their tears, ten thousand times ten

IN A VILLAGE CHURCH. 7
thousand of operatives whose labour he had lightened, of orphans he had
sheltered, of outcasts he had rescued, of the oppressed he had set free, of
ragged children he had clothed, of emigrants he had transplanted to new
spheres, of Christian labourers whose zeal he had fostered, of young men he
had warned of spiritual and fleshly dangers, paused in their daily tasks to
share in the expression of universal grief, and to pray that " though God
buries His workman He will yet carry on His work."
To tell the story of that life, in all its relations, religious, philanthropic,
political, social, and domestic, is the task before us in these pages.

CHAPTER I.
ANCESTRY AND HOME.
In tho reign of James I., John Cooper, a descendant of an old and honoured
family, dwelt in the picturesque manor house in the village of Rockborno,
Hampshire, close to the borders of Wiltshire and Dorsetshire. His father,
Sir John Cooper, had been member of Parliament for Whitchurch, in the
reign of Queen Elizabeth, and had inherited and amassed considerable wealth.
Dying- in 1(319, he was succeeded by his son, John Cooper, who has been
described as " very lovely and graceful both in face and person, of a moderate
stature, neither too high nor too low, of an easy and affable nature, fair and
just in all affairs."
At no great distance from Rockbome, there dwelt, at St. Giles's House,
Cranborne, in the county of Dorset, Sir Anthony Ashley, who was knighted
at the taking of Cadiz, in 1597, where he served as Secretary-at-War, and
was sent home to give to Queen Elizabeth an account of the battle. He was
a man who " had been for wisdom, courage, experience, skill in weapon,
agility and strength of body, scarce paralleled in his age ; of a large mind in
all his actions, his person of the lowest." The Ashleys were a younger
branch of an ancient family which came originally out of Wiltshire, where
they were lords of a manor named Ashley. They had been planted at Wim-
borne St. Giles since the reign of Henry VI. ; and their ancestors, traced
through heirs female, had been lords of that manor from before the reign of
Edward I* To Sir Anthony Ashley, the estate of Wimbome St. Giles
came, when he was advanced in life, by virtue of the entail in his grand
father's will. He had an only child, a daughter, sole heiress. She was of
small stature, " a modest and virtuous woman, of a weaker mould and not so
stirring a mind as her father."
John Cooper, the Hampshire squire, married this daughter and heiress of
Sir Anthony Ashley, and the pair took up their residence at St. Giles's
House. ,
Their son was the first Earl of Shaftesbury.
In an autobiographical fragment he says : —
" My birth was at Wimbom St. Gyles, in the county of Dorsett, on the
22nd day of July, 1621, early in the morning; my parents on both sides of a
noble stock, being of the first rank of gentry in those counties where they
lived. My mother's name was Anne, the sole daughter and heir of Sir Anthony
* Hutohiu's "History of Dorsetshire."

1630.]

THE FIRST EARL.

Ashley, knight and baronet, lord of the manor and place where I was born ;
my father, Sir John Cooper, knight and baronet, son of Sir John Cooper, of
Rockborn, in the county Hamshyre. I was christened by the name of
Anthony Ashley, for, notwithstanding my grandfather had articled with my
father and his guardians that he should change his name to Ashley, yet, to
make all sure in the eldest, he resolved to add his name, so that it should not
be parted with."
In his ninth year he was left an orphan. He was precocious, however,
and was so well able to take care of himself, that at the age of thirteen he
undertook the management of his property, which had been allowed to get
into confusion, and successfully carried a law-suit against his grand-uncle,
Sir Francis Ashley, who had dealt unfairly by him. Ho was short in stature,
and weak in body, but he managed to distinguish himself at Exeter College,
Oxford, as the "leader of all the rough young men of that college, famous for
the courage and strength of tall, raw-boned Cornish and Devonshire gentle
men, which in great numbers yearly came to that college, and did there
maintain in the schools coursing ag'ainst Christ Church, the larg-est and most
numerous college in the University." " Coursing " was at one time a trial of
learning, but in Ashley's day it had degenerated into a trial of physical
strength and annoyance. He succeeded also in causing " that ill-custom of
tucking freshmen to be left off," a custom of great antiquity, but of great
unpleasantness. It was, it seems, the custom for the seniors to call up the
freshmen and make them hold out their chins, " and they (the seniors) with
the nail of the right thumb, left long for that purpose, grate off all the skin
from the lip to the chin, and then cause them to drink a beer-glass of water
and salt."
At the age of eighteen he married Margaret, a daughter of the Lord
Keeper Coventry, and in his nineteenth year he was elected Member of Par
liament for Tewkesbury.
Henceforth his career was brilliant but erratic. During the great Rebel
lion he was a Royalist and a Parliamentarian by turns ; " a kind of half
Cromwellian, with monarchical leanings, under the Commonwealth ; a courtier,
a patriot, a member of the Cabal, and a fierce Exclusionist under the Restora
tion. He changed sides with an audacity, a rapidity, and an adroitness, that
made it difficult, almost impossible, to decide whether he was corrupt or in
corrupt, whether he acted upon principle or no principle, whether he adopted
expediency, broad enlightened expediency, for the rule of his public conduct,
or, in each successive crisis, simply waited for the tide, which, taken at the
flood, leads on to fortune." * His biographer, who dedicates to the seventh
Earl of Shaftesbury the life " of his celebrated and much maligned ancestor," f
says that "he lived in times of violent party fury; and calumny, which
* Quarterly Review, No. 260.
t ' ' Life of Anthony Ashley Cooper, First Earl of Shaftesbury. " By W. D. Christie,
M.A., Formerly her Majesty's Minister to the Argentine Confederation and to Brazil,
2 vols., 1871.

10 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. I.
fiercely assailed him living, pursued him in his grave, and still darkens his
name. He lived in times when the public had little or no authentic informa
tion about the proceedings of members of the Government or of Parliament,
when errors in judging public men were more easy than now, and when venal
pamphleteers, poets, and play-writers drove a profitable trade in libels on
public men."
He played a very prominent and important part in the age in which he
lived, and his vigilance in watching and taking advantage of every turn in
the progress of events materially assisted in bringing about the Restoration.
Honours were showered thick upon him ; he was made, soon after Charles had
come over, Governor of the Isle of Wight, Colonel of a regiment of horse,
Lord-Lieutenant of the county of Dorset, Chancellor of the Exchequer, and a
Privy Councillor. He was raised to the peerage under the title of Baron
Ashley of Wimborne St. Gilea, in 1661 ; and in 1672 he was advanced to an
earldom by the titles of Baron Cooper of Paulett, in the county of Somerset,
and Earl of Shaftesbury. In the same year he was made Lord High Chan
cellor ; and it was with reference to his integrity and ability as a judge that
Dryden, who elsewhere in his " Absalom and Achitophel " has scathed him
with severe and bitter satire, ,\Tote : —
" Yet fame deserved no enemy can grudge ;
The statesman we abhor, but praise the judge.
In Israel's courts ne'er sat an Abbethdin
With more discerning eyes, or hands more clean.
Unbribed, unsought, the wretched to redress ;
Swift of despatch, and easy of access."
Shaftesbury only retained the seals until November 1673, when, through
the influence of the Duke of York and the Romish party in the Cabinet, he
was required to relinquish them. Immediately on his dismissal from office
he openly joined the ranks of the opposition ; and by raising the cry of " No
Popery," soon regained his popularity among them. For declaring that a
Parliament which had been prorogued for a year and three months was tanta
mount to a dissolution, and that there was no lawful Parliament in existence.
he was committed to the Tower, where he remained for twelve months, and
was only released upon submitting to the humiliation of begging pardon, on
his knees, of the House of Lords and the King. After this he stood forth as
the champion of Protestantism ; and took an eager part in maintaining the
truth of the stoiy of Titus Oates and the alleged Popish Plot.
Among the many matters by which the first Earl of Shaftesbury has
made himself to be remembered are his opposition to the Corporation and
Uniformity Acts ; his denunciation of the transfer of Dunkirk to the French;
his counsel to Charles n. to suspend the execution of the penal laws against
the Nonconformists and Recusants ; and, especially, the introduction of the
Habeas Corpus Act, the keystone of British liberty. It was with great diffi
culty he succeeded in passing the Bill ; and its third reading " is said to have

1683.] CHARACTER OF THE FIRST EARL. 11
been carried by an accident, though strongly opposed by the Court of King
Charles and by the House of Lords. Bishop Burnet says Lords Grey and
Norris were named to be tellers. Lord Norris, being a man subject to
vapours, was not at all times attentive to what he was doing. So, a very fat
lord coming in, Lord Grey counted him for ten, as a jest, at first ; but, seeing
Lord Norris had not observed it, he went on with his mis-reckoning of ten.
So it was reported to the House, and decided, that they who were for the Bill
were the majority, though it indeed went on the other side." *
Later on, Shaftesbury took the hazardous step of appearing at Westmin
ster Hall to present to the Grand Jury, then sitting in the Court of King's
Bench, an indictment of the Duke of York as a Popish Recusant. Shaftes
bury's action on this occasion, and his subsequent efforts to exclude the
Duke of York from the throne, resulted in his being seized on the 2nd of
July, 1681, at his residence, Thanet House, Aldersgate Street, and carried to
Whitehall, where he was brought before the King and Council, and com
mitted to the Tower on a charge of high treason in conspiring for the death
of the King and the subversion of the Government.
When, however, the bill of indictment was preferred against him at
the Old Bailey on the 24th November, the Grand Jury ignored it, to the
great joy of the people, with whom he was highly popular, and who celebrated
his acquittal "by halloaing and shouting, by bell-ringing and bonfires, and
such public rejoicing in the city," that, as the Duke of York is reported to
have said, "never such an insolent defiance of authority before was seen."
After this Shaftesbury contemplated an armed insurrection, but not
receiving the support he had anticipated, and feeling that there was no
longer safety for him in England, he determined, as he was broken in health,
and weary with incessant toil, to make his escape to Holland. Disguised as
a Presbyterian minister, he left Harwich on November 28th, 1682, and soon
after reached Amsterdam, where he took up his residence. But he had not
been there many weeks before he was taken ill with gout ; the malady flew
to his stomach, and he died on the 21st January, 1683.
There are many opinions as to the character of the first Earl of Shaftes
bury ; there is only one opinion as to his genius and ability.
Hallam describes him as " a man destitute of all honest principle." f
Macaulay says of him that "he had served and betrayed a succession of
governments ; " % and, when speaking of his death in Holland, adds that " he
had escaped the fate which his manifold perfidy had deserved." Elsewhere
he says, with intense bitterness, " Every part of his life reflected infamy on
the other."
Hume recognises in him one of the most remarkable characters of his
age, and acknowledges that whatever party Shaftesbury joined, his great
capacity and singular talents soon gained him their confidence, and enabled
* "Lives of Lord Chancellors," vol. iii., p. 276.
t " Constitutional History of England, vol. ii.
% " History of England," vol. i., 213.

12 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. I.
him to take the lead amongst them ; at the same time, he alleges that
Shaftesbury's " eminent abilities, by reason of his insatiable desires, were
equally dangerous to himself, to the prince, and to the people."
Much of the calumny that has lingered round the name of the first Earl
of Shaftesbury is due to inaccurate statements, that have been weighed in
the balances of more just criticism, and found to be wanting.
John Locke, who lived in confidential intimacy with Shaftesbury for
nearly twenty years, and left a memoir of him full of glowing praise,
admired in him " that penetration, that presence of mind, which always
prompted him with the best expedients in the most desperate cases ; that
noble boldness which appeared in all his public discourses, always guided by
a solid judgment, which, never allowing him to say anything but what was
proper, regulated his least word, and left no hold to the vigilance of his
enemies." * Even Dryden acknowledged him to be " incorruptible ; " and
Lady Russell bore witness to the perfect charity of " the great faulty human
being in whom the faults are indissolubly blended with the greatness."
"Sis biographer says " He was a man of eager temperament, great
ability, and high mental cultivation ; he was a man of the world, and free
from hypocrisy and cant ; he was outspoken, courageous, and honest.
Honesty is a bad card in public life, where tact is more valued than truth,
and servility than independence. Shaftesbury was fond of a simile from
Sir Walter Raleigh's writings, that ' whosoever shall follow truth too near
the heels it may. haply strike out his teeth. ' f Raleigh had applied this to
the writing of contemporary history ; Shaftesbury transferred it to a
politician seeking truth and pursuing it, in opposition to power, and amid
the hypocrisies, self-seekings, meannesses, and falsehoods of public men."
He was throe times married, and, by his second wife, Frances, daughter
of David Cecil, third Earl of Exeter, left a son, who succeeded him. Lady
Frances Cecil was a direct descendant, through the Cecils, from Thomas of
Woodstock, fifth son of Edward III., while " on her maternal side she
was of kin, through the Egertons, the peerages of Derby and Cumberland,
and the ducal house of Suffolk, to John of Gaunt. So that tho descendants
of the first Earl of Shaftesbury have Plantag-enet blood in their veins, and
are of tho lineage of William the Conqueror himself."
The second Earl appears not to have been strong either in body or in
mind. Although of singularly handsome features, his physical and mental
powers were below the average, and it was with reference to these infirmities
that Dryden wrote of the inheritance of the first Earl : — •
" And all to leave what with his toil he won
To that unfeather'd two-legged thing, a son,
Got while his soul did hcdlled notions try,
And born a shapeless lump, like anarchy."
* Locke's Works, vol. x., p. 167.
t In the preface to Sir Walter Baleigh's " History of the AVorld."

le93-l THE THIRD EARL. 13
At the ag-e of seventeen he married Dorothy, third daughter of John
Manners, first Duke of Rutland, the marriage negotiations having been
entrusted to John Locke.
" My father," says his son, the third Earl, " was an only child, and of
no firm health, which induced my grandfather, in concern for his family, to
think of marrying him as soon as possible. He was too young and inex
perienced to choose a wife for himself, and my grandfather too much iu
business to choose one for him. The affair was nice, for, though my grand
father required not a great fortune, he insisted on good blood, good person
and constitution, and, above all, good education and a character as remote as
possible from that of Court, or town-bred lady. All this was thrown upon
Mr. Locke, who, being already so good a judge of men, my grandfather
doubted not of his equal judgment in women. He departed from him,
entrusted and sworn, as Abraham's head servant that ruled over all that he
had, and went into a far country (the North of England) to seek for his son a
wife, whom he as successfully found." *
There were seven children born of this marriage, and the eldest son, as
third Earlof, Shaftesbury, was destined to exercise a considerable influenco
m the world, and to hand down his name to posterity as the author of the
" Characteristics." He was a great favourite with his grandfather, to whose
guardianship he was formally made over when he was only three years old.
It was arranged that his education should be under the absolute direction of
John Locke ; and, although the actual instruction was given, in the first
instance, by a Mrs. Elizabeth Birch, a lady of great ability, Locke super
intended everything. " To whom," his pupil confessed, " next my immediate
parents, as I must own the greatest obligation, so I have ever preserved the
highest gratitude and duty." Elsewhere he styles him his "friend and
foster-father." In November 1683, at the age of thirteen, Shaftesbury was sent to Win
chester ; but he did not remain there long, and completed his education by a
few years of foreign travel in company with Sir John Cropley, to whom,
throughout his life, he was warmly attached. He entered Parliament iu 1693
as one of the members for Poole ; but his political career was brief— cut
short by serious ill-health consequent upon his assiduous attention to parlia
mentary duties, in which he signally distinguished himself. Owing to the
failure of his health, he resigned his seat in 1698, and, assuming the character
of a medical student, settled for a time iu Holland, where ho fell into the
company of many distinguished literary men, and had a full opportunity of
developing his own taste for literature.
With the exception of a short period towards the close of the reign of
King William and the accession of Queen Anne, when he made himself con
spicuous by his zeal in the House of Lords, he never again took any part in
public life, but devoted himself exclusively to literature.
* Letter from the third Earl of Shaftesbury to Le Clerc.

14 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. (Chap. 1.
He published in quick succession for those times, his " Letter on Enthu
siasm ; " " Moralists, a Philosophical Rhapsody ; " " Sensus Communis, or
Essay on Wit and Humour ; " " Soliloquy, or Advice to an Author," and
other works, all of which, with one exception, were republished, shortly after
his death at Naples in 1713, in three volumes, under the title of " Character
istics of Men, Manners, Opinions, and Times."
His treatises created considerable public interest on their first appearance,
and won for him a large circle of enthusiastic admirers, notwithstanding the
fact that they were written in a pompous, pedantic, and affected style — in
tolerable to the taste of the present day.
The letter which provoked the greatest amount of controversy was his
"Sensus Communis," in which he promulgated his famous doctrine that
ridicule is the teat of truth.
In Ethics he maintained that everything is for the best, and that man is
governed by a " moral-sense " — a natural sense of right and wrong, " as
natural to us as natural affection itself, and a first principle in our constitution
and make." In Religion the articles of his creed were few and simple. They
may, says Mr. Fowler,* briefly be summed up as a belief in one God, whose
most characteristic attribute is universal benevolence in the moral government
of the universe, and in the future state of man making up for the imperfec
tions, and repairing the inequalities of this present life.
The " Characteristics " provoked much controversy, and Shaftesbury's
" system " became the object of severe attacks from Bernard de Mandeviile,
Butler, Berkeley, Warburton, and others. On the other hand, Pope borrowed
from him ; Leibnitz, Diderot, and Lessing acknowledged their indebtedness
to him, and Yoltaire lauded him as " the boldest English Philosopher."
Blair, in his " Lectures on Rhetoric," considers the author of the " Cha
racteristics " as worthy of admiration for the beauty of his language, for the
construction of his sentences, for cadence, for delicacy, and for refinement ;
while Warburton, who could not tolerate Shaftesbury's philosophy, bears this
testimony to the man and his works : " The noble author of the ' Character
istics ' had many excellent qualities both as » man "and a writer. He was
temperate, chaste, honest, and a lover of his country. In his writings he
has shown how much he has imbibed the deep sense, and how naturally he
could copy the gracious manner of Plato."
His only son, the fourth Earl, took very little part in public life. His
delights were in literature, and art, and society. Handel was his intimate
friend ; and a complete set of the musician's oratorios in MS., bequeathed
to him by the great composer, is still preserved at St. Giles's. He was
married first to Susannah Noel, daughter of the Earl of Gainsborouo-h, and,
on her decease, to Mary, daughter of Viscount Folkestone, by whom he
had two sons and one daughter.
Antony Ashley Cooper, the fifth Earl, succeeded to the title when he
* " Shaftesbury and Hutcheson." By Thomas Fowler, M.A., LL.D.

1811-1 CROFLEY ASHLEY. 15
was ten years old. He does not appear to have made any mark in the world,
and his name does not occur in Hansard, except as a signatory, with others,
to a protest in the House of Lords. Samuel Jackson Pratt, a voluminous
litterateur, dedicated to him " upon his return from a long residence in
France," a poem entitled " The Contrast," and the Gentleman's Magazine,
October 1808, in reviewing it, quotes, without giving the authority, a de
scription of Lord Shaftesbury's seat, and of the " humble dwellings, whether
situated in the adjacent towns and villages, or embosomed in the shades
where the inhabitants are clothed, fed, or comforted by a benevolence that
is hereditary in the Shaftesburys, and which has lost nothing of its genial
glow by time or by descent."
The fifth Earl died without male issue on May 14, 1811, and the honours
of the family devolved upon his only brother, Cropley Ashley (of whom we
shall speak more hereafter), the father of the seventh Earl. He, for forty
years, was " Chairman of Committees " in the House of Lords ; and, during
the great railway mania, his authority and impartiality in handling Bills
which were brought before him were of great service to the State.
" After the third Earl," says a writer in the Quarterly Review, " occurs a
long interval, during which no lineal descendant rose to celebrity. But let
not those who maintain the hereditary quality of genius or character despair ;
for in this instance we are reminded of the river which, after running many
miles underground, emerges clearer, purer, and less turbid than at its source.
After a noiseless descent of nearly two centuries, the name and honours of the
Earls of Shaftesbury have devolved upon one who inherits all the domestic
virtues with much of the capacity, intellectual vigour, high courage, and eager,
animated eloquence of their founder — one in whom ambition is chastened by
the pure aims which make ambition virtue — who has uniformly employed
his advantages of rank, wealth, and station to alleviate human misery, to
improve the moral and material condition of the poor — who stands pre
eminent amongst British nobles for elevated, disinterested, untiring bene
volence and philanthropy." *
Before proceeding to tell the story of the life of the seventh Earl it will
be well, perhaps, having glanced at his ancestry, to introduce the reader to
the ancestral home of the Ashleys.
The hereditary seat of tho Ashleys is St. Giles's House, near Wimborne,
in Dorsetshire, where, from the reign of Henry VI. the family has been
planted, their ancestors, the Plecys, having been lords of the manor from
before the reign of Edward I.
St. Giles is reached from London by the Exeter line of the South Western
Railway as far as Salisbury, and thence by the branch line to Verwood or
Wimborne. The village of St. Giles — or Wimborne St. Giles — is two miles
west of Cranborne, and nine miles north from Wimborne, or Wimborne Min
ster, tho market and union town and polling place for the county.
* Quarterly Review, No. 2(i0, p. 327.

16 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. I.
St. Giles's House was once strongly fortified and surrounded by a moat,
but all traces of what it was in the troublous times of the Wars of the Roses
have long since disappeared, except the curious existence of a stream which
passes riglit under the building. This water, diverted from the neighbouring
liver and returning to it again at a point lower down its course, served
evidently to fill the ancient moat. When the latter was disused and filled up,
the stream, instead of being cut off, was carelessly allowed to flow away by a
central channel which still remains. The house is now a handsome mansion,
approaching in form to a parallelogram, and built principally in the Eliza
bethan style. The towers, in the Italian style, surmounted by Renaissance
turrets, were added by the seventh Earl.
The apartments are worthy of a great English nobleman's house. Their
contents are full of interest. We can only refer to them briefly in passing.
In the large entrance hall is the round table on which Thomson wrote his
" Seasons." The dining--room is admirably proportioned, at once so compact
and spacious, that forty guests will not crowd it, nor will half a dozen seem
lost in it. It was Lord Shaftesbury's favourite room, of which he was espe
cially proud, and, indeed, it would be difficult to find anywhere an apartment
in which comfort and beauty are better united, and in which every detail
combines to produce a more perfect harmony. The library, in which much of
Lord Shaftesbury's time was spent, overlooks the park and garden, and is one
of the most cheerful and beautiful rooms in the house. It is between sixty
and seventy feet long, though low in height, like most ancient rooms, and the
bookshelves, rising from floor to ceiling on all sides, are filled with a choice
selection of ancient and modern works, many of them rare and valuable.
The most remarkable room in the house is the saloon or great hall. St.
Giles's House was originally quadrangular in shape, and the central part was
open to the sky. Now it is covered over and lighted by an oval lantern, and
forms a large and splendid hall or saloon, with a gallery on three sides. The
walls are hung with family portraits, while antiques and works of art are
tastefully displayed on every hand. In this saloon there are an organ and a
grand piano, and it was here that on Sunday evenings the family, the visitors,
tlie servants, and many of the village folk assembled for a " service of song "
—a pleasant homely service at which the Earl presided, and generally con
cluded by reading a chapter from the Bible and offering up a simple prayer.
St. Giles's House stands in a beautifully wooded park of 423 acres. A
fine avenue of trees extends from tho centre of the east front to one of the
entrance lodges, a distance of about a mile ; and another remarkably beautiful
avenue of beeches, locally known as Brockington, was once ono of the main
approaches to the house. The clear sparkling stream, the Wim, or Allen,
runs through the park, and forms, on the soutli side of the house, a lake of
seven acres in extent, overlooking which is a summer-house, adorned with
memorials of the poet Thomson, who died in a house at Richmond afterwards
bought and inhabited by tlie sixth Earl. They were brought here when that
house was pulled down.

,. '^.JotUS

ST. GILES'S HOUSE.

1S85-1 THE CHURCH OF WIMBORNE ST. GILES. 17
In the pleasure grounds on the south-east of the house is a remarkable
grotto, probably the finest in England. It consists of two parts, the inner
most and largest being composed principally of Indian shells, and the outer
grotto of shells, ores, and minerals, collected from various parts of the world.
The collecting of shells and minerals was a hobby of the fourth Earl, and
when he had amassed an enormous number of specimens he had them
arranged in their present form. The work was begun in 1757, and took two
years to complete. The cost of collecting, building, and arranging has been
variously estimated ; but it is believed that at least £10,000 was spent upon it.
There are many fine old trees in the park ; one, a magnificent yew, is said
to be over two thousand years old.
The parish church of Wimborne St. Giles is on the north side of the
village, close beside the gates of St. Giles's House. It is by no means a
picturesque church, and the interior, consisting of a chancel and nave, is ex
tremely plain. It was rebuilt and enlarged in 1732 by the fourth Earl of
Shaftesbury ; repaired and altered by his son about half a century later ; and
entirely remodelled and beautified by the seventh Earl in the year 1852.
Although the register dates only from 1652, the church is of much greater
antiquity, and w«s probably the burial-place of the Malmaynes, the Plecys,
and other lords of the manor, long before it became the family burial-place
of the Shaftesburys. In the chancel there is an effigy believed to represent
Sir John de Plecy, a Crusader, who died in 1313.
On the north side of the chancel there is a fine monument, with full-length
figi res of Sir Anthony Ashley and his wife ; the former in armour and bare
headed, the latter in her state gown ; and both have the starched ruff round
the neck.
At the side of this tomb is the monument of Anne Ashley, their daughter
and only child — she who married Sir John Cooper of Rockborne (whence, as
already stated, the double name in the Shaftesbury family of Ashley-Cooper
is derived). The body of their son, the first Earl of Shaftesbury, who died in
Holland, was conveyed across the Channel in a vessel hung with black and
adorned with streamers and escutcheons. It was met at Poole by the prin
cipal gentlemen of the county, who formed a guard of honour for the funeral,
which took place in this church.
There is a tablet on the north wall to the third Earl, who is described as
" a celebrated author ; " and on the south side is a beautiful marble monu
ment to the fourth Earl, "who, from a consistency of virtuous conduct in
public and private, had as many friends and as few enemies as ever fell to
the lot of man." A simple slab of Caen stone to the memory of the father
of the seventh Earl bears the inscription, " Cropley, Earl of Shaftesbury,
born Dec. 21, 1768 ; died June 2, 1851. His own recorded wishes demanded
the simplicity of this memorial."
In addition to these are many other memorials, to some of which
reference will be made later on, as they are more immediately connected with
the family of the seventh Earl.

18 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. I.
Close to the church is a row of ten almshouses erected by Sir Anthony
Ashley about the year 1624. A stone in the centre of the row bears the in
scription, " Liberasti me, Domine, in Maxima Tribulatione." While Ashley
was serving abroad in 1596 at the siege of 'Cadiz, he was accused of having,
previously to his departure, compassed the death of one of his dependants.
He was, on his return, tried but acquitted by the Star Chamber ; and this
building, thus inscribed as a mark of gratitude to God, and dedicated to the
poor, is supposed to have been meant by him to commemorate his deliver
ance. 1
Opposite the almshouses, protected by an iron railing, is a poplar tree
which Lord Shaftesbury took pleasure in pointing out to his visitors, as it was
planted by Dr. Livingstone, the famous African explorer and missionaiy,
when on a visit at St. Giles's House in 1854.
The village is pleasantly situated, and has a population of about 500, an
increase of 150 from the year 1801, the year in which Lord Shaftesbury was
bom, and in which the first census was taken. . The cottag-es are mostly semi
detached and surrounded by pleasant little gardens, neatly kept, and abound
ing in fruit trees, vegetables, and flowers. These cottages, admirable in their
construction, and each consisting of five or six rooms, well planmed for comfort,
for convenience, and for health, are let at the low rent of one shilling a week,
or one-sixteenth of the average wages of the labouring men who occupy
them. The school-house stands in the middle of the village, and is the centre of
many activities. The average school attendance in 1880 was one in four of
the whole population.
Not only in this village, but in the villages round about, the care and
kindness of Lord Shaftesbury were manifested, and the charge which is often
brought against philanthropists, of caring for those afar off whilo neglecting
those close at hand, could never he brought against him by any one who had
paid a visit to Wimborne St. Giles.

ALMSHOUSE WALK, AND CHURCH, ST. GILES'S, DORSET.

CHAPTER II.
CHILDHOOD AND EARLY YEARS.
Antony Ashley-Cooper was born at 24, Grosvenor Square, on the 28th of
April, 1801. His mother was the daughter of George, fourth Duke of
Marlborough, and his father, as we have seen, was Cropley Ashley, who, in
1811, on the death of his brother, Antony Ashley, the fifth Earl of Shaftes
bury, without male issue, succeeded to the title. The early home influences
surrounding young Ashley were not in themselves favourable to the develop
ment of his character. His father was a man of considerable ability — of
keen sense, and of quick discernment ; but he was engrossed in the cares and
duties of public life. His mother was a fascinating woman, attached, after a
certain manner, to her children ; but too much occupied with the claims of
fashion and of pleasure to be very mindful of their religious training or of
their general warfare. It followed that the tone, the conversation, the amuse
ments, the opinions, the spirit of the home, were all opposed to the early bent
of his mind which, from his earliest years, was in the direction of the career he
ultimately made for himself. He received no help from his parents in his
religious life. His mother did not attempt to influence him in such matters ;
his father, on one or two occasions, asked him a question from the Catechism,
and the answer would meet with approval or displeasure, according to the
verbal accuracy with which it was given. For the rest, the boy was left to
grow up in the old " high-and-dry school " — in the cold, lifeless, formal
orthodoxy of the times.
But, although there was little in the home to foster, while there was much
to discourage, the growth of that piety which was to characterise so signally
his after-life, ono source of helpful and tender influence was preserved
to him. There was in the household a faithful old servant, MariaJMillis, who had
been maid to young Ashley's mother, when she was a girl at Blenheim, and
who was now retained as housekeeper. She was a simple-hearted, loving,
Christian woman, faithful in her duties to her earthly master, and faithful in
her higher duties to her heavenly Master. She formed a strong attachment
to the gentle, serious child, and would take him on her knees and tell him
Bible stories, especially the sweet story of the Manger of Bethlehem and the
Cross of Calvary. It was her hand that touched the chords and awakened
the first music of his spiritual life. Although not yet seven years of age,
there was in his heart a distinct yearning for God ; and to her he was indebted
for the guidance and the training under which the longing of his heart was
ultimately developed into a settled and intelligent faith.
c 2

20 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. II.
She taught him a prayer — the first prayer he ever learnt ; a prayer which
he never omitted to use through all the trying days that were soon to come
upon him. And in his old age, especially in times of sickness, he very
frequently found himself in his prayers repeating- those simple words.
It would have been interesting to have road the words of that prayer ; it
would, perchance, have been helpful to those who have the care and oversight
of young lives, to know what simple words may be made instrumental in
leading a life towards its highest aims. Almost the last promise made to the
writer by Lord Shaftesbury prior to his fatal illness was that he would
endeavour to find time to put down the words of that prayer in writing, but
the intention was frustrated.
At the age of seven, young Ashley went to school. There were, at the
beginning of this century, certain schools to which children of the aristocracy
were sent, such as, happily, would not be tolerated now under any circum
stances. They were hot-beds of eveiy kind of evil and mischief, where
bullying, and many other forms of cruelty, were permitted, if not encouraged;
where might was right, and the lives of weak and timid boys were made
almost intolerable.
To such a school, at the Manor House, Chiswick, now an asylum for the
insane, young Ashley was sent. It had a reputation, and a good one in some
respects ; it was eminently respectable, and the sons of noble families were
sent to it. It was. formerly a place of retirement for sick scholars from
Westminster School ; and in 1657 the famous Dr. Busby was living there
with some of his pupils ; but at the time of which we write it was in the
occupation of the Rev. Dr. Thomas Home. Dr. Home was a good classical
scholar, capable of iriiparting to his pupils plenty of Latin and_Greek ; but
the art of education, in its wider sense, the training of character and dispo
sition, the formation of principles, the cultivation of good habits — these were
things neglected or ignored. Evil of every kind was rampant ; there was
neither proper supervision nor proper food ; cruel punishments were inflicted
for slight offences ; and great offences, such as bullying, foul language, or
blackguardism generally — not coming within the range of school discipline —
were left unchecked.
Says Crabbe, in his " Tales of the School " : —
" Oh ! there's a wicked little world in schools,
; Where mischief's suffered and oppression rules ;
Where mild, quiescent children oft endure
What a long, placid life shall fail to cure."
It was so in young Ashley's case. He lived in a state of constant
terror from the cruelty of the elder boys, and suffered exquisite misery
for years through the neglect and inhumanity of the principal of the
school in failing to provide sufficiently even the necessaries of life.
The young days of his life, instead of being full of brightness and sun
shine and merriment, were made utterly wretched. Even in old age he

18»«-1 MARiA MILLIS. 21
would say : — " The memory of that place makes me shudder ; it is repul
sive to me . even now. I think there never was such a wicked school
before or since. The place was bad, wicked, filthy; and tlie treatment was
starvation and cruelty."
Young Ashley had not been long at the Manor House School when a
great trouble befell him. Maria Millis, the faithful servant and friend,
the one who alone in all the world had sympathised with his simple child-
faith, and had been the means of giving it increased vitality, was called
to her rest.
It was his first great grief, and it came at a time when he was least able
to bear it. Boyish sorrow, although often very real and passionate, is com
monly resisted and overcome by a nature full of life and of life's fresh and
vivid interests. But Ashley was feeling deeply the loneliness of a school
life amidst uncongenial associates and under a system that offered no
alleviation to one so tender and sensitive. He clung to his old friend,
for she was the only grown-up person in the world he really loved; the
only one to whom he had. dared to speak of the misery of his school life;
the only one with whom bright and beautiful memories of his earlier years
were associated. And now that she was gone, there was no one to whom
he could unbosom the great sorrow her loss had brought to him ; his parents
were not cast in a tender mould, they ruled by fear and not by love, and
his three sisters were too young, and lacked the opportunity, to give him
help. He felt that with his old nurse his last chance of happiness had
gone ; he mourned for her " with a grievous mourning," for she was more
to him than all the world beside, and he felt a terrible loneliness which
sent a chill through his life. Without a soul on earth to whom he could
go for comfort, he turned with a child's simple faith to the old Book that
she had loved, and spread his sorrows before the Heavenly Friend whom
she had taught him to regard as full of pity and tenderness.
In her will she left him her watch — a handsome gold one — and until
the day of his death he never wore any other. He was fond even to the
last of showing it, and would say, "That was given to me by the best
friend I ever had in the world."
In one less earnest and resolute, the spiritual life, thus deprived of its
accustomed support, and left to he lived apart, might have been in danger
of decline. But, throughout the five years during which he remained at the
Manor House, he persevered in his habit of praying and reading the Bible,
despite the sneers and opposition of his fellows; and he never forgot the
lessons he had learned from Maria Millis.
Of all the social changes of this century of change, perhaps there is none
more remarkable than that which has come over the relationship of parents
and children. It was once the almost universal practice for parents to
rule their children by severity and fear, now the opposite extreme prevails;
respect and reverence for parents have perhaps decreased, but affection has un
doubtedly increased. In the case of many, the severity of home was bearable,

22 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. II.
inasmuch as it was of short duration, and the return to school was hailed with
delight as a welcome relief. In young Ashley's case there was neither joy in
going back to school, nor joy in coming home. His parents had a mistaken
idea of education, of parental authority, rights, and obligations ; and the
fear with which Ashley regarded his schoolmaster and the bullies of tho
school was less than the fear with which he regarded his parents. There
was no sympathy of any kind between them; no exhibition, in any way,
of affection. His heart sank within him when the day came for him to
go home for the holidays, and it sank within him when he had to return
to school. Nor was it only the presence of his parents in the home that
made life oppressive ; their absence had exactly the same effect, for then
he was left with his sisters, to the tender mercies of the servants, and
he knew, times without number, what it was to he kept for days without
sufficient food until he was pinched with starvation ; and could recall many
weary nights in winter when he lay awake all through the long hours,
suffering from cold.
It is not well to dwell upon these details — it may be considered unwise
to have referred to them at all. But they are necessary to the riglit
appreciation of his subsequent career. No one who knew Lord Shaftes
bury could fail to observe in him an air of melancholy, a certain sombre-
ness and sadness, which habitually surrounded him like an atmosphere.
It was no doubt to be attributed, in gi-eat measure, to the scenes of suffer
ing and sorrow which were continually before him ; but it was also largely
due to the fact that there had been no light-heartedness in his childhood,
and that the days to which most men look back with the keenest delight
were only recalled by him with a shrinking sense of horror. But it is
important to the understanding of his life in another aspect that this
record of his unhappy childhood should be given. Those early years of
sorrow were the years in which he was graduating for his great life-work.
He had suffered oppression ; henceforth his life would be devoted to fight
ing the battles of the oppressed. He had known lonelinefs^and cold, and
hunger; henceforth he would plead the cause of the poor„.*the lonely, the
suffering, and the hungry. He had known the loss of a happy childhood ;
henceforth he would labour, as long as life should last, W bring joy and
gladness to the hearts and homes of little children.
At the age of twelve there came a change, a welcome change, in the life of
young Ashley. He was removed from the Manor House School, sent straight
to Harrow, and placed under the care, and in the house, of Dr. Butler, the
Head Master. He soon found himself associated with a gentlemanly set of
fellows, among whom was Sir Harry Verney, who, as is well known, has
greatly distinguished himself by his large-heai-ted philanthropy.
No freed slave ever rejoiced hi his emancipation, no over- worked factory
hand ever hailed his " protection," no rescued outcast ever delio-hted in a
newly-found " Home " more heartily than did young Ashley rejoice in his
transfer to Harrow. It was the beginning of a new life to him ; whatever

HARROW CHURCH AND SCHOOL-ROOM.

1813) AT HARROW. 23
might happen now in vacation-time he would at least be able to look forward
with pleasure to his return to school.
He was still, however, without those influences which are sometimes
thought to he of first importance in the formation of a religious character ;
his conduct was regulated by Christian instincts, but not by any settled prin
ciples ; he had floating impressions of good, but no fixed and steadfast pur
pose. Yet his eyes and his heart were opening gradually, and meanwhile he
could say, as regarded the letter of the moral law, " all these things havo I
kept." In speaking of these times to the present writer he said : — " I distinctly
remember how often it was impressed upon my mind that the Bible Society,
which was founded when I was three years old, was an evil and a revolution
ary institution, opposed alike to Church and State. I was brought up in the
old ' high-and-dry ' school, and believed it to be a meritorious thing to hate
Dissenters. As to their doing any good in the world, the very idea seemed to
bo monstrous, if, indeed, it ever occurred to me. As to their having any views of
their own worthy of consideration, it never crossed my mind, until one day I
got hold of a copy of some Commentary, and after reading for a while with
great interest, it suddenly struck me, ' The writer must have been a rank Dis
senter ! " and I instantly shut up the book, recoiling from it as I would from
poison. One of the first things that opened my eyes was reading of Dod
dridge being condemned as a Dissenter, and I remember exclaiming, ' Good
heavens ! how will he stand in the judgment, at the bar of God, as compared
with Pope Alexander VI. ? ' It was not till I was twenty -five years old, or
thereabouts, that I got hold of ' Scott's Commentary on the Bible,' and, struck
with the enormous difference between his views and those to which I had been
acenstomed, I began to think for myself."
Vast as was the improvement in his comfort at Harrow, the state of things
was not in those days to be compared with these.
"A strange reminiscence of Harrow in the first thirty years of the nine
teenth century was recounted by Lord Shaftesbury, when presiding at the
Harrow Triennial Dinner, on Juno 18th, 1884. ' He recalled the case of a
master who, being himself a bad sleeper, frequently called up his form — the
Shell—at four o'clock on a winter's morning, and relieved the tedium of the
night by this veiy early first school.' The venerable philanthropist also spoke
with horror of the unpleasant state of Duck Puddle in his time, when it
swarmed with insects, reform having been brought about by the Earl's own
ingenuity in selecting the subject for Latin verse composition." *
Although his father had succeeded to the Shaftesbury title and estates in
1811, it was not until some few years after that young Ashley paid his first
visit to St. Giles's House. He went there from Harrow, to pass the summer
holidays, and singularly happy days they were for liim in comparison with
those he had spent at tho Richmond house, in summer, and the house in
* " Harrow School and its Surroundings," by Percy M. Thornton, p. 364.

24 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. tc',AP- II-
Grosvenor Square, in winter, when he had come home for his holidays from
the Manor House School.
Even as a boy he was always an ardent lover of the country ; and was
never so happy as when rambling in the midst of forest scenery, or in rural
haunts, where, to a contemplative mind, every sight and sound is full of sug
gestion. Harrow and its beautiful surroundings had done much to dissipate
the gloom which had gathered over his childhood ; and St. Giles's helped to
finish what Harrow had begun. His mind was braced up and invigorated;
new hopes and aspirations were kindled, old perturbations of spirit were
allayed, and the prospects of life looked brighter than they had ever done
before as he viewed them under the influence of these country scenes.
He was a great lover, too, of natural history and the various sciences which
reveal the wonders of the world around ; and his rambles brought him every
day in contact with these unwritten books of God, which he read with infinite
delight. He explored every nook and corner of Cranborne Chase, an immense
sylvan region, at one time comprising an area of eighteen square miles. As
late as 1828 it contained 12,000 deer and as many as six lodges, each of which
had its " walk " and was under the management of a ranger. " Nothing,"
says the poet Bowles, " can be more wild than this leafy labyrinth, opening at
times and showing through the hollies, and thorns, and hazels some distant
wooded hamlet in sunshine. On the bordering downs no object meets the eye
except here and there, at a distance, a small round clump of trees on summits
called by the people of the country appropriately a hat of trees." It was in
Cranborne Chase that, after the battle of Sedgemoor, the Duke of Monmouth,
disguised in rustic attire, was taken prisoner under the ash tree which is still
pointed out. The tree stands on the Shaftesbury estate.
Nor were the surroundings of St. Giles's deficient in objects of interest of
all kinds. There was the old town of Cranborne — from which the Salis
bury family take their second title — with its ancient church, one of the oldest
and largest in the county, near which Edward Stillingfleet, the famous Bishop
of Worcester, was born ; and its picturesque Manor House, belonging to the
Marquis of Salisbury, with interesting historical memorials of kings and
queens who used it as a hunting lodge when visiting the Chase.
A few miles further afield is the market town of Wimborne, or Wimborne
Minster, with its exquisite and venerable collegiate church, where lie the
remains of royal and noble personages.
But dearer than all was the " great house " which was now his home,
with its treasures of art and literature, and its sumptuous and pleasant
apartments. And dear, too, was the little village just outside the gates,
where dwelt the simple country folk, in whose society, even as a boy, he
found gratification.
Throughout his life Lord Shaftesbury had never the least hesitation in
tracing' the time when his spiritual history had a beginning. He unhesitat
ingly affirmed that it was when he was seven years of age under the influence
of his nurse Maria Millis.

1816-1 A STRIKING INCIDENT. 25
In like manner he used to say that he could remember the day and the
hour in which he made his first start in a philanthropic career.
It was while he was at Harrow, and when he was between fourteen and
fifteen years of age, that an incident occurred which, simple as it was in
itself, influenced his whole after-life. He was one day walking alone down
Harrow Hill when he was startled by hearing a great shouting and yelling in
a side street, and the singing of a low Bacchanalian song. Presently the
noisy party turned the corner of the street, and to his horror he saw that
four or five drunken men were carrying a roughly -made coffin, containing the
mortal remains of one of their fellows, for burial. Staggering as they turned
the corner, they let their burden fall, and then they broke out into foul and
horrible language. It was a sickening spectacle. No solitary soul was there
as a mourner. A fellow-creature was about to be consigned to the tomb with
indignities to which not even a dog should be subjected. Young Ashley was
horrified, and stood gazing on the scene spell-bound. Then he exclaimed,
" Good Heavens ! can this be permitted, simply because the man was poor
and friendless P "
Before the sound of the drunken songs had died away in the distance he
had faced the future of his life, and had determined that, with the help j
of God, he would from that time forth devote his life to pleading the cause I
of the poor and friendless.
It is a curious circumstance, that nearly seventy years after that day,
Lord Shaftesbury was walking down Harrow Hill with Dr. Butler, the son
of his old master, at that time the head master of Harrow School, and subse
quently Dean of Gloucester.
" Can your Lordship remember any particular incident or occasion which
induced you to dedicate your life, as you have done, to' the cause of the
poor and wretched P " asked Dr. Butler, in total ignorance of the circum
stances of the case.
" It is a most extraordinary coincidence that you should ask me that]
question here," answered Lord Shaftesbury, "for it was within ten yards j
of the spot where we are now standing that I first resolved to make the;
cause of the poor my own," and he then told him the above recorded
incident. In the beautiful park at Holwood, » few miles from Bromley, in Kent,
there is a solid stone seat beside an old tree, just above the steep descent into
the vale of Keston. It was on that spot that Wilberforce stood in earnest
conversation with Pitt, and determined, on the recommendation of his friend,
to give notice on a fit occasion in the House of Commons, of his intention to
bring forward the question of the Abolition of Slavery.
It would be well that some day there should be erected on Harrow Hill a
suitable monument; — perhaps a similar one— to mark the spot where the
freedom of countless thousands of poor factory children, chimney sweeps,
agricultural labourers, and others, had its origin.
But the work of life had not yet commenced — he was still a mere boy,

26 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. II.
with a great many floating impressions, and only a few determinations. It is
no uncommon thing for earnest people to paint their own demerits in exceed
ingly dark colours, and in looking back across the many years of his life to
this period, and on to the time when he took up the factoiy question, Lord
Shaftesbury was wont to charge himself with " the besetting sin of idle
ness." " Many excellent persons," says Lord Macaulay, " whose moral character
from boyhood to old age has been free from any stain discernible to their
fellow-creatures, have, in their autobiographies and diaries, applied to them
selves, and doubtless with sincerity, epithets as severe as could be applied to
Titus Oates or Mrs. Brownrigg." *
It is not difficult, to understand why it was that Lord Ashley was wont to
charge himself with the sin of idleness, and bemoan, what he sometimes calls,
by a pardonable exaggeration, his misspent time. When once he was launched
out into the full stream of labour, and was carried away with it so that he
had to economise every moment of every day, he begrudged the years which
he might, as he thought, have given to the help of his fellow-creatures.
But those years were not really idle ; he was laying in a store of know
ledge on which he could hereafter draw ; he was drinking in influences which
were to mould and discipline his future ; and his character was forming, not
by violent and abnormal means, but by the gradual, steady development which
culminates in true and abiding strength.
A fragment written by Lord Shaftesbury towards the close of his life,
and given to the writer merely as a memorandum, is partly an epitome of
what has been already told : f —
Born 28th April, 1801, at 2-1, Grosvenor Square. Very little or no recollection
of my earliest years. Remember that I soon passed under the special care of the
housekeeper, who had been my mother's maid before her marriage. She was an
affectionate, pious woman. She taught me many things, directing my thoughts
to highest subjects ; and I can even now call to my mind many sentences of
prayer she made me repeat at her knees. To her I trace, under God, my first
impressions. I and my sisters— all three of them older than myself — were brought up with
great severity, moral and physical, in respect both of mind and body, the
opinion of our parents being that, to render a child obedient, it should be in a
constant fear of its father and mother.
At seven went to school— a very large one at Chiswick. Nothing could have
surpassed it for filth, bullying, neglect, and hard treatment of every sort ; nor
had it in any respect any one compensating advantage, except, perhaps, it may
have given me an early horror of oppression and cruelty. It was very similar to
Dotheboys Hall.
Remained for five years, and then sent to Harrow and became the pupil and
* Macaulay's "Biographies." ( John Bunyan. )
t This fragment Lord Shaftesbury took with him to Folkestone just before his last
illness, intending to amplify the account of his early years.

1801-19 A FRAGMENT OF AUTOBIOGRAPHY. 27
lived, with others, in the house of Dr. Butler, the Head Master of the school.
Things were there on a very different footing compared with Chiswick.
Left Harrow soon after fifteen years of age. Had reached the Sixth Form
and had learned very little. But that was my own fault. Though I obtained
some prizes, I was, on the whole, idle and fond of amusements, and I neglected
most opportunities of acquiring knowledge.
At about sixteen I went to reside with a clergyman in Derbyshire who had
married my first cousin. I was sent there, in fact, to be got out of the way,
for the clergyman never professed that he was able to teach me anything, nor,
indeed, did my father require of him any such services. I had a horse, and
there were dogs belonging to the house that constituted my great amusement ;
and a family in the neighbourhood showed me abundant hospitality.
I remained there about two years, and perhaps no two years were ever so
misspent. I hardly ever opened a book, and seldom heard anything that was
worth hearing ; nevertheless, there were constantly floating in my mind all
sorts of aspirations, though I never took a, step to make their fulfilment
possible. My father had resolved to put me in the army, but he was dissuaded from
that purpose by the influence, I believe, of a friend, of whose kind act I shall
always think with the deepest gratitude.
My father then resolved to place me at Christ Church, Oxford, to which
place he took me in 1819. The Rev. T. V. Short, afterwards Bishop of St.
Asaph, was appointed to be my tutor : a kind man and a worthy, and a good one
taken altogether. I remember well his first question, " Do you intend to take a
degree ? " This was a strong demand upon one who had lost so many years
in idleness and amusements, yet I answered at once, " I cannot say, but I will
try." He did tiy, and the result was that in 1822 he took a first class in classics.
Referring to this in after-life, he said, modestly, " I have had » g-reat many
surprises in my life, but I do not think I was ever more surprised than when
I took honours at Oxford." It was not a matter of surprise, however, to
others, for he had entered upon his studies with the determination to succeed,
and had worked with the vigour and concentration which characterised him
in many other efforts in which he was similarly resolved.
A year or two before his death he met, on the platform of the Victoria
Institute, Bishop Short, of Adelaide, who had not seen him since they were
students together sixty years before. There were cordial greetings, and in
his speech the Bishop referred to their college days. " I well remember," he
said, " watching Lord Ashley day after day walking up the great hall of that
ancient house on his way to lecture, assiduous in his duties, diligent in his
studies; and I remember thinking, 'If that is a specimen of the English
aristocracy, we have in the House of Lords an institution which has no rival
throughout tho world.' "
What were the thoughts and hopes and purposes, the plans and aspira
tions of Lord Ashley in this critical period between his college days and his
entry upon his political career, have been told, as no one else could tell them,

28 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. tCHAP. tt.
by himself in a Journal of what he terms " fugitive and desultory notes,"
from which we make the following extracts : —
Aug. 13th, 1825.— First discourse of Chalmers in Tron Church. (The power
of man's reason and the bounty of God in the advance of his knowledge will
be manifested even in this world towards end of existence. Monarchy is the
great principle in physics ; close relation of physics to morality. Solar system
typical of government on earth. Argue that the circle or elliptic form is the
most complete (being the most celestial figure). Form of bodies, course of
bodies, Sc., all round infer that morals will follow physics. Mankind began
with monarchy and simplicity. It will return to the point from whence it
started by a different route, which in morals is equivalent to a circle. Mon
archy is the most perfect form, and will prevail again when man, as the planets,
can perform his functions as simply and as truly.)
Aug. 24th. — Finished Chalmers ; " Bravo of Venice ; " " The Monk ; " " Lind-
ley Murray's Grammar." He seems in everything inclined to destroy peculi
arities of English idiom.
Aug. 25th.— Versified half of the 27th Fsalm.
Aug. 31st. — Read a French novel, " Baron de Felsheim." Walter Scott has
taken his Caleb from the Brandt of that book. I remember observing when I
read Fenelon's " Existence de Dieu " that he could claim the original conception
of the trope used by Canning, "The sea which divides other nations," &c,
&c, &c.
Sept. 8th. — London. Talked about Woodstock with Forster.
To end of September at Stapleton and Chatsworth ; no thinking or reading.
Oct. 8th. — Ossington. Macgregor conies from paKfrnyopeLv, from some rascally
bore who talked at great length.
Oct. 10th, Sunday. — Feelings of a warm and generous nature may be often
times wounded on earth ; nay, they may appear a curse, but they are not so ;
these sentiments shall be purified in Heaven ; Divine intensity shall be added to
their virtue, and their Lord shall be God. God possessing all happiness Him
self, has shown by His creation that it consists in the communication of
happiness to others.
Oct. 12th. — It may be argued that, even by moral institutions, giving is
more noble than lending. To be sure one reasons upon the vices of one's
nature, but regard the effects of each : lend to a friend, and you lose both
friend and money ; is it so when you give ? Sometimes (for one benefited is
occasionally humiliated), but not so frequently.
Oct. 13th. — I have a great mind to found a policy upon the Bible ; in
public life observing the strictest justice, and not only cold justice, but active
benevolence. That is good towards individuals : is it so towards nations 1 It
is certainly less practicable. Generosity in private affairs is strength to the
giver with little hazard ; in empires it confers the discreditable charge of
| imprudence with great danger, through the increased force of the rival nation,
i and no gratitude. But justice — raw justice — is the Shekinah of governments.
Oct. 14th. — People talk of being misunderstood, not known, little valued, or
rewarded according to their merits. Is not God in every one of the cases a
greater sufferer, if one may say so? He is absolutely forgotten. This has

1826-1 BIRTHDAY THOUGHTS. 29
endured since the creation ; nay, even in His own family, the Jews, He was
as nothing. Can we not hold up, then, for the short space of some forty
years ?
1826, April 5th. — People talk of the divine right of kings. No man has
a divine right to anything except salvation, and that he may lose by his own
negligence. At the age of twenty-five Lord Ashley did what at that time was con
sidered proper for a young man to do who had finished his college course,
obtained a good degree, and, as eldest son of a peer, was possessed of influence
and position — he entered Parliament.
On the day he attained his twenty-fifth year he wrote in his Diary : —
1826, 28th April. — My birthday, and now I am twenty-five years old — a great
age for one who is neither wise, nor good, nor useful, nor endowed with
capability of becoming so. People would answer me, " Why, you have not lost
your time ; you have always been engaged ; " quite true, but always upon
trifles ; indeed, since my quitting Oxford, a space now of three years 1 have
absolutely done harm to my intellects, by false reasoning which, however
rare it may have been, is the only exercise which has disturbed my mental
indolence. What might have been performed in three years 1 but not a study
commenced, not an object pursued ; not a good deed done, not a good thought
generated ; for my thoughts are too unsteady for the honour of that title.
Visions without end, but, God be praised, all of a noble character. I fancy'-
myself in wealth and power, exerting my influence for the ends that I sought,
it for, for the increase of religion and true happiness. No man had ever more
ambition, and probably my seeming earnestness for great and good purposes was
merely a proof of hotter ambition and deeper self-deception than exists in
others. That I am not completely in despair must come from God who knows,
" quce sint, quce fuerint, quce mox xentura trahantur," and who, if He wanted
me, or knew that I could be useful, would doubtless call me forward. All that
I can remark then is, that I will entreat Him to raise up for Old Britain young
and aged saints and sinners, high and low, rich and poor, who may act as well
for her interests as I always fancied I wished to do ; but as I said before, that
was likely to be a self -error. Nor did I leave the world out of my calculations.
England was to have been the fountain, and our globe the soil to have been
watered by her ; may she do it yet, though I fear, unless God administer the
healing branch, the stream will be very corrupt ! But he has perhaps other
nations in view for the honour of vicegerency ; let us hope " not ; " nay, I may
say, " let us try not : " for His blessings are still here, and as God is never
capricious, He will not remove them without a cause. But, happen what may
between now and the fulfilment of all things, He will eventually restore happi
ness to the world, and may He do it by the services of our country 1 Latterly I
have taken to hard study. It amuses me and prevents mischief. Occasionally
the question " cm bono ? " sours my spirit of application ; but, generally speaking,
I have stilled the passions. An attachment during my residence at Vienna
commenced a course of self-knowledge for me. Man never has loved more
furiously or more imprudently. The object was, and is. an angel, but she was
surrounded by, and would have brought with her, a halo of hell.

30 THE EAUL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Coap. II.
On the 11th June, 1826, tho excitement among the electors of Woodstock
— the pocket borough of the house of Marlborough — ran high. The candi
dates were the Marquis of Blandford, Lord Ashley, Mr. J. H. Langstane,
and Mr. R. Mc William. Lord Ashley put up for Woodstock for family
reasons, and to restore the family interests. He was the grandson of the
old Duke of Marlborough, and was put forward with Lord Blandford, the
son of the existing Duke.
John Bull, in reporting the state of the poll on that date, after comment
ing on the excitement in the borough, owing to the " nearly equal strength
and high respectability of the candidates," said, " The several candidates
addressed the crowd, and the speech of Lord Ashley was distinguished by
eloquence and sound judgment, and breathed a spirit of regard for our
glorious Constitution which should animate the hearts of all electors and
elected at this crisis, when the demon of Popery is -struggling- to raise its
accursed head."
The election resulted in the triumphant return of Lord Ashley.
Nov. 16th. — Took the oaths of Parliament with great good- will ; a slight
prayer for assistance in my thoughts and deeds.
When he entered Parliament his future had assumed no definite shape.
One thing, however, seemed to be clear to him, which was that, although he
had joined the Conservatives — then led by Lord Liverpool and Mr. Canning
— and was prepared as far as possible to support the King's Government, he
would not be the servile follower of a party. Thus we find him in 1828
voting- with the Ministers against the repeal of the Test and Corporation
Acts, and in 1829 voting with them again for the Removal of Roman Catholic
Disabilities. At the same time he held an attitude of independence, and from
the first the support he gave to the Government was general, not constant.
One of his earliest speeches was delivered in connection with the proposed
provision for Canning's family, which he cordially supported, although he
was careful to put it on record that he did so on private grounds.
Of Canning's genius he had a high appreciation : —
Dec. 12th. — Canning's speech— the finest historical recollection of my life.
Except the loftier flights of the Bible I have never heard nor read such rousing
eloquence, such sentiments, such language, such a moment ; they almost
maddened me with delight and enthusiasm — could not sleep for agitation —
feverishly and indistinctly recollecting what I had heard. 13th. — Wrote to Mrs.
C, and received a most amiable answer.
Lord Ashley's letter to Mrs. Canning is not forthcoming, but the tenor of
it may he gathered from her reply : —
Mrs. (afterwards Lady) Canning to Lord Ashley.
Downing Street, Wednesday, Bee. 13th, 1826.
My dear Lord Ashley, — Next to the speech of last night your note is the
most eloquent and beautiful effusion of feeling I ever met with. It confirms

1S'JG-1 AT STRATHPIELDSAYE. 31
my opinion of you and of the merits of the speech itself, which I feel so strongly
was calculated to be fully appreciated by a mind like yours, that the first question
I asked was whether Lord Ashley was in the House during the last speech.
The true test of the real merits of such a speech is the effect which it pro
duces upon a strong, highly cultivated, classical, and youthful mind. Your
testimony is, therefore, doubly gratifying— as a friend and as a judge. Perhaps
the most satisfactory proof that I can give you that the expression of such warm
and kind feelings is not thrown away upon ungrateful or uncongenial minds, is,
that on reading your note both Mr. C. and myself found our eyes in that state of
overflow which you describe your own to have nearly been on hearing the speech.
I long to see you and talk it over with you. Ever yours most sincerely, J. Canning.
When Lord Ashley was a boy at Harrow, he, in common with every
thoughtful boy in the land, had shared the enthusiasm with which the bril
liant exploits of the great Duke of Wellington were greeted. The daring deeds,
the grandeur and simplicity of the man who wrought them ; the perils to the
country that "were averted ; the " special Providences," as it seemed, that gave
victory to our arms ; these, and other things, combined to make him the hero
of heroes in the eyes of young Ashley. To him the Iron Duke became the
Ideal Man. His bravery and gentleness, his honesty and consistency, his
career as a man, a soldier, and a statesman, all were admired.
The impressions thus formed in boyhood were by no means lessened when
he came to years of manhood.
How it came about there is no record to show, but there sprang up be
tween the veteran soldier and the young member of Parliament a strong
personal friendship, which grew as the years went on. Among the many
letters from the Duke of Wellington found among Lord Shaftesbury's papers,
there is one, in which the date of the year is not given, written in a cold and
formal way : " The Duke of Wellington presents his compliments to Lord
Ashley and hopes he will call at Apsley House to-morrow at eleven."
Whether in the interview that ensued, the friendship began, cannot now be
stated, but the following letter shows that as early as 1826 all coldness and
formality had passed : —
The Duke of WeUington to Lord Ashley.
London, October 20th, 1826.
My dear Lord Ashley,— Will you come and pass a few days at S. Saye on
the 8th of November 1 I hope you will meet some of your friends.
Ever yours most sincerely, Wellington.
After this date we find Lord Ashley frequently at Strathfieldsaye, and the
recollections of those pleasant visits were fresh and green in his memory to
the end of his days.

32 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. II.
Jan. 22nd, 1827.— How we change I Now I think Canning's speech a little
imprudent. Feb. 14th.— In House of Commons. I am too bilious for public life. What
I suffer from the brazen faces and low insults of that Radical party 1 I am not
fit for their accursed effrontery, which sneers at every sentiment of a gentleman,
and is backed by the applause of those who pretend to education !
Hume's conduct to-night was over-disgusting, and so was that of his civilised
friends. I should have stormed in madness had it been against myself. I am
not fit for the House of Commons.
Feb. 17th. — 111 and worn by this Ilchester Election Committee — displeased with
Fazakerley ; I don't . like being so, but he talks too indifferently about Brogden's
behaviour. Angry with Wortley also ; however, my feelings are always over-
strong. Sorry that Sharpe is petitioned against, and I on the Committee ; he is
a good-natured, kind-hearted, and well-informed creature, but it can't be helped.
Got quieter in my political feelings. Lord Liverpool taken dangerously ill — poor
man ! beloved, trusted, and looked up to by every mind in England 1 What has
he not done for the character of the Church 1 God's ways are not our ways —
may He give us another like unto him ! Denison disappoints me ; neither sound
Ministerial nor true Whig, he rather cants for reputation. H Canning be present,
he is for Canning ; if not, he seems for Abercromby. Perhaps I am still weaker,
but as yet I have not found it out, lynx-eyed to another's faults !
Feb. 22nd. — Voted for old Sharpe to be M.P. for Ilchester. He and his col
league against me in politics, but I gave them the benefit of my doubts, accord
ing to custom of Parliament. Had I, or had I not, any feeling of kindness
towards old Conversation 1 * I do business well and am attentive. Put ou
Northampton Committee and Emigration ditto. What am I fit for 1 I want
nothing but usefulness to God and my country.
Feb. 25th. — I am certainly more for the Catholics than I was before, but
wholly as a matter of policy, because it does not seem that danger any longer
exists. This is the result of private reason, uninfluenced by speeches or con
versation ; but as so little turns upon me I must and may conceal it ; my father
otherwise would go mad. I am inclined to believe that, were this Bill carried,
every man who has upheld its principle would prove an Argus of jealousy
towards those he had befriended ; the warmest supporters would be the keenest
spies. April 1st.— Lady Carlisle wrote me word the other day that Brougham had
been loud in my praises ; he has since set Warburton and John Smith to work, I
think, upon my vanity, and make me thereby a member of his " Useful Know
ledge Club." Now I cannot feel indifferent to the encomiums of a man like
Brougham, but in bottoming this question I must consider whether they be real
or merely calculated to beguile a young man whose vote, or name, is far better
than his talents. He is afraid of my adopting illiberal principles, at least, he
says so. I have often sneered at Normanby because he fell into the power of
these Whig sirens, who had charmed his ears with smooth and specious flattery.
But long before I knew that Brougham was even informed of my existence I
had ceased to confine my views within the narrow circle of hand-to-mouth
politics. As for praises, they make me unhappy ; the time will come, and that
* Mr. Sharpe was called "Conversation" Sharpe.

182?-1 RELIGION THE BASIS OP GOVERNMENT. 33
right soon, when I shall be found not only wanting, but contemptible in abilities.
I should be far happier if I were indifferent to knowledge ; the pursuit of it has
eng'rossed my whole mind and attention, and much have I thrown away of calm
ease and unruffled contentedness to arrive at that which, after a long chase, I find
to be more distant from me than it is from others who are mere dabblers or
beginners. Would to Heaven I could quit public life and sink down into an
ambition proportionate to my capacity ! But I am cursed with honourable
desires (they are so) and by predestined failure. This keeps spurring me on to
desperation. What a happy fate to lose all hope, all aspiring sentiment, all
nobleness of thought, all daring of mind, all wish for greater things ! I had
rather be creeping and contented than aspiring and inefficient. It is a curse of
tantalisation ; vide all my thoughts throughout this book.
April 8th, Sunday. — Locke has been greatly extolled for his simile of a child's
mind to a^heet of paper ; it is not original; vide Hooker's "Eccl. Pol.," Lib. I.,l
sec. 6. " The soul of man is like a book," &c, &c. I
April 14th. — What a job in all these resignations ! The whole run of Radicals,
Whigs, and Canning's Party, is at the Duke of Wellington. Will this political
intrigue triumph 1
April 17th. — I care for Peel and Wellington : were they again in the Cabinet
I should be satisfied. What will become of the army ? But what of the navy,
with that Bedlamite Duke of Clarence at the head, and Canning to dispose of
Church Preferment ! We shall see. I have decided in my own heart that no!
one should be Prime Minister of this great country, unless deeply imbued with
religion ; a spirit which will reflect and weigh all propositions, examine each :
duty, and decide upon the highest ; be content to do good in secret, and hold i
display as a bauble compared with the true interests of God and the kingdom ;
have energy to withstand political jobbing, and refuse what is holy as a sacrifice ,
to faction. He must calculate advantages to arise in a century, and not shows i
to glitter at the moment ; he must appoint that which is best, and not that ;
which is most capable of appearing so. He must leaven every deed with the
feeling of religion. All things must be done to edifying, and if he do not call
in Scripture and holy aid to assist him in the discharge of each office, be it
important or be it trifling, he must do it in that frame of mind and heart which
is caused by long and genuine delight in the lessons derived from the truths of
wisdom and Christianity. Now Canning will do none of this, and, therefore,
I dread his elevation. The Catholic affair is secondary ; we might live under that.
Saw Jephson, doctor, of Leamington. He assured me he had never met »
person with a more deranged system. Knew by my symptoms that my brain
must be sadly loaded ; enough to bring on any excess of bad spirits. I have
suffered dreadfully for many years with headaches, low spirits, and most weari
some sensations, attended by great weakness of limbs. Perhaps I shall improve
henceforward. April 18th. — Increasing in anger about the conduct of Canning's Party
towards Duke of Wellington. Entertained yesterday strong opinion that I
ought not to give up public business, or rather the endeavour to qualify myself
for it. The State may want me, wretched ass as I am !
Poor as Lord Ashley's opinion was of hiinself, there is abundant evidence
on every hand that no one, else entertamec^a_similar opinion of him. It was
D

34 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap II,
curious that he should have closed his entry on that page of the Diary with
the words : " The State may want me," for the next entry shows that his ser
vices were required in the government of the country.
This was a perilous time in the inner life of Lord Ashley. The habit
was growing upon him, and, as a matter of fact, had already taken such a
hold that he never completely freed himself from it — of analysing his own
motives, principles, and actions; of indulging in morbid self -depreciation,
and of cherishing a nervous dread of failure. This was mischievousTn itselfT
and mischievous inasmuch as " happy occasions oft by self-distrust were
forfeited." Many circumstances were combining, however, to check the growth of
the habit, and to show to him that there were wide spheres of usefulness lying
open to him.
On the 16th of February, the premier — the Earl of Liverpool — had been
stricken with a terrible illness, and, though he lingered nearly two years, he
never regained his full consciousness. On the 12th April, Mr. Canning was
appointed his successor, and a place was offered to Lord Ashley in the
Administration. His father held at that time, and retained until just before his death, the
office of Chairman of Committees in the House of Lords.
Mrs. (afterwards Lady) Canning to Lord Ashley.
Downing Street, April \%th, 1827.
Dear Lord Ashley, — The newspapers are full of your father's resignation,
of which, however, Mr. Canning has not heard anything in any other way.
Whether the report be true or not, it makes no difference in Mr. Canning's
feelings towards you, but if true, it would prevent him from making a direct
offer to you, at the risk of a direct refusal.
He has, therefore, desired me to ascertain, before he proceeds to his arrange
ments, whether a seat at one of the Boards would be agreeable to you ?
Yours very sincerely, J. Canning.
Lord Ashley to Mrs. Canning.
Wednesday Evening, April lith, 1827.
My dear Mrs. Canning, — My father has certainly not, as yet, resigned ;
nor, even supposing him to have such an intention, could he do it before the
meeting of Parliament, because the office is held of the House of Lords.
That Mr. Canning should think that I could either assist or grace. his
Administration is, indeed, a very high compliment. Pray thank him warmly
for this mark of kindness and esteem, and although I decline the acceptance
of his flattering offer, do not believe yourself, and do not let him believe, that
I have any feelings of ill-will or opposition. You know how sincerely I admire
his policy in the late affairs upon the Continent, and I should have great

18271 CANNING AND WELLINGTON. 35
satisfaction in supporting, .with my best endeavours, so enlarged and so national
a system. But there is a concurrence of circumstances which will not allow me to
embrace his friendly proposal ; and, indeed, I feel so unqualified that I almost
rejoice in the difficulty. I must again entreat you to thank him for this
recollection of me, to assure him how. ardently I hope that, whatever he shall
undertake, may prove as beneficial as his foreign scheme to the interests and
honour of our country. I am, dear Mrs. Canning, Yours very truly, Ashley.
April 18th (Diary continued"). — Found on my return — after writing fore
going — a note from Mrs. Canning to make me, in Mr. Canning's name, the offer
of a place. It was delicately done. I declined in a letter as civil and as grateful
as I could compose. My own mind reasoned thus : 1st. Catholic question has
nothing to do with it. I should have just the same feelings were it already
carried. Political opinions neither, for I agree with Canning in nine-tenths of
his system. I distrust him somewhat. I think him dangerous at the head of
Government, injudicious, hasty, loving show more than substance, aspiring
anxious to keep his situation, and yet so weak that he will not be able to do so
unless he gratify the powerful by jobs and improprieties ; fiery and domineering,
with flippancy in foreign matters, he must place us oftentimes in ticklish
circumstances. 2nd. With all these dangers, Peel and the D. of W. have retired
from the Cabinet — men who might have checked his extravagance — and as they
are those with whom I feel and think, an immediate acceptance of office would
have seemed a declaration of contrary sentiments. 3rd. Canning is a friend,
and so is the D. of W., there has been h, personal dispute between them, and,
if I went into place, I should apparently espouse the part of Canning, and
I am entirely in favour of the Duke. 4th. I have here and there made known
my sentiments, and it would be inconsistent to declaim against him and receive
his largesses. Now, time may effect alterations. I may gain more confidence
in Canning, there may be a reconciliation and a general amnesty. I am pledged
to nothing. This violent language of the papers, if not authorised by Canning,
remains unchecked by him, and I, a supporter of the Duke, hold him responsible.
But with me the D. is the chief consideration. As an underling in office,
I can labour for the country prospectively only ; were I a great man, the
granting or withholding of my personal services might be duly weighed, but
a place now would be simply a school of education for future services. It is
a great loss to me, but I have done rightly. We must not always sneer at
inferior persons having high notions. I do not pretend to any merit whatever,
nor can my name or services be considered as of a moment's value ; but every
one must have a principle of conduct, and my thoughts have run in this line.
I have no regrets except that of having given way to my feelings in speaking
with censure against Canning. Silence would have been better. I shall keep
all secret, and by no means take credit for my magnanimity. Many, I know,
would sneer at him because, unimportant as I am in reality. I stood peculiar,
v 2

36 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. II.
owing to my father's opinions. My refusal, if known, might annoy him, and
the great must not be humiliated by the dignity of whipper-snappers like
myself. April 19th.— Leamington. Saw Jephson. How one improves by fancy even !
I am better for having spoken to him. Sorry to have said so openly things
against Canning ; but, however, it was in defence of Dukey, I have towards
him a patriotic gratitude, as well as private respect.
April 22nd, Sunday. — Time was when I could not sleep for ambition. I
thought of nothing but fame and immortality. I could not bear the idea of
dying and being forgotten. But now I am much changed. Immortality has
ceased to be a longing with me. I desire to be useful in my generation, and
die in the knowledge of having advanced happiness by having advanced true
religion. Massillon's " Petit Careme " is the best book for a young sovereign-
it is truth so adorned by eloquence as to seem inspired.
The hostility shown to the new premier, Mr. Canning, was marked in a
very decided manner. No sooner was his appointment made known, than the
Lord Chancellor (Eldon), the Duke of Wellington, Earl Bathurst, the Earl
of Westmoreland, Viscount Melville, Lord Bexley, Mr. (afterwards Sir)
Robert Peel, and others, resigned. For support Mr. Canning had to tum to
the Whigs, some of whom took office with him ; and others, including Mr.
Brougham and Sir Prancis Burdett, promised their co-operation.
April 23rd. — The state of affairs distresses me. The Whigs will come down
on a divided party, and we shall be lost.
April 24th. — True enough. The Philistines are to join the Cabinet — is it pos
sible that the Whigs can turn round and uphold the measures which, in this very
session, I have heard them denounce as flagitious ? Can they have agreed to lay
aside all their principles of reform, of Catholic emancipation, of civil and reli
gious liberty, and solely for place ? Oh, honesty, honesty, thou art indeed but a
name, if those who have so long worshipped thee be now degraded, if those who
have so long scorned thee be now exalted ! I am almost sorry not to have ac
cepted office : I might have had the satisfaction of giving it up in honourable
disgust. April 25th. — At Guy's Cliff. Surely there is a natural feeling to be buried
with one's fathers ; yet yesterday I heard it termed contrary to the decrees of
Providence. It is one of those things that Providence cannot care about, unless
by so doing we show a kind of idolatry towards the deceased. How I revolt at
anything like religious sentiment merely to catch admiration I It may be felt,
but the display infuses an alloy. Yesterday a man took the opportunity of my
presence to teach his child points of religious instruction, &c. He sought my
applause, I could perceive. No doubt he means well towards the child, but the
pretension displeased me.
April 26th. — So at Brooks's the language is, " Get in, no matter how." Are
these principles to succeed 1 If morality be real, certainly not.
April 28th.— My birthday again; and God be praised that I have arrived
at it without any intolerable calamity of mind or body. It has been a year of
itudy and exertion, but I have neither learnt nor done anything. Yet look at the

182T'l CANNING'S INTRIGUES. 37
history of all men who have obtained a degree of efficiency. They began much
earlier to signalise their merits. Cicero opened his Pleadings at twenty-six, my
aSe> (yet quantum distat) ; Scipio was consul at twenty -four ; Pitt Prime Minis
ter at twenty- three. All the men: at the present day started while still of supple
years. Peel, Canning, Robinson, were all younger than I am now, who have not
done one thing, nor acquired the power of doing one thing, which might be ser
viceable to my country or an honour to myself. And yet I cannot keep down an
aspiring sentiment — a sentiment which, God knows, aims at all virtue, and
through that, aiming at all greatness. I cannot understand why my time is less
profitably employed than the time of others. I read, think, make every endea
vour, but no good result comes of it, and this year has found me as unprepared as
the last, and the next year will find me no better than this has done. To be sure
my weak stomach has a sad effect upon the head, but this is not all, I must con
fess painful deficiency, and in humbleness make the best of it.
May 3rd. — Duke spoke last night. Whatever is open, manly, and noble in sim
plicity, shone forth in the speech. Truth and honour were never more conspi
cuous, and while the great hero was defending himself in the full assembly of the
British Peers, a halo of glory and merit seemed to enwrap his whole form and
visage. God be thanked, I had rather have heard him thus successful than have
made a thousand eloquent harangues to my own renown. How happy I am that
in feeling thus towards him I refused office !
An uncommon show of violence in House of Commons last night. Peel spoke
out about the Coalition, and I agree with him. Every one looked upon these
symptoms as prelude of good party fun. I cannot understand how the Whigs
have founded the principles of Coalition ; but they have a justification, and so it
ever is. Interest is far more eloquent and plausible than reason. They will end
by turning out Canning, and I shall rejoice in his downfall, because I hear each
day worse instances of his low political intrigue and treachery to the Duke of
Wellington. I deprecate this fierceness of party, but shall not shrink from the
struggle. It will be the cause of quarrel with all my friends, but I cannot help
that. May 20th, Sunday. — Dined yesterday and met Peel. He told me every
syllable relating to Canning's intrigues. I had met him before at his town
house, where our talk was confidential. Read Canning's letter to the D. of W. ;
a mixture of apology and accusation, alternately fierceness and truckling, which
do no honour to his principles. I like Peel. I love honesty and truth. I hear
that he and Dukey speak most highly of me. I never shall want more than the
praises of true gentlemen.
Heathen morality did not enjoin great respect to the mother. She was merely
the Zpovpa, or soil of production, ride Eccles., chap, iii., and 4th Comm., for dif
ference between views of God and man.
May 27th.  They seem desirous to humiliate the D. of W. as much as they
can but no man is humiliated except by himself. Will God suffer this lying and
' deceit to prosper ? Why am I so weak and useless ? Why cannot I utter one
word of eloquence or manliness ?
July 19th. — What a gap in one's notes. I am at Strathfieldsaye. Duke gone
to Windsor by special message of the King, brought yesterday by Lord Mary
borough. July 20th. — It is a great study to be m the society of this wonderful man.

§8 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. It
He seems to be thoroughly ignorant of his greatness, and has all the simplicity
of a good-natured man who has done nothing but the mere routine duty of
common life. How grateful I feel to God who guided my judgment when
decision was necessary I
July 27th. — It is very odd. I have become a poet, and write verses just good
enough to show that I might have been a better rhymer were my latent genius
more cultivated.
August 7th.— St. Giles's. Canning is fearfully ill. Now all my compassion
is roused. I feel keenly for him.
Lord Ashley's brother was about to enter the army, and was in need of
advice before proceeding to Gibraltar to spend some time in study. Lord
Ashley, always a believer in getting information from the fountain-head,
wrote to the Duke of Wellington on the subject, and received the following
cha. acteristic reply : —
The Dulte of Wellington to Lord Ashley.
Strathfieldsaye, August 8th, 1827.
My dear Lord Ashley, — It is very difficult to answer your question re
specting the best military work for your brother to study.
The answer would depend very much upon the previous education, habits, and
disposition of the reader.
Does he know anything of his profession ? If not, let him study Dundas, and
Torrens' alterations of Dundas' " Rules and Regulations." There is a work upon
the French Regulations by Macdonell or Macdonald, explaining the reasons of
each, which is a very useful one ; and the perusal of it might accustom the
reader to consider of our own, with a view to discover the reason for them.
In the first volume of the " Life of King James II.," by himself, there are
some admirable accounts of skirmishes, &c, which convey the truest notions of
the reality that I have seen yet.
The Histories of the Sieges of Gibraltar would be very interesting to anybody
on the spot, as he might examine the place to which every story related. H he
has not forgotten his Latin, let him never be without a Caesar.
I think I have given you enough for the present.
Mr. Canning died this morning at four o'clock. Ever yours most sincerely, Wellington.
August 9th. — Canning died yesterday morning at four o'clock. I am really quite
agitated, and can be alive to nothing but pity and almost horror. We can lament
his fate in charity. He has died before anything has been done which we might
regard as injurious to the country, and should execrate therefore, as the work of
a selfish, ambitious statesman. But such a lesson was never submitted to the
study of politicians. He had aspired exceedingly to the first post of honour ; he
gained it after years of toil — God alone knows thoroughly how. But the posses
sion was short, as pitiful, in its duration. For three months he lay on a bumino-

l82T'] THE "SUBLIME AND BEAUTIFUL." 39
1 act, and then died almost without having exercised one nerve of his power. I
do reel true compassion, and pray sincerely God rest his soul.
Offered a slight prayer for His support in case of trial— convinced that unless
religion be our guide, religion our beginning, religion our end, there is neither
happiness in power, nor utility in its influence.
Aug. 11th.— Arrived in town yesterday. Felt sure that Peel would be
Minister, but found that poor creature, Lord Goderich, at the head of affairs.
How the Whigs will bully and cajole I If they could manage Canning and all
his sharpness, what will they do with Goderieh's whimpering docility 1 The
King is evidently averse to any trouble, and took this step as giving him the
least. There is defeat in store for them yet.
Aug. 13th. — I have passed a pleasant time at Boyle Farm. It is great hum
bug to be prating about intellects, yet there is a pleasure in finding persons —
and women especially — of cultivated minds and rational pursuits. Henrietta
and Olivia are good girls — God bless them both, and shower down his choicest
happiness. It is very odd — I can stand a compliment without growing
conceited. I have had a good many this year. Somehow or other I like them,
and so does every one. They call me and William * the sublime and beautiful —
very flattering I
Aug. 20th. — Cirencester. D. Commander-in-Chief. There was no other
measure left for him. As I foresaw, the Whigs have, I think, begun their pranks,
else how interpret their anxiety to have Lord Palmerston instead of Herries, and
their frightening Robinson into it 1 This will soon break up. Yesterday (Sun
day) read " Watson's Apology ; " very glad to have done it ; think more highly of
the book than of most ; an everlasting composer for busy Deists and wounded
faith. Aug. 23rd. — Lost my pet terrier, Paste, by an inflammation in the head —
almost ashamed to feel so touched — could cry outright. We may draw a moral
lesson from everything. She was perfectly well five minutes before the attack,
but died in twenty-four hours. Not three weeks ago I was fancying she might
be my companion for some years. Whether a monarch dies or a puppy, there is
almost the same uncertainty. Buried her in Lady Bathurst's garden, with an
epitaph. Leaving Lord Bathurst's, at Cirencester, Lord Ashley proceeded to
Strathfieldsaye, in response to the following invitation from the Duke of
Wellington : — The Duke of Wellington to Lord Ashley.
Strathfieldsaye, August 12th, 1827.
My dear Lord Ashley, — I write one line to tell you that I am going to
Bankes' to-morrow for the Blandford races, where I shall be happy to meet you.
Lady Charlotte Greville and Lady Francis Leveson have promised to come here
on the 30th of August, and I shall be very happy if you will come and meet
Ever yours most sincerely,
Bring your gun if you should like to shoot. Wellington.
* His brother.

40 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. 11.
The work of his life came slowly to Lord Ashley. It was characteristic
of him to deal somewhat listlessly with any matter into which lie could not
throw his whole heart. Parliament had not yet presented to him a prospect
which opened up the future ; and he had not yet settled down into his place
in life. Nevertheless, whenever he took up any subject which really interested
him, he brought to bear on it the same indomitable resolution and dogged
pertinacity that had marked his career at Oxford.
In September of this year his sister, Lady Charlotte, who had married
Mr. Henry Lyster, invited him to spend some time with them at their place
in Shropshire, Rowton Castle, close to the borders of North Wales. One
day, while on this visit, he journeyed to Aberystwith, and there fell into the
company of a genial companion, a Welsh clergyman. The conversation
turned upon the Welsh language, and Lord Ashley determined then and
there to study it. He .took up his quarters in Abeiystwith and began at
once, and in a short time had sufficiently mastered it to euable him to read
with some degree of fluency. Any one who knows anything of the Welsh
language, its intricacies and permutations, will know that the task he
set himself was no easy one ; but he had determined to learn Welsh, and he
learnt it !
The Welsh people never forget a compliment paid to them, and they
never forgot the fact that young Lord Ashfey had studied their language.
He was ever afterwards their friend, and when, in 1851, he became President
of the Bible Society, he rose still higher in their estimation, for that Society
is the object of Welsh adoration. Nor did their regard for him ever decline.
Many years later he went on a visit to Carnarvon, where he was received
with a wonderful ovation ; deputations from all parts of Wales being sent to
welcome him. Frequently in after life he took pleasure in referring to this
early experience. On one occasion, when addressing the Christian Vernacular
Education Society for India on the benefits of being able to hold intercourse
with the people in their own language, he said : —
If people go among the Irish and the Welsh they will see how inherent the
love is of the mother tongue. When I was about twenty-five years of age I went
to stay in Wales for about two months. It became known that I was studying
the Welsh language, and the people regarded me with positive reverence. They
held a great gathering, and invited me to attend, and at that meeting I was, by
common consent, promoted to the dignity of a Druid, and then immediately
afterwards I was appointed a Bard. And at this present moment I have the
great honour of being both a Bard and a Druid.
Soon after his visit to Wales a project was set on foot to establish a
Cambrian Quarterly, the first number of which was to be published in
January, 1829. The sympathy and assistance of Lord Ashley were enlisted
in starting the enterprise, and a deputation of Welshmen waited upon him to
request that he would write the prospectus for the new magazine. To this he
readily assented, and, writing as a Welshman, delighted all the Principality

1S2?'l THE "QUARTERLY review." 41
by his efforts. It was written in haste, and with some bombast, but eveiy
lme exhibited the enthusiasm of his regard for the people and the land and
the language. " Inhabiting a land which came a virgin to the amis of our
ancestors, unmixed in our race, uncorrupted in our language, civilised, though
not adulterated by foreign intercourse .... we can vie with every nation in
examples of honour, courage, and dignified- obedience." One of the main
objects of the Quarterly was to embalm in its pages the ancient writings in
prose and verse of the most learned veterans of the language, and thus " to
save our name from oblivion, our antiquities from dust and the worm, our
poets from night, our manuscripts from the flames, and our venerable tongue
from contempt."
Oct. 22nd. — Aberystwith. Physics and metaphysics are indivisible from each
other. They are a body and soul which on this earth must be co-existent and
reciprocal. It is absurd, as the Abbe Condilac remarks, to judge them s sparable,
because we cannot see the place in which they are united into a whole. We
should always recollect that there is but one science — the science of nature.
October 28th, Sunday. — There is a text about lawful swearing. Isaiah Ixv. 16-
November 4th. — Patriotism, the cause of so many actions, is but a secondary
virtue, though none seem more beautiful when we read of its doings. It could
not, therefore, be enjoined directly by the Gospel. It is allowed to the passions
and difficulties of our race.
Engaged in my_trgajase_ on the Evidences_of the. Heart. How much is opened
by the least meditation of the Bible !
Sunday. — Finished introductory chapter to the Evidences of the Heart. It is
all very well — by God's help.
November 12th. — It seems to me that philosophers of all ages have been led
into their fanciful errors about God's power and proceedings, by having taken for
granted that the Almighfy'had spent His utmost strength and wisdom in the
formation of man and the world we inhabit ; else why so limit His methods of
acting, and define modes by which He must have been governed ? All these
reasonings are formed from the belief that we see all that He has done, andyiew
the laws as the full effort of His power. Why does Leibnitz otherwise talk such
¦iraeh as that " God must come into time and space " before He can perform a
miracle .' Has He no means of suspending His laws but by becoming subject to
them ?
December 2nd, Sunday.— I have spent some time with the Welsh clergy.
They are full of primitive hospitality and kindness. My week at Llangynyw
with Mr. Richards was most profitable and happy. Oh, how accursed is a busy
life of politics and passions ! Nothing has ever given me more delight and
satisfaction than my study of the Welsh language.
December 7th.— St. Giles's. There is a gap here. I lef t Rowton m a hurry to
see Denison* before he departed for India. London all in an uproar about this
Navarino business— shocking !
Lord Ashley received the following letter from the Duke of Wellington :—
* Evelyn Denison, afterwards Speaker of tho House of Cjunnms, and created Lord
Ojslns-on.

42 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. tCHAp.lt.
The Duke of Wellington to Lord Ashley.
WOOTTON, December l%th, 1827.
My dear Lord Ashley, — I have observed that since I quitted the Govern- •
ment in April last I have been tlje bete noire of Mr. Canning, his friends, the
existing Government, and their friends and adherents. At times I am deemed a
stupid fool ; and, moreover, everything that is bad. At other times when the
gentlemen find themselves in a scrape they discover that they have acted exactly
as I advised they should act, and therefore that they must be right ! ! ! This is the
case at present. My opinion is that neither Parliament nor the public will be
satisfied respecting that unfortunate affair, the Battle of Navarino* (as all now
agree that it is), till they will have examined all that preceded it and would
have occasioned it. The share which the late Government, and, above all, I, had
in these transactions, will then appear ; and till then I will not say a word. But
if any gentleman tells you that any private letter from me to Mr. Canning will
be produced, you may say that I have copies as well as Mr. Canning's friends ;
and that not one alone, but all must be produced if one is.
Believe me, ever yours most sincerely. Wellington.
December 14th. — Late at night. I took leave of Denison. I was deeply af
fected. God knows it is a heavy matter to separate one's self from an old and
tried friend, and that for so long a term of years.
Prom Lord and Lady Bathurst Lord Ashley had received many acts of
kindness which, in his Diary, he gratefully acknowledges. He was at home
in their company, and felt sure at all times of their sympathy and considera
tion. In writing to Lady Bathurst he had confided to her some of Ais hopes;
fears, and misgivings with regard to a public career generally, and speaking
in Parliament in particular.
To this letter Lord Bathurst replied as follows : —
Earl Bathurst to Lord Ashley.
Cirencester. December lith, 1827.
My dear Lord Ashley, — My lady has shown me your letter in which you
express your alarm lest, in speaking in the House of Commons, you should
disappoint the expectations of the House, and injure the cause of your political
friends. Forgive me if I tell you that these apprehensions have been the bane
of many young men who would otherwise have distinguished themselves. If
nothing will satisfy you but attempting to make a speech of great display, on
*_Thft Baltlfi^of-N&raraio was fought on the 20th Oct., 1827. between the French,
English, and Russian fleets on the one side, and the Turco-Egyptian fleet on the other.
The Turco-Egyptians were signally defeated, and eventually Ibrahim Pasha evacuated"
the Morea, and the battle decidedthe independence -of Greece. At the time, however,
there was a great conflict of opinion with regard to the whole affair, which was the proxi
mate cause of the break up of the Goderich Administration.

1847.1

FACING THE FUTURE. 43

the first occasion you speak, it is not impossible that you may fail ; but even if I
you did, that is no reason why you should not go on. Mr. Sheridan, Lord Gran
ville (when Mr. Grenville), and Mr. Canning, failed, at first ; but they none of
them injured their party by doing so, or gave up trying. Mr. Sheridan used to
say, " I am sure, I have it in me, and will not give in-" Mr. Fox used to say of
Mr. Grenville. " D  the fellow, I see he will goon speaking until he will be a
great speaker I " It certainly requires stout nerves to go on after a first failure,
and there are many (Lord Wellesley for example) who shrink at the idea of not
always succeeding, but it may be doubted whether it be not less a proof of
diffidence than of a love of distinction, to be thinking more of what others may
think of your speech, than of speaking what you think.
I am speaking of the possibility of your failing, if you attempt to make a '
speech of display on the first day of your speaking. But if, on some day of no j
great expectation (not on what is called a field-day), you satisfy yourself with ;
speaking without making, or intending to make, a speech, I am as satisfied as I
am that I am now hearing a novel read by my son Charles to his mother, that you
will speak well, and will go on improving.
Again I must beg you to excuse the liberty I am taking in writing this to
you ; but I cannot br^t be interested that one, who I know to have good abilities,
and what I value much more, who has sound principles and a high sense of
honour, should be building up a wall between himself and that political influence
which ought, in the process of time, to belong to him.
I am, my dear Lord Ashley, Bathurst.
December 17th. — Attended Parkes' funeral. The old man died very rich, and
left me nothing save one hundred as his executor. I never trusted to it, for not
withstanding- his hints to myself, and positive declarations to others of making
me a monied man, I did not rely upon him, and if I had what a fool I should
have looked now 1 But fearing that Denison might leave town, I wrote and
informed him of my expectations, as authorised by much testimony, and offered
him the cash without interest or security. He declined it and was very grateful.
Whether I shall ever be well off or not, God alone knows ; but this I pray, that
never asking for wealth, -should it be sent me, I may receive at the same time a
heart and spirit to lay it out for man's happiness and God's glory. But a serious
epoch is approaching, and I must deliberate thereon. First, I must now choose
my line of life, and'stand to it manfully. After some thought, I see nothing but
a political career, for every one must take that in which his various circum
stances will give him the best means of doing good. Where can I be so useful
as in the public service 1 This question could be easily answered did it require
but zeal, patriotism, honesty ; but there is likewise a need of talent and know
ledge. Yet perhaps, my success in earlier life has made me a debtor, and I am
bound to try what God has put into me for the benefit of old England. My
second session is fast approaching, and an attempt must be made, now or never.
Each year passed over in silence will add to my difficulty, and increase the
demand for sense and ability which the House has a right to make from those
who address it. I did well in remaining quiet during the past session, but now

44 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [C«im>. II:
the Tories want young plants to shoot up and prepare their branches against the
day when death shall lop off the more ancient oaks. The country is in danger of
its existence. Its honour is already tarnished, and who shall defend her ? He
whom God shall think fit, and, perhaps, I may be he. I have had much encourage
ment from old and young ; but encouragement falls short of courage, and I
despair. But there is no just means of escape. I must make an essay, not
merely for party's sake and earthly power and place, but for the resuscitation of
honour and British principle, with their handmaids, dignity and virtue ; and if
I fall, I shall fall in no ignoble cause ; but may I, as I have ever endeavoured to
do, begin in God, and, having throughout desired nothing but His glory and the
consummation of His word, conclude in the same, to the advancement of religion
and the increase of human happiness.
January 17th, Hatfield.— What endless surmises — Who will form the Ad
ministration ? How I flutter here and there in sentiments. I am half anxious
for office — half not. Half inclined to expect an Under-Secretary3hip, and half
inclined to think myself too despicable. Private life is better for me. I hear
Lord Dudley will remain. Can the Great Duke sit in Cabinet with the man who
signed that prodigy of injustice, the Treaty? Must the whole question be
smothered ? What shall I do myself if they offer me a place ? Can I submit,
all insignificant as I am, to such a compromise 1 Is it possible now to change our
policy ? Will Lord Dudley eat his own words, or must we go on in our wicked
ness 1 Can the Government propose an indemnification now ? and yet ought we
not to wash out by apology so infamous a treachery 1 I have no one with whom
I can consult, and my discomfort is at its height. What is it that passes in my
mind ? I cannot read it, so warm are my feelings.
' 1828, Jan. 24th. — We have been growing quieter bf late. Received note from
the Duke to-day desiring my attendance to-morrow morning. What can he want?
To give me office —then Heaven help me through it. Perhaps to move the Address,
Any fate would be preferable.
Jan. 25th.— To put me in office ; how my impetuosity leads me away. A few
moments' reflection and I judge rightly. What a deal I learned between 17th
arid 24th. I regret deeply the necessity of our re-union with the Canning party ;
but the Duke has, according to his usual style, done that which is the best.
Lord Dudley, I hear, is most repentant about the Navarino business. Can one be
too guarded in the expression of one's thoughts ? At the first moment of sur
prise, while yet in doubt as to the conditions granted to Mr. Canning's party, I
vented some indignation against the admitting of Lord Dudley. A few hours
convinced me of my error, but it was too late. I had vented it before Agar
Ellis, who yesterday threw it in my teeth. This silly, childish ebullition of
sentiment may give some one the power of calling me a dishonest man. How
unpleasant, but I must steel my heart against such trifles, and learn caution in
studying philosophy, not that of the schools, but the philosophy of men. and of
a life of passions. God protect me and encourage me in a career of honour and
right-mindedness, and may He give me also discretion and calmness to reflect ;
and now that office can no longer be avoided, I pray the Heavenly Father to give
me the will to discharge my duty, and the strength to perform it ; to found all
in His glory, and by seeking the welfare of mankind to render my public and
my private thoughts a means of furthering the love of his Religion.

1828-1 IN OFFICE. 45
A few days after his interview with the Duke of Wellington, the head
of the new administration, Lord Ashley received the following letter :—
The Duke of Wellington to Lord Ashley.
London, Jan. 29th, 1828.
My dear Lord Ashley,— I told you that I must make use of you for the
public service at one or other of the Boards I mentioned. Uncertainties in
another quarter prevent me from deoiding at this moment at which of tha
Boards I will employ your services.
You shall know the instant I can decide.
In the meantime, unless you should hear from me, and should have accepted
what I shall offer, you may safely go into the House of Commons this day.
Ever yours most sincerely, Wellington.
The office to which Lord Ashley was appointed was that of a Com
missioner of the India Board of Control, which office he held until Earl
Grey assumed the reins of Government, two years later.
Feb. 6th. — Woodstock. All has been 'going well, too well ; my whole con
dition is so bettered that I fear reverse of fortune. First, I must make the
needy taste of the wealth that God has showered upon me. I shall send a large
sum to Moore.* Last night I dined with Duke of Marlborough. Never did I
feel so touched as by the sight of his daughter, Susan — his natural daughter.
She is Charlotte, our dear Charlotte, over again, in voice, in manner, in com
plexion, in feature, in countenance. I could hardly refrain from calling hei
Sister. 0 Great God, have compassion upon .her forlorn state ! What will
become of this poor girl ? What danger is she beset with ? May 7 have the
means of doing her some real lasting service ! Father of mercies, grant Thy
protection and keep her from the awful perils which are on every side.
Feb. 15th. — All is well over at Woodstock, and I am installed a man of office.
I dread my duty, not my work. So muoh is now crowding upon me, and my
difficulties appear so much greater, that I almost repent of the acceptance of
this charge. But God be with me if I am honest.
From the time of his appointment may be dated his interest in the
teeming myriads of our Indian fellow-subjects, and in general missionary
work. " Do right, whatever may come of it," was the principle which
governed all his life, and governed him, therefore, in relation to Indian
politics. He insisted at all times, and in the most unmistakable manner, that
it was the best policy of the English nation to declare emphatically that
its conduct was based upon Christian principles, that everything to be done
* Rev. Robert Moore, the Rector of St. Gile i's, Dorsetshire, who would distribute
the money among the poor of the parish.

46" THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. II;
should be done in a Christian character to a Christian end, and that nothing
would be gained by a time-serving forbearance of this principle.
I recollect perfectly well, when I was at the India Board, in 1828, on the
question of Sutteeism (that is, the burning of widows on the death of their
husbands) coming before us, thinking it a matter of the most outrageous
cruelty and wrong. On saying so I was put down at once as if I was a
madman ; I was wondered at for ever daring to mention such a thing. Well,
my Lord William Bentinck was appointed to the command in India. My Lord
William Bentinck thereupon, with a stroke of his pen, put the unnatural
practice down,* and the whole of India was satisfied that it was right, because
his Lordship appealed to those great principles of the human heart, which are
implanted by the hand of God, and which may be overcome by abominable
incrustations ; but conscience is still there, the mistress of truth, and does its
work ; and if you appeal to the conscience, depend upon it the millions will go
along with you,+
That Lord Ashley's impression was a true one, and his theory correct, was
proved by the events. As those who really understood the natives had pre
dicted, there was neither riot nor disaffection. No Sepoy shot his colonel,
nowhere were magistrates or missionaries mobbed, treasuries plundered, or
bungalows fired. The good example long ago set, has been followed by the
tributary princes of India, moved by the influence of Residents and Agents,
and Suttee is now unknown in any part of the great peninsula.
Among the many schemes that Lord Ashley projected for the welfare of
India during his short term of office on the India Board, was one for the
establishment of Scientific Corporations for the institution and improvement
of Horticulture and Husbandry throughout the Provinces of India. The
draft memorandum to Mr. Lock, setting forth the principles, and demonstrat
ing the utility, of the scheme, was found among Lord Shaftesbury's papers,
with the following endorsement in his own hand: — "Feb., 1880. Paper
written in 1829. Read it after an interval of fifty-one years. Thankful to
find that I had, then, begun to think of such things. Was at that time a
Commissioner of the India Board."
A Society was already in existence in Calcutta, and Lord Ashley's
memorandum to Mr. Lock was intended to show the value of that Society,
and to point out that, as Bengal was benefited by it, similar Societies should
be established in Madras and Bombay. His argument was based on the
defective state of agricultural knowledge among the natives of India, the
listlessness of the people, and the consequent duty of increasing their know
ledge and stimulating their faculties by inciting and encouraging them to
endeavours which, in a free and civilised countiy, give birth to generous and
lucrative enterprise. The establishment of Agricultural Societies, the oulti-
vation of choice vegetables and fancy fruits and flowers, were not unworthy
* S_ut±eeism- was. declared illegal, December 14th, 1829
t Speech at Wimborne, Oct. 30th, 1857. "

16281 ROMAN CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION. 47
the care of Asiatic sovereigns. " Take the article, potato," says the memo
randum ; " it will give to Hindostan a second article of food ; it will furnish
them with a cheap and agreeable sustenance to relieve the monotonous
insipidity of their rice (there is wisdom, I think, in creating a taste for
simple luxuries derived from increased labour), and it will become a resource
in calamitous times when the season may have proved unfavourable to the
staple subsistence of India."
But in this, as in all things, the moral results wero the higher consideration
to Lord Ashley. " Among the various good results," he continues, in his
memorandum, " from a system like this, I think there will arise a more
friendly intercourse between the European and the native ; our kind inten
tions will be perceived, and community of pursuits will soften the rigid
characteristics of English demeanour ; they will, perhaps, become more
sensible of our benevolent policy, and we more alive to their various
capabilities." Lord Ashley did not, as we have seen, make his mark immediately on
entering Parliament ; in fact, it was nearly two years before he delivered his
first important speech. There were several measures under discussion during
this interval on which public opinion and party feeling ran high, and in
which he showed a, considerable interest. The question of all others that
had the deepest hold on men's minds at that time was the question of Roman
Catholic Emancipation. For many Sessions the subject had been discussed,
the country had been agitated, and the fiery vehemence of the various parties
had been growing in intensity.
It was in March, 1827, that a motion was made by Sir Francis Burdett,
affirming the necessity for taking into immediate consideration the laws im
posing civil disabilities on his Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects, with a
view to their relief ; and within a year of that date it was evident that the
settlement of those claims could no longer be delayed. Session after Session
the Government majorities on the question were lessened, and on May 12,
1828, the House of Commons carried, by a majority of six, the resolution of
Sir Francis Burdett, affirming the expediency of " considering the state of the
laws affecting his Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects in Great Britain and
Ireland, with a view to such a final and conciliatory adjustment as may be
conducive to the peace and strength of the United Kingdom, to the stability
of the Protestant Establishment, and to the general satisfaction and concord
of all classes of his Majesty's subjects."
Another year passed, and still this was the unsettled but absorbing ques
tion, when, on the 5th of March, 1829, Peel, in a four hours' speech, moved—
" That the House do resolve itself into a Committee of the whole House, to
consider the laws " by which these disabilities were imposed. This motion
was carried, after two nights' debate, by a majority of 348 to 160, and shortly
afterwards the Committee of the whole House passed a resolution to the
effect that it was expedient to provide for the repeal of the disabling laws.
To that end a Bill was forthwith introduced for the purpose, which reached

48 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Ckap.II,
its third reading on the 30th March, when it was earned by a majority of 320
to 142. Lord Ashley took no active part in this question, although he watched it
with great interest.
" I was very young in Parliament, and younger still in office," he said to
the writer, when referring to those days. " I only entered Parliament in
\ 1826, and the Bill was passed in 1829. At first I voted against it, but when
J Peel and Wellington took it up, and showed the necessity for it, I saw that
resistance was impossible. It was a subject that was always coming up, and
was always leading to endless machinations. If a Lord Lieutenant favoured
the Roman Catholics, a Secretary was put to counteract his influence ; if a
Roman Catholic was appointed to one place, a Protestant was appointed to
t impede him. It stood in the way of everything. So, although I voted against
/ it at first, when Peel and Wellington changed, I changed, and recorded
j my vote for Emancipation as a member of the Commons and of the Govern.
\ ment. But I thought then, and I have never had reason to alter my opinion,
that, good as the measure was, they were not the proper men to carry it.
They held office on it, instead of handing it over to those who had been ita
advocates. They should have said boldly to the Crown : ' It is a measure
"•' that must he passed, but it should he passed by those who agree with it.
We are not the men to do it.' And I have often thought, in subsequent
years, that their action inflicted such a deadly blow on confidence in public
men that there has never since been a complete recovery."
After completing his study of Welsh, Lord Ashley turned his attention to
Hebfew. The two languages are alike in many peculiarities of construction,
in the paucity and confusion of tenses, in the conjugation of verbs, and in the
binding together in one word of some prepositions and pronouns.
It was not, however, on this ground that he took up the study. From
early childhood he had loved and reverenced the Holy Scriptures, and he was"
ambitious to be able to read them in the Hebrew ; moreover, he loved and
venerated the Jews, and was interested in everything that concerned them,
and not least, therefore, in their language. But he was not destined to make
great progress in this new study — other matters were ripening which were to
engage all his time and energy.
It is interesting to watch him at this period of his life, and to see his
mind stretching itself out towards objects which should satisfy him; — to
mark the aptitude and capacity of the man, and the pent-up energy which
must spend itself at times. No answer had come to the problem as to what
he was to do with his life; he was sailing quietly on the current of the
stream, and it had not yet shown any indication of widening towards the
ocean. It was about this time that there revived in him the desire to devote his
life to science. From an early age he had taken pleasure in chemistry and
botany, and allied sciences, and had always made scientific inquiries the
hobby of his leisure. It was not, however, until the beginning of the year

ls29-l CALLED TO ANOTHER CAREER. 49
1829 that he had ever seriously considered whether or not it would be worth
while to give himself up wholly to scientific pursuits. He had then become
acquainted with Sir James South, the eminent astronomer, whose indefatig
able ardour in the cause of astronomy inspired Lord Ashley to diligence in
the same pursuits. For a time he was completely absorbed in this study,
spending day after day in close application to books and instruments, and
night after night in the observatory with Sir James South. It seemed that
at last his object in life had been found.
But at that same time he was just getting a hold of the Lunacy question ;
a little later, the Factoiy question was taking form ; and by degrees he found
that there were duties pressing upon him, which his conscience would not
allow him to shake off — duties that could only be carried on effectually
by complete devotion to them. So it was that his visits to the observatory
became only occasional, then still less frequent, until at last they ceased
altogether. Referring, in his old age, to this period, he said—
In early life I was passionately devoted to science, so much so, that I was \
almost disposed to pursue science to the exclusion of everything else. It passed
away and I betook myself to literature, hoping that I should not only equal, !
but that I should rival many in mental accomplishments. Other things were J
before me, and other things passed away, because, do what I would, I was j
called to another career, and now I find myself at the end of a long life, not a
philosopher, not an author, but simply an old man who has endeavoured to do
his duty in that state of life to which it has pleased God to call him.
The first of the " other things " before him was an inquiry into the Treat
ment of Lunatics.

CHAPTER 111.
1828—1833.
The treatment, or rather the maltreatment of lunatics, was one of the pre
eminently bad features of the bad times in the early part of the present
century. In the Middle Ages the insane had been canonised as saints, burnt
as heretics, or hanged as criminals, according to the particular bias of their
'¦ mental disorder. At a later date harmless madmen roamed the country and
made sport for the people ; but if only suspected of being dangerous, society,
in terror, took the most cruel precautions for its own safety, with an utter
disregard for the feelings of the unfortunates, or for their chances of
recovery. Londoners out for a holiday paid their twopenees to stroll through
Bedlam and laugh at the poor lunatics ; at another time the town was panic-
stricken because the Lord George Gordon rioters threatened to let the madmen
out of Bedlam*
" In the early part of the present century," says one of the pioneers of
enlightened treatment, "lunatics were kept constantly chained to walls in
dark cells, and had nothing to lie upon but straw. The keepers visited them,
whip in hand, and lashed them into obedience ; they were also half -drowned
in ' baths of surprise,' and in some cases semi-strangulation was resorted to.
The ' baths of surprise ' were so constructed that the patients in passing over
a trap-door fell in ; some patients were chained in wells, and the water made
to rise until it reached their chins. One horrible contrivance was a rotatory
chair in which patients were made to sit and were revolved at a frightful
speed. The chair was in common use. Patients, women as well as men, were
flogged at particular periods, chained and fastened to iron bars, and even con
fined in iron cages." f
Before describing the labours of Lord Ashley during a long series of
years on behalf of these poor creatures, it will be well to set forth, very
briefly, the state of the law at the time of his first connection with the
subject, and the main features of antecedent legislation. Prior to the year
1808 the only Act of Parliament providing for the care of pauper lunatics
was passed in 1744 ; it authorised any two Justices to apprehend them, and
have them locked up and chained.J To protect society was the only aim of
this Act ; it provided for those who " are so far disordered in their senses
that they may be too dangerous to be permitted to go abroad." In 1774, as the
result of a Committee of Inquiry upon which Pitt and Fox, Lord North and
* Letters of Horace Walpole.
t " Lunacy ; its Past and its Present," by Robert Gardiner Hill, F.S.A., y. 1.
I "Hist, of Insane in the British Isles," by D. Hack Tuke, M.D., p. 98.

1828-1 STATE OP LUNATIC ASYLUMS. 51
Wilkes, and others had sat ten years before, an Act was passed to regulate
private asylums, in which frightful abuses were prevalent. But this Act was
so framed that it could accomplish nothing. Any one who chose could get a
licence to keep an asylum, but though the College of Physicians could
receive reports of abuses, they could do nothing further. In 1808, the
accommodation for pauper lunatics received some attention from Parliament,
and an Act was passed for the building of County Asylums, but during the
ensuing twenty years only nine English counties did thus provide them
selves.* Meanwhile circumstances had arisen leading to important changes, both
as regards public opinion and legislation. The Society of Friends had
started, and successfully carried on, a " Retreat " at York, on humane
principles, for insane members of their society.f Attention was drawn to this
enlightened experiment, and at the same time to the frightful abuses at a
large asylum in the same city.J These two antagonistic examples, thus
shown side by side, led to beneficial results. § After one or two- futile
attempts at legislation, the friends of reform procured a Committee of
Inquiry, which sat during 1814 and 1815, and placed before the public a vast
amount of information as to the course of practice in English madhouses. In|
the review just referred to, the writer (Sydney Smith) apologises for the:
disgust he must cause his readers by the horrible details he is compelled to
quote. The result of the investigation at York was, that every officer in the
place was dismissed, and a flood of light poured in upon the bars and chains
and handcuffs, the filth and nakedness and misery that seemed to be regarded
throughout the country as matters of course. The Committee reported
in July, 1815, and in the following year the Commons passed a Bill for
periodical inspections of asylums by magistrates, for the appointment of
eight Lunacy Commissioners by the Secretary of State, and for the establish
ment of other safeguards against abuses. || This Bill the Lords saw fit to
throw out, only fourteen voting for it. In 1819 an Act was allowed to pass
" For the better care of Pauper Lunatics," but its best clauses were simply
permissive.1T A few scattered efforts were made in subsequent years to bring
the state of English madhouses — which, through impunity, had again
developed many of their worst features — under the notice of Parliament.
But nothing effectual was done until 1828, the year in which Lord Ashley
first took part in the movement, and when the inadequate Act of 1774 was
still on the Statute Book as the only English law relating to the regulation of
private madhouses.
The apathy with which our forefathers permitted proved abuses, of so
glaring a character, to flourish, is matter now for astonishment and indignation.
* " Hist, of Insane in the British Isles," by D. Hack Tuke, M.D., p. 1C5.
t See "Early Hist, of the Retreat." S. Tuke, 1846.
t " Hist, of York Lunatic Asylum." J. Gray.
§ Edinburgh Review, vol. xxviii., p. 433.
|| Hansard, vol. xxxix., 1974.
II Tuke's " Hist, of Insane," p. 103.
E 2

52 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. III.
But deeply-rooted evils die hard. The old idea that connected madness
with evil spirits, and made the safety of the community the first and almost
the only matter of consideration, was long in giving place to sounder
views. The unfortunate lunatic was treated as in a hopeless case, and beyond
the reach of mental influence. Keepers— whose very appellation betrays the
prison notion that originated it — never dreamt that it was any business of
theirs to " minister to a mind diseased," still less to elevate or restore the
troubled faculties. Their duty was to keep their charge secure wdth as little
trouble or danger to themselves as possible, and there the responsibility ended.
Such a system inevitably caused its wretched victims to sink into loathsome
brutality, and permitted ignorant and ferocious keepers " to indulge in almost
every species of cruelty, insult, and neglect." *
From the time of which we have just spoken (1828), men of science and
philanthropy, working hard to bring about a better state of things, found in
Lord Ashley an ardent sympathiser and an earnest co-worker.
The state of pauper lunatics in London was brought before the House of
Commons in June, 1827, by Mr. Robert Gordon, and a report was issued
by the Committee of Inquiry that had been appointed, revealing many
shocking defects and abuses. On the 19th February, 1828, Mr. Gordon
moved for leave to bring in " A Bill to Amend the Law for the Regulation of
Lunatic Asylums," and pointed out instances of illegal detention and coercion
of sane persons, and of gross neglect and cruelty to unfortunate lunatics. He
showed that the Commissioners of the College of Physicians had omitted to
carry out inspections as the law directed, on the ground that they had no
power to follow up their discoveries.
Lord Ashley seconded the motion, but Hansard asserts that " his Lordship
spoke in so low a tone that he was nearly inaudible in the gallery. He
alluded to the evidence given before the Committee to prove that it was
highly necessary that something should be done relative to the treatment of
pauper lunatics, and he cited several cases that had come within his own
knowledge which clearly proved that the existing system was greatly
defective." This was his first important speech in Parliament, and it was on behalf of
the most unfortunate, the most wretched, and the most ill-treated of his
fellow-creatures. In it he sounded the key-note of his whole Parliamentary
career ; he stood forth as the friend of the friendless, the helper of the
oppressed, and from that day forward his whole life was devoted to the great
interests of humanity.
In his Diary Lord Ashley briefly alludes to his first speech in these
temis : —
Feb. 20th. — Last night I ventured to speak, and, God be praised, I did not ut
terly disgrace myself, though the exhibition was far from glorious ; but the
subject was upon Lunatic Asylums, a mere matter of plain business and requiring
* Report of Parliamentary Committee.

1828-1 FIRST SPEECH IN PARLIAMENT. 53
simplicity alone with common sense. Gordon had requested me to second his
motion ; having sat on the Committee and having felt unusual sympathy for
those whom the Bill is intended to protect, I did not decline, more especially as I
had heard that from certain circumstances my support in this affair would render
some small service to the cause. And so, by God's blessing, my first effort has
been for the advancement of human happiness. May I improve hourly !
Those who knew him best, knew how dependent he was for a word
of encouragement from friends in whose judgment he had confidence ; and
Lord Bathurst, who had watched his progress with almost fatherly solicitude,
wrote to him' as follows : — Earl Bathurst to Lord Ashley.
Mansfield Street, Feb. 20th, 1828.
My dear Lord Ashley, — I am very glad to see that you have begun speak
ing, and not at all sorry that you did not begin with a brilliant one, as that
might have sealed up your lips afterwards. By all the accounts I have heard,
there is no doubt of your succeeding, by becoming more confident, which can
only be acquired by practice. Peel said that if your speech had been uttered
with as loud a voice as that of Lord Morpeth, everybody would have said it was
an excellent speech. It is now your own fault if you do not go on. You will
feel when next you speak that you are risking nothing, and this very feeling will
encourage you to speak with more confidence.
I could not help writing this, as I know you to be mighty sensitive, and may
therefore take it into your head that there had been a failure, which I can assure
you is not the case. Yours very sincerely, Bathurst,
The Bill, of which the principal features were the transfer of powers from
the College of Physicians to fifteen Metropolitan Commissioners appointed
by the Home Secretary, and the requirement of two medical certificates for
private patients, was passed on July 15, 1828. Of the new commissioners
Lord Ashley was one. In the following year he became chairman of the
Commission, and continued in that office till his death — a period of fifty-
seven years — his great interest in the welfare of the insane having been sus
tained throughout that long period with unflagging energy.
The condition of the lunatic population still left very much to be desired,
and further efforts at improvement were made; but nothing of striking
importance was accomplished for several years. During this period, how
ever, Lord Ashley was not idle. He did not leave a stone unturned which
could be of assistance to the contemplated reform ; he visited the asylums in
many parts of London and the provinces, and saw the filthy condition, tho [
horrible attendant circumstances, the misery and degradation of the inmates. !
He saw for himself that the lunatics were chained to their beds and left from
Saturday afternoon to Monday without attendance, and with only bread and

54 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. III.
water within their reach ; he saw the nature of the barbarities that were
committed upon the helpless sufferers ; he saw that the violent and the quiet,
the clean and the uncleanly, were shut up together in foul and disgusting
cells, damp, dark, and unwholesome; but what astonished him more than
anything else was, that people knew and cared absolutely nothing about this
state of things ; and that it was with the greatest difficulty he could obtain
from any outside source an opinion or a fact. So shocked and horrified was
he with the revelation of misery and cruelty — almost incredible in these days
when lunatic asylums are models of cleanliness and of wise and humane
treatment — that he vowed he would never cease pleading the cause of these
poor creatures till either death silenced him, or the laws were amended. And,
as we shall see, he kept his vow.
Meanwhile, another and vaster subject was looming before him : the great
question of Factory Legislation.
But before we can be in a position to see the scope of his labours in that
gigantic movement which was to be for ever identified with his name and
influence, we must linger awhile over these earlier years, glancing first at a,
few personal details, principally as narrated in his Diary, and then at the
state of the times and the events which immediately preceded his connection
with Factory Legislation : —
April 13th. — Read to-day " Lord Rochester's Conversion," by Bishop Burnet.,
Surely it is the most delightful of books. I am determined to edit it alone in
an attainable size, should there be no such thing existing already. I am certain
that if this narrative were widely disseminated much good would arise from its
perusal. God assist me in the undertaking.
It was an ambition with Lord Ashley to distinguish himself in literature,
and his mental accomplishments were such that there is no doubt he would
have made his mark as a man of letters. But circumstances again and again
opposed him, until, as he said, do what he would, he could not resist the
influences which drew him to another career. In the present instance his
intention was frustrated in a different way, for, following the entry quoted
above as to editing " Lord Rochester's Conversion," there is a note added,
" Found that it was already done."
April 28th. — My 27th birthday. . Temporal advantages have increased upon
me. I hope that others have felt my bettered state. But I look around now
from a higher pinnacle and behold what mighty interests are entrusted to my
care : India, with her hundred millions, is the compass of my mind's survey, and
it is almost possible that some happiness or misery may depend upon my prin
ciple and vigilance. Can God, in His store of worldly exaltations, confer a
greater than this sublime guardianship of countless myriads — to advance their
temporal welfare, open their understandings, fire their souls, and, by leading them
prudently to a knowledge of religion, work out our own immortality by desiring
theirs ? This is absurd, I ' fear. I am not the Principal, but, like Tcrentius

1828-1 DO RIGHT, AND TRUST TO PROVIDENCE. 55
Varro, let nations thank me because " I have not despaired of the Republic."
How one is led away. Visions of glory possess my brain by day and by night ;
but prudence, the sole guide of truth and lasting success, is cold and measured in
her views. God's will be done. Somehow or other I have gained credit as a man
of business. Never was man more friendly, more kind, than the Duke to me.
He has given me this situation as the most instructive and important. Next
year I must stand forward as the Oracle of India, the strength or weakness of the
Government in this division of its energies. I shall wake but in vain unless God
give me His aid. I have acquired, I think, some temper, some knowledge of
mankind, some true philosophy, and a more enlarged view of things, but cannot
withstand despondency. 1 cannot resolve to quit public life ; I may not. Surely
there is some vanity at the root of all this. Yanity, that bane of what is really
good. Wrote two prayers. Now let me consider awhile my future career. The \
first principle, God's honour ; the second, man's happiness ; the means, prayer j
and unremitting diligence; all petty love' of excellence must be put aside, the,'
matter must be studied, the motives refined, and one's best done for the remain- 1
der. No fretting of the mind. No conceited nervousness for fear some sentence i
should fail in arrangement, some point in fitness, some attempt at display be
found presumption. I must not dread coming down to the level of others. If I
am already there the descent is nothing, and why be desirous of appearing greater
when that illusion can be maintained by silence alone — and that silence I must
break ? This is the hardest scheme I ever devised, to come forward at once and
show myself no cleverer than others ; yet it is the wisest if I could but follow it.
I must think of my duties and the subject I have to uphold. If I stop to compare
myself with others, either vanity overweening will rush in, or else a cruel des
pondency, arising equally from conceit, but differing in its mode of influence.
Oh 1 what wisdom and power in this saying, " Do what is right, and trust to
Providence for the rest." My charities are not sufficiently extended. I must
methodise them as soon as my debts shall be arranged and I have time to look
around. I will begin afresh. One good thing has been done in getting William
a dwelling-place in my house. He attends more to business, is far happier, and
will, I now hope, lay up a stock of real fruit for after years.
May 27th. — Change again in the Ministry. It is well to be rid of such dis
honest men. I have spoken several times, at no length certainly, but enough to
gain me credit and some confidence. I hope to advance in honour and useful
ness. For Bishop Heber, whose brief but brilliant career in India was cut
short in April, 1826, by his sudden death in his bath, Lord Ashley had
a very profound admiration, and there are several references to him in
the Diary. Thus :—
June 1st Sunday. — No man ever equalled Bishop Heber. His talents were of
the most exquisite character. If he were not as Socrates, able to knock down by
force of reasoning the most stubborn opposers, he was like Orpheus, who led even
stones and trees by the enchantment of his music.
June 5th.  To Ascot races by command of his Majesty. As I travelled along
I remembered the line, " Lmperiumi Oeeano, famam qui terminet astris," but is
our empire bounded by the ocean, is our renown no higher than the stars ? Ou

56 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY [Chap. III.
earth we are lords of the sea. and should we as men, as Christians, regenerate
India, behold, the Heaven of heavens will be the archive of our fame. 0 Patria .'
0 divwm dom us !
The Lunacy Bill was under discussion in the House of Commons, and
the following entry refers to the part he took in the debate : —
June 18th. — Windsor. Last night I made my first attempt to maintain a long
and important speech. If there be sensitiveness and timidity in man, doubt and
nervousness of heart, it was in me for a long time before the day arrived. I
prayed most earnestly, as I ever do, for aid and courage. Though I did not please
myself, I found that the House was delighted. Cheers and compliments were
abundant. I thanked God repeatedly ; hastened home to throw myself on my
knees in gratitude. May I ever enjoy this Holy Assistance !
June 29th, Sunday. — How I long to quit this hot and noisy town, that I
might roam in the valleys and plains meditating on things immortal. A London
Sunday neither peaceful nor retired. It is impossible to forget the world amid
this heat and bustle. I must devise some plan to rid me of this inconvenience.
July 25th. — This frequent omission to put down my thoughts has become a
real loss. I find no history of my mind. I did well to give a hundred pounds
to King's College ; the sum, though large for me, is rightly laid out in erecting
an embankment against the overflow of irreligion. Gave twenty for the monu
ment to Bishop Heber. This also was well done. Public honours, if deserved,
are sublime rewards ; and though I could not by any act of mine add anything
to his name when dead, or to his just pride when living, yet it is pleasant and
becoming to have displayed one's reverence of lofty worth ; and the mind having
yielded to such an impulse, feels the consolation of secret prayer, and rejoices in
the virtue of another's virtue.
Lord Ashley's Christianity was essentially practical, and entered into
every relation of life. With the memory of his early days always vividly
before him, and their effects exhibiting themselves in his mental and
bodily state, there is gTeat beauty in the spirit of forgiveness breathed in
part of the following entry : —
July 27th. — At Sudbrook, where I have been the two last Sundays. It is
remarkable how riches have of late flowed in upon me. I have discharged two-
thirds of my debt, and have wherewithal to discharge the other, which shall
instantly be done. God be praised for this bounty. I shall extend my charities.
I wish I could find some really deserving object. It is pleasant at last to be on
good terms with Lord S., and Charlotte is so, too. We forgive him all his un
kindness. Memory is good to show a progress in virtue, not to furnish themes of
indignation. I am here with my dear, sweet friend, Lady Francis ;* yet we have
had no conversation as in olden time. I love her because I love the existence of
such willing virtue. Her faults are errors which when laid open she takes pride
in renouncing. It is well to contemplate a female mind rich in pureness and
anxious for truth. * Lady Francis Egerton, afterwards Countess of Ellesmere.

1828-J STUDIES ASTRONOMY. 57
August 3rd, Sunday. — Another week gone by almost imperceptibly, and little
has been done. Am happy to have had the means of spending £5 in a, good
cause — nothing less than a subscription to a fund which may educate a young-
girl and save her perhaps from misery and prostitution. Taste and inborn vice
will take enough to that career without the number being swollen by the victims
of treachery and distress. I shall give any money that may be wanted.
August 6th. — Dined with the Directors of the East India Company, and shall on
every occasion. It is good to cultivate friendliness and kind feeling among them.
That silly brag, Lord Wallace, whom I have found out from many circumstances
to be a blustering talker, would have me treat them like thieves and murderers,
" Keep them at a distance." " Do not let it be known that they have access to
you." Stuff ; if a man be honest I am proud of his acquaintance. His recom
mendations would lead me to treat them with vulgar insolence. I shall not do
so. India : what can I do for your countless myriads ? There are two things— I
good government and Christianity. How shall I compass them 1 I have no j
influence as yet. If God would tip my tongue with fire I might speak in a voice
which would be heard even at the ends of the earth ; but He knows best, and
will ever raise up His champions to fight the Battle of Immortality.
August 1 7th, Sunday. — I cannot get into any course of religious study. Pon
dering much the necessity and mode of conversion in India. It is hard to find
any documents which throw light on this most important matter.
August 18th. — Is not this prophetic of the Duke ? Seneca says that he is
happy, " eui non magis aurifulgor quam gladii perstringat oeulos? "
Sept. 24th. — Thinking and reading lately a good deal on India. I shall never
be able to do that Empire a service, but I shall nevertheless continue my en
deavours. " The effectual fervent prayer of a righteous man availeth much," but
the difficulty is to be " righteous." In solitude very often of late I somehow
begin to feel how truly God pronounced, " It is not good for man to be alone."
The Bill to Amend the Law for the Regulation of Lunatic Asylums
had been passed on the 15th July, and Lord Ashley watched its first
operations with keen attention. The entry in the Diary continues : —
From eleven o'clock till half-past six engaged in the good but wearisome
cause of Lunatic Asylums— took Sunday, for it is the day on which the keepers
of old sought their own amusements and left the unhappy lunatics to pain and
filthiness. Did not wish for such an employment, but duty made it imperative.
Walked after dinner to Kensington and studied a little astronomy. Saw the
planet Saturn and his ring ; it is a spectacle worthy of God alone. Man has not
beauty of soul sufficient to comprehend such majestic loveliness. I thanked God
that I had enjoyed so great a blessing. It came as a reward for obedience to my
painful duty.
There are many passages in the Diary at this period that show clearly
how earnest was the desire of Lord Ashley to devote himself exclusively
to scientific pursuits. For a mouth he had been spending all his leisure
in the study of astronomy, and it was with no little regret he came to the
conclusion thftt henceforth he must continue it only as an occasional

58 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. III.
recreation. " Every one chooses his career," he wrote, " and it is well if he
chooses that which is best suited to his talents. I have taken political
tife because I have, by God's blessing, many advantages of birth and
situation which, although of trifling value if unsupported, are yet very
powerful aids if joined to zeal and honesty. It is here, therefore, that I
have the chief way of being useful to my generation."
October 26th, Sunday. — Woodford. Came here last night.* There is cer
tainly a great Change in the world's mind. All civilised nations are set to
extend their knowledge, and the heathen seem less unwilling to receive it. I
do not perceive much irreligion ; there may be some, but lukewarmness is more
prevalent. London, November 13th. — On 10th dined at Lord Mayor's feast — it was
heart-stirring. God be praised, who has made me citizen of this happy and
generous empire. Yesterday, at our Lunatic Commission ; there is nothing
poetical in this duty ; but every sigh prevented, and every pang subdued, is a
song of harmony to the heart. Dined with East India Company at Albion
Tavern. I felt happy. Certainly I begin to think that I am popular with all
classes ; not vulgarly popular, but esteemed. This is by God's blessing. I am
astonished at the wide dissimilarity of persons with whom I stand as a favourite.
Persons who, if they were themselves brought together, would feel mutual
dislike and aversion. The speaker last night said to me the kindest things.
All sides of politics, Radicals, Whigs, high Tory, and neutrals, give me praise.
Thank God I truckle for none ; I hold a straight course, and Providence blesses
me above my deserts.
The next two pages of the Diary contain remarks on the conduct of
Lord Ashley's father and mother. It is clear that Lord Ashley and his
brothers and sisters experienced unkindness almost amounting to cruelty
when they were young, from both parents, but especially from the mother,
and now that they were grown up, although, as we have recently seen, in
the spirit of Christian charity they had forgiven the wrong done to them,
there was evident aversion and a total absence of all those affectionate
and confidential relations which are the great happiness of life, and are
most to be looked for between parents and their children. The passage
, concludes with these words : " The history of our father and mother would
\ be incredible to most men, and perhaps it would do no good if such facts
were recorded."
November 20th. — Brighton. Had two or three walks on the cliff — had an
opportunity of what I love — a silent prayer in solitude and contemplation. On
my soul I believe that I desire the welfare of mankind! It strikes me that
although God has blessed others with gifts and advantages far beyond what I
enjoy, yet He has blessed me infinitely more than I deserve, so this consideration
is enough. I love the sea. I see the works of the Lord and His wonders in the
deep. * To Mr. Arbuthnot's place.

18281 THE ROMAN WORLD. 59
December 3rd.— Strathfieldsaye. In the house of my friend and patron. God
bless him 1^ What will be my future career? I shall never be fit for a Cabinet,
and yet, if I quit the service of politics, where are my means of utility?
Marriage, I have seen, corrects many and various errors in a man's character,
I know and feel the vices of my moral constitution, but I- dread the chance of a
Jezebel, a Cleopatra, or that insupportable compound of folly and worldliness
which experience displays every day, but history has not yet recorded. Give me
the mother of the Gracchi, exalted by the Gospel !
December 5th. — The other day I wrote to Lock, Deputy Chairman (of East
India Company), touching the appointment of an astronomer for Bombay ; he
gave me a most liberal and honest, answer. We shall, at last, get a useful
observer in that hemisphere, and advance science. It struck me this morning
that the astronomer would, of course, have one or two assistants. I shall
request him to take one native. This man, by contemplating the purity of
Almightiness, will soon learn to despise Brahma and Yishnu. Who knows but
what he might become an Orpheus, to his compatriots? The idea is good,
bravo ! Last night I harangued Shelley on various points. It so fell out
that I talked of the barbaric irruption into the Roman empire. Two ideas then
passed across my mind ; that it was necessary to cleanse and sweep away
that structure of corruption and beastliness which had wholly obscured the
real purpose and calling of mankind, and was rapidly spreading amongst all
other people contiguous to the Roman world. The imperial rule embraced the
entire compass of civilised existence, and both governors and governed .stank
alike' in the sight of morality. There remained, then, no polished nation
wherewith to dilute, by conquest, ¦ the quintessence of Roman profligacy.
Rebellion would have been useless, it would merely have transferred the helm
from the director to the agent of accursed Filthiness. God, therefore, summoned
to his aid the hardy and simple vices of barbarian minds ; they overran Europe,
and, during the night of literature, saved, by the grace of Heaven, the seeds
of morality. A second reason ; these rude, uncultivated hearts were better
qualified to imbibe the pure spirit of Revelation. This is substantiated by the
perusal of history. The pride, the licence, the illogicism of pagan belief (pagan.
as existing in the laboured and attractive ritual of Italy), might to eternity
have withstood the Christian faith. The religion of Vandals, of Huns, of all .
tribes such as these, had nothing ' to gratify their pride or advance their
pleasures. They were, therefore, indifferent to its perpetuation. A form of
worship was all they wanted, for man will worship. Settled in prosperity, they
became improved, and chose the most decent. It is not hard to justify the waysi
of God towards man.
December 20th. — After long and wearing toil, I completed my minute in the
Jury question. It was the effort of good intention and warm interest towards
the natives of India. I thanked God in prayer that I had been enabled to
conclude it. The execution will depend on His wisdom. I have real and
genuine comfort in thinking of the labour I have undergone. On this day
Lord Ellenborough,' having perused my memorandum, rejected its proposals.
I never felt that success was probable. His vanity would not like to take
from an inferior the hint of so glorious a consummation. If I err, I err with
the greatest names of British India. What an easy question it is to oppose, and
how difficult to uphold I But I have done my best.

60 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Cuap. III.
December 25th.— St. Giles's, Christmas. Thank God that I am able to pass
this season at the ancient seat of my forefathers. Though alone and undiverted
by social abstractions, I rejoice in the fancy of patriarchal duties, and look
forward in the hope of better days. The village smiles, and the people flourish ;
but it will soon cease to smile and the people to flourish if the countenance of
the earthly lords be utterly withheld. What a purity of delight if God would
bestow on me the wife of my heart, and a place for the exercise of imagined
virtues !
January 18th, 1829, Sunday. — London. I cannot account for the peculiar
vivacity of my heart to-day. There is no reason why I should be thus lively. I
shall repay it by a corresponding dejection. However, joy is pleasant when
ever it comes. Began yesterday to read the Septuagint — must some day learn
Hebrew. February 5th. — Parliament begins to-day, and with it comes the beginning
of sorrows. This evening I must speak. The Duke, to my great joy, has
resolved upon considering the expediency of removing all Catholic disabilities,
and substituting in their stead other defences for Church and State. I have long
and deeply desired this policy. Who but he would have dared to conceive and
execute it — persuade the king and overcome popular abhorrence? Peel has
resolved to aid him ; this is public virtue. I offered to say a few words expres
sive of my hearty concurrence. Peel was delighted. I did not know that my
opinion was of such value ; and now, 0 God, without whom there falleth not a
sparrow to the ground, neither can there pass from the mouth one word of
wisdom, give me Thy aid, save me from failure and disgrace. BTalf-jmst ten. I
have spoken ; I am but just saved from disgrace. I love the Duke, and will
serve the Government, and the best way of serving him is to say that my office
shall be resigned whenever he shall have found another man more able to aid
him in this and other departments.
February 7th. — Arbuthnot would not take my offer to the Duke — how odd I
Went on a visitation of madhouses. I can do good that way if in no other.
February 11th.— God is all-wise and all-good, and I am sure that He has made
me inferior to others for some kind purpose. I am, however, unpleasantly
situated ; in honour I must go on, yet only to exposure. I pray night and morn
ing for His grace and assistance.
February 25th. — The measures now in progress touching relief to the Papists
may have, by reflex, as it were, great influence on the question of Reform in
Parliament. If the Jesuits, who are both rich and enterprising, aided by the
Catholic gentry and noblesse, should possess themselves of many close boroughs,
and with the additional assistance of disaffected Whigs and atheistical malcon
tents, command several votes in the Lower House, there would be an outcry for a
more extended interposition of a Protestant people, as an antidote to Papistical
ambition. Nevertheless the measure, although pregnant with danger, is one of
high expediency. I rejoice.
February 28th. — The good laws enacted under Charles II. and his fierce
despotism immediately following them, the existence of the ancient laws and
institutions of Rome, and the servile obedience of the people to imperial govern
ment, are a proof how ineffectual are all safeguards of liberty and high principle,
except the spirit of a nation.
March 24th. —My feast last night went off very well, though disappointed of

182i'l WITH THE KING. Gl
an invited guest. Lock told me that the despatch I so eagerly desire is ready.
God be praised. I am just come from a party, where, as usual, I found myself
more ignorant and imbecile than any of the rest. What in Heaven's name has
befallen me ? I see that geology has become a favourite weapon to wield against
Revelation, by attacking the Mosaic history of the Deluge. At best it savours
of presumption. It is curious to notice, in the entries in these early Journals, the same
processes of thought and the same plans of action which characterised the
whole life of the man. In the extracts we have given will be seen the germs
of many of the great enterprises that were to make his after-life so remark
able, and to stamp him as the greatest philanthropist of his age. The dis
tribution of his money to rescue the tempted girl, the tribute to the memoiy
of Heber, the aid to King's College in rearing an embankment against
irreligion, the quiet observance of the Sabbath, the desire to give freer
circulation to religious literature, apprehensions of the spread of Popery,
the fear of geology as a weapon against Revelation — all these and many
more show the bent of his thoughts and feelings, and foreshadow his future
labours. March 27th. — Last night I prevailed upon Aitch to promise me the despatch I
require. God Almighty be Thou praised ! We have at last established a new
order of things for British India, and have dared to sow the seeds of freedom, of
virtue, and of Christianity. Am I too sanguine ? But let me hope.
April 26th, Sunday. — Last night dined at H.R.H. of Kent's. This morning
read all the Revelation continuously. This, or these readings of this kind, will
make the general scope more easy of comprehension.
April 28th. — Yesterday I heard (at Hatfield) that I was considered A Saint.
I do not regard it ; with all my faults, I fear that I shall never have the fault of
being too good.
April 30th. — If any one were to read my book here, that person must inevit
ably regard me as the quintessence of querulousness ; however, I keep it all to
myself. June 1st, Monday. — Last night I dined with South.* I really cannot but feel
grateful for his unceasing kindness and hospitality. I was soothed and elevated
by contemplation of the heavens, and acknowledged inwardly how unworthy all
matters on earth are of our anxious and heartrending consideration. But these
sublimities endure but for awhile, and we return to the sorrows and business of
mortality. June 8th. — In all enthusiasm there is an intermixture of vanity.
June 22nd. — I have passed a most happy time at the Lodge. Such a round of
laughing and pleasure I never enjoyed ; if there be a hospitable gentleman on
earth it is his Majesty.t I was so jovial that I almost forgot myself, but now I
say with Job, " it may be that I have sinned and cursed God in my heart," but I
trust not. I was harmless in my mirth.
* Sir James South, the astronomer. He had an observatory at Campden Hill.
f George the Fourth.

62 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. lit.
July 2nd.— Again at the Royal Lodge. I like it. His Majesty is most hospit
able and gracious ; his whole demeanour is that of a perfect gentleman. Would
to God he were always and innately so. No one has greater characteristics of
British Royalty when he chooses to display them. By principle I am a lover of
a constitutional monarchy. Lately reading " Southey's Colloquies ; " they are
replete with learning and thought. I wish I had time and method to become an
extensive reader. But I do believe that if the mind be indelibly stamped with
the precepts and wisdom of the Bible, it will acquire a force of analysis and
judgment to extract from the labour of a day more than the soorner or neglect
ful could attain by the watchings of a century. I have had my solitary walk,
and a short period of holy meditation. I prayed with all the fervour I could
command, but all prayer is infinitely cold to express what is felt, or rather what
one wishes to feel.
Throughout the Diary, at this time, there are frequent passages to show
that Lord Ashley, busy as he was, and happy as he was in his political
associations, was still restless and ill at ease. His heart was yearning for
a resting-place in wedded love, in a settled home, and in the joys of domestic
life. His soul was seeking for more definite and systematic labour in
distinctly religious spheres. His mind was craving for some absorbing
interest which should wean him from his " desperate fits of lounging."
Again and again he indulges in morbid self-analysis — grieved that everybody
should be able, as he supposes, to do everything better than himself ; dread
ing the chance of failure and consequent disgrace ; and constantly passing,
as he says, " from the wildest of spirits to cruel and overwhelming despon
dency." There is, moreover, a certain unhealthiness of sentiment in his tone,
quite foreign to his earlier views, and unrelated altogether to his later, as
for example when he says, " Surely there must arise happiness of soul, when
Time shall be no longer, either to annoy many by its duration, or some by the
rapidity of its flight." Again : " We should pray for the end of the world.
If it come soon, how much wretchedness would be spared."
But the time' was rapidly drawing near when, in a new sphere of life,
with new hopes and plans and purposes, much of this restlessness and de
spondency was to be dispelled, and meanwhile, his happiest moments were
those when he was most engrossed in labour for others.
July 20th, Monday. — I held forth last night upon Astronomy a little ; it was
to persons who had not considered its glories ; I hope that the few remarks
I made will lead them to reflect more deeply on the immensity of power and
goodness in the Creator I
July 21st. — I have taken up the Salt Monopoly of India ; this matter has
always interested me as one affecting most nearly the comforts of several
millions. May I, by the assistance of God, be able to do something for their
benefit herein.
July 22nd. — Last night I spent at South's, in observation of the heavens. I
was enraptured. I may be a wicked man, and one regarded by God as " deceitful
upon the weights," but still there is within me a spirit of love and adoration

iBSO-l ROBERT SOUTHEY. Go"
which bursts forth at the sight of any of nature's glories. My soul is so filled
that it cannot find vent but in aspirations towards a higher being. Unless the
mind be turned to contemplate some vast, indivisible, everlasting, omnipotent
Superior, it wanders restless, unsatisfied, and ignorant, through the immensity
of imagination, and, having begun in conceit, ends in satiety or despair. But
as for myself, my heart is so touched when I view the sweet magnificence of the
Creator, that I could fall to weeping in tears of gratitude and joy. Oh, Great
Parent, keep me ever in this frame of thought and feeling ! I fear the advance
of age with its coldness, its abstractions, its worldly pursuits, its hard and worldly
common sense. <
July 26th, Sunday. — I wrote yesterday to Arbuthnot and declared my final
resolution not to sign that insulting despatch for transmission to Lord William
Bentinck.* It may end in my dismissal from office, but I shall have acted in
alliance with a good conscience. Oh ! how difficult it must be for a needy man to
be honest and independent ! Suppose now I were the father of a dozen children,
could I bring my mind to resolve thus greatly ? I know not ; I shall draw,
however, this conclusion — to be sparing of animadversion on those whose needs
may cause a tenacity of office or other source of decent maintenance.
It was while Lord Ashley was a Commissioner of the India Board of
Control that the first bit of " patronage " ever fell to his disposal. What use
he made of it is best told in the following correspondence : — •
Lord Ashley to Mr. Robert Southey.
Panshanger, September 12th, 1830.
My dear Sir, — I hope and believe that usage will justify me in the liberty I
have now taken of addressing you without the preliminaries of a formal intro
duction. A man widely famed as yourself, by his publications, so abundant in
philosophy and instruction, is virtually presented to every one of his readers. I,
at least, cannot refrain from adapting my reasoning to my wishes, in this parti
cular matter.
My business is shortly this. I have derived the greatest benefit from the
study of your works, and I think that the world also is largely indebted to your
genius and industry. I am anxious to testify, in any way that I can, my respect
and gratitude, and I see but one means of effecting my purpose.
My office has, I dare to believe, given me some weight and personal interest
with the Directors of the East India Company ; the Writerships of that Service
lead eventually to important trusts and lucrative emoluments ; if you have any
son or nephew whom you wish to advance in an honourable and advantageous
career I shall be both proud and happy to obtain for him such a situation. I am
fully convinced that a young man imbued with your principles, and instructed
bv vour learning, will prove a public servant such as we need to superintend the
immediate comforts, and gradually to promote the civilisation of India. The
acceptance of my offer will not in the least place you under any obligation to me ;
* Then Governor-General of India.

64 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. III.
it is due to a man who has done so much by his writings to extend the knowledge
of true philosophy, and impress upon the world the consolation and practice of
Religion. I remain, my dear Sir, your very obedient, humble servant, Ashley.
To this generous letter, in which the claims of India were considered,
no less than those of personal gratitude and esteem, Southey replied as
follows : — Robert Southey to Lord Ashley.
Keswick, September 18th. 1830.
I know not, my Lord, how to express my sense of your kindness. Nothing
more utterly unexpected, or more gratifying, has ever occurred to me.
A like offer was made to me in the year 1816 by Lord Bathurst, to whom,
also, I am personally unknown. It was proposed through Mr. Croker, and upon
the supposition that I had a, son for whom it might have been acceptable ; but
I had just before seen that son laid in the grave, and my dearest earthly hopes,
as I then thought, with him. There then appeared no likelihood that I should
ever have another child, but, after three years, it pleased God to give me a
second son, who is now just beyond the age at which his brother was removed.
My hope is that, if his life be spared, he may become a Minister in the Church of
England, which I believe to be the happiest station in which he could be
placed ; and with this hope I am educating him myself.
But I have a nephew, now eleven years old, for whom I should most thank
fully and gratefully accept your Lordship's proffered kindness. This I could
not say till I had communicated with his father, Dr. Southey. He is a
promising boy, and has been well educated, thus far, in the usual course.
I have the honour to remain, my Lord, with sincere respect and gratitude,
Your Lordship's obliged and obedient servant,
Robert Southey.
That was the beginning of a friendship, maintained chiefly through
correspondence, which continued until the long illness that terminated in
Southey's death.
On the dissolution of Parliament, in 1830, Lord Ashley was elected to
represent Dorchester, for which borough his father had previously sat for
many years, the place having been represented by his ancestors from the
reign of Queen Elizabeth. The accession to power of Earl Grey relieved Lord
Ashley from his official duties He devoted the leisure thus obtained to the
prosecution of his studies, and in 1832 he took his M.A. degree at Oxford.
Important as were the events in the times of which we have written, one
event has now to be recorded of infinitely greater importance, relating to
Lord Ashley's private life. " If I could find the creature I -have invented,"
he wrote, while at Aberystwith, " I should love her with a tenderness and
truth unprecedented in the history of wedlock. I pray for her abundantly.

183(M MARRIAGE. 65
God grant me this purest of blessings ! " That prayer had been answered ;
his ideal had been found ; and on the 10th of June, 1830, he was married to
Emily, daughter of the fifth Earl Cowper — he who at the beginning of the
present century erected the mansion at Panslmuger, in Hertfordshire. For
forty years she shared her husband's struggles, inspired his greater efforts,
and was, as he himself has described her, " a wife as good, as true, and as
deeply beloved, as God ever gave to man."
One of the first to whom he communicated the intelligence of his
approaching marriage was the Duke of Wellington, who replied as
follows: — The Duke of Wellington to Lord Ashley.
London, April VU.lr, 183n.
My dear Lord Ashley, — I have received your letter, and I sincerely con
gratulate you upon your expected marriage, and upon the hopes of happiness
which it affords.
I shall say nothing upon it to anybody. But I saw it announced in two or
three newspapers yesterday, as copied from another (the Court Journat), which,
although it has so fine a title, is, I believe, but a blackguard performance.
As you have desired me not to mention this circumstance, I will not write
even to Lady Cowper till I shall have your permission. But if she should know
that you have told me, I beg you to let her know the reason for which I do not
write to her immediately, and assure her that there is no person who rejoices
more sincerely than I do upon an event in which she- must feel so much
interested. I beg you likewise to lay me at the feet of Lady Emily, and assure her that
she has no friend more sincerely anxious for her happiness than I am.
Believe me, ever yours most sincerely. Wellington.
Referring to this period of Lord Ashley's life, Lord Granville, who from
boyhood had known him, says :— " He was then a singularly good-looking
man, with absolutely nothing of effeminate beauty. He had those manly good
looks and that striking presence which, I believe— though, of course, inferior
by hundreds of degrees to the graces of mind and of character — help a man
more than we sometimes think, and they helped him when he endeavoured to
inspire his humble fellow-countrymen with his noble and elevated nature.
Those o-ood looks he retained to the end of his life. At the time I am speak
ing of ho was seeking to many that bright and beautiful woman who after
wards threw so much sunshine on his home. I remember, as if it were
yesterday, how a schoolfellow of mine, not knowing that he was to be the
future brother-in-law of Lord. Shaftesbury, told me several anecdotes of tlie
singular characteristic energy, earnestness, and tenderness which Lord
Shaftesbury exhibited in all the actions of his life." *
* Karl Granville's speech at the Mansion House Memorial Meeting, October 10, 1885,

66 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. III.
The rejection of the Reform Bill brought about another dissolution of
Parliament in 1831, and Lord Ashley was then chosen, on account of his
personal popularity and the local influence of his family, to contest the
County of Dorset in the Anti-Reform interest. He stood a fifteen days' con
test for the representation against the Hon. William Francis Spencer
Ponsonby (afterwards Lord de Mauley), whom he ultimately defeated, after
an opposition of unexampled vigour, and almost unexampled duration.
An entry occurs in his Diary relating to this period — the last entry that
was to be made for the space of three years.
1831. — No man, I am- sure, ever enjoyed more happiness in his married life.
God be everlastingly praised.
April 28th. — Dorchester. Another birthday in the midst of an election and
a falling country. . Were I not married to a woman whose happiness, even for
an hour, I prefer to whole years of my own, I could wish to be away from the
scene of destruction and carried to an unearthly place, rather than see my
country crumble before my eyes. Whatever be the result of this General
Election relative to the Bill, the Ministers have succeeded in rendering some
reform inevitable.
It was at the urgent request of the Anti- Reform party that Lord Ashley
had consented to stand for Dorsetshire, and on the distinct understanding
that the expenses of the election — which at that period were enormous—
would be borne by them, as he had, from the first, frankly declared his inability
to defray them himself. By a series of misunderstandings, consequent upon
not having guarantees properly secured, the fund that had been raised was
altogether inadequate ; the burden of payment fell upon Lord Ashley, and he
became involved in harassing and distressing difficulties.
Read in the light of the Corrupt Practices Act of 1885, the following
memorandum of the expenses incurred in the election oi Lord Ashley for
Dorset will point its own moral : —
DORCHESTER. King's Arms.

House or Tavern Bill 
Paid for Beds out of the House
Hay and Corn 
Coach Proprietors for Fares in Coaches
Post Horses 
Hire of Carriages ...
Paid for a Horse Killed
Contingencies  Received
N.B.— In the above the Hostler, Waiter, Chambermaid, and Porter,
are not included.

£ s.

d.

1,938 15

11

387 19

0

95 5

7

56 12

6

636 i

0

95 0

0

20 0

0

26 12

6

3.256 9

6

17 12

6

s. d.

3.238 17 0

1831-] ELECTION EXPENSES.
Brought forward
AnchorChequersGreen Dragon
Greyhound ...
Mariners New Crown ...
Old Crown ...
Phoenix
Plume of Feathers .
Queen's Arms
Red Lion
Ship 
Wood and Stone

Public Houses.
Dorchester ... 
Weymouth ... 
Portland
Maiden Newton. White Hart
Winfrith., Red Lion
Corfe Castle. Ship Inn ...,
Milborne St. Andrew's. Cardinal's Cap.
Gillingham. Red Lion 

Expenses .of Freeholders for, Carriages , and Travelling
Charges, to and from London and other places, paid £ s.
, ;at,I)orphester .  ,  361 10
Various payments to Messengers and persons attending
the Election  ; ..,,;,. ... .,,.. ,,,..; ... ... 134 9
Other payments connected with the Election  268 1

67
£ s. d.
3,238 17 0
362 2 7
512 8 4
705 7 3
318 19 2
840 19 1
346 3 6
432 14 10
1,319 2 6
832 8 11
140 0 1
567 11 8
212 16 8
646 5 2
£10,475 16 9
10,475 16 9
372 4 0
1,203 8 7
218 11 10
51 19 2
24 11 6
177 5 10
2 0 3
£12,525 17 11

Other Bills delivered and not paid 
Inns and Public-house Bills already received as above

764 1 2
. 2,310 6 6
3,074 7 8
. 12,525 17 11
£15,600 5 7

After all, the, trouble, fatigue, and appalling, expense of the election, Mr.
Ponsonby declared his intention to present a petition against the return of his
opponent. Lord Ashley at. onee announced the attitude he proposed to take
in the matter in the following letter : —
Lord Ashley to the Duke of Wellington.
Panshanger, November 30th, 1831.
My dear Duke, — I understand that it is the intention of Mr. Ponsonby to
present a petition against my return. His case I know to be an micommonly

fiS THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. III.
bad one : but as he brings it forward at the cost of other person*, he has no
objection to spend money for my annoyance.
I think it my duty to inform you, not only as the head of the party to which
T belong, but also as having taken so great interest in the struggle for Dorset
shire, that if Mr. Ponsonby should present the petition, I do not intend tu
resist it, however feeble, nay, despicable, may be his claim, as indeed my
Counsel assert it to be.
My Election expenses are still unpaid ; indeed, even the amount nominally
subscribed has not as yet been placed in the Banker's hands. I have before me,
in consequence, the prospect of debts and incumbrances which no economy or
exertions on my part will enable me to discharge. Under such circumstances it
would be dishonourable in me to incur any further expenses.
I am, my dear Duke, with great respect, yours very truly. Ashley.
To this letter the Duke replied bluntly, as follows : —
The Duke of Wellington to Lord Ashley.
London, December 1st, 1831.
Mx dear Lord Ashley, — When you address me as a person greatly inte
rested in your honour and success, and as one who felt a most anxious interest
for your success in Dorsetshire, I answer you. But when you address me as the
head of a party, I disclaim the title. I am the slave of the party. Whenever
any man wants anything, particularly anything to be said or done by one to
another which will be disagreeable to him, he comes to me to apply for my
assistance ; but if I presume to give my opinion upon any matter of general or
local interest, it is quite certain that each individual will take his own course,
I think it best, therefore, that I should take mine ; and I protest against being
supposed to be the head of any party, or responsible for anybody's acts excepting
my own.
I am very sorry that you should find yourself under the necessity of retiring
in case Mr. Ponsonby should petition. I did everything in my power to support
you. I did more even than I promised. Believe me, ever yours most sincerely, Wellington.
A correspondence of some warmth ensued after this, which it is not, neces
sary to insert here. Lord Ashley had entertained the hope that when the
Duke saw the embarrassments in which the long protracted contest had left
him, he, in common with others of tho party, would have taken some steps to
relieve him. But the Duke declined to interfere in the matter, and Lord
Ashley was left to his debts, and to his own devices to extricate himself from
them. His first step was to announce to his friends, committees, and agents, his
course of action. It was done in these terms : —

1S'"1'] ERN'EST, DUKE OF CUMBERLAND. 09

London, December 20th. 1831.
Lest there should be any misunderstanding, I am desirous of stating, in a
very few words, my present but final determination.
If the party think the seat for Dorsetshire worth defending, they are at
perfect liberty to undertake the defence. I cannot give any attention to that
concern, until I shall be entirely relieved from all existing incumbrances.
My whole endeavours will be directed towards the discharge of the election
debts ; this is the only course by which I can stand justified before the world,
the creditors, and my own conscience. I shall not thwart or limit in any way
the operations of the party, if they wish to resist Mr. Ponsonby's petition ; but
I myself will not expend one farthing thereon, nor (whatever the party may do
in their own name) can I permit that any charge, even the smallest, should
henceforward be incurred in mine.
The matter is in their hands to do exactly as they please. Ashley.
The unpleasant position in which Lord Ashley found himself placed,
brought him much sympathy and some hclij. Among those who expressed
themselves warmly on the subject was the Duke of Chimber-land (afterwards
King of Hanover), to whom Lord Ashley wrote.
Loril Ashley to IT. II. If. the llulir of Cumberland.
PANSHANGEK, December 26*//, 1831.
Km, — I have taken the liberty of addressing a few lines to your Royal High
ness, to thank you for the kind feeling you expressed on my behalf.
I am greatly honoured by your Royal Highness' friendship, and I can
sincerely assure you that, in this general desertion of my friends, it is doubly
gratifying to me. I am, Sir, Your Royal Highness'
Most obedient, humble servant, Ashley.
The Duke replied as follows :—
JT.R.H. the 7 hi lw of Cumberland to Lord Ashley.
Kew, December 30th, 1831.
Dear Sir  Excuse my not having acknowledged sooner the receipt of your
letter, but I have been prevented doing it until now. I feel most happy if, by
my humble means, I have had it in my power to be of any use to you on a late
occasion. All I can and shall say is, that though I know I have many faults,
at least that of infidelity to my political principles never can, or shall, be
chirked to me and I must say that I look on your business as one in which the
honour and character of us Tories is most entirely concerned, and that as you

70 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. III.
did not enter upon the contest from any particular desire of your own, nay, I
may add rather against your own wishes, but at the express desire of the party,
they are bound to do their utmost to help you. Wishing you every possible
success, believe me, Dear Sir, Yours very sincerely, Ernest.
The action of Mr. Ponsonby was stoutly resisted by the party, and the
result was a complete triumph for Lord Ashley.
As a matter of course, he voted against the Reform Bill, but he took no very
active part in the stirring controversies in relation to it, nor does he appear to
have spoken on the question in the House. He had pledged himself to stand
to " those great principles which inspirit and regulate our glorious Constitu
tion in Church and State," and to "firmly, yet temperately, endeavour to
maintain the institutions of the country, and to prevent the collision of
interests apparently hostile, though in fact the same." Half a century later
— on the 50th anniversary of the passing of the Bill — a list of the survivors
of the Reform Parliament was given in the public press, and the question was
asked whether any of them would hold to the opinion then expressed that the
" sun of England had set for ever." Lord Shaftesbury replied —
I am one of the survivors, but I do not recollect that I ever expressed that
opinion, nor was it the opinion of the great Statesmen who at that time resisted
the measure. They maintained that it would lead eventually to large and organic
changes ; that it would overthrow the Established Church, and destroy the
independence of the House of Lords, if not altogether annihilate its existence.
They never contemplated those issues as immediate ; they generally believed
that about thirty years would elapse before the full and permanent effects were
seen. In this they were right. The Household Suffrage Act of 1867, followed
by the introduction of the Ballot, gave the final stamp to the future character of
legislation. One enactment yet remains, the enactment of household suffrage for
the counties. This measure will affect the tenure and transmission of property
in every form, as the other measures have affected the principle and action of
political institutions.*
During the years 1831 — 32 Lord Ashley was in constant correspondence
with Southey, and, although many of the letters related chiefly to questions of
the day, the views expressed by Southey were stimulating to his friend. " For
myseK," said Southey, " I take a hopeful view of things, not merely because
of that constitutional cheerfulness which never forsakes me by my own fire
side, but because all things seem at this time to be working through evil to
good." This was an exactly opposite view to that entertained by Lord Ashley,
and the influence brought to bear upon him was beneficial.
* Times, June 6th, 1882.

I83a-1 friendship with southey. 71
Many of Southey's letters relate to books and their authors, Lord Ashley's
literary taste and judgment being held in very high esteem by Southey.
Thus, on November 7th, Southey writes : —
Lord Clarendon's " History " ought to be read in the Universities as carefully
as Thucydides. I have long considered it a great defect in our system of educa
tion that some such means of training up men (politically speaking) in the way
they should go, arid thus arming them against the errors of the times, should be
so utterly neglected.
South's " Sermons " ought to follow Clarendon in a course of historical
reading. They constantly refer to the causes and consequences of the Rebellion
as connected with Puritanism ; and as no man ever possessed a cleverer head, no
man ever expressed sterling sense in amore vigorous style. Indeed, I lookuponhis
style as the perfection of English prose. His wit I can always admire ; and his
bitterness I can pardon, because it is never misapplied ; but there are one or two
passages of so dark a Calvinistic dye in his works that they make me shudder.
Of all our old divines, Jackson is the one who has most enlarged my views ; the
perusal of his works always elevates me, and leaves an abiding contentment.
Now and then a passage occurs which I wonder at meeting there, and wish it had
not been written ; but on the whole I know of no writer in whose words there is
so little alloy, in proportion to their extent. There are some remarkable instances
in this excellent man's writings of that foresight which is produced by a religious
consideration of the course of human affairs.
In only one of his letters does Southey refer to himself as the Poet-
laureate. It was when sending a selection from his poems, containing his
lyric pieces written in the days of Queen Caroline, and of the revolutionary
movements at Manchester. He says —
I send them because of their present applicability ; and because they will
show you in what maimer I am disposed to perform the duties of Poet-laureate.
Southey was justly indignant upon hearing how, in the matter of the
expenses connected with the Dorset election, Lord Ashley had been deserted
even by those who had pledged themselves to support him; and wrote in
reply, while the validity of the election was still in question : —
Keswick, January 16tt, 1832.
My dear Lord Ashley,— Your letter gives me great concern as well as great
surprise. Dorsetshire offered the first ground on which a stand could be made,
and when you took your stand there every one knew that it was not for your
own sake but for the common cause. I never doubted that coming forward as
you did, you would be supported by the whole party. If they treat you thus, I
cannot but feel that they neither deserve to be served nor saved.
Such treatment might produce a most injurious effect upon any one whose
mind was not conformed to Christian principles and confirmed in them. For
nothing is more difficult than to think charitably of mankind, after we have been

7'2 THE EARL OP SIIAFTESBUItY. [Chap. III.
compelled to think ill of those in whom we have trusted. You are in no danger
of being thus morally injured. And should it be necessary for you to withdraw
for some years into private life and comparative retirement, this may eventually
prove to be no misfortune. You will escape from feverish anxieties and from
fatigues which undermine the strongest constitutions ; and you will live to
yourself, in the enjoyment of leisure, which you will know how to improve.
Your evenings will be far more healthfully and happily and profitably passed
than they would have been in the House of Commons.
God bless you, my dear Lord Ashley. Yours with sincere regard, Robert Southey.
To Southey, Lord Ashley made known many of the projects which were
still floating in his mind and had not yet assumed definite shape. In all these
Southey took a warm and sympathetic interest, as indicated in the following
extracts : — January lnth, 1832.
I agree with you that the state of the poor cannot be discussed too much, for
till it is improved physically and morally and religiously we shall be in more
danger from them than the West Indian planters are from their slaves.
December 1st. 1832.
If I had not been presshigly employed upon a volume which is announced foi
the first of February I should have ere this thanked you for the two Reports upon
the Sabbath, and Cruelty to Animals. The first I have gone through carefully
and with great interest ; the first page of the latter made me sick at heart ; but I
shall go through that also, and, in due time, if it please God, make use of both.
No information can ever come amiss to me. Sooner or later I find application for
all that I can obtain ; and it not unfrequently happens that notes which I made
twenty or thirty years ago, come into use. The Sabbath report tends to confirm
the encouraging opinion that in every measure of real reform, when it is once
fairly and honestly undertaken, the strength of the community will go with it.
Whatever is attempted in the fear of God and in the love of our fellow creatures.
will have the heart of man with it.
One of the titles by which Lord Ashley soon been me known throughout
the country was that of the •' Working Man's Friend." The condition of the
working classes about this time presents a very striking contrast to their con
dition now. The term " working man " is to be understood as applying, not
to the agricultural labourer, who, as » rule, has very little to do with politics,
takes reluctantly to new ideas, and is slow to be moved by agitation of any
kind, but to men employed in towns and cities, the great centres of industry ;
men of the Lancashire and Yorkshire type, who by their intelligence repre
sent, and by their action influence and lead, the great working classes of the
countiy.

lo:-1-l CONDITION OF TITF, WORTCINO CLASSES. 1 '.'!
It was when Lord Asliley was beginning his public career that the fni"
position of the working man was becoming capable of definition. He had
groaned under heavy burdens, he had been stung by the reproach that he was
a mere part of the machinery of the country, ho had been fettered by vexa
tious laws. The great fiscal reforms of Huskisson iu 1824—5 ; the labours
of Joseph Hume ; tho repeal of the Combination Laws, which rendered the
union of working men in self-defence no longer criminal ; tho repeal of the
laws relatiug to artificer.s going to foreign parts, which made emigration
possible when the labour market was overstocked, and other measures of
relief, now paved the way for further reforms.
And trnly Reform was urgently demanded in regard to the w'lole position
and privileges of the working- classes. A spirit of turbulence and lawlessness
was manifesting itself everywhere. Their only resource in self-defence, and
perhaps the only argument they understood, was that of violence. When, for )
instance, in 1829, during a period of stagnation in trade, employers proposed •
» reduction of wages to the factory operatives, they assembled in riotous !
mobs, broke the windows of the factories, smashed the machinery, destroyed s
the looms, and in some instances set fire to the mills. Education was at a
deplorably low ebb. In the factory districts, even as late as 1843, when over
work was to some extent, stopped, Mr. Leonard Horner, one of tho inspectors
of factories, reported that iu an area of eight miles by four, comprising the
large boroughs of Oldliain and Ashton, for a population of 105,000, there was
not, at the date of his last quarterly return, one public day school for pool-
children. The factory schools were a delusion ami a snare. As late as 1839 an
inspector reported :— " Tlie engiiie-ma.ii, the slubber, the burler, the book
keeper, the overlooker, the wife of any of these, the small shopkeeper, or the
next-door neighbour, with six or seven children on the floor and on her lap,
are by turns found teaching the young idea how to shoot, in and about their
several places of occupation, for tho two hours required by law."*
Sunday-schools, although of incalculable value for their special ends,
could not, in the nature of things, effect much in the spread of education.
The amusements of tlie people were a fair index of their general condition
There was universal rioting and carousal at Easter and Whitsuntide. Fairs
and wakes were the popular resorts : drunkenness was the gxeat prevailing
vice ; iin chastity was fearfully prevalent : and low-class dancing saloons and
still lower-class cheap theatres were largely frequented.
The opportunities for improving their mental and moral condition were
veiy limited. The factory system, as we shall presently see more particu
larly, was cruel in its oppression. Mines and collieries were worked in great
measure by women and children. Bakers, sailors, and chimney-sweeps were
left unprotected by legislation. Friendly societies, many of them rotten to
the core, were, the only legalised means for self-help. Post-office Savings
:; ( moled iii " 1'iogivss of the Working Classes." P>y J. M. Ludluw.

7-1 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. Ill,
Banks were not established, and the pawnbrokers, or private savings banks,
held the savings of the people. Sanitary science was practically unknown.
Education was not a right. Ragged schools, reformatory and industrial
schools, mechanics' institutes, and workmen's clubs had not begun to exist.
The newspaper press was not free ; on the contrary, it was fettered in many
ways. Taxation was oppressive and unjust. Postal communication was an
expensive luxury even to the well-to-do. Limited liability, enabling working
men to contribute their small capital to the increase of the productive power
of the . country, was not so much as thought of. The poor laws were
pauperising and degrading ; the stamp duties were an effectual bar to the
poor man enforcing his legal claims. The Compensation for Accidents Act
did not exist. The cheap literature of the day reflected the violent passions
which raged on every side ; and the Church was in a state of lethargy from
which it was not effectually aroused for many years.
With crime rampant, and the machinery for the pursuit of offenders in an
inconceivably deficient state ; with mendicancy everywhere on the increase ;
with population increasing by gigantic strides (in Birmingham, for example,
the population in 1815 was 90,000 ; in 1832, 150,000), and no means for the
preservation of order in great thoroughfares ; with sanitation in a deplorable
state, and no proper provision for enforcing the local and general laws in
existence for the removal of obstructions and nuisances — there was no
measure enacted at this period that was of greater benefit than Sir Robert
Peel's Act which laid the foundation of our present police force. Before
1829 the public were dependent for their protection upon a staff of parochial
watchmen, who were muffled up in heavy cloaks, and heat a stick upon the
pavement to announce their approach, and allow evil-disposed persons to get
out of their way. At night they carried lanterns, which served, as the stick
by day, to announce their whereabouts, and after they had made their rounds
they retired to their watch-boxes. It was no wonder that plunder and
robbery of all kinds were committed with impunity, and that after sunset no
one considered it safe to venture out. But the inhabitants of the metropolis,
and in fact of all the large towns, were accustomed to the state of things, and
when Sir Robert Peel instituted, in 1829, the new police force in the metro
polis, he was met on all hands with the fiercest opposition and invective. It
was considered that such an interference with the liberty of the subject as the
introduction of police supervision involved, would be disastrous in its conse
quences. As a matter of fact it was found to be the best measure for con
solidating peace and protecting- life and property that could have been
devised ; and the popular prejudice, although hard to die, at length yielded.
It is unnecessary to state that the terms " Bobby " and " Peeler " were
derived from Peel's name.
It was fortunate for Lord Ashley, of all men, that the police force should
have been instituted at this period. The times were ripening for the intro
duction of measures which, before they could be carried, would necessitate his
becoming personally acquainted with every den of infamy, every sink of

1833-1 THE COTTON TRADE. 75
impurity, every abomination in the hovels of the lowest of the low— not in
London only, but in all the great cities, and it would have been morally and
physically impossible for him to have accomplished his task without the
assistance of the police, a body of men to whom he always acknowledged his
indebtedness, and of whom he always spoke well.
In 1833 began the great work, in which, for twenty years, Lord Ashley
was to take so prominent a part — Factory Legislation.
Towards the close of the seventeenth century the value of the muslins
and calicoes which England annually received from India was about £160,000.
During the eighteenth century the importation of Indian piece-goods into
this country, despite legislative enactments intended to foster the home
manufacture of cotton fabrics, by prohibiting the weaving of Indian ir.-islin
and calicoes, rose to the annual value of £1,250,000, and the acme of this
increasing trade was reached in 1806, when our importations from India
of such goods as are now the staple of the industry of Lancashire, amounted
to £2,000,000. " From this date there is a decline, great and rapid, till
England becomes an exporter of what she had previously imported so
largely, and is able, not only to furnish cotton goods of every variety and
quality for the supply of all her own wants, but also to carry the pro
duce of her looms ten thousand miles across the seas, and ' placing them
at the doors of the Indian consumer, undersell the goods made by his
own hands from cotton grown in his own garden.' " *
It was to the inventions and improvements in machinery that this
wonderful change was due. Up to the year 1738 the English hand-loom
weaver was in no better case, as regarded his implements, than the " rude,
unlettered Indian ; " but in 1738, John Kay, of Bury, substituted the fly-
shuttle for the hand-shuttle, by which the production of the hand-loom was
trebled. Other improvements followed; and in 1767, Mr. James Hargreaves,
a hand-loom weaver of Blackburn, patented his "spinning jenny." So
great was the saving of labour effected by this machine that the spinners
were up in arms ; they broke into his house, and destroyed the machine.
When, however, its advantages became apparent, fresh machines were
brought into use, but these in like manner were destroyed, and Hargreaves
quitted Lancashire in disgust, and settled in Nottingham, where he erected
a mill. Following close upon the inventions of HargTeaves came those of
Richard Arkwright and Samuel Crompton, by whose genius the produc
tion of yarn had increased three hundred-fold ; and to these again succeeded
the inventions of Dr. Cartwright, a clergyman of the Church of England,
and of Mr. Robert Millar, a calico-printer of Glasgow, so that towards the
end of last century the condition of the cotton manufacturing popula
tion was completely changed. Instead of working in their homes they
were obliged to work in mills; and instead of being comparatively their
* " Cotton Weaving and Lancashire Looms." Macmillan's Magazine, vol. vi., p. 446.

lb THE EVEL OP SHAFTESBURY. (Chap. HI.
own masters, working when they would, thev were under masters who made
them work for what wages they chose to give, and during what hours
they chose to dictate.
Remonstrance was in vain ; water could now be employed to do the
harder part of the work formerly done by the men, who, if they were re
fractory, could be sent adrift ; and machinery was invented which children
could manage with almost as much success as adults.
Iu this way a demand for child-labour was created, and the supply was
not deficient. But it was effected in a manner which scarcely seems
credible to the humanity of to-day ; large bodies of children were drafted
from the workhouses of London, Edinburgh, and other great cities, and
placed in the mills as " apprentices," where, at tho discretion of sordid
overseers, they were worked unmercifully, and treated with such brutality
that the recital is too sickening- for narration.
As early as 1796 voices were raised in protest against the cruel wrongs
inflicted on these poor children, who wore continually being sent down
to Lancashire by barge-loads from the London workhouses ; but in the
excitement of the stirring events that were then occurring at home and
abroad, those voices were unheeded. Meantime, the condition of these
unfortunate children was growing from bad to worse, until at last the
cruelty of the system under which they were held was hardly paralleled
by the abominations of negro slavery. A horrible traffic had sprung up ;
ehild-jobbers scoured the country for the purpose of purchasing children
to sell them again into the, bondage of faetoiy slaves. The waste of human
life in the manufactories to which the children were consigned was simply
frightful. Day and night the machinery was kept going; ono gang of
children working it by day, and another set by night, while, in times of
pressure, the same children were kept working- day and night by remorseless
task-masters. The horrors of. the Factory System are scarcely conceivable to this
generation ; and if a, few details are given here, it is not to furnish a
"harrowing description," but to indicate what was the actual state of things
which cried aloud for the interference of the Legislature.
Under the "Apprentice System," bargains were made between the
i-hurehwardens and overseers of parishes and the owners of factories, and the
pauper children- some as young as five years old-- were bound to serve until
they were twenty-one.
In some eases alluring baits were held out to them : they were told they
would be well clothed and fed, have plenty 'of money, and learn a trade.
These deceptions were practised in order to make the children wish to go,
and thus give an opportunity to the traffickers to say that they went as
volunteers, and not under compulsion. Generally, the spell was broken
when, like, live stock, these children were packed in waggons, and sent a four
days' journey to Nottingham, or wherever their destination might be. If the
illusion did not vani-h then, it did when the gules of the 'Prentice House

lsr""l nORKOUS OP THE FACTORY SYSTEM. 77
closed upon them, and they were cheeked off, according to invoice, and eon-
signed to the sleeping berths allotted to them, reeking with the foul oil with
which the bedding of the older hands was saturated.
Their first labours generally consisted in picking up loose cotton from the
floor. This was done amidst the burling din of machinery, in an average
heat of 70° to 90° Fahrenheit, and in the fumes of the oil with which the
axles of twenty thousand wheels and spindles were bathed.
" For all day, the wheels are droning, turning ;
Their wind comes in our faces,
Till ouivhearts turn, our heads with pulses burning,
And the walls turn in their places :
Turns the sky in the high window blank and reeling,
Turns the long hght that drops adown the wall.
Turn the black flies that crawl along the ceiling,
All are turning, all the day, and we with. all.
And all day, the iron wheels are droning,
And sometimes we could pray,
' 0 ye wheels ' (breaking out in a mad moaning)
' Stop ! be silent for to-day ! ' " *
Sick, with aching backs and inflamed ankles from the constant stooping'.
with fing'ers lacerated from scraping the floors ; parched and suffocated by
Hie dust and flue — the little slaves toiled from morning till night. If tliey
pansed, the brutal overlooker, who was responsible for a certain amount of
work being performed by each child under him, urged them on by kicks and
blows. When the dinner-time came, after six hours' labour, it was only to rest for
forty minutes, and to partake of black bread and porridge, or, occasionally.
some coarse Irish bacon.
In process of time more important employment was given to them,
involving longer hours and harder work. Lost time had to be made up by
overwork — they were required every other day to stop at the mill during the
dinner-horn" to clean the frames, and there was scarcely a moment of relaxa
tion for them until Sunday came, when their one thought was to rest. Stage
by stage they sank into the profoundest depths of wretchedness . In weari
ness they often fell upon the machinery, and almost every factory child was
more or less injured ; through hunger, neglect, over-fatigue, and poisonous
air, they died in terrible numbers, swept off by contagious fevers..
There was no redress of any kind. The isolation of tlie mills aided tlie
crnelties practised in them. Tlie children could not escape, as rewards were
offered for their capture and were eagerly sought ; they could not complain
when the visiting magistrate came, for they were in abject fear of their task
masters, and, moreover, on those days the house was swept and garnished foi
* " The Cry of the Children," by Mrs. E. B. Uro wiring.

78 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. III.
the anticipated visit, and appearances would have given the lie to complaints;
if they perished in the machinery, it was a rare thing for a coroner's inquest
to be held, and rarer still for it to issue in anything but a commonplace
verdict. And when the time came that their indentures expired, after years
of toil, averaging fourteen hours a day, with their bodies scarred with the
wounds inflicted by the overlookers — with their minds dwarfed and vacant,
with their constitutions, in many instances, hopelessly injured ; in profound
ignorance that there was even the semblance of law for their protection —
these unfortunate apprentices, arrived at manhood, found that they had never
been taught the trade they should have learned, and that they had no resource
whatever but to enter again upon the hateful life from which they were
legally freed. Should it happen that they had become crippled or diseased
during their apprenticeship, their wages were fixed at the lowest possible sum,
and their future was a long lingering death. ; , ,
Such are some of the facts relating to the Apprentice, System — only one
phase of the great Factory , Question. Where such abominations were
tolerated, the case of the. other children and young persons, not apprentices,
could not be otherwise than almost as bad, and, in point of fact, there grew
up, as we shall see, consequent upon the rapid increase of trade, a system of
iniquity even greater than that we have described, when, instead of church
wardens and overseers of parishes apprenticing the orphans and destitute of
their parishes, parents voluntarily placed their children in the factories to
do the same kind of work, during the same oppressive hours, and under many
of the same heartless conditions.
It is a curious fact that the first champion of these hapless apprentices
was one who was himself a manufacturer, and had had a long experience and
use of the system — the first Sir Robert Peel, who in 1802 carried a measure
to provide for their care and education. As far as it went the legislation, was
good ; it enjoined proper clothing, feeding, and instruction ; the limitation of
the hours to twelve, exclusive of meals ; the abolition of night-work, and the
appointment of visitors to inspect the factories. The effect of the Act was to
do away gradually with the " Apprentice System."
The mills at that time were placed where there was plenty of water to
drive the machinery ; and as this was often in thinly-populated districts, the
employment of apprentices became a necessity. When, however, the steam-
engine was invented, mills could be planted anywhere ; and, as a matter of
fact, they were planted in densely populated neighbourhoods, in order that
the children of the inhabitants might be employed instead of the apprentices,
and so relieve the masters of the trouble of providing food, clothing, and
education. This altered state of affairs introduced new evils, scarcely less formidable
than those that had preceded them ; and in 1815 Sir Robert Peel again came
to the relief of the oppressed children. After wearisome inquiries he suc
ceeded in obtaining, in 1819, an Act by which no child under nine years of
age should be allowed to work in a cotton factory, and no young person under

1833-1 RESTRICTION OF HOURS OP LABOUR. 79
tixteen to work more than twelve hours a day, exclusive of meals. Sir Robert :
Peel was greatly assisted by the untiring labours of Mr. Nathaniel Gould, a
large-hearted philanthropist who gave his time and wealth and influence to
the cause unsparingly, and has left behind him a memory which will always
be cherished with gratitude in the manufacturing districts.
While these evils existed in the cotton factories, evils every whit as great
were prevalent in the woollen, silk, linen, and other factories — evils which the
legislation of Sir Robert-Peel did not touch.
In 1825, Sir John Hobhouse (afterwards Lord Broughton) passed a Bill
by which it became unlawful to employ any child in a cotton factory, who
should be under eighteen years of age, for more than sixty-nine hours a week ;
and which also prohibited night-work in specified departments.
The Bill of Sir John Hobhouse, like that of Sir Robert Peel, related only
to the cotton factories, and, as soon as it was passed, it was found that it was
very inadequate to meet the difficulties which were increasing with the increas
ing trade, consequent upon the multiplication of inventions. Nevertheless its
provisions were highly beneficial as far as they went ; the health and morals
of the factory-hands were undoubtedly improved, and an impetus was given
to the desire of both masters and men for further legislation.
It was not, however, till 1830 that the great and comprehensive movement
with which, later on, Lord Ashley was to be pre-eminently identified, com
menced. In that year Mr. John Wood, of Bradford, Mr. Richard Oastler, of
Fixby Hall, Huddersfield, the Bev. G. S. Bull, Mr. Walker, Mr. Philip
Grant, and others, grasped the wider and more beneficent idea of seeking the
reduction of the hours of work, not for children in cotton factories only, but
for children employed in the manufacture of textile fabrics throughout the
kingdom. Letters were written to the public journals, meetings were held, the en
thusiasm of the working men was kindled, and the opposition of the great
body of the mill-owners was aroused. Petitions to both Houses of Parliament
were presented on both sides, and the whole of the manufacturing districts
were kept in a state of increasing agitation.
Meanwhile a further Bill was being promoted by Sir John Hobhouse and
Lord Morpeth, which proposed to limit the hours of work to eleven and a
half in any one day, and to eight and a half on Saturdays ; to prohibit child
ren under nine years of age being employed in factories ; to exempt all young
persons under twenty-one years of age from night-work ; and to extend the
operations of the Act to cotton, woollen, worsted, linen, and silk factories.
and also to power-looms. The opposition to the measure on the part of the
mill-owners was very strong, and the result was that the Bill— which received
the Royal Assent in 1831— was too much mutilated to be at all effective.
One of the most ardent supporters of Sir John Hobhouse at this time was
Mr. Michael Thomas Sadler, M.P. for Newark, and so conspicuous and un
tiring were his labours, so wide his sympathies, and so powerful his influence,
that he was, by common consent, chosen as the future leader of the movement

80 THE EARL OF SIIAFTESI1URV. ICiur. III.
in the House of Commons. Sir John Hobhouse had over and over again ex
pressed his conviction that nothing could lie more idle than to talk of tho pos
sibility of limiting the hours of daily labour to ton, for five days, and to eight
on the Saturday, and he was surprised to find that any one, who knew any
thing of the real state of the question, could hold a view so extravagant.
Nevertheless, at the end of the Session of 1831, Mr. Sadler introduced his
famous " Ten Hours Bill " into the House of Commons, and on the 18th of
March, 1832, moved its second reading in a speech of extraordinary eloquence.
It was urged by the opponents of the measure that his statements were
exaggerated, one-sided, and inaccurate ; and such was the force of the opposi
tion that he was obliged to yield to the appointment of a Select Committee.
It was while that Committee was carrying on its herculean labours, and
Mr. Sadler was working night and day in the cause, that the country was
agitated, as it had never been before, with the cry of Parliamentary Reform,
and in that year the first Reform Bill received the Royal Assent.
Mr. Sadler retired from the representation of Newark at the General
Election of May, 1831, on account of the uncertainty of the result of that
election and of his having beon offered a safe seat for Aldborough. This
latter town was disfranchised by the Reform Act of 1832, and he then stood
for Leeds and afterwards for Huddersfield, but, notwithstanding the support
he received from the working classes in both places, he was defeated.
The rejection of Mr. Sadler was a terrible blow to the operatives, and a
meeting of delegates from the Lancashire and Yorkshire committees was at
once held to consider what steps should be taken. At that meeting- the Rev.
G. S. Bull, of Brierley, near Bradford, one of the leaders in the movement,
was instructed to proceed to London to express their views and to confei
with the friends of the movement there.
The result cannot be better told than in tho words of the letter Mr. Bull
addressed to the various Short-Time Committees and others.
Rev. (J. S. Dull to Short-Time Committees,
London, February 6th, 1833.
Dear Sir, — I have to inform you that in furtherance of the object of the
delegates' meeting, I have succeeded, under Mr. Sadler's sanction, in prevailing
upon Lord Ashley to move his (Mr. Sadler's) Bill.
Lord Ashley gave notice yesterday afternoon, at half -past two, of a motion
on the 5th of March, for leave " to renew the Bill brought in by Mr. Sadler last
Session, to regulate the labour of children in the mills and factories of the
United Kingdom, with such amendments and additions as appear necessary from
the evidence given before the Select Committee of this House."
This notice, I am very happy to say (for I was present), was received with
hearty and unusual cheers from all parts of a House of more than 300. >"o other
notice was so cheered ; and more than forty, some of them very popular, were
given at the same time.

1S83-] mr. sadler's successor. 81
I ain informed that Lord Ashley received many unexpected assurances of
support immediately after his notice, and has had more since.
Pray call your Committee together directly, and read this to them. As to
Lord Ashley, he is noble, benevolent, and resolute in mind, as he is manly in
person. I have been favoured with several interviews, and all of the most
satisfactory kind. On one occasion his Lordship said, " I have only zeal and good
intentions to bring to this work ; I can have no merit in it, that must all belong-
to Mr. Sadler. It seems no one else will undertake it, so I will ; and, without
o.int or hypocrisy, which I hate, I assure you I dare not refuse the request you
have so earnestly pressed. I believe it is my duty to God and to the poor, and I
trust He will support me. Talk of trouble ! What do we come to Parliament
for ? "
In a letter he writes : " To me it appeared an affair less of policy than of
religion, and I determined, therefore, at all hazards to myself, to do what I could
in furtherance of the views of that virtuous and amiable man " (meaning Mr.
Sadler). I have just left his Lordship, and find him more determined than ever. He
says, it is your cause ; if you support him, he will never flinch.
Yours most faithfully,
To Mr.  , G. S. Bull.
Secretary of the Short-Time Committee,  — .
A memorandum, written by Lord Ashley himself in 1838, and found
disjointed and incomplete among his papers, recounts the incident of his
resolve : —
In the autumn and winter of 1832, I read incidentally in the Times some
extracts from the evidence taken before Mr. Sadler's committee. I had heard
nothing of the question previously, nor was I .even aware that an inquiry had
been instituted by the House of Commons. Either the question had made very
little stir, or I had been unusually negligent in Parliamentary business. I
suspect the first to be the true cause, for it had been an active Session, and j
had taken my share in the activity of it. I was astonished and disgusted ; and,
knowing Sadler to be out of Parliament (for he had been defeated at Leeds), I
wrote to him to offer my services in presenting petitions, or doing any other
small work that the cause might require. I received no answer, and forgot the
subject. The Houses met in the month of February ; on the second or third day
I was addressed by the Rev. G. S. Bull, whom till then I had never seen or heard
of. He was brought to me by Sir Andrew Agnew, and they both proposed to me
to take up the question that Sadler had necessarily dropped. I can perfectly
recollect my astonishment, and doubt, and terror at the proposition. I forget the
arguments for and against my intermeddling in the affair ; so far, I recollect,
that in vain I demanded time for consideration ; it was necessary, Bull replied,
to make an instant resolution, as Morpeth would otherwise give notice of a Bill
which would defraud the operatives of their ten hours measure, by proposing one
which should inflict eleven.
a

82 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [CnAP. III.
I obtained, however, a respite till the next morning, and I set myself to re
flection and inquiry. Nevertheless the only persons I consulted were Peach and
Scarlett, the present Lord Abinger. They strongly urged me to adopt the
question, and I returned home armed with their opinions, to decide for myself,
after meditation and prayer, and " divination " (as it were) by the word of God.
The resolution arrived at by Lord Ashley and announced in the hastily-
written but graphic letter of Mr. Bull, was not reached without a struggle.
He now stood at the parting of the ways. On the one hand lay ease
influence, promotion, and troops of friends ; on the other an unpopular cause,,
unceasing labour amidst every kind of opposition ; perpetual worry and1.
anxiety ; estrangement of friends ; annihilation of leisure ; and a life among;
the poor. It was between these he had to choose. Had he been ambitious of
political distinction there can be no doubt that, with his abilities, his
popularity, and his great oratorical powers, he would have commanded a
prominent position in his party. Already he had held an appointment in the
Government under the Duke of Welling-ton, whose confidence he enjoyed,
and had shown such tact and ability, combined with so thorough a knowledge
of the matters he had to deal with — relating principally to India — that he
had made his mark.
The alternative before him was voluntarily to cut himself off from these .
prospects, to associate himself with the most unpopular question of the day, ,
to become the victim of a virulent opposition from all parties, and even from :
many able and enlightened men who were in thorough sympathy with every
movement which they believed to be for the improvement of the working'
classes, but who looked upon the restriction of the hours of labour as an,
unjustifiable interference with the relations between employer and employed.
But Lord Ashley was not a man to allow considerations of the baser sort
to weigh heavily with him. Already he had won the confidence of the poor
and the oppressed. Already he had passed through the strait gate of his
path in life, and had entered the narrow way. He would not look back now.
He remembered that day at Harrow, when he had vowed that he would fight
against the monstrous cruelty that allowed the weak and the unfriended to
suffer and be trampled upon simply because they were poor. But that vow
had been made when he was a mere boy. Now he had a wife and a child,
a home and a position. To espouse the factory cause was to give up home-
comfort and domestic leisure ; to relinquish tho scientific and literary pursuits
which had for him such an intense fascination. Was it right for him so to
disturb the natural course of his life, and to abandon the prospects it opened
up P He laid the matter before his wife, painted in dark colours all the
sacrifice it meant ; weighed the burden it would place on her young
shoulders ; and waited for the verdict.
" It is your duty," she said, " and the consequences we must leave. Go
forward, and to Victory ! "
When Lord Ashley accepted the responsibility of taking up Mr. Sadler's

1833.1

HONOUR TO WHOM HONOUR. 83

benevolent measures, he was only known in the factoiy districts as having
voted for those measures ; his special aptitude and general fitness for the task
had to he taken on trust. From all quarters, however, there came to him
promises of support, and foremost among those who welcomed him as their
champion was Mr. Oastler, who had worked with unflagging zeal in the cause.
To him Lord Ashley replied as follows : —
Lord Ashley to Mr. Richard Oastler 16th February, 1833.
Dear Sir, — I am much obliged to you for your kind and energetic letter ;
much, very much, is owing to your humanity and zeal, and though I cannot
reckon deeply on the gratitude of multitudes, yet I will hope that your name
will, for years to come, be blessed by those children who have suffered, or would
have suffered, the tortures of a factory. It is very cruel upon Mr. Sadler that he
is debarred from the joy of putting the crown on his beloved measure ; however,
his must be the honour, though another may complete it ; and for my part I feel
that, if I were to believe that my exertions ought to detract the millionth part
from his merits, I should be one of the most unprincipled and contemptible of
mankind. Ask the question simply, Who has borne the real evil, who has encoun
tered the real opposition, who roused the sluggish public to sentiments of honour
and pity ? Why, Mr. Sadler ; and I come in (supposing I succeed) to terminate
in. the twelfth hour his labour of the eleven. I greatly fear my ability to carry
on this measure. I wish, most ardently I wish, that some other had been found
to undertake the cause ; nothing but the apprehension of its being lost induced
me to acquiesce in Mr. Bull's request. I entertain such strong opinions on the
matter that I did not dare, as a Christian, to let my diffidence, or love of ease,
prevail over the demands of morality and religion. Yours, Ashley.
It was consistent with the fairness of his dealings, then and always, to give
to Mr. Sadler, and to those who had laboured with him, the credit of their
labours ; nor did he ever alter his tone. In 1868, when he published his
Speeches,* he stated in the preface — " . . I desire to record the invaluable
services of the remarkable men who preceded me. Had they not gone before,
and borne such an amount of responsibility and toil, I do not believe that it
would have been n my power to have achieved anything at all." And to the
end of his life he never ceased, when speaking on the Factory Question, to give
to them the honour which was their due.
The spirit in which Lord Ashley took up this great work is best told in
his own words. Soon after he had entered upon his labours, a meeting, under
the auspices of the London Society for tho Improvement of the Condition of
Factoiy Children, of which the Duke of Sussex was president, was held in the
London Tavern, and was attended by a large number of influential persons,
* " Speeches of the Earl of Shaftesbury, K.G., upon subjects having relation chiefly
to the claims and interests of the Labouring Class." London : 1868.
r, 2

84 THE EARL CP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. III.
among whom was Daniel O'Connell. An enthusiastic reception was given to
Lord Ashley, as the new leader of the movement, and, in speaking to one of
the resolutions, he said : —
He could never be indifferent to the approbation of his fellow-countrymen ; if
he were so, he would distrust himself, feeling, as he did, that a disregard of honest
fame is almost invariably accompanied by a disregard of virtue ; but he did most
solemnly assure the meeting that he did not take up this affair from motives of
ambition. Strong and deep feelings impelled him to that course ; there were
some present who could testify to that ; for when he found (and he had but a
few hours to make up his mind) that upon him depended the furtherance or the
loss of Mr. Sadler's Bill, he did not (lie used the word deliberately) dare to refuse-
. . . He most sincerely wished that some one of capacious mind and profound
knowledge, had undertaken this task ; so deep and so varied were the objects to
be considered. It was a great political, moral, and religious question ; it was
political because it would decide whether thousands should be left in discontent,
aye, and just discontent ; it was moral because it would decide whether the rising
generation should learn to distinguish between good and evil — be raised above
the enjoyment of mere brutal sensualities, and be no longer, as they then were,
degraded from the dignity of thinking beings. It was a great religious question ;
for it involved the means to thousands and tens of thousands of being brought up
in the faith and fear of the God that created them. He had read of those who
had sacrificed their children to Moloch, but they were a merciful people compared
with Englishmen in the nineteenth century. He had heard of the infanticide of
the Indians, but they, too, were a merciful people compared with Englishmen in
the nineteenth century. For those nations destroyed at once their wretched off
spring, and prevented a long career of suffering and crime ; but we, having
sucked out every energy of body and of soul, tossed them on the world a mass of
skin and bone, incapable of exertion, brutalised in their understandings, and dis
qualified for immortality. He feared that in the House of Commons they would
have to encounter great and formidable opposition, but it was gratifying to think
that all the masters were not against them, neither were they without numerous
and cordial supporters in the House ; but it behoved those who were out of doors
to use their best and most strenuous exertions to guard against the possible failure
of the Bill. There was one consideration to which he particularly wished to call
their attention — namely, that before the publication of the evidence, the people of
England had nothing like the responsibility which since rested upon their heads.
So long as these horrid facts remained unknown, the guilt attached to the perpe
trators only ; but, if this terrible system were permitted to continue any longer,
the guilt would descend upon the whole nation. As for himself he assured them
that he would not give way a single moment on the question of the Ten Hours ;
he would persevere in the cause he had adopted. He had taken up the measure
as a matter of conscience, and as such he was determined to carry it through. If
the House would not adopt the Bill, they must drive him from it, as he would not
concede a single step. He most positively declared that as long as he had a seat
in that House ; as long as God gave him health and a sound mind, no efforts, no
exertions, should be wanted on his part to establish the success of the measure.
If defeated in the present Session, he would bring it forward in the next, and so
on in every succeeding Session till his success was complete.

1833.]

FRIENDLY CONGRATULATIONS. 85

Having thus, and in many other ways, expressed his views and shown the
attitude which he intended to take up with reference to this question, he very
soon gained the implicit confidence of the operatives and of the principal sup
porters of the measure. It was necessary, however, that he should have a
distinct understanding with the operatives as to the principles on which the
agitation was to be conducted ; and " they agreed from the outset that all
should be carried on in the most conciliatory manner ; that there should be a
careful abstinence from all approach to questions of wages and capital ; that
the labour of children and young persons should alone be touched ; that thero
should be no strikes, no intimidation, and no strong lang-uago against their
employers, either within or without the walls of Parliament." *
The dauntless manner in which Lord Ashley had thrown himself into the
breach, and the vigour with which he commenced his labours, called forth the
warmest expressions of approval from all quarters, and many were the sug
gestions, many the words of counsel and advice, which he received. Thus
Robert Southey wrote : —Robert Southey to Lord Ashley.
KESWICK, 1th February, 1833.
My dear Lord Ashley, — There is one thing connected with these accursed
factories which I have long intended to expose, and that is, the way in which
Sunday Schools have been subservient to the merciless love of gain. The manu
facturers know that a cry would be raised against them if their little white
slaves received no instruction ; and so they have converted Sunday into a scl: nol-
day, with what effect may be seen in the evidences I
This is quite a distinct question from that of the good or evil to be expected
from Sunday Schools, as originally intended, and existing in most places.
Upon the latter subject I have something to say when opportunities will allow
me. But the Sunday School of the factories is an abomination ; it is an
additional cruelty — a compromise between covetousness and hypocrisy.
Thousands of thousands will bless you for taking up the cause of these
poor children. I do not believe that anything more inhuman than the system
has ever disgraced human nature, in any age or country. Was I not right in
saying that Moloch is a more merciful fiend than Mammon? Death in tho
brazen arms of the Carthaginian idol was mercy to the slow waste of life in the
factories. God bless you 1 jj „
Another of Lord Ashley's literary friends, on whose opinion he set great
value, was John Ramsay MeCullooh, the eminent Political Economist, who
watched the progress of the Factory Question with deep interest, and wrote
thus : — Mr. J. R. MeCullooh to Lord Ashley.
Southampton Street, Fitzroy Square,
28th March, 1833.
My dear Lord Ashley, — I have the honour to acknowledge receipt of
your note. You are not owing me. any thing; and you may be assured that
* Shaftesbury Speeches, Preface, p. iv.

86 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. III.
should you at any future period be inclined to approfondir any branch of
Political Economy, it will be a gratification to me to forward your views. I
hope your Factory Bill will prosper, and I am glad it is in such good hands.
Had I a seat in the House it should assuredly have my vote. A notion is
entertained that Political Economists are, in all cases, enemies to all sorts of
interference, but I assure you I am not one of those who entertain such an
opinion. I would not interfere between adults and masters ; but it is absurd to
contend that children have the power to judge for themselves as to such a
matter. I look upon the facts disclosed in the late Report as most disgraceful
to the nation ; and I confess that, until I read it, I could not have conceived it
possible that such enormities were committed. Perhaps you have seen the late
work of M. Courin, who was sent by the French Government to report on the
state of education in Germany. It is well worth your Lordship's attention. In
Prussia, and most other German States, all persons are obliged to send their
children to school from the age of seven to thirteen or fourteen years, and the
education given to them is excellent ; as much superior to anything to be had
in this country as it is possible to conceive. This is the sort of interference that
we ought gradually to adopt. If your Bill has any defect, it is not by the too
great limitation, but by the too great extension of the hours of labour.
With great respect and esteem.
Most faithfully yours,
J. R. McCulloch.
The activity of Lord Ashley, and those associated with him, aroused the
opponents of the measure to renewed determination to resist it, step by step,
with corresponding energy and firmness. On the 3rd April Mr. Wilson
Patten, acting on behalf of the Association of Master Manufacturers, moved,
in the House of Commons, " That an humble address be presented to his
Majesty, praying that he will be graciously pleased to appoint a Commission
to collect information in the manufacturing districts with respect to the em
ployment of children in factories, and to devise the best means for the curtail
ment of their labour." This motion was supported by Lord Morpeth and
other influential members, and was strongly opposed by Lord Ashley and his
friends. On a division the motion was carried by a majority of one, the
numbers being — for, 74 ; against, 73.
This was regarded by the operatives as a mere stratagem to delay proceed
ings. A Royal Commission of Inquiry was, under the circumstances, most
repugnant to them, incontrovertible evidence as to the state of things being
already before the House and before the country. Moreover, power was given
to the Commission to examine witnesses in private and report thereon, thus,
as it was alleged by the working men, " giving them the option of selecting
the testimony tendered, precluding all cross-examination, and, if they were so
disposed, enabling them to smother, garble, or distort the evidence at plea
sure." From all quarters strong and numerous protests were entered, and a.

1833.1 THE MILL-OWNERS' COMMISSION OF INQUIRY. 87
maiafesto from the Lancashire Central Short-Time Committee was issued in
a forcible address to " all ranks and classes in the land,'.' calling upon them
to "let Lord Ashley's name be dear to Britain's honest labourers and oppressed
factory children."
Let his Factory Bill have your support. Our request is that you will use
¦every lawful and constitutional means to promote its legislative adoption this
Session. Give them no rest ; pour out your petitions for us and our children at
.the foot of the Throne and into both Houses of Parliament. Protest, as we do,
.against the mill-owners' Commission. We will not, except by legal obligation,
.try our cause before it. We challenge such a jury, appointed as it is by those
¦ who have been arraigned at the bar of their country, to try their own cause, or
rather to cover their guilt from public view. Our gracious Sovereign has been
imposed upon. We acknowledge and revere his Majesty's authority, but we
condemn immeasurably the act of his advisers. Is it thus that justice can be
attained when the cause of the poor is tried in open court and that of the rich in
the secret chambers of guilt ? We leave our cause in your hands, and implore
our fellow-countrymen of every rank to petition without delay for the Ten
Hours Bill, and that it may be passed without reference to a partial, unjust,
unnecessary, and delusive Parliamentary Commission, sent out on false pretences,
to the abuse of his Majesty's royal prerogative, and to the hurt and grief of his
loving and loyal subjects.
The Commissioners proceeded with their inquiry, but on every hand they
were met with the stoutest opposition. At Manchester the delegates assem
bled and issued a protest against giving any further evidence before the
Commission, and at the same time arranged for fresh evidence of an un
expected kind. They assembled the factory children, as they left the mills
ion Saturday afternoon, the 4th May, and marched thousands of them, with
ibanners, through the streets, headed by a deputation from the Central
Committee, who presented, on behalf of the children, an appeal to the
Commissioners. Not only in Manchester, but in every town where the
Commissioners sat, there were similar demonstrations, and at Leeds they
were on a very extensive scale. The Short-Time Committee distributed slips
to bind round the hats with the words "Ten Hours Bill" printed on them.
'These were eagerly sought after, and an immense multitude wearing them
congregated at the Free Market, and marched to the hotel where the Com
missioners sat. They delivered their protest, and " at this stage of the pro
ceedings," says an eye-witness, " never surely was so interesting an exhibition
witnessed; not less than 3,000 ragged, wretched little ones were there,
attended by at least 15,000 spectators. The Commissioners had a full oppor
tunity afforded them of witnessing the disgusting effects of slavery in
factories — an unanswerable argument that employment, such as their dress
and dirt exhibited they had been engaged in, ought not to be prolonged to
longer hours than the felon is condemned or the black slave constrained to
labour."

88 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. III.
On the 13th July the Commissioners' report was laid on the table of the
House of Commons, and, notwithstanding the fact that the Commission was
appointed at the earnest solicitation of the mill-owners, some of the most
influential of whom, as well as members of the Master Cotton Spinners'
Association, were examined, the result was a corroboration of the evideneo
taken before Mr. Sadler's committee, and was summed up thus : —
From the whole of the evidence laid before us, of which we have thus
endeavoured to exhibit the material points, we find : —
1. That the_..children employed in all the principal branches of manu
facture throughout the kingdom work during the same number of hours as
the adults.
2. That the effects of labour during such hours are, in a great number of
cases, permanent deterioration of the physical constitution ; the production of
diseases wholly irremediable ; "and the partial or entire seclusion (by reason
of excessive fatigue) from the means of obtaining adequate education, and
acquiring useful habits, or of profiting by those means when afforded.
3. That at the age when children suffer those injuries from the labour they
undergo, they are not free agents, but are let out on hire, the wages they earn
being secured and appropriated by parents and guardians.
We are therefore of opinion that a case is made out for the interference of
the Legislature on behalf of the children employed in factories.
Meanwhile the work of Lord Ashley had been incessant. He had made it
a matter of principle at the outset of his career — and he never wavered from
it to the close of his life — not to take up any subject or advocate any cause
until, as far as it lay in his power, he had acquainted himself with all the
' facts of the case, not at second-hand and from hearsay, but by close personal
investigation. From the hour he consented to take the leadership in this
movement, he was at work night and day in prosecuting inquiries, and in
making himself master of all its details. This involved endless visits and
conferences, innumerable letters, and an amount of toil which can scarcely be
over-estimated. " I made it an invariable . rule," he said on many occasions to the writer,
" to see everything with my own eyes, to take nothing on trust or hearsay.
In factories, I examined the mills, the machinery, the homes, and saw the
workers and their work in all its details. In collieries, I went down into the
pits. In London, I went into lodging-houses and thieves' haunts, and every
filthy place. It gave me a power I could not otherwise have had. I could
speak of things from actual experience, and I used often to hear things from
the poor sufferers themselves, which were invaluable to me. I got to know
their habits of thought and action, and their actual wants. I sat and had tea
and talk with them hundreds of times."
In due course he introduced his_Bill and on the 17th of June it was read
a second time. It provided for the limitation of the hours of labour_for
" women and young persons " to ten hours a day. " Ono clause in the Bill °-ave

1S33.]

THE TEN HOURS BILL REJECTED. 89

rise to much controversy, almost producing a split in the camp, as well as
grievously offending tho mill-owners. The clause was to the effect that in
any instance in which the provisions of the Act were infringed, on tho third
offence personal punishment should be inflicted upon the mill-owner. Mr.
Oastler, Mr. Bull, and many others who had long been identified with the
movement, strongly upheld its insertion ; and the operatives in Yorkshire
were almost unanimously in its favour. They denounced thoso who were
against the clause in language so violent and threatening, that at one time a
rupture seemed inevitable. But Lord Ashley was master of the art of
managing men. He smoothed down the difficulties, and on the 18th July
proceeded with his Bill.
The Bill was opposed by Lord Althorp, who urged that it should be
rejected in favour of one founded on the report of the Commission. Not
withstanding all the efforts made by Lord Ashley and his friends, the
Government Bill was carried, on a division, by an overwhelming majority.
It seemed that a death-blow to the Ten Hours Bill had been struck, so
disastrous was the defeat. The delegates and friends who had been working
so strenuously in the matter were discouraged and disheartened ; but they had
pledged themselves to go forward, and they were determined not to relax
their efforts.
Lord Ashley did not abandon hope, although at first sight everything
seemed against him. He rose, on the Speaker resuming the chair, and
said : — " Having taken up the subject fairly and conscientiously, he found
that the noble Lord (Althorp) had completely defeated him ; he would, there
fore, surrender the Bill into the hands of the noble Lord ; but having taken it
up with a view to do good to the class intended, he would only say, into what
ever hands it passed, God prosper it."
Although the measure fell far short of what was desired, and would
take effect slowly, inasmuch as it would not come into full operation until
1836, " it contained, nevertheless, some humane and highly useful pro
visions, and established, for the first time, tho great principle that labour
and education should be combined."*
Before the delegates returned to their homes, Lord Ashley wrote to the
Chairman of the Manchester Short-Time Committee, to acknowledge his
indebtedness to their labours, and to explain that he alone was responsible
for the concessions that had been made, and for the obnoxious clauses
which had been expunged. " The late defeat," he said, " has proved the
feebleness of our partisans even upon principles. What, then, would have
been the result upon details ? But by withdrawing in time we have taken
from our opponents the means of cloaking their hostility to a remedial
measure under the pretence of resistance to an ' offensive and violent ' inter
ference (as they term it) with the disposal of capital."
Throughout the period during which Lord Ashley was engaged on the
* Shaftesbury's Speeches, Preface, p. v,

90 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. (Chap. III. I.
Factory Question, his friend Southey, with almost parental solicitude, was
watching his progress, and urging him, in frequent letters, to take eare of
himself. But the indomitable resolution that marked his career at Oxford,
that possessed him in Wales, and that governed his conduct while on the
India Board of Control, had, in even a more marked degree, urged him
on to ceaseless activity and self-sacrifice on behalf of the factory-folk.
Southey had advised him not to go to the manufacturing districts to see
the physical effects of the system he was exposing. "The distressful
recollections would be impressed upon you and burnt in," he wrote, " and
I should fear that the subject might take possession of you so fully that.
it might affect your health, which always suffers when, the mind is occu
pied too intently upon one subject, and especially if that subject be one
with which strong feeling is necessarily connected."
He did not know that the whole pathway of his friend's life would
lie through impaired health, and suffering, and painfully-stirred feeling,
which need not have fallen to his lot had he not dedicated himself, his
time, his talents, his all, to the cause of the poor and the friendless.
The following letter was written immediately after Lord Ashley had
resigned the Bill into the hands of the Ministry : — ¦
Robert Southey to Lord Ashley. Keswick, July 21th, 1833.
My dear Lord Ashley, — . . . You have done well, and will always
look back with satisfaction on what you have done ; and others, when they look
back upon it, will honour you as they ought. Whatever good is done, whatever
mitigation of evil is effected, will be through your means. The manufacturers
and the Ministers would have done nothing unless you had forced them to it.
On the whole, I am not sorry that it has now passed into their hands. They
have given to the younger children more than you could venture to ask ; and
they will, ere long, be compelled to give at least as much as you asked to the
adolescents (as they please to call them), unless the over-production, consequent
upon working two sets of children, should, in its seen consequences', bring this.
system of insatiable avarice, or, rather, greediness of gain, to a crisis. . .
And now, the more you can direct your thoughts to other things, the better. It
has been my fortune to see what effects are produced upon the health and happi
ness of those who suffer one great subject to take full possession of them. Turn
away from it now, and you will be the better able to stir in it hereafter when
opportunity offers. . . When you can run away from Parfdemonium, I
hope you will come here, where you would find new scenes, and breathe an air
of quietness. You could not devise a more effectual diversion for your thoughts
and feelings, and I am sure that they must need it. God bless you. R. S„
The spirit of this advice was taken, and in the autumn of that eventful
year there came, as we shall see in the next chapter, the much-needed rest-.

CHAPTER IV.
ITALY — 1833.
To know the character of a man, travel with him. See whether he takes his
conscience abroad; see whether, when the restraints of daily occupation,
public opinion, or forces of habit are removed, his character remains the
same ; mark whether in varied and engrossing pleasure, and in exhilaration of
spirits, his principles shine out as lustrously as when at home.
On the 10th of October, Lord Ashley, in company with his wife and child
— " Sir Babkins," as he called him— and Lord and Lady Cowper, started off
on a six months' foreign tour. In a special book he wrote down day by day,
in a pleasant, easy fashion, his impressions of all he saw and heard and felt.
It was a task, sometimes irksome, but it was undertaken in order that, in
years to come, he might live the scenes over again by his own fireside with
the companion of his travels. The Journal is specially interesting as showing
the state of his mind, at that period, on many subjects which were afterwards
to engage his time and influence; how much broader were his views and
sympathies than many have supposed ; and as giving a graphic description of
travel more than half a century ago.
The journey from London to Dover, a distance of seventy-two miles, took
ten hours to perform, and the " excellent " passage from Dover to Calais was
accomplished in two hours and forty minutes. The route lay by road, through
Abbeville and Beauvais, and then, he says, " we passed on to Melun, and
omitted Paris. I have no pleasure in that capital." Beyond Sens the
countiy became more interesting.
The surface is more undulating and varied, and the vines give a peculiar rich
ness of colouring. These vast plains of Burgundy have a singular appearance,
not a single tree, hedge, hut, or sign of inhabitants except the cultivation.
Whence come the labourers, or where do they dwell 1 If in the towns, they must
have leagues of journey to their daily work.
The Jura mountains were crossed in a violent snowstorm and amid other
circumstances of terror.
Notwithstanding the misery of the scene, the danger of the precipices, and
the chance of an obstruction to our further passage, it was impossible to over
look the magnificence of such a spectacle. The dark colour of the pines behind
the streams of snow, the ruggedness of the cliffs, and the fury of the storm,
combined to set before me the language of the Almighty ; — " Hast thou entered

92 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY [Cuaf. IV.
into the treasures of the snow, or hast thou seen the treasures of the hail, which
I have reserved against the time of trouble, against the day of battle and war 1 "
I thought, too, of the expedition to Russia, when He commanded the elements to
do Him service ; " wind and storm fulfilling His word."
After eight days of " wind and rain, and every discomfort," Geneva was
reached in safety.
Has nature, among all her riches, a nobler possession than this lake and its
mountains 1 What a profound and indescribable pleasure it is to look upon such
things ! As to collecting one's thoughts or expressing one's feelings, it is neither
possible nor even desirable ; our safest eloquence concerning them is our silence,
and to confess, without confession, that His wisdom is inscrutable, His greatness
above our oapacity and reaoh.
Quitting Geneva after a rest of six clays ("it is a terrible place for
shopping"), visits were paid to Lausanne and Chillon, the road passing
through a series of gardens,
Every mile is a subject for the genius of a painter ; and to all this loveliness
is superadded the charm of various and careful cultivation ; order, neatness,
taste, arid manifold industry give an appearance of beauty and comfort and
abundance which excite in one's mind a notion of virtue and happiness in tht
people. Everywhere he found in the changeless and everlasting hills, food for
contemplation, and everywhere the vastness of nature excited religious senti
ments : —
Ten times a day do I repeat,
" These are Thy glorious works, Parent of Good,
Almighty ! Thine this universal frame ;
Thus wondrous fair "...
while the Book of Job and the Psalms furnished him with pregnant words to
utter the thoughts that rose within him. But the glory of the scenery did
not so absorb him as to make him oblivious of other things. Wherever he
wont he kept his eyes open to observe the ways and habits and wants of the
people. Thus we find him writing : —
A Swiss in a town is very different from a Swiss in the country — in the
country all is clean and neat and fresh ; in the town he is dirty and close. . . .
Their industry and enterprise are truly astonishing ; they have climbed to the
last point of vegetation in quest of soil and sunbeams ; the small hovels built on
the pinnacles, almost above an eagle's flight, reminded me of the Prophet's words
against Idumea, " Oh thou that buildest thy nest in a rock." . . .
We have now been for a day and a half in a Catholic portion of Switzerland —
unhappily we may be assured of it by the slovenly and negligent habits of the people.
This contrast is very remarkable throughout the Confederacy ; everywhere the

1833.]

IN MILAN.

Protestant cantons exhibit a picture of order, cleanliness, and taste. Dirt and
discomfort are the guardian spirits of the Catholic. Yet these Catholic districts
are not without a charm. The announcement and display of religion give a
grace to these solitudes ; while the ensign of the Cross, comely in its form and
adapted to the scenery, places the humiliation and the power of God in wondrous
juxtaposition. The use of the Cross has been superstitiously abused, and Pro
testant nations have therefore mostly abandoned it ; but we suffer by the change.
Such a memorial is necessary and ought to be pleasing. . . .
German is talked here (Brieg), and the people are far less cleanly. Walked
to-day to a neighbouring village Everywhere we may trace the influence of
Catholicism ; in a population of about 150 persons, I found churches and shrines,
crosses and saints, for three thousand. Whence, too, the wealth and furniture of
these places of worship — each church must have absorbed the earnings of a
century ? Came suddenly upon a, catacomb, where were heaped up some thou
sand skulls, the remains of many generations. " 0 Lord," thus said Ezekiel,
" shall these bones live ? " " So teach us to number our days that we may apply
our hearts unto wisdom." In reminiscences such as these the Catholic religion
leads us to moments of piety.
After crossing the Simplon, through scenery of " terrible sublimity,"
where, as Gray says, in one of his letters to West, " you have death per
petually before your eyes, only so far removed as to compose the mind
without frightening it," they reached Arona. Of course, Isola Bella was
visited : —
It is a complete embodying of every luxurious and Asiatic idea ; had I not
seen it I should have disbelieved the existence of such a spot ; but still I have no
wish to live there. Enclosed by water and mountains I should die of a suffoca
tion of spirit— it would be Rasselas in the Happy Yalley.
At Milan, on Sunday morning : —
Went with Minny to High Mass in the Cathedral ; there was no Protestant
place of worship ; but we preferred, to total omission, saying a few prayers in a
house dedicated to His honour and service. It is a tedious and unspiritual cere
monial — everlasting movement and gesture, with numberless repetitions of robing,
candles, incense, and drawling chants. The effect upon the eye, all things in
cluded, is extremely grand ; nor can we fail to be struck by the motley, though
vast, assemblage, huddled together : of every rank, profession, age, and sex. The
prayers are cold and short ; few can join and fewer can understand. . . .
People come in and go out during the performance ; to stay, as with us, from the
beginning to the end, appears quite unnecessary.
Surely our simple and hearty service is equally beautiful and more edifying.
I contrast with all the gorgeous show of the Duomo at Milan, the Cathedral
service of an Abbey Church ; the liturgy, the chanting of the psalms, the singing
of the responses in the communion, all closed with a pious and learned sermon,
and I really think that the chastened splendour of this ceremonial leads us, as
near as is possible on earth, to the heavenly pattern of the saints above. . . .

94 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. IV.
On many subsequent occasions the Duomo was visited, and each time
some kindly entry is made in the Diary.
One great and honourable characteristic of this religion is, as Minny observed
to me, that no one is ashamed to exhibit devotion. . .
The most zealous Protestant must applaud the Romish practice of leaving
¦open the churches for any casual worshippers. Oftentimes in the midst of daily
¦occupations the mind may desire the consolations of religion, and oftentimes it
:may be led to think of them by the sight and opportunity of houses of prayer.
-Much, however, as I approve the system, I doubt the possibility of it in our own
Country. It should be stated that, in this tour, Lord Ashley was taking his wife
over ground which he himself had traversed ten years before. The cir
cumstances attending the journey were therefore doubly delightful — to visit
these places again after so long an interval, and to visit them in company
with his young wife.
I have retraced, almost without variation, the journey that I made nearly ten
years ago. This is a long period in the life of man ; but I do not find that,
though it has added to my years, it has taken from my happiness. I may have,
it is possible, less elasticity and imagination, but I have greatly increased my
power and means of solid enjoyment. To every age there are allotted its peculiar
pleasures ; and God, in His goodness, has so ordered my career that I have for
every time its proper comforts ; to youth may be permitted the mere pursuit of
pastime, but of riper years we must demand the pursuit of utility ; each one
should seek how he can best be serviceable. I believed myself fitted for domestic
life, and, God willing, I entered into that state. Little did I think, when pacing
these streets, that I should next visit them as paterfamilias ; but often have I
occasion to bless that Providence that put into my soul to desire a wife, and then
guided my choice to rest upon one who must, if I be capable of any goodness,
insure to me a perpetuity of earthly happiness.
Finding Milan to be dull, " and the cold piercing — in the streets there
prevails a chill which ' divides asunder the bones and the marrow ' " —
Lord and Lady Ashley moved on towards the south for a six weeks'
absence, leaving their little child in the careful keeping of Lord and Lady
Cowper and other friends.
Passing- through Brescia, "Verona, and Vicenza, they came to Venice,
,where they made their head-quarters.
Lord Ashley notes on the way thither that : —
The former division of Italy into so many independent and sovereign states,
whatever may have been its political and moral effects, was certainly favourable
to the Arts— every town had its churches, its palaces, its pictures, and its statues ;
rivalry prevailed universally, and, combined with the influence of Religion, has
, enriched every corner of Italy more than whole empires under a single capital.

'1833-' VENICE. 95
At the end of three days at Venice, he writes : —
We have never yet beheld the sun, but perhaps that is in keeping ; the sun of
Venice has set ; 'her own crimes and the powerful ambition of her neighbours
would have wrought their effects, had the Cape of Good Hope remained in
obscurity. The long continuance of her liberty is nearly as wonderful as' the rise
and establishment of it ; but she fell in a day, nay, almost in an hour ; and not
one single life was offered in defence of the glory and freedom of fourteen
¦ centuries. To me there is nothing so interesting and nothing so curious as the
history of Venice. To gaze upon her ruins, and to recollect her story, carries tbe
imagination beyond ordinary life, and imparts a most painful though most
i salutary lesson of the uncertainty of freedom and empire. The whole I have
: applied to my own country, and I cannot resist the deep and constant melancholy
¦which such reflections inspire. . . . Notwithstanding the loss of liberty, these
people seem gay and comfortable. Pleasure, it would appear, is the great object
of Ssheir lives. They laugh and sing, and lounge in groups, and look at Punch,
and go to the theatre. The quay and the piazza are througed with idlers, and
nothing is heard but notes of merriment. Just now, while I am writing, the
whole town is resounding with music, and multitudes pace to and fro in search of
amusement. That they are not wretched is evident, but are they as happy as
they might be ? And this is always a question to be studied by any one who
¦wishes well to mankind.
Every day in Venice, notwithstanding the fact that the weather was
cold, was full of intense pleasure. " Truly Venice is a glory of human
skill," he exclaims at one time ; and, at another, " These gondolas are
an invention worthy of Capua or the ancient Sybarites. I can conceive no
luxury beyond a hot season and a lounging- gondola."
At Padua, bought a small crucifix ; five centimes, or about one halfpenny, was
all fhey asked for it. The worship of the material or the mere representation, is
senseless, wicked, and idolatrous, but to bear about a memorial of what God Him
self once exhibited to the world, does but simply recall His death and passion,
and forces us, as Scripture has foretold, " to look on Him whom we pierced."
A glance at Padua, and a run through Ferrara, and the travellers reached
Bologna. Went first to the Accademia, a small but very beautiful collection. Unfor
tunately one must run through galleries and be content with little study.
"taking," as old Fuller says, "rather a snack than a full meal." Bologna alone
would occupy a month, and we can spare it a day 1 However, if one may quote
without impropriety, " one day in thy courts is better than a thousand." In this
collection all are of merit ; but some are divine ; the Domenichinos, but especially
the St. Agnes, are very great ; in the comer of the St. Agnes there is a group of
women, singularly happy. The Caraccis display abundant force, but they did not
excite in me the pleasure and emotion that I felt in contemplating the Guidos.
The Samson and the Pieta overpowered me too much to allow a feeling for

96 THE EARL OP SnAFTESBURY. [Chap. IV.
criticism ; but his Massacre of the Innocents has in it all that a mother can
imagine, and an angel can execute. Then came the St. Cecilia of Raffael, full of
dignity, elevation, and truth. In everything from this wonderful hand, we see
him exalted above nature, and yet true to _it.
The ordinary sights seen by travellers, and the ordinary incidents con
nected with the tedious mode of travelling in former days, fill the records
of the Diary as regards Faenza, Ravenna, and Rimini; but a visit to the
little Republic of San Marino is described with enthusiasm.
On the road to Loretto an accident occurred, not important in itself,
but the narration of it will be interesting as exhibiting some of the cha
racteristics of the future President of the Society for the Prevention of
Cruelty to Animals : —
On descending the hill a leader fell, and lay like one dead. Fortunately the
carriage escaped an overturn, although for a quarter of an hour there was
struggling and kicking to raise the poor animal, which seemed, I thought,
incapable of moving. Never did I see such a fiend as the postillion ; blood and
hell were in every line of his face, and, while he swore and blasphemed and
beat the miserable beast, the foam ran from his mouth like a, panting dog.
With an iron heel he stamped upon its eye and mouth and sides ; in vain did I
call upon the monster to desist. At last it got up, and our postillion insisted
upon re-hamessing it to the carriage. This I opposed as extremely dangerous,
the poor horse being weak and apparently very ill. However, it was useless to
argue or to command ; to no purpose did I assert my right and property in my
own vehicle .... I continued to declare my intention of applying to the
police, telling the drivers that, whatever they did, they did at their peril. They
were arbitrary, however, harnessed the animal, and drove us on. Being arrived
at Loretto, I spoke instantly to the postmaster, who shrugged, admitted the
guilt, but expressed an unwillingness to interfere. Determined, therefore, to
see a commissary of police. It was necessary to curb the violence of these chaps,
and an hour of my trouble, I thought, might save some score of foreigners from
similar outrages.
At considerable trouble he went from secretary to president, and the
result was " three days' imprisonment for the rascally culprits."
The journey was then resumed : over the Apennines to Casa-Nuova,
Foligno, Temi, through a " countiy wanton with vegetation," to Narni, Cas-
tellana, and Rome.
Alpine scenery is sublime and soon fatigues, because it keeps the mind on a
perpetual stretch. The scenery of Italy is soft, flowing, and graceful. The
round swelling hills, clad with the richest underwood of every speoies ; the long
and retiring vistas ; mountains and yet distant prospects ; the exquisite con
trasts of the olive and the cypress ; above all, the various outlines, far and near,
convey a charm and a delight that I never experience from any other con
templation.

1S33'1 HOME. 97
At Rome, everything that was to be seen and done was seen and done,
and, in addition, " at a rough guess, one-fifth of our time was given to card-
leaving." Nevertheless, the Journal was scrupulously kept, and the records,
of which only a few specimens can he given here, are uniformly interesting,
and written with great freshness and enthusiasm. A spot twenty times
trodden at Rome is, as he writes, like a field twenty times manured — it yields
more abundantly.
... St. Peter's : apart from its beauty it is the liveliest church I have ever
seen. This is, perhaps, the effect of the abundant light admitted through the
many windows ; you may feel here a deep sensation of awe, but you cannot be
gloomy. . . .
Went to the Forum and Coliseum ; saw them with undiminished pleasure.
The Coliseum must ever be peculiarly interesting ; — it has much in its history of
emperors, people, beasts, and gladiators, but its most solemn recollections bring-
before us the sufferings of the early Christians, and the heroism of those faithful
ones whose blood, under Providence, has been "the seed of the Church."
Romanists have abused these feelings to superstition, but Protestants have
neglected them to ingratitude. They were great men, and their deeds should be
recorded for " example of life and instruction of manners." Ventured to utter a
prayer of thanksgiving to God for " all those who had departed this life in His
faith and fear." . . .
To St. John Lateran ; the church is particularly handsome, and the ceiling
rich in gold and colour. The relics here seem unrivalled : the heads of St. Peter
and St. Paul ; the very table at which our Saviour held His last supper (and the
piece of silver, to mark the place where He sat, could never — so said our lacquey
— be torn off either by piety or sacrilege I) ; the altar through which the Host
dashed to convince an unbelieving priest of the Real Presence ; the vase on which
the cock was perched when St. Peter denied his Master ; and a measure of the
height of Christ. But I am not sure that this last is a relic. It has, however,
according to the received belief, this peculiarity : that, among the many thou
sands who have tried themselves by this standard, no one is of the precise height,
all being either too tall or too short !
In making the tour of the picture galleries of Rome, he notes from time
to time those works which most impress him, and throughout the Diary there
are short graphic and pithy art-criticisms. Thus :—
To the Rospigliosi, Guido's Aurora : I can oonipare it to nothing that 1 know ;
it is in painting what Milton's Allegro is in poetry : everything that is most cap
tivating, and original, and delicious. . . .
Early to see the pictures at the Vatican. At last they have been framed,
though meanly enough. The Transfiguration is ill-placed ; the light falls im
properly on it. Surely each of these fine works is worthy of a separate room
constructed expressly to display its merits as the painter himself could have
desired ! Whatever may be the condemnation of my judgment, I most boldly
declare my preference of the "Madonna di Foligno " to all the pictures of
the world. What a group the Virgin and Child I ' I . . .
H

98 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. IV.
On the 8th December he attends the English service ; his critical remark
on the preacher's style is characteristic : —
The chaplain is reckoned a fine preacher ; if it be true that " artis est celare
artem " he is deficient, for never did I hear or see a more manifest effort ; the
whole thing would have been better suited to one of Mrs. Siddons' readings of
Shakespeare or Milton, and his style was so laboured and wrought into antithesis,
that each sentence might have danced a " vis a, vis " to the other.
The 21st of December was, throughout his life, a day of rejoicing to Lord
Ashley. He was singularly sensitive to the influences of weather and of light,
and for this reason always welcomed the arrival of the shortest day.
Dec. 21. — The shortest day. It may be called the midnight of the year, as
after this period the advance is to light and not to darkness. It is a singular co
incidence, and morally a most just one, that Christ, " The Light of the World,"
" The Day-spring from on High," should have been born in the depth of winter,
the full period of human darkness ; and yet precisely at the commencement of
returning light, and warmth, and happiness 
Dec. 24. . . . This is Christmas Eve, a time of joyous celebration to all
mankind ; in every Christian country a season of festivity, and in many of them,
I hope, of love and prayer. Here, after a day of fasting, all families are prepar
ing for a domestic banquet. It is a precious season, and no one has so beautifully
told it as our own Shakespeare : —
" It faded on the crowing of the cook.
Some say that ever 'gainst that season comes,
Wherein our Saviour's birth is celebrated,
This bird of dawning singeth all night long ;
And then, they say, no spirit dares stir abroad ;
The nights are wholesome ; then no planets strike ;
No fairy takes, nor witch hath power to charm,
So hallow'd and so gracious is the time. " Hamlet, act i., scene i.
25th, Christmas Day. — " It is a, day to be much observed unto the Lord."
That it should be here celebrated as a high and sacred solemnity, here in the very
fountain and seat of persecution, is indeed the Lord's doing, and is marvellous in
our eyes. Went to see the ceremonies at St. Peter's, and grand indeed they were ;
but worship and love, and humility and gratitude, have as little share in them as
can well be bestowed. . . .
Went in evening to the Santa Maria Maggiore. The church lighted up and
decorated like a ball-room ; full of people, and a bishop with a stout train of
canons listening to the music, which was fine, but, as usual, precisely like an
opera. In such rites as these the soul has no share ; the Papists have re-imposed
upon themselves the Jewish burdens, and renew the painful and imperfect
worship of the Temple at Jerusalem. Walked home, read the Bible and all the
prayers for the day, with Massillon's noble discourse on the " Jour de Noel."

1S34.] DR. ruSEY. 99
Dec. 27. — In the evening to a ball at Mrs. Montague's — lively and pleasant.
Minny looked heavenly ; and a foreigner requested to be introduced to " Made
moiselle Ashley ! " Is it wrong to be so entirely proud of, and happy in, one's
wife's beauty 1 But surely there is nothing so pretty and fascinating as my
Min. 31. — To the Gesu. A Te Deum on the vigil of the New Year. Three organs
in three parts of the church gave us some hop, skip, and jump music, each in
succession. Never was I so little impressed ; it was a compound of Tancredi,
Semiramide, and Robert le Diable — quick, rapid chromatic passages, executed
with all the hurry and fervour of variations. Astonished the " foreign " audience,
as much as it did the organ, an instrument " non hosformatum in usus." Surely
the Italians must know but little of sacred music if they think such quirks and
jigs (however suitable and charming in a theatre) " can swell the soul to rage or
heavenly joys inspire." When the Te Deum at last began, and the auditors
joined, I came away in surprise at the dull ears and discordant voices of Italian
worshippers. Jan. 8. — Went with Minny, Fordwich, and William Cowper to the Church of St-
Agostino, to see the image of the Virgin, that has lately wrought such numerous
and mighty miracles. As the liberality of the faithful keeps pace with the
labours of the statue, it is not likely that her guardian priests will give her either
long or speedy repose.
A very fair estimate of the state of society here may be obtained by an
enumeration of the knives and daggers dedicated to the Virgin by those who
have escaped the arm of the assassin. They are hung up at one side, like an
armoury. " Arma defunctumque bello hic paries habebit."
Jan. 10.— To the catacombs of St. Sebastian. Here were found bones, and
inscriptions, and coffins of stone, the remains of the early Christians. The
passages stretch out, it is said, for miles, far beyond what is either pleasant or
safe to explore. Low, wretched, and dismal as they are, we see in them the
nursery of the Christian faith ; and truly it is in keeping, for if the Founder of
our religion were born in a stable, we must not be surprised that His humble and
despised followers had no better shelter than the tombs. Now what a compass!
your thoughts must embrace if you stand in the narrow chapel of the catacombs!
and reflect on St. Peter's, or in St. Peter's and reflect on the catacombs. ... I
Jan. 12, Sunday. — The sunset glorious. Home and read Massillon's fine
discourse on the Passion. Gibbon and Massillon have been a great part of my
study here.
Jan. 13. — Out early to see Prince Altieri (late Senator of Rome) lie in state at
the church of Sopra Minerva. As Senator of Rome he was buried with honours,
and very unimpressive they were. A bier and some tall candles, with a few
troops and a screaming Mass, constituted the whole ceremony. I could not but
compare it with the funeral I had attended just previously to my departure from
England, Mr. Wilberforce's, in Westminster Abbey.
One of the most interesting entries in the Diary at this time is that occur
ring under the date Jan. 15. — " Dined with Pusey. . . ."
Dr. Pusey, who was one year older than Lord Ashley, had been a f ellow-
etudent at Christ Church, Oxford, and had taken a first-class in classics in
H 2

100 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. tCHAP. IV.
1822, the year in which Lord Ashley achieved a similar distinction. In 1833,
while Lord Ashley was taking up the Factoiy Question, and becoming tho
leader in one of the greatest social movements of the day, Pusey was joining
Dr. John Henry Newman in bringing out the celebrated "Tracts for tho
Times," and was taking a leading part in the great ecclesiastical movement
with which, later on, his name became iiidissolubly connected, and which, for
good or for evil, has influenced so powerfully the future of the Church of
England. One of Dr. Pusey's keenest opponents was to be the man who was his
guest that day.
Lord Ashley was the cousin of Dr. Pusey through the Bouveries (the
family of the Earls of Radnor), and was well known to him. But there was
sitting Reside him at the table a man whom he now met for the first time, one
who was afterwards to be closely allied with him in important evangelical
work, and in opposition to Pusey. This was the celebrated M. Bunsen. He
was the son of a poor Dutch soldier, whose scanty living was furnished by a
small pension and the produce of a few acres of land in Corbach, a town in
the little German principality of Waldeck. From early childhood he had
endured the vigorous training that poverty imposes ; he had been compelled
to fight his own way through the world with nothing save his own " inward
consciousness and a determination to live for an ideal aim, disregarding all
else as insignificant," * to support him. He studied at the University of
Gottingen ; distinguished himself there as a classical scholar ; went to Paris
to perfect himself in Oriental languages ; and then visited Italy, where he
was introduced to the learned Niebuhr, and became his private secretary. He
afterwards was made Secretary to the Prussian Embassy at Rome, then
Charge d' Affaires, and finally full Minister. At a future date he was sent as
a Special Envoy to England, to negotiate a matter that was destined to stir
every circle of religious society, and in carrying out which Lord Ashley was
to be one of his staunchest friends" and fellow -workers.
Jan. 15. — Dined with Pusey. Bunsen, the Prussian Minister, whom I sat
next to, is a most simple, unaffected, learned man. Jan. 17. — Went in the
evening to M. Bunsen's. I was anxious to improve my acquaintance with that
excellent and enlightened man. Had some useful and pleasant conversation.
He informed me that the Prussian Government had determined to establish, for
the maintenance and advancement of the Protestant faith, bishops and cathedral
institutions. Jan. 18. — Received a very kind invitation from M. Bunsen to take
an antiquarian trudge with him ; accepted it, and he came here to fetch me.
First saw the view from his house, and then we descended to the Forum. The
remains of the tabularium under the Capitol were quite new to me ; it is nearly
the finest relic of Republican Rome. ... I am really glad to have made the
acquamtance, and indeed almost the friendship, of this superior man ; his
learning and abilities are embellished by a sound and ardent piety. Such men
are an honour and comfort to their generation 1
* "Memoir of Baron Bunsen," by his Widow, Baroness Bunsen, vol. ii., p. 131.

1834-1 FLORENCE. 101
St. Anthony's Day. — Received various felicitations ! — Breakfasted with Pusey.
To the Coliseum, where «, monk was preaching the Friday sermon. Such a
picturesque scene, and as interesting as picturesque! Passed St. Anthony's
Chapel, where some horses were under the exorcising of the priests. Of this
ceremony, like many others in Rome, the principle is good but the practice
ridiculous. It has become a low, money-making craft on the part of the clergy,
and a base, fruitless superstition on the part of the laity. It is right and wise,
and merciful and pious, to recognise even animals as God's creatures, and believe
that they have a share in the consideration of an almighty and beneficent Maker,
but here they hold only to the charm of the benediction, a species of necro
mancy. Jan. 24. — Viterbo. Rome is quitted, and we have now (perhaps for ever,
certainly for u, long time) resigned the contemplation and enjoyment of the
most exciting and subduing (for the sentiments are here blended) spot in the
civilised world. I do entirely thank God that I have been once more allowed
to take such a pleasure. ... It was, however, pain and grief to leave it ;
and nothing but the prospect of speedily seeing that dear child could have
softened a feeling of sorrow which was going far beyond approvable
limits. . . .
Jan. 26. — Siena is prettily situated amidst undulating hills. We arrived there
at the full hour of the Corso, when mankind, dense as cabbage plants, and
abundant carriages, were pacing up and down a long, narrow, crooked, cold,
lofty street. This is the Italian pleasure ; having outside their walls, and at a
distance of three minutes' walk, a fine view, a clean path, a fresh air, a bright
sun, they preferred the dark, sad, chilly passage of their living catacombs. How
different from the English ! All our amusements are in open spaces, with light
and air ; even Italian " races " must be run in a street ; the fact is, an Italian
does not enjoy his climate : he boasts a good deal of his possession, but leaves
the enjoyment of it to foreigners.
Jan. 28. — Florence. The Church of San Lorenzo. Was there ever such
magnificence to mark the deposit of mortality ! The Capella di Medici and the
Capella dei Principi. Here Michael Angelo has shown all his power on the
tombs of Lorenzo and Julian, Dukes of the family of Medici (TJrbino and
Nemours). The figure of " Night " almost makes one " hush ; " it has a
character of tranquillity and grace very seldom seen in the works of Buonarotti ;
the hand, upon which the head inclines, casts a shade over the face ; and the
half -closed eyes in this partial obscurity express the soft approach of night ;
the negligent, abandoned position of the head is nature itself ; it falls forward
into the shadow like a star near the horizon, " suadentque cadentia sidera
somnos." Jan. 29. — Dined with the Shelleys, and afterwards went to a ball given by
the Grand Duke at the Pitti Palace. The approach to the rooms was prettily
contrived through long avenues of myrtle and orange trees lining the passages ;
but the ball-room itself exceeded in brilliancy and liveliness any apartment I
have ever seen. Eight great trees of wax candles, attached to the walls,
decorated the sides of the saloon, and reached quite to the ceiling. Their Ducal
Majesties were civil and kind in the extreme. I was horridly fatigued with this
day's operations, and so was little Min.

102 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. IV.
After leaving Florence the journey Was continued, and Pisa, Leghorn,
Lucca, and Sarzana, in the Sardinian territories, were visited.
Reflect on the thousands of great and patriotic Pisans who adorned the best
times of Liberty and the Republic. Unfortunately for mankind, nothing grows
old so soon as Freedom ; its prime is spent in a day and its course is chiefly run
in childhood and decline: . . .
.... The road throughout the Luccese is perfectly charming ; having
surmounted the hills We descended upon the level between the sea and the
mountains. This district is Arcadia itself ; cultivated with all the care,
precision, and tidiness exhibited in the best parts about Geneva, it superadds the
most 'agreeable and classic scenery that Virgil or Theocritus ever saw or
imagined. Here I remarked in wonderful abundance all the favourite beauties
of Salvator and Poussin, and we had absolute experience that the colouring of
Claude (however brilliant) is unequal to nature. Mountains high enough to be
grand, and yet not terrible ; olive forests, ruined castles, valleys, scattered
villages, herds of sheep and goats, everything usually met with apart, here
clustered together. The whole population appeared bursting with gaiety and
fine clothes ; hundreds, nay, thousands were swarming in the villages and along
the roads, all in costumes of the most bright and becoming character. The sight
was delightful, not only to a man of taste, but to any one who rejoices in the
happiness of his species. The race, too, is handsome, bellissimo sangue ; the
women especially carried an air of dignity and force which, upon reasoning
alone, one should conceive peculiar to hereditary wealth or station. Therefore I
say and feel, " God bless the Duke of Lucca." These small states of Tuscany and
Lucca are a model of what Italy should and could be, and an example for many
nations of Europe. And yet all Lucca, town and country, contains fifty thousand
inhabitants, about one-fourth of my constituents 1
Feb. 7. — San Remo. No monarch living, except the King of Sardinia, can
show in his dominions such a six days' journey. We have been greatly struck
by the remarkable beauty of the women and children all along this coast ; from
the town of Lucca to this point we have met handsome faces at every
step. . . .
Feb. 8. — Nice. Arrived at four ; thanks be to God, found them all well, and
especially our darling child, who knew us again, and showed evident joy at our
return. . . . 11th. — Went to the Corso where the Nissards were celebrating
the last day of the Carnival ; they were amused, and so were we. As far as we
saw, there was nothing but innocence ; if it were not wise, it was not criminal.
Such festivities have an air of foolery, and yet it is unsafe to condemn, in one
sweeping term, the periodical recreations of a whole people.
When Lord Ashley started upon this tour he determined that it should be a
real holiday — a time for rest with which he would not allow politics to inter
fere. To this end he removed himself as far as possible from the temptation
to break his repose. He neither read newspapers, nor encouraged conversation
on political affairs. This, perhaps, was easier to do then than now ; but at
all events he held to his purpose, and acquired a power of abstracting his mind
from multitudinous interests, which stood him in good stead afterwards,

1834-1 PARIS. 103
when labours devolved upon him which demanded his whole time and the con
centration of all his energies.
Feb. 13. — I am not at ease ; Parliament has assembled, and I am far from my
post and my duties, yet what can I do ? How leave Lady Cowper here alone ?
This is most distressing ; the Church is threatened, and I shall be unable to give
even my weak and single opposition to the measure. Hitherto I have enjoyed a
happy freedom from politics. Throughout my journey I have carefully avoided
both newspapers'" and conversations on that odious subject ; but now I must
renew my intercourse with vice and misery ; and even the short residence we
can make at Nice will be tainted by the "necessary" study of letters and
Galignanis. . . . Feb. 22. — I love the Italian people. We abuse them, we despise them,
we taunt them with cowardice and degeneracy ; and it may be deserved, and it
may be true ; but are they incorrigible, or what has made them such ? Have
they been well taught? Have they been well ruled? Scattered, at variance
with one another, and oppressed ; without place or nation, having little to love
and nothing to respect, without the means of patriotism and loyalty, what can
be demanded of them ? Yet consider their genius ; in art, in science, in trade,
in literature, in politics, the instructors of Europe I Among so many millions
cannot virtue and genius again take root ? " I the Lord will accomplish it in
his time." . . . 27th. — The millennium of European policy would be the
establishment of a " Kingdom of Italy ; " but this is a dream, and a dream that
must not be talked of, for bloodshed, violence, revolution, massacre, horror, and
failure at last, would be the inevitable consequences. Were success more
probable, still we must refrain ; good can be purchased at too dear a rate, and
two generations must not be sacrificed for the benefit of the third. Yet if it
pleased God to raise Italy from the dead, what a mass of materials for every
work of greatness ! She is indeed now despised, cast down, and perhaps
degenerate ; but such centuries of misgovernment and suffering would have
corrupted, to a fifty-fold degree, any other people.
March 14. — To-day we crossed the Var and quitted Ltaly. " Peace be within
thy walls, and plenteousness within thy palaces." " I wish thee good luck."
Then to Cannes — which is described only as " a pretty spot on the sea
shore with one small inn " — throngh Provence ; to Aix, Lyons, Chalons, and
Paris, and thence, on the 19th April, homej where the last entry in the Diary
was written : —
Thus ends our tour. It has been very entertaining, and I hope instructive.
The least profitable portion of it was our stay in Paris, where everything
amused, dissipated, and corrupted the mind, without either giving cause, or
leaving time, for the slightest reflection. There is a spell of viciousness in that
city, and everyone who long resides there will more or less be influenced by it ; if
he be not led to act ill, he will be seduced to forget what is good, and he finds it
impossible eventually not to "tolerate," at least, that which all around him
admire. I was glad to quit the place, earnestly hoping that no child of mine
might ever pass many days in that pavilion of Belial.

CHAPTER V.
1834—1838?
After an interval of some weeks Lord Ashley resumed his Diaiy of
" fugitive and desultory " notes, and the first entry explains the motives ho
had in continuing it : —
May 3rd, 1834. — Panshanger. I regret the long omission. Much might have
been inserted to improve or interest me. The cause or variety of one's feelings,
the hopes we have entertained, with their accomplishment or disappointment, our
distrust or reliance upon God, our often or seldom prayer, with their respective
effects upon thought and action"; all* these things duly recorded wouTd"assail us,
as it were^ with" irresistible" conviction. Let me henceforward be a little more
punctual. In order to give the Factory Act of 1833 a fair trial, little was attempted
in Parliament for some years, beyond repeated remonstrances with tho
Government and an anxious observation of the working of the Act. Outside
Parliament, however, there was continuous exertion. Public opinion was
strongly roused, a new era in legislation had been inaugurated, and a new
chapter in the history of labour had been opened.
Every day found Lord Ashley devising some fresh plan, or listening to
some fresh suggestion ; and one of the schemes that lay very near to his heart
dealt with the question of the Education of Factory Children. A letter from
his friend Southey — the last long letter he ever received from him — touches
upon this : — ¦ Robert Southey to Lord Ashley. Keswick, May 12th, 1834.
My dear Lord Ashley, — I am truly rejoiced to think there is a prospect of
seeing you this summer. The country indeed will appear to great disadvantage
while you have the Alps and the charms of a southern climate fresh in re
membrance, but there is no other part of England so beautiful. . . . The
Factory Question is overlaid at present by the Unions ; but when the excitement
which their menacing attitude has caused throughout the manufacturing districts
subsides, the cry against that evil will ag-ain be heard. Unhappily some of the
best intended efforts for mitigating the wretched consequences of this system
have a sure tendency to deprave still further the very persons for whose relief
they are designed. I allude to Infant, and even to Sunday Schools. Teach u,
mother to teach her children what all mothers used to teach theirs fifty years
ago, and the instruction is given in lqye_and received in love, and is wholesome

1834-1 THE KING AND HIS MINISTERS. 105
for the whole family. The duty is undertaken for lier now — nay, it is even taken
from her, for the sake of making display, and the Sunday is made for the
children the longest school-day in the week !
As for Infant Schools, they are only good when they are remedies for an
mormous evil : when you rescue infants from the filth and pollution of the
streets. But when infants are sent to them to be out of the mother's way, the
mother goes out to day-labour, and the husband gets his meals at the beershop,
and there is an end of all domestic affection. I have much to say upon these
subjects. The better parts of the old English character will never be restored
unless we can bring back something like the old habits of domestic teaching foi
the rudiments of religion — for all that is necessary to be believed— and ol
domestic industry. . . .
. . . God bless you, my dear Lord Ashley. Yours with sincere regard,
Robert Southey.
The political horizon in this year, and especially towards its close, was
stormy. The Parliament, elected soon after the passing of the Reform Bill,
was near its end ; a Conservative reaction was imminent, and the King, whose
tendencies had hitherto been liberal, gave unmistakable evidence that he was
now weary of his Ministers. They had occupied themselves much with
Irish Church questions. The Irish Bishops had, during their Administration,
been reduced from twenty-two to twelve, and the Irish Arehbishops from four
to two ; while, by the appointment of the Irish Church Commission, the very
existence of the Church Establishment in Ireland had been threatened. On
tho 28th May the Irish Bishops and Clergy presented an Address to the King,
and in his reply he had expressed himself so strongly in sympathy with them,
and so strongly at variance with the opinions of his Ministers, that no doubt
;ould remain of his antagonism to the Administration of Lord Melbourne.
To the state of public feeling then prevailing the Diary frequently refers :—
May 27th. — This evening his Majesty's Ministers are expected to exhibit a
public dissension ; they have now rendered order, government, and rule impos
sible. Under them the semblance might endure for awhile ; should they be
changed it seems to me we must be prepared for chaos. Twelve o'clock at night.
— Stanley has retired, and others with him, having yielded as many principles as
he could safely for himself. He approached the point of danger, and his sleeping
conscience awoke. He will not consent to establish Popery. Why did he not
long ago act upon his foresight of this inevitable conflict, and stand out while it
was yet time ? . . . There is no hope of Conservative Government. Until
the Administration of this country can be founded on truth, religion, the welfare
of man, and the honour of God (and this both actually and ostensibly), there will
be no return to our ancient dignity and happiness. Now to think even of such
principles at this present, is to look for the Garden of Eden in the purlieus of
St. Giles I

106 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. V.
There had been a growing intensity in the religious life of Lord Ashley.
The habits of meditation and prayer had strengthened, the spirit of ardour,
confidence, and love had shone forth more conspicuously in public and in pri
vate, and his studies had been more constant in religious literature, with a
view " to attain deeper acquaintance with critical theology." The following
entries show the course and current of his inner life : —
June 9th. — Oxford. Installation of the Duke of Wellington as Chancellor.
Fearful of being thought guilty of disrespect did I stay away, down I came. . . .
For an hour (it is now eleven at night) I have lounged about the Quadrangle of
Christchurch — every inch of it seems holy. Years have added solemnity either to
the walls or to my feelings, for I perceive in myself a sentiment of profound and
affectionate veneration. It is not that my love for Alma Mater is new. I always
admired her worth, as her child " rose up and called her blessed," but those were
the transports of enthusiasm, and partook of the warmth and capriciousness of
youth. My feelings are now become deep, tender, reverential, and, as time has
proved, steadfast. To her I must ascribe all that I have of learning, and much
that I may have of virtue. If she did not altogether uproot (as who or what
under Heaven can) every vice of my nature, she prepared at least the soil for the
cultivation of better things, and gave me moments of thought which may prove
the seeds of eternity. Shall I not then love her, pray for her, and, if possible,
befriend her ? Aye, by God's blessing, to my life's end, and I humbly thank Him
that He has once more permitted me to stand on this sacred ground, and while in
earnest gratitude for my own advantages of sound and religious learning, to im
plore His Holy Spirit to make me both willing and able to confer upon others
some portion at least of the blessings that He has conferred upon me.
How much more I should enjoy this retirement were Minny with me. Why
is it that I cannot bear the shortest separation from her ? In fact, nothing is so
delightful to the heart as the contemplation of innocence and purity, and. hence
it is that I feel, in absence from her, the loss of an unearthly pleasure.
Eleven years and a half have elapsed since I quitted Oxford — is it possible 1
What is the comparative condition of my mind ? Is it more powerful and better
instructed ? Certainly, but not in the proportion of time, experience, and other
men. But I have, by God's grace, a deeper sense (and yet how shallow I) of His
religion ; that is, however, the whole compass of intellect and knowledge : that
being obtained, all other things will be added thereunto.
Why was I reckoned here, and for some time afterwards, such a promising
young man ? Why ?
June 11th. — Yesterday was the anniversary of our wedding. Mark it with
the red letters of joy, hope, and gratitude. If men would all base their love upon
esteem, and their esteem upon religion, ahd their religion upon affectionate Chris
tianity, marriage would prove a twenty-fold source of earthly happiness and
surety for Heaven.
The theatre presented a scene of beautiful dignity and splendour. It may
never be the lot of this generation to witness again such a, display of persons,
dresses, and enthusiasm. How can it? — for the combination of yesterday depended
not on the ceremony, but on the appointment of so peculiar a man to so peculiar
a station at such a time and under such circumstances, personal and political. All,

1834-1 SELF-ANALYSIS. 107
both young and old, were unanimous in ardent, deep-felt Toryism ; their eagerness
was wonderful, and burst in ceaseless expressions and shouts of applause. Whether
intentionally or by mistake, I was much hissed in passing out ; and as I have
done little to deserve their approbation, and nothing to deserve their censure, I
felt greatly astonished. However, as I am not a candidate for any of their
favours, I can abstain from tears, though I confess my vexation. Dinner in
Christehurch Hall — equally with the theatre splendid and enthusiastic.
June 14th. — It is singular how long I am in the execution of any work of
reading or composition. But ft crab is not a race-horse, and has no right to
complain if he fails in doing what is inconsistent with his nature. I am too
much the victim of strong feelings. I am easily impressed even to weakness.
Oftentimes, in reading the Bible aloud to Minny, I all but burst into tears at
the mere dignity of the subject and language.
July 2nd. — My temper is too impetuous, frequently am I led away to say
things in a manner that is as little proper as they are wise, and this is always
the result of heat. I must endeavour, by God's blessing, to correct myself.
Served to-day for the first time on the Committee of the National School
Society— education and public worship may set us right, and they will do so,
unless " our iniquity be now full."
July 3rd. — I have no one thing completely ; a smattering upon many ; this
is pleasant, but not serviceable. To all subjects I prefer theology. Finance,
corn laws, foreign policy, or poor laws would give me more public usefulness,
but they would not give me more private happiness. I shall be content hence
forward to float down the stream of time, and put ashore at any point whither
the Almighty in His wisdom may command me.
July 12th. — Humanly speaking, I can see nothing worse than that Peel
should be called to the helm of affairs ; but, nevertheless, he must, if invited,
accept the office. The time is such that all reasoning is nonplussed, and a
Minister must commit himself to Providence. The chances of failure and
success may not even be balanced ; in ordinary cases such a previous step Would
not only be wise, but necessary ; here, however, is a peculiar attitude of affairs, and
patriotism, danger, and religion alike summon a Conservative to make the attempt.
July 14th. — On Saturday at the Fish Dinner, dull — had some conversation
with Peel — he is civil, but cold. I doubt the formation of a really good Govern
ment, for we are yet blind to the everlasting truth. We must, I fear, be tutored
by suffering, and then we may return to the old paths. Were Peel inclined to
build his Government on the basis of religion, oould he now find materials for
the superstructure ? I think not, and hence I distrust the hopes of a permanent
and good Administration. I neither see nor hear of any symptom of awakened
religion among those who aspire to be our rulers ; and what security does any
other principle afford ?
Sept. 3rd.— Returned from Hatfield. Minny gone on to Wrest.* I to
Panshanger to wait for the Hertford Meeting of the Society for Promoting
Christian Knowledge. Old Sarumf shakes and grows deaf ;— her leaf is
withering, but still she seems to entertain no thoughts of dying. I found both
the children quite well.
* In Bedfordshire, seat of Lord de Grey.
f Lady Salisbury, who afterwards, at an age over ninety, was burnt to dea,th-

108 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. V.
Sept. 7th. — Spent two days at Wrest. Read the memoirs of Mrs. Hannah
More,* amiable, virtuous, and wonderful woman ! What a true, diligent, and
(humanly speaking) useful servant of Christ was she. Ah, let those who rely
on works for justification cease to hope until they shall at least have equalled
her, and then they will begin to despair ; for, finding no consolation in self-
meritoriousness, and neither foreseeing time nor feeling strength to renew their
efforts and supply the deficiency of them, they will look around for something
else to assuage their souls.
Oct. 17th.— Received the news of the destruction by fire of the Houses of
Parliament. I own that I feel it as a national calamity — it appears like an
omen of evil to our whole Constitution and Empire — the scene and stage, as it
were, of English history lay there, and if there be any force in local associations,
we might have hoped, as long as the " genius loci " remained, for some (though
perhaps feeble) imitation of the generosity of our ancestors. Many fine monu
ments of former days are now destroyed : Jerusalem Chamber, St. Stephen's
Chapel, the Painted Chamber, the House of Lords with its exciting tapestry, the
noble libraries with their invaluable contents — many and various records — trea
sures that no money can replace. This is, indeed, a, moral conflagration. It is
matter of thankfulness that the splendid Hall was rescued from the flames.
Political events had reached a crisis. On the 14th of November the
King dismissed the Melbourne Ministry, and, on the advice of the Duke
of Wellington, sent for Sir Robert Peel, who was then at Rome, where
he had proposed to spend the winter. He did not arrive in England
till the 9th of December, and during the interval the Duke of Wellington
acted provisionally as Minister. During that interval Lord Ashley began
to write a " Note Book of Passing Events," and continued the entries
almost daily until April, 1842, when they were discontinued for twenty
years, to be resumed during the disruption in the United States.
In these records, from which we do not propose, to quote in this book,
there is little that is personal to himself. There are, as he describes them,
"minutes of proceedings," and "notes of Parliamentary campaigns, as
tedious to detail as they have been stirring to fight." They contain
digests of many debates, criticisms upon speeches, forecasts of political
movements, comments upon men and things, rumours, reports, speculations
and conjectures. Their chief interest now is that they clearly show how
identical were Lord Ashley's views then with those he held in later years.
No matter whether the subject under consideration be changes of Ministry,
discussions on the ballot, French affairs, Irish troubles, or matters of the
most ephemeral nature, there is always Religion in the forefront, inquiries
first as to the principles involved, analyses of motives, complaints of trust
ing in human wisdom, and all the characteristics of style that marked his
later years.
This singular identity in views, in principles, and in modes of enforcing
them, is very remarkable. Many passages upon many subjects might be
* Mrs. Hannah More died on the 7th September in the previous year (1833).

1834'1 CORRESPONDENCE WITH SIR ROBERT PEEL. 109
extracted bodily from the Note Book of 1834, and inserted in the Diary of
1884 without any fear of detection.
We resume our extracts from Lord Ashley's private Diary : —
Nov. 26th. — Brighton. Dined last night with his Majesty. Amid all the
chops and changes, what will be my fate ? Office I regard with dismay, the very
thoughts of it are disagreeable to me.
Dec. 10th. — How dead religion falls on hearts unused to it, even in a kind,
easy, and moral character. It seems like an acquaintance lately introduced whom
they treat with civility, but are rather pleased to get rid of. Many excellent and
exemplary persons in private life are satisfied with " going to church and doing
the whole thing ; " the hardest of all notions to expel is the notion of self-
righteousness ; men will measure themselves, not by the model of their Saviour,
but by that of their neighbours. " Be ye perfect even as your Father in Heaven
is perfect," is to them a superfluous command. " Be no worse than your neigh
bours " seems far more easy and intelligible.
Dec. 15th. — Yesterday I saw Peel, who sent for me in haste. I waited, for
two hours and a half, his return from the King. I saw him at six o'clock. His
object was to " invite me into the King's service." ... I yielded because I
had nothing to oppose to his wishes but my own feelings and disinclination.
Nothing definite was said at that interview as to the office Lord Ashley
was to fill, although the Admiralty and the Treasury were mentioned —
both a descent from the higher station he had occupied at the India Board,
and he dreaded "being called away from real usefulness to do what his
valet would probably do better." A few days later he received the follow
ing letter from Sir Robert Peel : —
Sir Robert Peel to Lord Ashley. Whitehall, Dec. 20th, 1834.
My deab Ashley, — You know, I hope, that in making my arrangements my
first wish is to do that which I think most likely to be agreeable to you, and to
give the greater opportunity of useful exertion.
The Admiralty Board is so magnificently constituted that I cannot help
adding you to the number of Lords. There will be Earl de Grey, First Lord, Sir
George Cockburn, Sir John Beresford, Sir Charles Rowley, Right Hon. Maurice
Fitzgerald, Right Hon. George Dawson, Secretary.
There will thus be only two Civil Lords at the Board in the House of
Commons, and it has occurred to me that the House at the Admiralty may be
agreeable to you. Ever most truly, Robert Peel.
Dec. 22nd.— Yesterday I was obliged to answer Peel's letter, in which he
offered me a Lordship of the Admiralty. Had I not, by God's grace and the
study of religion, subdued the passion of my youth, I should now have been

110 THE EARr, OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. V.
heartbroken. Canning, eight years ago, offered me, as a neophyte, a seat at one
of the Boards, the first step in a young statesman's life. If I am not now
worthy of more, it is surely better to cease to be a candidate for public honours.
Yet Peel's letter, so full of flummery, would lead any one to believe that I was a
host of excellence. The thing is a contradiction.
The following is the letter referred to in the entry given above : —
Lord Ashley to Sir Robert Peel.
Panshanger, Dec. 21st, 1834.
My dear Sir Robert, — Being absent from London, I did not receive your
kind letter before this morning ; but I trust that no inconvenience will have
arisen from the delay in acknowledging it.
I feel very sensibly your friendly expressions, and the warm concern you
have shown in my welfare ; but as I was very explicit with you during our
interview, I may, I hope, be equally explicit in my answer to you now.
The offer of any situation in the Government is far more than I am entitled
to demand. I have said- to you already, and I again repeat it, that neither my
character nor services can give me the smallest claim to a share in the
Administration, and still less to the considerate manner in which you have pro
posed to me such agreeable colleagues. It would be both honourable and pleasant
to act with those gentlemen ; and if, therefore, I presume to raise any objection,
it will not be either to the dignity of the place, or the names of the Commis
sioners. Whatever be my own feelings or desires in respect of official life, I would
most willingly undertake to serve you in any capacity where I could really be
useful. I doubted, and I doubt still, my means of being so. Everything must
be calculated in reference to the course of Parliamentary debate ; in this I am
by no means practised, and I entertain a very strong desire, for your own sake,
that you should engage the co-operation of men who, either actually or pro
spectively, may assist your Government in the House of Commons.
If I cannot aid you by speaking, how can I here do so by official ministra
tion ? The Board of Admiralty will afford me no opportunity of exercising (did
I even possess them) any of the qualifications of a public man. I must be, of
course, and every one else must know it, a subordinate agent amongst persons of
such experience and practice in their own peculiar profession. I could not pre
sume to do more than consult their opinions, and acquiesce in their counsel ;
neither could I exert any individual action or responsibility, so as to render
myself in any wise personally useful in your service. Any man of common
sense would be quite as efficient ; and even the good character you were so kind
as to attribute to me, could add nothing of utility, as the whole world knows
that the inexperience of a Civil Lord must yield, and justly so, to the weight and
experience of his naval colleagues.
I will tell you candidly that I think my motives would be sadly misrepre
sented in accepting a Lordship — it is, I know, and heartily confess, quite as much
as I am worth — but when I see that all my contemporaries have been promoted,
and many who have never served put over my head, I cannot but feel that,

18S4-1 APPOINTED A LORD OP THE ADMIRALTY. Ill
having neither merit enough to advance, nor even to retain the scale of my old
position, I had better give way to other men. I most solemnly assure you that I
complain not of their appointments ; but the world, I think, would have reason
to say that my readiness to accept any situation I could get, was less the result of
my principles than of my necessities. Again, I say, did it present me even a
chance of being humbly serviceable, I would not object ; but here I should be
called upon to surrender many pursuits, and many (I hope) beneficial occupa
tions, for a career which could not advantage you or any portion of your
Government. Your brother, you said to me, entitled as he was to higher office, was con
tented to serve you at the Treasury, but to compensate for that loss, he will
enjoy much personal intercourse with you, and, perhaps, your private con
fidence. I did not seek for office, believing, as I do, that there are many others far
more suited by inclination and ability to those duties ; but after my interview
with you, I was willing to undertake it in the hopes that I might have some
means of being in a slight degree personally useful to you.
Most heartily shall I act, and wish for your success, not only as an honest,
and wise, and able Minister, but also (I hope I may say) as my personal friend.
I shall be always at your command to undergo any labour, or any odium, in sup
port of the sacred principles on which you stand.
To this letter a reply was received from Lord Granville Somerset, who
wrote at the request of Sir Robert Peel, to explain that the office was in
fact that of the Civil Representative of the Admiralty in the House of
Commons, the Member of that Board whose business it was to move the
Estimates, and to be leading Member on all topics connected with the
Civil Service of the Admiralty. And, it was added, the motives of Sir
Robert Peel were of the kindest nature. In acknowledging this letter
Lord Ashley said, " My business and duty are to serve him in his way,
not in my own ; and since he is willing to bear the responsibility of having
appointed me to a prominent situation, and is kind enough to say that I
really can contribute somewhat to his aid, I am perfectly ready, however
conscious of my own weakness, to undertake the charge he has been pleased
to assign me."
Jan. 12th. — Dorchester. To-morrow I shall be re-elected for the county.
13th. — I rejoice and thank God that I was bold enough to speak manfully
in defence of the Church, and I pray He may give me courage ever to persist and
to be ready to sacrifice all for the maintaining of His true religion.
During the short time Lord Ashley had held office under the Welling
ton Administration he had worked persistently, and had spared no pains
to possess himself of all the information within his reach concerning Indian
affairs ; and now, as a Lord of the Admiralty, when it fell to his lot to
answer from his place in the House of Commons a multitude of questions
on the details of a variety of topics, he again distinguished himself for

1 1 2 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. V.
the accuracy of his information, and the painstaking diligence with which
he made himself familiar with every subject connected with the duties of
his office during the existence of that short-lived Administration.
The Peel Government was defeated on the 19th Februaiy, 1835, on the
Election of a Speaker, and again on the 25th, on a motion of Lord Morpeth
for an Amendment on the Address. In April, Lord John Russell, in a
series of motions on the Temporalities of the Irish Church, defeated the
Government by so large a majority that they resigned on the 8th April,
Lord Melbourne then commenced his second Administration, which lasted
throughout the rest of the reign of William IV., and during nearly four
years of the reign of Queen Victoria.
The events of 1835, in which Lord Ashley was most interested, are thus
described : —
Jan. 1st.— The Conservatives and the Radicals will be the two great parties in
the House of Commons ; between them will float a body of Whigs, bearing
alternately to one side or the other, and strong enough to give preponderance to
either. The feeling and temper of the country will ultimately decide the
character of their politics ; if it persist in Conservatism, they will gradually and
quietly range themselves with Peel ; if it renew its discontent and life of inno
vation, they will be hand and glove with the Radicals for place and power.
Church Reform is proposed.
Jan. 25th. — . . . . Church Reform (if any) must be extensive ; it may be so,
and yet be safe if rightly founded. I am prepared to go far, but we shall do
very little unless laymen will make sacrifices in proportion to those they demand
from the clergy.
On the eve of the resignation of Peel, there is a curious, but character
istic, entry : —
April 8th. — It is a sign, a fearful sign of retributive justice, that every great
question, every question involving the existence of principles, the safety of
institutions and the stability of Governments, has now for fire years been deter
mined by majorities equal to, or less than, the numbers admitted from the ranks
of Popery to the privileges of Members of Parliament. The other night the
division was carried by thirty-three, the precise number of Papists in the House
of Commons ! . . .
We are out. Peel has resigned. It was evident that the Commons would not
accept any measures at his hands, and they prefer anarchy under themselves to
order under him.
Even at this period of his life, there was well developed in him that*
peculiar capacity which distinguished his more public career — the
ability to attend to an amazing number of subjects at the same time,
and to allow to each its proper place and proportion. Already he had
become identified with many and various philanthropic efforts, in addition

1836-J CHURCH PASTORAL AID SOCIETY. 113
to those connected with the interests of the labouring classes. His influence
had largely penetrated into religious circles, and he was now to take the
lead in the important ecclesiastical movement, about to be described, with
which his name has ever since been closely associated.
On the 19th February, 1836, there was held in the Church Missionary
House, Salisbury Square, Fleet Street, a meeting of clergy and laity, with
Lord Ashley in the chair. It was convened to discuss the best method
of " Extending the means of grace in and to necessitous parishes, in
strict conformity with the spirit, constitution, and discipline of the Esta
blished Church." It was not a large gathering, but it was thoroughly re
presentative, about sixty persons being present, many of whom were earnest,
practical men. The result of the meeting was the establishment of the
Church Pastoral Aid Society — " for the purpose of benefiting the popula
tion of our own country by increasing the number of working clergymen
in the Church of England, and . encouraging the appointment of pious and
discreet laymen as helpers to the clergy in duties not ministerial."
It was inevitable that such a society, with" such a programme, in such
time, should give rise to considerable opposition, criticism, and condemnation.
It was alleged that the Society was started without Episcopal sanction ;
that it infringed in a great degree on the discipline of the United Church ;
it was assailed as if it were false to the principles of the Church, and
attempts were made to fasten upon it a sectarian and schismatical cha
racter. The rook of offence to the High Church Party was the nature of the lay
agency to he employed, and of the association to employ it. It was contended
by some that such agency, if used at all, should be limited to candidates for
holy orders who had completed their university course, before they were of
age for ordination. Others, and among them some of the Bishops, were
opposed, not to the efforts of laymen for the spiritual welfare of those around
them, but to the introduction into the Church of a new and distinct order of
lay teachers, who, as stipendiaries of a voluntary society, would not, it was
alleged, be amenable to ecclesiastical authority.
At first the committee were unwilling to abandon or limit lay ag-ency in
any degree whatever, but subsequently they became disposed to some modifi
cations, and eventually it was decided that " The society will assist, as it may
be able, in the supply to destitute places of lay agents, whether candidates
for holy orders or others, or whether partially or wholly to be maintained ;
which lay agents shall act under the direction of the incumbent, and be re
movable at his pleasure."
The result of this decision was to estrange many who at first were in
favour of the society (among them Mr. W. E. Gladstone, then a young man
of twenty-six, who was one of the vice-presidents), and to lead to the estab
lishment of a rival institution, the " Additional Curates Society."
The first years of the existence of the Pastoral Aid Society were years of
trial, difficulty, and "ceaseless controversy, and entailed upon Lord Ashley,

114 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. V.
who took the lead on all occasions, an enormous amount of labour. His good
judgment and counsel, his tact in smoothing down differences, his experience
of the requirements of poor and neglected parishes, his patient attention
to the details of every fresh move in the organisation of the Society,
and the influence of his tongue and pen, were invaluable at this time.
Nor did his efforts cease with the initial difficulties of the enterprise ; on the
contraiy, he continued to take the deepest interest in its progress and pros
perity. For nearly fifty years he was hardly ever absent from the chair on
the occasion of the annual meeting, and always reserved for that meeting the
full expression of his opinion on the state of the Church and the signs of the
times. His speeches on behalf of the Pastoral Aid Society give the Religious
History of nearly half a century.
Lord Ashley was appalled to find, from reliable authority, the state of
spiritual destitution prevalent in many parts of the country. The path he
had taken in public life led him to an intimate knowledge of the destitute
condition of some of the manufacturing districts with respect to religious
instruction, but he was surprised to learn from official documents that 100,000
souls were, in spite of every effort, national and voluntary, annually added to
those who, in Protestant England, and under the wing of an Established
Church, had neither pastors, sacraments, nor public worship ; but were left
unheeded, with no man to care for their souls. It was the sense of this
pressing and ever-increasing need, that urged him to strain every nerve to
make the Pastoral Aid Society the efficient institution it has become ; and
from first to last he claimed for it, in spite of all argument to the contrary,
full recognition as a Church of England Society, regarding the wants of the
Church on the one hand, and observing the order of the Church on the other.
Meanwhile, the Government Factory Act of 1833 was meeting with the
strongest condemnation from the supporters of the Ten Hours Movement.
Its details had been artfully arranged to make different clauses come into
operation at different dates, so as to delay the complete working of the Act
till 1836. When Lord Ashley threw the Bill into the hands of the Ministry
he retired for a time from the contest. Incomplete as the Bill was, it was
better than nothing, and he had said " God prosper it."
But he, and other friends of factory legislation, soon saw that the Act
was in many respects absurd in its details, and foredoomed to be ineffectual.
Practical men declared that it was never meant to be obeyed, and that those who
framed it only wished to disgust the people with all factory legislation. As
regarded the younger children, the Act was undoubtedly beneficial, inasmuch
as it shortened their hours ; but in nearly all other respects it seemed to pro
duce vexation, disappointment, and confusion. In 1835 the new factory
inspectors reported 177 convictions under the Act, the number of mills at
work and reported upon being 1,948, so that one in every eleven mill-owners
had broken the law. The number of proved offences, however, would have
been far larger had it not been for the fact that the local magistrates them
selves set the law at defiance.

1836-1 AGITATION FOR A TEN HOURS BILL. 115
It will assist the reader to comprehend some of the difficulties with which
Lord Ashley had to contend, to bear in mind that, sorely as he was tried by
his opponents, he was scarcely less tried by his supporters ; and that the
labour of urging on some was often less than the labour of restraining others.
One of the most irrepressible of the agitators was Mr. Richard Oastler — a
worthy but eccentric man, wielding a large influence over the operatives —
who kept up excitement to a white heat by counsels which, if followed, would
have had ruinous results.
Harassing as were the main issues of Factory Legislation, its side issues
were scarcely less perplexing. Letters innumerabble on every conceivable
branch of the subject poured in upon Lord Ashley. One correspondent com
plained that the children were summoned to the mills by the discordant blasts
of a horn, and as it was " very disagreeable to have attention drawn to the
hardships of the factory children at three, four, five, and six in the morning,''
he hoped a clause would be inserted in the Act " to make the nuisance
punishable by penalty!" Another, who had held the office of Factory
Inspector, and had been summarily dismissed because " the faithful discharge
of his duties had drawn upon his head the unmitigated feelings of revenge of
some of the factory people," begged Lord Ashley to bring this " monstrous
outrage " before Parliament. And everybody who had any grievance, real or
fancied, or who wanted information, whether entitled to it or not, sent forth
with his complaint or his application to Lord Ashley, who for many years
inserted in his Diary words which meant much to him — " Harassed by fruit
less correspondence."
During 1835 and 1836, under the conduct of Mr. Oastler, the Rev. Mr.
Bull, the Rev. J. R. Stephens, and other Great-hearts of the cause, the Ten
Hours Agitation in the North grew stronger and wider. Mr. Charles
Hindley, M.P. for Ashton-under-Lyne, an extensive mill-owner, pledged him
self to bring in a Ten Hours Bill, and to renew his efforts, session after
session, till the victory was won. This Bill had been printed and widely
distributed, when it was made known that Mr. Poulett Thompson,* M.P. for
Manchester and Vice-President of the Board of Trade, was about to bring in
a Bill, on behalf of the Government, to repeal the " thirteen-years-of-age "
clause in Lord Althorpe's Act of 1833, and to exclude thereby all between
twelve and thirteen years of age from the shelter of its clauses. This was, in
effect, " to legalise the slavery of some forty thousand children, for the most
part females. A more faithless proposal was never made to the integrity and
understanding of a legislature ; the pledges to the country that children
should be ' protected up to a certain point ; ' the compromise between the
masters and the operatives — guaranteed by the interposition of the Govern
ment — and the inductions of common-sense, which required at least the fair
trial of so solemn an enactment, were all equally violated." f
Notice of the new Government measure was given in March, 1836, only
* Afterwards Lord Sydenham.
+ An article bv Lord Ashlev in the Qv,arter7v Rtmewi. Ivii. 417.

116 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. IChap. V.
nine days after the clause referred to came into operation. The factory
districts were at once the scene of intense excitement and anxiety. Great
meetings were held to uphold the " Bible, truth, and justice," against " Gold
and Poulett Thompson's Bill."* Petitions were sent up to the House
remonstrating against the attempt to repeal the " best part of the present
Act." The second reading of the Government Bill was moved by Mr. Poulett,
Thompson on May 9th. He declared that children between twelve and
thirteen should be allowed to decide for themselves, like their seniors, that
sixty-nine hours' work per week would do them no harm, and that the House
would throw 35,000 children out of work if it refused to pass the Bill.
Lord Ashley moved that the Bill be read a second time that day six
months. He showed that the threatened dismissal of the children was not
even possible ; quoted evidence to prove how severely the children suffered
from the long hours ; and met his opponents with a formidable, and, as
it proved, irresistible array of facts and figures. A long debate ensued, in
the course of which a vigorous opposition to the new measure was manifested,
but the Government, confiding in their strength, pressed the Bill to a division.
In a House of 354 members, however, they only secured a majority of two,
and accordingly thought it wisest to withdraw the Bill.f
Having thus defeated the attempt of the Government to gratify the mill-
owners by a retrograde movement, Lord Ashley and his coadjutors saw that
it was needful, not only to watch, with increased vigilance, the working of
the present Act, in order to get as much good out of it as possible, but, at the
same time, to press forward towards the passing of laws of a more decidedly
beneficial character. On June the 13th he called the attention of Govern
ment to a flagrant breach of the Act, some boys having been made to work
for thirty-four hours successively in the foul cellar of a Yorkshire factoiy.
the air of which was so bad that workmen tied handkerchiefs round their
mouths before going into the place. Lord John Russell promised in
vestigation. On June 23rd Mr. Charles Hindley moved for leave to bring in a Bill "to
Amend the present Factory Acts." The House was surprised, and Lord
Ashley thought the time inopportune ; but said that, if the Bill were brought
in, he should give it his cordial support. Mr. Hindley, after a short debate,
withdrew his motion, but not till it had " served the useful purpose of wring
ing from an unwilling Government a direct and distinct pledge, given by Lord
John Russell, that the existing laws should be enforced with all the authority
at its command." J The enforcement of the law was difficult to accomplish
when the mill-owners and the magistrates were identical. Sometimes magis
trates refused to hear factory complaints, and bade applicants go to Mr.
Oastler, for it was his law. Mr. Oastler replied by threatening to incite the
children to apply their grandmother's knitting-needles to the spindles, " in a
* Mr. Oastler at Huddersfield. f Hansard, 3, s. xxxiii. 737, and xxxiv. 306.
1 Hansard, 3, s. xxxiv. 489.

1S30-9.] COBDEN'S OPINION ON THE FACTORY QUESTION. 117
way which will teach these law-defying, mill-owner magistrates to have respect
even to ' Oastler's law,' as they have wrongfully designated it." *
Many such wild speeches were made in the course of the agitation, which
daily grew in volume and intensity. Reports of the meetings were published
as pamphlets, and everywhere circulated. Meanwhile Lord Ashley awaited
the opportunity to intervene with effect, doing good service from time to
time by pointing out evasions of the present Act. Thus, on July 18th, he
called the attention of the House to the fact that one of the factory inspectors
was permitting attendance at Sunday-school to be included in the twelve
hours' education per week which the Act required. He also pointed out the
need for a large increase in the number of inspectors.
During 1837 Lord Ashley refrained from bringing the subject before the
House, except in connection with the erratic proceedings of one or two of the
inspectors, nor did he take any very prominent part in the agitation out of
doors. An immense meeting- held at Leeds, to bring about an eleven hours'
compromise between masters and men, resulted in an all but unanimous reso
lution to petition for a Ten Hours Bill. The people grew more enthusiastic ;
the magistrates, on the other hand, compelled to act by Government super
vision, used their power of imposing merely nominal penalties, and made
disobedience to the law more profitable than its due observance.
Amongst those who, in the earlier days of the factoiy agitation, were
bitterly hostile to legislative action, but afterwards modified their views, was
Richard Cobden ; and as Lord Shaftesbury was specially mindful of his
opinion, it will be interesting to note what, at this stage of the question,
were Cobden's exact sentiments with regard to the movement as recorded by
his biographer :—
It is historically interesting to know what Liberal electors were thinking
about in these days (1839). We find that they asked their candidate his opinion
as to the property qualification for Members of Parliament, Primogeniture, the
Poor Law Amendment Act, and the Factory Question. The last of the list was
probably the most important, for Cobden had taken the trouble, many months
before, to set out his opinions on that subject in a letter to the chairman of his
committee. The matter remains of vital importance in our industrial system to
the present time, and is still, in the face of the competition of other nations, the
object of a controversy which is none the less alive in the region of theory
because the Legislature has decided it in one way in the region of practice. As
that is so, it is interesting still to know Cobden's earliest opinions on the matter ;
and I have therefore printed at the end of the volume the letter that Cobden
wrote, in the autumn of 1836, on the restriction by Parliament of the hours of
labour in factories.
What he said comes to this : that, for plain physical reasons, no child ought
to be put to work in a cotton mill so early as the age of thirteen ; but whatever
restrictions on the hours of labour might be desirable, it was not for the Legisla
ture to impose them ; it was for the workmen to insist upon them, relying not on
* " Hiitory of the Factory Movement," ii. 104.

118 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. V
Parliament, but on their own action. A workman, by saving the twenty pounds
that would carry him across the Atlantic, could make himself as independent of
his employer as the employer is independent of him ; and in this independence he
would be free, without the emasculating interference of Parliament, to drive his
own bargain as to how many hours he would work. In meeting his committee
at Stockport, Cobden repeated his conviction that the factory operatives had it in
their power to shorten the hours of labour without the aid of Parliament ; but to
infant labour, as he had said before, he would afford the utmost possible pro
tection. He laughed at the mock philanthropy of Tory landowners, who took so
lively an interest in the welfare of the factory population, and yet declined to
suffer the slightest relaxation of the Corn Laws, though these did more to degrade
and pauperise the labouring classes, by doubling the price of food and limiting
employment, than any other evil of which they had to complain.*
On June 22nd, 1838, Lord Ashley, at the request of the factoiy operatives,
moved, as an amendment on the order of the day, the second reading of a
" Factories' Regulation Bill " that had been introduced and several times
deferred. Into this Bill it was his intention to have inserted a Ten Hours
Clause on reaching the committee stage. Lord Ashley charged the Govern
ment with having " deluded and mocked " him with false promises, with
having taken the matter out of his hands by their solemn pledges, and with
having failed to keep their promises. In the course of the debate that
followed, Sir Robert Peel said he was not prepared to support the Ten Hours
Clause of his noble friend Lord Ashley, but the subject demanded attention,
and he implored the House to come to a decision that night. On a division
the matter was again shelved by a majority of eight — 119 voting for the
Government,'and 111 for Lord Ashley.f
The public attention (said the Times) cannot be too forcibly directed to the
scandalous conduct of the Melbourne Government with regard to the Factory
Question as exposed by Lord Ashley on Friday evening in his most impressive
and striking speech. It was not merely that the noble Lord, to whom parents
and children, and the cause of humanity, are all alike and so deeply indebted — it
is not, we say, that he has himself been "mocked and deluded" in the prosecution
of his benevolent schemes by the broken faith and callous feelings of this
mercenary and jobbing clique, but that laws of their own making have been left
unenforced, and the unfortunate children unprotected, and that " all the repre
sentations and remonstrances made to the Ministers upon the subject had been
treated with total neglect and contempt."!
Lord Ashley's motion on the Factories' Regulation Bill did not by any
means involve an acceptance of the Government measure, which was a
remarkable Bill of fifty-nine clauses to amend the fifty clauses of the Act of
1833, and gave inspectors such dispensatory and licensing powers as would
have rendered its penal clauses worthless. Lord Ashley's object in dragging
* " Life of Richard Cobden," by John Morley, vol. i., pp. 115—16.
f Hansard. J Times, June 25, 1838.

1888.]

CHILDREN IN FACTORIES. 119

it from its obscurity was of course only to keep the subject alive by bringing
it before the House. His defeat was, in some respects, a success : it was
now evident that the great question could not be evaded.
" The promptitnde and activity of his Lordship," says the historian of the
movement, " were beyond all praise ; certainly, not any leader could have done
more for his clients. The respect and attention he commanded in the House
of Commons, were outward and visible signs too marked to be misunderstood
by Ministers." * Fortified by the evidence of widespread popular support,
Lord Ashley renewed the assault on July 20th. An attempt to bring
the question forward on July 12th had been frustrated by a " count ont,"
referring to which the Times next morning declared that there had been
" trickery of the grossest kind."y
On the 20th, Lord Ashley (on the question that the House do resolve itself
into a Committee of Supply) moved " That this House deeply regrets that the
law affecting the regulation of the children in factories, having been found
imperfect and ineffective to the purpose for which it was passed, has been
suffered to continue so long without any amendment." He supported this
resolution in one of the ablest speeches ever made on the Factory Question.
A great impression was produced on the House by the formidable array of
facts and arguments with which he set forth the deplorable condition of the
factoiy operatives, and by his extracts from public documents and reports of
inspectors, proving the inability or unwillingness of the Government to make
their own Factory Act work efficiently. After denouncing the dilatory eon-
duct of the Government, he saidW
Thus had a great Measure, closely affecting the temporal and eternal welfare
of so vast a portion of the population, been set aside and treated like a Turnpike
Bill. But the noble Lord might be assured that the people of this country had
too much humanity, and that he (Lord Ashley) who had humbly undertaken the
subject, was too strongly determined to obtain justice, to allow the matter to rest
in its present state. Did he really think that he could stifle public sympathy or
silence him (Lord Ashley) by such devices ? " Though he should hold his peace,
the very stones would immediately cry out." The evil was daily on the increase,
and was yet unremedied, though one-fifth part of the time the House had given
to the settlement of the question of negro slavery would have been sufficient to
provide a remedy. When that House, in its wisdom and mercy, decided that
forty-five hours.in a week was a term of labour long enough for an adult negro.
he thought it would not have been unbecoming that spirit of lenity if they had
considered whether sixty-nine hours a week were not too many f or_the children
of the British Empire. In the appeal he had now made he had asked nothing
unreasonable ; he had merely asked for an affirmation of a principle they had
already recognised. He wanted them to decide whether they would amend, or
repeal, or enforce the Act now in existence. But if they would do none of these
* "History of the Factory Movement," ii., p. 121.
t Times, July 13, 1838.

120 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. V.
things, then he warned them that they must be prepared for the very worst
results that could befall an empire.*
A warm discussion followed, in the course of which Mr. Fox Maule (after
wards Lord Panmure) denied the charges made against the Government, and
prophesied evil results from throwing children out of the labour market.
Daniel O'Connell turned against the clause, and flatly opposed all that he had
himself said at the London Tavern meeting in 1833. Lord John Russell said
restricted hours meant diminished wages and imminent starvation ; while
Mr. Hume declared that the Factory movement was a mere party manoeuvre.
Several members spoke in support of the resolution, but it was lost on a
division — 121 voting for Ministers, and 106 against.
Charles Dickens was always a warm admirer of Lord Ashley, and, as we
shall see iii the course of this narrative, on several occasions aided materially
some of his great labours for the poor. It was towards the close of this year
that he became an ally on tho Factoiy Question, and the following letter gives
a glimpse of his mind with reference to his f uture action in the matter : —
Charles Dickens to Mr. Edward Fitzgerald.
48, Doughty Street, December 2Wi, 1838.
Dear Sir, — I went, some weeks ago, to' Manchester, and saw the worst cotton
mill. And then I saw the best. Ex uno disee omnes. There was no great
difference between them.
I was obliged to come back suddenly, upon some matters connected with the
publication of "Oliver Twist," and saw no more. But on the 11th of next
month I am going down again, only for three days, and then into the enemy's
camp, and the very head-quarters of the factory system advocates. I fear I shall
have little opportunity of looking about me, but I should be most happy to
avail myself of any introduction from Lord Ashley which, in the course of an
hour or so, would enable me to make any fresh observations.
With that nobleman's most benevolent and excellent exertions, and with the
evidence which he was the means of bringing forward, I am well acquainted.
So far as seeing goes, I have seen enough for my purpose, and what I have seen
has disgusted and astonished me beyond all measure. I mean to strike the heaviest
blow in my power for these unfortunate creatures, but whether I shall do so in
the " Nickleby," or wait some other opportunity, I have not yet deterinined.
Will you make known to Lord Ashley (confidentially) my intentions on this
subject, and my earnest desire to avail myself, either now or at some future time,
or both, of his kind assistance ? Pray thank him warmly, from me, for tender
ing it, and believe me, Very truly yours,
Charles Dickens.
It is always interesting to be able to picture a man in the mind's eye, as
he stands, in tho midst of his work, at certain periods of his career. The
* Shaftesbury's " Speeches," p. 14.

A "WORD-PORTRAIT." 121
following extracts from a " word-portrait," written in 1838, will assist the
reader in this respect :—
Lord Ashley possesses, perhaps, the palest, purest, stateliest exterior of any
man you will see in a month's perambulation of Westminster; indeed, it would
be difficult to imagine a more complete beau-ideal of aristocracy.
His Lordship looks about six-and-twenty, but is some ten years older. He is
above the medium height— about five feet eleven, with a slender and extremely
graceful figure, which might almost pass for that of some classic statue attired in
a fashionable English costume ; and the similarity is not at all impaired by the
rigidity of his Lordship's muscles.
His forehead has also much of the marble about it ; his curling dark hair, in
its thick masses, resembles that of a sculptured bust, and his fine brow and
features are distinctly, yet delicately cut; the nose, perhaps, a trifle too prominent
to be handsome. He has light blue eyes, deeply set, and near each other, with
projecting white eyelids ; his mouth is small, retiring, and compressed.
•The whole countenance has the coldness, as well as the grace, of a chiselled
one, and expresses precision, prudence, and determination in no common degree.
To judge from the set form of the lips, you would say not only that he never acts
from impulse, but that he seldom, if ever, acted from an impulse in his life. All
that Lord Ashley does seems to be done from conviction and principle, and not
even a muscle dares to move without an order from head-quarters. Every
separate lock of his hair appears to curl because it .has a reason for so doing, and
knows that to be the right course of conduct.
I believe his character quite corresponds with his appearance ; he is said to
be long in determining on a line of proceeding ; but, when his mind is once
made up, nothing can turn him aside or alter his resolution ; he proceeds with
an indefatigable perseverance, and spares no effort to accomplish his pur
pose. . . .
As pieces of composition his addresses are faultless ; every sentence is perfect
in its form and correct in its bearing. His delivery is fluent, but not rapid ; his
voice fine and rich in tone, but not sufficiently exerted to be generally audible ;
and his manner, though evidently he is quite in earnest, is animated but some
what cold. . . .
When he addresses an audience he stands with his hand resting on the
platform rail, and as erect as such a position will possibly allow ; he looks his
hearers coolly in the face, and, with a very slight bowing movement, barely
sufficient to save him from the appearance of stiffness, he delivers, without a
moment's hesitation, and with great dignity of voice and manner, a short, calm,
serious address. The applause with which he is always heard (for he is very
popular in the Societies over which he presides) seems rather an interruption
than a pleasure to him, as it breaks into the mutual dependence of his sen
tences. I have understood that his Lordship is very nervous, and yet the most
striking feature of his public deportment is his apparently rigid self-possession,
which he never loses for a moment. . . .

CHAPTER VI.
1838—1839.
In September, 1838, Lord Ashley, who had never completely overcome, as he
thought, his tendency to allow time to pass unimproved, determined to com
mence the systematic writing of a Diary. It was undertaken, in the first
place, to assist his " treacherous memory," and in the next to be a source of
amusement to him in his old age. But there was yet another reason : he had
an almost insuperable aversion to writing, and he determined to adopt this
expedient as a moans to assist him in overcoming that aversion. There are in
the course of the Diaries occasional gaps and breaks, but these are easily
accounted for by the pressure of his enormous labours. It is marvellous that
with the amount of correspondence he carried on, the articles he wrote, and
the speeches he prepared, he could ever find time for, or force himself to the
task of, posting up a record of past events, however brief. But his Diaries,
exclusive of four travel-diaries, occupy twelve quarto volumes, averaging
several hundred closely- written pages in a volume, and were continued until
very nearly the close of his life. They are written with extreme care ; every
line is straight as an arrow, although on unruled paper, and there is scarcely a
blot or erasure on any of the pages. He had precisely the same gift in writ
ing that he had in speech : his words and his thoughts came in right order
and sequence, and the most apt and expressive adjective that could adorn a
sentence always fell into its proper place. He never, in his public speeches or in
conversation, had to hesitate or recall a word ; the exact word he wanted, and
generally the best word that could be used, was ready at the right moment.
This was also the case in his writing ; in the whole of his Diaries there are
probably not half a dozen words scored through in order to substitute others.
At the time the Diary commences, Lord Melbourne was First Minister of
the Crown, and had been the head of the Cabinet from 1834. He was the
son of Peniston Lamb, first Viscount Melbourne, of Brocket Hall, Herts ; his
wife, Lady Caroline Lamb, who died in 1828, wrote novels, and was notorious
for her admiration of Lord Byron. The sister of Lord Melbourne, the Hon.
Emily Lamb, was married in 1805 to the fifth Earl Cowper (who died June
27th, 1837), and her daughter Emily, it will be remembered, became the wife
of Lord Ashley. Lady Cowper, the mother of Lady Ashley, was married a
second time, in 1839, to Viscount Palmerston, the famous Minister.
Such were the family relationships, to which frequent allusion is made in
the Diaries.

1838-1 JERUSALEM AND THE JEWISH PEOPLE. 123
Sept 28th. — Every one who begins to keep a journal regrets that he did not do
so before. I follow the general example, and regret the many " fine and apt "
things, both of fact and imagination, that are now irrecoverably lost. I had a
book, a few years ago, in which I made, from time to time, some short, desultory
entries, but the natural impatience of my disposition, and the mischievous and
indulged habit of doing nothing consecutively, broke the thread of my record,
and I now resume a business which will conjoin a head and a tail by the
exclusion of all intermediate carcase. Yet an actual journal, a punctual narra
tive, of every day's history would be an intolerable bore — a bore when written
and a bore when remembered — at least it would be so to me ; the probability is
that this book of memorandums will share the fate of all my other attempts,
and go into oblivion unsullied by ink or pencil ; but, should it be carried on, I
will make it a mere cage for light and grave thoughts (the paucity of them will
render the task easy), which, unless they be caught as they arise, take wing like
larks and owls and are gone for ever. . . .
{ Just finished Lockhart's Life of Sir W. Scott. I knew the man, and to know
! him was to love him. The two greatest characters of the last century and of
: the "present, perhaps of any one, are, in my mind, the Duke of Wellington and
Sir W. Scott, and they have many points of resemblance, none more striking
than their simplicity. . . .
Sept. 29th. — Took leave this morning of Young, who has just been appointed
her Majesty's Yice-Consul at Jerusalem ! He will sail in a day or two for the
Holy Land. If this is duly considered, what a wonderful event it is I The
ancient city of the people of God is about to resume a place among the nations,
and England is the first of Gentile kingdoms that ceases " to tread her down."
If I had not an aversion to writing, almost insuperable, I would record here, for
the benefit of my very weak and treacherous memory, all the steps whereby this
good deed has been done, but the arrangement of the narrative, and the execu
tion of it, would cost me too much penmanship ; I shall always, at any rate,
remember that God put it into my heart to conceive the plan for His honour,
gave me influence to prevail with Palmerston, and provided a man for the
situation who " can remember Jerusalem in his mirth." Wrote by him a few
lines to Pierite, and sent him a very small sum of money for the Hebrew
converts there (I wish it were larger), that I might revive the practice of
apostolic times (Romans xv. 26), and " make a certain contribution for the poor
saints that are at Jerusalem " !
Oct. 3rd. — Lord Lindsay's " Travels in Egypt and the Holy Land " are very
creditable to him, more so in the feelings and sentiments they express than in
the originality and composition. But he saw and felt like a man who fattened
on the Word of God, and found it as delicious as it is wholesome and true. I
am convinced that Providence has laid up in store many riches of " testimony "
to the authenticity of the Bible, to be produced in these evil days of apostacy
and unbelief that will afflict the earth in the latter times. Egypt will yield
largely in confirmation of the Jewish records ; and Palestine, when dug and
harrowed by enterprising travellers, must exhibit the past with all the vividness
of the present. The very violences of Ibrahim Pasha (the Scourge of Syria)
have opened the first sources of its political regeneration by offering free access
to the stranger in the repression of native lawlessness ; hundreds now go in a
twelvemonth where one trod the way in a quarter of a century, and the Bible

124 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY*. [Chap. VI.
is becoming a common road-book ! God give me, and mine, grace to help
forward this accumulation of testimony, that our lamps may be trimmed and
our loins girded, whenever we are called on, in the awful advance of saucy
, rationalism or malignant infidelity, to " render a reason of the hope that is
' in us." I should like to see a good treatise, exhibiting the successive developments of
evidence of the truth of God's Word, suited to the character and wants of each
age successively. . . .
Gave a decision to-day, along with colleagues, in the Commission in Lunacy
(upon a division of 6 to 4, the first division that has taken place since the institu
tion of the body, now ten years ago), that one, R. P., should be set at liberty. It
is an unpleasant and responsible office either to detain or discharge a patient : in
the first case you hazard the commission of cruelty to the prisoner ; in the second,
to his friends or the public. We can lay down no fixed rules for decision ; we
must take our course, according to doctors' prescriptions, pro re nata. In the
instance before us, R. P. (as he is -designated in the correspondence of his rela
tives) had been seized only a few days when we proceeded to inquire into his
alleged insanity and the grounds of his detention ; a more heartless ruffian, one
more low in mind and coarse in language, though a man of talent and education,
never entered the walls of a prison or a madhouse. The opposite party, however,
could not prove against him one single act of personal violence ; his words, his
manner, his feelings, were awfully wicked ; but had never as yet (although their
charge extended over several years) broken out into action. In fact a decision on
our part, that he was rightfully detained, would have authorised the incarceration
in a Bedlam of seven-tenths of the human race who have ever been excited to
violence of speech and gesture. Three days' sitting, myself chairman, of five
hours each, and all "gratis ! "
Oct. 4th. — In the chair of the Pastoral Aid Society. Under God's good
providence, this Society has wrought wonders ; it has scarcely subsisted two
years and a half, and we can number thousands and tens of thousands who have
received, almost for the first time, through the channels our labour has opened
the knowledge and the practice of the Gospel of Christ. We pray that we may
see the fruit of our toil every time we meet in committee for despatch of busi
ness ; no prayer was ever so largely or so speedily answered ; very little of our
seed has fallen by the wayside, or become the prey of obscceni voluercs. I never
was called by God's mercy to so happy and blessed a work as to labour on behalf
of this Society, and preside at its head ; the language of thankfulness and grati
fied piety in the various letters from the clergy whom we have assisted is a fore
taste (God grant that it be said with all abandonment of self -righteousness) of
the blessed words, " Well done, thou good and faithful servant ! "
My youngest boy christened to-day at St. George's Church— named Antony
Lionel George : George after his godmother, Lady Dover, with a reference also to
poor Dover. It is a lovely and solemn ceremony, heavenly in its purport and
almost so in its composition. May God in His mercy grant that as the child was
this day " signed with the sign of the Cross," so he may never be ashamed to
confess, and to fight for, a crucified Saviour ! The service abominably performed
by the curate, Mr. S  .
Oct. 8th.— Panshanger. Here again, after an interval of nearly two years.
Scarcely any change in men or things : a little in the feelings with which I visit

1836.]

AT WINDSOR CASTLE. 125

it ; nor is this unnatural, for, notwithstanding the kindness of the present
owners, my position is necessarily altered. I had lived in this house for many
years as my home, as a man would live, bag and baggage, with his father ; — now
we are guests where before we were inmates. At church yesterday ; had not
been there since I followed poor Lord Cowper's funeral. . . .
Could we not erect a Protestant Bishopric at Jerusalem, and give him juris
diction over all the Levant, Malta, and whatever chaplaincies there might be on
the coast of Africa ?
11th. — Windsor Castle. Here for a few days by desire of her Majesty— un
questionably a great honour, which demands all gratitude and loyalty from us.
We have the mornings to ourselves, and the beauty and magnificence of the place,
the fineness of the weather, and the comfort of the apartments, enable us to pass
the time very agreeably. . . .
12th.— A noble ride yesterday through the park with her Majesty and train.
The order of the ride, and the arrangements at dinner, the same as usual ; in fact
the same since her Majesty mounted the throne. No ride to-day ; the Queen had
a bad cold.
I should be most ungrateful did I not feel and speak of her condescension and
kindness with the warmest affection and loyalty ; from the hour she became
I Queen to the present day, I and mine have received one invariable succession of
¦ friendly and hospitable acts, bestowed with a degree of ease, good-humour, and
considerateness, that would be captivating in any private person. She manifests
\ a desire to make her favours as pleasant as they are honourable ; and in most
instances (strange to be said of a Court) she is successful.
15th. — Weather has been very bad. Cold in the extreme. Yesterday (Sunday)
Queen did not attend chapel, nor walk on the terrace. The difference in the day
was marked in the .evening by the absence of music at dinner and afterwards,
and no whist for the Duchess of Kent. I am agreeably surprised here by tbe
civility of the servants, the ready attendance, the ease with which everything is
procured, above all, the comfort of the house : it has, conjoined with all its
magnificenoe, the arrangements and convenience of a private dwelling. Let me
see, the hours were ten o'clock for breakfast, unless it were preferred to breakfast
in one's own room ; two o'clock for luncheon ; a ride, or a drive, at three o'clock
for two hours or so ; dinner at half -past seven. A military band at dinner, and
the Queen's band after dinner, filled up, and very necessarily, the pauses of
conversation. We sat till half-past eleven at a round table, and then went
to bed.

The year 1838 was remarkable for the development of scientific wonders.
On September 17th the London and Birmingham Railway was opened
throughout its whole length ; in the early part of the year steamships had
crossed the Atlantic between New York and this country; the dream of
communication with India by steam was indulged in ; telegraphic messages
were beginning to be sent — the first experiment, between Euston Square and
Camden Town Stations, was made in July of the previous year ; and the idea
of a Penny Post was under consideration. To many of these events allusion
is made in the Diary and speeches of Lord Ashley : —

126 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. VI.
Oct. 19th. — Rowton. Came by the railroad to Birmingham; the speed is
sublime, but the amusement and interest of travelling are gone. We shoot like
an arrow through almost a dead solitude. We see, now and then, cattle and
sheep, but human beings are rare as jewels ; no carts, no carriages, no foot-
passeng-ers, no towns, no villages. I believe it to be much safer than the road
and incomparably more dull.
An article contributed by Lord Ashley to the December number of the
Quarterly Review was ostensibly a notice of Lord Lindsay's " Letters on
Egypt, Edom, and the Holy Land," but was really written to draw attention
to the state and prospects of the Jews. After speaking of Lord Lindsay's
labours, and following him in his travels, Lord Ashley indulged in a little
light criticism on the style of the writer : —
We cannot repress a gentle hint that he is vastly too fond of an attitude in
his writing ; frequently, when the time is come for a sentiment, he throws him
self, like a dancing master, into the first position, and pours forth a passage,
excellent indeed in its spirit and observations, but florid and verbose enough for
an Irish reporter. There are " and oh's " in sufficient number to supply a six
months' correspondence to a whole boarding-school of young ladies.
Leaving Lord Lindsay's book, after the first ten pages, the remainder
of the article was devoted to a masterly sketch of the growing interest
manifested in regard to the Holy Land— an interest not confined to
Christians, but shared in and avowed by the whole body of the Jews. It
was no new sentiment that animated the children of the dispersion as to
their return to their own land : the novelty was, the fearless avowal of the
hope ; it was no new thing- that there should be a revival of religious feel
ing among the Jewish people ; the novelty was that this was not only
not followed by Christian persecution, but that the Christians were manifest
ing a new and tender interest in the Hebrew people, between whom inter
course and reciprocal inquiry now became far more possible. He traced out
an existing feeling among the Jews of Poland and Russia, of India and else
where, that the time for the turning of their captivity was nigh at hand ;
and he saw, at the root of this feeling, a growing approximation towards
Christianity, as shown by the records of many societies and the testimony
of many travellers. There was apparently an abatement of the old anti
pathies and prejudices ; there was a desire to investig-ate the claims of Chris
tianity; and recent conversions to the Faith had taken place to a great extent
among persons of cultivated understandings and literary attainments. There
was a demand for copies of the Word of God, a more kindly reception given
to missionaries, and everywhere indications appeared of a prodigious change
not the least being that Hebrew disputants Would now reason with the mis
sionaries out of the Scriptures.
The main object of Lord Ashley in this article was to give publicity to
movements in which he took an intense personal interest, and which were to

1839.] STATE AND PROSPECTS OP THE JEWS. 127
become, chiefly through his instrumentality, subjects of the same absorbing
interest in the religious and political world. He wrote : —
But a more important undertaking has already been begun by the zeal and
piety of those who entertain an interest for the Jewish nation. They have
designed the establishment of a church at Jerusalem, if possible on Mount Zion
itself, where the order of our service and the prayers of our Liturgy shall daily
be set before the faithful in the Hebrew language. A considerable sum has been
collected for this purpose ; the missionaries are already resident on the spot ; and
nothing is wanting but to complete the purchase of the ground on which to erect
the sacred edifice. Mr. Nicolayson, having received ordination at the hands of
the Bishop of London, has been appointed to the charge ; and Mr. Pieritz, a
Hebrew convert, is associated in the duty. The service meanwhile proceeds,
though "the ark of God is under curtains ; " and a small but faithful congregation
of proselytes hear daily the Evangelical verities of our Church on the Mount of
the Holy City itself, in the language of the Prophets, and in the spirit of the
Apostles. To any one who reflects on this event, it must appear one of the most
striking that have occurred in modern days, perhaps in any days since the
corruptions began in the Church of Christ. It is well known that for centuries
the Greek, the Romanist, the Armenian, and the Turk have had their places of
worship in the city of Jerusalem, and the latitudinarianism of Ibrahim Pasha
had lately accorded that privilege to the Jews. The pure doctrines of the
Reformation, as embodied and professed in the Church of England, have alone
been unrepresented amidst all these corruptions ; and Christianity has been con
templated, both by Mussulman and Jew, as a system most hateful to the creed of
each, a compound of mummery and image- worship.
This was an action on the part of the Church; another equally striking
action on the part of the State was next recorded, to which allusion has
already been made in the quotation from the Diary, under date September
29th :—
The growing interest manifested for these regions, the larger investment of
British capital, and the confluence of British travellers and strangers from all
parts of the world, have recently induced the Secretary of State for Foreign
Affairs to station there a representative of our Sovereign in the person of a Vice-
Consul. This gentleman set sail for Alexandria at the end of last September ;
his residence will be fixed at Jerusalem, but his jurisdiction will extend to the
whole country within the ancient limits of the Holy Land ; he is thus accredited,
as it were, to the former kingdom of David and the Twelve Tribes.
The longest gap in Lord Ashley's early Diaries occurs between October
1838, and February, 1839. In the interval the threatened progress of Popery
had largely engaged his attention.
Feb. 2.  This is a fair specimen of " gurnalising," as Walter Scott says, to have
passed three months without an entry. I have written an article on the Jews in
the Quarterly ; set agoing another on the Archbishop of Cologne, and Ftirred up

128 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. VI.
the Times to warn the country to leam wisdom from the experience of the King
of Prussia, and prepare itself for resistance, or disgraceful and perilous sub
mission, to the progress of Popery. Never did plan succeed better. The article
and the newspaper comments on it have produced all the effect that is possible in
the present day on the inert masses and ignorant or unthinking individuals of
the richer classes. It is but small in comparison of the danger ; nevertheless, it
is a beginning full of hope ; it has run through the country in all directions,
opened many eyes, and convinced some few hearts ; and though bepraised,
trumpeted, used in menace by London and provincial press, no one has dared to
contravene its facts or reasonings. I think my friend the Rabbi McCaul * may well
rejoice and thank God for the fruit of his labours. As for my own work, I am
astonished when I reflect on it. At the time I undertook to write the article, I
knew nothing of the Jewish question save and except the appointment of a Vice-
Consul. Not only did Lord Ashley " stir up the Times " with regard to Popery,
but he aroused activity in many other quarters. Among those to whom he
wrote on the subject was Sir Robert Peel, who replied thus : —
Sir Robert Peel to Lord Ashley.
Drayton Manor, January 11th, 1839.
My dear Ashley, — I ought before this to have thanked you for having been
g-ood enough to call my attention to the article in the last Quarterly Review on
the subject of Papal Usurpations and the Spirit of Popery. I have long thought
that there were fearful indications of the approach of a great religious struggle,
which will probably be co-extensive with Popery and Protestantism in Europe.
There is probably an intimate union and combination among the professors of
the Roman Catholic faith. I fear the harmony is not so great among their oppo
nents. I little thought that a torch of discord would be lighted up within the
walls of the University of Oxford. Ever, my dear Ashley,
Most faithfully yours,
Robert Peel.
The Ministry of Lord Melbourne was not popular, and in May (1839) a
proposition to set aside for five years the constitution of Jamaica was fatal to
it. The measure was hotly opposed; a majority of only five in its favour
was a virtual defeat, and in consequence the Ministry resigned.
The Queen sent for the Duke of Wellington, and he advised her to apply
to Sir Robert Peel, on the ground that " the chief difficulties of a Conserva
tive Government would he in the House of Commons." Up to a certain
point Sir Robert Peel was successful in his negotiations as regarded the new
* Rev. Alex. McCaul. He was playfully called ' ' Eabbi " by Lord Ashley on account
of his knowledge of Hebrew and his interest in tho Jews.

1839.1 THE "BEDCHAMBER QUESTION." 129
appointments, and then a series of difficulties arose to which reference is
made in Lord Ashley's Diary. It was found that in the Royal Household
the ladies most closely in attendance upon the Queen were Lady Normanby
— the wife of Lord Normanby, who had been Lord Lieutenant of Ireland
under the Whigs — and the sister of Lord Morpeth, the Irish Secretary. It
became evident to Sir Robert Peel that ho could not proceed with his
appointments unless there should be a readjustment of the Royal Household
as regarded the ladies in close attendance upon the Queen. If a new Irish
policy were to be worked — and the policy of the Conservatives was in direct
opposition to that of the Whigs — it could not be done satisfactorily if the
wife and the sister of the displaced statesmen remained the confidential
companions of the Queen.
It is probable that had this matter been made perfectly clear at the outset,
the difficulty, known as the " Bedchamber Question," would not have arisen.
As it was, there was a misunderstanding and a complication. While Peel
desired a readjustment only as regarded the higher offices, the impression
made upon the mind of the Queen was, that the composition of her whole
Household was to be changed. It was a saying of the Duke of Wellington,
when speaking of the ease and elegance of Lord Melbourne, and his gift of
doing things gracefully — " I have no small talk, and Peel has no manners,"
and it is probable that, in this instance, the mode in which the alterations
were proposed may have had some influence on the result.
The Queen wrote to Sir Robert Peel : —
The Queen having considered the proposal made to her yesterday by Sir
Robert Peel, to remove the Ladies of her Bedchamber, cannot consent to a course
which she considers to be contrary to usage, and is repugnant to her feelings.
To this communication Sir Robert Peel replied : —
Having had the opportunity, through your Majesty's gracious consideration,
of reflecting upon this point, he humbly submits to your Majesty that he is com
pelled, by a sense of public duty, and of the interests of your Majesty's service, to
adhere to the opinion which he ventured to address to your Majesty. He trusts
he may be permitted at the same time to express to your Majesty his grateful
acknowledgments for the distinction which your Majesty conferred upon him by
requiring his advice and assistance in the attempt to form an Administration ;
and his earnest prayer that whatever arrangements your Majesty may be enabled
to make for that purpose, may be most conducive to your Majesty's personal
comfort and happiness, and to the promotion of the public welfare.
Thus ended Peel's attempt to form a Ministry, and Lord Melbourne was
recalled. He said : — •
I resume office unequivocally, and solely for this reason, that I will not desert
my Sovereign in a situation of difficulty and distress, especially when a, demand
is made upon her Majesty with which I think she ought not to comply ; a demand
J

130 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. (Chap. VI
inconsistent with her personal honour, and which, if acquiesced in, would render
her reign liable to all the changes and variations of political parties, and make
her domestic life one constant scene of unhappiness and discomfort.
The matter created a great deal of public excitement at the time, but
eventually it cooled down, and in the end the question was settled in a
manner satisfactory to all, viz., that on a change of Ministry " the Queen
would listen to any representation from the incoming Prime Minister as to
the composition of her household, and would arrange for the retirement, of
their own accord, of any ladies who were so closely related to the leaders of
Opposition as to render their presence inconvenient."
Incidentally the Bedchamber Question had an important bearing upon
Lord Ashley, whose relation to the affair is told in the following words : —
May 11th. — Gaps of course. TJp to the present day not an entry, and yet I have
seen, and heard, and done enough to fill volumes, that is with matter interesting
to myself. Peel in, and Peel out, to be uttered almost in the same breath. Both
steps became him.
On morning of 9th received letter from Peel desiring my instant attendance.
Went thither ; waited a short time ; he then joined me and opened conversation
by saying that the sense of his responsibility weighed him down. " Here am I,''
added he, " galled on to consider the construction of the Queen's Household, and
I wish very much to have your free and confidential advice on the subject. I
remember that I am to provide the attendants and companions of this young
woman, on whose moral and religious character depends the welfare of millions of
human beings. What shall I do 1 I wish to have around her those who will be,
to the country and myself, a guarantee that the tone and temper of their char
acter and conversation will tend to her moral improvement. The formation of a
Cabinet, the appointment to public offices, is easy enough ; it is a trifle compared
to the difficulties and necessities of this part of my business. Now,'' said he,
" will you assist me ; will you take » place in the Queen's Household I Your
character is such in the country ; you are so connected with the religious societies
and the religion of the country ; you are so well known and enjoy so high a repu
tation, that you can do more than any man. Indeed, I said to Arbuthnot this
morning there were but two men who could render me essential service, and
they are the Duke of Wellington and Ashley." I am ashamed," he added with em
phasis, " to ask such a thing of you. I know how unworthy any place about Court
is of you, but you see what my position is, the service you may render to the
Queen, and the satisfaction I may thereby give to the country and to myself." I
was thunderstruck. Everything rushed before my mind : the trivialities of a
Court life, the loss of time, the total surrender of my political occupations, and
of all that an honourable ambition had prompted me to hope for ; instead of
being a Minister, to become a mere puppet : to abandon every public employment
and all private and domestic comfort ; to submit, moreover, to the insults and
intrigues that every subaltern in a palace must be aware of, was too much to
bear. I felt my vanity not a little wounded then ; I felt it would be wounded
much more when people said that Peel had placed me according to his estimate

1839.) RESIGNATION OF SIR ROBERT PEEL. 131
of my abilities. I had not desired office ; I was anxious to avoid it ; but a life at
Court I had ever contemplated with the utmost horror as the most disagreeable.
I was silent for some minutes, and then I told him that, while I felt the whole
force of his appeal, I could not but consider the absolute and painful sacrifice of
everythmg I valued in public and private life ; that I thought he had misjudged
my efficiency, as, being a Commoner, I could not hold any place which might
bring me at Court into contact with the Queen — nevertheless, that, as I believed
the interests, temporal and eternal, of many millions to be wrapped up in the
success of his Administration, and no man should live for himself alone, but
should do his duty in that state of life to which it should please God to call him,
I would, if he- really and truly thought I could serve his purpose, accept, if he
wished it, the office of Chief Scullion I I thought he would have burst into
tears. " You have given me," he said, " more relief than you are aware of." We
then proceeded to discuss appointments. . . . My impression was, throughout,
that never did I see a man in a higher frame of mind for the discharge of his
duties ; in a state of heart more solemn, more delicate, and more virtuous. I am
sure that no parent ever felt towards his own daughter a more deep sense of duty
and affectionate interest than he did then towards Queen Victoria. I added that
he must appoint, not only persons against whom nothing could be said, but those
of whom it would be at once remarked, " This is a good appointment."
Lord Ashley then drove with Sir Robert Peel to Buckingham Palace, but
did not go in himself. On the way thither, the conversation was resumed.
He asked me my opinion of ... . I objected to him as no great thing in
himself, and as having a noisy wife, who would be distasteful to the Queen.
" My suggestion is," I said, " in respect of the ladies, that you do no more than is
absolutely necessary ; " he quite agreed ; he did not seem to anticipate any
difficulties whatsoever in anything respecting the Household. " There are the
maids of honour," he said ; " why should I remove Miss Rice, for instance ? I
don't think it necessary." " Certainly not," I replied ; " it is more gracious to
the Queen, and more gracious to those whom you succeed, to leave as many as
you can without danger to yourself." He entirely concurred ; and I remarked
that the " Queen should be the Queen of the Kingdom, not of a party." He then
repeated his gratitude to me, and we separated. He had no view to patronage,
and was endeavouring simply to combine the public necessity with the Queen's
personal satisfaction. Now, whether I was right, or whether I was wrong, God
alone can know. I implored His grace, as I ever will do, before I went, and
prayed for " counsel, wisdom, and understanding." On reflection, I renew
my antipathies, but adhere to my decision.
May 14th. — On Friday morning I went to him, and heard, to my astonish
ment, of his resignation ; he gave me a clear and succinct narrative of the
whole, and his letter to read. I told him at the end be was a fine fellow, and
that I rejoiced both in his conduct and the step he had taken. I am now
writing on May 14th ; his explanation of last night tells a great deal, but not the
whole. " I remembered," said he to me, after he had done speaking, " that I
was talking of a Lady not present in this House ; " " and," I added, " that Lady
your Sovereign." " Precisely," he rejoined. He had, in his interview with tie
j 2

132 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. VI.
Queen, entreated her not to be precipitate, but calmly to consider his proposi
tions ; three successive times did he see her ; and once, by her permission, he
fetched the Duke of Wellington, who urged the same things, and can tell the
same story ; the final decision was then deferred to the Friday morning, and was
as we all know. " Nothing can be more unjust than to charge me," he said,
" with an attempt to change all the ladies ; I should, for instance, have been
really sorry had Lady Lyttleton quitted her Majesty."
When Peel's Administration of three days — " three glorious days " — had
ended, he retired, satisfied with himself, and without a dissentient voice from
any one of his party. The Diary continues : —
May 21st. — Melbourne is back again. . . . Reports everywhere prevalent
that the Ministry, though formed, cannot be sustained. I am inclined to
believe, from Melbourne's language to Anson, that he is labouring to persuade
the Queen to revert to the Tories ; his own Government he feels to be
impossible without such concessions to Radicalism as will destroy both Whigs
and Tories together. If he is honourable, and in earnest, he will succeed.
Dined last night at the Palace. I cannot but love the Queen, she is so kind
and good to me and mine ; I do love her, and will serve her ; it is a duty and a
pleasure, a duty to her and to God 1 Poor soul I she was low-spirited ; I do
deeply feel for her. " Uneasy lies the head that wears a crown." Oh, that she
knew what alone makes a yoke easy, and a, burden light ! This entire episode
has been painful ; it has shown me another proof of what I always assert, that
party feeling is superior to all passions ; no one seems to fall so soon before it as
your professors of principle.
Early in 1839 (February 12th) Lord John Russell had announced the in
tention of Government to constitute a Board of Education, consisting of five
Privy Councillors, and to place at its disposal from £20,000 to £30,000 per
annum as a grant in aid of schools. Hitherto — that is to say from 1834, when
the first grant of public money for the purposes of Elementary Education was
made by Parliament — the distribution had been carried out by the Lords of
the Treasuiy through the National School Society and the British and
Foreign School Society. It was now proposed that the grant should be in
creased by £10,000 ; that it should jbe distributed by a Committee of the
Privy Council, and that instead of the grants being confined to Church of
England or Protestant Schools, they should be extended to schools not neces
sarily connected with the two great educational societies, even including those
in which the Roman Catholic version of the Bible was read.
The scheme met with fierce opposition, chiefly on the ground that public
money ought not to pass through the hands of the Committee of the Privy
Council, and that it ought not to be in any way diverted from schools in con
nection with the Established Church.
The Duke of Wellington, whose opinion Lord Ashley was always glad to
have, held very decided views on the subject, to which he gave expression in
tho following communication : —

1S39-] THE COMMITTEE OF PRIVY COUNCIL. 133
The Duke of Wellington to Lord Ashley.
London, May 20th, 1839.
My dear Lord Ashley, — I have received your note, and I am much con
cerned that I cannot attend the meeting to be presided over by the Archbishop of
Canterbury on the subject of Education.
I don't know what course our leaders in the House of Commons will take upon
tlie subject.
I could say nothing without running the risk of differing in opinion with
them. I do entertain a very strong opinion upon it, and have written a memorandum
upon it, which I will send to you as soon as I can get it copied.
I will subscribe in every diocese with which I have any relation, provided it is
to establish schools really and bond fide under the exclusive superintendence and
direction of the clergy of the Church of England.
I must subscribe, if so required by law, and pay for the establishment of
schools, established on the principles of the Minutes and Orders of Council, under
the superintendence of the Committee of Council.
But I will not subscribe, or, unless compelled by law, pay one farthing towards
the establishment of such systems.
This is my opinion and resolution in few words.
Believe me ever yours mest sincerely, Wellington.
On the 14th June, Lord Stanley moved for " an humble address to Her
Majesty to revoke the Order in Council appointing a Committee of Council
to superintend, the application of any sums voted by Parliament for the pur
pose of promoting public education."
Lord Ashley supported the motion in a long and exhaustive speech, and by
arguments which, it must be confessed, are hot in accordance with modern
views. He said that while he would not assert that the plan proposed by the
Government was unconstitutional, he would assert that the measure would
nevertheless be adverse to the Constitution. The Committee were to deter
mine the principle, mode, and measure of distribution; to introduce new
systems of education, to say what was to be taught, and what was to he with
held ; what was the form of belief to be propagated ; to define the limits of
doctrine, and to declare what was to be common to all, and what was to be
considered as special to a few. He objected to the mode in which Lord
' John Russell had submitted the question ;— it should not have been a motion
" That the Order of the Day for the Committee of Supply be now read," but a
Bill, inasmuch as it would then be sent up to the House of Lords, the only
branch of the Legislature where the Church is represented. He said : —
It is a mockery to require the assent of their Lordships to a turnpike or a road
Bill, and pass it by on the weighty topics of moral and religious education. It is

1 34 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. VI.
above all a matter of astonishment and regret that the Bishops of the land, the
parties most responsible for the good conduct and government of the people in
this country in spirituals, should be denied the liberty to express their opinions
on the tendency of the proposed system to promote the spiritual welfare of the
Church. Has the noble Lord assigned any public advantages to be derived from
such a course ? The party-advantages are evident enough ; the opposition to it
in another place might be inconvenient and fatal ; but we have a right to
demand some public grounds. Consider the evil nature of the precedent you are
laying down by converting measures of unspeakable interest into mere money-
votes, abating thereby the reverence due to the subject-matter, limiting the
means and opportunities of consideration to the House of Commons, and wholly
excluding the House of Lords.
Lord Ashley then attacked the measure itself in unsparing terms. He
regarded it as hostile to the Church, inasmuch as she would gradually be
deprived of all control and superintendence over her own schools, except those
that might be founded on the purely voluntary system. He foresaw that all the
new schools, and probably half the old ones, would require assistance, and that,
if they accepted a grant, they must submit to the sole, or at least the joint,
inspectorship of the State, and it was not difficult to see the degree of authority
that would fall to the lot of the weaker party.
Nothing- less than the question w/.o should command the whole mind of
the country was involved, and it was not fitting that merely political persons
should devise and control the proposed system. Not only did he regard it as
hostile to the Church, but as hostile to Revealed Religion itself. In the
Government plan, religion was to he divided into " general and special," and
that he considered to imply a disjunction of the most sacred truths, and the
opening of the door to every kind of heresy. He said, in conclusion : —
You may call all this bigotry and fanaticism, but I maintain that it is the
solemn sentiment of a nation, and, as such, entitled to respect. Will the noble
Lord force his plan upon the country? This would be persecution ; and the more
ridiculous, as it would be undertaken to carry out principles which, as members
of the Established Church, the Ministers must conscientiously deny. I recollect
well the time when the Dissenters petitioned for the abolition of church-rates, on
the ground that it was unjust to summon them to support the fabric of a Church
whose doctrines they repudiated. On that occasion they pleaded conscience ; the
Ministers allowed the plea, and proposed » remedy. Though these Dissenters
were a minority— a small minority of the whole country — yet the Government
proposed to abolish, in their behalf, an impost which had subsisted for 800 years,
and under which all the property of the kingdom had been taken. They now
reverse the policy, and propose to force on the great majority a novel tax, for the
purpose of giving instruction in creeds which the majority declare to be
unscriptural and false, repugnant alike to their feelings and their religion. I
know that, in making these remarks, I expose myself to the charge of bigotry
and illiberality. I regret it ; but I cannot consent to abate the expression of any
sentiments I may have avowed this evening. I have no objection, nay, quite the

188!>1 COUNCIL ON EDUCATION CONSTITUTED. 135
reverse, to consider any plan that may tend to the moral advancement of the
^ people of England ; but I will never consent to any plan that shall sever
i religious from secular education ; and by religious education I mean the full,
i direct, and special teaching of all the great and distinctive doctrines of the
l Christian faith.
The House divided on Thursday, June 20th. For Lord John Russell's
motion, 180 ; for Lord Stanley's amendment, 175. But the matter did not
rest here ; a fiercer struggle awaited it in the Upper House, to which it was
transferred, when the Archbishop of Canterbury moved and carried an
address to the Queen praying her to revoke the Order in Council. The
Queen replied firmly, and at the same time gently rebuked the peers for
insinuating that she was inattentive to the interests of the Established
Church. " Of the proceedings of the Committee," she said, " annual reports
will be laid before Parliament, so that the House of Lords will be enabled to
exercise its judgment upon them ; and I trust that the funds placed at my
disposal will be found to have been strictly applied to the objects for which
they were granted."
The Committee of Council on Education was therefore nominated — the
institution by which our system of public instruction has been managed ever
since.

CHAPTER VII.
SCOTLAND — 1839.
On the 9th August, Lord and Lady Ashley, accompanied by their eldest son,
set off for a torn- in Scotland. Only once before in his Parliamentary life
had he quitted London while the Houses were sitting. There were urgent
reasons for his doing so now, or he would not have left when, as he says,
it " is the time for Parliamentary rogues and vagabonds ; " when " job may
follow job, and blacken the whole surface of the Lords and Commons."
A closely-written Diary of over a hundred quarto pages tells the story of
his travels, penned at odd moments and in divers places during the tour.
Aug. 9th, 1839.— Left London by tbe 2 o'clock train for Birmingham. Found
Roebuck in the carriage : he was civil and by no means disagreeable. . . .
10th. — Saw the Bull Ring, famous for mobs and conflagrations. These towns
always affect me — the mass of human-kind, whom nothing restrains but force
or habit, uninfluenced, because unreached, by any moral or religious discipline
presents a standing miracle. We imagine a force and trust to a habit ; it is
neither one nor the other. " Sceptra tenens mollitque animos et temperat iras.
Ni faciat ! " — .
Spanked along the road to Liverpool. It is quite a just remark that the
Devil, if he travelled, would go by the train. . . . Surveyed the town, admired
its buildings, commended its broad streets, and wondered at its wealth. Ships,
colonies, and commerce, with a vengeance, and yet (I thank God for it) there
seem to be more churches here than in any town I have seen. . . Thousands
of the dirtiest, worst-clad children I ever saw, throng the streets, presenting a
strange inconsistency with the signs of luxury all around. You marvel whence
they come, till you get a peep into the side-alleys. We perceive at once the Irish
parentage of these cheerful, but unclean beings. But Liverpool is a town of
good repute ; though " her merchants are princes, and her traffickers the honour
able of the earth," they serve God with u, portion of their wealth, and raise
temples to His name and worship. . . .
Lord Ashley did not take any very prominent part in the great movement
for the abolition of the slave trade ; but his sympathies were warmly with
those who were bearing the brunt of the battle, and frequent references to
their labours, and to the horrors of the system, are to be found in his Journal.
Thus we find him, on his holiday tour, studying the latest information on the
subject, in the volume just published by Sir Thomas Fowell Buxton, entitled
" Tlie Slave Trade and its Remedy."

1S3D-] ROBERT SOUTHEY. 137
Aug. 13th. —Have been reading, on the journey, Buxton's account of the actual
state of tbe slave trade. It is enough to make a man miserable for life ; and, in
fact, were it not providentially ordained that we forget some things, and grow
dead to others, we should, had we a spark of sentiment, be unceasingly suffering.
But sympathy is useless, nay, contemptible, without corresponding action ; what
can we do to wipe out this " damned spot," and mitigate this horrid tyranny ?
The human arm has utterly failed ; treaties, force, persuasion, the march of
intellect, and the lessons of Christianity, all have stumbled like wretched infants
with rickety legs and idiotic apprehensions. Let those who believe in God, and
have faith in Him, cry day and night, and almost, like Jacob, wrestle, as it were,
for a blessing on those peoples and nations, black though they be. But will man
ever succeed ? It is our duty to persevere in the holy attempt, but the triumph,
I believe, is reserved for other hands and other days ; for that peculiar and
hallowed time when He " shall undo the heavy burdens, and let the oppressed
go free." We went to see the view from the Rayrigg ; delicious ; the lights varied it at
every moment, the whole lake seemed to sparkle, and every succeeding hour till
now, nine o'clock, has exhibited a new and peculiar beauty in the sky and in the
landscape. Arthur Kmnaird joined us to-day in our boat to the Rayrigg. He is
an agreeable, good-humoured man, with a sound honest conscience, as he has
proved by the resignation of his seat in Parliament.
The correspondence with Robert Southey, begun in 1829, continued with
great regularity and growing interest. Southey often repeated his invitation
to Lord Ashley to break away from his ever-increasing duties, and take some
quiet recreation at the Lakes. He wrote : —
. . . Few things would give me more pleasure than to row you and Lady
Ashley round this beautiful lake in a good old boat, called the Ark, for its form
and capacious size, and to go up Skiddaw with you, which is the easy work of
five hours ; and to show you my books (probably the best collection that ever was
possessed by one who had no other wealth), and to let you see my way of life,
than which a more tranquil or happier one could not be devised, if tranquillity
and happiness depended upon ourselves alone.
But this pleasure was not to be realised, as the following entry will
show : —
Aug. 15th. — Called at Southey's house, and found that he was absent. I had
been led to fear this ; but although a visit to him had been, for many years, a
great object with me, and a very principal motive of my journey this season, I
oould not recall my plans and forego the gratification of seeing the Lakes. I may
never have another opportunity, perhaps, of seeing him in this world. Well,
may God bless him, and his, in this life and the next, for the mighty good his
works have done. I owe much, very much to them ; and I especially remember
his Book of the Church, his Colloquies, and Moral Essays. . . .
It was not only to the works of Southey that Lord Ashley was indebted ;
he had derived great benefit from his personal friendship. On one occasion,

138 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. VIL
when they were talking together on methods of work, reference was made to
the strain laid on the mind by too continuous attention to one theme of study.
Southey narrated a plan he had adopted, by which he not only secured relaxa
tion, but, by a frequent change of mental pursuits, was able to accomplish
almost any amount of work with vigour and freshness. " He told me," said
Lord Shaftesbury, in speaking to young men on the necessity of labour as an
element in all healthy recreation and rest, "that he had six or seven different
reading desks in his study, with a different book or theme on each ; on one, a
magazine article ; on another, a poem ; on another, a study in history ; on
another, a letter to a friend ; and so on. When he tired of the one he went
to the other, and found himself so refreshed by the change that he was able
to be in his study from early in the morning till late at night, going to each
subject with fresh zest and vigour."
It was singular that Lord Ashley should have written, " I may never have
another opportunity, perhaps, of seeing him in this world," for even
while he was writing it, the beginning- of the end had come — and he never
saw his friend again. In June of the following year' he received a letter
from Mrs. Southey (better known by her maiden name of Caroline Bowles),
who had only been married to the poet in June, 1839. The letter was as
follows : — Mrs. Soutliey to Lord Ashley. \
Greta Hall, 20th June, 1840.
My Lord, — The regard with which you have so long honoured my beloved
husband, together with my knowledge of his high consideration for your Lord
ship, induces me to believe that I act consonantly with what would be his desire,
could he express it, in making you acquainted with the cause of his prolonged
silence ; one, if not two of your Lordship's letters having lain ten or twelve months
in his desk unanswered, although noted for immediate reply on our arrival at
Keswick. It is more than probable that public rumour has conveyed to you something
of the sad truth — that serious indisposition of the most afflicting nature has for
many months incapacitated Mr. Southey from all use of his pen, all literary ap
plication, all continuance of his extensive correspondence. No specific disease of
any kind having manifested itself unequivocally, his brother and physician, Dr.
Henry Southey, encouraged me to hope that, as the debilitating effects of repeated
attacks of influenza wore off, his constitution would gradually right itself, and
the mind (then affected only by sympathetic languor) recover its healthful
tone. On this hope I lived till within the last few months— till the sad conviction
pressed itself upon me, that all rational ground for it was giving way. That
" the night when no man can work " was closing on my husband's life of moral
usefulness, and that though, with care, his existence may be many years pro
longed in this state of being, I must look heavenward only, beyond " the pale
and grave of death," for the restoration which will then be perfect and in
destructible

1839-1 SOUTHEY's LAST YEARS. 139
In the meantime, God be thanked ! there is no actual suffering, and in my
grievous trial I have the consolation of a humble hope that, in permitting our
late union, He has provided for my beloved husband, in his friend of two-and-
twenty years, a more fitting companion for the days of his decline, than any
other earthly friend could be.
The receipt of a third circular from the Incorporated National Society, of
which your Lordship is chairman, has decided me to make the foregoing com
munication. I had for some time hesitated on the fitness of such an intrusion on
your Lordship from one personally unknown to you.
Had all been well with Mr. Southey, I am sure he would have joined " heart
and hand " in co-operation with your Lordship to the furtherance of an end sc
important as that proposed by the National Society.
I beg to subscribe myself,
Your Lordship's obedient servant,
Caroline Southey.
With unwearied devotion and tenderness this gifted woman — whose
poems and other literary labours were very popular in her day, and still
have a charm for many — ministered to her husband, who sank deeper and
deeper into unconsciousness, until in 1843 he passed away. Soon afterwards
Lord Ashley wrote in his Diary : —
March 24th. — After three years of mental eclipse Robert Southey has been
gathered to his fathers ; I loved and honoured him ; that man's noble writings
have, more than any other man's, advanced God's glory and the inalienable rights
of our race. He was essentially the friend of the poor, the young, and the
defenceless — no one so true, so eloquent, and so powerful 
The friend of his youth was never forgotten ; and among Lord Shaftes
bury's papers was found a letter, dated 1864, thanking him in terms of
warmest gratitude, that through his influence with Lord Palmerston, " The
Queen had been pleased to confer a pension of £100 a year upon Mrs. Hill,
as the daughter of Robert Southey."
The Diary continues : —
Aug. 20th. — Not had time till now to make any entries. Saw the Cathedral
at Carlisle, old, and somewhat ungainly. There are points in it of beauty and
interest, but the charm (and that is an unf ailing one to my mind) lies in its
antiquity  Carlisle is a bad place, and always has been. Hand-loom
weavers here, as elsewhere, are the stock-in-trade for the agitators to work
with  Sunday. — Netherby. To church — sermon good and pious; No
evening service ; this was a disappointment. I dearly love the afternoon service
of a rural parish. Its omission is a great error ; the service is good for all, and
necessary for many who cannot attend the earlier worship. It is the ordinance
of the Church, and the business of the day. The longer I live the more I
reverence and adore the benevolent wisdom of God, which has set apart one day

140 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. VII.
in seven for His service and man's refreshment. It is the peculiar right, privi
lege, and comfort of the poor. The established service in this diminutive parish,
struck me forcibly as a proof of the advantage and necessity of an Endowed
Church, and a composed Liturgy  Tuesday. — On the road to New-
battle. A glorious day though cold, but admirably adapted to distant views.
Passed the house of Sir Walter Scott. Nearly twenty years ago I spent some
days in the society and house of that great man, whose memory I hope will
ever be blessed. Since that day how many of those I met there have been
gathered to their fathers — Sir Walter, his two daughters, neither of them, I
believe, older than myself ; I understand, too, Mrs. Maclean, and Thompson
the tutor 
Newbattle Abbey, the seat of the Marquis of Lothian, stands on the
site of an abbey founded by David I. for a community of Cistercian monks.
The last abbot was an ancestor of the noble Marquis. This was the next
halting-place of Lord Ashley on his tour: —
Arrived after a long journey — long in time, not so in distance. Found
Lothian away ; a letter despatched to warn us, and which we had missed.
Aug. 22nd. — Lothian returned last night. Rode to see the ruins of Crichton
Castle, celebrated in " Marmion." Impressive, as ancient ruins always are,
but less splendid than the remains of English castles. ... I observe,' in
many directions, a considerable change in the architecture of the kirks, indi
cating, I hope, a certain change in the ecclesiastical feeling. You may see towers
and steeples and ornamented windows, but, above all, various parts of the edifice
surmounted by a cross ; it is especially so at Liberton and Dalkeith. May
this be taken as a proof of the abatement of the bigoted ignorance and furious
spirit of the Covenanters, and a practical advance towards the reasonable ser
vice of the Church of England ?
Aug. 23rd. — To-day we must depart. They have been exceedingly kind to
us, and have made the house particularly agreeable. This is the great draw
back in touring ; no sooner are you well shaken together, and become at ease,
than the tocsin sounds for separation. It is, however, a fac-simile of the
world itself, and as such should be improved into a moral lesson. . . . The
children that I have seen in these northern parts, beginning with Westmore
land, are, in many instances, very pretty. They interest me exceedingly, and
I feel a sympathy and a love for the whole infantine world.
Aug. 2ith. — Walked to Rosslyn Castle and Chapel. The latter is a beautiful
specimen of the Gothic, and now carefully preserved by the owner. In these
days we have not the will, and, had we the will, we have not the taste and
the skill, to raise such edifices to the honour and worship of Almighty God.
We dole out our miserable subscriptions, and erect a building for God's House
which most of those who contribute would not think suitable for their stables ;
thus our nobles and merchants dwell in their palaces of vermilion, while
,' the Ark of God is under curtains." It is a wonderful thing, and one which
ought to shame us, that seven-tenths of the churches where our countrymen
now worship the Lord, in spirit and in truth, raised their venerable heads in
the dark times of Popery and superstition ! Where should we have been now
had they not preceded us '

1S39-1 SCOTLAND AND THE SCOTS. 141
Aug. 25th.— To Kirk ! absolutely the Presbyterian Kirk. What could we
do otherwise if we desired to go to any place of worship at all? But they
protest against Popery and preach the Atonement in faith and love, so I can,
under stress of weather, take shelter in one of their chapels. But their service
I cannot call worship ; it appeals neither to the senses, the feelings, nor the
reason ; the business of the congregation is to listen ; they have neither part
nor voice in the function. They cannot pray, for their thoughts are turned from
private supplication, but are not turned into a public channel, for they wait on
the minister and must follow him. You must listen first to catch what he says
and then to pass a hasty judgment on what he utters. Any one who is sincere
would wish to ponder the meditations of his heart before he makes them the
request of his lips. No responses, no Amens ; all is silent, save the minister, who
discharges the whole ceremony and labours under the weight of his own tauto
logies. I complain not so much of what he says, as of what he omits. . . .
Aug. 26th. — Edinburgh. Yisited the Castle. It is hardly possible to imagine
anything more noble for the residence of man than the city as it lies at your
feet ; nature has lent considerable aid in her rocks, and hills, and waters, giving
thereby a magnificence to the scene, that even Babylon, the Lady of Kingdoms,
could not have boasted. Saw the Regalia with the deepest interest — all
antiquity moves me — but the antiquity of bygone rule, and empire fled, is
singularly impressive. The crown is a precious memorial of a noble and heart-
stirring deed in the history of Scotland. It is the crown of Robert Bruce, made
by his order, after the glorious victory of Bannockbum, to supply the place of
the jewels carried away to England by our brigand King Edward. I have
always sympathised with the Scottish people in their resistance to English
aggressions ; no Caledonian, kilted or unkilted, in this country, can more delight
in the triumphs of Wallace and Bruce. My patriotism, though by God's blessing
I believe it to be deep, fervent, and true, does not extend to exultation in
insolence, cruelty, and injustice. . . . The annals of Scotland are full of
events. So many have been transacted within so narrow a compass of territory,
that almost every square mile is dignified by some occurrence in the pages of
history. Wherever you go, the imagination and the memory are constantly at
work ; the contrast of things in the present day is infinitely pleasing to the
spirit of political economy ; but the poetry is gone ; yet, no doubt, to the advan
tage of the human race ; those things that make the best figure in narrative and
verse are, for the most part, terrible in the reality. . . .
The enthusiasm of Lord Ashley for Scotland and the Scots was not a
passing emotion kindled by the pleasurable circumstances of his holiday.
Again and again he returned to Scotland, and, up to the close of his life, he
expressed the same sentiments of attachment to the countiy and its people
that he felt in these earlier years. In 1875, when he visited Glasgow to
assist in the establishment of a Home for Incurables, he said, playfully, but
in good truth, " In the Home for Incurables I may almost claim a berth for
myself, for I plead guilty to an incurable love for the people of Scotland."
To Holyrocd House on foot, down the High Street and Canongate, and thus
through a great part of the old town. The whole thing is far more like a foreign

142 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. Vll.
3ity. Had I not heard the English language on all sides, I should have believed
myself to be in some Flemish town ; the buildings, the caps and bare feet, the
transaction of everything in the street, the dirt, the smell, the stir and general
appearance of life, made me think I had crossed the Channel. It would have
amused us to have perambulated the streets for hours. . . .
Linlithgow. The ruins of the palace, very fine indeed, and, of course, as all
ruins are, very interesting. These old Scotch females who act as Cicerones
amuse me much. They get their story well up, and clack away like a scarecrow
with clappers.
Aug. 29th. . . . Walked through the Trossachs to the head of the lake ;
most attractive and sublime scenery, alternately tender and grand, sometimes
both united, exciting in our minds the idea of that Great Being (if we may
venture to use such a similitude) who alone combines in Himself supreme love
and supreme power. The vegetation is wildly luxuriant ; dwarf oak, fern,
heather, furze, &c, all mingled together, which receives a softening delicate tint
from the lovely, graceful hues of the heather. Minny was melancholy in this
walk, and talked much of " olden time " and people long since dead, and living
ones growing old, the painful contemplation of years advancing without piety,
and sorrows without experience. The lovely evening, with, its calm and soothing
breezes, bestirred this in her heart ; and truly this is oftentimes the effect of fine
prospects and a setting sun. There is a melancholy without despondency ; a
sober and pensive dejection which is infinitely healthy to the soul ; the glory
that God sheds over His works, even in their corrupted condition, revives the
hopes of man, and while he feels and bewails the height from which he has
fallen, he lifts his eyes and his heart to it in faith and fear ; yet, " in the sure
and certain hope of a happy resurrection through Him that hath redeemed us."
Aug. 30th. . . Walter Scott has contrived to throw an indescribable charm
over the whole region. People have absolutely talked themselves, and quoted
themselves, into a full belief of everything he imagined ; a sufficient proof of
the excellence of his genius ! But it is all melancholy to me ; I knew and loved
the master-mind which is now dead and gone ; and I cannot divest myself here
in Scotland of the recollection of him.
Aug. 31st. — Found that our carriage had been robbed during the night of some
articles not very valuable. Regretted that anything of the kind should have
happened in the country of the Gael ; attributed it to some English servants who
were about, yet more through antiquarian sympathy for these Celtic tribes, than
any just evidence against the Saxon I . . . .
The travellers next proceeded to Rossie Priory, the beautiful mansion of
the Kinnaird family, in a charming situation, and overlooking the banks of
the Tay.
To Rossie, Lord Kinnaird's . . . found here, besides the family, Lord
Kinnaird's sister Olivia, Mr. and Mrs. Ponsonby, their daughter, Lady Fitz
harris, and a Captain Baker, also Lord Stormont. The usual preliminaries of
stiffness, dulness, and hesitation being past ; when we had, as dogs, sniffed every
corner and ascertained the whole lay of the place, we became very sociable and
were well amused. . . .

l8S9-l tHe Handiwork of the reformers. i4§
Sept. 2nd. — The people here are very amiable and pleasant ; . . . nothing
can be kinder, nothing more hospitable. . . This is an excellent house ; large,
comfortable, and handsome, full of articles of wealth and taste, pictures, statues
and china, infinite in extent and value. The place is gentlemanlike, and
highly agreeable, commanding fine views of the country and the course of the
river Tay.
Sept. 4th. — A drive of singular beauty ; a, series of the most delicious views
of the Carse of Gowrie bounded by the distant hills. No one, unless he see this
place on a really favourable day, can form a judgment of its fascinations — the
intermixture of mountain and cultivated plains, the glow of the harvest, the
blue expanse of the Tay, the dark foliage of pines and wooded hills, are incon
ceivably rich. The day, too, was in itself absolutely luscious. . . .
Sept. 5th. — Dunkeld. Issued out to see the cathedral, very ancient and very
ruinous ; this is again the handiwork of the Reformers, " Quae regio non plena
laboris ! " Perhaps a certain degree of violence towards these splendid and eye-
striking edifices, which had so often and so long been abused to superstition, was
inevitable in the then state of men's minds ; perhaps it was not ; but in the
present day surely it would be an act of sacrilege to lay hands on these, or any
part whatever of these venerable churches. And yet there are men who even
now, at this hour, would revive the dormant feeling of fanaticism, and level the
glorious cathedrals of York, of Lincoln, and of Westminster, with the dust
around them. Dr. McCrie, in his Life of Knox, sternly exhorts the world to
imitate those times, and wipe out every trace of a temple which idolatry has
defiled. He is foolishly, criminally wrong. History and principle are both
against him. The early Christians converted to their use the heathen shrines ;
and why more destroy these buildings, whose purpose is changed, than a
proselyte heathen or a repentant sinner? Hezekiah broke up the brazen
Serpent and made it Nehushtan, because it was unavailable for good, and had
itself become an object of worship. Those cathedrals had become the receptacles
of superstition, not the actual " lie " that was adored. . . .
In the evening, by Lord Glenlyon's invitation, went to see the Highlanders
dance their reels in costume. Very entertaining, perfectly national, and they
were happy as grigs. They worked like fellows whose lives depended on the
number of steps they could cut in each figure.
Sept. 7th. — Started early for Inverness ; delighted with the scenery ; uncom
monly wild and free, very unlike the other Highlands we had seen. Here we
beheld, for the first time, true Gaelic life, the real abodes of the Celtic popula
tion ; every now and then a few black spots in the middle of the waste marked
a Highland hamlet. At a distance it looked like a Hottentot kraal ; when near,
like a corporation of pig-styes ; yet the people in them seem well-clothed, and
the children are stout and ruddy. This is the true taste of the Highlander ; we
cannot judge of their condition by the appearance of the frequented parts of
Perthshire. Landlords and landladies have learned the trick of setting up
" sweet cottages " by the roadside I . . . .
Wherever Lord Ashley went, he always had the welfare of the poor in
his thoughts, and, whenever he wanted information as to their condition, he
was not content to get it from any other source than direct from themselves.

144 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. VII.
It was natural for him to walk into the harvest field and talk to the reapers,
and it was equally natural for him to sympathise with them in their toils and
the lack of generosity which shut them out from the joys of harvest. He
always regarded liberality in employers as an essential part of practical
Christianity, and the privilege of gleaning in tho corn-fields after the reapers
as the right of the poor, notwithstanding the fact that modern law has
decided to the contraiy.
Sept. 11th. — I walked into the fields hard by to talk to the reapers. No
wonder the Scotch farmer can afford to give a better rent, when he gives so
much worse a wage as the remuneration of labour — one shilling a day to the
women, and fifteenpence to the men, for twelve hours at harvest time, is con
sidered sufficient ! We saw standing in the field two buckets of water ; their
employer gives no other refreshment. Nor does Sawney recognise either the
practice, or the philanthropy, of the "system of gleaning." "We always take a
long rake," said the farmer to me, " and gather it up." To be sure he does, and
thus makes of none effect one of the most gracious and beautiful provisions of
the Levitical law : "And when ye reap the harvest of your land, thou shalt not
wholly reap the corners of thy field, neither shalt thou gather the gleanings of
thy harvest" (Lev. xix. 9). Again: "When ye reap the harvest of your land,
thou shalt not make clean riddance of the corners of thy field when thou reapest,
neither shalt thou gather any gleaning of thy harvest ; thou shalt leave them
unto the poor and to the stranger. I am the Lord your God " (xxiii. 22). . .
Oban. Had a dressing-room with a window in the ceiling, so that when it was
opened the rain came in. This is perverse in Scotch architects ; it renders it im
possible to enjoy fresh air in a climate where the rain is so abundant that they
have a million spouts of water for one ray of sunshine. . . . My room so low
that, if I attempted to brush the crown of my head, I rapped my knuckles
against the ceiling ; and the bed so short that, if I stretched my legs, I drove my
head against the other wall. I was like a basket of game — covered in the
middle, with head and feet out. . . .
One of the visits on this journey, which appears to have given Lord
Ashley unusual pleasure, was paid to Mr. Alison, the historian, afterwards
Sir Archibald Alison. It was in this year that the first volume of his great
work, " The History of Europe," was published.
Sept. 21st. —Early to Alison's ; kindly and sincerely received. To Glasgow
with him ; Minny accompanied us. We saw first Mr. Monteith's calico printing
works. They have, in the dyeing department, all the effect of magical trick. . .
Mr. Napier's ironworks, the factory of steam-engines, boilers, and the whole
apparatus of these scientific monsters of the deep — these wonderful subjugators
of nature by science, permitted, by a bountiful Providence, for man's benefit, but
perverted to the glorifying of his own intellect. . . . Minny drove home ;
Alison and I walked. At dinner Colonel and Mrs. Kearney, Dr. Macleod, of the
Scotch Church, a man of great natural abilities, original, simple, full of zeal,
kind in his manner, and, I am told, infinitely kind in his heart. I had seen him
once before, but I have now made his acquaintance, and am delighted that I have

183!>1 SYMPATHY WITH THE BLIND. 145
done so. Mr. Montgomery, the author of " The Omnipresence of the Deity,"
&c. &c, lately ordained in the English Church, and appointed to an Episcopal
Church in Glasgow. Some good talk — very good talk ; an hour of excellent
conversation with Alison after the company was gone ; and to bed.
Among those on whose behalf Lord Ashley felt the keenest sympathy
were the blind. He was wont to say that insanity and blindness were the
two direst afflictions that could befall mankind, and we have seen how
vigorously and successfully he had exerted himself on behalf of the
insane. Terrible as was their condition, that of the indigent blind of the
metropolis was scarcely less so ; but until the year 1834 no opportunity for
making any special effort for them had occurred. In that year a Mr.
Harman called .upon him, and representing that these poor creatures were
wholly uncared for, urged upon him that an institution should be founded
for the purpose of visiting- them in the cellars and dark, damp slums where
they were hidden away. The result of that interview was the formation of
the " Indigent Blind Visiting Society." The object of this admirable insti
tution was to seek the general improvement of the condition of the indigent
blind by systematic visitation in their own dwellings ; by providing them
with guides to take them to places of worship, and to classes for their
instruction in reading and writing, and in various branches of remunerative
employment, and by affording them pecuniary relief in times of great
necessity. For fifty years Lord Shaftesbury was President of the Society,
and took an unabated interest in its labours. It is not surprising, therefore,
to find in the Journals of his travels that he lost no opportunity of ascertain
ing how the blind were being dealt with in the places he visited.
Sept. 23rd.— Glasgow. To the Blind School. This is, indeed, a thing to
gladden man's heart when he observes the power and mercy of God, compensating
for the privation of one sense by the supernatural vivacity of another. It is
beautiful and consolatory to behold the peace of mind that these poor creatures
enjoy, through the instrumentality, under Providence, of these inventions ; they
are now become capable of every mental and spiritual gratification ; many
can exercise various trades and oallings, and, instead of being a clog, prove
an assistance to their families. I could hardly refrain from tears when I saw
their easy and happy acquaintance with the art of reading Scripture, and heard
the pleasure they took in the pursuit. Blindness is, next to insanity, the heaviest
of God's visitations ; bears with it something of mystery, inasmuch as God has
ever reserved to Himself personally, as it were, the power of restoring the
eyesight. No mere man has been permitted to wield this power.
Sept. 24th. . . . Joined Alison at the Registration Court, and walked with
him through the "dreadful" parts of this amazing city ; it is a small square plot
intersected by small alleys, like gutters, crammed with houses, dunghills, and
human beings ; hence arise, he tells me, nine-tenths of the disease, and nine-
tenths of the crime in Glasgow ; and well it may. Health would be impossible
in such a climate ; the air tainted by perpetual exhalations from the most
stinking and stagnant sources, a pavement never dry, in lanes not broad enough
K

146 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. VII.
to admit a wheel-barrow. And is moral propriety and moral cleanliness, so to
speak, more probable 1 Quite the reverse. Discontent, malignity, filthy and
vicious habits, beastly thoughts and beastly actions must be, and are, the results
of such associations. Oh I for a temporary but sharp despotism, which, founding
its exercise on an imitation of God, would pass beneficial laws, and compel men
against their wills to do wisely ! There should' be a law prohibiting the con
struction of streets, except of a fixed, and that a very considerable, width. In
large open spaces there is more health, more air, more cleanliness, more observa
tion ; and public opinion comes in along with light. Though you could not thus
exterminate what is bad, you would externally abate it, and, as Burke says,
" Vice itself would lose half its evil, by losing all its grossness." These are the
last abodes of many of the factory population ; broken in health and spirits, cor
rupted in mind, and ignorant alike of what is useful and true, be it in temporal
or eternal things, they pass, after the days of their fitness for mill-labour, from
one point of degradation to another, till they sink down, as to a common centre,
in this dark pit of misery. The high-mettled racer is a type of them, as in his
life, so also in his death. " Who knoweth," said Solomon, " the spirit of a man
that goeth upward, and the spirit of the beast that goeth downward to the
earth ? " But do these differ from the beast ? I trow not. . . .
No one at dinner but ourselves — much useful and pleasant conversation.
Alison is a man after my own heart ; we agree in our views of ancient and
modern history ; we hold the same opinions of the future, and we never tire of
discussing the same subjects. His reading is immense, his powers of reflection
commensurate ; his thoughts deep and just, founded on induction and corrected
by experience. I have derived immense benefit and great pleasure from my in
tercourse with him.
Sept. 25th. . . . Went to see Cora Linn, the great fall ; day most favour
able for it. Taken with all its accompaniments of scenery, it is the noblest
cascade, perhaps, in Europe. The perpetual flow, and deep, though soothing
sound, resembles immortal eloquence. Thought of St. John's description of our
Saviour, ¦' And His voice was as the sound of many waters."
Lord and Lady Ashley next visited Chillingham Castle, the residence of
the Earl and Countess of Tankerville, celebrated for its herds of wild cattle.
Sept. 26th. — To Chillingham. Found here no one but Henry Liddell, M.P. for
Northumberland, and his son. Glad of it. Sometimes pleasant to have but few
ptople. Nothing kinder than our reception.
Sept. 27th. — This delicious old castle is ten times as agreeable as it would be,
were it transmogrified by modern staircases and new rooms, with nothing left of
a castle but the name. The very originality, to us at least, of this kind of domi
cile, has a charm. The apartments are neither many nor large ; but the bedrooms
are abundant and comfortable. The gardens and grounds are very striking from
their harmony with the edifice ; all has an air of grandeur, less owing to the
splendour of the castle and its appurtenances than to tbe spacious, solitary region
which surrounds it, the herds of red deer and wild cattle, and the manifest anti
quity impressed on every object. . . . Out walking with Minny and Accy,*
* His son Antony.

1839'] VAN MILDERT, BISHOP OP DURHAM. 147
and Lord and Lady Tankerville, and Mr. Cole the gamekeeper, to look for the
wild cattle. Had already seen them, through a telescope, lying in mass on the
hillside ; beautiful and interesting creatures, I have no doubt that they are the
pure descendants of the aboriginal cattle of the island, driven by degrees, hke the
ancient Britons by their invaders, to the remote and wild fastnesses of Northum
berland. ... We came upon them in full view ; they rose immediately and re
treated m order, the bulls closing the rear. The sight was worth a journey of
two hundred miles ; there is nothing like it in England— nothing even in Europe.
Sandy— the antlered despot of the park— seems to be the lord and master of
Chillingham ; he is far more talked about than Lord Tankerville, and, in fact,
there is reason for it, as he puts every one's limbs in danger, and Lord Tanker
ville threatens none. What with bulls, and what with stags, our lives here are
in a constant state of excitement, a pleasing sense of dignified peril. We discuss
them by day, and dream of them by night.
On leaving Chillingham, the travellers proceeded to Alnwick Castle, the
princely abode of the Duke and Duchess of Northumberland, one of the
grandest specimens in the kingdom of an old baronial residence. Every
stone of the castle, and every acre of its grounds, which extend for miles,
bristles with legends of the times when its strength and situation rendered it
one of the most important defences against the invasions of the Scots.
Oct. 1st. — Alnwick. Quitted Chillingham with regret ;— had received much
kindness and hospitality, and very great amusement. Received, almost when on
the point of starting, an invitation from the Duchess of Northumberland.
Resolved to go on immediately. . . .
Had no idea of the splendour of the castle, nor that so much of what is ancient
remained. The towers, courts, and gateways are majestic. Though the interior
of the habitable part is new, the chief of the masonry throughout is of very early
date. In this respect it very often surpasses Windsor.
Oct. 2nd. — Breakfast at 9 o'clock, punctual as clockwork. This appears to be
a Northumbrian virtue — it was so at Chillingham, and I infer from a letter of
Lady Ravensworth's that it is so likewise at her castle. Made the circuit of the
walls — the precincts comprise five acres.
Oct. 3rd. . . . Parted from ier Grace, in high admiration of her character,
and great fondness for herself. To Ravensworth.
Oct. 4th. — This is a good house ; handsome rooms, and full of fine things. The
people are dear, kind, friendly people whom I have long known. " Peace be to
this house ! "
Oct. 5th. — To Durham and saw the cathedral. Stood on the tombstone of Van
Mildert, the last Bishop of Durham, and the last prince-bishop that ever will be
there. Church reforms have levelled all these dignities. Perhaps they were
right, perhaps they were necessary, but one's antiquarian sympathies are keenly
excited. A better man, or a more munificent soul, never flourished in the whole
catalogue of our bishops — a catalogue dignified by all that is great and good in
learning, wisdom, generosity, and religion. ' I knew him well, and most pro
foundly esteemed him ; would that it pleased God to give us others such as he to
adorn and sustain His Church.
K 2

148 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. VII.
Newby, the residence of Mr. and Lady Mary Vyner, was next visited, and
an excursion was made to Studley Royal, the seat of the late Earl of Ripon,
father of the present Marquis. The magnificent ruin of Fountains Abbey
adjoins, and is part of the domain.
Oct. 7th. — Drove to Studley Park and Fountains Abbey. The park abounds
with magnificent trees, tempting me, most terribly, to covet my neighbour's
goods. Fountains Abbey, by common consent the finest ruin in England, is
infinitely graceful, infinitely touching. Looking at these delicious relics we are
apt to think of nothing but the pomps and impressive ritual of the Romish
worship, their long vigils and devout superstition ; all that is captivating even in
error ; their piety ; their hymns and their prayers. All that could charm the
sense, overwhelmed the mind then, and the imagination subjugates it now. We
should not like to return to the coarse and filthy orgies of those dens of hypocrisy ;
the oppression, vice, and violence that reigned in their precincts, the degradation
of soul and body, for time and eternity ! Yet, why could we not retain the
building, when we got rid of the inmates ? . . , .
Oot. 9th. — To Ripon to call on the Bishop and see the minster. Saw the Bishop
and his new palace, at least the skeleton of it ; a pretty thing and a comfortable.
I wish these bishoprics had larger revenues ; £4,500 a year are wholly inadequate
to the claims made on the diocesan by the wants of the W. Riding. The minster
a handsome and interesting church, now the cathedral. Many periods and many
styles of architecture ; much Saxon ; the chapter-house especially curious,
entirely of the ancient order. The crypt now turned into a species of catacomb,
and garnished with skulls and cross-bones. " Gracious God, what is man ? " said
Lord Bolingbroke, as he stood weeping and disbelieving over the death-bed of
Pope ; how much more true, how much more exalted, the exclamation of the
Psalmist, " Lord, what is man that Thou art mindful of him, or the son of man
that Thou regardest him 1 Thou madest him a little lower than the angels, to
crown him with glory and worship." I know not what scoffers and sceptics may
feel in the contemplation of these, and the like exhibitions of mortality ; had I
not, by God's blessing, "a sure and certain hope of a joyful resurrection," I should
lose my senses with disgust and terror.
Oct. 11th. . . . Took a walk with Minny. Sun broiling. Much interesting
conversation with the darling. It is a wonderful accomplishment, and a most
bountiful answer to one's prayers, to have obtained a wife, in the highest matters
and the smallest details, after my imagination and my heart. Often do I recol
lect the very words and sentiments of my entreaties to God, that He would give
me a wife for my comfort, improvement, and safety ; He has granted me to the
full all that I desired, and far more than I deserved. Praised be His holy
name. . . .
Oct. 14th.— Very sorry to leave Newby. The people I have long, very long,
known. Many virtues and many attractions. To me and mine they have ever
been kind, friendly, and affectionate. I hardly know those from whose society I
derive more quiet satisfaction, or from whom I part with deeper regret. To
Bishopsthorpe. Found the Archbishop in high force— dear friendly old man-
Prayers in the chapel. . . .
Oot. 15th.— York. . . . Saw the minster ; the most lovely of all perishable

1S"3'1 CASTLE HOWARD. 149
buildings— the most refined conceptions of the most refined ages of Greece
and Rome were poor in comparison of this ; the very aspect of the edifice
inspires a religious sentiment ; and a few moments' contemplation overwhelms
you with the awe that impressed and elevated the heart of Jacob : " How
dreadful is this place ! this is none other but the house of God, and this is
the gate of Heaven." .... Saw, within the compass of the first edifice,
an ancient altar of great size, the steps leading up to it still quite perfect,
an early and glorious triumph of the Cross. Here then, as at St. Peters, the
House of Christ rose and stood erect over the House of Baal. . . .
Heard part of the afternoon service. . . . And people would destroy
this service, and call it a vain ceremonial, an useless form ! Cloaking their
real stinginess under utilitarian argumentation (a disgusting thing in itself),
they calculate pounds, shillings, and pence, and show that, for an organist and
a choir, they might have two curates. So they might, and they might have ten
times as many for the keep of a dozen gilded footmen, or a third of their
usual port wine, or, for any imperceptible abatement of luxury, be their rank
high, middling, or low. Why not have both ? Why not sustain this soul-
inspiring worship, for the honour of God and the comfort and elevation of
the human heart ; and then, if they so desire, devote the residue to their
palaces ? I hope and believe that a better feeling is arising ; the trains, I am
told, bring hundreds from Leeds to hear the anthem. The taste and the due
reverence will thus be diffused, and our cathedrals will thus again become
the boast and glory of our land.
To Castle Howard. Nearly nineteen years have elapsed since I was last
here. I came then with Morpeth (both of us just entered at Oxford) on our
return from a tour in Scotland. I come back now, advanced in life, married,
the father of six children ; our respective capacities and respective careers
(then in an obscurity full of hope) well known ; the past now left to me for
reflection, and, thank God, not altogether a painful one ; the future, for eternity
and my children. Found them all unchanged here, except in age and position.
Just as friendly, affectionate, and sincere as ever. Time has mellowed and
consolidated their feelings ; it has effaced none. ... I rejoiced to have
visited them once more, and to have renewed my intimacy and ancient habits.
This is the great advantage of periodical visits to country houses ; valuable
friendships are made, sustained, or revived ; new acquaintances are formed to
fill the gaps that the course of nature has rent in your circle, and you gain
some little prospect that you will not be stranded by time on the bleak shore
of a forgotten or friendless old age. They enlarge, too, the mind and soften
the spirit ; the visitors and the visited summon up all that they have in them
of the most amiable ; many a sharp feeling is subdued and many a good one
begotten by this rural intercourse. . . .
Almost the last visit on tho tour was paid to Chatsworth, the stately
residence of the Duke of Devonshire. From thence Lord Ashley proceeded
to Rowton, the home of his brother-in-law and sister, Mr. and Lady Char
lotte Lyster.
To Chatsworth. . . . An immense party to meet the Duke and Duchess
of Cambridge— foreigners " plenty as blackberries." . . .

150 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. VII.
I can just conceive that some ancient Roman villa, the possession of some
Emperor of taste and wealth, was the type of Chatsworth. They have many
things which bear resemblance. Splendid and unwieldy buildings, far too
large for use, and infinitely too extended for comfort. Grandeur which wearies
by its excess and its repeated calls for admiration. Everything magnificent, and
half of it unnecessary, even for the just display of the dignity suited to
the rank and fortune of the proprietor — everything in the wildest abundance
that constitutes wealth. All is vast, yet nothing clumsy ; magnificence and
refinement are combined. It is royal. His greenhouses, foreign plants, his
gardens and cottages, would alone ruin half the German potentates. It is a
curious thing to have seen ; it is probably the last great effort of hereditary
wealth, of aristocratical competition with the splendour of kings. Acquired
properties can never be so magnificent, either in extent or in display ; heredi
tary properties are undergoing diminution, and the custom, moreover, of primo
geniture (the sole means of retaining the unity of possessions) has reached the
full, and is now upon the wane. . . .
Nov. 1st to 8th. — At Rowton. Residence there, as usual, happy, cheerful, and
refreshing. I love the people, I love the place ; it ever does me good, in body
and in mind : it soothes and pleases me.
8th. — To Birmingham ; distance from Shrewsbury forty-three miles, six hours
performing it.
9th. — To London. Thus are we all again, once more, together, preserved and
reunited, by God's kind Providence, under the same roof. We looked for health
and amusement, we found both ; we sought instruction, it has not been wanting ;
body and mind have been alike strengthened.
On the last page of the Diary written on this tour there is the following
note : —
1880. . . . Believe have never read this since it was written.
" Nessun maggior dolore
Che ricordarsi del tempo f elice
Nella miseria." * Dante.
In the spring of this year Daniel Webster made his first and only visit to
Europe, and Lord Ashley was one of those in whose society he found much
pleasure. They corresponded for some time after Mr. Webster returned to
America, and on the principle of mutual help, as indicated in the following
letter : — Daniel Webster to Lord Ashley.
London, November Wth, 1839.
My dear Lord Ashley, — On my return from the Continent, I had the
pleasure to find here your letter from Bishopsthorpe. I was quite in hopes of
f ailing in with you at the North, as I heard of you in several places ; but wo
were, as you suggest, constantly on the wing, having much space to fly through
in a short time.
* " No greater pain than in time of sorrow to recall times of bliss.''

18391 RECONCILIATION. 151
I leave England, my dear Lord, much gratified, but with a good deal ol
natural regret, that I cannot, for the present at least, farther cultivate the
agreeable acquaintances I have had the honour and good fortune to make.
I hope you will allow me to say that it will give me great pleasure to keep
myself in your remembrance by an occasional letter. I read the London papers,
and, of course, the debates of Parliament as there reported. If, on any of the
great questions likely to come before the House, your own speeches should be
published, corrected, in pamphlet form, I should be quite glad to receive a copy.
Whatever I may think you would like to receive, I shall have pleasure in sending
you in return. Perhaps you would like an accurate account of the ballot system
as practised in the several States which use it. If so, I could easily obtain, at
Washington, exact statements from members of Congress from the several States.
I received the little volume containing your essays, for which I am quite obliged
to you. I pray you make my respects to Lady Ashley ; and when you next have
intercourse with the Archbishop, do me the favour to remember me kindly to
him and his daughters. He is an admirable example of vigorous, cheerful,
respected old age. With all good wishes for you and yours,
I am, my dear Lord, faithfully yours,
Daniel Webster.
There were two events, towards the close of the year 1839, which had a
marked influence on the private life of Lord Ashley. Through no fault of his
own his father had again become estranged from him. There had never been
much sympathy between them — thoughts, habits, pursuits, ideals, were all far
as the poles asunder — and the course that Lord Ashley had marked out for
himself had, from the first, met with the strong disapprobation of his father.
It was a source of anxiety and regret, but it was a matter for which there was
no help. Believing, as he did, that it was the voice of God which spoke to
him, and urged him to go forward in his labours on behalf of the poor and the
oppressed, he " conferred not with flesh and blood," and the consequence was
that the coldness of his father strengthened into an opposition very painful to
a nature so sensitive as Lord Ashley's. A reconciliation was brought about,
however, at this time, and the way in which it was regarded is very touchingly
recorded in the Journal.
Nov. 23rd. — I can hardly believe myself or my senses ; here I am in St. Giles's,
reconciled to my father, and actually receiving from him ardent and sincere
marks of kindness and affection I Who would have thought, not I at least, when
I quitted this house ten (!) years ago, that I should never return to it, until I
came a married man with six children 1 But it is a blessed thing that it has
happened at last ; a thing good for him, and good for me, a, thing for which I
ought, and for which I do, thank God most heartily. He is now an old man, and
it would have been a sad and a terrible matter had he died otherwise than in
peace with his children ; but, God be praised, we are reconciled, and his heart and
mine are lighter. His amiableness is wonderful ; he puts himself, as the phrase
is, to sixteens to find ways of giving us pleasure.

£52 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. VIT.
Nov. 25th. — Quite fidgety and unsettled, walking in fact, and wandering in
thought, through mere satisfaction. Just looked out of my window, and saw the
kids pacing the lawn, giving life, and health, and joy to the whole scene —
blessed them, and blessed God, who is good to me and mine beyond all, even His,
goodness. Dec. 3rd. — It cannot be disguised, I do enjoy 'being here ; it is very natural, and
not criminal, to derive profound and sincere pleasure from a restoration of_long-
omitted pursuits, long-denied affections, and long-desired scenes ; but experience
and mature life, and God's grace, teach me to " rejoice with trembling." These
things of this world, like Jonah's gourd, come lip in a night, and may perish in a
night. I do most entirely thank God for His mercy in softening my father's heart,
and pouring therein the sympathies of charity and truth. Not only in great
things, but in the smallest, there is a wonderful and a complete change. . . .
The second important event to which we have referred is told in these
words : —
Dec. 16th. — This day my mother-in-law will be married to Palmerston. . . .
The marriage of Lady Cowper to Lord Palmerston was an event which
had an important bearing on the future of Lord Ashley. For many years we
shall find them associated in the closest intimacy, and the influence of their
lives acting, and re-acting, on one another.
Lady Cowper was a recognised Queen of Society. Twenty years before
her marriage with Lord Palmerston, she had ruled the world of fashion at
Almack's, when Palmerston, one of the greatest dandies of the day, was a
leading spirit in that gay circle. She was clever, brilliant, and witty ; and after
her marriage with Lord Palmerston " her assemblies — neutral ground where
distinguished persons of all parties, whether foreign or domestic, met for
social intercourse, forgetting for the moment their political differences — were
a powerful aid to him as head of a Government." Mr. Disraeli in a speech
at Glasgow, while alluding to it as a happy circumstance of public life in
England that we do not, as a rule, permit our political opinions to interfere
with our social relations, recalled, in the following words, one of his
reminiscences : "If you are on the Continent, and wish to pay your respects
to a minister, and go to his reception, you are invited by the minister. The
consequence is that you find no one there except those that follow him. It
is not so in England. I remember some years ago meeting, under the charm
ing roof of one of the most accomplished women of the time, the most
celebrated diplomatist of nearly half a century, and he said to me, ' What a
wonderful system of society you have in England ! I have not been on
speaking terms with Lord Palmerston for three weeks, and yet here I am ;
but you see I am paying a visit to Lady Palmerston.' " *
There was much in the character of Lady Palmerston that was truly
estimable and lovable ; and a time was coming when Lord Ashley was to
* "Life of Lord Palmerston." By Hon. Evelyn Ashley, M.P.

1839.] CHRISTMAS AT ST. GILES'S. 153
find in her a staunch and valuable friend, in whose society he would take
ever-increasing delight, and whose large-hearted sympathies would bring him
much comfort and satisfaction.
Few years in Lord Ashley's history closed more happily than this.
Projects that he had long had very near at heart had taken definite shape ;
forces to assist in carrying them to completion were developing their
strength; and, in addition to all this, a great void in his life was filled.
The sense of estrangement between himself and his father had been an
oppressive weight for many years, and now the burden was removed. A
pleasant picture of his life at this time is given in the closing words of his
Diary for 1839 :—
Dec. 25th. — Christmas Day. St. Giles's. A long-established festival for soul
and body, the date and centre of domestic " gatherings ; " a day blessed by every
thing that is gracious in past, present, and future times. After a long period of
gloomy weather, the sun shone brightly. The church was alive with holly, and
thronged by a decent, well-behaved, well-dressed congregation. The sacrament
was administered to about one hundred communicants (an immense proportion
in so small a parish), of whom I and my father formed a part, reconciled, God
be praised, and made one again after so large an interval of human life. Never
have I, by God's goodness, more enjoyed the public service of our blessed church,
felt more soothed and elevated, more warmed and strengthened to future efforts
under His guidance and rule, and in submission to His service.
Dec. 31st. — Much occupied of late in cutting down bushes and improving the
garden — this is a healthy and innocent pleasure. " God Almighty," says Bacon,
"first planted a garden." So He did, and man was told "to dress it and keep
it." This is the thing I have ever desired, and now I have my own way, for
Lord S. is delighted to give it me, and is happy that I take so lively an interest
in it.

CHAPTER VH1.
1840.
The Parliament of 1840 was opened by the Queen in person, and the Speech
from the Throne announced her intention to marry her cousin, Prince Albert
of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha, a step which she hoped would be " conducive to the
interests of her people as well as to her own domestic happiness." Sir
Robert Peel, in the course of the discussion that followed in the House of
Commons, observed that her Majesty " had the singular good fortune to be
able to gratify her private feelings while she performed her public duty,
and to obtain the best guarantee for happiness by contracting an alliance
founded on affection."
The early meeting of Parliament broke np the period of rest and satis
faction that Lord Ashley was enjoying with his father at St. Giles's.
Jan. 6th. — Although no chicken, I had never attended a Sessions before,
either as a spectator or a magistrate. I was interested and instructed, and I
endeavoured, by God's mercy, to do judgment and love mercy. Our residence
here is drawing to a close — the early meeting of Parliament, Jan. 16th, for
the Queen's marriage, we suppose, will separate us very soon. It will be a Pro
vidence, and almost a wonder, if we ever come together again, perfect in our
health, our happiness, and our numbers.
Jan. 9th. — Acted as a magistrate in the local meeting at Cranborne. These
things are epochs in one's life, and I have run half my course before I attain
this one. It is easy now to understand, by experience, how difficult it is to
combine the due administration of justice with the love of mercy. Raise then
your eyes to the counsels of Heaven, and survey but the millionth part of the
outmost verge of God's attributes and operations ; unsparing justice and un
limited pardon at one and the same moment.
Jan. 12th. — Sunday. The last we shall enjoy for the present in St. Giles's
Church. Were we under the caprices of a blind chance, I should quit this dear
place in fear and sorrow ; but, praised be God, we know in whom we trust, and
He will unite us again, or separate us for ever, as seemeth best to His merciful
wisdom. Jan. 23rd. — London. " Crambe repetita " — the old story renewed. The
Carlton Club, the House of Commons, the turmoil and vicissitudes of politics, the
hopes and fears of party I But politics and party noio are not what politics and
party were formerly; the struggle is between antagonist principles, and the
issue is life or death to the Constitution in Church and State, under which the
mercy of God has hitherto appomted us to live. I can imagine a successful
resistance on our part, but I see eventual triumph for our enemies, because a

1840-1 The queen's coronation. 155
mighty revolution is gradually taking place in the habits and character of
thinking among men. To oppose this is to oppose the flow of the river Amazon
—steady, certain, and overwhelming. The only Conservative principle is the '
Protestant religion as embodied in the doctrines and framework of the Church
of England. As a nation we have rejected it, and as individuals we neglect it ; '
the few, compared with the numbers of " the great " in this realm, who have
brought oil in their lamps, will hardly form the proportion of the ten to the
population of Gomorrah. I am always cast down when I estimate by com
parison with others my Parliamentary capacity of doing service. " Je manque de
profondeur et de suite." My memory is deficient, my knowledge scanty ; I have
no readiness for impromptu speaking ; all must be prepared, and the greater part
even to the language ; but nevertheless I must do my best, and commit the issue
to Him in whose service I am labouring.
During the comparatively short previous Parliamentary career of Lord
Ashley, the occupancy of the Throne had been marked by frequent changes.
The death of King George IT. in 1830, the accession of King William IV.,
his decease in 1837, and the accession thereupon of Queen Victoria, are events
in history to which we need not refer particularly, although, as the entries in
the Diaries and note-books prove, they were matters of great personal interest
to Lord Ashley. An extract, written just when the excitement attendant
upon the Queen's coronation was subsiding, may be given here, as a specimen,
and as a prelude to the subsequent entry in his Diary referring to her
marriage : —
July 2nd, 1838. — It has been a wonderful period, one long and seriously to be
remembered by every Englishman. An idle pageant, forsooth? As idle as the
coronation of King Solomon, or the dedication of his temple. The service itself
refutes the notion ; so solemn, so deeply religious, so humbling, and yet so
sublime 1 Every word of it is invaluable ; throughout, the Church is everything
secular greatness nothing. She declares, in the name and by the authority of
God, and almost enforces, as a condition preliminary to her benediction, all that
can make princes wise to temporal and eternal glory. Many — very many — were
deeply impressed. The crowds immense ; perhaps half a million of people
assembled, in admiring affection and loyalty, to witness the Royal procession.
Both during the day and the night such order and good-humour observed as
would have done honour to a private family. Even the fair in Hyde Park has
been quiet, decent, respectful, and safe. What a nation this is I What materials
for happiness and power 1 What seeds of honour to God and service to man I May
He grant to us yet to be His humble, joyous, and effective instruments for His
great and gracious purposes I
Feb. 10th, 1840. — A day of events ! The Queen was married. ... I and
Minny were present by invitation. A Coronation gains everything by splendour
and numbers ; it is a national act, and receives force and fire from national
demonstrations. But a Marriage is, in its essence, private and particular ;
although the marriage of a Queen, it is domestic : and the interest must be
drawn from the same sources as those which furnish interest to any other
marriage.

156 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. VIII.
March 6th. — Days fly swifter than a weaver's shuttle ; we number them, and
so obtain the first part of the Psalmist's prayer ; but we do not apply our hearts
unto wisdom, and so lose the second. For my part, I am full of schemes and no
accomplishments of them, " Never ending, still beginning " — devising under
takings, worthy of all the statesmen, thrown into a mass, that ever existed, with
Parliamentary and oratorical abilities diametrically opposite.
"~ A letter from Mr. Daniel Webster to Lord Ashley, written in May of this
year, when the election of General Harrison as President of the United States
was proceeding, and which was followed by the appointment of Mr. Webster
as Secretary of State, indicates the friendly feelings existing between the
great American statesman and the English philanthropist, to which we have
previously referred : — ¦ Daniel Webster to Lord Ashley.
Washington, May 27th, 1840.
Dear Lord Ashley, — I owe you many thanks for a kind note which I
received at the moment of my departure from London last autumn, and for the
present of a copy of a very excellent edition of the Holy Bible. You could have
given me nothing more acceptable, and I shall keep it near me, as a valued token
of your regard. The older I grow, and the more I read the Holy Scriptures, the
more reverence I have for them, and the more convinced I am that they are not
only the best guide for the conduct of this life, but the foundation of all hope
respecting a future state of existence.
We have an edition of the New Testament which I am fond of using, and of
which I would send you a copy if I could lay my hand on one here. It is the
common and authorised text, without being broken into verses.
I send you an account of the canals and railroads in the United States, by
which you will see what progress we are making, especially in the latter kind of
communication. I suppose the lines of railroad now in operation in the United
States exceed, in aggregate length, by three or four times, that of all other rail
roads in the world. This is not wonderful, considering the extent of the country,
and the cheapness and facility with which railroads are built in many parts
of it. I send you also a little annual, called the Token, which I have not looked
over, but which I thought likely to be as good as any of these ephemeral things ;
and I send it because it is edited by Mr. Goodrich, the veritable Peter Parley,
who may have been heard of in Lady Ashley's nursery.
Our Congressional documents are barren of interest just now, and I think of
nothing worthy your attention. We are in the midst of a very warm political
election. Our President, as you know, is chosen for four years, and a choice is
to be made next November. Mr. Van Buren is candidate for re-election, and
General W. H. Harrison is the opposing candidate, and is supported by the party
now called Whigs. Party denominations have changed often with us, and
names do very little towards description. The Whigs are, in fact, the Conserva
tive party. Their opponents call them Aristocrats, British Whigs, &c. &c. The
other party call themselves Democrats, and their opponents call them Radicals*

lsi°d LETTER FROM DANIEL WEBSTER. 157
or Tories, or anything else opprobrious. Whig and Tory were the old party
names here in the time of the Revolution, and Whigs of the present generation
think it expedient to take the party denomination by which Washington and
others were distinguished.
General Harrison is an elderly man, of an old family in Virginia, bred to the
army, and at different times has occupied stations of considerable importance in
civil life. He has not been regarded as eminent for talents, but has read a good
deal, writes pretty well, is of good character, and amiable temper. His life has
been spent very much in our New World, in the West, in the forest, and in the
neighbourhood of the Indian tribes.
New settlers in that country build their houses of trunks of trees, and these
are called " log cabins." Some political opponent unluckily attempted to ridi
cule the idea of making President one who had lived in a log cabin, and had
drunk "hard cider." This foolish sneer has very much influenced the whole
Western country. The people in that region are all alive for the " log cabin "
candidate, and will give him very great support.' Representations of log cabins
are everywhere, on newspapers, on handkerchiefs, on buttons, on everything.
The result of the election is, of course, in some degree uncertain, but present
appearances indicate strongly that General Harrison will be elected. I have
known him long and well ; we have always been on quite friendly terms, and I
have hopes that his election may do something towards checking us in the
courses in which we have recently been running.
I read the English papers with new interest since I have seen England.
Among others, I take the Times, but the bitterness of that print towards me, and |
the gross ignorance of those who write for it, on American subjects, render itj
certainly less agreeable. It is strange that such a paper, so Conservative at
home, should publish and applaud everything written here by the lowest Radicals
and the followers of Fanny Wright. I cannot account for it.
Mrs. Webster is with me, and we both desire to be respectfully remembered
to Lady Ashley. I read your speech on introducing your Bill with great interest,
Indeed, I read all you say, and notice all you do, with interest. Present me also to
Mr. Lockhart when you meet him. I have the honour to be,
With faithful regard, yours,
Daniel Webster.
The Diary continues : —
June 12th. — The last month, filled with horrible events, tends much to recall
to our minds the natural sinfulness of man and the uncertainty of all worldly
things. Lord William Russell murdered in his bed by an unknown hand, under
circumstances which superadd horror upon horror to the crime. On the 10th of
this month the Queen's life attempted on Constitution Hill. By God's merciful
and gracious Providence she was delivered from the danger — the same good
Providence which has so long and so undeservedly watched over this Empire.
What a state of things, had the King of Hanover come to the throne by such a
previous vacancy of it ! Gcd grant that we may, as individuals and as a nation,
lay these things seriously to heart, and give Him, in private and in public,

158 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. VIII.
unceasing thanks and glory I I went down to the House of Commons to propose
a public thanksgiving, but was withheld by hearing a full and open recognition
of God's mercy in the Address ; and, moreover, I was sitting in the gangway,
and, while musing what I should do, I was anticipated- by that good man,
Plumptre. So it has been proposed, and God be praised for it.
The attempt upon the life of the Queen was made by Edward Oxford, a
pot-boy of seventeen. There was no political significance in the crime, nor,
indeed, in any of the attempts on the life of her Majesty made by others in
the course of a few years following. In the ease of Oxford the deed was the
result of a craving for notoriety, induced by his connection with a so-called
secret society named Young- England, at which amateur highwaymen and
assassins — young and foolish like himself — met armed with swords and
loaded pistols, and with black crape caps to cover their faces. In certain
quarters there was an effort to make political capital out of the affair, but it
was clearly proved that there was no wide-spread disaffection.
July- 1st. — Last night Church Extension was launched by Sir H. Inglis — I
could not speak ; there was no opportunity for it. The House was in such a state
that a speech, such as I must have made, would have been intolerable at 11 o'clock.
Having suffered cold and clammy sweats all the forepart of the evening, I was
disappointed, almost, not to answer Baines ; he would have "cut up " beautifully.
There was no debate ; in fact, no one of note, except Inglis, spoke at all.
Though defeated by nineteen we gained a victory ; the question will, under God,
be carried another year, notwithstanding the lukewarmness of our friends.
My hands are too full : Jews, Chimney-sweeps, Factory Children, Education,
Church Extension, &c. &c. I shall succeed, I fear, partially in all and com
pletely in none. Yet we must persevere ; there is hope. For years I laboured
in the Factory cause ; some few sympathised, more ridiculed, as many resisted,
and far more were indifferent ; but how stands the question now ? many confess
the good that has been done, and no one ventures to deny it ; the refuted are
silent, and the mockers abashed ; a path is opened to future and wide exertions ;
the horizon brightens with the dawn of day, and hope is displayed for the things
of this world and the next.
As we turn to each fresh phase of philanthropic labour in which the
energies of Lord Ashley were successively, or, indeed, more often simul
taneously engaged, we are constantly reminded of the hard battle that
always has to be fought whenever the dictates of humanity come into con
flict with motives of self-interest. In the history of public opinion on great
moral questions, it is almost universally found that a long time elapses
before the conscience of a nation is distinctly awakened to any evil that
exists, and in which it takes a part.
It was so in the case of juvenile chjmneyjSKeeps. For more than a
hundred years, the miseries of thes?, poor little creatures were persistently
kept before the public by philanthropic individuals, and yet the iniquities
of tlie system were not abolished. Chiefly in order that owners of property

:l840', CLIMBING BOYS. 159
should be spared the expense of having to alter their chimneys, children
were permitted to lead lives of torture and degradation.
As early as 1760, a letter appeared in the Public Advertiser advocating
tT i^T °f th6 1Htle sweePs ; and' in Particular, suggesting that masters
should be punished if they let their apprentices go about without proper
covering. Among the readers of that letter was Jonas Hanway, a fellow-
worker with Robert Raikes in founding Sunday schools. He co-operated
with several London merchants and others, who, in 1773, formed a com
mittee,^ and wrote letters to master chimney-sweepers appealing to their
humanity on behalf of their apprentices. For a time some good was done
by these letters. In 1785, Hanway published his "Sentimental History
of Chimney-Sweepers in London and Westminster; showing the necessity
of putting them under regulation to prevent the grossest inhumanity to
the Climbing Boys," &c. Three years afterwards, Parliament was induced
to pass an Act forbidding master chimney-sweeps to have more than six
apprentices, or to take them under eight years of age. And this was all
that could be wrung from Parliament for nearly fifty years. Early in the
present century we find the "Society for Bettering the Condition of the
Poor" taking up the subject of Climbing Boys, and influencing the masters
where possible. Then came the "Society for Superseding the Necessity
of Climbing Boys," numbering among its supporters the Prince of Wales,
Sir Thomas Baring, William WUberforce, Stephen Lushington, and others.
This Society encouraged the use of a machine to do the work hitherto
performed by boys, and presented it gratuitously to poor masters.
Attempts were vainly made in 1804, 1807, 1808, and 1809 to induce
Parliament to grant the little chimney-sweepers further protection. The
subject was referred, in 1817, to a Select Committee, and the printed report
is a record of sickening horrors. It reveals how children of a suitable size
were stolen for the purpose, sold by their parents, inveigled from workhouses,
or apprenticed by Poor Law Guardians, and forced up narrow chimneys by
cruel blows, by pricking the soles of the feet, or by applying wisps of lighted
straw. The food and lodging of these children (some of them little girls) ;
their sores and bruises ; their peculiar diseases ; the occasional death of some
of them f roin suffocation, the physical and moral ruin for life of the survivors
— all this was set forth for the benefit of both Houses of Parliament, and
made known to the public in a harrowing article, by Sydney Smith, in the
Edinburgh Review. The Commons passed an •' Amending Bill " to improve
the Act of 1788, but it was thrown out on the third reading in the House of
Lords. In 1834, an Act was passed with stricter clauses for insuring that
no apprentice should be employed under ten years of age. It was also made
a misdemeanour to send a child up a chimney on fire, for the purpose of extin
guishing it. Hitherto, this atrocity had been of frequent occurrence. For
the future, apprentices were to go on trial, and not be bound if they objected.
The Act also imposed penalties for ill-treating apprentices, and made some
regulations as to the size of chimneys. Flues were not, in future, to measure

160 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. VIII.
less than fourteen inches by nine, and all projecting angles were to be
rounded off. Parliament did not see its way to prohibit entirely the occa
sional smothering of a child, but was desirous of making the scene of the
tragedy a little more comfortable than had hitherto been the case. Even
this moderate and compromising Bill was opposed by Lord Kenyon and
others, on the ground of its endangering the safety of the metropolis, and the
" Sun," the " Phoenix," and some other Insurance Companies petitioned
against it.
A new departure was taken in 1840, when an Act was passed, piinishing,
with fine, all who should " compel, or knowingly allow, any one under the age
of twenty-one years to ascend or descend a chimney, or enter a flue, for the
purpose of sweeping or cleaning it."* No chimney-sweeper's apprentice was
to be under sixteen years of age. This Act, like the preceding one, also con
tained regulations as to the future construction of chimneys.
In the passage of this Bill through the House of Commons, Lord Ashley
was warmly interested, and took part in the debates that ensued. On April
14th, when, in Committee of the whole House, a resolution was passed giving
leave for a Bill to be brought in for the regulation of chimney-sweepers and
chimneys, he expressed his gratitude to the Government for the manner in
which they had taken up this measure. The House had been very kind and
benevolent to the children employed in factories, he said, but from personal
inquiry into both cases, he could say that the condition of those children was
tenfold, better than that of the chimney-sweepers. Every Fire Insurance
Company in London, except one, had adopted machines for sweeping chim
neys, and recommended their adoption to others. He trusted that the system
of sweeping chimneys by children would shortly pass away, for it had led to
more misery and more degradation than had prevailed in any other Christian
countiy.f When the Bill was in Committee, Lord Ashley aided the promoters by
making vigilant efforts to prevent it from being spoiled by amendments. In
the course of his remarks, he said that he had no notion that cruelties so
barbarous could be perpetrated in any civilised country, as had been recently
brought under his notice in connection with this subject. Children of seven,
six, and even five years were sent on this dangerous service. It was a fact,
within his own personal knowledge, that a child of four and a half years was
at the present moment employed in sweeping chimneys. The practice led to
extensive demoralisation, and to loathsome disease. The children were sent
up naked ; they often passed the night naked on the soot-heap, and the soot
produced a most noxious effect upon their flesh. As regards the demoralising
effect of the system, it was a fact that there were at that time twenty-three
climbing boys in Newg'ate for various offences.
In combating a strong effort to make the age for apprentices twelve
instead of sixteen, he said that, even as the clause stood, it would be difficult
* 3 & 4 Vict. cap. 85. f Hansard, Debates, 3, o. Iiii 1093.

1S40-1 CLIMBING BOYS. 161
to prevent children from being employed by chimney-sweepers at a very early
age.* The Bill, after passing the Commons, was carried successfully through
the Lords, in spite of a strong opposition, and a formidable attempt to shelve
it, by referring it to a Select Committee, and on August 7th it received the
Royal Assent.
The labours of Lord Ashley in Parliament were, as a rule, tho least part of
his work on bohalf of any cause he espoused ; and it was so in the present case.
He went to see the climbing boys at their work; he confronted the masters;
he ascertained the actual feeling of employers ; he took legal proceedings at
his own expense as " test " cases, and even made provision for life, in certain
instances, for the poor little sufferers whom he was able to rescue from their
living death. It would have been impossible, however, for him to have ac
complished what he did, had he not been largely assisted by others, and he
was never backward in acknowledging the help he received. In his efforts
on behalf of the climbing boys, at this time and later on, he was greatly
indebted to the aid of Mr. Steven, the Secretary to the Hand-in-Hand Insur
ance Office, a large-hearted, benevolent man, who laboured unweariedly in the
cause. It was he who really set on foot the present movement, and it was
he who eventually brought all the Insurance Offices to see that the old system
was as unnecessary as it was cruel.
July 4th. — Anxious, very anxious, about my sweeps ; the Conservative (!) Peers
threaten a fierce opposition, and the Radical Ministers warmly support the Bill.
Normanby has been manly, open, kind-hearted, and firm. As I said to him in a
letter,, so say I now, " God help him with the Bill, and God bless him for it !" I
shall have no ease or pleasure in the recess, should these poor children be
despised by the Lords, and tossed to the mercy of their savage purchasers. I find
that Evangelical religionists are not those on whom I can rely. The Factory
Question, and every question for what is called " humanity," receive as much
support from the " men of the world " as from the men who say they will have
nothing to do with it !
I do not wonder at the Duke of Wellington ; I have never expected from him
anything of the " soft and tender " kind — let people say what they will, lie is a
hard man. Steven tells me he left the Oxford Petition at Apsley House, thinking
that the Duke, as Chancellor, would present it ; he received this answer, " Mr.
Steven has thought fit to leave some petitions at Apsley House ; they will be found
with the porter."
July 21st. — Much anxiety, hard labour, many hopes, and many fears, all
rendered useless by " counting out the House." The object of years within my
grasp, and put aside in a, moment. A notice to investigate the condition of all
the wretched and helpless children in pin works, needle works, collieries. &c. &c.
The necessary and beneficial consequence of the Factory Question I God knows
I had felt for it, and prayed for it ; but the day arrived, everything seemed
adverse, a morning sitting, a late period of the Session, and «¦ wet afternoon ;
and, true enough, at five o'clock there were but thirty-seven members, and these
mostly Radicals or Whigs. Shall I have another opportunity? The inquiry,
* Times, June 26, 1840, and Hansard, 3, s, Iv. 108.
L

162 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. VIII.
without a statement in Parliament, will be but half the battle, nay, not so much
 I must have public knowledge and public opinion working with it. Well, it is
God's cause, and I commit it altogether to Him. I am, however, sadly dis
appointed, but how weak and short-sighted is man I This temporary failure may
be the harbinger of success.
Aug. 24th. — Succeeded in both my suits. I undertook them in a spirit of
justice. I constituted myself, no doubt, a defender of the poor, to see that the
poor and miserable had their rights ; but " I looked, and there was none to help.
I wondered that there was none to uphold, therefore God's arm, it brought
salvation to me, and His fury, it upheld me." I stood to lose several hundred
pounds, but I have not lost a farthing ; I have advanced the cause, done indi
vidual justice, anticipated many calamities by this forced prevention, and soothed,
I hope, many angry, discontented Chartist spirits by showing them that men
of rank and property can, and do, care for the rights and feelings of all their
brethren. Let no one ever despair of » good cause for want of coadjutors ; let
him persevere, persevere, persevere, and God will raise him up friends and
assistants ! I have had, and still have, Jowett and Low ; they are matchless.
Sept. 16th. — I hear encouraging things, both of my speech in the House of
Commons, and of my suit v. Stocks. The justice of the suit is so manifest that
even (so to speak) " my enemies are at peace with me." What man ever lost in
the long-run by seeking God's honour 1
Sept. 19th.— Steven wrote to me yesterday, and gave me information that he
had at last succeeded in negotiating the delivery of the wretched sweep behind
my house in London. I had begun to negotiate, but the master stood out for
more money than was fair, and we determined to seek the unnatural father of
the boy, and tempt him, by the offer of a gratuitous education. We have done
so, and have prospered ; and the child will this day be conveyed from his soot-
hole to the Union School on Norwood Hill, where, under God's blessing and
especial, merciful grace, he will be trained in the knowledge, and love, and faith
of our common Lord and only Saviour Jesus Christ. I entertain hopes of the
boy ; he is described as gentle, and of a sweet disposition ; we all know he has
suffered, and were eager to rescue him from his temporal and spiritual tyrant.
May God, in His unbounded goodness and mercy, accept and defend the child, and
train him up to His honour and service, now and for ever, through the mediation
and love of our dear and blessed Lord I
The month of August was memorable for the success of Lord Ashley's
labours on behalf of suffering children. Not only did he carry the day witb
regard to the climbing boys, but he also won the battle on behalf of the
factory children. We must go back a little in the narrative, to trace the
progress of the movement.
The division taken on his Resolution in the House in July, 1838, was, as
we have seen, sufficiently close to force upon Government the conviction
that, unless they did something themselves, he would become supreme on this
question. Accordingly, on February 15, 1839, they brought forward a
Factory Act Amendment Bill. It provided that no child should work in
more than one factory on the same day, introduced certain safeguards as to
the granting and checking of certificates of age, and required two hours'

1840.]

FURTHER FACTORY LEGISLATION. 163

schooling each day. In the debate which followed, Lord Ashley welcomed
the Bill as an improvement, so far as it went ; and as a justification of his
own policy in so often calling the attention of the House to the subject*
The House only got into Committee on the Bill on July 1st, having been
delayed and adjourned so frequently as to call forth from Lord Ashley
an indignant protest. It came out in debate that £8,300 had been received
in penalties during 1838, and that the inspectors found it impossible to keep
the law from being violated. A proposal to raise the limit of age for " young
persons" from eighteen to twenty-one, was defeated by 87 to 44. Lord
Ashley's attempt to get silk-mills included in the operation of the Bill, was
negatived by 49 to 55. He made another effort to improve the Bill, by mov
ing the reduction of the number of hours of weekly labour for "young
persons " from 69 to 58. Amongst those who opposed this proposition, was
Mr. J. Pease, of Darlington, who declared that " if the hours of labour were
abridged, he must, unless he submitted to torture and over-drive the children,
inevitably close his manufactory." By 94 to 62 the amendment was lost.f
When the Order of the Day for the further consideration of the Factories
Bill was reached, on July 26th, Lord John Russell informed the House,
" that in consequence of Lord Ashley having declared his intention of op
posing the Bill," if it were not extended to silk-mills, he (Lord John Russell)
had determined to withdraw the measure. A greater tribute to the streng-th
of Lord Ashley's position could not have been paid. It should be remem
bered that just at this time there was rather a lull in the popular agitation on
the question. The Chartist movement was absorbing public interest, and
although its leaders sympathised with the Ten Hours Movement, yet, amidst
the din of political agitation, and the prevalent popular discontent, the need
for special social reforms was more or less lost sight of. In addition to this,
Mr. Oastler, who had hitherto kept the enthusiasm alive on public platforms,
was thrown into prison for debt by his former employer. He had been one
of the prime movers in the agitation, and his withdrawal was a severe loss to
the cause. He was detained in the Fleet Prison from August, 1838, to Februaiy,
1844, when his debt, amounting to over £3,000, was paid by public subscription.
On the 31st March, Lord Ashley's proposal for a Select Committee to
inquire into the operation of the " Act for the Regulation of Mills and
Factories," was agreed to without opposition.^ The investigations of this
Committee, over which he presided, were exceedingly comprehensive. The
first six reports (914 pages) contain the evidence of witnesses. The actual
report, published in 1841, testified to the improvement that had taken place
in the condition of young factory- workers, and proposed various means . for
preventing the frequent infringements of the law.§ In the Factory Act of
1844, many of these proposals were, as we shall see, adopted.
Leaving the question of the improvement of the Factory Acts temporarily
in abeyance whilst the above-named Committee was engaged in its labours,
* Hansard, 3, s. xiv. 886. t Hansard, 3, s. Iii. 859.
+ Hansard, 3, s. xlviii. 1067, &c. § See Pari. Papers, 1840, x., and 1841, ix.
L 2

1 64 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. VIII.
Lord Ashley, on August 4th, 1840, commenced a crusade on behalf of the
thousands of children and young persons to whom these Acts as yet gave no
protection whatever. He moved, in the House, " That an humble address be
presented to her Majesty, praying that her Majesty will be graciously pleased
to direct an inquiry to be made into the employment of the children of the
poorer classes in Mines and Collieries, and in the various branches of trade
and manufacture in which numbers of children work together, not being
included in the provisions of the Acts for regulating the employment of chil
dren and young persons in Mills and Factories ; and to collect information as
to the ages at which they are employed, the number of hours they are engaged
in work, tho time allowed each day for meals, and as to the actual state, con
dition, and treatment of such children ; and as to the effects of such employ
ment, both with regard to their morals and their bodily health." He
explained his motives for introducing this fresh subject by saying : —
I have long been taunted with narrow and exclusive attention to the children
in the factories alone ; I have been told, in language and writing, that there were
other cases fully as grievous, and not less numerous ; that I was unjust and
inconsiderate in my denouncement of the one, and my omission of the other. I
have, however, long contemplated this effort which I am now making ; I had
long resolved that, so soon as I could see the factory children, as it were, safe in
harbour, I would undertake a new task. The Committee of this Session on Mills
and Factories having fully substantiated the necessity, and rendered certain the
amendment of the law, I am now endeavouring to obtain an inquiry into the
actual circumstances and condition of another large part of our juvenile popu
lation  Now, whatever may be done or proposed in time to come,
we have, I think, a right to know the state of our juvenile population ; the House
has a right, the country has a right. How is it possible to address ourselves to
the remedy of evils which we all feel, unless we have previously ascertained both
the nature and the cause of them ? The first step towards a cure is a knowledge
of the disorder. We have asserted these truths in our Factory Legislation ; and
I have on my side the authority of all civilised nations of modern times ; the
practice of this House ; the common-sense of the thing ; and the justice of the
principle. He then proceeded to describe the unhealthy and oppressive character
of the legalised slavery to which the children were subjected, in connection
with employment in earthenware, porcelain, hosiery, pin and needle making,
manufacture of arms, iron works and forges, iron foundries, glass trade,
collieries, calico printing, tobacco manufacture, button factories, bleaching
and paper mills, and various other industries.
And now (he said in conclusion) my first grand object is to bring these
children within the reach of education ; it will then be time enough to fight
about the mode. Only let us exhibit these evils — there is wit enough, experience
enough, activity enough, and principle enough in the country, to devise some
remedy. I am sure that the exhibition of the peril will terrify even the most
sluggish and the most reluctant into some attempt at amendment ; but I hope
for far better motives. For my own part I will say, though possibly I may be

1S40'1 THE SYRIAN QUESTION. 165
charged with cant and hypocrisy, that I have been bold enough to undertake
this task because I must regard the objects of it as beings created, as our
selves, by the same Maker, redeemed by the same Saviour, and destined to the
same immortality ; and it is, therefore, in this spirit, and with these sentiments,
which, I am sure, are participated in by all who hear me, that I now venture
to entreat the countenance of this House, and the co-operation of her Majesty's
Ministers, first to investigate, and ultimately to remove, these sad evils, which
press so deeply and so extensively on such a large and such an interesting portion
of the human race.
After a short discussion, the motion was agreed to and a Commission
granted, and this was as convincing a proof as could well be given that
Lord Ashley had attained a power and influence in the House of Commons,
as a Social Reformer, which it would be unsafe for any Government to
resist. To the report of the Commissioners, and the results that followed,
we shall have to refer later on.
Aug. 3rd. — Shall I get my motion on to-morrow, or shall I not ? I speak
to all my friends to insure a House. " Oh, you are sure of a House," they
say ; " quite sure ; '' " but I," adds every one, " am going away ! " Thus it is :
for a party movement you may command numbers ; for one of principle, hardly
your own shadow. Twelve o'clock, nigJU. Successful beyond all expectations ;
waited in anxiety from twelve o'clock. Every ten minutes seemed to open my
turn after the orders of the day, for so it was arranged for me by the Govern
ment, to whom (could I choose otherwise with no more than six friends?) I
yielded everything ; the House was barely kept. At three minutes before four
the Black Rod summoned us to tbe House of Lords ; had he arrived three
minutes earlier or three minutes later the House would have been lost, for a
division was called for, with insufficient numbers. As it was, the Government
sent for fresh men ; we increased our strength, and the interval of the Speaker's
absence gave a, novelty and a spirit on his return. Thank God ». thousand
times for His mercy and goodness ! I spoke my case, delivered my opinions,
made my motion, and was most attentively and kindly received. I do rejoice
in the flattering and civil things that were said to me ; nevertheless, I wind up
with the prayer : " To them be all the benefit, but to Thee be all the glory in
Christ Jesus our Lord ! " Of Conservatives a very small sprinkling — many, at
least enough, were in London, but three or four came I Why was I left to the
mercies of Whigs and Radicals ? Yet so it was, and I will say always and
everywhere, that the behaviour of the Government towards me was most kind
and most gentlemanlike.
Towards the close of this year the " Syrian Question," regarded by the
public with but little interest at first, became, as it involved the prospect of
war with France, one of the burning topics of the day.
Mehemet Ali, Pasha of Egypt, after many victories gained by his adopted
son, Ibrahim Pasha, over the armies of the Porte, had rendered himself
virtually supreme in Syria. In 1839, a long-determined effort was made
by the Sultan to subdue him, but his arms, under Ibrahim Pasha, were
ao-aiu triumphant. Not long after this the Sultan died, and the Capitaa

166 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. VIII.
Pasha, or Lord High Admiral of the Ottoman fleet, went over to the
enemy, carrying his ships with him. The co-operation of England and
the other European Powers was now sought and obtained to support the
waning fortunes of Turkey. There were then, as always, many conflicting
i interests among the Western Powers. England's traditional policy was to
\ preserve the Turkish Empire as a safeguard against Russia. Austria sided
with England, as also did Russia herself, from motives diametrically oppo
site. Prussia was lukewarm in the matter, and France was jealous of any
influence that England might have in Egypt.
On the 15th July, 1840, a convention was signed in London, between
the Courts of Great Britain, Austria, Prussia, and Russia, on the one part,
and the Ottoman Porte one the other, for the pacification of the Levant.
France took no part in the alliance, and for some time it was an open
question whether she would not engage in actual hostility against it. M,
Thiers, the Prime Minister, did not disguise his opinion, that England
was seeking a pretext to drive out Mehemet Ali, not from Syria only, but
also from Egypt, in order that she might obtain possession. Louis Philippe,
oh the other hand, was most anxious to avoid any quarrel with England; and,
on the resignation of M. Thiers, in consequence of an objection on the part
of the King to certain passages inserted in the Royal Speech, of a nature
likely to bring about a, war, M. Guizot, who was strongly in favour of peace,
became Minister of Foreign Affairs, and the peace-party carried the day.
Meanwhile the terms of the July Convention were duly proposed to
Mehemet Ali, and were met with a point-blank rejection on the 5th September.
On the 7th of that month, Beyrout was bombarded by the allied fleet, and
on the 10th an engagement took place between the allied troops and
Ibrahim Pasha, which terminated in the complete defeat of the latter, and
his flight to the mountains. On the 3rd November, Acre was bombarded
and captured, and shortly afterwards Alexandria itself was blockaded.
Mehemet Ali was obliged to come to terms, and on July 18th, 1841,
the " Treaty of London for the Pacification of the Levant " was signed.
The claim of Mehemet Ali to Syria was abandoned, on condition of the
Pashalic of Egypt being made hereditary in his family, and certain other
stipulations were added which need not be specified here.
These events, apart from their own merits, were of intense interest to
Lord Ashley. He had long cherished the belief, founded upon an earnest
and diligent study of the prophecies contained in Holy Scripture, that the
Jews were to return to their inheritance in the Holy Land, and it appeared
to him that the time was ripe for the accomplishment of those prophecies.
Eventually the settlement of the Syrian Question assisted to make possible
a scheme upon which his heart was set — the establishment of an Anglican
Bishopric in Jerusalem.
July 24th. — It seems as though money were the only thing wanting to regene
rate the world. Never was au age so fertile in good plans, or with apparently more

1848-1 ePPorts on behalf of the jews. 167
and better men to execute them, but where are the means 1 Churches, mission
aries, clergymen, all temporal and spiritual associations, what is required for
them 1 Money I Why, money would almost restore the Jews to the Holy Land.
Certainly so far as Mehemet Ali is the arbiter of their destinies. . . .
Anxious about the hopes and prospects of the Jewish people. Everything
seems ripe for their return to Palestine ; " the way of the kings of the East is
prepared." Could the five Powers of the West be induced to guarantee the
security of life and possessions to the Hebrew race, they would now flow back in
rapidly augmenting numbers. Then by the blessing of God I will prepare a
document, fortify it by all the evidence I can accumulate, and, confiding to the
wisdom and mercy of the Almighty, lay it before the Secretary of State for
Foreign Affairs. . . .
Aug. 1st. — Dined with Palmerston. After dinner left alone with him. Pro
pounded my scheme, which seemed to strike his fancy ; he asked some questions,
and readily promised to consider it. How singular is the order of Providence 1
Singular, that is, if estimated by man's ways ! Palmerston has already been
chosen by God to be an instrument of good to His ancient people ; to do homage
as it were to their inheritance, and to recognise their rights without believing
their destiny. And it seems he will yet do more. But though the motive be kind,
it is not sound. I am forced to argue politically, financially, commercially ; these
considerations strike him home ; he weeps not hke his Master over Jerusalem,
nor prays that now, at last, she may put on her beautiful garments.
Aug. 24th. — Palmerston tells me that he has already written to Lord Pon
sonby, to direct him to open an intercourse with Rescind Pasha at Constantinople
respecting protection and encouragement to the Jews. This is a prelude to the
Antitype of the decree of Cyrus, but, humanly speaking, we must pray for more
caution. Those gentlemen who have now got access to the columns of the Times
will, by over-zeal, bring a charge of fanaticism on the whole question. 0 God,
from whom alone " cometh all counsel, wisdom, and understanding, be Thou our
Guide, our Instructor, and our Friend."
Aug. 29th. — The newspapers teem with documents about the Jews. Many
assail, and many defend them.
Sept. 1st. — Broadlands. We have left Cowes, and I do not regret it. The air,
or some other cause, gave a perpetual languor ; one had neither elasticity of body,
nor liveliness of spirit. This is its general character ; but I am come to the sad
conclusion that the sea does not agree with me.
Sept. 5th. — St. Giles's. " Dear earth, I do salute thee with my hand." Once
more settled here, bag and baggage, mother and kids, in the portion of my
fathers, under my own vine, and under my own fig-tree, and drinking waters out
of my own cistern.
Sept. 16th. — Attended yesterday at Blandford to set on foot a branch associa
tion to the Society for the Extinction of the Slave Trade. Having been instru
mental in forming the parent,* I could not refuse, though I hate these meetings,
* The first public meeting of the Society for the Extinction of the Slave Trade was held
in Exeter Hall on June 1st in this year, presided over by Prince Albert, who then made
his first public address in England. ( " He was very nervous, " writes the Queen in ' ' Early
Years " before he went, and had repeated his speech to me in the morning; by heart. ")
Mr. Fowell Buxton, Sir Robert Peel, and Lord Ashley were the other principal speakers.

168 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. VIII.
to patronise the child. I never spoke with less effect ; the audience were like so
many mummies, and the platform assigned to the orator put me in mind of
Jingles' stage at a fair. Quoad me, the thing was a failure ; quoad the branch,
it was tolerably well. Really these speeches at these meetings are so much alike
and in the same style, that I long to say, ' ' Gentlemen and ladies, the mixture as
before," and then close it.
Sept. 25th.— Yesterday began my paper for Palmerston, containing, in full,
the propositions for the recall of the Jews to their ancient land. " Recall " is too
strong ; it is simply a " permission," should they think fit to avail themselves of
it. I wish to prepare a short document, which may refresh his memory, and
exist as a record both of the suggestion and the character of it.
The document, read in the light of the efforts that have been made in later
years by Englishmen, Americans, Germans, and Jews, in the Plain of
Sharon, the Vale of Urtas, and other spots in Palestine, and the wider efforts
in other parts of Syria, is interesting and curious.
Lord Ashley to Viscount Palmerston.
St. Giles's House, September 25th, 1840.
My Lord, — The Powers of Europe having determined that they will take into
their Own hands the adjustment of the Syrian Question, I venture to suggest a
measure, which being adopted will, I hope, promote the development of the
immense fertility of all those countries that lie between the Euphrates and the
Mediterranean Sea.
The consideration of the person or the authority to whom these territories
may be assigned by the award of the contracting Powers is of no importance.
The plan presupposes simply the existenoe of a recognised and competent
Dominion ; the establishment and execution of Laws ; and a Government both
willing and able to maintain internal peace.
Those vast regions are now nearly desolate ; every year the produce of them
becomes less, because the hands that should till them become fewer. As a source
Of revenue they are almost worthless, compared, at least, with the riches that
industry might force from them. They require both labour and capital.
Capital, however, is of too sensitive a nature to flow with readiness in any
country where neither property nor life can be regarded as secure ; but if this
indispensable assurance be first given, the avarice of man will be a sufficient
motive, and it will betake itself with alacrity to any spot where u, speedy or an
ample return may be promised to the speculator.
An inducement such as this is sufficient to stimulate the mercantile zeal of
every money-maker under Heaven, and it would be advisable that the Power,
whoever he may be, to whom these provinces may fall, should issue and perforin
a solemn engagement to establish, in his laws affecting property, the principles
and practices of European civilisation ; but, in respect of these regions now
under dispute, there are, so far as a numerous, though scattered, people is
concerned, other inducements and other hopes, over and above those which in
fluence the general mass of mankind.
Without entering into the grounds of the desire and expectation entertained

1S40'i SCHEME POR COLONISATION Op PALESTINE. 169
by the Hebrew race of their return ultimately to the land of their fathers, it
may be safely asserted that they contemplate a restoration to the soil of Pales
tine. They believe, moreover, that the time is near at hand. Every recollection
of the past, and every prospect of the future, animates their hope ; and fear
alone for their persons and their estates represses their exertions. If the Govern
ing Power of the Syrian provinces would promulgate equal laws and equal pro
tection to Jew and Gentile, and confirm his decrees by accepting the four
Powers as guarantees of his engagement, to be set forth and ratified in an article
of the Treaty, the way would at once be opened, confidence would be revived,
and, prevailing throughout these regions, would bring with it some of the wealth
and enterprise of the world at large, and, by allaying their suspicions, call forth
to the full the hidden wealth and industry of the Jewish people.
There are many reasons why more is to be anticipated from them than from
any others who might settle there. They have ancient reminiscences and deep
affection for the land ; — it is connected in their hearts with all that is bright in
times past, and with all that is bright in those which are to come ; their industry
and perseverance are prodigious ; they subsist, and cheerfully, on the smallest
pittance ; they are, almost everywhere, accustomed to arbitrary rule, and being
totally indifferent to political objects, confine their hopes to the enjoyment of
what they can accumulate. Long ages of suffering have trained their people to
habits of endurance and self-denial ; they would joyfully exhibit them in the
settlement and service of their ancient country.
If we consider their return in the light of a new establishment or colonisation
of Palestine, we shall find it to be the cheapest and safest mode of supplying the
wastes of those depopulated regions. They will return at their own expense,
and with no hazard but to themselves ; they will submit to the existing form of
Government, having no preconceived theories to gratify, and having been almost
everywhere trained in implicit obedience to autocratic rule ; they will acknow
ledge the present appropriation of the soil in the hands of its actual possessors,
being content to obtain an interest in its produce by the legitimate methods of
rent or purchase. Disconnected, as they are, from all the peoples of the earth,
they would appeal to no national or political sympathies for assistance in the
path of wrong ; and the guarantee which I propose, for insertion in the Treaty
to be carried out by the personal protection of the respective Consuls and Vice-
Consuls of the several nations, would be sufficient to protect them in the exercise
of their right 
The plan here proposed may be recommended by the consideration that large
results are promised to the application of very small means ; that no pecuniary
outlay is demanded of the engaging parties ; that while disappointment would
bring no ill-effects, except to those who declined the offer, the benefits to be
derived from it would belong impartially to the whole civilised world. . . .
I have the honour to be, my Lord,
Your Lordship's most obedient, humble servant, Ashley.
The' Viscount Palmerston, M.P.,
Her Majesty's Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs.

170 THE EARL Of SHaPteSBUrY. [Chap. Villi
For seven or eight years of their early married life Lord and Lady
Ashley had lived constantly, while in the country, with Lord and Lady
Cowper, a period to which the later Journals refer as full of happiness. The
London house, 49, Brook Street, Grosvenor Square, is also often mentioned
as " my beloved home." Here we find him on November the 7th, the date of
the following entry : —
Sunday, Nov. 7th. — Minny is gone to Panshanger, and I am all alone — not a
bairn with me, and nothing but a housekeeper and three maids I Yet this is good
for me. I now taste, by separation, more truly the blessings of God's goodness ;
His manifold, gracious, and paternal bounty in the gifts He has bestowed upon
me of a wife and children— and such a wife and such children ! But all things
must sit loosely on this earth. God has given, and God may take away. I now
can imagine what I should suffer if bereaved of these dear and darling creatures.
How great are the benefits we enjoy, and how poor and miserable are our thanks !
. . Read, to-day, Buxton's " Testimonies of the Ante-Nicene Fathers," an
invaluable book, full of everlasting and comfortable knowledge ; and more par
ticularly was I instructed and consoled by his comment on Acts xx. 28 (in the
extracts from St. Ignatius), confirmatory of the reading, " the Church of God,"
which " He purchased with His own blood." Also Matthew Henry's comment on
the first chapter of Genesis. What a mind ! Whatever part of Scripture he
handles, he presents it, so to speak, in a new light. . . . And now I go to
my rest in peace. Would to God it were the same with all the world !
Nov. 9th. — It is really heart-stirring to read of our successes in Syria, the
forward valour, the iron-steadfastness, of our countrymen ; wherever they go,
they impart life, and soul, and energy — one midshipman does more than a
hundred Turks, though they be all Seraskiers — every man is an army, every
sailor a fleet, and yet the whole fleet acts as one sailor. Marvellous the effects of
discipline, acting on the vigour of British character. What materials for great
ness ! What elements for service ! What instruments, should it so please God,
for the alliance and protection of His ancient people, and for His final purposes
on earth ! And yet there are men who would destroy all this ; our political
institutions, which have made us what we are, and our Church, which, under
God, has made our institutions.
Many, I understand, are angry that the Times upholds Palmerston's policy—
they are losing, they think, an opportunity of attack — so they are, and deeply
should they be obliged to us for saving them, first from the crime of openly
taking part against the interests of their country ; and, secondly, from the
disgrace of assailing the Minister, and then doing, should they obtain office, the
very thing for which they assailed him. But I hope and believe that the Leaden
of our party do not share these sentiments — so far, however, as I myself am con
cerned, I don't care a straw if they do.
Nov. 12th. — Did ever country present such a spectacle in its Administration ?
Their differences and cabals are become notorious as the secrets of the town-
crier ; one-third is with Palmerston, one-third, it seems, against him, and one-
third do not know which way to go. The " Bear " Ellice,* they say (and it
* This name was given to the Eight Hon. Edward Ellice in allusion to Stock Ex
change transactions, and with a side reference to his roughness of demeanour.

l8*"l SYRIAN AFFAIRS. 171
must have been a pure love of intrigue and mischief), urged Thiers to resist the
policy of Palmerston, assuring him that the Cabinet would never meet any real
French resistance.
England and Europe may then thank this man for all their past alarms and
present expenses 1 Lord Holland writes to Guizot, and tells him everything.
Clarendon talks to everybody, follows in the tail of Charles Greville, and throws
confusion into the Cabinet, which, said Lord Minto, was very unanimous and
reciprocal in confidence till Clarendon joined it. The Due de Broglie writes to
Lord Lansdowne, and Lord Lansdowne writes to Broghe ; can this be done with
out communication, on my Lord's part, of his misgivings, waverings, &c. &c, and
all the mischievous puerilities of the English Cabinet? Palmerston and his
friends in the Ministry are propped up by the Times and Standard against the
other portion, which is bepraised by the Examiner and the Morning Herald.
The fact is there has been a foul intrigue to displace Palmerston and get his
office ; the plotters designated Clarendon to the situation (did they think him
more docile to themselves personally ?) ; he, forsooth, saw the thing, and asked
no questions. Meanwhile, Melbourne, the Prime Minister, suffers all this, having
neither authority nor principle ! A man of the slightest force of mind would
have stopped it in an instant. I confess I am disgusted at the unpatriotism and
pusillanimity of these fellows ; they sign the Treaty of the 15th of July, they
undertake to carry it out ; Thiers blusters, and they crouch ; Palmerston is firm,
thank God, Thiers is dismissed, Guizot appointed, and our success in Syria
complete. Guizot calls out, " Give me a concession, I want to make a flourish in
Paris ; — surrender to Mehemet Ali the Pashalic of Acre as a boon to the French
people." Instantly — although this surrender would be tantamount to a reversal
of everything we have done, tantamount to an investiture on him of the whole of
Palestine, and in fact the whole of everything that is contested ; although it
would be a treachery to our allies, and a stultification (to say no worse) of our
selves ; instantly they catch up Guizot's note (who, by-the-by, is a thorough
Parisian, with Parisian feelings and Parisian views), and say, " Give it him ;
you will otherwise have a revolution in France, and where should we be then ? "
Why, where? all would be lost, perhaps— except our honour.
Nov. 16th. — St. Giles's again. It is very curious to see me an ardent sup
porter of Palmerston, using every endeavour to counteract Guizot and Clarendon
in their influence over the Times, and fighting his battles against his own
friends !
Dec. 8th. — Affairs have wonderfully advanced in Syria. Acre has fallen
(the most impregnable city of the East) into our hands, after three hours'
bombardment I On our side scarcely any loss.
Thiers now avows himself the Apostle of Revolution. His speeches con
tain all the principles, though they as yet avoid the language, of Danton and
Marat. What a hornet it is I "I was prepared," said he, " for a war in which
might be shed the blood of ten generations." And, clever as he is, he is
notwithstanding a fool ; he seeks to raise a, feeling, even in England, against
Palmerston, and yet he adds (Globe, Nov. 30), "the views of France upon
Egypt are a profound and ancient French instinct." He affects hatred and
fear of Russia ; yet he instructs Walewski to urge Mehemet Ali to march to
Constantinople, the very course that would bring the Russians into Turkey.
Palmerston should steadily refuse to make any speeches or give any explana-

17.2 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. Vilt.
tions ; his defence would lie in extracts from the Debates of the Chamber,
and the orations of M. Thiers.
After Christmas-tide we find Lord Ashley again at Broadlands, and
the contagion of the genial and cheerful society of Lord and Lady Palmer
ston seems to have infected him, for he writes : " Here we are, a family
reunion, with the domestic adjuncts of two Foreign Ambassadors, two
Cabinet Ministers, and two friends."
There probably was never a statesman more social in disposition, or
more ready to throw himself heartily into everything that interested his
friends and guests, than Lord Palmerston ; and while he brought the
shrewdest common-sense to bear practically upon every matter under dis
cussion, he would brighten up every topic by his pleasant jokes, his irre
sistible playfulness, and his unfailing good humour. In his society Lord
Ashley took ever-increasing pleasure, and the day was not far distant
when he was to find in him one of his truest and staunchest allies in many
of his most cherished plans.
It was at Broadlands that the final entries for the year were written
in the Diary.
My article on " Infant Labour " has appeared in this Quarterly. Lockhart
gave me every assistance towards obtaining a place for it ; he bepraised it
much, but I have not heard a word from any one else.
France is discussing a Factory Bill in her Chamber of Deputies. There is
exhibited some sense and some principle — there is also the reverse ; but we
have gained in that country, and in the whole civilised world, this mighty
admission that the evil does prevail, that it deeply and seriously affects the
bodily and mental condition of large masses of the human race, and that if a
safe remedy can be found (and " safe " means " inexpensive "), it should be
applied. Lord Ashley's article on "Infant Labour," published in the December
number of the Quarterly Review, was, to some extent, a recapitulation of
the arguments he had used in his speech on the subject in the House of
Commons, and was written for the purpose of keeping alive the public
interest in " mercy by statute." It showed that the clamour, and the awful
predictions of ruined trade and a, starving population, raised when the first
efforts were made some seven years previously, had failed to influence the
movers, who had throughout been guided by "one great and quickening
principle, comfortable and true as revelation itself (for it is deduced from
it), that nothing which is morally wrong can be politically riglit."
The class on whose behalf legislation was now sought, exceeded in a
tenfold degree the number of those who were engaged in the four great
departments of industry — the cotton, the woollen, the worsted, and the
flax — whose labours were regulated by the provisions of statute-law.
Numerous as they were, however, many causes combined to shut them out

1840-] SOCIALISM AND CHARTISM. 173
from observation and sympathy. . They were not concentrated in single
spots, in large masses, and enormous buildings, but were spread over the
whole country, and attracted little attention, because it was no one's interest
to examine their wrongs and institute that wholesome agitation which, in
the case of their brotherhood in the factories, had acted first on the feel
ings of the countiy, and, at last, on the decisions of Parliament. Notwith
standing this, it, had been found that thousands upon thousands of poor
children were engaged in trades, in many instances dangerous and hurt
ful, in which they were employed through fifteen, sixteen, and seventeen
hours of daily relentless toil. Some of the lace-mills about Nottingham
were open all through the night, and the children were detained, in order
to be ready when wanted. It was in evidence that they were found lying
about on the floor, weary and exhausted, waiting for their turns to come.
Similar cruelties were practised in other trades — in the silk manufacture,
for example, little girls of tender years, of eight, of seven, and even of
six, were employed in arduous labour for ten hours a day. Some of the
children were so small that they had to be placed on stools before they could
reach their work.
A review of Continental and transatlantic legislation on Infantile Labour
showed that everywhere, in Europe and America, steps were being taken
to wipe out the old system of domestic slavery, and thus to follow the
example which Great Britain was setting. Much, however, remained to
be done in this countiy, and expectation was fixed upon the Report of the
Commissioners appointed to investigate the claims of the children not
included in the Factoiy Acts. Great issues were at stake. The minds of
men were not as tranquil as they had been, and discontent could not be
frowned down, or rebellion checked with equal facility.
In course of his article Lord Ashley said : —
The two great demons in morals and politics, Socialism and Chartism, are
stalking through the land ; yet they are but symptoms of an universal disease,
spread throughout vast masses of the people, who, so far from concurring in the
status quo, suppose that anything must be better than their present condition.
It is useless to reply to us, as our antagonists often do, that many of the prime
movers in these conspiracies against God and good order are men who have
never suffered any of the evil to which we ascribe so mighty an influence. We
know it well ; but we know also that our system begets the vast and inflam
mable mass that lies waiting, day by day, for the spark to explode it into
mischief. We cover the land with spectacles of misery ; wealth is felt only by
its oppressions ; few, very few, remain in these trading districts to spend
liberally the riches they have acquired ; the successful leave the field to be
ploughed afresh by new aspirants after gain, who, in turn, count their periodical
profits and exact the maximum of toil for the minimum of wages. No wonder
¦ that thousands of hearts should be against a system which establishes the rela
tions without calling forth the mutual sympathies of master and servant, land
lord and tenant, employer and employed. We do not need to express our firm

174 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. VIII.
belief that there are beneficent and blessed- exceptions ; but generally speaking,
in those districts and those departments of industry the rich and the poor are
antagonist parties, each watching an opportunity to gain an advantage over the
other. Sickness has no claim on the capitalist ; a day's absence, however neces
sary, is a day's loss to the workman ; nor are the numerous and frightful
mutilations by neglected machinery (terminating as they do in the utter ruin
of the sufferer) regarded as conferring, either in principle or practice, the
smallest pretence to lasting compensation or even temporary relief. . . .
But here comes the worst of all — those vast multitudes, ignorant and
excitable in themselves, and rendered still more so by oppression or neglect,
are surrendered, almost without a struggle, to the experimental philosophy of
infidels and democrats. When called upon to suggest our remedy of the evil,
we reply by an exhibition of the cause of it ; the very statement involves an
argument, and contains its own answer within itself. Let your laws, we say
to the Parliament, assume the proper functions of law, protect those for whom
neither wealth, nor station, nor age has raised a bulwark against tyranny ; but,
above all, open your treasury, erect churches, send forth the ministers of religion,
reverse the conduct of the enemy of mankind, and sow wheat among tbe tares —
all hopes are groundless, all legislation weak, all conservatism nonsense, without
this alpha and omega of policy ; it will give content instead of bitterness,
engraft obedience on rebellion, raise purity from corruption, and " life from the
dead." These were timely words at a period when there was universal anxiety,
and when forces were gathering which threatened revolution.
" I would give anything," said Dr. Arnold, about this time, " to be able to
organise a Society for drawing public attention to the state of the labouring
classes throughout the kingdom. Men do not think of the fearful state in
which we are living. If they could once be brought to notice and to appre
ciate the evil, I should not even yet despair that the remedy may be found
and applied; even though it is the solution of the most difficult problem
ever yet proposed to man's wisdom, and the greatest triumph over selfishness
ever yet required of his virtue. A Society might give the alarm, and present
the facts to the notice of the public. It was thus that Clarkson overthrew
the slave-trade ; and it is thus, T hope, that the system of transportation has
received its death-blow." *
What Arnold, and many other good men and true, were sighing for, Lord
Ashley was doing, by striking blow after blow at oppression and injustice
and tyranny, the causes which had produced discontent and disaffection in
tne labouring classes. * Stanley's "Life of Arnold."

CHAPTER IX.
1841.
Indifference to poverty and (suffering, especially in those who professed
to be influenced by the Christian religion, was inexplicable to Lord Ashley.
He says : —
Jan. 5th, 1841. — No stir as yet in behalf of my " Children's Employment Com
mission." I cannot discern how, humanly speaking, I have ever made any
progress at all. To whom should I have naturally looked for the chief aid I
Why, undoubtedly, to the clergy, and especially those of the trading districts.
Quite the reverse ; from them I have received no support, or next to none ; one
or two in their individual capacity have given me encouragement, and wished
me God speed ; but, as a body, or even numerously, though singly, they have
done, are doing, and will do, nothing. And this, throughout my whole career.
There are grand and blessed exceptions, thank God for them I Bickersteth is a
jewel, a jewel of the first water ; one of those that God will " make up," so we
read in Malachi, at the last day. The only public act in behalf of these wretched
infants was a petition signed by fifty of the clergy in the neighbourhood of
Bristol, got up by the amiable exertions of the Rev. Sir Henry Montagu ; and
yet we have in our Church, beside prelates, sixteen thousand ordained ministers
of Christ's Gospel.
The saying, " The poor ye have always with you," was literally true with
Lord Ashley, and it remained true to the end of his life. Only a few ex
amples, to show how constantly the poor were in his thoughts, are given in
the quotations from the Diaries, although such entries abound throughout
those volumes. The state of the weather, depression in trade, illness, be
reavement, separation from children or friends — these and a hundred other
things suggested to him no extraordinary cause of complaint as they affected
himself personally, but they led him invariably to think how much more
terrible similar circumstances must be to the poor and friendless.
Nor did his sympathy exhaust itself in merely thinking about them.
During the pauses in the greater labours which absorbed so much of his
time, he would devise schemes for the relief of those within his reach, and
would make the help he gave a thousandfold more acceptable by the manner
in which he gave it. He was never too proud to grasp the hand of a poor
honest man, or take up a sickly little child in his arms, or sit in the loathsome
home of a poor starving needlewoman as she plied her needle. He never
spoke down to their level, but sought, to raise them up to his, and his kindly
words were as helpful as his kindly deeds. The time had not yet come for

176 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. IX.
that peculiar personal devotion to the welfare of the poor which distinguished
his later years ; that was only at this period occasional which afterwards
beeame continual, but tlie principle that inspired it was the same ; it was de
votion to Him who had said, "Inasmuch as ye have done it unto one of the
least of these, ye have done it unto Me." To Lord Ashley, Christianity was
nothing unless it was intensely practical. On one occasion, when addressing
an assembly of young men and urging them to a life of usefulness, he said,
" Depend upon it, whatever you think when you are young and stirring, the
time will come when you will take counsel with your grey hairs, and you will
bless God if your career has been one by which your fellows have been bene
fited, and God honoured, and if you have endeavoured, as much as lay in your
power, to advance His Holy Name, and to do good to all that were within
the reach of your influence. Nothing is more likely to keep you from
mischief of all kinds, from mischief of action, of speculation — from every
mischief that you can devise, than to be everlastingly engaged in some great
practical work of good. Christianity is not a state of opinion and specula
tion. Christianity is essentially practical, and I will maintain this, that
practical Christianity is the greatest curer of corrupt speculative Christianity.
No man, depend upon it, can persist from the beginning of his life to the end
of it in a course of self-denial, in a course of generosity, in a course of
virtue, in a course of piety, and in a course of prayer, unless he draws from
his well-spring, unless he is drawing from the fountain of our Lord Himself.
Therefore, I say to you, again and again, let your Christianity be practical." *
In the following extracts allusions to the Free Trade agitation are inter
woven with the subjects in which Lord Ashley was more immediately
concerned. Jan. 7th. — Under indisposition only does one rightly estimate God's bounties ;
how assuaging, how necessary are the many comforts and attentions, which,
particularly in winter, the poor cannot get I Here have I been dreadfully vexed
by a cold in the throat, accompanied by a cough, hard as timber and dry as
gravel, which gives me no rest day nor night ! Now if I, with all the appliances
that money and kindness can give, suffer so much, what must be the endurance
of the destitute !
Feb. 10th. — We have now sat for some days in Committee to consider the
Report we shall make on the Act for regulating Mills and Factories. My success
has hitherto been greater than I dared to hope for. I have the Government with
me, and the mill-owners ag'ainst me ; this is a curious revolution of parties.
The children in silk and lace mills are included in the draft report. I shall be
compelled to strike them out and fight their battles another way. The mill-
owners cannot beat me either in the Committee or the House ; they know it, and
they have made, therefore, like the thieves in Proverbs, " one purse," and intend
to raise opposition in the House of Lords, where, alas ! it is but too easy to
maintain the status quo, whatever be its offences against truth, justice, and
humanity. The benefits of the Second Chamber overbalance tho evils ; and I
* Bristol Young Men's Christian Association, Jan. , 18GL

1841-1 REGISTRATION BILL (IRELAND). 177
must bspraise the hand that destroys my hopes. The very qualities that make
the Peers bulwarks against mischief render them also slow to impressions of
good. They have hard common-sense ; strong feelings of personal and political
interest, but few sparks of generosity, and no sentiment. Well, it is here that
the tyrants of silk and lace propose to obtain a Committee, and thus throw off
all legislation to another year ; and this they will compass, unless I can prevail
on Fox Maule to divide the Bill into two ; the Factory Bill for the four great
departments of industry will thus go forward with all its great and important
details ; it will establish a precedent, elevate a model, and present a contrast.
Perseverance and zeal will, by God's blessing, bring up all the rest to follow in
their train. But I must have more patience and more faith.
Feb. 13th. — Ministers threaten a dissolution, which would undoubtedly be
followed by a change of Government. I don't much think they will accomplish
their threats ; I hope not, at least just yet, for I desire, above all things, to carry
my Factory Bill ; and sure I am (" tell it not in Gath ") that I have got more,
and may get more, from the Whigs than I shall ever get from my own
friends. Feb. 18th. — Concluded our Report to-day on Mills and Factories, and presented
it to the House. To God above be all the glory ! Great and signal has been the
support I have received under great difficulties ; may He continue it in the final
difficulties of its passage through Parliament. Considering the nature of the
Committee, its objects and members, we have been wonderfully harmonious.
Feb. 26th. — Sadly disappointed by the tame and empty tone of Sir Robert
Peel's speech on Morpeth's Registration Bill (Ireland). A fairer and fitter
opportunity was never offered to any man for a bold, striking, and solemn
address, based on the most sacred principles, and directed to the highest feelings ;
but he missed it, and allowed caution to prevail where the heart only should
have governed. I wrote to him and urged on his recollection the solemn com
pact of 1829, the history of tho disfranchisement of the 40s. freeholders, and
the increase of the rate of voting to £10. This preliminary measure was the
decus et tutamen of the Relief Bill, the indispensable security, the accorded and
witnessed price, solemnly and for ever, of our mighty concession. He quite
concurred with me. I sat in a fool's paradise, expecting an indignant, though
just and solemn, protest against so monstrous a breach of a compact, the more
binding because unwritten, and ratified upon honour. A fervent and im
passioned address, so suited to the moment and the man, would have carried
conviction ; the House would have felt it, the country still more ; he would have
retained all that prudence requires, and yet have conciliated many distrustful
supporters, and softened many asperities that the Relief Bill has left, and will
leave, in the recollections of Protestants.
March 5th. — On the first of the month is dated the beginning of Mr.
Poynter's engagement with me, as tutor to my boys. God grant he may be a
true Gamaliel 1 Am I then so old that I must have a grown man to instruct my
children 1
Everything relating to the welfare of the Jews had a special interest for
Lord Ashley, and the Bill for removing the test by which Jews were ex
cluded from certain municipal offices was watched by hini with close atten
tion, although he took no part in the discussion. There were great anomalies

178 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. (Chap. li.
in the case which called for remedy ; for example, it was possible for a Jew
to be high sheriff of a county, or Sheriff of London, but he could not become
a mayor or alderman, or even a member of the Common Council. It was
not until the end of 1847 that a Jew ever held the dignity of an alderman in
the City of London. The difficulty in the way was the oath, which had to be
taken " on the true faith of a Christian ; " and on this Lord Ashley held
very strong views, to which he gave full expression later on, when the ques
tion of admitting Jews to Parliament was under discussion.
March 12th. — On Wednesday last (10th) a discussion took place in the House
of Commons on the admissibility of Jews to municipal offices. Inglis opposed
the second reading of the Bill, but not in prudent style, bringing all his great
guns of argument, principle, and feeling to the skirmish, when he should have
reserved them for the battle. He talked as though the question were their
admissibility to Parliament. No doubt there is much wisdom in the saying,
" principii s obsta ;" but we ought to adapt the quantity and quality of our
resistance to the nature of the attack, otherwise we should fire a broadside on a
pilot-boat, solely because it was to be followed eventually by the whole squadron.
This unnecessary force recoiled on itself ; none were convinced, some were
amused, and others offended.
Meanwhile, arguments forestalled are arguments evaporated ; Fastidit crambo
repetita ; we can devise nothing new, and what is old will have become
ridiculous. I did not myself vote against the Bill, intending, as I do, to reserve
all my opposition to the claim for Parliament. The distinction between the two
claims is wide and palpable ; in neither is there danger to the State, but in the
last there is an insult to Christianity. Lord John Russell made a speech of
surpassing latitudinarianism. "Prophecy," said he "was of doubtful interpreta
tion." " In our legislative deliberations," he added, " we were to take no cogni
sance of the prophetic Scriptures." " God," he continued, " had no need of our
co-operation to carry out His wise purposes." Most true ; but has not the
Almighty been pleased to command that we shall do nothing to thwart
them? It was the privilege of Lord Ashley, as we have seen, to enjoy the
personal friendship of the Duke of Wellington, and he was still a fre
quent visitor at Strathfieldsaye, where nothing gave him more intense
pleasure than to wander in the grounds with his host and hear the old
warrior fight his battles o'er again. Memoranda of conversations, written
down hurriedly while the impressions were fresh in his mind, were
treasured by him to the end of his life, and incidents of battle told to him
by the Duke, were more often introduced into his speeches than any other
form of illustration.
It is easy to understand the fascination that this intercourse would have
for him. His mind was saturated with Scripture ; he looked upon life
as a long, hard battle, and every evil as a foe to be met and conquered;
and though the weapons of his warfare were not carnal, he saw in every
incident related to him an analogy to the spiritual warfare in which the

1841 i A P6LITICAL CRISIS. 179
soldiers of the Cross weie engaged. Thus we find him over and over
again, and all through his life, relating stories such as these :—
"I remember the old Duke of Wellington talking to me one day,
after our arms had conquered the greater part of the Burman Empire.
The Duke said to me, ' I have been called upon to look for a good efficient
frontier to our territory in India. I have got it; but I have gone upon
the rule that no frontier is good for defence unless it is equally good for
attack.'" The application of the story was that Christian institutions must be
aggressive as well as defensive*
Again, when the School Boards threatened the existence of Ragged
Schools, he said: —
" I little thought we should be able to present such an appearance as we
do this evening. But we have acted upon the principle which the great
Duke of Wellington acted upon, and of which he frequently spoke to me
with great satisfaction, as having crowned his military operations with
success. He said that in all the Continental armies if a point was carried
the Generals considered themselves beaten, 'But I never thought myself
beaten,' said he, ' so long as I could present a front to the enemy. If I
was beaten at one point I went to another, and in that way I won all my
victories.' " f
On another occasion Lord Shaftesbury remarked : —
" I remember that the great Duke of Wellington said to me, in speaking
of the Battle of Waterloo, • After a defeat sustained, the greatest sorrow is
a victory won.' " %
And again : —
" Many years ago, in conversation with the old Duke of Wellington,
I said to him, ' Now, Duke, what is your opinion of that most distinguished
officer of the Emperor Napoleon, Marshal MassenaP' He thought for a
moment, and said, ' I'll tell you what : I always found him in the place
where I did not wish him to be.' " The application of the story was this :
" I will reverse that saying," said Lord Shaftesbury, " in respect of the
City missionary, and say that I always find him in the place where I wish
him to be." §
On the 3rd of May the Premier (Lord Melbourne) in the course of a
debate raised by the presentation of petitions against any alterations in the
Corn Laws, had expressed himself in favour of a change. In allusion to this
Lord Ashley writes : —
May 4th. — There cannot be a doubt, whatever be the final issue, the Ministers
are thinking of a dissolution, and apprehending compulsory retirement. Succes
sive defeats have loosened the cement, and a vigorous blow would batter down
the wall. I believe they will " go," as the phrase is. I know not whether I ought
* Speech at Glasgow, Oct., 1874. % Ragged School Union, May, 1876.
t Religious Tract' Society, May, 1877. § London City Mission, May, 1879,
M 2

] 80 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. IX.
to wish it. To be sure, their good deeds are very hollow in principle and truth ;
I would not give much for the chance of virtue and excellence and human
service in the face of political calculation. Horner writes me word that the
Factory Bill is suspended indefinitely ; the state of affairs is assigned as a plea ; it
may be so in some respects ; but I cannot altogether be blind to the fact that
the delay punishes me , and will embarrass Peel. Suspended, forsooth ! and thus
another year is added to the period over which wrong and violence are to reign
without control I The whole of last Session and the best half of this utterly
lost ; all the evidence will be stale, facts without point, and cases out of date ; to
say nothing of other opinions and other conduct in a succeeding Government.
Nevertheless, " against hope I must believe in hope ; " as I began in faith, so must
I continue, regarding difficulties as so many trials, and delays as essential to
maturity — " Without faith it is impossible to please Him."
May 13th. — We are lost and bewildered in a labyrinth of speculation ; every
one knows the intentions of the Ministers, though, in fact they do not know
their own. I hear from Alava that the Queen takes it all very calmly, not liking
it but yielding to it. . . . World busy in assigning offices to men, and men
to offices. Lord Ashley's name was freely mentioned in connection with office ; and
commenting on the estimates made of him by others, he fell into a strain in
his Diary to which he was becoming accustomed — a strain of self -deprecia
tion and somewhat morbid self -analysis.
If speaking be required, ready off-hand statement or reply, there are few men
not equally competent with myself. I never hear a speech without feeling that,
inferior though it be, it is better than I could make. I begin to contrast the
powers exhibited with my own, and I remain overwhelmed by my own deficiency.
I do regret it, because I feel fully, deeply, unanswerably, that I am thus
limited, very limited, in my means of carrying out the tenth part of what I con
ceive, and the half of what I propose, for the general welfare. It is marvellous
to observe how much might be effected in these days by a man who had right
notions and an effective tongue.
May 19th.— A great victory, no doubt, last night ; * but will it be a fruit
ful one?
May 20th. — Not yet— Ministers go on I I
But the Melbourne Ministry was doomed. It would be foreign to our
purpose to attempt a history of the Free Trade movement, or to show the
successive stages of that great agitation, which Lord Melbourne affected to
regard with contempt, and which Lord John Russell condemned ; nor would
it be within our scope to trace the other causes which led to the fall of the
Ministry. On the 24th of May, Sir Robert Peel gave notice of his intention to move
that " her Majesty's Ministers do not sufficiently possess the confidence of
* Government defeated on Lord Sandon's motion against reduction of duty on
toreign sugars.

1S41-1 COMMEMORATION DAY AT OXFORD. 181
the House of Commons to enable them to' carry through the House
measures which they deem of essential importance to the public welfare, and
that their continuance in office under such circumstances is at variance with
the spirit of the Constitution." The division was taken on the 4th of June,
with the result that Sir Robert Peel's " No confidence " motion was carried
by a majority of one.
May 25th. — Received yesterday a most laudatory letter, sent in the name of
many Conservatives of Leeds, to request me to stand for that borough. Of course
I declined it, but the honour of the offer was great, and the grounds of it still
more so.
June 8th. — Windsor Castle. Arrived here last night. ... I find we are
invited for the races at Ascot. I am sorry for it, but I cannot refuse to go there.
I am the Queen's guest, and I cannot think it right to put upon my Sovereign
such a rebuke as would be conveyed by my declining to accompany her. I wish
to avoid and discountenance races, and I do not like to add the value of my
example (such as it is) to aid the maintenance of the practice — but the thing is
not wrong in itself, simply in its consequences. I shall acquiesce, therefore, in
this instance, and pray God it may not be productive of any mischief to the
slight influence I may have in the world for carrying forward measures and
designs of good to mankind.
June 9th. — It was a dull affair, and I hope harmless. It is a thing by itself —
it is, in fact, an annual exhibition of the Sovereign to the people, in great state
and circumstance.
June 15th. — Commemoration day at Oxford ; went over from Nuneham,
whither I had been invited to meet the Queen ; received the degree of Doctor in
Laws ; it was my due — so far as it is worth anything — long ago, but I did not
like to refuse it now. The Prince must have seen Whiggery at a fearful discount ;
the undergraduates enjoyed their Saturnalia to excess, showing, however, great
respect to the Prince, and unbounded loyalty to the Queen. I was received with
courtesy, and nothing more ; my popularity, such as it is, lies with a portion of
the "great unwashed."
On June 22nd, Parliament was dissolved by the Queen in person. "I
entertain the hope," her Majesty said, " that the progress of public business
may be facilitated, and that divisions injurious to the cause of steady policy
and useful legislation may he removed by the authority of a new Parliament,
which I shall direct to be summoned without delay."
June 22nd. — This day Parliament dissolved by the Queen in person. Thus do
the Ministers seek to identify her with what is odious and wicked, and hide their
own hoary profligacy under her young virtue.* It is a solemn day, the beginning
of the end, the final issue — if beaten now, our account is settled, the sentence
will clearly have been passed, and the nation must await the execution. An
increase of power in the hands of these Ministers, frightened and stimulated, as
they are, by the prospective loss of it, will be followed by an increase of violent,
* A dissolution on the cry of " Cheap bread," Lord Ashley regarded "as the most
improper and most mischievous that ever entered into the mind of a statesman,"

182 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. IX.
infidel, Jacobinical, extirpating measures, to out up, root and branch, every hope,
nay, possibility, of our accession to office. This is the position — to whom then
do we turn? . . . In some churches a call has been made to the whole natio
to " lift up their hearts " ; grave, solemn, wholesome, necessary counsel — would
to God it were obeyed. . . .
We shall triumph in the elections, I verily believe. I have laboured hard for
Jocelyn* at Leeds ; he has been wonderfully received, I believe in great measure
through my influence — this is greater than I thought it was ; but as I have ob
tained it by the proposition and maintenance of certain measures, I must use it
for the advancement of those measures. I have no right to call on the operatives,
who confide in me, to support either me personally, or any party politically,
unless such a course be, in my honest belief, conducive to their success in the
matter they seek. I may be disappointed after all ; but at any rate they will be
in no worse condition, and we shall have made a great and legitimate experiment.
I have done much in hope to conciliate the landed gentry in their behalf, and ap
proximate the parties who have common interests, and. " tell it not in Gath," a
common enemy, the mill-owner ; he is not necessarily, but optionally so — he is
the Jacobin of commerce.
It astonishes me to see what I have done. The operatives have been enabled
in many places (and they were never so before) to tell their own story. This has
been sufficient to baffle the Corn-Law Leaguers. I cannot but admire and love
these poor fellows ; they have shown an ardour, a gratitude, and a sincerity that
would put to shame nine-tenths of the gentry. They promised me to give
Jocelyn a good reception, and they have done so.
It was not unnatural that, in the midst of the changes that were going on
in the political world, some of the operatives should feel a little anxiety
whether their leader would stand steadfast, and whether his opinions on
certain details in connection with the limitation of the hours of labour would
remain unchanged. Mr. Mark Crabtree was appointed spokesman on behalf
of the operatives of the West Riding, and, in fulfilling his mission, he added
the expression of a fear lest, in the event of Sir Robert Peel forming a
Ministry, Lord Ashley might accept some office which would embarrass him
in these matters. To this he replied : " Without speculating on the proba
bility of a Cabinet to be formed by Sir Robert Peel, or on the probability
that I should be invited to take any subordinate station in his Govern
ment, I will never place myself in any situation where I shall not be as free
as air to do everything that I may believe to be conducive to the happiness,
Comfort, and welfare of that portion of the working classes who have so long
and confidingly entrusted to me the care of their hopes and interests."
June 29th.— Down here (Salisbury) to aid John.t This week will be a stirring
one. God in His goodness give us the victory, but may He give us grace therewith
to use it aright I But all success (I speak as a man) seems to hang on the Lon
don election, and the repulse of Lord John — it is proceeding at this very hour I
* Lord Jocelyn, son of the Earl of Roden, had married Lady Ashley's sister
f The Hon, John Ashley, brother of Lord Ashley,

1S41-' SPEECH TO THE ELECTORS OP DORSET. 183
July 1 st. — To London and back yesterday to vote for Rous,* who, though last
in the field, was first at the poll. Not so John, who was defeated to-day by 55.
This is a sad disappointment, but now it is lost, let us act as though it were
better for us not to have won.
July 3rd. — Dorchester. I have just heard that Jocelyn has been defeated.
Thus fall my hopes and efforts. The Ten Hours Bill, if not retarded, has lost a
grand means of advance. Fresh toil, fresh . obstacles, fresh anxieties await me.
" Lbi effusus labor."
July 4th. — Sunday. The book of Ruth is a beautiful picture of agricultural
life, a happy peasantry and a good landlord. There are passages in it of un
rivalled sweetness and beauty, exhibiting a state of things, and a simplicity of
intercourse arising from and coloured by religion, such as this country now can
never enjoy I
July 6th. — St. Giles's Rectory. Elected this morning for the fourth time as
County Member without trouble and without expense.
In his speech to the electors of the county of Dorset, Lord Ashley reviewed
the political history of the last ten years ; the period since he first represented
them in Parliament. The Corn Laws naturally furnished him with his prin
cipal subject. In the course of his remarks he said, " If the price of corn be
low it will pauperise the producer ; if the price of corn be high it will oppress
the consumer, and thus you will have this constant and happy alternation, at
one time stripping the farmer, at another time starving the people. I am
anxious for the due maintenance and proper remuneration of the honest
industry of this realm, and will never consent to any arrangement whatsoever
that will abate by one farthing the wages of labour either in the county of
Dorset, or in the town of Manchester. . . . This leads me to that which has
been held out as a great boon — the cry of " Cheap bread." I hold that that cry
is both absurd and wicked. It tells but half of the truth, and mystifies the
other. Many things may be exceedingly cheap, but at the same time wholly
unattainable. Let them add the other half of the story, low wages, and then
you have the whole truth. And I beg you to recollect the budget of the
itinerant philosophical Irishman, who entered a shop in one of the streets of
London to inquire the price of eggs, and was informed " two for sixpence."
He roplied that in the county of Mayo, whence he had come, he could procure
a dozen for the same money. " Then why did you not stay in Mayo P " was
the question then put to him. " Arrah ! " says he, " because I could not get
the sixpence to buy them with ! "
In the latter half of his speech he brought an exhaustive indictment
against the Government in a series of charges, launched with tremendous
vigour, and each justifying the vote of " No confidence."
July 12th. — Sat next to Peel at dinner last Saturday. What possesses that
man? It was the neighbourhood of an iceberg with a slight thaw on the surface.
* Capt. Hon. Henry Rous, Member for Westminster, afterwards well known as
Admiral Rous, the great authority and arbiter in all Turf matters, but always most dis
tinguished for his integrity and honour amid somewhat doubtful surroundings.

184 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. IX.
We have triumphed in the W. Riding ! This is indeed a marvellous work, and
calls loudly for our humblest and heartiest thanks.
July 13th. — Called on Oastler to-day in the Fleet Prison. I broke off from
him when he became ungovernably violent, and dealt in language and advice
which must have issued in fire and bloodshed. Years have now elapsed ; his fury
has subsided, and his services must not be forgotten. No man has finer talents
or a warmer heart ; his feelings are too powerful for control, and he has often
been outrageous, because he knew that his principles were just. The factory
children, and all the operatives, owe him an immense debt of gratitude. It is
difficult to assign him his due portion of all the service that was rendered in the
beginning of this mighty question. His employer, Mr. Thornhill, has used him
infamously. I had intended to call on him a few weeks ago ; but, on reflection,
I delayed my visit until after the elections, lest I should be suspected of an
interested motive— of a desire to obtain his influence in the W. Riding. . . .
The result of the General Election was a gain to the Tories greater than
the most sanguine had anticipated, the lists showing 368 Tories to 292
Liberals. July 24th. — Shortly will begin a new Administration, and God grant it may
open new hopes and new principles. . . . The country has no real confidence
in Peel ; they have attempted this great experiment under a sense of duty, and
many in a spirit of prayer ; but they do not disguise from themselves the awful
probability that it may not please God to render Peel an instrument of good to
this nation.
They fear his love of expediency, his perpetual egoistry, his dread of an im
movable principle, his delight in the praise of men. I confess they have much
and sad truth on their side. I cannot see in him those great qualities which the
present times peculiarly require — we need mighty virtues far more than mighty
talents. He has abundance of human honesty, and not much of Divine faith ;
he will never do a dishonourable thing, he will be ashamed of doing a religious
one ; he will tolerate no jobs to win votes, he will submit to no obloquy to please
God ; a well-turned phrase of compliment, and eulogy from John Russell or
Macaulay, will attract him more than " Hast thou considered my servant
Job?" . . .
Wrote to -him urgently and solemnly on the future conduct of his Govern
ment, and more especially on the danger of Puseyism. The more I reflect the
more I thank God that I have written. For the country's sake, and for his
own, I must ever feel the deepest interest in his public success and personal
welfare. July 28th. — London. Came up for a few hours from Panshanger. Her
Majesty was there.
The letter referred to above was as follows : —
Lord Ashley to Sir Robert Peel.
Broadstairs, July 2ith, 1841.
My dear Sir Robert, — -I have ventured, during the last twelve months,
to write to you with intimacy and confidence on two or three subjects. I

1841,1 LETTER TO SIR ROBERT PEEL. 185
snail do so once more, and only once more, because a limit must be put to such
interferences ; nor would I have done so now, had I not felt that immense
interests were involved in what, as it appears to me, is a right understanding
of certain questions which will shortly come before you. We have obtained,
by God's blessing, a most signal victory in the elections, the issue of which
will, to all human probability, be your elevation to the Government of these
kingdoms. I will not presume to talk of duties and responsibilities ; few men
can either know them or feel them more intensely than yourself ; but I will
tell you the very general language of many persons among the clergy, the
middle classes, and the operatives — persons who may be fairly considered to
represent the opinions of a vast portion of those classes.
My habits and pursuits have, of late years, brought me much into contact
with a great variety of individuals and orders ; they speak to me without reserve,
and treat me with the intimacy of a friend. Now this is the sum and substance
of their statements to me, and almost the very form of words universally
adopted : " We have made immense efforts during the last few years to reject
the present Ministers, but Sir Robert Peel and the Conservatives must not
think that we have done so for him and their party — we have no more pre
ference for them than for Lord John Russell and the Whigs ; we look to the
assertion and execution of great principles, and the maintenance of great
interests ; should we be disappointed, we shall become as hostile as we have
hitherto been friendly."
But the Church will present more serious difficulties, and I fear more awful
dangers, than any other matter of Government. There are now, within its
bosom, two parties, divided against each other on principles irreconcilable,
heart-stirring, and vital. The party denominated the Puseyites are strong in
number, possess character and learning, but are confined chiefly to the clergy.
Their opponents are the majority, but do not enjoy the advantage of being
concentrated in an university ; they have more piety, and less reading, but carry
with them the great body of the laity. These parties regard one another with
the greatest dislike and suspicion. The Puseyites consider their opponents as
little better than Dissenters ; the others look upon the Puseyites as inchoate
Papists. You may estimate the feelings of each by the character of the
opinions he holds of his antagonists. The Puseyites assert that the Evangelicals
depreciate the authority of the Church and the Fathers ; the Evangelicals
maintain that the Puseyites prefer it to the Bible. My purpose, however, is
simply to point out to you (and I do it with the most conscious sense of the
perils to which the whole Church may be exposed) the consequences that must
flow from the elevation, to high ecclesiastical offices, of persons distinguished
for the new opinions. The Church will be shaken by violent commotions.
The Low Church, as they are called, will believe, and will preach too, that
Popery is encouraged and promoted. The prodigious zeal they have manifested
against the present Ministers will re-act upon you. I say not that your
Government can never withstand such an onset as that, but I do say that our
Establishment will be destroyed.
I will not disguise from you my own belief that many of that party are
actually Romanists in creed, and will declare themselves to be such when
ever conscience gets the better of Jesuistry ; that they are enemies to the

186 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. IX.
Reformation (God's best gift to this country) is proved by their hostility to
its doctrines, and their reviling of its martyrs ; that they are half-hearted to
the Constitution is shown when they pervert into rebellion the Revolution of
1688, whitewashing James, and blackening King William.
Pray, during the short leisure you may enjoy before the meeting of Parlia
ment, just look at the work I have sent you. It is by an impartial hand, a
good man, and a Bishop of the Protestant Church in the United States ; a
person, therefore, disconnected from our party-strifes and ecclesiastical divisions.
His treatise will show you how far the Oxford Theologians have departed
from the Anglican, and how closely they have approached to the Roman Church.
You are now about to be summoned to the highest and most responsible
of all earthly situations. No crowned head has a tenth part of the dignity
and moral power that accompany the Prime Minister of the Sovereign of these
realms ; it will place you at the head, if you choose to assume it, of the poli
tical and religions movements of the whole world. No statesman will ever
have acceded to office with so many and so fervent prayers to the throne
cf grace. My firm belief is that thousands and tens of thousands have daily
poured forth the most heartfelt devotions that you might become an instru
ment in the hands of Almighty God, for the advancement and glory of His
Church, the welfare of this people, and of all mankind. In these days of
specionsness, of peril, and of perplexity, there is nothing to guide you through
the false shoals on every side of your course but a vigorous and dauntless
faith which, utterly disregarding the praise of men, and having a single eye
to the glory of God, shall seek none but that which comes from Him
only. . . .
Though your lot be cast in times of novel difficulties and unprecedented
dangers, in times to produce events which will throw all the past into a
shade, they believe that, while your conflict may be tremendous, your reward
will be ample. If the piety of your supporters can be of any avail (and we
know from Scripture that it is), you will be sustained by the prayers of a
noble company, many unknown to you and to me, and perhaps to any but
God and their own hearts, who will " wish you good luck in the name of the
Lord." And for myself, let me say that, whether you shall be destined, in
God's wisdom, to success or to defeat, to power or to retirement, I shall ever
desire your real honour and your real happiness, both in time and in eternity.
Believe me, &c. &c,
P.S. — Do not answer this letter. Ashley.
Having determined to watch the working of the Factory Act in all
its bearings, and being especially anxious to elicit the opinion of the
operatives, and to observe the effect of the Act as regarded themselves,
Lord Ashley seized the first opportunity that presented itself, and set off
into Lancashire on a tour of inspection.
August 2nd. — Manchester. Came here on a factory tour to see the latest
improvements (I) in machinery. Went to a meeting of operatives and talked
to them ; poor fellows, the times are heavy, and their position is most dis
tressing, nor can I foresee any possibility of amendment for them ; the Ten

1S'U-) THE VALUE OP LAW. 187
Hours Bill would come too late for all the practical purposes we once pre
dicted ; the evil unchecked has attained so fearful a height that human legis
lation is mere verbiage. The meeting went off very well. I expressed sympathy
and friendship — it soothed their spirits, and somewhat lightened the burthen
by an apparent sharing of it. The clergy here, as usual, are cowed by capital
and power. I find none who " cry aloud and spare not ; " but so it is every
where. Two more clergy, I am happy to say, in other parts, have offered me
assistance, Mr. Sparks Byers and Archdeacon WUberforce ; Mr. Byers has been
singularly active and friendly.
August 6th. — Leeds. Convened meetings at Bolton, Ashton, Huddersfield.
and Leeds ; success went on increasing, and each reception was more hearty
and affectionate than the last. What a sin it is to be ignorant of the sterling
value and merit of these poor men ! A few words of kindness are as effectual
with them as a force of fifty thousand soldiers on a French population. Never
have I met with such respect and affection as on this journey. I see and feel
the truth of Oastler's observation, " they are neither infidels nor Jacobins ;
they love the Monarchy and they love religion." It is most correct, though they
have been denied the blessings of the one, and excluded from the benefits of
the other. 0 God, the God of all righteousness, mercy, and love, give us all
grace and strength to conceive and execute whatever may be for Thine honour
and their welfare, that we may become at the last, through the merits and
intercession of our common Redeemer, a great and a happy, because a wise
and understanding, people.
In a speech at Leeds, Lord Ashley instanced the case of a young woman
in a mill at Stockport, who had been caught by the machinery, whirled round,
and dashed to the ground, with limbs broken and body mutilated. Her
employers deducted eighteenpence from her wages for the unexpired portion
of the week since the accident happened ! In illustration of the thoroughness
of the manner in which Lord Ashley worked on behalf of the operatives, the
sequel to the story may be told here. He prosecuted the mill-owners, with
the result that they had to pay £100 damages to the girl, and expenses on
both sides, amounting to £600. The expenditure of a few shillings in the
first instance, in properly boxing off the machinery, would have saved this
loss to the mill-owners and the more terrible loss to the injured girl. It was
thus that he impressed on the minds of the operatives the value of law, and
proved to them that it was not necessarily opposed to the interests of the
working classes.
August 16th. — Broadstairs. Passed a few days happily with my wife and
kids. A letter from Peel in answer. He is civil and even kind, but says nothing
to inspire confidence, and he dislikes Puseyites because they have abused him in
the British Critic, not because of their political and religious opinions.
Sir Robert Peel to Lord Ashley.
Drayton Manor, Aug. 1st, 1841.
My dear Ashley, — You never need make the slightest apology for communi-
¦jating to me, in the most frank and unreserved manner, your own opinions upon
public matters, or information you may receive as to the opinions of others.

188 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. IX.
The books you mentioned have safely reached me, and they have already
received some attention from me. If you will read a late article in the British
Critic, you will find that I do not stand very high in the estimation of the
Puseyites. I hope I am doing that party an injustice in supposing that they
would countenance such spiteful and malevolent feelings, concealed under the
thin garb of superior piety, as that article exhibits. Still, I suppose the British
Critic is a Puseyite organ.
I have no doubt you state correctly both the extent and the bitterness of the
feud which is raging in the Church. It is fit and right that men should adhere
steadfastly to sincere religious opinions, and should enforce and maintain them
with all the ability and strength of argument they can command ; but it fre
quently happens that these zealous controversialists on religious matters leave,
on the mind of their readers, one conviction stronger than any other, namely,
that Christian charity is consumed in their burning zeal for their own opinions.
I have read some controversies of late which have made me rejoice that the
parties to them have no other power over their neighbour than to abuse and
defame him. Ever most faithfully yours, Robert Peel.
August 27th. — Fresh difficulties beset my path. The master-spinners have
held a meeting in Manchester, and have resolved to oppose any Bill that I can
bring in. This determines much of my course. I knew what I should do
before ; I now can guess what Peel will do : he will succumb to the capitalists
and reject my Factory Bill. No human power, therefore, shall induce me to
accept office. I am bound by every obligation, human and Divine, not to allow
myself to be placed in any situation where I may not be equally, if not better,
circumstanced to advance these great interests. My part is resolved. If Peel
oppose me, nay, even if he does not support me, I will surrender interest and
ambition to the cause ; I will persevere in it, God helping me, through storm and
sunshine ; I will commit all to Christ, and, trusting in Him, I shall never be
confounded. An incident in connection with the appointments of tho new Ministry will
be read with peculiar interest, told as it is, in the Diary, with vivid minute
ness, and with all the warmth and fervour of the moment at which it
occurred. In offering an appointment to Lord Ashley, it was evidently the desire of
Sir Robert Peel to place him in some sinecure office where he would be kept
quiet; and his "high morality" was made the pretext for requiring his
services in the Royal Household. The Factory Question was now one of the
burning questions of the day. It had materially influenced the past elections,
and it was gathering around it forces which threatened to become increasingly
formidable. To silence the leader of the movement, by luring him to accept
an office in which it would be impossible for him to carry on a great political
agitation, was a stroke of policy worth any effort. It was a grave mistake,
however, to offer an inferior post. No doubt it was the intention of Sir
Robert Peel, in the event of the offer being declined, to press upon him a

1841-1 peel's appointments. 189
higher and more congenial appointment ; but that intention was frustrated by
the reception given to his first proposal. Lord Ashley's pride was naturally
wounded. He had a right to expect a more adequate appreciation of his
services to his country ; he could not regard the offer as other than an insult
to the position he had taken in great national questions, and to the causes he
represented. Sir Robert Peel did not know the man with whom he had to deal. He
was incapable of realising the high and generous motives of one who, for the
sake of the poor, and the wretched, and the oppressed, was ready to sacrifice
position and emolument, and close upon himseK the gates leading to political
power — through which the majority of men are only too eager to pass at all
hazards. Lord Ashley, on the other hand, saw through the man with whom he had
to deal ; perceived the speciousness of his arguments, and the injury any
compliance with them would do to the cause he had so warmly at heart, and
at once resolved upon the course of action he would pursue. He determined
that he would not accept any office, of any kind, under any conditions which
would interfere with his perfect freedom to act in the interests of the factory
operatives. To the resolution taken on this occasion he was faithful throughout his
life. In 1845 Sir Robert Peel urged him with great persistency to accept a
place in the Cabinet, but he again declined. Under different Administra
tions, and from opposite sides, he was urged to take office ; but his resolution
was fixed and unalterable. " There are still 1,600,000 operatives," was his
reply to Lord Derby, as late as 1866, " excluded from the benefits of the
Factory Acts ; until they are brought under the protection of the law, I
cannot take office."
August 30th. — Peel sent for me this morning ; and having put into my hands
an order from the Queen to attend her at Windsor, desired my advice, " Who
shall be Lord Steward, who Lord Chamberlain ? Shall I propose Lord Liverpool
for the Stewardship ? " . . . He then opened his budget, as I had anticipated,
and proposed that I should accept an office in the Household. He re-stated his
arguments of 1839. I told him the case was altered ; the Court was no longer
the same, tbe Queen was two years older, had a child, and a husband to take care
of her. I added, moreover, ' You misunderstand the Court ; a man, however high
his rank in social life, is placed according to his official position ; the Queen
cannot, consistently with etiquette, admit one in a subordinate station to inti"
macy and confidence ; she would speak to me as Treasurer, only in the language
of authority.' . . . He asked me •' what he should say to the Queen if she
proposed my name ; " we agreed he should say, " he would confer with me on the
point." I then requested two minutes, in which I expressed to him most em
phatically all that I had put down in my entry of the 27th. I told him I had
intentionally compromised myself, and that while I was ready to serve him as
shoe-black for the interests of a Conservative Government, I would not abate my
principles by the breadth of a hair. This was indispensable even to the discussion
on taking office. He said he did not know the present position of the Factory

190 THE EARL 6P SHAFTESBURY. tCHAP. IX
Question. I told him. " I can talk to you about it another time," he said, and
dismissed me coldly. There is not a shadow of reason for desiring me to take an
appointment at tbe Court ; the truth is that he thinks me too full of my own
opinions and principles, too ready to act on my own judgment and conscience,
and likely, in consequence, to be independent, and therefore troublesome in office
— thus he will not appoint me to a situation of power ; he can hardly replace me
in the Admiralty, because I have a right to promotion : he finds, therefore, a sort
of reason for putting me out of the way into the Palace. I was much struck that
he did not, as in 1839, apologise to me for making such an offer, nor did he say
anything about its being unworthy of me.
August 31st. — The Queen at least has said nothing about me, for Peel has re
turned from Windsor, and has not sent for me — thus another excuse is cut
from him. . . .
This majority of ninety-one* has infused much confidence, more perhaps than
will prove advantageous. In 1834, when he proffered me an office, and I begged
him to think of men who would take offence if omitted, " My object," said he,
" is to win the confidence of the country by my appointments ; it is to persons of
your character that I look." When in 1839 I pleaded the Factory Question as a
bar to my acceptance of place, he absolutely (I now see his manner, and hear his
voice) " pooh-poohed " it as a, thing as easy to be adopted by him as a breath .of
wind. In both these cases fie had no majority, and was desirous of getting one.
He is now successful, and is proportionally indifferent and frigid.
Sept. 1st. — We were encouraged to propound and maintain sturdy principles
in Opposition, whether aggressive or defensive. We are now told "not to be
extreme ; " " Every man must not run his own hare ; " "We must concede part of
our principles to preserve the remainder," and such-like time-serving balderdash.
Peel, to be sure, has always avoided any principles at all, he has thriven on the
generous " imprudence " of his supporters. Thus it is on all sides ; there are two
sorts of truth, both of them convenient, according to circumstances — one for Oppo
sition, one for Government 1 I detest this "public morality." I cannot but feel
indignation when I remember the cool, careless way in which Peel endeavoured
to shelve me on the establishment of the Palace — not an apology, not a regret,
not a civil word ! He said, to gild the pill, that he wanted my advice, and then
asked it on one point where, it was clear, he had already made up his mind. It
would have been far more becoming, and even more kind, to have left me un
noticed altogether.
The period of suspense and anxiety was, happily, short. On the 2nd of
September, Lord Ashley called upon Sir Robert Peel at mid-day in com
pliance with his request.
Sept. 3rd. ... I did not go without hearty prayer to God for a right
judgment in all things, and strength of mind to act in accordance with it ;
above all, that I might come to that decision which might most conduce to
the glory of God and the real welfare of mankind. Saw him ; he renewed his
proposition, totally disregarding, and treating as unworthy. of mention, my

Address.

The majority against the Melbourne Ministry after three nights' debate on the

1§41'1 INTERVIEW WITH SIR ROBERT PEEL. 191
difficulties on the score of the Factory Bill. He urged the Queen's desires
and the Queen's wishes, &c, admitting, however, that his reception had been
gracious. I re-stated the obstacles : he observed that this limitation of the
hours of labour would require the deliberations of several Cabinets, as a great
Ministerial measure. I told him the question was not a novel one ; it had
been frequently discussed in the House of Commons during the last ten years ;
if further inquiry were necessary for others, it could not be so for me ; it
had excited the sympathies and interests of many thousands in the country,
and had, in fact, carried the West Riding, and other places, at the General
Election. He was extremely urgent, seemed much distressed, talked of my
unblemished reputation, &c, the necessity of having such ones about the
Court. I said, " Consider my position ; I have, during ten years, enforced these
principles ; I have told the Government (being in strong Opposition) that they
did not know the rights and interests of the working classes, that they were
indifferent to their welfare, and were ignorant of the wants of human nature ;
that the question was vital, and concerned the permanency of the social edifice :
that I would never allow it to be tainted by party ; that I should push it
under all circumstances, whoever might be the Leader of the House of
Commons, and whichever the party in power. I have spoken and acted in
this spirit ; and can I now, because my friends hold office, either withdraw or
modify the principles I have declared to be sacred ? Did I do so, I should,
first, be deprived of all those requisites, moral character, &c, to which you
attach so high a value ; and, secondly, I should be rendered incapable of accom
plishing the purpose for which alone you desire my adhesion."
He proposed various middle courses, all of which I rejected as useless to
him and injurious to myself. He thought I might take office, reserving to
myself the right, as he said, " of entering into some other arrangements with
out any general disturbance," and thus resuming my power to urge the ques
tion. " It cannot," he observed, " become a subject of discussion before the
spring." "I should, by so doing,'' I replied, "convey an universal impression
that you were favourable to my views ; and let me observe that it would be
far less injurious were I to decline office now, saying that your minds were
undetermined — and I could not consent to shackle my free action by joining
a doubtful Government — -than to remain with you four months, and then
declare that, on experience, I found you so hostile to the working classes, that
I could not go on with you. A resignation demands stronger reasons than a
non-junction. Besides, to take office in the belief that I shall vacate it in
four months would be held puerile, and perhaps deceptive." I was bound,
moreover, by the words, the calculated words, of my letter to Crabtree, " not
to place myself in any situation where I should not be as free as air to
maintain and advance the interests of this great question." " During the
four months of interval, I must remain quiet ; I could not, as a member of
the Government, marshal forces, collect evidence, gather materials for an
explosion in the House of Commons." " You could not," he said, " have any
open agitation." All this I urged in reply to an argument that there
was a wide difference between an office in the Household and a political
appointment. Goulburn then ' came in, and Peel desired me to discuss the
question with him. I agreed to do so. . . . Peel then came back and

192 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. IX.
begged me to speak to Graham, submit the matter to other men, &c, all of
which I promised, because, although L was ' resolred , it seemed delicate and
kind so to do. " Mark you," I said, " a change of conduct would involve a
total ruin of character — this, perhaps, would hurt no one but myself with
reference to the individual, but it does so happen that I am, at this moment,
no doubt unworthily, the representative of the whole aristocracy in respect of
the operatives — should I deceive them, they will never henceforward believe
that there exists a single man of station or fortune who is worthy to be
trusted." I retired, and stated the case to Henry Corry, Lincoln,* and Jowett
— all declared the necessity of my alliance with the Government ; Lincoln
alone hoped that a middle course might be found, but he could not devise one.
I sent for Seeley, who was very decided. I shall ever keep his letter as full
and satisfactory.
Wrote a decided negative to Peel, and sent it at eight o'clock this morning
with Seeley's letter.
Notwithstanding this decided negative, Sir Robert Peel, within a few
hours, again sent for Lord Ashley, desiring his presence in Whitehall.
Went there, dreading a revival of the conflict and all the distressing circum
stances of our late interview — had been miserable for hours and continued so — I
was somewhat angry too, recollecting how urgent he had been to overpower my
conscience by entreaty, and determined, if that were renewed, to cut the matter
short. Told me he had heard again from the Queen, who desired to know
whether I were to be about the Court ; I repeated my objections ; urged that I
could have no object in public life but to obtain a good Conservative Govern
ment. . . . We were silent for a few minutes. I then said, " You will some
day see and confess the service I have been able to render ; the country has re
sisted all agitation on the Com Laws ; I had agents in Lancashire and Yorkshire
before the elections, and during the elections there was the greatest tranquillity ¦
depend upon it, I had a material influence over the return of the West Riding,
and I know that I have conciliated thousands of hearts to our blessed Constitu
tion." " Oh ! this I fully and freely admit," was the reply. " Well, then," he
continued, " I still hope some means may be found for bringing us together, and
that at no distant period, when we come to look into matters, and examine
individual cases (I hardly understood the expression), we may find a, way." I
fully concurred, having concluded that he meant to investigate the question with
a strong bias to concede it. Be it so — much, I fear, of the grace and popularity
will be gone. He then rose and said, " I suppose I must convey a negative to the
Queen." " A solemn principle," I answered, " and a deep feeling of conscience,
stand between me and my acceptance of office." He was very kind in his man.
ner. and, having shaken my hand very warmly, " I have never," he said, '• in
the whole of my public life, experienced half so much pain as in your refusal
of office ; " he then left me.
I forgot to mention that on the second day, towards the close of the interview,
Peel said, " If I believed you preferred civil office, I should, of course, make
* Afterwards Duke of Newcastle.

1S41-1 OFFER OP AN APPOINTMENT DECLINED. 193
arrangements to that end." This was very well after I had declared an objection
in principle to the acceptance of office at all I
Now it is clear that he wanted my name, and notliing but my name. Had ho
desired anything else, he would never have pressed on me a department in which
I could exhibit nothing good but my legs in white shorts ; every day of such
tenure throwing me more and more out of the way of political occupation. So
long as he thought I was persuadable he stuck to the Treasurership ; when he
saw I was obstinate he purchased a little power of flourish, by appearing to pro
pose what, it was evident, I could not accept.
I have been fourteen years in Parliament, twice in office ; in both cases I have
won, thank God, esteem and honour ; I have taken part in many debates, I have
proposed great questions, I have been mixed up with the most important under
takings of the day, and been prominent in all ; vast numbers are good enough to
have confidence in my principles and character ; no one questions the great
services I have rendered to the Conservative cause, and all this was to be hence
forward employed in ordering dinners and carrying a white wand ! ! The thing
was a plain, cruel, unnecessary insult. Here is an additional proof. When I
urged, in the first interview, the needlessness of my appointment, the Queen
being now in the position of a matron, " Yes, but," said he, " it would be desirable
to exhibit a ' liigh morality ; ' still," he continued, " we should display a contrast
to the bad appointments of the late Administration at Court." Now, what has
taken place ? I was to be cajoled and persuaded to sacrifice my public honesty,
and lower myself by taking an inferior place, on the ground that my morality
was necessary to please the country and facilitate his Government ! He had
already, I now hear, offered the situation of Vice-Chamberlain to Lord ....
(the hero of Madame Grisi), who had remarked himself, "Thank God my
character is too bad for a Household place ! I " Morality, therefore, was not the
reason for putting me at Court. . , , ,
I hear now that I was discussed for a variety of offices — Secretaryship for
Ireland, &c. — but Peel thought me " impracticable,'' which means, in other
words, that I had an opinion and principles of my own.
This is a melancholy issue with which to begin a Government after ten
years of Opposition — we break down in a, day the favour and popularity we
have been slowly accumulating during many years, and it can never be fully
and freely recovered. Should Peel concede the question (a bold hypothesis),
the honour will come to me alone, and not, as I desire, to Conservative rule
and Conservative principle. My exertions must be directed now to retain and
increase the influence I possess, in the hope that I may be enabled to transfer it all,
under happier circumstances, to the cause of paternal and constitutional govern
ment. . . . Thus the decisive step is taken, and I have chosen that course
which will exclude me, perhaps for ever, from a share in the official government
of this kingdom. I foresaw and forechose this issue. But a man is not his
own ; he must do his duty and give his whole self to whatsoever it may please
God to assign him. There are paths of profit and honour ; there are paths of
"no gain" and humility — that one alone must be followed where God is "a
lifht and a lantern unto our feet." In this spirit I addressed the operatives
before the dissolution, knowing that, while I warmed and encouraged their
' hearts, and stirred them up to support the Conservative candidates (especially

194 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. IX.
in the West Riding), I was shutting the door of power against my own entrance.
In this spirit I made my tour in the Factory districts, and have exhibited thereby
the moral impossibility of a retreat from my opinions. I shall reap the fruit
of this decision. All who have any respect for principle will approve my
conduct ; and I shall be still able tp bring to the aid of the Conservative party,
all the weight and influence (perhaps greatly increased) that I ever possessed.
Alas, how men in general treat great principles as means, and not as ends.
They regard my Factory Question as the road to notoriety and influence, but
the accomplishment of the mighty moral and social benefits it involves can
wait for " a more convenient season." Perish such time-serving I
The step that Lord Ashley had taken met with the highest praise from
those who were most interested in his career. Commendations came in
from all quarters, and he says, " My pen would blush were I to detail the
lofty, glowing, grateful praises I have received."
Sept. 6th. — Wrote on Saturday to Crabtree and Turner, stating the case for
the information of the Operatives. I must do all that I can, and have a right
to do, to mitigate the unpopularity. We must uphold the Conservative Govern
ment, for, although it be not good, another would be terrible.
Lord Ashley's letter to Mr. Crabtree, the Secretary of the Yorkshire
Central Short-time Committee, was as follows : — London, Sept. 4, 1841.
Mr. Crabtree, — In answer to your inquiry, on behalf of the Operatives of
the West Riding of Yorkshire, I have to reply that an office was tendered to me
by Sir Robert Peel. Having, however, ascertained from him that his opinions
on the Factory Question were not matured, and that he required further time
for deliberation, I declined the acceptance of any place, under circumstances
which would impede, or even limit, my full and free action in the advancement
of that measure which I consider to be vital both to the welfare of the working
classes and the real interests of the country.
In taking this course, however, I neither express nor feel despair. It will be
your duty and mine, not only to persevere, but to redouble our efforts ; and I will
still entertain a hope that Her Majesty's advisers, after an investigation con
ducted with sympathy and candour, will, under God's good Providence, give
to us all an answer of happiness and peace.
I remain, Your most obedient, humble servant,
Ashley.
Mr. Mark Crabtree,
Bradford, Yorkshire.
In commenting upon this letter, Mr. Philip Grant, in his " History of
Factory Legislation," says : — " The sacrifice thus made can only be appre
ciated by those who best understood the pecuniary position of this noble-
minded man. He had at that time a large and increasing family, with an

184l-l the Peel ministry. 195
income not equal to many of our merchants' and bankers' servants, and
a position, as the future representative of an ancient and aristocratic
family, to maintain. By this step, political power, patronage, social ties,
family comforts, nay, everything that was calculated to forward the ease
and comfort of himself, and in some degree of his family, were laid down
at the feet of the Factory children of these districts, and freely given up
for the sake of the sacred cause of which he had become the leader."
Sept. 7th. — Peel again desired to see me. It was to urge the acceptance of an
office in Prince Albert's Household. I declined it, as involving the same prin
ciple as the other, yet without touching the question whether I would take any
"Household appointment" at all. Prince Albert had offered it himself as a
middle-term. Sept. 9th. — -Another interview with Peel. Albert desired a Peer for his House-
nold, but to "secure such a man as Lord Ashley" (these are his words) "he
would willingly take a Commoner." I felt the whole force of his kind expres
sions, but stuck to my decision. Peel admitted that in principle all these
appointments were the same.
Sept. 11th. — Broadlands. Arrived here yesterday by railway ; very incon
venient to come, but I could not refuse, lest a thought should cross Palmerston's
mind that, had he still been in office, I should eagerly have visited him for the
news and gossip, or the Jewish business. My letter to the Operatives has been
very successful. It has had in Bradford a soothing effect ; it has abated the fall
without saving Peel's popularity — he never will be a popular Minister. The
Ministry is now complete. On a revision of my course, I feel more and more
assured that I have been led to a right judgment. I feel -a, real solid peace
and internal satisfaction. God be praised, the good I have rendered to the
Conservative cause must be measured by the evil I should have done had I
abandoned my professions. ... I want not office. I will run, by God's
help, the course I have begun, steering clear between right-hand defections
and left-hand fallings off. My finances are low, very low, but I and mine have
yet, blessed be His name, the barrel of meal and the cruse of oil.
The Peel Ministry was apparently strong, and came into power with
every hopeful prospect. It included Lord. Lyndhurst as Lord Chancellor ;
Lord Wharncliffe, President of the Council; Sir James Graham, Home
Secretary; Lord Aberdeen at the Foreign Office; Lord Stanley, Colonial
Secretary. The Duke of Wellington was Leader in the House of Lords,
without office.
Sept. 17th. ... A request from Peel, in a most complimentary letter, to
insert my name in the Ecclesiastical Commission. This, of course, I accede to, as
it brings no salary and no official restraint.
After these episodes we find Lord Ashley again in the midst of the work
nearest his heart.
Sept. 27th. — What a perambulation have I taken to-day in company with Dr.
Southwood Smith I What scenes of filth, discomfort, disease I What scenes of
N 2

196 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. IX
moral and mental ill ! Perambulated many parts of Whitechapel and Bethnal
Green, to see, with my own eyes, the suffering and degradation which unwhole
some residences inflict on the poorer classes. No pen nor paint-brush could
describe the thing as it is. One whiff of Cowyard, Blue Anchor, or Baker's
Court, outweighs ten pages of letterpress.
And yet the remedial Bills for ventilation, drainage, and future construction
of the houses of the poor, brought in carefully and anxiously by the late Govern
ment, are not to be adopted by this ! so I was informed this evening, and I
blessed God that I formed no part of it.
Sept. 28th. — Windsor Castle. The Queen very kind and amiable. Evelyn
and Maurice with us — Sir R. and Lady Peel, Lincoln, Lord Aberdeen, and St.
Aulaire. . . .
Oct. 5th. — Sat to-day, for the first time, on the Ecclesiastical Commission. I
see clearly I shall not like it. ... I have just heard from Jowett that Bick
ersteth has undergone a slight seizure of something akin to paralysis — may God
in His goodness be pleased to spare and restore this " master in Israel." I know
nothing that would give me greater pain, scarcely anything that I should con
sider a heavier loss to myself as a friend, to evangelical religion, and the Jews,
than his incapacity or removal — the prayers of individuals and of the Church
should be offered up for him. Nevertheless if it be the will of our All- wise and
All-good Father to put out so great a light, we must submit in faith, and be
thankful that we have possessed him so long.
Oct. 7th. — In yesterday's Chronicle, Normanby appears as having stated in the
House of Lords that he should consign the drainage and ventilation Bills to me
as " an independent member." Received a letter from him this morning to say
that he had presumed to do so on the strength of my interest in them, the
Government being unwilling to adopt the measures. I replied that " I would
readily undertake both labour and anxiety for so good a cause, and that I was,
moreover, bound to oblige him in return for his kindness in the Chimney
Sweepers' Bill, and the Infant Commission." Had a sad and shocking walk
yesterday in Bethnal Green. What are we made of in this world ! A very
little trouble, and a very little money, would place thousands in health and
comfort. Oct. 9th. — Found a new ally in the Factory cause. The author of the " History
of the Peninsular War," Colonel Napier, has addressed to me some " observations."
I am happy to record the alliance of another clergyman — the Rev. Henry
Christinas called on me to offer the free use of the Church of England Magazine ;
— he expressed great sympathy and interest. God be praised ! I need every
help. The Duke of Buckingham friendly to the utmost extent.

Colonel Napier to Lord Ashley. Bath, Oct. m, 1841.
My Lord, — I had not desired Mr. Boone to send your Lordship one of my
pamphlets on the Corn Laws, nor was I aware that he had done so until I
received your letter.
Not having the honour of your acquaintance, I should not have presumed to
force upon your attention, privately, my opinions or compliments, but I felt

1S41-1 FREDERICK WILLIAM IV., KING OF PRUSSIA. 197
bound, as a public man, to express my profound esteem for the only politician
known to me who looked upon the working classes and their sufferings with the
feelings of a man, and as something to be attended to without reference to their
value as a subject of partisan politics. I do not mean to say that I know of no
other public man who does not feel for them, but you are the only one who has
made that generous feeling- paramount, and rendered your party views and
personal ambition subservient to your benevolence.
I feel very much obliged to you for your speech and for the narrative of
William Dodd. I am not much in the habit of reading these accounts of the
horrors of the factory system ; I know they must be great from reasoning, and
I have seen them also, and hence, having made up my mind as to the facts, I
have endeavoured to avoid the contemplation of them in detail, lest they should
drive me into extravagance of thought and language.
I am not, from ill-health and the cares of a very large family, able to
throw myself, as I could wish, into this struggle for a redress of these direful
ills ; but I will, as far as I can, be always ready to aid your Lordship with my
whole ability, in your efforts in such a cause as that of ameliorating the condition
of the working classes of England, and your Lordship may rest assured that you
will by your efforts do more than any other public man has done, or is likely to
do, in preventing the convulsion which must inevitably result from unendurable
sufferings uncared for and unattended to.
I remain, my Lord, with the utmost esteem,
Your obedient servant, W. Napier.
The year 1841 was memorable for an event which excited an intense
enthusiasm among- all sections of religious society throughout the countiy,
and will always remain a subject of interest, inasmuch as it " brought to a
test the principles which determined tho action of each of the several schools
of thought in the countiy" — namely, the establishment of an Anglican
Bishopric in Jerusalem.
By the treaty of July 13th, 1841, signed in London, Palestine was
declared to be entirely and solely under the suzerainty of Turkey, and this
circumstance directed the attention of Christians in Europe to their fellow-
Christians in the Land of Promise, especially at Jerusalem. No one felt a
keener interest in the situation than Frederick William IV., King of Prussia,
the brother of the present German Emperor. From childhood he had
cherished the idea of ameliorating the condition of Christians in the Holy
Land, and the fact of public concern in the question having been aroused, so
soon after his accession to the throne, on the 7th June, 1840, seemed to him
to be a " special providence." He determined, therefore, to take advantage
of the terms of the Treaty, to procure for the Evangelical Churches, for all
future time, the same legal recognition in Turkey which the Greek and Latin
Churches had long previously enjoyed. His design was to endeavour to raise
the position of Christians in the East, and otherwise to benefit the Holy
Land. This idea, he felt, was " capable of general extension, not merely as a
Prussian, but as a German question ; and again, not merely as a G erman, but

198 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. IX.
a general Protestant question, when viewed in its connection with the entire
Protestant Church."
It was believed that as the most important political rights were connected
with such recognition of independent ecclesiastical existence, enormous bene
fits would accrue, "particularly as, independently of the increased impulse
arising from scientific research and ecclesiastical interest, the growing inter
course of the nations would necessarily, for the future, lead thither Protestant
Christians in greater number than hitherto, and possibly, on account of the
political rights acquired, give rise there to colonies of importance."
Having decided in his own mind that Jerusalem — the historical centre of
Judaism and Christianity — was the place to exhibit the true unity and
Catholicity of the Church of Christ, varying no doubt in form, but of one
common origin, the first steps of the King were directed to ascertain what
establishments were in existence there, in order that he might associate his
scheme with one of them.
Two influential societies of the Church of England were already doing
good work in Jerusalem, namely, the Church Missionary Society, and the
London Society for Promoting Christianity among the Jews. The latter
Society had begun its labours in Palestine as early as 1820, and had carried
them on with considerable success. During the Egyptian rule, which was
favourable to European undertakings, they had acquired a valuable site on
Mount Zion for the erection of a church, and on February 10th, 1840, the
foundation-stone was laid.
Here was the desired opportunity for the co-operation of the King, who
sent forthwith for the Chevalier Bunsen, one of his Privy Councillors, then
in Berne, and requested him to proceed at once to England as a Special
Envoy to inquire —
"In how far the English National Church, already in possession of a
parsonage on Mount Zion, and having commenced there the building of a
church, would be inclined to accord to the Evangelical Church of Prussia
a sisterly position in the Holy Land."
It was deemed by his Majesty that the first condition and step towards
the proposed unity of action would be the institution by the Church of
England of a Bishopric at Jerusalem, to include all Protestant Churches in
the Holy Land within its pale, so far as they should be disposed to accept the
inclusion. To this end he was willing to devote, out of his own purse, the
sum of £15,000 towards the endowment of such Bishopric, the annual interest
of that sum, amounting to £600, to be paid yearly in advance, till the capital
sum — together with that which should be raised by public subscription for
the purpose of completing the Bishop's annual income of £1,200 — could be
advantageously invested in land situated in Palestine. It was proposed
that the Bishops of the United Church of England and Ireland at Jerusalem
should be nominated alternately by the Crowns of England and Prussia, the
Archbishop of Canterbury having the absolute right of veto with respect tq
those nominated by the Prussian Crown. The Bishop should be subject to

1841-1 MISSION OP BUNSEN. 199
the Archbishop of Canterbury as his Metropolitan ; his spiritual jurisdiction
should extend over the English clergy and congregations in Palestine, and,
for the present, in the rest of Syria, Chaldea, Egypt, and Abyssinia, such
jurisdiction being exercised, as nearly as might be, according to the laws,
canons, and customs of the Church of England. Germans intended for the
charge of Protestant congregations were to be ordained according to the
ritual of the English Church, and to sign the Articles of that Church ; and,
in order that they might not be disqualified by the laws of Germany from
officiating to German congregations, they were, before they received ordina
tion, to exhibit to the Bishop a certificate of their having subscribed, before
some competent authority, the Confession of Augsburg.
Chevalier Bunsen, the Special Envoy selected for this important and
delicate mission, was probably the very best man that could, under any cir
cumstances, have been found for the task. He was a man " so thoroughly
friendly and genial, so ready to meet people of all kinds on their own ground,
so little affecting dignified reserve, so free from the airs of diplomacy," that
he at once gained the hearts of those with whom he came in contact. He
was a man of vast learning, and had been for some time Prussian Minister in
Rome, in succession to Niebuhr, whose private secretary he had been, and
whose friendship he had enjoyed. Subsequently he was accredited to the
Swiss Confederacy, from whence he was recalled to undertake this special
mission. In the year 1834, as we have seen, Lord Ashley, who was one of
the prime movers in the negotiations for the establishment of the Bishopric
in Jerusalem, made acquaintance with Bunsen in Rome, and formed a very
high estimate of the excellence of his character.
Bunsen arrived in London on the 19th of June, and, from this time forth,
the entries in the Journal of Lord Ashley are largely occupied with matters
relating to his mission. A few of them, for convenience, are grouped
together here.
June 24th. — My friend Bunsen has just called, and has brought me a most
honourable and gratifying message from the King of Prussia. May the blessing
of God's saints of ¦ old, of David, and of Hezekiah, be on him and his for ever 1
But all things are now wonderful. The mission of Bunsen is a, wonder ; God
grant that its issue may be a wonder I
July 12th.- — The negotiations on the part of his Prussian Majesty with the
English Cabinet and the English Church proceed well. I have arranged a meet
ing between Peel and Bunsen. Now, has Peel a heart like Solomon's — " large as
the sands of the sea " ? If he has, here is matter, political and religious, enough
to fill it — a combination of Protestant thrones, bound by temporal interests and
eternal principles, to plant under the banner of the Cross, God's people on the
mountains of Jerusalem I These things are too hard for me. I have undertaken
more than I can discharge, nay, even more than I can express.
The designation of Dr. Alexander, a Hebrew convert to the Christian
faith, to the Bishopric gave unqualified satisfaction to Lord Ashley. Although
jn his Journal there is no reference to the selection of Dr. Alexander, and

200 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. IX.
many g'aps occur which cause him to express regret that there has been no
opportunity to record continuously the stirring- incidents of the times, we find
under the date of July 19th that Chevalier Bunsen recorded in his Diary : —
" This is a great day. I am just returned from Lord Palmerston. Tlie
principle is admitted, and orders are to be transmitted accordingly to Lord
Ponsonby at Constantinople to demand the acknowledgment required. The
successor of St. James will embark in October. He is by race an Israelite ;
born a Prussian in Breslau ; in confession belonging to tiie Church of Eng
land ; ripened (by hard work) in Ireland ; twenty years Professor of Hebrew
and Arabic in England (in what is now King-'s College). So the beginning
is made, please God, for the restoration of Israel. When I read, with the
warm-hearted, clear-headed Lord Ashley, the translation of the Minute, he
exclaimed, ' Since the days of David, no king has ever spoken such words ! '
It was his fortunate idea that directed the choice of the future Bishop."
Aug. 16th. — Two or three days ago wrote to that unequalled Sovereign the
King of Prussia. Bunsen told me it would be acceptable to him, and I rejoiced
in the opportunity of venting my feelings of gratitude and admiration. I must
honour him still more as an especial instrument of God's surprising wisdom and
mercy. Sept. 23rd. — The Bill for creating the Bishopric of Jerusalem passed last
night ! May the blessing of the God of Abraham, of Isaac, and of Jacob, the
Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, be with it now and for ever ! I wish I had put
down in detail the whole progress of this wonderful measure, of all I have said,
felt, and done in it ; but time has failed me for half of the things I would per
form or write. All that I can say is that, under God's especial blessing, pars
magna fui.
Sept. 28th. ... A long letter from Bickersteth narrating the prodigious
sensation the Jewish Question is creating in Liverpool. Twenty -four sermons on
one Sunday in our behalf !
Oot. 12th. — The Archbishop confesses that without the Jewish Society he can
not proceed, and that the question is deeply rooted in the heart of England. He
is right, and I bless God. This incarnation of love for God's people is the truest
Conservative principle, and will save the country. Peel, too, feels it, for he
hastened to assure me that no obstacles should stand in the way of the consecra
tion of a Bishop. I had written to him at Windsor, anticipating Aberdeen's
hostility, and stating that " the unprecedented assistance rendered to our cause by
Palmerston would form a most pernicious contrast with the opposition of a Con
servative Government." Even Aberdeen has relaxed, and is, so Bunsen tells me,
less unfavourable. Would he have been so if I had not written and exhibited
the strong feeling of the country, and the consequences of obstruction ? Really
it is wonderful to trace the finger of God : let us call it the " leading " of Pro
vidence in all this affair. Had Bunsen arrived a month later, we should not now
humanly speaking, have reached even the point of stating the case. Palmerston
went forward with the zeal of an apostle (" howbeit, I fear, he thinketh not so "),
did in three weeks what at another time, or, as it seems, under any influence but
mine, he would not have listened to in twelve months, fanned the weak embers
of willing but timid spirit in the Bishops, and made that to be necessary and

'] THE DRUSES SEEK PROTECTION. 201
irrevocable which his successors would have thought the attribute of a maniac.
even m imagination.
But oh, the monstrosities of Puseyism ! The Bishop of London is beset, and
nan orow-beaten, by the clamorous and uncatholic race. He showed Bunsen
to-day a letter from Dr. Pusey beginnin.r, « It is now for the first time that the
unuich of England holds communication with those that are loitliout the
Church .' " .This is the holy, Christian, Catholic way in which he speaks of all
the congregations of Protestant Germany. Towards the end he adds : " Tlie
Church of England will thus be declared protectress of all Protestant com
munions." What can be so dreadful ?
_ The Puseyite object is this, " to effect a reconciliation with Rome ; " ours,
with Protestantism ; they wish to exal't Apostolical Succession so high as to
make it paramount to all moral purity and all doctrinal truth ; we, to respect it
so as to shift it from Abiathar to Zadok. ...
Events in the East, especially in Syria, tended in various ways to confirm
the impression, which was borne into the heart of Lord Ashley, the King of
Prussia, and the principal leaders of the movement, that a " special pro
vidence " was opening the way for an extraordinary evangelisation of the
peoples. The Druses — " warders on the mount of the world's secret, since
the birth of time " * — a fanatical sect worshipping a prophet of their own
and sworn to keep then- system of religion a secret from every other sect, and
to persecute all who differed from them— had echoed that ancient cry, " Come
over and help us ! "
The Druses have sought •' religious protection " at our hands : teachers and
schoolmasters. Again was I consulted by Palmerston ; I advised the instant
mission, not of letters, but of living men, to make the promise. He did so. Have
since heard from Nicolayson, who was sent, that they received it joyfully.
Aberdeen, I fear, very shy of it. . . .
Oct. 16th. — Dined yesterday at Richmond with Bunsen to celebrate the King
of Prussia's birthday ; a happy and a stirring meeting, only eleven present ; but
there was much feeling of loyalty, affection, reverence, and hope. I proposed his
health. May he revive, among us Gentiles, the glory and the faith of David
and of Hezekiah ! Gladstone, McCaul, and my brother William were present.
Gladstone stripped himself of a part of his Puseyite garments, spoke like a
pious man, rejoiced in the Bishopric of Jerusalem, and proposed the health of
Alexander. This is delightful ; for he is a good man, and a clever man, and an
industrious man.
Oct. 22nd. — Saw Peel to-day by request — never wish to have another interview.
He was an exaggeration and caricature of his habitual coldness. Wished to know
how far he would conform to the promises of his predecessors, and give the
Druses the means of instruction they asked for. It was manifest he disliked the
whole thing, and fully shared the opinions and feelings (if feelings they can be
called) of his friend Aberdeen. He was afraid of exciting the French, disbelieved
the religious stir in the East, thought it might be ascribed to English agency,
thought we might appear as making " a crusade against the Roman Catholics " —
* Robert Browning.

202 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. IX.
of all people I — wanted to know how much the Druses could contribute, and many
other unworthy excuses to get out of a difficulty. I urged the propriety of imi
tating the late Government in their conduct towards the Ashantee princes, and
educating a young Druse, who was to be sent over. He admitted that no one had
a right to complain of our educating a Druse, and, though most reluctant, said
he should speak to Aberdeen.
I then proposed my main and most dear object, the grant of a steamboat by
the Government to carry out the Bishop to Jaffa. . . .
Thus ended a short interview, equally unpleasant and odious, I should think,
to both parties.
Oct. 25th. — Wonderfully surprised — received yesterday a short note from
Peel, stating that " orders would be given for an Admiralty steamboat to carry
out the Bishop to Syria " I Had I not been almost accustomed, so to speak, to
God's mercies, I should have disbelieved it. " Surely the Isles shall wait for thee
and the ships of Tarshish first, to bring thy sons from afar and thy daughters
from the ends of the earth."
Oct. 26th. — Very glad to have heard that many of the very High-Church are
warmly in favour of the Hebrew Bishopric, Archdeacons Samuel Wilberf orce and
Manning. Palmer, too, of Worcester, supposed to be among the most violent,
spoke to Bunsen in terms of the greatest delight.
Nov. 12th. — Returned to St. Giles's. Glad of an hour to record, if possible,
what I have seen and felt during my short visit for the purpose of attending the
consecration of Mr. Alexander. Went up on the 7th with Moore* — full of anxiety
lest the Queen should be taken ill on the very day, and so cause the absence of
the Archbishop ; but, God be praised, there was no impediment, and all went well.
The first official act of the Jewish Church was performed on the 18th of
November, when the new Bishop preached a sermon and gave " the first epis
copal benediction that had fallen from Hebrew lips for seventeen hundred
years " — that is to say, the first since Jude, the last of the sons of Abraham
mentioned by Eusebius, occupied the Episcopal See in the Holy City.
Nov. 18th. . . . This was, indeed, "anight to be much observed of the
Lord." I rejoice I had proposed this service in committee, and Alexander assented
to our resolution. The chapel at Bethnal Green was thronged, the congregation
were touchingly devout, visibly affected by the event and the thanksgiving. The
music went to one's very soul. The beautiful voices of the Hebrew children,
singing as they were praises to the Messiah, seemed like the song of the redeemed
in Heaven. " Many kings and prophets have desired to see the things that we
see, and have not seen them, and to hear the things that we hear, and have not
heard them." How is it that we have attained this result ? We have many
enemies, some of them the antipodes of each other. Pusey is at one end ; Baptist
Noel at the other, both followed by their several sections, doing us what mischief
they can. It is evident that not a little of the hostility, and not a little of the
hesitation, arise from a feeling which those who entertain it will scarcely admit
even to themselves. They cannot stomach the notion of a Jew elevated to the
Episcopate. Christianity has modified, without uprooting, their antipathies j
* Rev. Robert Moore, Rector of Wimborne St. Giles's.

1841.] THE G0DFATHER op THB pRINCE Qp WALES. 203
they remember that Moses says, " they shall be a byeword," and forget that Paul
declares^ them yet " beloved for the fathers' sakes." But no wonder. This
Bishopric strikes at many things, at Popery, at Puseyism, at over Church, at no
Church ; all writhe under it. The order of Providence now seems to demand
that in proportion as we have abased the Jew, so shall we be compelled to abase
ourselves. His future dignity shall be commensurate with his past degradation.
Be it so ; I can rejoice in Zion for a capital, in Jerusalem for a church, and in a
Hebrew for a king. Writing at this distance of time (13th), I have lost the
vividness of my impressions — hurry and ceaseless occupation prevented an earlier
record— yet for days I felt, without power of describing it, that the heart is
oftentimes alone, and that "a stranger intermeddleth not with its joy."
Two days after the Consecration of Bishop Alexander, Lord Ashley sent
his portrait to Chevalier Bunsen, and a book (a collection of prayers out of
the writings of English Fathers) inscribed with these characteristic words : —
" Nov. 9, 1841. To my dear friend Bunsen, the worthy minister of the
best and greatest of the kings of this world, as a memorial of our solemn,
anxious, and by God's goodness, successful labours, which, under His grace,
we have sustained for the consolidation of Protestant truth, the welfare of
Israel, and the extension of the Kingdom of our blessed Lord. — Ashley.
'We took sweet counsel together, and walked in the house of God as
friends.' "
Nov. 20th. — My four blessed boys, Antony, Francis, Maurice, and Evelyn,
brought me to-day some money for the Bishopric at Jerusalem. They offered
most willingly, nay, joyfully ; and, wonderful to say, the little ones did it without
a word on my part ; I had spoken to the elder boys, who cheerfully acquiesced ;
the little ones, hearing from them, burned to do likewise.
Nov. 26th. — Two days ago received from Bunsen the most extraordinary
intelligence. He waited on Prince Albert (thank God I had obtained the inter
view), when the Prince, after showing him the future heir to the throne,
announced that " the Queen was extremely desirous that the King of Prussia
should be godfather to the Royal child, and should, if possible, be present in
person to hold him at the font of baptism." Where are we ? What will happen
next ? There is no end to God's goodness. On my knees immediately to give
Him thanks. Such an event, at any time, satisfactory ; now, clearly provi
dential ; the union of the Anglican and German Churches, followed by the most
intimate friendship of the two great Protestant Powers ; the open avowal of the
Royal attachment to the principles of the Reformation ; the testimony of respect
from our own Sovereign to that pious King ; the happy sympathy that it will
beget between the two nations ; the manifest advantage to the peace of Europe,
the cause of true civilisation, and the diffusion of the Gospel ; all this over a
combined effort for the welfare of God's ancient people, cannot but fill the heart
of every thinking man with gratitude and joy. But the King must come.
Wrote most emphatically to Bunsen — he must come. He would lose half of
what he might accomplish for Europe, for himself, for Christianity, and for the
world. We must build a new and large ward for the Puseyites in Bedlam 1
Nov. 29th. — Yesterday, the first Sunday in Advent ; to-day, the Bishop of

204 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. IX.
Jerusalem sets out on his journey, the " one who telleth good tidings to Zion."
Surely the coincidence is striking ; I felt it so when the Collect was read.
In order that he might become thoroughly acquainted with the thoughts
and habits, tho wants and wishes, of those on whose behalf he was labouring,
Lord Ashley gathered round him from the rank and file of his clientele, a few
persons from whom he could derive reliable information. "I should like to
know all," he was wont to say, " but, as this is impossible, I make friends
with a few."
It was a remarkable characteristic, this power of attaching men to himself,
and exerting so strong an influence over them that they in turn were able to
influence the large bodies they represented. But for their aid it would have
been utterly impossible for him to have carried on his ever-increasing labours.
As each succeeding enterprise developed, Lord Ashley's first step always was
to fix upon some man, or perhaps some group of men, in whose judgment and
zeal he could repose perfect confidence, and then set them to work.
One of the most surprising things in connection with the almost innumer
able societies and institutions of which he was the head, was that so few of
them were " mistakes." He would not espouse the cause of any society until
he had fully satisfied himself that its work was thoroughly sound in every
respect ; nor would he attach any new worker to himself until he had made
the most minute inquiries with regard to him. He had in a singular degree
the power of reading men's motives, and he was very rarely deceived in those
whom he selected to be his helpers.*
It is probably no exaggeration to say that the demands upon the judgment
and penetration of Lord Ashley were greater than upon those of any man of
his generation, and it is safe to add that few men were less often deceived.
The cripple Dodd, to whom he frequently refers in his Journals, was one of
the " working element " with whom Lord Ashley was in frequent communica
tion at this time.
Dec. 3rd. — Every day brings fresh stories of suffering and oppression from
the factory districts. My poor cripple Dodd is a jewel ; his talent and skill are
unequalled ; he sends me invaluable evidence. But then '• mine eyes do fail with
* Perhaps he derived this gift from his great ancestor the first Earl, of whom John
Locke says : — " I never knew anyone penetrate so quickly into men's breasts, and, from
a small opening, survey that dark cabinet as he would. He would understand men's
true errand as soon as they had opened their mouths and begun their story, in ap
pearance to another purpose." He instances a remarkable case. Shaftesbury and Sir
Richard Onslow dined by invitation with Sir John Denham, an elderly widower, who
before dinner told them that he wished to take their advice upon a subject of deep
import to his happiness, namely, whether he should, or should not, marry his house
keeper, for whom he had long entertained affection and esteem. Sir Richard Onslow
was beginning a strong protest, when, looking their host steadfastly in the face, Shaftes
bury asked, "Are you not married to her already?" And he confessed that he was.
"Well, then," said Shaftesbury, " there is nothing left but to send for her to join us at
dinner." On their leaving the house, Sir Richard Onslow asked what put him on the
scent. "The man and the manner," he replied, "gave me a suspicion that, having
done a foolish thing, he was desirous to cure himself with the authority of our advice.
I thought it good to be sure before you wept any further, and you see what came pf iV

1841-1 CHRISTMAS AT ST. GILES'S. 205
tears. . . . for the destruction (I should say sin) of the daughter of my
people ; " it takes from me all enjoyment, present and prospective ; if such things
reach my ears, how many lie hidden, aye, and will do so until "the earth shall
disclose her blood." God give us faith and strength, and some success. Entire
success no man may or can attain, it is reserved for the Great Undoer of every
heavy burthen !
Dec. 21st. — Broadlands. Minny unwell ; came here yesterday to comfort her.
God be praised, she is better. I would rather be with her at the Saint,* when
"my children are about me ; " but her dear, smiling face makes everything
shine. Factory and Drainage concerns occupy my time and fill me with
correspondence. Dec. 23rd. — I have no time for reading and writing, for replenishing my
armoury, or exercising my guns. Dodd's letters infuse both information and
terror. " I increase knowledge, and increase sorrow." Nevertheless, I have put
my hand to the plough, and, God being my Helper, I will not look back. And
now I am involved in the Puseyite controversy. I did not seek it ; but the
occasion seemed to call for an avowal of sentiment ; and, not hesitating to
believe, I did not fear to speak. Letters of congratulation and gratitude without
number have reached me ; I rejoice in it for purposes of future good. . . .
But I have disturbed a hornets' nest ; they buzz about me in furious rage. The
Press, especially the Morning Post, sweats with vituperation. But no matter.
" In Thee have I trusted, let me never be confounded."
Dec. 25th. — Christmas Day. St. Giles's. My sweet Minny absent. Took the
sacrament ; peace, hope, and spiritual joy by God's blessed grace. It is an august
and holy day. Oh ! that I could, for a few hours, forget the turmoil and
anxieties of the world ! Many communicants ; the proportion to the population,
immense — clean, simple and devout ; not only shopkeepers and farmers, but
many of the working classes — really a beautiful sight ; it is a true specimen of a
rural vicarage, a pastoral cure, a shepherd and his flock. May God in His good
ness cherish this primitive simplicity 1 Yet it has not been quite the same
Christmas Day without a vacancy. Minny was away, who should always share
the communion with me. I left her ill at Broadlands to spend the day here in
the midst of the ancient families of the house, and be with my elder boys, who
must not be quite alone, especially at this festival.
* St. Giles's House.

CHAPTER X.
1842.
The end of 1841 and the beginning of 1842 found Lord Ashley engaged
in warm discussion with the leading members of the Tractarian party. On
the 15th of March, 1841, the Viee-Chancellor and the Heads of Houses
held a meeting at Oxford to pass censure on No. 90 of " Tracts for the
Times," in these words, " That modes of interpretation, such as are sug
gested in the said Tract, evading rather than explaining the sense of the
Thirty-nine Articles, and reconciling subscription to them with the adop
tion of errors which they were designed to counteract, defeat the object, and
are inconsistent with the due observance of the statutes of the University."
On the following day Dr. John Henry Newman declared himself to be the
author of the Tract.
Although the centre of the Tractarian movement was the University
of Oxford, the whole country was shaken by it ; every section of the
Christian Church, and almost every leader of thought in the nation, felt
its influence. Arrayed on either side were the great masters of argument.
The principal leaders of the Oxford School were the " seraphic Keble,"
supported by Richard Froude — who died early in the fight — Dr. Pusey,
and John Henry Newman. Their claim was that Rome had not fulfilled
her high mission ; that the real Catholic Church was the Church of England ;
that the Successors of the Apostles were to be found in her; and their
efforts were directed to rouse the Church to what they considered to be
her true mission. " There is something greater than the Established
Church," wrote Dr. Newman, " and that is the Church Catholic and Apos
tolic set up from the beginning, of which she is but the local presence and
the organ."
The causes which lay at the root of the movement were numerous and
strong. It was a crisis in the history of religious thought. Rationalism,
imported from Germany, was making rapid advances ; the Church of
England having been in a dull, cold, and apathetic state, was now threatened
with assault from the Reform Party in respect of her rights and property ;
and the leading motive at the outset was to revive and invigorate her.
What were some of the results of this movement are only too well
known. The battle of the Reformation had to be fought over again, and
Lord Ashley, for forty years, was one of the leaders in the fight.
It was at a time when the controversy was at its keenest that the
Jerusalem Bishopric was created. From first to last the Oxford School

1842-1 Oxford professorship op poetry. 20?
were fierce in their denunciation of the whole scheme, while the Evangelicals
and many leaders of the Broad Church were enthusiastic in its favour.
And it was at this time, too, that the incident now to be recorded
occurred. Among the papers of Lord Shaftesbury there was found a large bundle of
letters and other documents endorsed : — March 5th, 1874.
These letters were written at the outbreak of the Tractarian movement in
1841-2. They arose out of my letter in the Standard to Roundell Palmer (Lord
Selborne) refusing to vote for Mr. Williams as Professor of Poetry at Oxford.
The interest may have — indeed, it has — passed away. But they are curious as
showing how zealous people were then, and how cold now. S.
The correspondence will speak for itself : —
Lord Ashley to Mr. Roundell Palmer.
St. Giles's House, Dec, 1841.
Sir, — In a letter which I have had the honour of receiving from you " to
solicit my vote and interest in Mr. Williams' behalf," you desire also, on the
part of the committee, a reply to their communication.
I hasten to forward that reply.
The Rev. Isaac Williams has presented himself for the vacant chair of the
Professor of Poetry. I have no doubt whatever that he possesses all those
amiable qualities and high attainments which his supporters put forward as
the ground of his election, nor should I hesitate, as I replied to my friend Dr.
Pusey, to render him any private service that may lie within my power ; but
the reverend gentleman claims a public post, and seeks to be invested with
public authority, and it has become, therefore, the duty of every one who has
a, voice in the decision, to consider the consequences of raising him to such an
office. The Rev. Mr. Williams aspires to be a moral teacher. The Professor of
Poetry, in a Christian university, must impart to his writings and his lectures,
frequently on secular, always on sacred subjects, those sentiments and principles
which he believes to be essential to the propagation of the truth. This we
should expect of a layman ; we should demand it of a minister. The late
accomplished and amiable professor* was animated by this spirit, and pub
lished, with the attraction of his respected name, and the authority of his
official station, sundry poems of admitted talent and disputed theology.
I am now summoned to consider whether a similar appointment would not
confer a similar authority.
The venerable members of Trinity College have issued a disclaimer " for Mr.
Williams himself, and have deprecated, on the part of others, any attempt
whatever to introduce upon the occasion questions of theological controversy."
With all the deference that is due from a layman, I cannot believe myself at
liberty to set aside these important considerations. I acknowledge the latitude
of speculation that must be permitted to all the members of a common Church,
* The Rev. John Keble.

208 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Cn.\r. X.
but there are limits, I maintain, which must not be overpassed, at least without
a solemn and indignant protest on the part of those who have an opportunity
and a right to give, an opinion.
I have endeavoured, then, to ascertain the principles of Mr. Williams, and I
have found that he is the author of the Tract * entitled " Reserve in Preaching
the Doctrine of the Atonement."
There is no power on earth that shall induce me to assist in elevating the
writer of that paper to the station of a public teacher. I see very little
difference between a man who promulgates false doctrine and him who
suppresses the true. I cannot concur in the approval of a candidate whose
writings are in contravention of the inspired Apostle, and reverse his holy
exultation that " he had not shunned to declare to his hearers all the counsel of
God." I will not consent to give my support, however humble, towards the
existence of exoteric and esoteric doctrines in the Church of England, to obscure
the perspicuity of the Gospel by the philosophy of Paganism, and make the
places set apart for the ministrations of the preacher, whose duties must mainly
lie among the poor, the wayfaring, and the simple, as mystic and incompre
hensible as the groves of Eleusis.
These, Sir, are my reasons for refusing my vote to Mr. Williams, and I hope
I have given my answer as candidly as you have required it.
I am, Sir, Your very obedient servant, Ashley,
Lord Ashley, at the request of Dr. Gilbert, Principal of Brasenose
College, consented to support the candidature of the Rev. James Garbett,
in opposition to that of the Rev. Isaac Williams; — his next step was to
accept the chairmanship of Mr. Garbett's committee. A circular was drawn
up by Mr. Cardwell t (double-first of Balliol), but to this Lord Ashley took
exception on the ground that he did not rest his support of Mr. Garbett's
claims " on his poetical acquirements and critical acumen," as stated in the
circular, but upon his religious views. " I would vote," he said, " for Stem-
hold and Hopkins, Nicholas Brady or Nahuni Tate, against a whole host of
the mightiest geniuses in the art of verse, were they candidates, upon the
same principles, for the office to which Mr. Williams aspires." A modified
circular was, therefore, issued, and the canvass was vigorously prosecuted.
The battle was to be fought, and, if possible, won, as a matter of principle
and duty only.
Congratulations and offers of aid poured in from all quarters, and a
specimen of a few of them, showing the opinions held, and the fervour of
those who defended them, may be quoted here.
Lady Ashley was at Broadlands, in delicate health, but she wrote :
" Nothing , but compliments about your letter. Spencer says he heard it
discussed at Lady Holland's by Macaulay and many savants, who all agreed
it was so well written. Dr. Badham said everybody was so much obliged to
* Tr.ict No. 80. T Afterwards Viscount Cardwell.

1842'1 OXFORD PROFESSORSHIP OP POETRY. 209
you for it, so well done, and at such a moment when it was so much
wanted." The Hon. Wm. Cowper* to Lord Ashley.
Castle Howard, Dec. 16th, 1841.
My dear Ashley, — Your letter on the Williams and Garbett affair will be
most useful ; it is admirable in laying open boldly and clearly the decisive point
of the question. I was delighted to see it. A neighbouring clergyman told me
that the clergy about here are rather unsettled, and that at the visitation at
Malton he heard some of them starting questions about the nature and origin of
their Orders, and hazarding opinions without being at all aware of the conclu
sions to which they lead, or of their tendency towards Romanism ; and be thinks,
but I do not, that it would be better for the Church that all who are just now
Romanists at heart should break outward connection with her, but I think it's
better to give them time to come round, and wait for the reaction.
Ever affectionately yours,
 W. Cowper.
The Rer. E. Bickersteth to Lord Ashley.
Watton Rectory, Ware, Dec. lith, 1841.
My dearest Lord Ashley,— I cannot forbear to thank you for your most
seasonable and most forcible 'letter to Mr. R. Palmer. It was of vast importance,
just at this crisis, to make a stand against what I believe to be in this country
" the unclean spirit out of the mouth of the false prophet," which the word of
prophecy, at this precise time, so clearly leads us to expect, and which the affect
ing state of our Church so clearly manifests.
I do most heartily unite, I doubt not with thousands of God's own children, in
earnest prayers that your Lordship may ever have a Scriptural judgment in all
things, and be strengthened greatly to honour God and bless our country, by a
wise, holy, and full use of all the talents which He has given you. . . ,
Edwd. Bickersteth.

" Charlotte Elizabeth" (Mrs. C. E. Tonna) to Lord Ashley.
Blackheath, Dec. nth, 1841.
My dear Lord,— What a noble dash you have made at the Puseyites! I
used to be so rejoiced when you got angry in the House about the factory child
ren. You know there is an anger not sinful, and I want you to bestow a little
gunpowder on the Oxford gentry. I am editor of the Protestant Magazine since
June last, and lately, in my chief article, " The Watchman," I mentioned some
thing that I know to be true about Jesuits in the Church. Forthwith the Christian
Observer attacked the Protestant Association for this, and some of our gentlemen
were much frightened, and some talked of forbidding any attack on Puseyism in
the magazine. On this I wrote to the committee a respectful letter rather in the
Deborah-to-Barak style, and the result is that I am to have that dearest privilege
* Now Lord Mount Temple.

210 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap, i
of womankind — my own way. So now, thanks to the Lord, I have two magazines
at command, and can fire two guns. . . . Meanwhile, fight the good fightt
be valiant, and do exploits. May the Lord of lords bless you and yours.
My dear Lord, Yours very gratefully, C. E. TONNA.
Among those who rallied round Lord Ashley and congTatulated him
upon the bold stand he had made " against the influence and pretensions of
Pu?eyism and Popery," were his brother John, Sir J. S. Pakington, J. C.
Colquhoun, Sir W. R. Farquhar, Hon. and Rev. Montagu Villiers, Dean
Gamier, Dr. McCaul, Rev. Chas. Priest, Sir Andrew Agnew, and many
others whose names are still familiar.
Meanwhile angry letters from anonymous Puseyites to the press, and to
private individuals, were issued abundantly, and the excitement grew rapidly.
Mr. Gladstone wrote to Lord Sandon urging him to entreat Lord Ashley
to avoid, for the Church's sake, the scandal of a contest. Others, among
whom was Mr. C. Dodgson, wished to maintain a strict neutrality, partly on
the ground that they did not attach the same meaning to the doctrine of
" Reserve" that Lord Ashley had done, and would wish to vote for a third
candidate unconnected with either party and sufficiently qualified for the
office. A scheme was set on foot by Mr. Gladstone to effect this compromise, but
the manoeuvre fell through, notwithstanding that the petition for Williams
and Garbett to withdraw was signed by 244 non-resident Members of Con
vocation. The contention of the advocates of Mr. Williams's claims was, first, that
the candidate's success was not made to depend upon the possession of qualities
suited to the office ; and next, that electors were called upon to pledge them
selves to opinions " perhaps only known to them through vague and imperfect
representations." The position of the advocates of Mr. Garbett's claims was that, sooner or
later, a struggle upon the religious principle involved was inevitable, and that
it could not come at a more auspicious season, and they would not hear of any
compromise. Many efforts in various forms were, of course, made to induce Lord Ashley
to desist from the course he was pursuing. The following letter from Dr.
Pusey is written in the vein which he found hardest to resist : —
Tlie Rev. Dr. Pusey to Lord Ashley.
Ember Week, Advent. 1841.
My deAr Ashley, — You have not probably grey hairs, as I have, nor have
you had sorrows like me, and both ought to soften your mind ; yet I could wish
that, without them, your language could be a little softened. I often used to
think it stronger than you meant ; and you are, doubtless, all the while milder

1842-l CORRESPONDENCE with DR. PUSEY. 211
and more loving than one's self. You speak of " abhorring our principles ; " are
you quite sure that you know them ? It is some years now since I saw you at your
house, and you talked over them, and then you seemed to think that in much we
agreed. No one objects to the Bishopric of Jerusalem for what I imagine you
most value it — the sake of the Jews— but on account of the - " experimental
Church" (as it bas been called) which they are going to make of Prussians, one
knows not whom. Our Church never was brought into contact with the foreign
Reformation without suffering from it ; and certainly that Reformation is not
in a state now to do us less harm than heretofore ; besides the grave injury of
countenancing heresy. I fear very few reformed German teachers would be
found who would uno animo adopt all the truths of the Nicene and Athanasian
Creeds. Try and think more mildly of us ; love us more ; perhaps you will understand
us better ; pray for us, as I do daily for you.
The enclosed * is not my selection. God be with you.
Your affectionate Cousin,
E. B. Pusey.

Lord Ashley to the Rev. Dr. Pusey.
St. Giles's House, January 18th, 1842.
My dear Pusey, — Your kind letter should have been answered a long time
ago, but I have been so very much engaged that I have been obliged to postpone
writing from day to day. It is true that I have not yet grey hairs, nor has it
pleased God to visit me with sorrows ; but though I have as yet been spared by
His rich and undeserved mercy, I have not a heart hardened against the woes of
others ; and much do I sympathise with all that you have suffered ; — with all that
He has been pleased to impose upon you. God grant that it may be sanctified to
your immortal part, and that the griefs of a day may issue in the joys of
eternity I
You say to me, " Are you quite sure that you know our principles, the princi
ples that you talk of abhorring ? " I may reply, are you quite sure that you know
them yourself 1 I know what you have written. I know what your co-thinkers
have written. I find your principles (does any one deny them ?) in your letter
to the Bishop of Oxford. I find them in " Froude's Remains." I find them in
the "British Critic." I find them in Tract 75 (j*ti yivono). I find them in
Tract 80, in Tract 87, in Tract 90. I find them in your opposition to the
Bishopric in Jerusalem. I find them in your Protest. I find them in Mr.
Palmer's letter. I find them in the adhesion of our Presbyters to the Romish
Church ; and I find them in the very letter to which I am now replying. You
talk there, in allusion to the Bishopric, of " the grave injury of countenancing
heresy ; " this is the necessary language, the inevitable issue of your principles ;
thus you class with the Gnostics, Cerrnthians, &c, of old, with the Munster
Anabaptists and Socinians of modern days, the whole mass of the Protestant
Churches of Europe, except England and Sweden. Every one, however deep his
* The enclosure was a selection of "Prayers for Unity and Guidance into the
Truth."
o 2

212 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. X.
piety, however holy his belief, however prostrate his heart in faith and fear
before God and his Saviour, however simple and perfect his reliance on the
merits of his Redeemer, is consigned by you, if he be not episcopally ruled, to the
outer darkness of the children of the Devil, while in the same breath you desig
nate the Church of Rome as the sweet Spouse of Christ, and hide all her abomin
able idolatries under the mantle of her Bishops. This is, to my mind, absolutely
dreadful ; and I say of your friends, as old Jacob said of Simeon and Levi, " Oh,
my soul, come not thou into their secret."
You say, too, that " some, years ago I talked with you, and that I seemed to
think that in much we agreed ; " it is more than probable ; but had the Tracts
then appeared ? had Froude been published ? had you recalled your spirited and
unanswerable defence of Luther and the German Reformation ? I dare say we
then agreed ; but you have ebbed since that time, and have left me stranded.
" Pray for us," you add, " as I do daily for you ; " to be sure I will ; he must
have but a scanty feeling of the Gospel who does not ardently desire the repair
of the breaches in Christ's Church. The Unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace
is the main element of the blessings in the latter days ; let us endeavour, by God's
grace, to have a foretaste of that happy time ; but certain I am that it is attain
able only by a heart that is truly Catholic, by the imbibing and exercise of an
immense philanthropy.
For yourself, I must ever entertain real kindness and esteem ; no one, amidst
all this conflict of passion and principle, has, at any time, doubted your sincerity
and devotion. I wish we were one ; it is sad that we differ, but let not that
difference amount to enmity. I have enough of foes ; my public course has be
gotten me many haters among the powerful and wealthy. You and I have now
lived more than half our time according to the language of the Psalmist. We
are hastening to the grand end of all things, and then may God lead you
unto living fountains of water, and in His mercy wipe away all tears from your
eyes ! Very truly yours, Ashley.
Letters continued to pour in from men known and unknown. Among
them were several from members of the University of Oxford of long stand
ing — in some eases as many as thirty or forty years — who had never voted,
but who now, impelled by a sense of duty, promised to come up and vote.
Others, and some of these ill able to afford the expense, expressed their
willingness, if additional votes were urgently needed, to come up to take their
M.A. degrees. Curiously enough, Archdeacon Samuel WUberforce was
among those who warmly espoused the side of Lord Ashley in his efforts to
procure the election of Mr. Garbett, as will be seen by the letter given
below : — Archdeacon WUberforce to Lord Ashley.
Alverstoke Rectory, Gosport, Jan. 20th, 1842.
My dear Lord,— The Rev.  , the minister of one of my district churches,
is quite willing to accompany me to Oxford to vote for Mr. Garbett, but is not in
a situation to defray the expenses of the journey. There are, of course, no general

1842-l results op the contest. 213
funds available for any such purpose, but I will gladly defray his expenses my
self if there is the smallest reason for apprehending that the issue is doubtful.
. . . I imagine our majority is certain.' . . .
Believe me. my dear Lord, to be most truly yours,
Samuel Wilberporce.
An interchange of letters between Lord Ashley and the Rev. John Keble
— author of the " Christian Year " — with reference to some of the contents of
the " Lyra Apostolica," which had apparently been wrongly attributed to Mr.
Keble, discloses the same courteous and kindly relations between the two men
as we have seen in a similar case of difference with Dr. Pusey, although in
this instance they were personally unacquainted. Lord Ashley concludes his
letter, written from St. Giles's House, Jan. 15th, 1842, by saying : —
Perhaps you have forgotten what I well recollect, that you were one of the
examining masters when I took my degree some eighteen or nineteen years ago.
Your amiable and gentlemanlike demeanour then made an impression on my
mind which has never been effaced.
Cum talis sis utinam noster esses. I cannot take leave of you without adding
that I shall always think of you with respect, not unmingled with affection.
The termination of the contest was thus announced by Mr. Gregson, tho
zealous secretary of Mr. Garbett's committee : —
Mr. W. Gregson to Lord Ashley.
B.N.C., Oxford, Jan. 20th. 1842 (noon).
Dear Lord Ashley.— The contest has just terminated by the withdrawal
of Williams, after a comparison of the promises claimed by the respective
parties : — Garbett claimed 921
Williams „ 623
Majority 298
Our majority was larger than our opponents reckoned on ; the utmost they gave
us credit for was 900. Still, their minority is large, but not larger than our
friends in Oxford anticipated. Believe me, dear Lord Ashley,
Yours faithfully, W. Gregson.
One significant result of the controversy was that Dr. Gilbert, -the Prin
cipal of Brasenose College, a strong anti-Puseyite, and one cf the leaders of
the opposition to tho candidature of Mr. Williams, was immediately appointed
to the Bishopric of Chichester, in succession to Dr. Shuttleworth. This was
regarded as a wise and courageous declaration of the Govermneut against
Puseyism.

214 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. ;Chap. X.
On the 21st of January, the eve of the great Mohammedan festival of the
Courban Bairam, Bishop Alexander made his public entry into Jerusalem;
and the day was dedicated by Frederick William IV. to prayer throughout
his kingdom for " the peace of Jerusalem." On the 22nd the King of Prussia
was received as the guest of the Queen of England, to stand at the baptismal
font, a few days later, as sponsor for the Prince'of Wales !
The King was welcomed with the greatest cordiality everywhere, and by
all classes, with the solitary exception of the Tractarians, who viewed un
easily these friendly relations with a Monarch who was avowedly anxious to
bring about an alliance between his Protestant Church and the Church of
England. The climax to the uneasiness, and to the period of protest, was reached
when the King of Prussia stood in the midst of the splendour at Windsor on
the day of the Christening.
Jan. 24th. — The King of Prussia has eome. May God bless him for it, sanctify
his journey to both kingdoms, and pour on the Church, and on him personally,
the richest mercies. Of all these things Peel will have the credit. And yet what
trouble had I to obtain even an interview for Bunsen when he first came over !
Jan. 25th. — The King of Prussia's reception by the Queen and the people
has been truly cordial and magnificent. It is worthy of a great, glowing, open-
hearted Protestant nation.
Jan. 28th. — London. Everything is bright on the royal visit ; its effects will,
I believe, long survive the hour that produced them. I should have been almost
broken-hearted had his reception been cold.
His visit to Eton is among the best fruits. The boys followed him with
cries of joy, even to the Castle. Many a young heart will have been impressed by
the visit of a great Protestant Sovereign, blessed be God. Surely the King will
confess that I spoke truly when I wrote to him that " the people of this country
loved Monarchy and loved Religion."
To-morrow I shall meet him at Bunsen's. I have asked leave to take Accy
and Francis there. They will long remember the sight of a " good King."
Jan. 31st. — Many things in a few days. On Saturday went to Bunsen's to be
presented to the King of Prussia — 150 at least present ; proposed his health at
Bunsen's request. Thence to Windsor. . . . While at luncheon at Bunsen's,
the King addressed to me a question which I shall record while fresh in my mind,
with the conversation that followed. He spoke across Lady Canning and Bunsen,
and in the hearing of others. "What hope," said he in French, "have you of
carrying your Factory Bill? " "None at all, sir," I answered in English (as he
desired me), "none at all. The Prime Minister has written to me to-day to say
he shall oppose me." " Indeed," replied the King in English. He paused,
and then said, "We have done it for you in Prussia." "Yes, sir, I know you
have, and there are thousands and tens of thousands of hearts that bless your
Majesty for it." " I did not do it ; it was begun by our merchants and manufac
turers, I did not do it." " No, sir ; but it was done by your Majesty's father."
" Yes, all great and good things in Prussia were done by my father." Here it
dropped.

1842-1 PEEL'S HOSTILITY TO THE FACTORY BILL. 215
Feb. 3rd.— Yesterday the "Jews' Society " went up in deputation to present
an address to his Majesty.
That day was one of the red-letter days in Lord Ashley's life. It
celebrated the completion of a scheme on which he had prayed, written,
spoken, and laboured unceasingly, and in a cause which lay as near to his
heart as any in which he had ever been engaged.
But the day was not to be one of unclouded happiness — few of the days
of his life ever were — and immediately following the entry in his Journal,
of the presentation of the address and its gracious reception, these words
occur : —
Came home, wrote and sent a letter to the Times containing the announce
ment of Peel's hostility to the Factory Bill ; painful enough, but it cannot be
helped. The steps which led to this decision may be briefly recounted here. On
the 24th of January, Lord Ashley had noted in his Diary : —
Have written twice to Peel to obtain his final decision respecting the Factory
Bill. It is manifest how the tide is setting. I must persist, and we shall
break asunder. But it is a formidable step. God alone can strengthen me.
The first letter to Sir Robert was as follows : —
Lord Ashley to Sir Robert Peel.
St. Giles's House, Jan. 21st, 1842.
My dear Sir Robert, — Nearly five months have now elapsed since the
subject of the Factory Question was brought before you. I may, therefore,
safely and justly request, in accordance with the wishes of many parties in the
Northern Districts, that you will be kind enough to tell me whether you have
made up your mind to resist or concede the prayers of the operatives for the
further limitation of the hours of labour between the ages of thirteen and
twenty-one. My efforts have hitherto been confined to this point, and it is on
this only that an answer is required.
As the meeting of Parliament is close at hand, you will, perhaps, feel no
objection to remove the suspense in which so many thousands are at present
detained. Yours truly, Ashley.
To this letter Sir Robert Peel replied : —
Sir Robert Peel to Lord Ashley.
Whitehall, Jan. 22nd, 1842.
My dear Ashley, — In reply to your letter of the 21st, I beg leave to
acquaint you that I am not prepared to pledge myself, or other members of the
Government, to the support of a Bill limiting the hours of labour to ten for all
persons between the age of thirteen and twenty-one.
Sir James Graham, as Secretary of State for the Home Department, ban

216 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. X,
under his consideration a measure connected with the important question of
labour in factories, and the education of children employed in them, and I am
confident that he will, if you will allow him, be glad to have an opportunity of
conferring with you, who have given so much of your attention to these subjects,
if you will call upon him. Very faithfully yours, Robert Peel.
The object of Lord Ashley's second letter on the subject was to obtain a
distinct understanding whether it would be the determination of the Govern
ment to oppose a Bill if brought in from any other quarter ; but to this Sir
Robert replied that he considered his first letter was sufficiently explicit.
Thereupon, Lord Ashley wrote to the Short- Time Committees as
follows : — ¦ London, Feb. 2, 1812.
To the Short -Time Committees op Cheshire, Lancashire, and
Yorkshire.'
Gentlemen, — It is with the deepest regret that I am obliged to announce to
you that Sir Robert Peel has signified his opposition to the Ten Hours Bill ; and
I conclude, therefore, as you will conclude, that his reply must be taken as the
reply of the whole Government on this important question.
Though painfully disappointed, I am not disheartened, nor am I at a loss
either what course to take, or what advice to give. I shall persevere unto my
last hour, and so must you ; we must exhaust every legitimate means that the
Constitution affords, in petitions to Parliament, in public meetings, and in
friendly conferences with your employers ; but you must infringe no law, and
offend no proprieties ; we must all work together as responsible men, who will
one day give an account of their motives and actions ; if this course be approved,
no consideration shall detach me from your cause ; if not, you must elect another
advocate. I know that, in resolving on this step, I exclude myself altogether from the
tenure of office : I rejoice in the sacrifice, happy to devote the remainder of my
days, be they many or be they few, as God in His wisdom shall determine, to an
effort, however laborious, to ameliorate your moral and social condition.
I am, Gentlemen, your faithful friend and servant, Ashley.
The Diary continues ; still on the same day when this cloud had arisen,
namely, Feb. 3rd : — •
To Lambeth ; — an admirable party of bishops and dignitaries ; no English
laymen but myself and Inglis. It was a striking and affecting thing to see
the King there, when I recollected the doubts and anxieties which attended
our discussions on " the Bishopric" in the same palace, only six months before.
¦' This is the Lord's doing, and it is marvellous in our eyes."
A day somewhat of trouble and rebuke, yet I should have been prepared
for it — politicians are chameleons, and take the colour of the passing cloud.
My letter approves itself to their consciences, but obstructs their wishes ; they

TRUE TO PRINCIPLE. 2l7
feel that Jam in the right, and Peel in the Treasury ; so the House of Com
mons will think with me, and act with him. I have had some cold praise, but
no promises of support. I am complimented with some formal regrets ; but
they all show me that the right hand of the chair presents objects in a dif
ferent point of view from the left hand— some have suddenly found out that " I
may be going too far ; " all seem secretly to wish that I would go no further.
'¦ Peel has made a propitiatory sacrifice to Cobden and Co., and why should not
you, to the whole party ? " These are their thoughts, though not, as yet, their
language. " Probifas laudatur, et alget."
I confess I feel sadly alone ; I am like a, pelican in the wilderness or a
sparrow on the house-tops. I have no one with whom I can take counsel,
no one to aid me, no one to cheer me.
Feb. 4th.— By chance I lighted on the Morning Post, and found there the
most violent and venomous article I ever read against any public man, directed
against myself. . . . This is only a sample of the things I shall have to
endure. AVere I just coming into public life, fresh from school, and lessons
of morality, I should die outright of astonishment and disgust ; but though
affected, I am acclimated, and, having endured an attack, shall recover a part
of my health, but no more. Those who do not openly desert, discountenance
my progress ; some look black, all look cold ; the very men who patted me on
the back, praised my exertions, rebuked the apathy of the Government (while
we were in Opposition) now reverse all three. Sandoii talks of it as very
natural, if not very justifiable — " To be sure, " he says,u witen in Opposition your
friends wished to annoy the existing Government; now, of course, they look more
carefully into the thing." This he did not condemn, but called it "human in
firmity ! " This was his tone throughout a long conversation, in which he
endeavoured to show that, as much evil would be left after all that I could do,
I might as well leave the whole.
When Lord Ashley was yet very young in Parliamentary life, he had
laid it down as a rule, to govern him in all future action, ever to be honest
and straightforward and true to principle, quite irrespective of party con
siderations. As early as 1834 he had recorded in his note-book that on a
certain debate many Conservatives had stayed away on various pretexts, but
none admissible. " Our single rule," he adds, " should be, to do 'in Oppo
sition precisely as we should do in Government, and not lose sight of prin
ciples in a burst of personal antipathy to the Minister."
It was as a matter of practical Christianity that Lord Ashley had, in
the first instance, taken up the Factoiy Question, and it was in the same
spirit that he dealt with every fresh phase of it. Nor did he ever lose a
chance of bringing the subject of personal religion before communities or
individuals, as he had opportunity. On the 8th of February he received a
letter from a man who bore the reputation of being an advanced and dan
gerous Socialist, requesting an interview, as he had recently made an extensive
tour In England and Scotland to test popular opinion on various subjects,
but particularly on Factory Legislation. He concluded his letter thus : — ¦
" That your Lordship may long be spared to advocate the rights of the

218 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. X;
poor, the oppressed, and him that hath none to help him, and that you may
continually enjoy that greatest of all rewards, the blessing of an approving
conscience, is the sincere prayer of your Lordship's admirer and humble
fellow- worker in the cause of the white slave,  ."
To this letter Lord Ashley sent the following characteristic reply : —
You have been represented to me as a Socialist and an advocate of prin
ciples that I regard with terror and abhorrence ; and you will therefore
readily believe the pleasure with which I observed the spirit and language of
your letter. I could not but apply to you the words of that Book whose expres
sions you have borrowed, and say, as was said to Ananias of Saul, " Behold, he
prayeth I " I deeply rejoice in this, because I respect your talents, I admire
your zeal, and I hope to find in you a true and faithful ally in these great
and final efforts for the moral, social, and religious welfare of the working
people. The unfavourable attitude of Sir Robert Peel to the Factory Question was
a source of continuous anxiety to Lord Ashley.
Feb. 24th. . . . All Peel's affinities are towards wealth and capital. His
heart is manifestly towards the mill-owners ; his lips occasionally for the opera
tives. What has he ever done or proposed for the working classes ? His speech
of last night was a signal instance of his tendencies. He suppressed all the
delinquencies of the manufacturers, bepraised machinery, and treated the distress
as severe but temporary. Now, he might have said that no small portion of the
suffering was caused by the forced immigration of families in 1836, reducing the
already low wages, and aggravating the misery, in the stagnation which followed.
He might have said, too, that, while we cannot interdict machinery, we ought not
to be blind to its effects : it may cheapen goods for the consumer, but it pauperises
irrevocably thousands of workpeople, who can never resume their position, what
ever be the activity of trade. In short, his speech was a transcript of his mind :
cotton is everything, man nothing !
Feb. 25th. — Time creeps on, years fly past, and the city of oppression and vice
has not capitulated ; the factory system stands erect ; millions of infants are con
sumed in other departments ; and, in the course of nature, it seems probable that
before long I shall be removed to another scene of action — to the House of Lords.
If I regard this event as a man only, I must see in it utter annihilation of all my
schemes for the benefit of the working classes, and a total retirement from public
life, because in that House, except for one who holds high official station, there
is little or no power of originating anything which may conduce to the welfare
of the poorer sort. The Peers act as breakwaters, and think as such ; this is their
office, and they never rise above it. The House of Commons is the depository of
Power ; any favour acquired there is more effective than ten times the amount in
the House of Lords ; they are won, besides, by different qualities, and the station
occupied by different men. I should be quite overwhelmed by such peers as
Salisbury, Redesdale, and Wharncliffe. Character of all kinds is FAR less
required and appreciated among the Peers. Lord Lyndhurst, both in Opposition
and in Government, exercised an influence, and commanded an attention, which
would be utterly denied to him in the House of Commons.
March 3rd. — Matters do not brighten. I see hardly a speck of day. There

1842.]

HOSTILITY OF THE GOVERNMENT. 210

may be a ray of light to break forth in God's mercy, but it is not yet above the
Horizon. It is manifest that this Government is ten times more hostile to my
views than the last, and they carry it out in a manner far more severe and
embarrassing. I find that the inspectors are terrified by Sir J. Graham. Home
and Saunders are now warmly with me, but they do not dare to say so. Now I
fear delay ; the Minister knows my position, and can defy me, because he has
both power and speciousness on his side. Matters may be postponed to a late
period of the Session, when I shall be more than usually helpless through the
absence of many supporters. I am particularly dejected. I feel an unusual
conviction of incompetency ; every one seems more equal to the task, be it what
it may, than myself. I am become quite timid. I have undertaken things that
are too hard for me, and yet I have asked— at least I thought so— counsel of God
in everything ; but man oftentimes asks amiss. ... I might have suspected
what I now know, that I have raised up a, host of enemies by my letter to
Roundell Palmer. A body of them in the House have determined " to crush me,"
and they are resolved to do so through the Factory Question, for which purpose
two went down in January last to the manufacturing districts. They cannot
make any personal charge, but they may deeply and seriously wound me by
depriving me, even for a, year, of my hard-earned fruit. They, may, and will,
give me pain, but they cannot tarnish me.
March 5th. — Fresh labour added to old sinews. I am like a factory spinner —
more toil and less wages. The Committee of Elections has now put me on the
Chairman's panel (and I cannot decline it, for such is the law), and the panel
have put me in their own chair. This is burdensome, because I am already over-
occupied. . . .
News travelled leisurely in those days, and it was not till the end of
February that the papers published the account of the entry of Bishop
Alexander into Jerusalem, and his cordial reception by the authorities.
March 8th. — There must be something more than ordinary in the Bishopric
of Jerusalem, else why this fury in England and on the Continent? — British
Puseyites and French Papists against it ! The Journal des Debats contrasts the
entry of the Bishop with the humble ingress of our Saviour ; but would our Lord
have refused the courtesy of the Governing Powers, had they proffered it to Him ?
Lord Lyttleton stirs in the Lords, Dr. Bowring in the Commons, while all the
realms of Pusey are vomiting out essays. God will turn the wrath of man to His
own honour.
March 9th. — Awoke in high spirits. There is a strong feeling " circum prce-
cordia " that all will go well.
March 11th. — Peel has been eminently successful in his plans ; his Corn Bill
has been sharply debated, but, on the whole, favourably received. His new taxes
and new tariffs (to-night) almost gave satisfaction, a thing unheard of in the
history of the Exchequer ! To be sure, he had an astounding case of necessity,
but that plea, even, has oftentimes failed. His success puzzles me ; I cannot
regard him in any light but as a mere seeker of human praise ; his moral phrase
ology seems the result of calculation. His speech this evening was a chef-d'oeuvre
of self-confidence. This is unquestionably the next best thing to a vigorous
faith ; it leads to victory. I begin to fear that I have as little of the one as of

220 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. X.
the other. I am quite down again ; easily raised, easily depressed. I catch at a
straw, and writhe under disappointment. The fact is, I am almost tired. I have
laboured now for nearly ten years, and the haven recedes as I approach. . . .
Not a cheer is given to Peel in the House of Commons that does not retard my
success, multiply my toil, and add to my anxiety. This is a jovial prospect !
March 18th.— Spoke again last night on the Lunacy Bill. I seemed to myself
to do it without force or point, and with difficulty ; half left unsaid and the
other half said ill. This is humbling and despairing, because I plough not in
hope. How can I look to success in the great measures I propose, if I am so
weak in the smaller ? The House will despise schemes so brought forward. Am
I working in the truth and for the truth ? This doubt often arises now, and yet,
what is my guide if I am not ?
March 29th. — If things are not put down as they arise, they are either lost or
are recorded with their point blunted. A reconciliation with Peel. We shook
hands, and avoided all explanations. So much the better ; an explanation only
gets rid, for the moment, of the old quarrel, for the purpose of laying the grounds
of a new one. Facts may be set right ; but we should have had to deal with
opinions and expressions. He was very cordial, and clearly much pleased.
April 9th. — This day is, perhaps, the last of leisure I shall have for a long
time. Gave it to the reading of the Colliery Report, that I may be thoroughly
furnished to the good work. I can never produce, in a speech, one-tenth part of
the truth, and yet, unless that be fully told, I shall not accomplish my purpose.
Great labour, great difficulty, first to read, and then to select and arrange the
matter. But the Longford Committee will, I fear, occupy an alarming amount
of time. " Who is sufficient for these thing3 ? "
April 26th. — I see the setting of the wind. People are already beginning to
say, " You will do nothing this year with your Factory Bill ; the Government
will have no time," &c. &c, and all these commonplaces. Meanwhile, wrong,
oppression, mutilation, death, with all the grim roll of physical and moral evils.
are in full liberty.
May 7th. — Yesterday the Jewish anniversary. Never had we such a meeting,
never such sympathy, never such enthusiasm. Every one felt deeply moved, all
hearts were lifted up, to God give the glory. Heartily did I wish our venerable
President * many happy returns of such a day, in the Lord's name. A blessing
manifestly rested on it. All that we had done was approved, all that we sug
gested was adopted, every one was pleased, and many were comforted. Everlast
ing love and praise to the God of Abraham, of Isaac, and of Jacob !
In August, 1840, Lord Ashley had moved for a Commission to inquire into
the employment of the children of the poorer classes in mines and collieries,
and in May, 1842, the first report was issued.f Few, if any, Blue Books of
the kind ever became so widely known. Continental as well as English
reformers and philanthropists studied its fearful disclosures with intense
interest. A mass of misery and depravity was unveiled of which even tlie
warmest friends of the labouring classes had hitherto but a faint conception.
It would be utterly incredible, were not the testimony overwhelming, that,
* Sir Thomas Baring, President of the Society for Conversion of the Jews.
¦j- Parliamentary Papers, 1842, xv. , xvi., xvii.

iu^^^wiiiliiSP^7

HORRORS OP THE COAL MINES.

1S42.]

CHILDREN IN MINES AND COLLIERIES. 221

m the most Christian and civilised country in the world, such enormities
- could have been permitted ; and if we dwell briefly upon a few of the details,
it is only that this generation may be the better enabled to realise what was
the actual state of things in the " old time before them." and how great was
the deliverance that Lord Ashley was instrumental in effecting-.
A very large proportion of the workers underground were less than
thirteen years of ago ; some of them began to toil in the pits when only four
or five ; many when between six and seven, and the majority when not over
eight or nine, females as well as males.
A man must have strong nerves who, for the first time, descends a deep
shaft without some uncomfortable sensations. To a young, timid child, the
descent was a cruel terror, nor was the first impression of the mine less
horrible. It was damp, dark, and close ; with water trickling down its sides,
the floor ankle-deep in black mud ; and around, a labyrinth of dark, gruesome

The first employment of a very young child was that of a " trapper," and
any occupation more barbarous it is difficult to conceive. The ventilation of
a mine was a very complicated affair, and cannot be easily explained in a few
words. Suffice it to say that were a door or trap left open after the passage
of a coal-carriage through it, the consequences would be very serious, causing
great heat and closeness when the miners were at work, and perchance an
explosion Behind each door, therefore, a little child, or trapper, was seated,
whose duty it was, on hearing- the approach of a whirley, or coal-carriage, to
pull open the door, and shut it again immediately the whirley had passed.
From the time the first coal was brought forward in the morning, until the last
whirley had passed at night, that is to say for twelve or fourteen hours a day,
the trapper was at his monotonous, deadening work. He had to sit alone in
the pitchy darkness and the horrible silence, exposed to damp, and unable to
stir for more than a dozen paces with safety lest he should be found neglect
ing his duty, and suffer accordingly. He dared not go to sleep — the punish
ment was the " strap," applied with brutal severity. Many of tho mines were
infested with rats, mice, beetles, and other vermin, and stories are told of rats
so bold, that they would eat the horses' food in the presence of the miners,
and have been known to run off with the lighted candles in their mouth and
explode the gas. All the circumstances of a little trapper's life were full of
horror, and upon nervous, sensitive children the effect was terrible, producing
a state of imbecility, approaching almost to idiocy. Except on Sunday they
never saw the sun ; they had no hours of relaxation, their meals were mostly
eaten in the dark, and their "homes" were with parents who devoted them
to this kind of life.
The young lambs are bleating in the meadows,
The young birds are chirping in the nest ;
The young fawns are playing with the shadows,
The young flowers are blowing toward the west.

222 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. X
But the young, young children, O my brothers,
They are weeping bitterly !
They are weeping in the playtime of the others,
In the country of the free.
As they grew older, the trappers were passed on to other employments,
"hurrying," "filling," "riddling," "tipping," and occasionally "getting," and
in these labours no distinction whatever was made between boys and girls in
their mode of work, in the weights they carried, in the distances they travelled,
in the wages they received, or in their dress, which consisted of no other gar
ment than a ragged shirt or shift, or a pair of tattered trousers. " Hurrying"
— that is, loading small waggons, called corves, with coals, and pushing them
along a passage — was an utterly barbarous labour performed by women as
well as by children. They had to crawl on hands and knees, and draw
enormous weights along shafts as narrow and as wet as common sewers, and
women remained at this work until the last hour of pregnancy. When the
passages were very narrow, and not more than eighteen to twenty-four inches in
height, boys and girls performed the work by " girdle and chain ; " that is to
say, a girdle was put round the naked waist, to which a chain from the car
riage was hooked and passed between the legs, and, crawling on hands and
knees, they drew the carriages after them. It is not necessary to describe
how the sides of the hurriers were blistered, and their ankles strained, how
their backs were chafed by coming in contact with the roofs, or how they
stumbled in the darkness, and choked in the stifling atmosphere. It is
enough to say that they were obliged to do the work of horses, or other beasts
of burden, only because human flesh and blood was cheaper in some cases, and
horse-labour was impossible in others.
" Coal-bearing" — carrying on their backs, on unrailed roads, burdens
varying from half a hundredweight to one hundredweight and a half — was
almost always performed by girls and women, and it was a common occur
rence for little children of the age of six or seven years to carry burdens of
coal of half a hundredweight up steps that, in the aggregate, equalled an
ascent, fourteen times a day, to the summit of St. Paul's Cathedral ! The
coal was carried in a creel, or basket, formed to the back, the tugs or straps
of which were placed over the forehead, and the body had to be bent almost
double to prevent the coals, which were piled high on to the neek, from fall
ing. Sometimes these tugs would break in ascending the ladder, when the
consequences would always be serious, and sometimes fatal, to those who were
immediately following.
Another form of severe labour to which children of eight years of age and
upwards were frequently put, was that of pumping water in the under-bottom
of the pits. The little workers stood, as a rule, ankle-deep in water, per
forming their unceasing tasks during hours as long as those in the other
departments of labour.
It sometimes happened that the children employed in the mines were
required to work " double shifts," that is to say, thirty-six hours continuously,

1S42] CHILDREN IN MINES AND COLLIERIES. 223
and the work thus cruelly protracted consisted, not in tending self-acting
machinery, but in the heaviest kind of bodily fatigue, such as pushing loaded
waggons, lifting heavy weights, or driving and constantly righting trains of
loaded corves.
In addition to the actual labour, the children, especially the apprentices,
suffered terribly from the cruelty of the overlookers, who bargained for them,
dismissed them, and used them as they pleased. The revelation of the bratal
pimishments inflicted for the most trifling offences, is too sickening to dwell
upon, nor will we advert to the fact that the food of the children was almost
invariably insufficient, was of the coarsest kind, and was eaten irregularly.
It is needless to say that the poor little creatures, who laboured thus like
beasts of burden, and who scarcely ever saw the sunshine more than once a
week, suffered terribly in health. The foundation of diseases of the heart and
lungs was laid in early life ; many died young, and at thirty years of age most
colliers became asthmatic, while rheumatism was almost universal. Every
person employed in a coal mine was, in addition, exposed to danger constant
and imminent, and it was a common saying that a collier was never safe after
he was " swung off to be let down the pit." The accidents, many of them pre
ventable, to which persons were chiefly exposed, were falling down the shaft,
coal falling upon them, suffocation by carbonic acid gas, drowning from the
sudden breaking in of water, and other minor accidents, which better regula
tions and machinery have now made impossible.
Education was totally neglected and the morals of the people were in the
lowest possible state. Nor can this be wondered at when it is remembered
that in a great number of the pits men worked in perfect nakedness, and in
this state were assisted in their labours by females of all ages, from girls of
six years old to women of twenty -one, these women being themselves quite
naked down to the waist, their only garment being trousers.
As a rule the wages paid to labourers in the mines, and especially to the
women and children, were unreasonably low, and in some districts the
iniquitous " truck system " prevailed, that is to say, the people were not paid
in money, but by advances of goods from a shop in the neighbourhood where
the necessaries of life were dearer by 25 per cent, than in shops farther off.
For all the revolting cruelty practised upon the poor children employed in
mines and collieries ; for all the dreadful sufferings to which they were
subjected in their premature and destructive labour ; for all the horrible
indecencies daily passing before their eyes and inviting their imitation ; for
all the ignorance, licentious habits, and social disorganisation springing out
of this state of things, the main excuse given was, that without the employ
ment of child-labour the pits could not possibly be worked with a profit;
that after a certain age the vertebrae of the back do not conform to the required
positions, and therefore the children must begin early, and that unless early
inured to the work and its terrors no child would ever make a good collier.
It was when the condition of things was in this state that Lord Ashley
had demanded a Commission of Inquiry.

224 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. X
May 7th. — The Report of the Coram ission is out — a noble document. The Home
Office in vain endeavoured to hold it back ; it came by a most providential
mistake into the hands of members ; and, though the Secretary of State for a
long while prevented the sale of it, he could not prevent publicity, or any notice
of motion. Perhaps even " Civilisation " itself never exhibited such a mass of sin and
cruelty. The disgust felt is very great, thank God ; but will it be reduced to
action when I call for a remedy ?
May 14th. — The Government cannot, if they would, refuse the Bill of which I
have given notice, to exclude females and children from coal-pits — -the feeling in
my favour has become quite enthusiastic ; the Press on all sides is working most
vigorously. Wrote pointedly to thank the editor of the Morning Chronicle for
his support, which is most effective.
Concurrently with the Factoiy Question, Lord Ashley was continuing his
labours in other movements, and especially those on behalf of the Insane
Thus he writes : —
May 17th. — This day I have visited Hanwell, in company with Serjeant Adams,
and well may I, aye, and by His grace do I, heartily thank God for all that I
saw there. Could any man, who has the least regard for his fellow-man, as
created and redeemed by the same Blessed Lord, behold such a triumph of wisdom
and mercy over ignorance and ferocity and not rejoice, and give God the glory ?
These things cannot be expressed, no, nor felt, by any but the spirit of Christian
love, of the love of that dearest Lord, whose very essence is the indivisible,
necessary, and single principle of goodness itself. What sufferings mitigated,
what degradation spared, what vices restrained, what affections called forth !
May 21st. — The Government had well-nigh given away Thursday (my day
for the Colliery Bill) to C. Buller. It is clear that they desire to get rid of
the motion. This clay I received a formal proposition from Freemantle to give
precedence to the Bridport case. No reason assigned why the Minister demanded
precedence ; there is quite as good reason why I should precede Buller, as he
precede me. I told him that such a request came with a very bad grace from a
Government which was hostile, not only to past measures of the kind, but, I
really believed, to this one in particular ! I, of course, refused ; postponement
would be total surrender.
May 23rd. — Peel, knowing my determination not to give way, advised Wynne
this evening (Wynne told me so himself) to take Thursday for a question of
privilege, thereby destroying me altogether. Never was there such treatment,
such abominable trickery.
May 24th.— One would have thought that a " paternal " Government would
have hastened to originate, certainly to aid, any measures for the removal of this
foul and cruel stain ! No such thing, no assistance, no sympathy — every obstacle
in my way, though I doubt whether they will dare openly to oppose me on the
Bill itself. Have no time for reflection, no time for an entry. I hear that no
such sensation has been caused since the first disclosures of the horrors of the
slave trade ! God, go before us, as in Thy pillar of a cloud !
May 30th.— 26th, day fixed; persisted, having received an assurance from
Peel and Freemantle that the privilege question would not occupy two hours,

1842-' " THE GREATEST JACOBIN." 225
Peel having engaged to give me a day if I were disappointed. So it turned out ;
Wynne was absent ; I was called ; the first sentence was all but begun, when
cries arose that Wynne was coming ; I gave way, and this famous " two hours "
debate occupied from five till twelve o'clock ! Never did I pass such an evening ;
expecting, for six hours, without food or drink, to be called on at any moment-
very unwell in consequence, and have been, in fact, ever since. Peel then gave
me Tuesday (to-morrow), and just now— such is the apparent fate of the ques
tion — a horrid attempt to assassinate the Queen has caused an adjournment of
the House.
. ... A second attempt to murder our young Queen is really as shooking
individually as it is alarming publicly. May God hear the prayer of those who
faithfully adore Him, and shield her from every mischief !
May 31st. — This is the day ; but I fear that all will be so engrossed by this
terrible affair, that there will be no hearing for us 1 Wrote to Peel, and offered
to release him from his engagement (which he was quite ready to hold to) seeing
his great anxiety to finish the Income Tax Bill. He had lost his day by so
terrible an event, that it would be kind and becoming on my part to anticipate
his wishes and postpone my own. He wrote a grateful acceptance of my offer,
and now I stand for Tuesday next, like the god Terminus on the Capitol,
resolved not to budge.
June 1st. — I am glad I have done so. Peel has carried his Bill, and I am not
the worse for the delay — at least, I hope so. I foresee a covert and spiteful
opposition ; the Great Northern coal-owners have produced a document of defence
of themselves, which throws the mantle of their comparative merit over the
enormities of the general practice. Here is party ! It is a vain, insolent, and
feeble paper, quite in the style of the old apologies of the Factory masters.
These repeated delays have tried my patience, and stumbled my faith — God
forgive me. I shall yet see that the harvest is retarded, not denied.
" There, Madam, is the greatest Jacobin in your Majesty's dominions."
Thus spoke Lord Melbourne, in his laughing way, addressing the Queen and
pointing- to Lord Ashley, who was dining one day at Windsor during the
Factory Agitation. Lord Shaftesbury also used to laugh when narrating
the incident, but it is clear from the following entry that his sensitive nature
smarted during this period under tho badinage of men of that school : —
Met Melbourne at dinner — a good deal excited by his language and opinions,
and spoke strongly. I will never henceforward say anything to him, I have pro
tested fully and finally, and there the matter shall end. There is a decided
change in feeling towards my measures — even Howick declared last night to me,
that long as he had been opposed to interference, he was compelled to admit its
present necessity. . . .
The Report of the Commission had aroused the indignation of the whole
country. No" one had the least conception of the enormity of the evil that
existed ; but it was reserved for Lord Ashley to expose the iniquity of the
system in a speech so powerful that it Hot only thrilled the House, but sent a
shudder through the length and breadth of the land.

226 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. X,
June 9th. — Oh, that I had the tongue of an angel to express what I ought to
feel I God grant that I may never forget it, for I cannot record it. On the 7th,
brought forward my motion — the success has been wonderful, yes, really wonder
ful — for two hours the House listened so attentively that you might have heard
a pin drop, broken only by loud and repeated marks of approbation — at the close
a dozen members at least followed in succession to give me praise, and express
their sense of the holy cause. . . .
As I stood at the table, and just before I opened my mouth, the words of God
came forcibly to my mind, " Only be strong and of a good courage " — praised
be His Holy Name, I was as easy from that moment as though I had been
sitting in an arm-chair. Many men, I hear, shed tears — Beckett Denison con
fessed to me that he did, and that he left the House lest he should be seen. Sir
G. Grey told William Cowper that he " would rather have made that speech than
any he ever heard." Even Joseph Hume was touched. Members took me aside,
and spoke in a very serious tone of thanks and admiration. I must and will sing
an everlasting " non nobis." — -Grant, oh blessed God, that I may not be exalted
above measure, but that I may ever creep close by the ground, knowing and joy
fully confessing that I am Thy servant, that without Thee Lam nothing worth,
and that from Thee alone cometh all counsel, wisdom, and understanding, for the
sake of our most dear and only Saviour, God manifest in the flesh, our Lord Jesus
Christ I It has given me hopes for the Empire, hopes for its permanence, hopes
for its services in the purposes of the Messiah. God prosper the issue ! . . .
June 11th. — Has not this carried, in fact, the Ten Hours Bill? Yet two such
mercies in one year would exceed, not God's goodness, but man's capacity.
The masterly speech in which Lord Ashley introduced his Bill, gave
an epitome of the Commissioners' Report, and set forth the whole question
in its physical, moral, social, and religious aspects.
"Is it not enough," he said, in conclusion, "to announce these things
to an assembly of Christian and British gentlemen ? For twenty millions
of money you purchased the liberation of the negro ; and it was a blessed
deed. You may, this night, by a cheap and harmless vote, invigorate the
hearts of thousands of your country people, enable them to walk erect in
newness of life, to enter on the enjoyment of their inherited freedom, and
avail themselves (if they will accept them) of the opportunities of virtue,
of morality, and religion. These, Sir, are the ends that I venture to pro
pose ; this is the barbarism that I seek to restore." *
Lord Ashley's motion, " and the copious and judicious speech in which
he introduced it, were received with an unanimity almost unexampled in
any political assembly. The noble Lord must have felt himself well re
warded, for his exertions in the cause of humanity, by the remarkable
tribute of admiration and consent which he received from all parts of the
House." So spoke the leading journal, and Englishmen generally warmly
united in the tribute of admiration. In passing through Committee, and
at the third reading, there were innumerable difficulties to overcome, and
* A member, in a preceding discussion, had said that "this kind of legislation
would bring back the barbarism of the Middle Ages " (Hansard, 3, s. lxii. 1320).

1842-1 RICHARD COBDEN. 227
repeated attempts were made to modify and delay the measure. But,
backed by the great body of the House, Lord Ashley was able to triumph
over all obstacles. When, however, the Bill came down from the Lords
on August' 6th, it was found that its utility had been considerably impaired
by amendments, which, however, it was thought politic to accept, rather
than endanger the passing of the measure during the existing Session.
One of the most determined opponents to factory legislation, as proposed
by Lord Ashley, was Mr. Richard Cobden. He was not only opposed to the
measures, but to the man ; and his view of the character of Lord Ashley
was as ungenerous as it was unjust.
In one of his earliest speeches in Parliament, Cobden uttered his protest
against the " Philanthropists." In a letter to his brother Frederick he says,
" The part of my last speech that struck home the most was at the close. I
had observed an evident disposition on the Tory side to set up as Philanthro
pists. Old Sir Robert Inglis sat with his hands folded ready to sigh, and, if
needful, to weep over a case of Church destitution ; he delivered a flaming
panegyric upon Lord Ashley the other night, styling him the friend of the
unprotected, after he had been canting about the sufferings of lunatics.
Added to this, Peel has been professing the utmost anxiety for paupers, and
Sir Eardley Wilmot is running after Sturge. When I told them at the close
of my speech, that I had been quietly observing all this, but it would not all
do unless they showed their consistency by untaxing the poor man's loaf, there
was a stillness and attention on the other side, very much like the conduct
of men looking aghast at the first consciousness of being found out."
On another occasion, turning to a member who was a great friend of negro
slaves, and to another who favoured Church Establishments, and who had
lately complimented Lord Ashley as the great " friend of humanity generally,
and of factoiy children in particular," Cobden said, " When I see a dispo
sition among you to trade in humanity, I will not question your motives, hut
this I will tell you, that if you would give force and grace to your professions
of humanity, it must not be confined to the negTo at the Antipodes, nor to
the building of churches, nor to the extension of Church Establishments,
nor to occasional visits to factories to talk sentiment over factoiy children —
you must untax the people's bread ! "
Although Cobden had steadily opposed Lord Ashley, step by step, both
publicly and privately, he raised no opposition whatever to the Mines and
Collieries Bill. On the contrary, when Lord Ashley had concluded his great
speech — a speech he always considered one of the most successful he ever
delivered — Cobden came over to him, at its conclusion, and sitting down on the
bench beside him, wrung his hand heartily and said, " You know how opposed
I have been to your views ; but I don't think I have ever been put into such
a frame of mind, in the whole course of my life, as I have been by your speech."
The impression produced upon the mind of Cobden was not evanescent.
" In 1842," says his biographer,* " Cobden took a more generous, or rather a
* " Life of Richard Cobden." By John Morley.
p 2

228 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. X.
more just, view of Lord Ashley's character than he had been accustomed to
express in his letters and conversation. ' He would confess very frankly that,
before he had entered that House, he had entertained doubts, in common with
many of the employers in the North, whether those advocates of the Short
Hours Bill, who supported the Com Law, were really sincere ; but, since he
had had an opportunity of a closer observation of the noble Lord, he was
perfectly convinced of his genuine philanthropy.' "
There were occasions, in subsequent years, when Cobden considered that
Lord Ashley's philanthropy was leading him astray, and he resisted hini
accordingly ; but all personal animosity had ceased, and, in its place, a
friendship sprang up which bore fruit in later years, when mutual sympathy
helped them each to bear the sorrows of domestic bereavement that came
upon them.
June ICth. — Accounts from all parts full of promise. The collier people
themselves are delighted ; the hand-loom weavers (poor people !) rejoice in the
exclusion of the females, as they themselves will go down and take their places.
Here is the first point of success.
June 23rd. . . . Last night pushed the Bill through Committee ; a, feeble
and discreditable opposition ! " Sinners " were with me, " saints " against me —
strange the contradiction in human nature ! . . . Had I trusted in man, I
should have been lamentably forlorn : not a member of the Government, except
Manners Sutton, who was necessarily present. Graham, it is true, apologised, as
summoned to the Queen ; but where were the rest ? It is very curious (but so I
have invariably found it) that those who promised support failed, and those
who made no promises were present. I must except a few. Bell and his
Northern gentry behaved admirably. Some who came down to support me
spoke against me !
There was one in the House of Commons who, not for the first time, had
come forward to show his sympathy with the oppressed poor, and with the
man who was so nobly fighting oil their behalf. That helper was Lord
Palmerston, who pleaded that the measure might pass into law without any
alteration that would affect its principle, and he was convinced that it would
pass if it received the cordial and sincere support of the Government.
Nor did he leave the matter here. In its passage through the House he
continued to resist the amendments which tended to remove the security
against the employment of women. He " taunted Ministers with not having
given that cordial support which Sir James Graham had promised. . . .
He would not accuse them of backing- out of their intentions, but their reluct
ance to object to these amendments proved that there was a power greater
than their own which exercised a sort of coercion over them."*
June 24th. — A notice given last night, by Mr. Ainsworth, to refer the Bill to
a Select Committee, to see whether it would not abate the wages of the working
classes ! This involves delay — long and serious delay. I suffer much from
anxiety. George Anson gave me a kind message from Prince Albert, expressive
* " Life of Lord Palmerston." By Hod. Evelyn Ashley, M.P.

l842-l LETTER PROM THE PRINCE CONSORT. 229
ofjiis sympathy and the Queen's, adding that he had read every syllable of it to
the Queen, who was particularly pleased with the message to herself from
Isabel Hogg.* I found on my return home a most excellent and amiable
letter from the Prince. May God bless him and prosper him I
H.R.H. the Prince Consort to Lord Ashley.
Buckingham Palace, June 23rd, 1842.
My dear Lord Ashley, — I have carefully perused your speech, which you
were so good as to send me, and I have been highly gratified by your efforts, as
well as horror-stricken by the statements which you have brought before the
country. I know you do not wish for praise, and I therefore withhold it, but
God's best blessing will rest with yon and support you in your arduous but
glorious task. It is with real gratification I see in the papers the progress
which you made last night. I have no doubt but that the whole country must
be with you — at all events, I can assure you that the Queen is, whom your state
ments have filled with the deepest sympathy.
It would give me much pleasure to see you any day that you would call on me,
at twelve o'clock, and to converse with you on the subject.
Believe me, with my best wishes for your total success, Ever yours truly, Albert.
June 25th. — Late last night, or rather at two o'clock in the morning, forced
my Bill through the Report, despite the resistance of Mr. Ainsworth. Thank
God ! but the day is not yet won. There may be difficulty on tho third reading.
Waited on Prince Albert ; found him hearty, kind, sensible, and zealous. Ho
is an admirable man !
June 28th.- — Deputation from South Staffordshire ; very positive, very un
reasonable. But they have secured Hatherton's co-operation in the Lords ; and
I, meanwhile, have not found any one to take charge of the Bill. Buccleuch,
even, requires longer time for the exclusion of females. Locke, I hear (the
agent of Francis Egerton), is secretly setting men's minds against the " female
clause." The whole struggle is reserved for the Upper House. God be with us !
June 29th. — A day of expectation and hope. Disappointed at the last. The
House was counted out, and my Bill again delayed. The mercy of God is ever
qualifying evil. I have lost the day, but I have gained the Duke of Buccleuch.
He will undertake the charge of the Bill ; for him I will extend the time of
operation to 1st of March.
July 1st. — Last night the Duke of Buccleuch informed me that his colleagues
objected ; they refused him permission to undertake the Bill ; they would not
make it a Government measure. Surely, after such promises of support from
Graham, such unanimity in the House, and such feeling in the country, they
should have done so ; but they are hostile in their hearts. Hatherton has notified
his opposition in the Lords. I have no one to take charge of the Bill.
* " Another witness, a most excellent old Scotchwoman, Isabel Hogg, says : —
, Collier people suffer much more than others. You must just tell tbe Queen
Victoria that we are quiet, loyal subjects. Women-people don't mind work here, but
they object to horse-work ; and that she would have the blessings of all the Scotch
coal-women if she could get them out of the pits and send them to other labour.' " —
Quoted by Lord Ashley in his speech, June 7th, 1842.

230 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. X.
July 2nd. — Resisted again last night. Two divisions on the adjournment of
the debate late at night. Peel and Graham voted with me on the first, but went
away on the second. Neither of them said a word in my favour. Gladstone voted
against me, and Sir Edward Knatehbull ; Graham, the evening before, had
changed his tone, and began to express his doubts to Jocelyn. Here again is
'¦' cordial support ! " The Government will openly desert me in the House of
Lords. Wharncliffe attempted to break his engagement, by desiring me to postpone
all parts of the Bill except that which related to females. I positively refused.
July 5th. — On Saturday, Francis was respited ; on Sunday, the Queen's life
again attempted. Had the first miscreant suffered, we should not have had this
second 1 God be praised for her escape ! I have great difficulty in finding a
patron for the Bill in the House of Lords ; I have tried the Dukes of Buccleuch.
Richmond, Sutherland, to no purpose.
July 6th. — Ainsworth again resisted it as a " dropped order," fixed it, how
ever, by right, for the later part of the evening. It came on about nine, and, God
be everlastingly praised, received, amid cheers, the fiat that " Lord Ashley do
carry the Bill to the Lords."
Pahnersto-a told the Ministers that, " if they were sincere (and they would
soon be tested), the Bill must pass the House of Lords."
It is almost impossible to understand the prolonged trouble and anxiety
Lord Ashley had to encounter and endure, both before and after any great
public effort. As an illustration, the following entries from the Diary are
quoted, even at the possible expense of weariness to the reader :—
July 8th. — Much, very much trouble to find a Peer who would take charge of
the Bill. It is " the admiration of everybody, but the choice of none." So often
refused, that I felt quite humbled ; I was a wearisome suitor for a moment's
countenance. All had some excuse or other ; praised it, but avoided it. Have
since tried Lord Abercorn, the Duke of Cleveland, Lord Dalhousie, Lord
Lansdowne, Lord Carnarvon, who has given me no answer, and Lord Stanhope,
who dissuaded me from urging my request by showing how his advocacy of the
Bill might ruin it in the estimation of their Lordships. He was truly zealous
and kind ; but his plea was a just one for "non-interference."
At last, this very evening, a debate still raging in the House of Lords, I
obtained Lord Devon, who spoke, with shame, of the indifference of the Peers to
such a measure.
Never did one body present such a contrast to another as the House of Lords
to the House of Commons — the question seemed to have no friends ; even those who
said a sentence or two in its favour, spoke coldly and with measure. Hatherton
gave notice of a Committee, and the Duke of Wellington approved it, and spoke
with contempt and suspicion of the Commissioners. I could not guess at his
motive, unless it were an attack on the late Government. And this, after he had
told me ten days ago at Buckingham Palace that he entirely approved my speech,
and that " the House of Lords would give us no trouble" ! nay, more, in a letter
I received from him still later, he assured me that " he should take the same line
in the Lords as the Ministers had taken in the Commons " I
This is the accomplishment of "cordial and earnest support" I But God will
overrule, and turn all things to His glory at last. There is, I doubt not, and will

l842-l SUCCESS OF THE COLLIERY BILL. 231
be, more success than I now see, for disappointment and apprehension lie heavy
on me. I sent the Bill to the Lords with deep and fervent prayer, consecrating,
and committing it to God, as Hannah consigned her son Samuel, to His blessed
service. May He, in His mercy, have " respect unto me and my offering I "
July 13th. — Last night fixed for debate in House of Lords, postponed to
Thursday. Lord Londonderry attacked me, Clanricarde defended me. Misery
makes one acquainted with strange bedfellows ! He did it kindly and well.
Government at last declared, by the voice of Lord Whamcliffe, that it would " be
quite passive, it would give no support to the Bill." This, too, after having promised
great things in the House of Commons ; and moreover, after having done the Bill
a dis-service by recommending that it should be referred to a Select Committee.
Now then I am impotent — nothing remains (humanly speaking) but public
opinion — were it not for this I should not be able carry one particle of the Bill ;
but something, please God, I shall attain through that His instrument ; yet a
very small portion of what I desired. It is impossible to keep terms with this
Ministry, their promises are worth nothing.
July 26th. — Bill passed through Committee last night. In this work, which
should have occupied one hour, they spent nearly six, and left it far worse than
they found it ; never have I seen such a display of selfishness, f rigidity to every
human sentiment, such ready and happy self-delusion. Three bishops only pre
sent, Chichester (Gilbert), Norwich (Stanley), Gloucester (Monk), who came late,
but he intended well. The Bishop of London and the Archbishop of Canterbury
went away ! It is my lot, should I, by God's grace, live so long, to be here
after among them ; but may He avert the day on which my means of utility
in public Life would be for ever concluded I . . .
Aug. 1st. — . . . Said Peel to me the other evening, "I shall be as great a
sufferer as most people by the Bill, but it was perfectly right ; the evidence could
not be resisted — though I shall be so great a sufferer, I assure you L have not
offered the slightest impediment." I told him " I believed bis statement." I
could not, however, pay compliments, for he ought to have done far more than
give this negative aid ; he ought to have eo-operated vigorously.
12 o'clock, night. — Redesdale moved the third reading. I was much buoyed up
with the notion (which papers, bills, peers, and clerks confirmed) that the amend
ments (!) admitting the women into pits " only not to work," had been omitted ;
full of excitement and thankf ulness ; when I suddenly discovered that the words
were added on a slip of paper. God forgive me for my bitter disappointment ;
God strengthen my faith and patience ! I am in a fix : shall I accept the words,
or endeavour to strike them out ? If they remain, the Bill is neutralised ; if
they be objected to, the Bill is lost.
The long period of anxiety and disappointment came to an end at last.
The Bill — one of the greatest boons ever granted to the working classes —
passed the House of Lords successfully, and the celebration of the victory is
thus recorded : —
August 8th. — Took the Sacrament on Sunday in joyful and humble thankful
ness to Almighty God for the undeserved measure of success with which He has
blessed my effort for the glory of His name, and the welfare of His creatures.
Oh that it may be the beginning of good to all mankind 1 Novus sceclorum,

232 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. X.
nascitur ordo? Whatever has been done, is but the millionth part of what there
is to do ; and even then, should such an end be accomplished, which man never
yet saw, we should still be " unprofitable servants." The more I labour, the more
I see of labour to be performed, and vain at the last will be the labour of us
all. Our prayer must be for the Second Advent, our toil " that we be found
watching." Owing to the depression in trade this year, there was a terrible amount of
distress in the manufacturing districts. In the neighbourhood of Stockport
the poor-rates had increased from £2,628 in 1836 — 7 to £7,120, and it was
stated, at a meeting to memorialise'the Queen on the subject of the distress,
that more than half the master-spinners had failed, and 3,000 dwelling-houses
were untenanted. At Leeds, one-fifth of the entire population were depen
dent upon the poor-rates. At Manchester, shopkeepers and operatives held
almost daily meetings, to devise measures of relief. At Sheffield, 10,000
people were suffering the direst distress. Early in the year, bread riots of
a serious nature had taken place in Ireland and in Scotland, and in August
alarming disturbances broke out in the manufacturing districts of England,
chiefly at Manchester, Stalybridge, Stockport, Macclesfield, Dudley, Boston,
and Huddersfield, under the direction of Chartist demagogues. So serious
was the disorder that, after a special Cabinet Council had been held, troops
of Artillery and Grenadiers were despatched to Manchester, and special
instructions issued to magistrates. Eventually order |was restored, but from
the 18th to the 25th of August there was a reign of terror. Excited mobs
clamoured in the streets by day, and night was made fearful by incendiary
fires, while seditious placards were issued by the Executive Committee of the
National Chartist Association to keep alive the agitation. Arrests were made
in great numbers ; in one gaol alone there were 500 prisoners, who were tried
by special commissioners sent down by the Government. They were troublous
times ; and those outbreaks were presages of the storm that was brewing-, not
in England only, but over the whole Continent of Europe.
August 18th. — Have visited St. Giles's with William ; found it in beauty and
peace. Oh, si sie omnia ! The country is distracted by lawless mobs and sudden
insurrections, throughout the trading districts, more general, prolonged, and
systematic than we have seen for years. It is singular that the commotion
began among the pitmen in Staffordshire, in those regions which, represented by
Lord Hatherton and the deputation, succeeded in mutilating the Colliery Bill,
asserting, as they did to me, that " any provision for time and education was
wholly unnecessary in those parts, the people being moral, religious, and fully
instructed." The resistance of the colliers to a reduction of wages found sympa
thisers in all the manufacturing communities. The disaffection being set afloat,
every department of industry produced its own grievances, and all are acting
together, not so much because they are carefully organised, as because they are
all ill at ease. The affair, however, has now taken the colour of a political
movement ; and all minor objects (the Poor Law, Factory Bill, Truck System,
&o. &c.) are subordinate to the grand and final remedy of the Charter !

1S43'J IN THE MANUFACTURING DISTRICT'S. 233
For this we are as much indebted td Sir R. Peel as to Feargus O'Connor.
Peel's refusals ereate an appetite foi' O'Connor's offers. At the dissolution of
Parliament the mass of the working classes were with Peel, because they had
hope ; they are now against him, because they have none. His course on the Ten
Hours Bill was taken as the test and measure of his sympathy for the operatives
of the kingdom; his perpetual talk of "imports and exports" (his mind and
heart never entertain higher projects in the responsibilities of Government) does
not deceive them, for they know full well that a brisk trade would not bring
to them a bettered condition. They see in their rulers no interest or care, and
they will, therefore, feel no confidence. " Had we," said the Chartists of Leeds
to me, " a few more to speak to us as you have done, we should never again think
of the Charter."
In September, Lord Ashley again made a tour through the manufacturing
districts, accompanied by Lady Ashley, and spent much time amongst the
operatives, both publicly and privately, to warn them against the prevailing
spirit of lawlessness, and to urge them to persevere in their efforts for
emancipation in a quiet and peaceable manner. Then, for relaxation, a few
days were occupied in a hasty journey to North Wales for the purpose of
visiting Llangollen, the Menai Bridge, and other places of interest. On their
homeward journey, the following entry was made at Cholmondeley Castle : —
Sept. 29th. — Spent three days at Gawthorpe admirably well with Dr. Kay-
Shuttleworth (formerly my antagonist) and Mrs. Shuttleworth, visiting the
cottages, consulting colliers and hand-loom weavers, and conciliating mill-
owners. We conversed from morning till night, and scarcely ever touched a
subject unconnected with the moral and physical condition of the poor, and the
means of repairing it. The grace of God has done much for the man ; he always
had a kind heart, he has now a religious heart ; his whole pleasure is centred in
moral good, his whole life seems devoted to the essential welfare of the British
nation ; he gives daily manifest and undeniable proofs of his sincerity.
This is a mighty gain for me and my cause, and I heartily bless God, who
has raised up agents for Himself where, in my infirmity, I least looked for it !
Thence to Worsley ; a happy visit. I enjoyed an opportunity of renewing my
habits of friendship and intimacy with that dear and excellent woman, Lady
Francis Egerton, one of the earliest, and certainly the truest friend I have in
the world. Never did there live a more simple-minded or pure-hearted person,
full of zeal for God's honour, and indefatigable in His service. Peace be to the
house ! Had several interviews with Col. Shaw, of Manchester ; acquired most
extensive and important information respecting the working population ; he is a
jewel to me ; I bless God that I have found him. Perambulated the town on
Saturday night in company with two inspectors, and passed through cellars,
garrets, gin-palaces, beer-houses, brothels, gaming-houses, and every resort of
vice and violence. These things cannot go on for ten years longer, with a people
increased by three millions. Saw a darling little girl seven years old in the very
depth of dirt and uproar ; never did I witness such beauty of natural, untaught
affection, towards its rough and unk'ad mother. I determined, God willing, to
rescue it if possible. Descended a coal-pit 450 feet ; thought it a duty ; easier to
talk after you have seen ; so away I went, and had ever in my mind, " Under-

234 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. Whap. X.
neath are the everlasting arms " — so I feared not. Passing through Manchester,
Monday, Sept. 26th, received and answered an address from the Central Short-
Time Committee.
While Lord Ashley had been giving his attention more especially to the
underground workers, the factory agitation for a Ten Hours Bill had, neces
sarily, although not for that reason, made very little material progress. It
was desirable, therefore, that the people should he stirred up, and he " wrote
his Answer to the Address of the Central Short-Time Committee with great
care, as he wished it to be a manifesto of opinions." He expressed his
thanks for their approval of his past services ; but did not disguise his firm
conviction that the measures hitherto either carried or suggested, were but
preliminaries in the great undertaking of domestic regeneration.
After alluding to the passing of the Collieries Bill, and the unexampled
assistance given by an unanimous press, which had awakened a healthy and '
vigorous public opinion, he called upon them to persevere in their just and
necessary demands for a reasonable Time Bill, for a measure which, by the
more equal distribution of labour, should save them from the alternation of
absolute idleness and intolerable toil. He continued : —
Nor must we omit to press upon the attention of the public the gradual dis
placement of male by the substitution of female labour, in a large proportion of
the industrial occupations of the country — an evil we have long observed with
fear and sorrow. This evil, as you well know, is not confined to the mills and
factories of the United Kingdom, but is spreading rapidly and extensively over
other departments, desolating, like a torrent, the peace, the economy, and the
virtue of the mighty mass of the manufacturing districts. Domestic life and
domestic discipline must soon be at an end ; society will consist of individuals no
longer grouped into families ; so early is the separation of husband and wife, of
parents and children.
Sept. 29th. — To Cholmondeley Castle. Dear and friendly and agreeable
people — the old Duchess,* God bless her, was there — though deeply religious
they are cheerful, nay, joyous ; they think good, do good, and God gives them His
grace and blessing.
Among Lord Shaftesbury's papers there were found a number of letters
from Sir Robert Peel, many of them undated. There is one which refers to
the excellent Duchess of Beaufort, and justifies all that the foregoing extract
from the Journal states; but whether the letter relates to this particular
time is doubtful ; it may have been written some few years earlier.
Sir Robert Peel to Lord Ashley. Whitehall
My dear Ashley, — I shall be much obliged to you to convey to the Duchess
of Beaufort my sincere thanks for the kind consideration which induced Her
Grace to send to me, through you, the volume of sermons which accompanied
your note ; and to assure her that the occupations of public business, and
the contentions of political strife, do not so wholly absorb my thoughts as to
make me insensible to the full value of her favourable opinion and kind wishes.
* Duchess of Beaufort, mother of the Marchioness of Cholmondeley.

1842] WITH THE QUEEN DOWAGER. 235
I would say more if I did not feel that, in serious matters like those forming
the subjects of your note, any approach to flattery would be misplaced, and give
pam rather than satisfaction to the sincerity and simplicity of a virtuous and
religious mind.
But I am truly grateful for being remembered in the prayers which such a
mind offers up for the spiritual welfare of those who, placed in such positions as
I am, are too apt to have their thoughts diverted from matters of the highest and
most lasting concern. Ever, my dear Ashley, most faithfully yours, Robert Peel.
October 5th. — Rowton. Have been reading lately Sidney's Life of Rowland
Hill ; he was one of a race of martyrs, or rather of confessors, who maintained
their pious but painful ground in the face of a persecution which, to many minds,
would be more formidable than racks or gibbets. He and Simeon and all their
brethren withstood contempt, and ridicule, and desertion at a time when neither
in private nor in public was there any refuge or kindness for an evangelical man.
This was by God's grace, and we reap the fruits of it. . . . .
Oct. 27th. — Bournemouth. Melbourne has received the merciful warning of a
paralytic stroke, and poor Irby is dead at Newmarket, a kind-hearted amiable
man, who maintained amid the turfites (is it not well-nigh impossible?) a
generous, unselfish spirit towards his competitors in the game.
Oct. 29th. — Went yesterday with the Queen Dowager to see the. Steephill
Nunnery, near Canford. No males admitted generally, and the Lady Abbess
made objection, but was overruled by the Priest, who declared that the invitation
of a Queen to her suite, masculine though it were, contained a dispensing power.
A Cistercian nunnery, a female La Trappe ; rules very rigorous, observance of
them much mitigated ; among others a rule prevails that no one speaks to her
fellow ; words are never exchanged except with the Superior or Chaplain. And
this, poor things, is to be their notion of Christianity, and of the requirements of
Scripture. " Then they that feared the Lord spake often one to another, and the
Lord hearkened and heard it."
November 9th. — Wilton.* Here for the first time in my life — a most magni
ficent dwelling-place — it is " ceiled with cedar and painted with vermilion," yet
I rejoice to say that the occupier, though not the actual proprietor, Sidney
Herbert, has entered into and shared the spirit of David ; he has not been content
to " dwell in a house of cedar, while the Ark of God dwelleth within curtains ; "
the new and noble Church in the town attests his zeal for the " Temple of the
Lord." Quod felix faustumque sit !
Have been to London to transact business in Lunacy. This is a mighty sub
ject, and one on which authority and power could be extensively and beneficially
exercised. How often do I exclaim, for this and many other purposes —
" O Thou, my thoughts inspire,
Who touched Isaiah's hallowed lips with fire.''
But God's strength is "made perfect" in man's weakness.
* Wilton, Salisbury — the Earl of Pembroke's. Sidney Herbert, afterwards Lord
Herbert of Lea, was Lord Pembroke's younger brother.

236 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. X.
The history of our arms in Afghanistan in the unfortunate expedition to
reorganise the internal condition of that region which has been called " the
land of transition between Eastern and Western Asia," was studied very
attentively by Lord Ashley, and his Diaries contain a digest of all the
stirring events from the first visit of " Bokhara " Burnes, and through all the
series of disasters that followed, until, in 1842, the result was that " after
four years of unparalleled trial and disaster, everything was restored to tho
condition in which we found it; except that there were so many bravo
Englishmen sleeping in bloody graves."
It would be foreign to our purpose to quote at length from his Diaries on
subjects that were not personal to himself, but his views on the Campaign in
Afghanistan, as well as on the China War, may be given here briefly, as upon
both those subjects he was before long to take a public stand.
China and Afghanistan remit us by every mail fresh accounts of useless
successes and indelible disgraces. The wretched inhabitants and soldiery of that
unintelligible empire are mowed down, with as little resistance, as grass for
the oven ; the narratives of Captain Bingham's work are the records of an
abattoir. . . .
Nov. 15th. — And this is the way to recommend Christianity to the Orientals ?
Timour and Nadir Shah did more for Mahometanism. Have been studying,
every morning. St. Paul's epistles. Well may St. Peter say, "there aro some
things hard to be understood " !
Nov. 22nd. — Intelligence of great successes in China, and consequent peace. I
rejoice in peace ; I rejoice that this cruel and debasing war* is terminated ; but
I cannot rejoice, it may be unpatriotic, it may be un-British, I cannot rejoice in
our successes ; we have triumphed in One of the most lawless, unnecessary, and
unfair struggles in the records of History; it was a war on which good men
could not invoke the favour of Heaven, and Christians have shed more Heathen
blood in two years than the Heathens have shed of Christian blood in two
centuries ! I tremble the more, because I feel assured that vengeance will come
in some terrible shape ; these sins will not remain unpunished ; failure might
have mitigated our retribution, but success will prove our ruin.
Nov. 21th. — Intelligence yesterday of further success in Afghanistan. Capture
of Ghuznee and Cabul, and consequent peace. This is a, blessing, and saves us
from further cruelty and sin ; but I tremble ; " Pride goeth before a fall."
Nov. 25th. — The whole world is intoxicated with the prospect of Chinese
trade. Altars to Mammon are rising on every side, and thousands of cotton
children will be sacrificed to his honour. What can be more disgusting than the
total oblivion of all causes, modes, and results of these wars, in the foresight or
forehopes of large profits ? . . . The peace too is as wicked as the war ! We
refuse, even now, to give the Emperor of China relief in the matter of tbe
opium trade. . . .
Dec. 16'th. — The Home Secretary has appointed one special Commissioner—a
limb of the Poor Law — to investigate the employment of women and children
in Agriculture. The motive is manifest, when you know the man ; it is calculated
first to delay, and then to oppose my efforts. He will allow me to do nothing
* The reference is to the first Opium War.

1842-1 THE SECOND ADVENT. 237
until the report be made, and then, beside, qualify my doings by arguing that
agriculturists are no better off. This would be inconceivably untrue, but quite
enough for a Parliamentary statement, backed by official authority. What are
the proportionate numbers of females, the intensity of their labour, the duration
of absence from homo, the hours of toil, the locality, and all the circumstances ?
As a million to zero.
Dec. 17th. — Anxious all night, full of suspicions that a trick is intended. . . .
Dec. 22nd. — The weather we have enjoyed throughout this whole year has
been the temperature and climate of Eden. God be praised ! the poor find their
comfort in it. Yesterday was my father's birthday, on which he completed his
seventy-fourth year, a most green and vigorous old age — God grant that he may
turn it to his everlasting account !
Dec. 25th. — Christmas Day. There is very little seeming, and no real, hope for
mankind but in the Second Advent ; all our efforts are weak and transitory, and
issue in works very little stronger or more lasting — if we succeed in any project
having for its end the good of the human race ; first, we have to contend against
the various lets and hindrances which arise in the execution of every honest
purpose, the abatements, the diversions, the overthrows of our schemes ; next, we
must consider how small a portion of our fellow-creatures can receive benefit
from any policy of ours — the widest plan and the fullest success of benevolence
never yet affected the twentieth part of mankind — nothing can be universal but
the reign of our blessed Lord on the throne of David, when there shall be
" Glory to God in the highest, peace on earth, and goodwill towards men ; " " even
so come, Lord Jesus ! "
Dec. 26th. — The collect for the third Sunday in Advent contains the whole
object and means of national and individual education. It exhibits (as is most
true) the affairs of this world as subservient to those of the next ; it shows the
object to be the preparation of man's heart for Christ's Second Coming ; the
means, to be the general diffusion and maintenance of the Gospel by the
" ministers and stewards " of God's holy mysteries. Here is wisdom ! Now, had
I my own way, as absolute Prince, or Prime Minister, of these realms, I would
reduce these principles to action. I would recast the whole arrangement of
parishes, especially in towns. I would assign to every three thousand souls a
resident pastor, with a decent income and comfortable house ; and I would then
leave education to take care of itself, forbidding to the State any meddling,
suggesting, directing, planning, in matters wherein it can have no knowledge.
The State should insist and enforce that the duty be done, but not presume to
interfere with its own theories and doctrines.
Dec. 31st. — It is manifest that my " public support " in the coming year will
undergo considerable abatement. Publicity being one of my instruments, any
means towards it being abstracted, I shall find myself in greater labour and less
co-operation. Even the Dorset County Chronicle has imbibed the poison, and
seems shy of rendering me any service among my constituents.
A man having neither an official station nor a party to back him, cannot
humanly speaking, afford to lose the assistance of newspapers. I am beginning
to be a little anxious ; I wonder now whether I am so for myself, or in behalf of
"the cause." I know full well that there is in all these things a leaven of
personality.

CHAPTER XI.
1843.
" I have undertaken," wrote Lord Ashley in 1842, " more than I know how
to accomplish." Yet the year 1843 was destined to bring him an enormous
accession of labour. Three gigantic questions — National Education, the
Opium Trade, and Ragged Schools — were to be added to those which already
occupied his attention.
Before proceeding to quote from his Journals on these subjects, or to
narrate the position of affairs in relation to them, we must first glance at
other matters concerning his own personal history and the movements of the
time. Jan. 1st. — St. Giles's. Here I am in Quarter Sessions : the same vice, the
same misery — population increasing, and crime also. The evil and the danger
growing hand in hand, and yet not an attempt at remedy I . . .
Jan. 10th. — Lord Londonderry has invited the formation of a league to
attain the repeal of my Colliery Bill. Sharp practice, seeing that it will not
come into full operation before next March ! I see that the proposal is received
with favour in Scotland. I can hardly believe that the Parliament will so
speedily reverse its decision, or the Government their " support" It is, however,
another element of anxiety, and another subject of prayer.
A grand oration by Gladstone at Liverpool in favour of Collegiate Institutions
and education of middle classes. The papers bepraise him, his eloquence, his
principles, and his views. Well, be it so ; there is no lack of effort and declama
tion in behalf of fine edifices and the wealthier classes ; but where is the zeal
for ragged pin-makers, brats in calico works, and dirty colliers 1 Neither he nor
Sandon (how strange !) ever made or kept a house for me, ever gave me a vote, or
ever said a word in my support.
Jan. 12th. — Yesterday's Times and Morning Post are dissatisfied with their
friend : he is but a hybrid in Puseyism for them. The Times says something
that is true ; the Post is unjust. Here is the awkward and half -ridiculous posi
tion of Gladstone : he has asserted principles in matters ecclesiastical that he
cannot reduce to practice in the present hour : and yet he has taken office with
a Ministry that neither can conform to them, nor even desires it. He is allied
with men, and must, to retain office, act with men who feel differently, think
differently, and speak differently from himself on questions of the highest
moment. His public life has long been an effort to retain his principles, and yet
not lose his position. He seems » kind of theological bat, partaking of two
natures. Early in the year there is a significant entry in the Diary : — " Peel will
yet find his difficulties to lie in Ireland." And the prophecy met with its

18«] AFGHANISTAN. 239
fulfilment. We can only summarise, in this place, the course of events fully
detailed in the Diary.
Throughout the year 1843 Ireland was, apparently, on the very verge of
revolution. O'Connell had termed it " the Repeal year," and, by organising
enormous gatherings of the people, called " monster meetings," had hoped
to bring about a Repeal of the Union. At these meetings he exhorted his
countrymen " to die freemen rather than live as slaves ; " he held out to them
the hope that, before twelve months had passed, " an Irish Parliament should
sit at College Green," and vowed that, within that period, " he would himself
be free or in his grave ! "
Alarmists were astonished at the calm attitude in which these lawless
proceedings were viewed by Sir Robert Peel and his Cabinet, especially when
preparations were being made to hold a monster meeting of unusual import
ance on the 8th of October, at Clontarf, near Dublin, a spot famous in the
war-annals of Ireland.
But, on the day before the intended meeting, a Proclamation was issued
by the Lord-Lieutenant and Council of Ireland, warning all well-disposed
persons from attending the meeting, organised by "factious and seditious
men." This Proclamation struck terror to the hearts of the " Repealers."
The meeting was countermanded. O'Connell, forsaken by the bulk of his
former supporters, indulged in violent and ill-judged language, and on the
14th of October he, and eight of the most prominent leaders in the agitation,
were arrested on the charges of conspiracy, unlawful assembling, and sedi
tion. The result was that a fine of £2,000 and imprisonment for twelve
months were inflicted on O'Connell, and his companions were also punished by
fines and imprisonment ; and thus a death-blow was struck to the agitation.
O'Connell survived his defeat only three years.
As already stated, the terrible events that occurred in Afghanistan in 1842
had been carefully studied by Lord Ashley, and every great episode noted
from time to time in his Diary. Especially did he watch the policy of Lord
Ellenborough (the Governor- General of India in succession to Lord Auck
land), a man of brilliant talents, erratic genius, and overbearing temper, whose
high-handed action and bombastic utterances reached their climax in the
extraordinary Proclamation issued by him on the restoration to India of the
gates of the Temple of Somnauth, carried off by his orders when Ghuznee
was retaken by the English. It ran thus : " To all the Princes and Chiefs
and People of India. My brothers and my friends, — Our victorious army
hears the gates of the Temple of Somnauth in triumph from Afghanistan,
and the despoiled tomb of Sultan Mahmoud looks upon the ruins of Ghuznee.
The insult of 800 years is at last avenged. The gates of the Temple of Som
nauth, so long the memorial of your humiliation, are become the proudest
record of your national glory ; the proof of your superiority in arms over the
nations beyond the Indus." .
Jan. 22nd. — Is Ellenborough mad ? Has any person, private or royal, ever
uttered such a speech, or sent such a circular, since the days of Herod 1 Neo voas

240 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XI.
hominem sonat. He is stately and oracular as a tutelary Apollo, a false and cox
combical deity. But this folly is serious ; it vitally affects the honour and
service of Christianity ; the British Government is to conciliate the Hindoos by
the repair of their temples and by the adoration of their idols ! The Mahometans
had been good enough to do, eight hundred years ago, what we could not think of
now, to destroy the house'of a beastly image, and now we are set on the restora
tion of it ! . . .
Jan. 23rd. — Just finished Lieutenant Eyre's narrative* of the affairs at Cabul
and the captivity in Afghanistan, deeply interesting, graphically yet simply told,
with the force and painting of Captain Head. Much as I hated and dreaded the
policy which prompted and executed the invasion of that country when it first
began, I hate and dread it more now. What a mass of needless sin and suffering !
What a mighty waste of virtue, courage, heroism, fortitude I What energies
thrown away — nay, more — exerted in a, wicked cause by noble and reluctant
parties ! Here were minds and hearts destroyed in that wilderness of misery,
which might, in a day of necessity, have been, under God, the glory and strength
of Great Britain !
This is bad enough in itself ; but there is something yet worse ; there is an
immense national sin altogether unrepented of . People rejoice, and say, "they
are glad we are well rid of the matter ; " but are we so ? . . .
March 10th. — Yoted last night against the Government, to condemn Lord
Ellenborough's Proclamation. What have I to do with the party-motives of the
Whigs, who brought forward the resolution ? Their motives may be vile, but
they do not alter the quality of the fact. It is on this that I had to pronounce,
irrespective of the sentiments of those who attacked and defended it. Talk of
party, indeed I The defence was as much the work of a faction as the assault.
Never was I more disgusted and depressed ; never did I feel less regard for public
men, or less pleasure in public life. The character of the Proclamation, its
effects on the native race, on Christians in India, on Christians in England, were
quite forgotten ; everything sacrificed to the defence of the Governor- General.
Any attempt to palliate slavery was abhorrent to Lord Ashley, as tho
following entry will show : —
Jan. 25th. — Morpeth f has written a letter to the female editor of the Liberty
Bell in America. ... He shuns any part in the Slavery Question in the
U.S. ; but while his prudence may be applauded for abstaining from interposi
tion in local disputes, his language seems somewhat to express a diminution of
feeling on this great human wrong. He states his discovery that many persons
of sense, refinement, and piety, defend and practise the institution of slavery.
This is the first step towards the justification of it — -perhaps by both parties. . . .
Piety forsooth ! I should much like to ascertain these points : do his pious
slaveholders discourage, in every way, and between all parties, illicit sexual con
nection ? Do they encourage — nay, compel — among their slaves the institution of
marriage — God's holy ordinance in the days of man's innocency — and all the
consequent domestic relations 1 Do they spread among them the knowledge and
* ''Narrative of a Prisoner in Afghanistan."
t Afterwards Earl of Carlisle and Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. He was travelling in
the States.

1843-1 ASSASSINATION OP MR. DRUMMOND. 241
practice of Christianity ? Do they provide for them the administration of the
Sacraments, the free use of the Bible, the regular attendance at public worship ?
Or do they shut them out of such privileges as above the slavish station ? Until
he shall have proved these things, Lord Morpeth has no right to talk of pious
slaveholders I . . .
On the 20th of January, Mr. Edward Drummond, Private Secretary to Sir
Robert Peel, was shot when passing along Whitehall ; and there was little
doubt that the assassin, Daniel McNaughten, intended the ball, not for him,
but for Sir Robert Peel. Lord Ashley wrote a letter of condolence and
sympathy, as follows : —
Lord Ashley to Sir Robert Peel.
St. Giles's House, January 30th, 1813.
My dear Sir Robert, — Perhaps a few words from me of condolence and
sympathy with the great loss you have sustained in poor Edward Drummond
will not be considered out of season, or out of place. He was to you so true a
friend, and so valuable an assistant, that I may venture to rank him among
those whom you most loved and honoured. God knows the loss is not yours
alone ; every one who enjoyed the acquaintance of the poor dear fellow must
feel how ill society could afford the privation of so simple-hearted and so
English a gentleman. But his melancholy end fills me with horror ; it has
pleased God in His wise and merciful, though unsearchable Providence, to per
mit him to fall by the blow that was, no doubt, intended for another. I cannot
believe that it is a disconnected act ; it is the beginning of sorrow. Sur sum
corda ; these events must prove to us of what slight avail are all human precau
tions ; that in the everlasting arms is our only safety ; and that as we hope to
die, so must we learn to live, in His faith and fear. May God, of His mercy,
guide, protect, and cherish you ! May He reserve you for His gracious purposes
towards this country and mankind, for His service in this world, and for His
glory in the next ! Yours very truly, Ashley.
To this letter Sir Robert replied : —
Sir Robert Peel to Lord Ashley.
Whitehall, January 31st, 1843.
My dear Ashley, — If anything oould administer consolation to me for the
dreadful loss I have sustained, under circumstances of the most painful nature,
it would be the letter which you have written to me, full of the kindest
assurances of sympathy, and inculcating, with all the authority of a lofty and
virtuous spirit, solemn truths too often neglected. What human precaution can
be availing? The assassin of my poor friend had no grievance that we ever
heard of. He never preferred a feomplaint. He was ten times more affluent than
the vast majority of his class in life.
I must have passed within three yards of him half an hour before the murder
was committed. Ever, my dear Ashley, with sincere regard,
Most faithfully yours,
Robert Peel.

242 the eael of shaftesbury. [Chap. xi.
Feb. 22nd. — Dined with Peel on 18th ; had much conversation. He asked me
much about Puseyism. He now seems to hold it in horror.
The Second Report of the Children's Employment Commission, having
reference to the condition of juvenile labourers in various branches of industry
not affected by the Factory Act, was published early in 1843.* In this
voluminous document and its appendices, it was proved that in many trades
children began to work at seven, six, five, and even four years of age.
Parents sent their children to work as early as possible ; in many cases to
pay off debts to the master by the children's labour. In other cases children
were apprenticed for long terms of years to receive food and clothing, but no
wages. The apprentices had no legal protection against unmerciful masters,
but convictions of apprentices for breaches of contract were very numerous.
Magistrates were opposed to cancelling contracts, even when neglect or cruelty
was evident, lest the apprentices should return to be a burden on the parish.
Bad treatment of the children by adult workmen was common. The average
day's work was from ten to twelve hours. Ignorance and moral depravity
were general ; the Sunday schools inefficient ; the evening schools of little
use for overworked children. With all this labour there were associated
great poverty and bad food, especially in the nail-making, needle, lace,
hosiery, and tobacco manufactories, in the potteries, and the calico-printing
works. The picture revealed by this investigation into the " free industries "
(as they were termed), was much more melancholy than anything that had
been reported with reference to the great factories. And yet, i\i spite of
efforts by Lord Ashley, to which we shall have occasion presently to refer,
only in one or two directions was anything done to remedy these terrible
abuses, until the passing of the first Factoiy Extension Act in 1864.
The Factoiy Question, in consequence of the revelations made by the
Reports of the Children's Employment Commission, became so closely
associated with the subject of the Education of the Working Classes, that it
was necessary to treat it in this connection, and on Februaiy 28th Lord
Ashley moved an Address to the Crown praying her Majesty " to take into
her instant and serious consideration the best means of diffusing the benefits
and blessings of a moral and religious education amongst the working classes
of her people." In support of this proposition he produced a mass of startling
statistics, and unveiled a picture of widespread depravity. In concluding his
speech he said : —
This, Sir, completes the picture I desired to lay before the House : it has been
imperfectly, and I fear tediously drawn. There is, however, less risk in taxing
the patience than in taxing the faith of indulgent hearers. I have not presumed
to propose a scheme, because I have ever thought that such a mighty undertaking
demands the collective deliberation and wisdom of the Executive, backed by the
authority and influence of the Crown. But what does this picture exhibit?
Mark, Sir, first, the utter inefficiency of our penal code — of our capital and
* Pari. Papers, 1843, xiii., xiv., xv.

1843-i education* of the working classes. 243
secondary punishments. The country is woaried with pamphlets and speeches on
gaol-discipline, model-prisons, and corrective processes ; meanwhile crime advances
at a rapid pace ; many are discharged because they cannot be punished, and many
become worse by the very punishment they undergo — punishment is disarmed of
a large part of its terrors, because it no longer can appeal to any sense of shame ;
and all this because we will obstinately persist in setting our own wilfulness
against the experience of mankind and the wisdom of Revelation, and believe
that we can regenerate the hardened man while we utterly neglect his pliant
childhood. You are right to punish those awful miscreants who make a trade of
blasphemy, and pollute the very atmosphere by their foul exhibitions ; but you
will never subdue their disciples and admirers, except by the implements of
another armoury. You must draw from the great depository of truth, all that
can create and refine a sound public opinion — all that can institute and diffuse
among the people the feelings and practices of morality. I hope I am not
dictatorial in repeating here that criminal tables and criminal statistics furnish
no estimate of a nation's disorder. Culprits, such as they exhibit, are but the
representatives of the mischief spawned by the filth and corruption of the times.
Were the crimes of these offenders the sum total of the crimes of England,
although we should lament for the individuals, we might disregard the con
sequences ; but the danger is wider, deeper, fiercer ; and no one who has heard
these statements and believes them, can hope that twenty years more will pass
without some mighty convulsion, and displacement of the whole system of society.
Next, Sir, observe that our very multitude oppresses us ; and oppresses us, too,
with all the fearful weight of a blessing converted into a curse. The King's
strength ought to be in the multitude of his people ; and so it is ; not, however,
such a people as we must shortly have ; but in a people happy, healthy, and
virtuous : " Sacra DeUm, sanctique patres." Is that our condition of present
comfort or prospective safety ? You have seen in how many instances the intel
lect is impaired, and even destroyed, by the opinions and practices of our moral
world ; honest industry will decline, energy will be blunted, and whatever shall
remain of zeal be perverted to the worst and most perilous uses. An evil state of
morals engenders and diffuses a, ferocious spirit ; the mind of man is as much
affected by moral epidemics as his body by disorders; thence arise murders,
blasphemies, seditions, everything that can tear prosperity from nations, and
peace from individuals. See, Sir, the ferocity of disposition that your records
disclose : look at the savage treatment of children and apprentices ; and imagine
the awful results, if such a spirit were let loose upon society. . . .
Nor let us put out of mind this great and stirring consideration, that the
moral condition of England seems destined by Providence to lead the moral con
dition of the world. Year after year we are sending forth thousands and
hundreds of thousands of our citizens to people the vast solitudes and islands of
another hemisphere ; the Anglo-Saxon race will shortly overspread half the
habitable globe. What a mighty and what a rapid addition to the happiness of
mankind, if these thousands should carry with them, and plant in those distant
regions, our freedom, our laws, our morality, and our religion 1
This, Sir, is- the ground of my appeal to this House ; the plan that I venture
to propose, and the argument by which I sustain it. It is, I know, but a portion
of what the country requires ; and even here we shall have, no doubt, disappoint
ments to undergo, and failures to deplore ; it will, nevertheless^ bear for us

244 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XI.
abundant fruit. We owe to the poor of our land a weighty debt. We call them
improvident and immoral, and many of them are so : but that improvidence
and that immorality are the results, in a great measure, of our neglect, and, in
not a little, of our example. We owe them, too, the debt of kinder language, and
more frequent intercourse. This is no fanciful obligation ; our people are more
alive than any other to honest zeal for their cause, and sympathy with their
neoessities, which, fall though it oftentimes may on unimpressible hearts, never
fails to find some that it comforts, and many that it softens. Only let us declare,
this night, that we will enter on a novel and a better course — that we will seek
their temporal through their eternal welfare — and the half of our work will then
have been achieved. There are many hearts to be won, many minds to be
instructed, and many souls to be saved ; Oh Patria ! oh Div-um domus /—the
blessing of God will rest upon our endeavours ; and the oldest among us may
perhaps live to enjoy, for himself and for his children, the opening day of the
immortal, because the moral, glories of the British Empire.
This powerful speech met with the general applause of the House, and
the motion was agreed to.
March 1st. — Last night brought forward my motion on " National Education."
Whatever I received from the goodness, grace, and mercy of God, when I intro
duced my Colliery Bill, I received in a tenfold measure here. Hearts were
prepared, opportunities furnished, success vouchsafed. The unanimity was
wonderful ; the feeling in the House still more so ; it presented the spectacle of
a Christian assembly, invested with mighty power for Christian objects. Could
this have been effected a few years ago ? Such a speech would have been heard
with cool indifference or shouts of derision I novus saclorum nascitur ordo ; if
we will but seize the blessing that God Almighty, who has long waited to be
gracious, now holds out in His lavish, inconceivable, and undeserved mercy, the
country will not only be saved, but rise to loftier degrees of dignity, usefulness,
and virtue !
What lessons does such success as mine offer to the weak in faith I And what
a lesson to myself in all my doubts and misgivings and ungrateful perplexities !
But this comfort I have, that it is in the hope and strength of God's word that
I have laboured : the blessed words of our dear Lord have ever been before me,
'¦feed My lambs."
5th. — I am more and more astonished by the success of my motion, and by
the excitement of fervour and sympathy it has raised. It is wonderful how God
gives us more than we desire or deserve ; — deserve so much is wicked to think of ;
desire so much was beyond all conception. Graham behaved well, and rose
immediately after me to catch (as he said) the House in its warm and generous
temper. I was much struck by the spirit and feeling of John Russell ; he spoke
like a man deeply impressed by some strong conviction. They tell me that on
Wednesday morning shops and public-houses were thronged by persons anxious
to read the papers. 0 God, in Thy mercy, grant that this be the grain of
mustard-seed in the heart of the nation, which shall grow into a tree like the
cedar of Lebanon, and stretch forth its branches unto the sea, and its boughs
unto the river !
Why was it? About a quarter of an hour before I concluded, I stopped

1843-1 THE FACTORY EDUCATION BILL. 245
suddenly, lost the thread of my discourse, and nearly broke down ! Was this the
" thorn in the flesh " lest I should be exalted beyond measure ?
Thus ends this volume (of the Diary) with a triumph in my public career. To
- God in His mercy be all the honour, and may I have strength, and wisdom, and
zeal, and power to persevere, and to see, and to do " yet greater things than these ! "
On the evening that Lord Ashley brought forward his motion, Sir James
Graham stated that a Factory Education Bill was in course of preparation.
On March 8th this Bill was laid before the House ; it reduced the hours of
labour for children from eight to six and a half hours per day, the whole of
which was to be accomplished either in the morning or in the afternoon.
Children were to be allowed to begin working at eight instead of nine years
of age. " Young persons " between thirteen and eighteen were only to work
twelve hours, and females were to be deemed "young persons " till twenty-one
years of age. There were some other protective clauses, and joined to these
there was a scheme of education, to some extent compulsory. The schools to
be provided were each to be under the care of a clergyman, two church
wardens, and four elective trustees. To this provision, which evidently gave
a preponderance to Church influence, the Bill owed its eventual destruction.
The opposition of the Dissenters was roused, and soon became formidable.
When the Bill was read pi-o forma on the 1st of May, Sir James Graham
said : " The petitions which have been presented against the Educational
Clauses of the Factories Bill, to which I am about to advert, have been
numerous almost without precedent." Well might he say so, for up to that
date 11,611 petitions, bearing 1,757,297 signatures — mainly those of Dis
senters — had been given in.
May 11th. . . . Education scheme seems to languish ; foes active, friends
supine; indeed, it has but few zealous friends. Many acquiesce under the
pressure of necessity ; doubtless it is pushed to the very verge of principle ; a
hair's-breadth in addition would render my acceptance of it impossible.
Graham's interpretation of the teaching of the Scriptures is an exaggeration of
the British and Foreign system ; it would preclude any doctrinal explanation
whatever ; confine the child to grammar and syntax, and leave him in full pos
session, humanly speaking, should he have them, of the grossest and most
perilous errors. Yet I will take the Bill, because the whole Word of God is put
into the hands of the scholar and is read by him. My poverty, but not my will,
consents. God, I hope and pray, in compassion to our infirmities, will bless the
use of His Book, notwithstanding the denial of the oral teaching of His minister.
Three times a week, moreover, the child will be trained in the tenets and dis
cipline, the Creeds and Liturgy, of the Church.
To meet the views of the Nonconformists, the Government introduced
some modifications into the Bill, but it became increasingly evident that these
concessions were of no avail.
In presenting the Amended Bill, Sir James Graham posed in the new
attitude of a peace-maker, but not until he had effectually used his arts of
irritation beforehand.

246 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XI.
" I am aware — for the symptoms are too evident," he said, " that upon this
question the waters of strife have overflowed, and that they now cover the
land ; this " (the modified Bill the Right Hon. Baronet then placed upon the
table), " this is my olive-branch. I tender it in the hope that the harbinger
of peace ere long may return, with the glad tidings that the waters have
subsided. On the part of the Government, I tender this peace-offering in
the spirit of concord and of Christian charity and goodwill."
But the waters of strife were not to be spoken down into calm by Sir
James Graham. By the 15th of June the petitions against the clauses in
their amended form were almost as numerous as those against the clauses in
their original form ; in the City of London alone, 55,000 persons signed a
protest against the further progress of the Bill. On that date, therefore,
Sir James Graham gave notice of the intention of the Government to
abandon the Educational Clauses.
June 16th. — Graham withdrew, last night, the Education Clauses of the
Factory Bill. The Government are right, it could not have been carried in the
House except by forced and small majorities ; it could not have been reduced to
practice in the country, without fierce and everlasting collisions — as harmony
was the object, so harmony must have been the means. The fierceness and
strength of opposition, however, were not the sole reasons of withdrawal ; at
least in my mind, the apathy of our own friends, lay and clerical, was a death
blow to any hope of immediate or final success. No one liked the scheme, though
many acquiesced in it ; all desired that it should not pass, because one part
thought it would do real harm, and the other believed it would do no good. One
result has issued to my conviction, and I dare say to that of many others.
" Combined Education " must never again be attempted — it is an impossibility,
and worthless if possible — the plan is hopeless, the attempt full of hazard. So
I will never vote for combined education — let us have our own schools, our
Catechism, our Liturgy, our Articles, our Homilies, our faith, our own teaching
of God's Word.
June 17th. — Wrote on Wednesday to Peel, to relieve him from any obligation
he might conceive himself to be under to me, to persevere in the Educational
Clauses. I admitted his extraordinary and unprecedented difficulties. He
returned a most thankful answer, and stated that, without my assent, he could
not have withdrawn the Bill.
Sir Robert Peel's reply was as follows : —
Sir Robert Peel to Lord Ashley.
Whitehall, June 16th, 1843.
My dear Ashley,— Your kind and considerate letter in respect to the
Educational Clauses in the Factory Bill relieved the Government from the great
embarrassment which they would have felt in abandoning those clauses, if, after
the part you have taken on the subject of Education, and the religious and social
welfare of the manufacturing classes, and considering your high authority on
any question relating to the improvement of their condition, your opinion had
been decidedly in favour of perseverance,

1843d GOVERNMENT FACTORY BILL. . 247
My own opinion is, seeing what has passed, that there would be no advantage
to the cause of religious education in trusting to the co-operation of the Dissenting
body in the measure we proposed, and that the abandonment of it is preferable
to failure, after religious strife and contention. It is but a sorry and lamentable
triumph that Dissent has achieved. Most truly yours, Robert Peel.
June 16th. — Wrote yesterday to urge perseverance in the remaining clauses.
Wrote most strongly, because I suspected Graham. I pointed out, in fact, that
the Government could not, with honour, retire. This evening received his reply
in the affirmative, yet I think that, without my letter, they would have surren
dered the Bill I The clergy are not to be blamed ; they have agreed to con
cessions never before heard of, but in the hope of conciliation and peace. . . .
I never thought that I could have accepted such a scheme, and yet it was wise
both to make it and receive it. Extreme necessity and extreme hope acted on
my judgment, and I did what I never did before and will never do again. All
was gulpable, but when called on to adopt "the teaching of the Bible," as pro
posed by Sir James, the simple text without note or comment or word of inter
pretation, the grammatical sense and nothing else, the actual leaving, as the
case might be, of a Socinian in Socinian ignorance, of a Socialist in Socialist
impurities, except so far as the grace of God might bless even the "letter" of
His word — I did feel a nausea, almost to f aintness ; nevertheless, for the sake
of peace, I agreed to even that.
The letter referred to above was in these terms : —
Lord Ashley to Sir Robert Peel. June im< lg4g_
My dear Sir Robert, — Sir James Graham asserted this evening that the
Factory Bill was so complicated with Education Clauses as to require very serious
deliberation whether it could be proceeded with this Session.
Sir James's statement is tolerably incorrect, nay, I think, unfair ; the Educa
tion Clauses were engrafted on a Bill found in tbe Home Office ; a Bill which had
been recommended by the Committee of 1841, of which I was Chairman, and
introduced by Mr. Fox Maule.
This Bill contained the Six-hour Clause, the limitation of time for children
under thirteen years of age, suggested and propounded some months before your
Government came into office.
The Bill, if shorn of its Educational Clauses, is a complete measure, and has
the sanction of a Committee appointed to investigate and improve the state of
the Factory Acts.
Surely you cannot withdraw the Bill now on the table ; such a step would be
a departure from what is due to the House, to the operatives, and, I may say, to
myself. I urged the late Government for years, and at last persuaded them to
partial justice ; their Bill was lost by the Dissolution. It can scarcely be neces
sary that I should recall all the private and public communications I have had
with your Government on this subject. Nothing was done in 1841 ; I expected
something, and was disappointed, in 1842, but excuses were assigned, and I lived
on the promise for 1843.

248 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XL
I must appeal from Sir James Graham to you. I cannot believe that you will
allow such a wanton abuse of power, for such it would be. I have no following
in the House, and no party to rest on ; I am therefore at the will of those who
have ; but I still trust that some consideration will be shown, not to myself, but
to these wretched people in whose cause I have now begun the eleventh year of
anxiety and toil. I am, very truly yours, Ashley,
On the 19th Sir James Graham declared that the remainder of the Factory
Bill would be proceeded with, and moved that it be committed. The Bill
then passed through Committee, and in the course of the discussion Lord
Ashley deplored the dissensions that had broken out. " Wherever the fault
lay, one thing was quite clear — that the really suffering parties were the vast
body of neglected children, who, as present appearances went, were now con
signed to an eternity of ignorance." Ultimately, the Government saw fit to
abandon the measure altogether, promising, on July 31st, in reply to a
question from Lord Ashley, to bring- in another Bill early in the ensuing
Session. The introduction of Lord Ashley to the Opium Question is told by him in
his Journal in these simple words : —
Feb. 13th. — On Saturday last Samuel Gurney and Mr. Fry called on me to lay
the state of the Opium Trade with China befo_e me, and request that I would
submit it to Parliament, as a grand question of national morality and religion-
I agreed in all they said, for I had long thought and felt the same ; but doubted
my fitness and capacity to undertake such a task — promised, however, to consider
the proposition. They told me, and gave most excellent proofs of their correct
ness, that the Government were not averse to the abolition of the Opium
Monopoly, though fully aware of its extreme difficulty ; that the Board of Trade
were actually favourable, and that Peel positively condemned the contraband
trade. This was the commencement of an official alliance with a cause which, for
more than forty yea,rs, was to receive his advocacy. There can be little doubt
that future generations of Englishmen will unhesitatingly condemn the
policy that has so long been pursued with regard to this iniqnitous traffic,
and it will seem scarcely credible that in the nineteenth century, while
British missionaries were preaching the Gospel in every quarter of tho globe,
and while British philanthropists were combating almost eveiy known phaso
of evil under the sun, British statesmen could be found capable of defending,
for the sake of the revenue, a system which has been again and again con
clusively proved to be fraught with miseiy and ruin to tens of thousands of
the Chinese people. Vainly have the best and wisest of Chinese statesmen
opposed the introduction of the pernicious drug ; English Ministers were
determined that the revenues of our Indian Empire should not be curtailed,
and did not scmple to secure, by fire and sword, the maintenance of the
unholy traffic.

1843-1 THE OPIUM TRADE. 249
It may assist to a clearer understanding of the issues involved in this
momentous question, if we very briefly state the salient facts in the previous
history of the exportation of opium to China from our Indian dependencies.
Prior to 1773, some of the Civil servants of the East India Company, in
defiance of the rules which were supposed to regulate their conduct, had been
enriching themselves by the cultivation of opium, and the sale of it to Dutch
merchants and others, who found a market for the produce. In that year the
Company took the monopoly into its own hands. Either directly, by the
Company's agents, or by those persons to whom they disposed of it, the
opium was clandestinely sold to the Chinese. Several of the wisest
Indian officials deprecated the raising of the revenue by a system of smug
gling, and the Directors in London did not fail formally to prohibit the
importation of opium into China against the wishes of its rulers. Again and
again they advised against all illicit trade, but they calmly pocketed the
proceeds, and spurred on their officials to increase the revenue. In one
despatch, after condemning " illicit trade," they suggested a means of opening
new markets for opium in the eastern ports of China. In 1796 fresh edicts
were published by the Chinese authorities, enforcing severer penalties on the
importation of opium. The Company now forbade its servants to be con
cerned in the trade, but openly sold the drug in Calcutta to merchants who
shipped it off to China. Once, if not oftener, the Company compensated mer
chants who had suffered loss through Chinese interference with their traffic.
Notwithstanding Chinese expostulations and occasional active measures,
the trade went on developing. Bribery and corruption were freely employed
to procure connivance on the part of Chinese seaport officials. The intelligent
ruling class in China saw that the nation was becoming weakened and
enfeebled by the growing- consumption of opium ; vigorous efforts were made
to prevent its sale, and the Emperor determined on a bold stroke for the
suppression of its importation. Commissioner Lin came to Canton, seized
20,000 chests of the smuggled opium (worth three millions sterling), and had
it all destroyed. England now declared war ; defeated the Chinese in spite
of their gallant resistance, and by the Treaty of Nankin, in 1842, five ports
were thrown open to the British trade, twenty-one million dollars were paid
by China as a war indemnity and as compensation for the destroyed opium,
and Hong-Kong- became a British possession. But in spite of all pressure
brought to bear upon them, the Chinese steadily refused to legalise the
opium traffic, although they saw that, for the present, it would be utterly
useless to attempt to enforce the numerous laws and edicts which had been,
from time to time, promulgated against it.
Such then was the state of things when Lord Ashley, Mr. Gumey, and
Mr. Fiy began the long crusade against the Opium Trade — a crusade that is
far from having yet achieved its crowning victory.
March 15th. — Gave notice last night of a motion on the Opium Monopoly.
I did it with fear, anxiety, and trembling. I shrink from the task, I dread the

250 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XI.
preparation, I quail before the execution of it. Yet it is the cause of Christianity
and of God. I have not sought it ; the thing has been forced on me, and I have
not dared to refuse my labour in the cause. A deputation from several mer
chants made the request. Macgregor, a confidential officer of the Board of Trade,
assured me of his assistance, and of the desire of the Government (privately) to
receive an impulse. When I reflected on the enormous mischief and the enormous
sin, I could not say " no."
March 23rd. — Prayer to begin, prayer to accompany, and prayer to close any
undertaking for His service is tbe secret of all "prospering in our ways."
March 28th. — Have been in great anxiety — business crowded too heavily on
me — I had in prospect for one week Opium, Factory Bill, and the defence of the
Bishop of Jerusalem — by God's blessing relieved — Factory Bill postponed until
after Easter ; this I am glad of, as Sir J. Graham had determined to postpone
the Education Clauses. Alas ! what a weak faith I have ! I have never yet
failed of God's aid and favour, and yet I am ever in doubt and difficulty. "Lord,
I believe, help Thou my unbelief." Oh, what a question is this Opium affair I
Bad as I thought it, I find it a thousand times worse, more black, more cruel,
more Satanic than all the deeds of private sin in the records of prison history.
0 God, be Thou with me in the hour of trial, speak to me the words that Thou
spakest to Thy servant Joshua, and touch my lips, like Isaiah's, with fire of
the altar — but take to Thyself all the glory ; blessed Lord in Jesus Christ our
Redeemer. . . .
March 31st. — Escaped from a snare laid for me — had I fallen into it, I should
really (however undeservedly) have " sustained," as Cobden said to me, " a moral
loss." Joseph Hume, for what purpose no one can say, has resolved to move
a vote of thanks to the Ministry on the Ashburton Treaty ; he cannot find an
open day, he called on the Government to give him an opportunity, he appealed
to me to surrender my precedence on Tuesday next — both declined ; then Sir
James Graham, whether in concert with Joey or not is uncertain, writes to me
and urges my compliance. I reply to him that I do not dare to treat the Opium
Question as of a secondary character, one that may yield to the ordinary, or even
extraordinary, courtesies that I should wish to exhibit towards the Ministry.
My own zeal in the cause, humanly speaking, saved me from the precipice — it
did not occur to me until I reached the lobby of the House of Commons, that
had I surrendered my day to serve the mere partisan objects of the Government.
I should in vain have protested my sincerity, in vain my separation in these
things from all Whig or Tory feelings I I should have been told that party was
the first object, principle the second. . . .
As the day drew near for Lord Ashley to bring forward his motion on the
Opium Question, he experienced — what he had so often felt before, and was
to feel so often again, in prospect of any great Parliamentary effort; — an
intense depression, resulting from nervous anxiety. He knew of only one
way in which relief was to be obtained, and that is indicated in the following
entry : —
April 2nd. — Sunday. Lesson for the day at morning service, 3rd chap.
Exodus, " Come, now, therefore, and I will send thee." " Who am I that I should
go ? " These words were not without their consolation.

1843-1 MOTION ON THE OPIUM QUESTION. 251
On Tuesday, April 4th, 1843, Lord Ashley brought the subject before the
House of Commons by moving " That it is the opinion of this House that the
continuance of the trade in Opium, and the monopoly of its growth in the
territories of British India, are destructive of all relations of amity between
England and China, injurious to the manufacturing interests of the country,
by the very serious diminution of legitimate commerce, and utterly incon
sistent with the honour and duties of a Christian kingdom ; and that steps
be taken, as soon as possible, with due regard to the rights of governments
and individuals, to abolish the evil."
After presenting petitions against the Opium Trade from the Committees
of the Wesleyan, Baptist, and London Missionary Societies, Lord Ashley
referred to the war which had just come to an end, but with all its causes
more rife than ever. He had no hostile feeling towards the East India
Company, he entertained the strongest esteem, privately, for the character of
several of that body, and publicly for many parts of their administration.
" I am convinced," said the noble Lord, " that they have conferred very great
benefits on the Empire they are appointed to govern ; and, if there be any
guilt in the system which I shall develop, the guilt is not theirs exclusively :
it is shared by the Legislature and the whole nation ; it is shared by the
members of this House, which, in the year 1832, sanctioned by a law. the
revenue derived from the opium trade, commending the production of the
drug, and actually approving its destination."
He quoted various authorities to show that this system of smuggling led
to riot and disturbance, and that the Chinese people were naturally indignant
when they saw native dealers in opium severely punished, whilst the foreign
importer prosecuted his business with impunity. From the testimony of
witnesses, he showed that all Chinese society, from the Imperial Family down
to the lowest ranks, suffered from the baneful effects of the drug, that
officials were corrupted and multitudes ruined, that with the traffic was
associated in the Chinese mind every sort of embarrassment and penal inflic
tion, and- that the trade was a source of danger, shame, and disgrace to all
concerned, and was a hinderance to legitimate commerce. These were the
causes of the war, and they still remained in full activity. The vessels
engaged in the opium trade had to be armed ; those engaged in peaceful
traffic had no such need.
Such a state of things was not only inimical to peace and honourable
intercourse with China, but it had operated most injuriously on our trade by
substituting a pernicious drug for the produce and manufactures of Great
Britain, " and this," he said, " had seemed to him a connecting link between
himself and the question, because the extension of commerce and opening of
new markets seemed akin to his previous efforts to promote the welfare of
the working classes." He showed that no progress had been made in
commerce with China, but, on the contraiy, that we had gone back in our im
portations into that countiy, whilst our manufactures and products had
neither deteriorated nor risen in price. It was not the fault of the Chinese ;

252 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XI,
testimony was overwhelming that the Chinese were anxious for trade, but the
opium traffic stopped the way. He then gave elaborate statistics showing
how all legitimate commerce was swayed by the opium traffic, and stated his
conviction that, if the temptation were removed, the Chinese would readily
give their produce in exchange for our goods. He continued : —
But, Sir, another, and by far the greatest, consideration remains behind ; that
for which kings reign and princes decree justice, the consideration of that which
affects the moral welfare of whole nations. For what purpose, I ask, is all
government instituted 1 I speak not of the practice — that is too often corrupt — but
of the principle of government. For what purpose are all rulers invested with
power, but to encourage religion and morality, to protect and advance the real
interests of those committed to their charge, and to hold forth to their subjects,
and to the world, the example of wisdom and virtue ? Has it been so here ? Has
such been our conduct in this particular ? Quite the reverse. I will venture to
assert that our encouragement to this nefarious traffic has retarded the progress
of Christianity, and impeded the civilisation of mankind.
Lord Ashley then proceeded to give a vivid description of the general
effects upon its victims of indulgence in opium as a luxury — their physical,
mental, and moral debility, their hideous disfigurement and premature decay
¦ — resulting in miseiy almost beyond belief, destroying myriads of individuals •
annually, and casting its victims into a bondage with which no slavery on
earth could compare, and from which there was scarcely a known instance of
escape. There was immorality involved even in the cultivation of the plant, for
such pressure was put upon the ryots that, in many cases, they were compelled
to accept the Government grant and supply the needed quantity of poppy.
In fact at every step the system was associated with evil, and only evil.
Splendid regions were laid waste to supply the commodity (for poppies
require a special soil) ; the trade was in the hands of desperate fellows who
carried it on by fraud, violence, and oppression. It was an intolerable outrage
to the feelings of the civilised and Christian nations of the world, that this
iniquitous trade should be part of the fiscal arrangements of the Government
• — an important part of the Imperial policy of India. The opium was grown
by advances from the Imperial Government ; carried down to Calcutta, and
put up for sale under Government authority ; shipped in opium clippers lying
in the river, and the clippers supplied with arms from the arsenals of the
Government. Lord Ashley frankly admitted that, for the sake of the revenue, Parliament
in 1832 sanctioned the opium monopoly. " I was in Parliament myself at
the time," he said, " and I share in the responsibility ; but I had not, at that
time, the most remote idea of the enormities which the details of the system
have since brought to light." Having now studied the whole question, the
revelation of the facts of the case had filled him with horror. He saw that
it stood in the way of the progress of society, the civilisation of man, and the
advancement of tho Gospel. It could never be that Opium and the Bible

1Si3-l SPEECH ON THE OPIUM QUESTION. 253
could enter China together ; he was constrained to endorse the testimony of
missionary agents, who asserted that " the proud escutcheon of the nation
which declares against the slave trade, is made to bear a blot broader and
darker than any other in the Christian world."
Lord Ashley enforced this conclusion as follows : —
I am fully convinced that for the country to encourage this nefarious traffic
is bad, perhaps worse than encouraging the slave trade. That terrible system of
slavery does not necessarily destroy the physical and moral qualities of its victims.
It tortures and degrades the man, but it leaves him susceptible of regeneration,
But the opium trade destroys the man, both body and soul ; and carries a hideous
ruin over millions, which can never be repaired. You may abolish the evil this
night, but you cannot restore the millions who have been tempted, by the
proceedings of the Government of India, to indulge in the use of the pernicious
drug. Now, a fact has just occurred, than which nothing, I am certain, can reflect
greater disgrace on all our conduct ; it occurred on Wednesday last. The Baptist
Missionary Society — a Society which has done a great deal in effecting the spread
of the Gospel among heathen nations, and which has produced some most eminent
and pious men — at a meeting last Wednesday, took into consideration the propriety
of sending out missionaries to China ; and it was decided to work through the
agency of the American missions, because the public feeling in China was so
strong against the English, that if the missionaries hoped to work at all, it must
be through America, which had kept aloof, in a great degree, from the disgraceful
traffic. And what was the result? Why, the Baptist Missionary Society of
England voted £500 to be put at the disposal of the American missionaries for
the propagation of the Gospel in China I So, Sir, it has come to this, that
England, which professes to be at the head of Christian nations, is precluded by
her own immoral conduct from sending her own missionaries to that part of the
world which she herself has opened for the advancement of civilisation and the
enlightenment of Christianity.
Having set forth the evil, with its causes and results, Lord Ashley
demanded, in the first place, that Parliament should destroy the monopoly,
which the East India Company possessed, of the growth and manufacture of
opium in India, and thus abolish nine-tenths of the mischief ; and in the next
place, in order to remove another feature of the evil, that the cultivation of
the drug in the territories of the East India Company should be prohibited
altogether. In a series of masterly, arguments he combated the opposition
which would be raised to these proposals, and concluded in these words : —
This, Sir, is the statement on which I rely ; and while I most sincerely thank
the House for the kindness and indulgence with which they have listened to me,
I may be allowed, perhaps, to express a hope that those who reply will answer
me with facts and statements of equal authority. Now, Sir, let us make the case
our own. What would be said, if any other nation were to treat us as we treat
the Chinese ? What would be said in this country, and what an amount of just
indignation there would be in this House, if we were told that French buccaneers
were ravaging our coasts, defying our laws, and murdering our fellow-subjects 1

254 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBOftY. tCHAP. XI.
Should we venture to act thus towards any other State that was bold enough,
and strong enough, to make reprisals upon us ? Certainly not. And in admit
ting this, we admit that our conduct towards the Chinese is governed by our
pride and our power, and not by our own estimate of justice. . . . Do you
know, or are you indifferent to, the opinions and language of foreign nations ?
Can you take up a single foreign journal without finding it full of sarcasm and
contempt of our conduct and policy ? Have you heard the honest, sober, and
conscientious opinions of foreign statesmen? Do you value the sentiments
of foreign historians? Here is the language of Count Bjornsterna, in his
authentic work on the British Empire in the East, a work that is widely cir
culated on the Continent. " Strictly speaking, the whole trade with India," says
the Count, " rests at present on a highly immoral basis ; on 15,000 or 20,000 chests
of opium, of the value of £2,000,000 or £3,000,000 sterling, with which the
Chinese are every year poisoned. Thus a country, which had for thousands of
years accumulated the gold of the world, which is destined by nature to bear the
finest fruits, and the dearest spices, which contribute to the enjoyment and
refreshment of man, has been compelled in our days to bear a, noxious drug,
which spreads physical and moral debility among the millions of inhabitants
of the Celestial Empire."
If such accusations as these were unjust, I should altogether despise them ;
but, knowing that they were richly deserved, they are to my mind absolutely in
tolerable. Sir, although I may be animadverted upon, and perhaps rebuked, for
having presumed to handle so important a matter, I shall ever be thankful that I
have acted as an instrument to lay this abominable evil before the eye of the
public. I shall deeply regret to have given offence to this House, or to any indi
vidual ; nevertheless, I shall rejoice in the disclosure, and the possible removal, of
the mischief. Sir, the condition of this Empire does demand a most deep and
solemn consideration ; within and without, we are hollow and insecure. True it
is that we wear a certain appearance of power and majesty ; but, with one arm
resting on the East, and the other on the West, we are, in too many instances,
trampling under foot every moral and religious obligation. I confess I speak most
sincerely, though few, perhaps, will agree with me; but I do say — it is in my heart,
and I will bring it out — if this is to be the course of our future policy ; if thus
we are to exercise our arts and arms, our science, and our superiority of knowledge
over the world — if all these are to be turned to the injury, and not to the ad
vantage, of mankind, I should much prefer that we shrink within the proportions
of our public virtue, and descend to the level of a third-rate Power. But a great
and noble opportunity is now offered to us, of being just and generous in the
height of victory. In such a spirit, and with such an aim, there is hope that we
may yet be spared to run a blessed, a useful, and a glorious career ; directing all
our energies and all our vows — all that we have, and all that we shall receive —
to that one great end of human existence, "Glory to God in the highest; on earth
peace, goodwill towards men."
This important speech occupied seven closely-printed columns of The
Times on the following morning. It was the first great indictment of the
Opium Trade uttered within the walls of Parliament, and it was felt to be
unanswerable, even by those who thought it inexpedient to meddle with the

1848.] COMMENTS ON THE OPIUM DEBATE. 255
question. A debate ensued. Mr. Brotherton, Sir R. Inglis, Captain Layard,
and others supported Lord Ashley. A few members argued that his proposals
were impracticable, and would not have the desired result. Sir Robert Peel,
on behalf of the Government, appealed to him to withdraw his motion, inas
much as a vote upon it under existing circumstances would act prejudicially
to the negotiations then pending in China. At the same time he indulged in
a line of deprecatory argument, of which the gist seemed to be that, as we
could not put down gin at home, we need not concern ourselves about intro
ducing 20,000 chests of opium into China every year. Lord Ashley, in his
reply, said that he would be the last man to act to the prejudice of negotia
tions now being carried on, and therefore acceded to the Ministerial request*
The Times, in commenting-, a day or two afterwards, on the speech, said that
" it was grave, temperate, and practical, well stored with facts, authorities,
and arguments, and strictly confined to a consideration of those measures
which it might be possible and expedient to take, for the prevention of the
growth of opium within the British dominions in India, and its importation by
British subjects into China." It was added that Lord Ashley's speech was
"far more statesmanlike in its ultimate and general views than those by which
it was opposed," whose arguments amounted to this : " That morality and
religion, and the happiness of mankind, and friendly relations with China, and
new markets for British manufactures, were all very fine things in their way ;
but that the opium trade was worth to the Indian Government £1,200,000 a
year, and £1,200,000 was a large sum of money, which it would not be easy to
make up from any other source without offending somebody in India ; and,
upon the whole, that we could not afford to buy morality and religion, and
the happiness of mankind, and friendly relations with China, and new markets
for British manufactures, quite so dear." f
April 5th.— Last night, Opium I Though I did not succeed in carrying my
motion, yet I made a sensible impression on the House, and through that, I hope,
on the country. I was, perhaps, more master of myself than on any former
occasion, yet down to the very moment of commencing my speech I was in
dejection and uncertainty. God, however, I see was with me, and I reached the
consciences, though I could not command the support, of several members.
Spoke for nearly three hours, nevertheless the House listened to me throughout
with patience and sympathy. . . .
Ministers wished to avoid speaking, and called on me early to close the
debate. I refused to do so, not choosing that such a question should be lightly
treated, and dismissed without a word from a member of th* Cabinet. They put
up Bingham Baring to move " the previous question." He was feeble, though
some of his matter was not bad. He had one argument, touching British goods
exported to India, which was somewhat specious, but utterly unsound. Hogg
was clever but audacious, affirmatory, and almost false. Peel was forced to rise
at last, and certainly took a line for which I was not prepared. I had expected a
fuller condemnation of the traffic, and a less positive and contented defence of
• Hansard's Debates. t The Times, April 6th, 1842.

258 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XI.
the East India Monopoly. He sneered at our care for the health and morals of
the Chinese, and altogether assumed the tone of a low, mercantile, financial
soul, incapable of conceiving or urging a principle, which finally disgusted me,
and placed him in my mind much below the Christian level, and not any higher
than the heathen. But as he stated that the negotiations on foot by the Govern
ment would be really impeded by such a motion as mine, I of course withdrew it.
His speech was shallow and feeble. . . . Yery remarkable — not one person
even attempted to touch the morality of the question ; that seemed to be tacitly
but universally surrendered. The prayer of the 28th was heard ; the hand of the
Almighty was with me. To Him, and to Him alone, be all the glory !
April 7th. — I have since heard spiteful comments on my determination not
to divide the House ; argued as a defect of principle in me ; a proof of insin
cerity. Ah, well ! I must submit to such things. How could I venture to throw
myself between the Executive Government and "¦ just and profitable treaty?
Peel, it is true, hinted that legalisation of the traffic (which my enemies assume I
ought to condemn, and which I do) was within his view. I said in my reply
that, " probably, I should not concur in his conclusions." This, however, was
but a part, and the Minister moreover requested that the whole thing should be
left in the hands of the Government. The House, too, would not have tolerated
such a division ; had Peel said nothing of the sort, I should have been very
strong. After his declaration, my numbers would have been reduced so as to
become ridiculous. . . .
The tone now is, among my adversaries, ' A well-meaning, amiable sort of
man, with no fragment of penetration." This is the second stage of my public
character 1
In many of his undertakings, and now more especially in these two great
movements — National Education and the Opium Traffic — Lord Ashley was
brought into close and frequent communication with Sir Robert Peel and
Lord John Russell, and the estimate he formed of their characters is given
in the following entry, written shortly after the withdrawal of the Educa- "
tional Clauses from the proposed Factory Bill : —
July 8th. — They are invested with enormous powers of doing good to the
human race, and they utterly neglect them. How, and by what means, from
what cause, or what influence, have the Ministry so declined in public and
private '¦' estimation " ? That it is so, is shown by the papers, by conversation, by
noise, by silence, by open attack and no defence, by the joy of the Opposition, by
the dejection of friends, by the looks, they say, and the language of the Govern
ment themselves. Their numbers are undiminished, and yet they carry nothing I
They have committed, no leading and palpable folly, and yet no one confides in
their wisdom ; no great and manifest crime, and yet who animates himself by
conviction of their honesty ? All is doubt, uncertainty, vain wishes, and disap
pointed hopes, much anger and discontent, personally and collectively, with pre
sent men, and yet an unwillingness to change them. I speak of the Houses and
Clubs, for among the middling and other classes they seem irrecoverably ruined.
It would not be easy for them to assign a definite reason, but they all feel dis
pleasure, which would neither use nor admit argument at a general election.
Compare the state of moral and political power they possessed in 1841 with

1843-1 SIR JAMES CRA1IAM. 257
what they possess in 1843 ; and it is as Lord Bacon to a baby I Among secondary
causes a very principal one is the high expectations formed of the mighty con
trast tho Tories were to exhibit in comparison with the Whigs. Now, the contrast
they have exhibited, and it is a beneficial one, is far less in what they have done
than in what they have not done. They have produced and carried but few
things, but they have introduced no mis chievous legislation and made no wicked
appointments. This, however, is negative merit, which few can appreciate —
their positive deserts are neither abundant nor showy.
The war in Afghanistan, which they denounced and terminated, has been suc
ceeded by one quite as unjust, which they began and now sustain. Lord Ellen
borough boasted of the pacification of India, and censured, in a proclamation, the
conduct of his predecessors ; he has become involved in a new and probably
longer strife, and committed the same criminal folly he imputed to Lord Auck
land ! The Cabinet, nevertheless, retain him 1 They are parties, therefore, to
his policy, and thus form the first equation with the expelled officials. Why did
they not recall him, when he showed his character by that absurd and almost
impious Proclamation about the old timbers of Somnauth? Gladstone writes
free trade articles in the reviews, and makes close trade speeches in the House of
Commons ! " Does Peel concur ? " asks every suspicious corn-grower. " Not
yet," it is replied, " but his mind is that way." Be it true or not, distrust, when
once excited, is not very easily allayed, and it always leaves, in some degree, a
sentiment of indifference.
I concurred in his Corn Bill, and even his Tariff, but I cannot overlook the
truth that it took many by surprise, and infused the thought into some minds
that, had they been foreseen, Peel would never have obtained such a majority at
the elections.
Then comes a notion that they adopt the measures that they hotly and
" conscientiously " resisted, and withhold those that they proposed. Reasons may
be assigned, no doubt, but an explaining party has always a disadvantage I
Lord Ashley refers also, as follows, to Sir James Graham : —
Graham is Home Secretary, and consequently more frequently and intimately
in communication with magistrates and members of Parliament than any other
official. He has contrived to render himself so thoroughly odious that I cannot
find one human being who will speak a word in his behalf. He has done very
much to injure the Government ; for though he is clever, and discharges his
business well in the House of Commons, he cannot persuade a single soul, nor
produce the least effect by his most emphatic and solemn appeals. He is univer
sally distrusted : and this by every one, from a prince to a beggar. Mainly by
his influence the Ten Hours Bill has been refused, and the amendment of the
Factory Act delayed. Nothing has had a more decided effect on the estimation
of the Government by the working classes ; the Ministers know it not, and would
be prepared to deny it. Many, who would not have been benefited by the enact
ment, regarded the conduct of Government in this particular as the measure of
their goodwill towards the labouring people. They gained nothing by their
shuffling in the cause of the Colliery Bill ; and this year they lost something, in
the affections of a few, by their language on the Opium Traffic. The fact is, the
disappointment is general ; men looked for high sentiments, and heard small
opinions ; for principles, and were put off with expediency ; the world may have

258 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XI.
been exacting and unjust, but you cannot reason with it. Peel has committed
great and grievous mistakes in omitting to call his friends frequently together, to
state his desires aud rouse their zeal. A few minutes and a few words would
have sufficed ; energy and fellowship would have been infused : men would have
felt that they were companions in arms ; they have now the sentiment of being
followers in a drill. Half the mischief a Ministry sustains is from the dis
satisfied tones, and dissatisfied looks, of their own supporters ; it spreads, like an
infection of the atmosphere, unseen and unf eit, except in the result, and no one
can say how. This half of the mischief, Peel, had he been less proud and less
frigid, might have converted into positive and effectual good. Extreme and
perpetual caution is not true and constant wisdom — free men will not, and can
not, be ruled by it ; nothing is given to generosity, nothing to faith, nothing to
the warm and self-denying impulses, which, even in our fallen state, lead often
times to noble actions and discharge apparently, for the moment, the work of
religion. The Whig Government understood the value of popular feeling ; the
least difficulty was sufficient for them. They soon collected their troops, put the
Minister on the rostrum, and acquired strength from the confession of their weakness.
So much for human reasons ; but surely there are higher and more painful
causes. I have inquired in vain, and felt, as it were, the pulse of the Minister.
It seems to me that self-dependence and self -righteousness are his hope and joy.
I see nothing of faith, and a vast deal of policy ; much nice weighing of odds
and ends of conduct ; great reverence of capitalists ; a mighty desire to reverse
the rule of the Apostle, and be first peaceable and then pure ; nothing that indi
cates a solemn and exalting belief of the text, " Seek ye first the kingdom of
God and His righteousness, and all these things shall be added unto you."
Doubtless other Ministers have been actuated by sentiments as worldly, and yet
have prospered ; but times, I am sure, have changed, and God will demand a
more open and constant acknowledgment of His providence.
The third great addition to the labours of Lord Ashley at this period was
the Ragged School Question. For some years the condition of the waifs and
strays, the vagrants and outcasts of London, had been a source of consider
able anxiety to him. It seemed as if they were utterly neglected, and were
left to perish, body and soul. He was completely at a loss to know how the
difficulty of reaching them, or, after reaching them, of retaining any hold
upon them, could be met. Meantime, he saw with daily increasing sorrow
that there was growing up in London an enormous population of thieves and
vagabonds, and, as far as he could ascertain, no effort of any kind was being
made to reclaim them. They lived in filthy dwellings or under arches ; they
"begged or stole ; they grew up in horrible ignorance of everything that was
good, and with a horrible knowledge of everything that was evil ; and sooner
or later they became acquainted with the gaoler or the hangman. The sense
that something ought to be done, and must be done, to check this growing
mischief, was so borne in upon Lord Ashley's mind that it haunted him night
and day, but, in the midst of the pressure of other things, and in the absence
of any practical scheme to grapple with the difficulty, he was obliged to let
the matter rest.

1S43.1 RAGGED SCHOOLS. 25§
One day, however, in February, 1843, when glancing over the pages of
The Times, his eye fell on the following advertisement : —
Ragged Schools.
Field Lane Sabbath School, 65, West Street, Saffron Hill.
The Teachers are desirous of laying before the public a few facts connected
with this school, situated in this most wretched and demoralised locality. It was
opened in 1841 for instructing (free of expense) those who, from their poverty or
ragged condition, are prevented attending any other place of religious instruc
tion. The school is under the superintendence of the District Missionary of the
London City Mission, and is opened on Sunday and also on Thursday evening,
when the average attendance is seventy (adults and children). The teachers are
encouraged by the success which, under God, has attended their efforts, as mani
fested by the increased numbers, and altered conduct of some of the scholars.
This appeal to the Christian public is made to afford permanency to a work of
charity, commenced and supported by a few laymen, whose means are inadequate
to the expenses necessarily attendant upon the enlarged state of the school. Any
lady or gentleman willing to assist as teachers will be cordially welcomed.
Donations and subscriptions will be thankfully received by the Rev. P.
Lorimer, 12, Colebrooke Row, Islington ; W. D. Owen, Esq., 43, Great Coram
Street; Mr. S. R. Starey, Treasurer, 17, Ampton Street, Gray's Inn Road; or by
the Secretary, Mr. P. Macdonald, 30, Great Sutton Street, Clerkenwell. Left-off
garments sent to the school will be carefully distributed.
"I never read an advertisement with keener pleasure. It answered
exactly to what I had been looking and hoping for," said Lord Shaftesbury,
when narrating the circumstance to the writer. " I could not regard it as
other than a direct answer to my frequent prayer."
Lord Ashley did not lose any time in replying to the advertisement, and
his was one of the first, if not the very first, reply received. He was waited
upon forthwith, and the scope and objects of the Society, and the views and
hopes of the promoters, were fully explained to him. The scheme waa
exactly what Lord Ashley had been long anxiously waiting to see originated,
and it seemed to him to be the best possible means of helping the neglected
and destitute children of the metropolis. He threw heart and soul into the
movement, and from that time forward, to the close of his life, he was the
champion and leader of every effort in behalf of Ragged Schools.
It was not long before he made himself personally acquainted with the
work and the neighbourhood in which it was carried on. Field Lane was the
name of a district not far northward from the foot of Hoiborn Hill. It was
one of the most disreputable localities in London, and West Street, where the
Ragged School was situated, was in one of the most disreputable parts of
Field Lane. It was in the heart of what was known as " Jack Ketch's
Warren," so named from the fact that a great number of the persons who
were hanged at Newgate came from the courts and alleys hereabouts. " The
disturbances which occurred here were of so desperate a character, that from
forty to fifty constables would be marched down with cutlasses, it being
r 2

260 tHE KARL 6P SHAFTESBURY. tCHAP. XI.
frequently impossible for officers to act in fewer numbers, or unarmed." * For
a century previously, this district had been the resort of the most notorious
evil-doers. Some of the houses were close beside the Fleet Ditch, and were
fitted with dark closets, trap-doors, sliding panels, and other means of con
cealment and escape, while extensive basements served for the purpose of
concealing stolen goods, and, in others, there were furnaces used by coiners,
and stills for the production of excisable spirits. On the north side of the
street were a number of tenements fearful to approach, called Black Boy
Alley, and these, in the reign of George IL, were a terror to the whole city.
The method pursued by the inhabitants, who were called the " Black Boy
Alley Gang," was to entice the unwary by means of prostitutes ; then gag
them so that they should not give the alarm ; after which it was the practice of
these nefarious wretches to drag their victims to one of their depositories, and,
having robbed and murdered them, to throw the dead bodies down into the
ditch. These atrocities, however, became so notorious that special steps were
taken by the Government to pursue the offenders, and no fewer than nineteen
were executed at one time.f
Such were the traditions of the place, and up to 1843 it had held its own
bad pre-eminence. It was exactly the kind of locality in which Lord Ashley
had wished to see religious and philanthropic efforts undertaken, and it was
not long before he became almost as familiar with the district of Field Lane
as with the neighbourhood of Grosvenor Square. If the outcasts were to be
gathered in, it could only be done by providing the means of rescue in the
midst of their daily surroundings ; and if they were to be reached at all, it
could only be achieved by the self-denying labours of those who would close
their senses to the sickening sights and sounds and smells of these loathsome
haunts. It is difficult to realise, in the present day, what self-denial was involved
in such an enterprise as the establishment of a Ragged School. Charles
Dickens has thus described his visit to the scene of Lord Ashley's early
labours in this field: —
" I found my first Ragged School in an obscure place called West Street,
Saffron Hill, pitifully struggling for life under every disadvantage. It had no
means ; it had no suitable rooms ; it derived no power or protection from being
recognised by any authority ; it attracted within its walls a fluctuating- swarm
of faces — young in years, but youthful in nothing else — that scowled Hope
out of countenance. It was held in a low-roofed den, in a sickening atmo
sphere, in the midst of taint, and dirt, and pestilence ; with all the deadly
sins let loose, howling and shrieking at the doors. Zeal did not supply the
place of method and training ; the teachers knew little of their office ; the
pupils, with an evil sharpness, found them out, got the better of them, derided
them, made blasphemous answers to Scriptural questions, sang, fought,
danced, robbed each other — seemed possessed by legions of devils. The place
* " Notes and Narratives of a Six Years' Mission," ly E. W. V;mderkiste.
+ " London," by David Hughson, LL.D.

1S43.] FIELD LANE RAGGED SCHOOL, 261
was stormed and carried, over and over again ; the lights were blown out, the
books strewn in the gutters, and the female scholars carried off triumphantly
to their old wickedness. With no strength in it but its purpose, the school
stood it all out, and made its way. Some two years since I found it quiet and
orderly, full, liglited with gas, well whitewashed, numerously attended, and
thoroughly established."
It would be out of place here to give a detailed history of the Field Lane
Ragged School. It will be enough to say that no sooner had Lord Ashley
taken it under his protection than it began to develop, and its usefulness to
increase, until within ten years the committee were able to report, " It has
established a free Day School for infants ; an Evening School for youths and
adults engaged in daily occupation ; a Women's Evening School for improving
character, and extending domestic usefulness, thereby making better mothers
and more comfortable homes : Industrial Classes, to teach youths tailoring
and shoemaking- ; employment in the shape of wood-chopping, as an industrial
test for recommendation to situations ; a Home for boys, when first engaged
in places, apart from unwholesome contamination ; a Night Refuge for the
utterly destitute ; a clothing society for the naked ; a distribution of bread to
the starving ; baths for the filthy ; a room to dry clothes, worn in the rain
during the day ; Bible Classes, under voluntary teaching, through which
nearly 10,000 persons of all ages, but of one class, all in a state of physical
and spiritual destitution, have heard set forth the glad tidings of salvation
during the past year ; a separate Bible Class for mothers and other women ;
a refuge prayer meeting ; a Teachers' prayer meeting ; quarterly conferences
for committee and teachers, for minute examination into the detailed working
of our institution ; a School Missionary, to supply the spiritual wants of the
sick, to scour the streets, to bring youthful wanderers to the school, and to
rescue fallen females from paths of sin; and a Ragged Church for the
proclamation of the Gospel and the worship of God ! "
To all of these progressive movements Lord Ashley lent important aid,
Having taken the matter in hand, he at once proceeded to get a firm grip
of it by seeing for himself everything that was to be seen in connection with
the work, and hearing for himself all that was to be heard. He went into the
vilest rookeries, and became acquainted with the most ignorant and depraved ;
he visited the few Ragged Schools that were in existence at that time, and
inspired hope and courage in the teachers by his presence ; he took his place
in the school beside them, and spoke kindly words to the wondering listeners.
A strange sight was a Ragged School audience in those days. There were to
be seen " the cunning expression of the cadger ; the sharp, acute face of the
street minstrel ; the costermonger out of work ; the cropped head of the felon
who had just left gaol ; the pallid and thinly-clad woman, weakened by long-
continued sickness and penury ; the spare form of him who, once in affluence,
had ' wasted his substance in riotous living.' " And among this motley
assembly Lord Ashley would sit with his calm eyes gazing sorrowfully upon
them, and his pleasant voice trying to utter words of hope.

262 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. Chap. XI.
It was obvious to him, however, that those who were under Ragged School
influence were but as a drop of the bucket in comparison with the vast
number in the metropolis, and other large cities, who were totally uncared
for, and his heart bled for them. Happily, not his heart only ; there were
other workers in the field ; and, in the following year, these were all drawn
tog-ether in one band of brotherhood, known as the Ragged School Union.
We have broken the continuous thread of the personal history in order
to give clearness to the action of Lord Ashley in the three great move
ments which signalised this year. We must now go back to the Diary to
gather up some of the entries which have been omitted.
Good Friday. — Ramsgate. With thousands and tens of thousands of people
in this Christian (I) land, this day will pass over without a notion that it is any
thing different from other days. Factories will run ; apprentices will groan ;
coal mines explode ; gin shops absorb and vomit forth ; the labourers in absolute
ignorance, the masters in practical infidelity, of God's saving truths !
To the parish church ; heard a sermon from a gentleman of the new school —
cold, declamatory, without unction or comfort. I find fault with him not for
what he did say, but for what he did not say ; it was a discourse of omissions.
He could not fail on this day to speak of our Lord ; but his whole sermon was
in the style of a French iloge !
The reader bowed his head at every mention of the name of Jesus, whether it
were in the lesson, the epistle, the Gospel, the creeds, or the sermon. This is the
novel practice, and I think a very superstitious one. He took no notice of the
name " Christ," though perhaps the higher name of the two. This is an affected
obedience to the text in Philippians, " that at the name of Jesus every knee should
bow," affected, I think, because if they really desired a literal obedience in the
belief of a literal command, they would resort to a genuflexion instead of a
reverence. But the text cannot be taken literally ; the whole context is adverse
to such an interpretation ; it is said " That at the name of Jesus every knee should
bow, of things in heaven," &c. &c. Now what things in heaven have a knee to
bow with ? They can and do offer spiritual homage and reverence, but they do
not, and cannot, offer any bodily worship. Neither do they listen to and adore " a
name " as pronounced by human lips, but they contemplate and revere and extol
the power, glory, and essence of the Saviour of mankind, and herein they set us
an example, and in this way alone can we on earth join in simultaneous worship
with the hosts of Heaven. The repeated bowings, where the name frequently
occurs, savours of idolatry, not unmixed with a spice of the ridiculous. Why
then bow at the name of Jesus in the creed ? Because it is an old and long-
established practice, conformed to, and understood, by all members of the Church,
and one which it would be as unwise and unnecessary to change, as it is to intro
duce the other. To bow, when making tbe confession, is a representative
homage of all that is due at all times and in all places to the authority, glory,
majesty, and dominion, temporal and eternal, of our blessed Lord, for this is the
true meaning of His " name " as is set forth in many passages of Scripture.
April. Easter Sunday. — The parish church, where we attended divine service
on Good Friday, is infested with Puseyism, so to-day we went and took the sacra
ment at St. Lawrence, a small village distant much less than a Sabbath day's

1843.1 FAILURE AND SUCCESS. 263
journey. No show, "no form nor comeliness," but at least health in the service !
The little church of St. Lawrence is crammed and choked with high gawky boxes
that they call pews ; the common people are fairly elbowed out ; the gentry and
middle olasses sit as if they were packed for security. I do dislike pews, they are
always ungainly, and, in parish churches, unjust. The parishioners of the poorer
sort are altogether excluded from their rights, and if they goto church at all, go,
as it were, by sufferance, and for the chance of a sitting. Strangers, too, who
walk in, are not sure of an hospitable reception ; they must very often stand
up, or walk out. This is not the House of God. There may be something
to be said in respect of proprietary chapels, or other places of worship built, not
for the masses, but for private accommodation ; these are different from parochial
churches. We have, it is a very sad thing, rendered pews indispensable in many
places for the maintenance of the clergyman ; they are a vile and painful source
of revenue. Minny and I, through God's mercy, took the sacrament together : had after
wards, towards evening, a solitary walk on the seashore (while the blessed child
ren ran about the sands), and recalled the past and anticipated the future, in
faith, and fear, and fervent prayer.
April 26th. — The issue I have long foreseen is approaching ; — a collision
between the Clergy and the mass of the People. The Church will destroy itself.
Undoubtedly a struggle of some sort is at hand. Sir George Grey expressed a
wish that these violences and consequences of Puseyism should be noticed in some
debate. He is right, and please God, I will do it.
April 27th. — The Popish aggressions in Tahiti have not contributed to render
Puseyism popular among us. What a scene of fraud and violence is that, and yet
can we complain 1 The same post brings us an account of our tyranny in Scinde.
Power guided by no principle, restrained by no apprehensions, but stimulated by
a sense of profit, influences and oppresses all mankind alike. . . .
April 28th. — My birthday. I am this day forty-two years old, more than half
my course is run, even supposing that I fulfil the age assigned by the Psalmist
to fallen man. " A short Hfe and a merry one," says the sensualist's proverb ; a
loag life and a useful one would be more noble and more Scriptural ; but it ij
spoken to the praise of Solomon, and by God Himself, that he had not asked a
long life ; neither then will I ; but I do ask, for to this we have the warranty of
the Holy Word, that the residue of my years be given to the advancement of the
Lord's glory, and to the temporal and eternal welfare of the human race. Surely
I may also pray to see, and even to reap, some fruit of my labours, to discern at
least some probability of harvest, although to be gathered by other hands 1 The
Factory Bill drags along — ten years have witnessed no amelioration — the plan
for Education is defeated ; the Opium effort is overthrown. On the Colliery
Question alone have I had partial success, and that even is menaced by evil and
selfish men.
Early in January, Lord Londonderry had invited the formation of a
league to obtain the repeal of the Colliery Bill ; and by February there had
been a " mighty stir in Scotland " to effect this end ; while in Ireland there
had been organised hostility to the Chimney Sweepers Act. It seemed in
truth that there was a fatality attendant upon these measures, but as it proved
the Colliery Act was yet to be added permanently to the list of successes.

264 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XI.
May 16th. — Just returned from House of Commons. Cumming Bruce at
tempted a repeal of the Colliery Act. He called it a modification of a clause ;
but such tampering is suspicious and full of danger. I resisted his bringing in
the Bill, and beat him by 137 to 23. God be praised ! No one was thoroughly
odious but Roebuck, who I thought was with me. He entered into a long and
laboured argument about the interference with the rights of labour ; and main
tained all the positions that ignorance and heartlessness are so fond of taking
up. The Government was cordial. I had many cases of benefit to show las
having occurred in England, and thus to infer that, were the law obeyed, similar
results would ensue in Scotland.
May 21st. — Brocket.* Found Melbourne better than I had expected. He
looks older, and perhaps weaker ; nevertheless, his intellects are clear, though
his temperament almost seems subdued. With care he may yet do well.
The state of the Churches in the year 1843 was very remarkable. In
England the Tractarian movement was advancing rapidly ; in Ireland it was
the " Repeal " year, and the Roman Catholics were making capital out of the
political agitation ; while in Scotland it was the year of the Disruption, and,
on May the 18th, some five hundred ministers of the Church of Scotland,
under the leadership of Dr. Chalmers and Dr. Candlish, seceded from the old
Kirk and initiated the Free Church.
May 30th. — Dr. Pusey has preached a sermon at Oxford so strongly savouring
of Popery that the Vice-Chancellor demanded a copy, and submitted it to the
judgment of a Theological Board. The wisdom of this course will, in the
opinion of most people, be determined by the result. Had they seized on Tract
XC. and condemned it, the course would have been easier, clearer, safer. The
means of evasion, in a discourse on such a subject, are far greater than in a
treatise so bold, false, and unprincipled. Curious state the country is in — Ire
land rent by Popery, within a, hair's-breadth of rebellion ; the Papists hearty,
united, furious — the Protestants cold, discordant, indifferent — their bishops,
clergy, and laity all as one man ! ours as a multitude ; — Scotland with her
Church torn asunder, urging religion, but really sowing democracy, and pre
paring a forward movement — England with Popery in her Universities ; her
chapels, churches, societies rent in the midst; with nine-tenths of the people
arrayed against the Ecclesiastics — if an aggressive movement be made by the
Dissenters (and what more likely ?) where is our power of resistance ? All is
gloomy, there is no dawn ; it seems like a preternatural darkness — it fills me
with grief and anger to hear the language, and watch the supineness, of the
wealthy and great. " You have said the same thing for the last twenty years,''
"you have got out of difficulties before, and you will do so again," "there is
nothing in it," "all flourish." "never mind," and so forth. Ah, well ! a man
who has recovered from four attacks of fever might just as well conclude that
he shall certainly recover from the fifth ; every additional access of the disease
must find him weaker. But thus we shall go on chewing a moral opium, every
one seeking to delude himself, and'enjoy the passing hour. The deluge came on
* Brocket belonged to Lord Melbourne, and came, after his death, to Lord and Lady
Palmerston. Lord Lawrence at one time rented it. It now belongs to Lord Cowper,
Lady Palmerston's grandson.

!S13.] LETTER FROM ELIZABETH FRY. 265
the world in its moments of feasting and thoughtlessness ; the world has not
changed, nor will it. . . .
June 3rd. — Pusey's sermon condemned, and himself interdicted to preach for
two years ; this is good, simply as showing that we are not all of one com
plexion ; but it will not operate as a check ; all is running into confusion, the
Low Church are becoming lower and talk of Dissent, the necessity of abolishing
the Catechism, the Prayer-book, the everything. Mother Church will soon be
eviscerated, 'Esau and Jacob are striving within her bowels, yet she consults not
the Lord ! . . .
June 6th. — Grand battles by the Indian mail, grand victories, and still
grander injustice ! Wrong and robbery on a splendid and successful scale are
Bure to be hushed up, if not applauded. I shrink with a combined feeling of
terror and nausea from our national sins. . . . Whither are we going ? Oh,
England ! England ! Magna luis commissa, yet there is no repentance, no shame,
no self-abasement ; in vain God's ancient people, by their history and by their
prophets, exhibit the peril and point out the refuge. " I have surely heard
Ephraim bemoaning himself thus : Thou hast chastised me, and I was chastised,
as a bullock unaccustomed to the yoke ; turn Thou me, and I shall be turned, for
Thou art the Lord my God." . . .
July 10th. — Every day adds to my burthen. I have just received a long
treatise, by a medical man, written in defence of the Factory system. This will
have its weight, and, humanly speaking, add another obstruction to the enact
ment of remedial measures.
Lord Ashley, it need hardly be said, had many friends, and, in the midst
of the anxieties which, rather than the work, made the burden of life, he
found help and encouragement in the counsel of those whose opinion he could
value at once for its wisdom and sincerity. Among those for whom he enter
tained great esteem and affection was Mrs. Elizabeth Fry, who wrote to him
at this time as follows : — •
Mrs. Elizabeth Fry to Lord Ashley.
Upton, 7th Month 10th, 1843.
Dear Lord Ashley, — We were sorry not to see thee and thy dear children
on the 8th, as the weather cleared here, and we therefore expected you, but we
hope it is only a pleasure delayed, and that I may now have the satisfaction of
seeing Lady Ashley also. My husband and myself are anxious for you to propose
an early day to bring your children to pay us your country quiet visit. I do not
know of our having any engagement this week of an evening except on the 12th
inst., therefore any day but this we should be glad to receive you to dinner, as
proposed, at half -past four o'clock. I felt thy observations, dear Lord Ashley, as
to the little we appear to accomplish in our labours for the good of mankind. I
observe that we do not at once see what we desire, but I feel assured that if in
our labours we seek to do all unto the Lord, our labour will not be in vain in
Him. Remember there is a seed-time as well as a, harvest, and sometimes the
seed remains long in the earth before it appears above ground ; this I have found
the case frequently in works of charity. I observe what thou saidst upon our
remembering thee in our prayer ; I did do it yesterday particularly, and was
enabled earnestly and in faith to commend those who loved the Lord to His

266 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XI.
holy keeping, and to pray for their being firmly fixed and established on Christ
the Rock of Ages, and that they might be so strengthened to adorn His doctrine
and live to His praise, as to be instruments in drawing others who were far off
near unto Himself.
With kind regards to Lady Ashley,
I remain, with Christian esteem and love, thy friend, Elizabeth Fry.
July 15th. . . . Have sat for three days, now concluded, on the Durham
Election Committee ; in the chair ; unseated Lord Dungannon. * I am resolvedi
whenever I have the opportunity, to run breast-high against all cases of bribery.
This is a perilous, a wicked system ; it is corrupting our people, and spreading
moral and political mischief in all directions I
Hurried beyond all precedent ; never a moment to myself ; just now got an
evening, and here I am alone, trying to think of past, present, and to come ; but
I have lost all power of consecutive meditation — all must be like my daily life,
broken by interruptions.
Read and said, God be blessed, some of old Bacon's godly prayers, beautiful
and comforting.
18th. — Met to-day, at Freemasons' Tavern, to consider best mode of combining
the laity in one general movement against Puseyism ; it was an unanimous and
hearty assemblage. " Not many mighty, not many noble." We numbered but
myself, Sandon, and Grosvenor, among Lords ; Colquhoun, Sir G. Rose, among
the M.P.'s ; my brother William, and Frankland Lewis. This is a sad time ;
great dangers and no courage, much subtlety, and moderate penetration ; great
need, and very little activity ; vast public hazard, and abundant self-seeking.
Meroz would be a pattern of promptitude and self-denial to the religious and
political patriots of our day. They shun trouble, they fear responsibility ; they
cannot hazard rebuke, or comment, or even observation. They will give wishes
and praise, but no co-operation, at least, while the thing is uncertain — " it is
better not to be committed," " are you quite sure ? " " have you plenty of names ? "
Many rejoice that the thing should be done, but prefer that it should be done by
others. And yet in zeal, in faith, and fear, and full hope, we signed the Memorial
to the Powers of the University (I, leading as chairman), and consigned it for
execution to a committee. And now may the God of all truth and love bless it
and prosper it to His glory, and to the service of " the faith once delivered to the
saints." We several times nearly ran aground on the shoals of caution, expediency
and delay ; but we were saved from shipwreck. . . .
July 27th. — All in a hurry ; about to start for Antwerp by the steamer. The
residence and regimen of Carlsbad is recommended for Minny.
Many things left undone. Cannot bear to leave the Session when I might be
useful ; but the season will not wait, we are already behind the proper time.
Parted from the younger children — this is a sad and sickening drawback to any
pleasure. May God, in His mercy, goodness, and power, protect and bless them,
and restore us safe and happy to each other in Jesus Christ our Lord ! Got in my
Agricultural Bill, God be praised.
* Lord Dungannon, Conservative, was returned at the election for the city of
Durham, by a majority of 101 over Mr. Bright, of the " League."

!843.J ANTWERP. 267
Following the course he had pursued in his foreign tour, ten years pre
viously, Lord Ashley took with him a book, in which he recorded, from day
to day, the principal incidents of the journey, and the impressions produced
upon his mind by what he saw and heard. Every page in the Journal is
interesting ; but as it is only one of four such Journals, we must content our
selves with giving brief extracts from it here.
Arrived at Antwerp, his first visit was —
To the citadel to survey the scene of useless carnage and unwarrantable
violence. Why did old Chasse bombard a defenceless quarter, and destroy the
buildings, and ruin the inhabitants ? A mere spirit of revenge. Why did the
King of Holland cut open the dykes, and sluice a whole region of fertile lands ?
From the same motive. Why, above all, did he attempt a resistance to the com
bined forces of England and France, and hope (or rather pretend to hope) to hold
the fortress in the face of such an army as never before laid siege to a place of
such dimensions 1 It was a proud, wanton, shameless waste of human life.
The cathedral is unimpressive. No monuments of ancient champions in sword
or spirit ; no dim religious light ; few recollections and few anticipations. The
perpetual succession of shrines to the Virgin and to the saints, glittering with
tinsel, and in a style of architecture altogether discordant with the architecture
of the edifice, is unfavourable to solemnity of feeling. One nauseates the rivalry
of these canonised sinners ; disgust is excited in the heart of true Protestants,
and unity of worship must be impossible to the devotion even of h, Roman
Catholic. . . .
It was natural to him to look at cities, as at events, in the light of the
lessons they teach, and he adds : —
Contrast the city with what it was once, and with what Napoleon intended that
it should be ; and see the vanity of human wishes. Let us Englishmen take warn
ing, and, while we quote our imports and exports, the amount of our tonnage and
the number of our capitalists, call to mind that Antwerp, in her palmy days,
could boast of a trade with half the world ; count at one time two thousand five
hundred vessels in her harbours, and exhibit on her 'Change five thousand mer
chants, whose business demanded their presence there no less than twice every
day ! " 0 Lord," well may our nation say, " make me to know the number of my
days, that I may be certified how long I have to live I "
All Went well with the travellers at Antwerp, Liege, and Terriers, but at
Aix-la-Chapelle they were for some days detained by the indisposition of
Lady Ashley, which gave Lord Ashley ample leisure to see the place, and also
for quiet reading and meditation.
Saw the cathedral ; parts of it ancient ; little, I think, to impress the mind.
The long high lancet windows are very grand ; but there is a sad medley of
architectures. Under the dome is the inscription, " Carolo Magno ; " there was
his body, and there is now his memory. Death brings the rich and the poor to
one level ; the resurrection will disturb that level, and raise many of the poor
above the rich. The widow and her mite may carry it over Charlemagne and his
churches. . . .

>

268 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XI.
Have been reading Seeley's abridgment of Wilberforce's Life. How many
things have we felt alike, what similar disappointments, misgivings, and dis
gust? ! Pitt comes out to advantage as a patriot, a worldly man of high senti
ments and high actions, with a full and rich amount of heathen virtues and
elevated philosophy ! but as a man of piety and religion, as a Christian man, he
is like an unbaptised person. Policy and expediency were " a lamp unto his feet
and a light unto his path ; " he had no other, and they led him into many a
quagmire. Aix has an air of comfort among the people that is highly agreeable. I walk
through all the streets and see no shoeless, shirtless paupers. The houses are
clean and well built, the streets sufficiently broad, and fountains in abundance.
The children look plump, and the natives easy and tranquil. Popery here does
not wear a very degrading and superstitious aspect ; it must always be in
unfavourable relief compared with Protestant countries, but these parts, if
estimated by the standard of Italy or of Ireland, enjoy a form of religious
freedom. When the health of Lady Ashley was sufficiently restored, the journey
was resumed in easy stages, and Cologne was the next resting-place.
August 4th. — What a hotel the " Belle Vue" ! the rooms looking on the Rhine
and the City ; all is life and cheerfulness, and apparent friendliness. The
Germans always pleased me ; I like their origin, akin to ours ; I like their
history, their character, their social life. I like their patriotism, their depth of
intellect, their powers of perseverance and research ; I hope mighty things from
their fervour of spirit, their capacity for affection, their disposition to piety.
What an union for the honour of Gcd, and the best interests of mankind, might
be formed between England and the German people !
Of the cathedral he says : —
Interior very splendid, architecture of the choir equal in lightness and purity
to anything in the whole world — gold and frescoes and painted windows without
stint ; the church, when completed, in all its similar details, will be perhaps,
excepting St. Peter's, the finest temple in the universe erected to the worship of
God ; but so long as it is disgraced and profaned by those intrusive Saints and
Madonnas, it will be little better than a Pantheon. It has gained exceedingly in
splendour by these renovations in gold and purple, but it has lost in venerableness.
The hand of time is effaced, and everything you see is from the hand of man. I
could not help thinking, as I walked out through the old grey pillars and'dusky
aisles, that there was more to stir the heart and the imagination in these sober
and time-honoured solitudes, than in the gay and gorgeous surface of the youthful
choir — " New lamps for old I " . . .
Such a night, and such a view along the river, the scene for hundreds, nay,
thousands almost, of years, of ambition and patriotism, of attack and defence, of
blood and violence, of public wars and private feuds, of untold sins and some
few rude virtues, now all still and abounding in peace. " Give peace in our
time, 0 Lord, because there is none other that fighteth for us, but only Thou,
0 God." War is erected into a science, and its professors enjoy, and will continue
to enjoy, a prodigious share of the admiration and applause of mankind. It will

l843-l Prom frankfort to bamberg. 269
be curious (may we use such a term ?) to observe the estimate and measure of
such heroes as Napoleon, &c. &c, when weighed, hereafter, in the balance of the
world to come.
From Frankfort, the travellers continued their joumoy, by road, in their
own carnage.
Much apparent change of character in people, after passing frontiers of
Bavaria. Good-humoured, but slovenly, and less clean. Country rural and
agreeable. Poplar-trees quite magnificent. More trouble in Bavaria with pass
ports, &c, than elsewhere.
In those days steam was a novelty, and at Eeelbach —
They complained, as others do elsewhere, of railways and steam-boats, that
these conveyances had abstracted large bodies of travellers. Mr. Sigar, of tho
Hotel de Russie, said that they threw upon him such vast and sudden companies
that he could not entertain them. So it is everywhere ; all tends to ruin the I
small and simple proprietor, and swell the already enormous possessions of the j
great capitalist. j
But whatever the drawbacks of steam might be, travelling by post was
certainly not free from difficulties.
At Hardtfeld detained by want of horses at inn (The Anchor), which is also
the Post. Manifestly a pre-determination on the part of the landlord to keep us
all night. As manifest a determination on our part not to be kept. Various
negotiations ; alternately dignity and coaxings. Kruse (the tutor) paid several
visits to shopkeepers and peasants. They promised frequently, and as frequently
started from their promises. Excuses plenty as blackberries. We asked for oxen ;
promised, of course, and then told it would be a disgrace to Bavaria. At last two
horses were procured. . . .
Bamberg is a handsome town, and so is Baireuth. Germany, like Italy, pre
sents many specimens of ancient magnificence, formerly imperial, now provincial.
Divided, as these countries have been, into many separate and independent
governments, they offer, on the same extent of surface, a far greater amount of
the works of art than is found in countries long united under the same capital.
Bamberg possesses a noble cathedral, highly ancient and of a most dignified
simplicity. There are few buildings in Europe to compare with it for majesty
and reverence. The series of monumental brasses is unrivalled, and will repay a
whole day's study. There are fewer of those intrusive saints here than in Popish
churches generally ; that's a relief, and adds to its imposing and venerable
aspect. The prince-bishops all lie in the crypt, their resting-places marked by a
stone only. This is striking. A long line of eighty-two ecclesiastical sovereigns,
who were content to be " splendid in life " without being " pompous in the grave."
In bed very late at Bamberg. Scarcely slept a wink. As I lay awake, heard tho
cock crow. I wonder how often that ordinary and rustic sound recalls to the
mind of the hearer St. Peter's presumption and his fall, It struck me forcibly
that all perhaps must say, with the cruel Bishop Gardiner, whenever they listen
to that note, " I have sinned with Peter, but I have not wept with him."
On the 12th August the party arrived at Carlsbad.

270 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. (Chap. XI.
Aug. 14th. — Dined at the Saxischer Saal. Drank coffee sub jove on the espla
nade by the Wiese. Foreigners certainly surpass us in the nature and variety of
their social enjoyments. What could surpass the simple and cheap luxury of a
pretty scene, a splendid day, delicious air, well-dressed company, green trees, and
coffee and milk enough to satisfy five persons, for about a shilling ? Good, very
good, if that were all. But I myself could not stand it. Such a facility and
such a character of amusement would prove my ruin ; I should fall like Hanni
bal's soldiers at Capua, and surrender all sense of duty, all effort for mankind, to
the overwhelming fascinations of ease and selfishness.
There are many Jews here in their costume. They seem in comfortable
circumstances, but separated from tbe Gentiles. I have bowed to several to show
my respect for the nation. I shall next open a conversation with some of them.
They are not oppressed here, but manifestly avoided. The veil is upon the hearts
of the Gentiles in respect of that people nearly as much as it is on their hearts in
respect of the Gospel. Blessed will be the day when it shall be taken away from
both! Aug. 17th. — What heavenly weather ! Days of Paradise, and nights too ! It
sounds sometimes like freedom or affectation to say " God be praised for this,"
and " Thank God for that," which men may consider a mere trifle ; yet I cannot
but feel it. And surely every moment of innocent pleasure, every moment of
averted mischief (His unknown mercies are endless), affords new cause of thank
fulness, of joy. If, in addition to these delights, the soul be lifted up to com
munion with the spirits above, there is the foretaste of another life, and, so far,
a preparation for it. I can never see a fine prospect, or a sun setting in glory,
without blessing God for the wonders and beauties of His creation.
At Carlsbad Lord Ashley, as well as Lady Ashley, drank the waters, and
he makes frequent allusion to them in his Journal.
Aug. 14th. — Saw Dr. Hochberger. Agreeable man. Asked his advice about
drinking the waters. Sensible reply : " You need not have come here to drink
them, but, being here, you may do so, and you will, I think, derive benefit from
them." And so I shall begin my goblets and promenade to-morrow morning.
Aug. 16th. — The waters again from goblets. Felt half ashamed to drink
them in my comparatively vigorous health, but really one need not entertain
such delicate conceptions. Saw robust a,nd muscular men, in full swig, who
could sustain or undertake a siege, walk or eat for a wager. Took courage and
affected as much necessity as they did. Baths and springs exhibit very few
apparently sickly people. Seem bent on society and dissipation quite as much as
on cure. Aug. 21st. — Advised by Dr. Hochberger to take seven goblets. It is
the life of a whale ! . . Aug. 23rd. — The waters seem to produce on me
neither good nor evil ; a hogshead of the Thames would be quite as effective.
Aug. 27th. — Sunday. Psalms of the day contained that beautiful CXXII.
with its touching prayer and promise, " Oh, pray for the peace of Jerusalem ;
they shall prosper that love Thee ! " I rejoice that I bear this blessed inscription
on my right hand, in a ring carved at Jerusalem, and by the only Hebrew there
who possessed such skill. It is rudely done ; but that enhances the sentiment
which arises from the discovery of genuine, though perhaps uninstructed piety,
under a coarse and unpromising surface. I prize the ring ; it was sent me (that

18*3d CARLSBAD. 271
is, the stone) by the Bishop of Jerusalem. I do not say that I wish it to be
buried with me, that would be ascribing to it a talismanic effect ; I would rather
wish it to be worn by generations of my descendants, like Urim and Thummim
on the breast of the High Priest, on which they might, hour by hour, cast their
eyes and read the mind of the Lord !
Aug. 29th. . . . Walked to Freundschaf ta Saal with Galitzin, and a Russian
colonel, a good-natured ohap, but the veriest coxcomb I ever saw — the victim of
his own charms, a martyr to the admiration and love his accomplishments had
begotten. The whole world, all the English lords, a Devonshire, a Buccleuch,
Jersey, &c. &c, had all taken him by force and compelled him to stay either six
weeks at Chatsworth or two months at Middleton, or take a sail in a yacht ;
he could not resist, not he ; like Saturn he was eaten by his own children I
Sept. 1st. — Walked up the hill to enjoy the view ; day beautiful. I love these
open prospects ; give me always an expanse of sky, I value not a handful of it. I
then can fancy the dawning glories of the Second Advent. " Behold He cometh
with clouds ! " Oh that it were so in the providence of God that the intervening
" days should be shortened" and a speedy and a closer limit be set to the sins, and
coming sufferings, of mankind I
Sept. 5th. — Saw the most perfect and beautiful rainbow I ever beheld ; so
thought Minny, who was with me. " Behold I do set my bow in the cloud ; " one
could almost, without either revelation or tradition, infer that so much loveliness
and grandeur were speaking truth and comfort to men. . . . Reading Jeremiah
with Minny, how forcibly was the 15th v. of Chap. VIII. applied in my heart to
the administration of Sir Robert ; "we looked for peace, but no good came ;
and for a time of health, and behold trouble ! " Never. did Minister accede to
office with such a force of moral power ; never has Minister disappointed so many
hearts. Sept. 7th. . . . One must buy presents for one's friends as reminiscences.
The occasion enhances the value ; you could not for thrice the money in England
do so civil a thing. Yet the choice, &c, takes as much time as though I were set
on a grand political movement.
There is much amiable simplicity and good humour about the people here of
all classes ; I am not disappointed in my expectations of finding the working
classes, here as elsewhere, alive to kind words and willing — nay, anxious — to be
obliging and courteous. They are very engaging, and the children are quite
darlings. On Sept. 14th, after a pleasant visit of five weeks, during which Lord
Ashley had only seen two English newspapers ("never read one without
injurious consequences ; find in it a variety of things to excite imagination and
stir bile "), he thus takes leave of Carlsbad :—
. Walked up the hill with Minny to enjoy final look of the sweet scene
and offer up final prayer. The country has received me hospitably, treated me
kindly, and dismisses me in peace. We delight in the scenery, and love the
people, who are honest, civil, intelligent, and grateful. I can render them no
service but I wish them well, and beseech God to give them peace on earth and
peace in heaven.
The next halting-place was Prague.

272 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XI.
Sept. 17th. . . . The Church of St. James, handsome and heavy. Prague
is full of Protestant recollections, lata tristia, ambigua manifesta. Here began
and here ended the terrible Thirty Years' War. Hardly a step can be taken, or a
wall inspected, or a stone turned, without some reminiscence of faith or violence.
Here have been piety, fanaticism, honour, fraud, valour, meanness, all that can
ennoble, all that can disgrace, human nature. Popery now sits enthroned, but
not triumphant ; it has expelled Protestantism, but it has not struck deep the
roots of the Papacy. Will no heaven-sent gust of wind soon arise to blow down
the lifeless plant in the city of John Huss and Jerome of Prague ?
If the scenery through which Lord Ashley passed incited him to piety and
devotion, the haunts of men no less excited his benevolence and compassion.
He could not bear to pass a public institution for the benefit of the poor or
the sick, without looking in to see whether he could not gain some hint that
would he of benefit to the institutions in which he was personally interested,
or give some suggestions from his own experience that might be helpful to
them. Thus at Prague he visited the Hospital of the Elisabetines, kept and
administered by an order of Sisters of Charity, and noted that in such an
institution were to be seen the good points of Popery, those excellent works
being done openly and in corporations, whereas in Protestant lands, and in
England especially, they are done privately and by individuals.
In the lunatic asylum at Prague he found in existence a system he had
long wished to introduce into England, namely, the reception of some
patients at the public expense, and others at their own, but all under public
inspection. For the first time in the course of this travel-diary the events occurring in
the political world at home are referred to.
Sept. 21st. — Vienna. Dined with Sir R. Gordon. Denison* sat with me i.j.-
an hour before bed-time. My letters give hopes that Address f " will not be a
failure." Already, they say, threo thousand or four thousand signatures, but
that is nothing ; it must be multiplied by one hundred. So Mr. Maurice, of Guy's
Hospital, has assailed me for my share in promoting the Address. I am neither
surprised nor displeased. He is one of those who must be ranked, according to
old Foxe's definition, as " neither sound Protestant nor true Papist." . . . He
once did excellent service in the cause of the Jerusalem Bishopric. This covers a
multitude of sins, and if it gives him pleasure or does him good to assail me, he
is welcome. With Lady C, Denison, Minny, &c, to see the Jewel House. Splendid collection
of beautiful things and precious stones ; everything that can decorate and delude
and cover the nakedness of human life. All brilliant and interesting, but most of
all the Crown and Regalia taken from the tomb of Charlemagne, at Aix ; vory
amusing for us, but very wrong in them. Who did it ? What right had any one
to plunder the receptacles of the dead ? None, I suppose, and yet we do it every
day. Our collections would be scanty enough were this scruple pushed very far.
At what period then, after burial, are the dead put beyond the pale of the law ?
* Afterwards Speaker. T Oxford University.

1S« 1 VIENNA. 273
We should be commended for despoiling the tomb of Alexander, but the whole
woi-Id world cry out if we scattered and exhibited the bones and grave-furniture
of Napoleon. However, be that as it may, these jewels belong to the German
nation, and not to the Emperor of Austria. They ought to be placed in the
keeping of the Diet, at Frankfort.
. . . Sir R. Gordon called, and Prince Esterhazy. Received a very kind
note from Metternich, desiring to see me at any convenient hour of the morning.
Went to his villa ; very friendly reception and highly complimentary. He
retains his old habit of haranguing rather than conversing ; seems far better in
health than I had anticipated ; hair very white. Talked of A, B, and C ; the
only thing I remember as of political interest was " Moi je suis fort Anglais ;
mais il faut que je vous diss quo l'Angleterre a peu d'amis en Allemagne." Alas,
it is too true ; fools that we all are on both sides of the water.
Sept. 23rd. — Wandered about alone to examine old haunts ; cannot decide in
which of two houses I lived eighteen years ago. So it is ; after an interval of
eighteen years I find myself once more at Vienna, a married man with seven
children ! What a change since the time I first arrived here ; yet I do not mourn
over my past, but my misspent youth 1 Ill-directed feelings and wasted hours
flit before me in long array ; nevertheless, they were not without fruit, and, by
God's blessing, good fruit ; experience of various kinds was purchased by folly
though without criminality. . . . God in His mercy grant to me and mine
(we ask Him not " for long life ") that the years which He shall give may be
years of usefulness ; and that they present not, at the Great Account, a mere
record of things received, but of things hoped and done in His worship and
service. Sept. 25th. — Dined with Gordon. Drank tea with the Princess Schonbourg ;
necessarily silent and stiff. I have no doubt that these parties might become
very intimate and pleasant. To Princess Metternich. Nothing can be more
gracious or kind. Metternich complains of the weight of affairs ; unquestionably
they must be heavy, but I smiled to think of his burdens compared with those of
a House of Commons Minister in England.
Sept. 28th. ... I feel more and more like Ulysses :
" Towards his loved coasts he rolled his eyes in vain."
The Jlficmweh is so strong upon me that I am in a fever to be off. I rejoice in this
as a healthy symptom, for the allurements of this place are such as would lead a
man to a still, stagnant life of ease and sensuality, forgetfulness of duty and
honourable toil ; the more seductive and perilous because apparently permissible
and harmless. What an extraordinary population is this of Vienna 1 What a
power of enjoying existence ! Their digestions must be strong and their circula
tions perfect. A placid, self-satisfied expression is diffused over all their features
and actions ; they sit together by hundreds like a warm statue-gallery. You may
hear a pin drop among them after the claims of the stomach are gratified for the
moment ; it is almost the effect of a contented conscience, a life well spent, "a
good man's latter days." Never have I seen, and never have I read of a place
more fatal to religious activity ; it is Laodicean to the heart's, core. ... To
Pottendorf , a villa of Prince Esterhazy's. Esterhazy very kind and hospitable.
Sept. 30th. . . . Visited a cotton and flax mill near Pottendorf belonging
s

274 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY [Chap. XI.
to an Austrian company, and under an English director. Found the people as
everywhere, pale, yellow, and greatly fallen from their just position of strength
and vitality. Hours of labour for all ages from 5 in the morning till 9 at night i
no time allowed for breakfast, half an hour for dinner, and one hour for the
education of the children ! Children to be educated in the midst of 14 hours'
daily labour. Oh, the pious humbug, the hypocritical spirituality I Both the
directors, one who had been there forty -five years, and the other a young
Englishman, three years ago from Manchester, assured me that the labour was
far too long and oppressive. . . The Austrian Government prides itself on
being "paternal," and yet it knows and permits these things !
The mills on the whole not very bad ; I have seen far worse in England ;
some of the spinning rooms, however, very filthy and close. Children never
beaten. . . . All the dwellings of the work-people are on a fine dry soil, an
open plain, well ventilated, and in every respect most favourable. If such, then,
be the evil results in such a locality, what must they be in the crowded, un-
drained, filthy towns of Manchester, &c. ?
October 1st. — Sunday. To cathedral to view the High Mass. What a sensual
and alas 1 successful endeavour to stifle the heart by satiating the eye ! Bells
ringing, priests dancing, incense rising, fiddles playing, nothing calm or sta
tionary but the worshippers, who remain there like fellows looking at a balloon.
Half the world seems to think that to have seen the priest is an act of acceptable
adoration. I cannot feel moved by this exhibition ; there is neither rational
devotion nor hot-headed enthusiasm ; nothing to satisfy your judgment nor stir
your sympathies. Great God, save Thy Church of England from such vain and
silly babblings, and grant her grace yet to speak forth the words of truth and
soberness !
One of the greatest drawbacks to the pleasure of Lord Ashley in foreign
travel was the " Continental Sunday," especially in great cities. Vienna,
and all places like it, he found to be fatal to Sunday contemplations and
Sunday habits and feelings.
I could not bear to remain here. Give me my happy, precious, useful Sunday
evenings in London, when one can surrender one's whole time, mind, and heart
to thoughts of higher and better things. I wish increasing and unbounded
happiness to all the inhabitants of Vienna ; I pray, I would labour, for their
welf are ; I entertain a lively sense of their kindness, of the good-humoured
courtesy of all classes, but I do not desire to reside among them. A man's virtue
here would be no more proof against their seductive modes of thinking and
living than a hothouse against a battery. And yet, thank God, I begin to feel
" bored." Oct. 3rd. — Linz. . . . It is a very displeasing characteristic of these
countries, and principally in Bohemia, the general and abundant employment of
females in all departments of labour. I have seen them in the fields, on the
roads, and engaged in buildings, dividing, in their numbers and their exertions,
the toil with tbe men. We Englishmen have no right to comment on this mis-
usage of the female race ; the horrors of the mines and collieries have put us,
for a generation at least, out of court ; all that we can urge is that these things
w ere transacted in darkness, and hid from the public eye ; but such would not

1843-1 RATISBON. 275
now be the truth, nor any excuse if it were so. The commercial spirit has gotten
hold of us. and had the remedial Bill stood over to another year the public would
have tolerated the degradation of the women. . . .
Oct. 6th. — Ratisbon. Walked through the fair, interesting to see the humours
and products of the country. The town, nevertheless, is like a graveyard, full of
stones and recollections, with a few people wandering through it, as the shorter
cut to some other point. Its solitude is overwhelming — -narrow streets, empty
squares, dark, silent, dismal, old houses, each bearing on its face the traces of a
fortress or a dungeon ; few or no vehicles of any kind ; a foot-passenger here
and there, no groups of talkers, no voices in the streets. A judgment seems to
rest on it ; it shall be more tolerable for Sidon in the Day of Judgment than for
a city that can produce, or rather that must face, such records of sin and cruelty
as are displayed in the prisons of the Council-House. My whole heart quailed,
and even my stomach sickened, at the sight of these enormous devices of human
nature against beings formed by the same God, and redeemed (for these wretches
pretended to talk of Redemption) by the same Saviour ! The darkness and
ferocity of the Middle Ages were concentrated for the antagonists of the Refor
mation ; political and religious hatred have each had their day in these frightful
chambers. . . These times may yet return ; the heart of man is not changed ;
it is, as it ever was, " deceitful above all things, and desperately wicked." If
such be thy will, give us, blessed Lord, tbe spirit of ancient days ; the glorious
aspiration and courage of those holy martyrs " of whom the world was not
worthy," who fought a good fight, who kept the faith, and who received a crown
of righteousness. . . .
Drove to see the Valhalla. A strange name for the purpose. The
great of Germany are classed together in a heathen Paradise ; notoriety, not
virtue of any kind, is the sole requisite for a niche. Goethe, Schiller, Alaric,
King of the Goths (the scourge of God 1), Genseric, King of the Vandals, Handel
Odoacer, Hans Holbein, Frederick the Great, all cheek by jowl. Luther is ex
cluded from this hodge-podge of merit, and the bigoted, ignorant Papist who
sits on the throne of Bavaria, and built this gorgeous stable of fat and lean
cattle, believes that he has degraded such » prodigious mind by refusing it a
place alongside the Huns and the Heruli of ancient barbarism ! . . . A tablet
in a Christian church, a bust in a great public institution, a periodical eulogium
at some University, any glorification of such a kind, might be complimentary, if
not a full satisfaction to ambitious hopes ; but to be thrust, head and shoulders,
into this receptacle of barbarian spirits ; to be enrolled among the furies who
placed all their bliss in swigging mead out of the skulls of their enemies ; to be
ranked with ignorance, not with civilisation ; with Odin and not with Christ, is
a singular reward, and founded on Satan's opinion that it is " better to reign in
hell than serve in Heaven."
Oct. 8th.— Sunday. Nuremberg. Fallen from its high estate, and yet a
great city. Why has she thus fallen ? She pays the penalty of cruelty and in
justice, of violence and oppression towards God's ancient people, whom no one
has ever afflicted without smarting for the sin. She banished them from her
borders. She "left, too, her first love," and in the days of persecution and
savage ungodliness, refused to open her gates to the conscientious Protestants
fleeing from the revocation of the Edict of Nantes I May God, in His goodness,
give her space to repent !
s 2

276 THE EARL OF SHAFTESUt'IiY. [Chap. XI.
In Nuremberg all the churches were visited, and in them all, hut espe
cially in St. Lawrence's and St. Sebald's, Lord Ashley was chiefly struck by
the exterior signs of a Romanist establishment, in the midst of a Protestant
population. Referring to this he says : — ¦
The Reformation was introduced and confirmed here without noise or
violence ; no plunder, no destruction ; every image is erect, the Virgin presides
over every comer, the saints rejoice in their niches. Crucifixes in abundance.
This may be tolerated, but I am offended to see those intrusive demi-gods in
possession of their shrines and side-altars, though no longer worshipped. Why
were they not ordered to give place, and their pictures and decorations trans
ferred to galleries ? . . . Was the Reformation at Nuremberg a sincere and
heartfelt movement ? Did the promoters and subjects of it clearly perceive, and
sensitively acknowledge, the errors and evils of Romish heresy ? I cannot com
bine this belief with the fact of their extreme tolerance of the daily and visible
abuses of Popish superstition. Nothing has been removed and denounced as
" Nehushtan ; " the adored images of the Virgin crowd their churches, and still
represent her as " Queen of Heaven ; " the side-altars to saints require only the
priest, and all would be found ready to his hand ; the clean napkin is yet spread
every week on each table ! Truly, the zeal of God's house has not eaten them
up ! . . .
Oct. 10th. . . . Entered Wurtemberg.
The watchman here, as he goes his rounds, sings at each hour, some words of
moral or religious wisdom. The voice may be harsh, and the notes without
melody ; but the stillness of the night, the lateness of the hour, and the truth of
the counsel, give them grace and power. Many ears may be closed and hear
them not, but one or two, restlessly awake, in sickness or sorrow, may catch and
may apply the heaven-sent wisdom. " In a dream, in visions of the night when
deep sleep falleth upon men, in slumberings upon the bed, then He openeth the
ears of men, and sealeth their instruction ; that He may withdraw man from his
purpose and hide pride from man." At eleven o'clock the watchman sang, that
we should remember the parable of Our Blessed Lord, and, even at the eleventh
hour, enter with confidence into His vineyard. At twelve he announced the
close of tbe cycle of one day, and admonished all to bethink themselves " whether
they should live to see the close of another." Here is the sum and substance, the
beginning and the end, of all real wisdom ; all the rest is but vain jangling, not
to be carried out of this world, and utterly useless to disembodied spirits. Listen
to it, ye wiseacres, neologists, philosophers, savants, saints, and sinners, old men
and young, prince and peasant, and sit down in humility at the feet of such a
Gamaliel !
Oct. 11th. — Heidelberg. Went to see the palace. It is one of the many
standing monuments of the oppressions perpetrated by the French monarchy on
Germany and mankind. This gorgeous residence was first desolated when the
most polished villam that ever possessed and prostituted the gifts of God sent
forth an army to ravage the dominions of his enemy, the Palatine. Fire, the
sword, with their necessary results— starvation and disease — laid waste towns,
plains, and villages. Thousands of men, women, children, who had never
offended, even in thought, this unprecedented monster, experienced the most
horrid sufferings, and died by the most cruel deaths. Which is the more hateful

1343.] RETURN TO LONDON. 277
in the sight of Gcd, the wretch who perpetrates these crimes, or the authors who
bopraise him ? The great day of judgment will exhibit some fearful reckonings.
If Heiod be arraigned for his Massacre of the Innocents, so will King Louis the
Fourteenth, for the blood of the numberless children whose souls are still " under
the altar," crying for inevitable vengeance.
Oct. 12th.— Frankfort. For the last few days I have been reading to Minny,
and Minny has been reading to me, "Russie en 1839, par le Marquis de Custine."
The condition of things in that vast edifice of power and ambition, if estimated
by our proportions of feelings and opinions, is one below the condition of slavery.
The picture of man, as there exhibited, is not the picture of a thinking being, but
of a machine, or of an animal purely sentient. He is prompted and limited, even
in his pleasures, by the rule of functionaries. " Amusez vous, mes enfans," said
the affable Dey of Algiers, " et s'il y a quelqu'un qui ne s' amuse pas, il sera empale
de suite." The Russian people, prince and peasant, would obey and assume an
artificial satisfaction — the only one possible to them. What a surprising, pro
digious, and irritating description of a whole empire ! Sixty millions of men
subjected to the caprice and the fancies of a single creature, and such a creature
as the heartless monster who now sits in the torture chamber of the ancient
Czars ! Civilisation and refinement add an extreme sensibility to the perceptions
of tyranny. The ferocity of the Shah of Persia is far less distasteful to the rude
and ignorant Asiatics, than the insolent prying, material, and mysterious oppres
sions of the Emperor would be to us.
Oct. 19th. — Ostend. A little woman has been singing under our windows on a
guitar, and very nicely. We gave her some francs. I love to encourage street
music ; it pleases the people and softens them ; indeed, unless they get it in the
street, they get it nowhere. To-morrow we embark for England.
Oct. 20th. — London. Thus has terminated our tour of nearly three months'
duration, and, in all this time and all this movement, there has scarcely occurred
a single thing to cause even a momentary embarrassment. Minny was ill at
Aachen, and God's goodness restored her. Excepting that event, not one of us
has had a day's sickness, nor a bruise, nor a fright. The carriage even, faithful
after thirteen years of service, lost not a pin, nor required a smith. We have
seen much, heard much, I hope, too, profited much, especially the boys. It has
been amusement, but amusement, God grant, combined with instruction. Health
we have certainly attained. Minny particularly, for whose sake the journey was
undertaken. Now let us pray that all may be turned to greater, more zealous,
more fruitful service in the cause of our Lord and Redeemer.
On the last page of this Diary there is the following note, written in
characters as firm and flowing as in the preceding pages : — August, 1880.
Until this month have never, I believe, re-opened this book ; a space of 37
years ! Since it was written, three of the blessed ones mentioned in it, and their
deeply, and still-beloved mother, gone to their rest. It recalls a hundred
memories, none more touching and consoling than the records of a profound,
constant, and ever-increasing solicitude for the welfare and safety of the children
in the Lord Jesus Christ.
Immediately upon his return to London, Lord Ashley resumed the Journal
of his busy public and private life.

278 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XI.
Oct. 21st. — Found immense accumulation of letters and papers. Waded
through many before going to bed last night. Old story of postmen, knockers,
bells, visitors, business, questions, answers, hopes, fears, doubts, difficulties. Saw
Crabtree. Newspapers. Ministers have proceeded against O'Connell for sedition I
Why, he has been guilty of sedition for twenty years. I cannot judge ; it seems
to me tbe energy of feebleness — an acquittal on a trumpery charge will give him
power — one on a serious and well-grounded charge could not entail contempt.
My heart sank within me as I walked to the Carlton. Reminiscences of toil,
vexation, and broken promises, hopes raised, and efforts disappointed. Saw
Bonham — in the dumps — Conservative candidate (an excellent one, by-the-bye)
Thomas Baring, defeated by 127. Triumph of the Anti-Corn-Law League I . . .
Oct. 26th. — St. Giles's. Arrived here yesterday with the whole cavalcade of
brats and nurses. . .
Oct. 27th. — Walked yesterday to my post on the Downs above Brockington
Avenue, and there thanked God, on the very spot where I had besought Him to
bless my thoughts and prosper my undertakings. As He prospered me according
to His wisdom and mercy in the last Session, so I again implored Him to prosper
me in the next one. As yet, though much seed has been sown, no harvest has
been reaped ; the tree, indeed, has scarcely put forth blossoms ; much less has it
borne fruit ; but let me confide in His blessed Providence, and be content that I
am called even to the proposal of good things.
All the children with me, not without a tinge of melancholy. Probably, the
last family walk before Antony * goes to school, possibly (for who can foresee
all) the last that we may ever take together.
" Keep us, oh, keep us, King of kings,
Under Thine own Almighty wings."
Oct. 28th. — The Times of the 25th contains a good and t--ue article on our
Indian policy I Right follows might, ambition squared with principles, principles
being first contracted within the views of ambition. Afghanistan was a bad case,
but Scinde is worse. .
Oct. 30th. — The last day that Antony will pass with his family before he
enters on his new state (for such it is) of life. During many years I have passed
every morning with him, hearing and reading the Word of God. I cannot bear
to part from him ; were I not deeply, entirely convinced, that the plan is for his
real welfare, I should be miserable ; " I commit him to God and to the word of
His grace." Eleven o'clock at night. — It seems to me almost incredible that I am
about to surrender my Reuben to the care of a stranger. I have watched every
moment, weighed every expression, considered every thought, and seized every
opportunity to drop a word in season. All will now be left to an " hireling " ;
will he care for the sheep ? 0 God, be Thou to him a guide, an instructor, and a
friend ! Probably, the course of his affections may be stopped, or made to run in
another channel ; they will not, at any rate, flow on in their clear and early
simplicity. Yet he must be gradually introduced to the world ; and we gradually
severed from him. This is the order of Providence (and since it is His order,
wise and good), that the children shall imbibe new loves, and form new con
nections, while the parents are left by the receding tide, stranded like sea-weed
* His eldest son.

1S43-1 OPPOSITION OP MISS MARTINEAU. 279
on the shore, their time being come for decay and transmutation. This seems to
be painful, and probably is so, but here is not our permanent treasure, or our final
resting-place. If we have trained up a faithful servant of the Lord, to go forth
and fight His battles, vigorous and young, while we are flickering at home, " I
therein do rejoice, yea and will rejoice." . . .
Nov. 1st. — Why was not a syllable uttered by our rulers in behalf of the
Chaldean Christians ? We have suffered them to be butchered without a voice in
their defence. Yet Palmerston spoke for the Jews at Damascus I . . .
Nov. 22nd. — Russia is the political Rome ; she is to the politics of nations
what Rome is to their spirituals, she seeks the same ends, and uses the same
means. The Jesuit works by all 'instruments, at all times, and on every feeling ;
he is, according to his opportunity, an Absolutist, a Constitutionalist, a Democrat!
an Anglo-Catholic, a Dissenter, an Infidel — so is the Russian Empire, having but
one object, and ten thousand means. Universal dominion ! . . .
Lord Ashley's philanthropic labours did not, as his Diaries abundantly in
dicate, meet with unqualified and universal approval. On the contrary, he
was often attacked even by those upon whose support he had a right to count,
as well as by those who differed with him in principle and policy.
His chief opponents, however, belonged to that party which appeared to
look for a social millennium, to be brought about by the rigid application of
the dogmas of political economy, and who considered that he was endeavouring
to limit freedom of contract, and in other ways unduly to interfere between
capital and labour. Miss Harriet Martineau may be quoted as the exponent
of the views of this party. They either knew nothing of the relations between
Lord Ashley and his father, which supplied the key to the whole situation, or
thought it best not to appear to do so, that they might be able to represent
the direction of Lord Ashley's philanthropy as strange and questionable.
" His residence," says Miss Martineau, " was in an agricultural county where
the labourers were reduced to the lowest condition then known to English
men. It was so on his father's estates ; on the estates to which in the course
of nature he was to succeed ; yet he did not take under his protection his
nearest neighbours, with whose needs he was, or ought to have been, best
acquainted ; but constituted himself the champion of the Lancashire opera
tives whose families had been earning £3 a week, while the peasant families,
his neighbours, were earning from eight to ten shillings per week, living on
food too mean and scanty to support strength, and sleeping under rotten
thatch which let in the rain. Lord Ashley was agitating for the personal
safety and for the education of the class, which was actually the most en
lightened and the best able to take care of itself, of any working class in
England, while the agricultural labourers of his own county were in a state
of desperate ignorance and reckless despair, which demanded all his efforts to
redress. Knowing nothing of " the manufacturing system," as it was called,
he had to depend for information on persons from Lancashire and other mill
districts ; and it is notorious that his informants were not always respectable,
and that he was largely duped ; while he need but have gone into the hovels

280 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XI.
of his father's peasantry to have seen miseiy and mental and moral destitu
tion which could not be matched in the worst retreats of ths manvfactwrna
population." *
The foregoing quotation is mild in comparison with a further statement
giving currency to malicious reports concerning "proofs that came to light
with regard to the bad character and unjustifiable procedure" of Lord
Ashley's correspondents and visitors ; and referring especially to a certain
letter said to have been dropped by Lord Ashley at his Club, from a Lanca
shire correspondent of his, who wrote, as it was assorted, that there was no
hope of carrying Lord Ashley's measure of that Session, but "by blackening
the character of four mill-owners of the very first order " — " men," says Miss
Martineau, " who had provided schools for the children of their operatives,
who had built model houses for their people, opened lecture and reading
rooms, and baths, and places of recreation ; who had spontaneously spent
many thousands of pounds in the largest liberality towards their industrial
neighbours, and were ordinarily on terms of strong goodwill with them."
It is not intended here to "defend" Lord Ashley against attacks, which
Time, and his own bright deeds, have long- since silenced. They are quoted
merely to give a specimen of the nature of the untruths that were freely cir
culated, even by those who should have been more jealous over their own
reputations, than to endorse idle stories invented by political partisans to help
out weak arguments. It may be mentioned, however, that Lord Asliley was
by nature extremely sensitive, and that these repeated attacks caused him
much pain sad vexation.
In November of this year took place the annual dinner of the Sturminster
Agricultural Society, in Dorsetshire, and, in reply to Lord Grosvenor (after
wards Marquis of Westminster), who proposed his health, he made the
remarkable speech to which the following extract alludes : —
Dec. 1st. — Last night took chair of meeting at Sturminster. About one
hundred and eighty to dinner. Very friendly and even enthusiastic. Spoke in
giving thanks for my health. Wonderfully well received, though I uttered some
strong truths respecting wages, dwellings, truck, delay of payment, and exclusion
from gleaning.
Unhappily, this speech brought him into collision with his father, who
only was responsible for any neglect of the peasantry on the family estate in
Dorsetshire. The speech dwelt upon "the obligations which alone can
sanctify the possession of property, and render its tenure a joy to all classes,
alike honourable, beneficial, and secure." In the course of it, Lord Asliley
drew attention to the stigma attaching to the county of Dorset. He said : —
The county of Dorset is now in every man's mouth— every paper. Metro
politan and Provincial, teems with charges against us ; we are within an ace of
becoming a byword for poverty and oppression. As Englishmen, as human
beings, and as Christians, we ought to examine these accusations, refute whatever
* Harriet Martineau's "Thirty Years' Peace," vol. ii., p. 553.

1843'] A PERILOUS SPEECH. 281
is untrue, and remedy what cannot be denied. I do not think that your task will
be very difficult ; for these charges, though somewhat founded in truth, have
been pushed, by other parties than those who first made them, with woeful exag
geration ; that which is only partial is assumed to be universal ; all that is good
is suppressed ; all that is bad most zealously produced ; and the owners and
occupiers of land in this county are represented as guilty of much that they have
never done, and of much that they cannot control. . . . Gentlemen, are we
prepared to look these charges in the face, discuss their justice, repel what is false,
but correct what cannot be gainsaid ? Do we admit the assertion that the wages of
labour in these parts are scandalously low, painfully inadequate to the mainten
ance of the husbandman and his family, and in no proportion to the profits of the
soil ? If we are able to deny this statement, we shall also be able to disprove it
— let us do so without delay ; but if the reverse, not an hour is to be lost in roll
ing away the reproach. I do not pretend to give advice as to the precise mode of
doing these things, I am not sufficiently practical, or conversant with the hiring
or payment of labour ; but this I know, that if a larger self-denial, an abatement
of luxuries, a curtailing even of what are called comforts, be necessary to this
end, let us begin at once with the higher and wealthier classes — it must be done ;
there is neither honour, nor safety, nor joy (setting aside all higher considera
tions), to dwell in a house, however fair the outside, which rests on such rotten
and crumbling foundations. . . .
And now, gentlemen, notwithstanding the openness with which I have spoken
to you, I hope, nay, I believe, I shall obtain your forgiveness ; it would have been
easy to take a safer course, hold a more flattering language, and, by suppressing
the reality, indulge the imagination ; but I should not then have done either my
duty to you, or had respect to the consistency of my own principles. You ought
to know and reflect on these things ; and I ought not to be lynx-eyed to the mis
conduct of manufacturers, and blind to the faults of landowners. . . Set
yourselves to mitigate the severity of the poor-law ; its greatest supporters admit
that it is severe ; but that severity may be mitigated or increased by the mode of
its administration ; begin a more frequent and friendly intercourse with the
labouring man — we have lost much in departing from the primitive simplicity of
our forefathers ; respect his feelings ; respect his rights ; pay him in solid money ;
I say it again, emphatically, pay him in solid money ; pay him in due time ; and
above all, avoid that monstrous abomination which disgraces some other coun
ties, but from which, I believe, we are altogether free, of closing your fields in
the time of harvest ; give to the gleaner his ancient, his Scriptural right : throw
open your gates, throw them wide open, to. the poor, the fatherless, and the widow.
The effect produced by this speech was considerable, and the consequences
to Lord Ashley were in the same proportion annoying. Frequent reference
to these are made in the Journals.
Dec. 11th.— St. Giles's. Times anxious to be malevolent, but unable to find
pretext against speech at Sturminster ; Herald very kind and contrasting it with
Cobden's, who, at that very time, was sneering at me in Covent Garden Theatre,
declaring that, though he had always believed my honesty, he should cease to do
so, unless I (did that which no one could do) brought a motion before Parliament
to regulate wages for the county of Dorset !

282 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. Xt.
Received yesterday letter from a Mr. Crofts to say that he and others (who
greatly admired me) were of ten times perplexed to defend my consistency, &c, &c,
and then to quote the state of the school-house at Woodlands, and certain other
cottages. Alas, too true ! yet how can I prevent it ? . . God knows I have long
mourned over these things, and long resolved on every self-denial, rather than
not remove them. These unhappy facts will pass into hostile hands, and be used
against me. I appeal to a!higher than Caasar ; I appeal unto God. Half -past 11
at. night. — I am awfully posted between two forces : the Anti-Corn-Law League
on one side ; my father on the other. He broke out to-night in severe reprehen
sion of my speech ; abstained from violent language or violent manner, but told
me " I was exciting the people ; inducing them to make extortionate demands ;
they were not easily put down when once up," &c. ; " they got on very well, he
did not know how, with seven and even six shillings a week ; that their wages "
(and he then passed through all the arguments) " could not be raised ; that I was
inexperienced," &c. "As for their dwellings, it was very easy to point out the
evil : where was the remedy ? He, at least, could not afford it " (my speech had
only dealt in generals) ; " had been engaged all his life in gradually abating the
mischief ; these things cost too much."
What can I do ? If I suppress the faults of landed proprietors, I rouse the
accusations of the League ; if I rebuke them, I stir the resentment of my father.
But God be with him — open his eyes and touch his heart ! .
Dec. 14th. — I think my long and violent attacks of illness are the accompani
ments and consequences of a stirring question hotly opposed.
Dec. 19th. — Memorial has been presented to Vice-Chancellor and well received.
It has now passed from my charge ; now begins the responsibility. I suppose I
>hall be roasted I Been unwell of late ; good deal of pain. To Salisbury to con
sult Coates ; somewhat better to-day, thank God ! Cannot, however, take much
exercise ; sorry for it ; shall go to town unseasoned for the campaign. . . .
Dec. 24th. — The Examiner observed, one day, in an article upon me, and not
ill-naturedly, that " this Lord must expect, if he go about telling every one the
plain truth, to become odious." I see the dawn of accomplishment. . . .
Christmas Day. — " This is the day that the Lord hath made ; let us rejoice and
be glad in it." Rose before six to prayer and meditation. Ah, blessed God, how
many in the mills and factories have risen at four, on this day even, to toil and
suffering ! Equal laws and equal rights in this free country, or, at least, the
equal administration of those we possess ; yet what a shameful and cruel dis
parity here ! There is the mockery of an enactment which we cannot enforce,
and which, year after year, we vainly endeavour to strengthen. . . .
Towards the end of the year the painful intelligence was received that
there had been a massacre of Nestorian Christians. To many the news came,
as much of the news from the East was wont to eome, merely as an item to
excite momentary curiosity, and to be dismissed as one of the many matters
of difficulty always arising in the East among men of different nationalities
and conflicting creeds. But to Lord Ashley, who was waiting anxiously day
by day to know what steps were being taken for the protection of the op
pressed Nestorians, suspense became intolerable, and he wrote to Lord
Aberdeen, the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, as follows : —

iSiS.) CORRESPONDENCE WITH LORD ABERDEEN. 283

Lord Ashley to the Earl of Aberdeen.
St. Giles's House, December 19th, 1843.
My dear Lord, — Is it not possible, nay more, is it not absolutely right, that
some effort should be made by the British Government on behalf of the Nestorian
Christians ? Lord Palmerston interposed in aid of the Jews at Damascus, and
won golden opinions by such a becoming and manly policy. Surely an Adminis
tration, founded on such principles as those we profess, should be forward in tbe
assertion of every claim of justice and humanity.
Had these unhappy Christians been willing to acknowledge the supremacy of
Rome, they would have obtained (I cannot say enjoyed) the protection of France ;
is it to be endured that a power like Turkey (which in our folly we have saved
from the grasp of Russia), "the very form and pressure" of ignorance and
cruelty, should be allowed so to reward our exertions and uproot Christianity
from the soil of her dominions ? For God's sake, my dear Lord, do something
before the meeting of Parliament. Yours truly, Ashley.
To this letter Lord Aberdeen sent the following reply : —
The Earl of Aberdeen to Lord Ashley.
Foreign Office, December 21st, 1843.
Dear Ashley, — Sir Stratford Canning interfered on behalf of the Nestorian
Christians some time ago, with the best effect ; and he is now engaged, in con
sequence of the recent excesses, in following up similar endeavours, I hope with
equal success. He has already received instructions on the subject ; and these
shall be repeated. You may be assured that all shall be done which can pro
perly be attempted.
If the case were only between the Porte and its Christian subjects, their pro
tection would be simple enough ; but you are to recollect that the rival Chris
tian sects delight to torment each other, and are animated by a hatred more
intense than that which they entertain against the Turks themselves. It is
sometimes not very easy to tell who is the real oppressor. I do not mean that
this applies to the massacre of the Nestorians ; but it is too often the case in the
East, Ever most sincerely yours, Aberdeen.
A few days later a further communication was received from Lord Aber
deen, enclosing despatches from Sir Stratford Canning to announce that the
Nestorian Christians were " being attended to," and that inquiry would be
made into the causes which had led to the disturbance, with a view to their
future protection. While thankful for what had been done, the warm heart
of Lord Asliley shrank from the negotiations of " a frigid diplomacy " in any
case where suffering and oppressed fellow- Christians were concerned, and he
acknowledged Lord Aberdeen's letter in the following terms :—

284 the earl of Shaftesbury. [Chap. xi.

Lord, Ashley to the Earl of Aberdeen.
St. Giles's House, December 28th, 1843.
My dear Lord, — Many thanks for the information you have so kindly com
municated to me. May God bless your efforts in this righteous cause !
But, my dear Lord, are you tied, in such a matter as this, to all the tedious
and hypocritical details of a frigid diplomacy ? Would Russia allow her Greeks,
or France her Papists, to be thus insulted and rooted out ? Surely there is such a
thing as an unjust and perilous discretion.
But God bless what you have done, and advance it still further. Yours ever, Ashley.
Dec. 27th. — Wrote a few days ago to Lord Aberdeen in behalf of the Nes
torian Christians. Received a kind answer. " He had interfered and would do
so again." He is a worthy man, but very timid and very slow. Why did he not
interfere before ? He might have averted the second massacre. So it was with
Tahiti ; a few words in the year preceding would have saved the island from the
French and upheld the Protestant religion. . . . Walked to-day to talk with
Friend, the farmer at Brockington ; a blessing to have such a man on the estate :
honest to his landlord, good to the labourer, a pious man, a sensible man, a just
man I . . .

CHAPTER XII.
1814.
Lord Ashley was the sworn foe of oppression in whatever form it might be
exercised. It mattered not to him whether the oppressed were nations or
individuals, his whole nature rose against tyranny and injustice, and he
could not forbear to throw himself into the breach and assist the weak
against the strong. The year 1844 opened with heavy demands upon his
sympathies. At home his aid was claimed by oppressed needlewomen — a
class for whom he was always a willing advocate ; and abroad by the ill-used
Ameers of Scinde, who were suffering imprisonment and deprivation of their
rights from no fault, as he conceived, of their own. As usual, he found himself
either left almost alone to fight these battles, or else supported only by those
from whom ho had the least reason to expect help ; and he writes in his
Journal : —
Jan. 5th. — Prepared as I am, I am oftentimes distressed and puzzled by the
strange contrasts I find : support from infidels or non-professors ; opposition or
coldness from religionists or declaimers ! I sometimes pause to reflect whether I
can be right, whether I have followed the true course, whether — when so many
"pious" people either thwart or discourage me— I must not be altogether in
error. They read and study .the Bible ; they pray for guidance and light ; they
ask, and surely obtain, God's grace to judge aright ; they surely, too, must make
(is it so in fact ?) their conduct the subject and consequence of fervent supplica
tion before and after they have resolved to weaken my efforts ? What can L do
which they do not do ? If I say with fervour before I act, " Prevent us, 0 Lord,
in all our doings," &c, so do they, doubtless, when they prepare a resistance to
me. They implore Almighty God that all their " works may be begun, continued,
and ended in Him ! " Is it so ? If it be, I am indeed gravelled.
The efforts of Lord Ashley on behalf of the needlewomen arose out of
the following circumstances : — ¦
Jan. 13th. — Mr. Paget is to be indicted for defamation because he has published
a book called " The Pageant," in which he sets forth some of the Parliamentary
evidence about the wretched milliners. An admirable work, full of talent, zeal,
and truth. Is it come to this, that wicked abominations may not be proclaimed,
and redress sought for helpless and oppressed women, but at the hazard of a
prosecution at law ? How can I assist him ? He has applied through his solicitors
to the Society for the Protection of Milliners and Dressmakers to give him aid by
promising support to those young persons who shall offer their evidence. . . .
Jan. 17th. — Wrote to Mr. Paget on Monday ; said that cause was common,

286 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIL
defence ought to be so too ; requested leave to subscribe £25 towards his expenses.
Told that he is prepared to make a pitiful defence ; deny that the plaintiff was
the person intended, and then plead in mitigation of damages !
Jan. 20th. — Heard from Mr. Paget, civil and grateful, but he declines pecuniary
assistance. He is wrong in his opinion. His course is difficult, no doubt ; would
take a bold line could he secure his witnesses from ruin. Seeley has offered to
raise £100, and I the same, to indemnify any wretehed girls who may, for that
reason, be driven from their situations. His letter shows him in a fairer light ;
think he will assent. Hope so for the cause ; and his friends should do so for his
character. Although, as far as Mr. Paget was concerned, the matter rested here, the
cause of the needlewomen was not allowed to drop until its painful features
had been dragged into the full light, and the wrongs thus exposed redressed.
On the 8th of Februaiy, 1844, Lord Ashley brought forward his motion for
an address to the Crown praying that her Majesty will be " graciously pleased
to take into her consideration the situation and treatment of the Ameers of
Scinde ; and that she will direct their immediate restoration to liberty, and
the enjoyment of their estates, or make such provision for their future
maintenance as may be considered a just equivalent." These princes were a
fraternity of crowned heads, each having a separate and independent princi
pality, but ruling conjointly and federally under the style and title of the
Ameers of Scinde. They inhabited a country which their ancestors had
acquired by conquest, and ruled over a people of different language and
religion from themselves ; but, if that were to be used as an argument
against them, it would recoil with tenfold force upon ourselves. The East
India Company had recognised the Ameers as governors of Scinde, had
entered into friendly relations with them, and had tried to prove to them that
nothing but benefit could accrue from an extended intercourse with the
British Empire. From 1758 to 1809 there was a period of varying favour
and disfavour, suspicion and fear, confidence and jealousy. A Treaty was
then made, declaring : " There shall be eternal friendship between the British
Government and that of Scinde ; " and again : " Enmity shall never more
appear between the two States." Another Treaty in 1820 declared : " The
two contracting Powers mutually bind themselves, from generation to genera
tion, never to look with the eye of covetousness on the possessions of each
other." The Ameers asserted that they had faithfully observed the conditions
and spirit of the Treaty. In 1832, 1834, and 1838, partial concessions were
obtained in our favour as to the navigation of the Indus, and the placing of a
British Resident at Hyderabad. Thenceforward there were suspicion and
fear, and a tendency to mutual distrust. In 1840, however, when the insurrec
tion at Gwalior broke out, the Ameers permitted the transit of British
troops, when hostility on their part would have seriously injured us. Up
to 1842, though strongly tempted by the disaffected, the same peaceable
demeanour was manifested by them, with the exception of some petty
intrigues, inevitable to Eastern courts. In November, 1840, Lord Auckland

1844.] THE AMEERS OP SCINDE. 287
declared their conduct to be " most friendly ; " and in January, 1842, Lord
Ellenborough expressed satisfaction at their friendly disposition. But on
the 6th of May, 1842, Lord Ellenborough wrote to the Resident, Major
Outram : " The Governor- General is led to think that you may have seen
reason to doubt the fidelity of some one or more of the Ameers of Scinde."
Lord Ashley then traced the process of encroachment by the British
Government, and argued that when the Ameers might have crushed us, they
were prodigal in assistance, contributing, by every facility they could afford,
to the recovery of our position and honour. Notwithstanding this, it was
alleged that they had attempted our destruction when our troops, returning in
victory, had rendered success in such an effort impossible. This, Lord Ashley
denied, but added that even if they were guilty, a sufficient penalty had been
exacted from them. " You have torn them from their thrones," he said,
" reduced them to the level of your meanest dependants, seized their dominions,
incarcerated their persons, plundered their houses, and exposed them to various
forms of privation and insult." In conclusion, Lord Ashley said : —
Sir, we are often admonished, with oracular solemnity, that our empire in
Hindostan is founded on opinion. Is it the opinion of our justice, our humanity,
or our power ? A wise and patriotic Government would ardently pursue such a
noble combination ; and this House, by the fulness and promptitude of its reply
to an injured sufferer, would compensate for the enormous, though inevitable,
concession of despotic authority to the rulers of those distant regions. Sir, the
generosity of absolute power is cheap and safe and honourable ; true principle
alone is of so attractive a nature as to lead many to believe that a really Christian
empire would soon acquire the sovereignty of the world by the voluntary and
eager resort of all nations under the shadow of its wings. Whether, by such
means as these, Great Britain shall accomplish the dominion of the East, remains
to be seen. We have not, I fear, made an auspicious beginning ; but if we are to
gain no more by virtue, let us not lose what we have by injustice. Let us hasten
to wipe out the awful rebuke passed by them on their Christian conquerors —
' ' Heu pietas, heu prisca fides I "
saying, as they were led away into captivity, " Now we perceive that there is no
hope for us of judgment or justice, until God Almighty shall sit in the last great
adawlut." *
Of the long and forcible indictment thus brought by Lord Asliley against
the Indian Government, only a very brief summary has been given here. A
journal that did not share in his views said of it : " The splendid speech of
the noble mover was worthy of his humane and generous motive, and both
were worthy of- his high character." f Mr. Roebuck followed with a spiteful
harangue, as usual abusing everybody all round; and, after the debate had
run its length, Sir Robert Peel (the Prime Minister) defended the Indian
Government, apparently basing bis defence on the general principle that
uncivilised nations were made to be conquered. He certainly did say, " I am
* Hansard, Debates, 3 s., Lxxii. 364. f St. James's Chronicle, March 8, 1844.

288 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XII.
afraid there is some great principle at work wherever civilisation and refine
ment come in contact with barbarism, which makes it impossible to apply the
rules observed amongst more advanced nations." He stated that the libera
tion of the Ameers was incompatible with the peace of India, but that they
would he removed to a greater distance, where less restraint would be neces
sary, and £24,000 a year would be devoted to their maintenance and service.
The result of the motion is thus told by Lord Ashley in his Diary : —
Feb. 9th. — Wonderful success last night — personal success, I mean, alas ! — in
my motion respecting the Ameers of Scinde. But what is the use of making
speeches which are admired and extolled .' I obtained but sixty-eight votes
against two hundred and two for the Government. Never did I see a more
convincing proof of the pernicious effect of party on the moral sense : most were
satisfied, indeed, some said so. and yet voted, because Peel did, point-blank against
me ! Peel, as usual, was narrow, and in a, tone of morality lower, by far, than
the ordinary run of Ministers ; even John Russell rebuked him !
Feb. 10th. — I am certain that Palmerston and John Russell, influenced a little
by Peel's specious, though legitimate, policy, in declaring that he objected to
Roebuck's motion, voted against me, because, as they had not read the papers, it
was safer to vote with Government than in opposition to it ; Palmerston I found
really ignorant of everything. But how wisely and mercifully God overrules
all things ! It had been suspected, and stated, that I had concocted this move
ment with the Whigs ! Many Conservatives said to Jocelyn, " We never gave
such an immoral vote before." Public opinion strongly with me. . . Campbell,
ex- Attorney-General, said to me, very kindly, " Any jury in England would have
given you a verdict." Charles Wood said " It was one of the best speeches I ever
heard in Parliament, and so was the reply." ... A Christian kingdom may
refuse all intercourse with its neighbours, but if it open an intercourse and
derive advantages, it cannot turn round when well satiated and exclaim, " By.
the-bye, a thought strikes me, you are so abominably wicked that really I must
exterminate you ! "
The affairs of Scinde were not the only " foreign affairs " engaging the
attention of Lord Asliley. A dispute between England and France, with
reference to Tahiti (Otaheite), threatened, at one time, to be attended with
disastrous consequences. Queen Pomare, the sovereign of the Island of
Tahiti, a convert of English missionaries, had placed herself — by compulsion,
it was alleged — under the protection of France, while her sympathies, and
those of her people, were with England. There arose, in consequence, a
coldness between the French residents and the islanders.
The French Admiral, who had beguiled or compelled the Queen into
placing herself under the protection of the French, arrived off the coast,
and demanded that the French flag- should be hoisted above her own. Upon
her refusing to do this, he pulled down her flag, hoisted that of France in
its place, and proclaimed that Tahiti was henceforth French territory.
Pomare at once appealed to England ; but France, while disavowing the
act of the French Admiral, considered that there was some intrigue on the

1814.] TAHITI. 289
part of England to obtain possession of Tahiti, and would not remove the
French flag or cancel the proclamation claiming tho island as French territory.
For some time affairs remained in this critical state, and then a further
complication arose. An English missionary, named Pritehard, had exorcised
a very powerful influence in Tahiti, and had been successful in gaining many
converts to Christianity, among whom was the Queen herself. For some time
prior to her deposition he had been acting- as English consul in the island.
One day a French sentinel was attacked. In reprisal Pritehard was seized
as tho mover and instigator of the disturbances by the natives, and D'Aubigny,
the commander of the French establishment, declared : " His property shall
be answerable for all damage occasioned to us by the insurgents ; and if French
blood is spilt every drop shall recoil on his head." Pritehard was thrown
into prison, and upon his release was expelled the island. On his arrival in
England, the story of his wrongs produced a profound sensation, and stirred
public feeling into great excitement. Sir Robert Peel and Lord Aberdeen
both characterised his treatment as " a gross and intolerable outrage."
Satisfaction was demanded of the French Government, and M. Guizot,
who, in the first instance, was loud in his condemnation of the French Govern
ment, was now equally loud in tho profession of his anxiety and that of the
King, that justice should be done in Tahiti and a good understanding restored
with England.
For some months there was great excitement ; popular passion was hot on
both sides, and war between France and England at one time seemed inevit
able. However, on September the 5th — the last day of the Session — Sir
Robert Peel announced that " the outrage on Mr. Pritehard of Tahiti had
been arranged amicably." Substantial compensation was made to Pritehard,
and Qupen Pomare was ostensibly restored to power. France would not
withdraw her " protection," however, and to all intents and purposes Tahiti
became, in time, completely subject to French rule.
The course of these events was followed very closely by Lord Ashley,
and there are many passages in his Diary relating to them, ono of which only
we will quote here.
Oct. 4th. — Grief and indignation cannot go beyond what I feel against the
French aggressions in Tahiti. A peaceable and helpless people,, a State present
ing, as such, the only Christian model in the world, are subjugated by savages
and powerful Europeans, and inundated with bloodshed, devastation, profligacy,
and crime. God gave the regeneration of this island to our people as a triumph
of the Cross ; and so it was a thing without parallel in the history of the Gospel.
The missionaries made it Christian ; they made it English in laws and Constitu
tion. It had, by God's blessing, under their administration, everything but power
and commerce. But, failing these, it has obtained no sympathies, and in the
hour of danger, perhaps of extinction, finds not a single friend. The infidel and
lukewarm are indifferent ; the Tractarians are hostile ; the Evangelicals wary.
Public men estimate its value by political measurements and the probable effects
on their own ease and-tenuro of office. What a disgusting and cowardly attitudo
T

290 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XII.
for England, thus to stand by and raise not a hand in defence of this merciful
gift of Providence I God grant that the Tahitian people may endure and triumph
over this fraud and violence.
Interest in affairs abroad did not distract Lord Ashley's attention from
the more pressing affairs at home.
The demand for further limitation in the hours of labour had been urged
by the working classes with increased vehemence, especially in Lancashire
and Yorkshire, between the Session of 1843 and the opening of Parliament
in 1844. The reports of the Inspectors of Factories, issued from time to
time, had been eagerly read by those who were interested in the welfare of
the working classes ; and the agitation, headed by Lord Ashley, was daily
gaining fresh sympathisers, and, in the same proportion, was concentrating
the enmity of those who were opposed to it. The time was ripening rapidly
for the great struggle which was to end in victory.
On the ith of February, Sir James Graham introduced into the House
of Commons his promised Bill for the Regulation of Labour in Factories.
It contained no education clauses, but provided that children should be
allowed time in which to receive education. The further objects of the
Bill were to ensure that the working-time for children should be reduced
to eight hours, and for persons above the age of thirteen, to twelve
hours a day. The definition of a " child " was extended to mean children
between nine and thirteen ; that of " young persons " remained as heretofore,
namely, from thirteen to eighteen.
" I propose," he said, " that such young persons shall not be employed in
any silk, cotton, wool, or flax manufactory, for any portion of the twenty-four
hours longer than from half -past five o'clock in the morning till seven o'clock
in the evening in summer, and from half -past six o'clock in the morning, till
eight in the evening in winter, thus making thirteen and a half hours each
day, of which one hour and a half is to be set apart for meals and rest, so
that their actual labour will be limited to twelve hours."
This was exactly what Lord Ashley did not want. His contention was
that the hours should be limited to ten, and on that issue he would fight the
battle to the end.
On the 12th of Februaiy the Bill was read a second time, and ordered to
be committed. Then went forth the rallying cry of " Ten Hours and No Surrender ! "
and it echoed through the length and breadth of the land. The greatest
enthusiasm prevailed. Meetings were held, pamphlets were scattered broad
cast, and all the paraphernalia of agitation was set in motion with a vigour
that had never been known before. Twelve delegates were despatched to
London to assist Lord Ashley in his labours, and nobly they worked.
London and Westminster were divided into districts, and every Member of
Parliament in these districts was canvassed, the working of the factory
system explained, and its evils exposed.
The course of events is thus noted in Lord Ashley's Diary : — ¦

1844-1 A NOTABLE SPEECH. 291
Feb. 27th. — Factory Bill postponed. Shall I ever prosper in this ? Will God
smile upon the endeavour ? Heard that Mr. Bright was waiting for his oppor
tunity to make a most violent attack on me. I dare say. . . .
March 2nd. — Unpleasant rumours that Government (is it possible?) will
exert their Parliamentary influence to defeat the Ten Hours I
March 4th. — Graham informed me this evening that " if I would not make an
adverse statement," so as to provoke debate and a reply from him, he would
grant the Committee. He clearly fears a full expose.
March 6th. — Moved for Committee last night in half a dozen words. Graham
thanked me for my silence.
March 8th. — Strange accusation that in the Times. Surely a man wholly
unconnected with the manufacturing districts was less likely to be influenced by
hopes and fears, either cc m nercial or personal, than one whose interests lay in
the thick of them. I thought so myself when I undertook the charge. "It
would have been more graceful," it adds, "had I devoted my attention to
agricultural grievances." Why, that question was not uppermost, was barely
thought of, when I laid hold of the Factory wrongs in 1833 — at that time the
prominent topic of conversation.
March 9th. — The Times bepraises Sidney Osborne's letter to me, and adds :
" These factory ten-hours men never dreamed of agricultural wrongs until
forced to it by their fears." Eight years' exclusion from the paternal house, and
three of utter impossibility to interfere while there, will answer any imputations.
March 12th. — Had intended to take tbe chair at public dinner of Journeyman
Tailors' Society (euphonious and dignified name !), but told by Cobden, as I
entered the House, that he proposed to assail the county of Dorset. Obliged, of
course, to send excuse, and sit out his speech — temperate and often true. Could
not reply, taken by surprise, had no paper with me. This was unfair on his
part ; unwilling, too, to come into collision with Bankes ; an unseemly sight.
two county members sparring with each other ; unwilling besides, by a vote, to
come into collision with Lord S., who would assert that it was directed at him.
No disguise on Cobden's part that he wished to pay me off for exposing the
factory districts. Felt humbled, dejected, and incompetent. Had no heart
within me. 0 God, let not mine enemies triumph over me I . . .
On March the 15th the Bill went into Committee, and, in the discussion
of the clauses fixing the limitation of the hours of labour, Lord Asliley endea
voured to obtain his purpose by moving that the word " night " should be
taken to mean from six o'clock in the evening to six o'clock in the morning,
thus practically limiting the factory day to ten hours.
In support of his proposition, he made one of his most forcible, compre
hensive, and interesting speeches — a speech which took two hours and a
quarter in delivery, and occupies twenty-eight pages of Hansard.*
In his opening sentence, Lord Ashley gave utterance to that intense
anxiety which, as the Diaries clearly reveal, weighed down his spirit as he
approached the struggle. " Nearly eleven years have elapsed," he said,
" since I first made the proposition to the House which I shall renew this
* Hansard, 3 s., lxx. 483.
T 2

292 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Cn.'.r. XII.
night. Never at any time have I felt gTeater apprehension or oven anxiety ;
not through any fear of personal defeat, for disappointment is ' the badge of
all our tribe,' but because I know well the hostility I have aroused, and the
certain issues of indiscretion on my part, affecting the welfare of those who
have so long confided their hopes and interests to my charge." Disclaiming
the accusation that he was actuated by any peculiar hostility against factoiy
masters, he met them with the challenge, " Strike, but hear me." Taking for
his standpoint the proposition that the State has a right to watch over, and an
interest in providing for, tho moral and physical well-being of her people, he
proceeded to show what foreign powers were doing to recognise and enforce
this principle. Then, expatiating upon the immediate application of this
theme, he described minutely the amount of toil and exertion required in the
various departments of factory labour, and the physical evils proved to have
resulted from it, when too long continued. He entered fully into the ques
tion of the distances traversed daily by women and children, and gave evidence,
founded upon measurements and calculations made, at his request, by one of
the most distinguished mathematicians of the day, conclusively proving that
those distances varied from seventeen to thirty miles, and that the exertion
was materially increased by the strain of having continually to lean over the
machine and then return to an erect position — a performance that had to be
undergone not less than from four to five thousand times a day. The physical
effects of this toil upon women was disastrous in the extreme, and he adduced
ample medical testimony in proof of his assertion, besides pointing to the
results shown in the bills of mortality and the statistics of pauperism and
disease. Nor were the moral effects less disastrous. He showed how impos
sible it was that the obligations of domestic life could be performed by
women employed for long periods in factories. He demonstrated, by incon
trovertible facts and arguments, that this unnatural toil engendered every
possible form of moral evil ; intemperance, impurity, demoralisation were the
inevitable consequences ; all the arrangements and provisions of domestic
economy were annihilated ; dirt, discomfort, ignorance, and recklessness, were
the portion of almost every household, when the time of the wife and mother
was wholly monopolised by factory labour.
Such a system, affecting the internal tranquillity of the land and all rela
tions between employer and employed, was a perpetual grievance, and must
ever come uppermost in times of difficulty and discontent. It disturbed the
order of Nature, and the rights of the labouring men, by ejecting males from
the workshop and filling their places by women ; it was destructive of the
health of females, the care of their families, their conjugal and parental
duties, the comfort of their homes, the decency of their lives, the peace of
society, and the laws of God.
In conclusion, he repudiated, in tones of righteous indignation, the charge
so often flung at him, that this contest was but a struggle between the country
gentleman and the manufacturers, and that he was actuated by a wish to
exalt the landed and humiliate the commercial, aristocracy. He said : —

1S44-1 MR JOHN bright's attack. 293
Most solemnly do I deny the accusation. If you think mo wicked enough, do
you think me fool enough for such a hateful policy ? Can any man in his senses
now hesitate to believe that the permanent prosperity of the manufacturing
body in all its several aspects, physical, moral, and commercial, is essential, not
only to the welfare, but absolutely to the existence, of the British Empire ? No,
we fear not the increase of your political power, nor envy your stupendous riches ;
" Peace be within your walls, and plenteousness within your palaces I " We ask
but a slight relaxation of toil, a time to live, and a time to die ; a time for those
comforts that sweeten life, and a time for those duties that adorn it ; and, there
fore, with a fervent prayer to Almighty God that it may please Him to turn the
hearts of all who hear me, to thoughts of justice and of mercy, I now finally
commit the issue to the judgment and humanity of Parliament. *
At the close of this appeal, Sir James Graham rose, and in a tone which
he knew only too well how to use, declared emphatically that her Majesty's
Government had determined to give the proposition of the noble Lord their
most decided opposition. The mill-owners found an advocate in Mr. John
Bright, who addressed the House at considerable length, and in a style
"perhaps the most vindictive towards the working classes ever used in the
British Parliament." f He ridiculed tho notion that there was any need for
a new Factory Act; he contradicted Lord Ashley's statements as to the
unhealthiness and other miseries of the manufacturing districts ; he violently
attacked the whole body of operatives who supported the Ten Hours Bill ;
and he declared that high wages and general prosperity prevailed among the
manufacturing population. Then, taking up the old libel as to the condition
of. the Dorsetshire labourers, he said Lord Ashley looked at Lancashire
through a telescope, but when he looked at his suffering neighbours he
reversed the glass. He reiterated the groundless charge that Lord Ashley's
information had been obtained in an improper way, and from a notorious
character, whose story was full of false statements and gross and malignant
exaggerations. This was more than Lord Ashley could bear, or would have been justified
in bearing. He rose to his feet, and, aflame with impassioned earnestness,
vehemently demanded a full explanation of the insinuations of Mr. Bright.
The scene which ensued is still memorable in the annals of Parliament.
"I think," said Lord Asliley, "the House will feel that in some measure
I have a right to make one or two observations on the remarkable speech of
the honourable gentleman. I will thank the honourable gentleman to explain
that charge against me which he has insinuated, and which he said he would
not pursue. I will not allow it to pass. I therefore throw myself on the
indulgence and on the protection of this House, and I do request all honour
able gentlemen present to exert their influence, as members of this House,
and as gentlemen, to make the honourable member for Durham pursue his
charge, and state his case."
* Speeches, p. 115.
t Delegates' report quoted in "History of Factory Legislation," p. 75.

294 tMe earl Op shaftesbury. tCuAP. xlt.
Loud cheers followed this challenge. Then, in evident confusion, and
amidst loud expressions of disapprobation from both sides of the House,
Mr. Bright at first attempted to deny that lie had made any charge, and
eventually concluded with an apology in these words : " I regret if in stating
these things I have said a word that could be considered derogatory to the
character of the noble Lord. I know I have a warm temper, but I meant no
personal insult. I desired merely to state facts, and I readily withdraw any
offensive expression."
It was then two o'clock, and, on the motion of Mr. Warburton, the
debate was adjourned.
March 1 6th.— Factory Bill last night in Committee. Spoke for two and a
quarter hours. What will be the issue ? Had we divided last night, we should,
I am told, have beaten the Government I The interval will be favourable fo them ;
official whips will produce official votes.
March 18th. — Jocelyn came to me yesterday, after morning service, and said
that "he had something important to communicate." Stanley had taken him
aside on Saturday evening, and had urged upon him the mischiefs arising from
the amendment for " ten hours " that I had proposed. " Ashley," he added,
" does not know the condition in which he places the Government. If he carries
his point, as it seems probable he will, two courses remain ; we must either
throw up the Bill, for Graham is pledged to carry it as it is, or throw it into his
hands." He then said a great deal more about the effect such success would
have in aiding the repeal of the Corn Laws, and remarked : "If Ashley is strong
enough to beat the Government, he must take all responsibility : if he thinks
himself strong enough to defeat them here, perhaps he thinks himself strong
enough to take the Government." Jocelyn said : " What would you have
Ashley do ? He has given his life, you may say, to the question ; what
would you have him do ? He could not surrender it." Stanley replied in a
drawling, uncertain tone : " I don't know ; I don't say what he could do." The
upshot was that Jocelyn, without delivering a direct message, was to inform me
of the Ministerial mind. He did so. I replied that " if my perseverance in
volved the repeal of ten thousand Corn Laws, and the dissolution of as many
Governments, I would go on with all the vigour I could command ; that, were I
disposed to hold back, I could not do so in the smallest degree ; that even in a
mere question of politics, a man would be regarded as a sad specimen of faith
lessness who retired simply to gratify the convenience of his Parliamentary
friends, but that in this case, when I had toiled for so many years, and placed
the whole matter on the basis of duty and religion, I should be considered,
and most justly, too, a hypocrite almost without parallel." We rang the changes
on all this, and Jocelyn went away. I saw him again in the street, just before I
entered the Chapel Royal. "I have seen Stanley again," he said; "he never
thought you could resign the question ; you were too deeply pledged." " It
would be a sad thing," continued Stanley, " for the Government to appear as
alone resisting the wishes and feelings of the people ; it would look very ill to
the country if the question had a majority in the House, but was rejected solely
by the Government." Then Lord Stanley added (O tempera, 0 mores .'),
"What I meant w^s that you (Jocelyn) and your friends should not bestir

1844.] a victory. 295
yourselves so much to obtain votes, and Ashley might save his character by
maintaining his point, and yet allow himself to be beaten ! " If ever insult was
put on an individual, here it was with a vengeance I I told Jocelyn that "the
only difference was whether I should be an open or a secret scoundrel." I added
that "I would exhaust all legitimate means to obtain my end, and that if
defeated, I would never cease to work on the sympathies of the country."
On March the 15th the debate on the Ten Hours Bill was resumed.
The discussion was animated almost beyond precedent, and the excitement
grew to a point of intensity, when Sir Robert Peel, in a long and laboured
speech, pointed out that other branches of manufactures required restriction
more than the cotton, woollen, and silk factories, namely, the Sheffield and
Birmingham wares, glass, porcelain, earthenware, calico printing, and, above
all, dressmaking and needlework, and he maintained that by restricting
labour in cotton factories, a premium was being placed on the laborious and
cruel employment of women and children in these other manufactures. " Is
the House prepared to legislate for all these people ? " asked the Premier.
A tremendous cheer, and a cry of " Yes," answered the demand of the
head of the Government.
Sir Robert Peel, evidently much astounded by this powerful and decisive
response, continued : " Then I see not why we should not extend the re
striction to agriculture." Another ringing cheer, from the agricultural
members, again threw the Premier from his equilibrium, and Sir Robert
Peel abruptly concluded his speech by declaring that he could not undertake
a task which would involve so difficult and perilous an enterprise, above all
human strength, and full of individual injustice. " I cannot, and I will not,
acquiesce in the proposal of the noble Lord ! " was the emphatic exclamation
with which he sat down.*
Far-seeing as Sir Robert was in many things, he little dreamt that he had
called forth a foreshadowing of Lord Ashley's future labours on behalf of the
working classes.
Lord John Russell followed, and did good service to the cause by drawing
attention to the fact that Lord Ashley's amendment introduced no new
principle into the Bill, and that he (Lord John Russell) could not see what
tremendous consequences would follow the limitation of labour in factories to
ten hours when the Government themselves proposed a limitation, though to
a somewhat longer period.
The division resulted in 179 votes for Lord Ashley's amendment and 170
against it, thus giving a majority of 9 for the amendment ; but this vote the
Government endeavoured, by a stratagem, to rescind, by going at once to a
division on the original question; calculating, in all probability, that, by
taking a second division immediately upon the other, the result would be
confusion, out of which they might make capital. The stratagem failed, the
result being : For Lord Ashley's proposition, 161 ; against it, 153. MaWity
for Lord Ashley's proposition, 8.
* Morning Post, March 18, 1844

296 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XII.
In face of these two divisions, Sir James Graham determined to make
another effort to rescind the votes. " Sir," he said, rising amid profound
silence, " the decision of the Committee is a virtual adoption of a Ten Hours
Bill without modification. To that decision, with the utmost respect for the
opinion of the Committee, I have an insuperable objection." Whereupon he
announced that he would not drop the Bill, but would proceed with it up to
the eighth clause, when Lord Ashley would move that the word " ten " should
be substituted for " twelve " hours. He therefore moved that " You now
report progress, and ask leave to sit again on Friday next."
March 19th. — Last night "adjourned debate" on Factory Bill, and division.
Can I believe the result? " It is a night much to be observed of the Lord." Oh,
gracious God, keep me from unseemly exultation, that I may yet creep by the
ground to Thine honour, and to the recovery of the people from Egyptian
bondage I The Red Sea is yet before me, the enemy are in pursuit, and the
wilderness has shut us in ; but we will, by His grace, " stand still and see the
salvation of the Lord." He will cleave a path for us through the mighty waters,
and ordain in our mouths a song of praise in the land of promise and of hope.
My supporters wonderfully firm ; had no whipper-in, yet they stuck to me
admirably. The Government — that is, Peel and Graham— evidently out of
temper. This seems as much the cause of their opposition as anything else. Their
speeches, ingenious in argument, but wretched in principle and feeling, purely
commercial : Peel urging a decay of trade ; Graham, an abatement of wages.
Neither touched my facts or arguments ; but most unfairly Graham spoke a
second time, and at great length, before others had spoken once. Peel argued, in
fact, against all interference, and then appealed to the House on the merits of his
Bill I denounced our legislation with factories as unjust, quoted the condition of
thousands of children who are as yet unprotected (passing, in truth, on me the
old sneer of the Millowners & Co., that I was one-sided), and speaking as Prime
Minister, in detail, of all these horrors, declared that he had no thought of
assuaging them. In the sight of God and man he abdicated the functions cf
Government. A curious division. My members included very many who repre
sented the mightiest trading constituencies, and this on a commercial question !
The Ministers have signified their intention to try over again the whole
question by a division on Friday next. The interval will be employed in every
Government method of influence and coercion. What engine can I employ to
counteract and extinguish their fire ? They are unjust, bitter, headstrong, but
powerful. I am alone, but I commit all to God, who will maintain his own
work. It is a wonderful event, an especial Providence ; is there a precedent like it ?
A single individual, unaided by a party, with scarcely a man whom he could
trust to second him, has been enabled to defeat the most powerful array of
capitalists, overcome the strongest domestic apprehensions, and the most powerful
Ministry of the last fifteen years I Struggle as they will, the question is passed ;
it may be delayed in its final accomplishment, but surely it cannot be reversed.
God give us faith, faith, faith ! . . .
March 21st. — An oppressive weight appears to have been removed from my
shoulders, and yet I cannot recover my elasticity. I feel like a man that has

1S44.] A GOVERNMENT STRATAGEM. 297
been stunned or bled. I am conscious of a change, but hardly of relief : partly
the effect of long habit, partly the effect of the foreseen Government hostility
(and their power is great !). I find no real comfort but in beholding God as the
author, and, I pray, as the finisher, of this work in His blessed Son Jesus Christ.
Ministers quite mad, using every exertion, no reasoning, no misstatement, no
falsehood almost, spared I Expresses sent off the whole of Sunday. I offered to
delay " Ten Hours " for two years and a half. Every one satisfied except Peel
and Graham, who are furious in temper.
On March the 22nd the debate on the Ten Hours Bill was resumed, when
Lord Ashley moved that the blank in the eighth clause should be filled with
the word " ten."
At the close of the debate there was a majority of three (186 to 183)
against adopting the word " twelve " as proposed by the Government. Lord
Ashley's amendment that the word " ten " should be inserted in the eighth
clause was then put, when all who had voted for " twelve " now voted " No ; "
but, inasmuch as five who had previously voted " No " again did the same,
confusion once more prevailed, and the result was that 188 voted against the
amendment, and 181 for it, and it was lost by a majority of 7 !
The stratagem of the Government had succeeded. The question was
reduced to chaos. The Government proposal for a Twelve Hours Bill, and
Lord Ashley's proposal for a Ten Hours Bill, had both been negatived, and
the Bill was in extreme jeopardy.
In these circumstances, Sir James Graham postponed stating what the
Government would do, and moved that the Chairman should report pro
gress. Lord Ashley bowed to the decision of the House, acknowledged that for the
present he was defeated, but declared that he " would persevere to the last
hour of his existence, and he had not the slightest doubt that, at no very
distant time, he should, by God's blessing, have a complete victory."
March 23rd. — Last night victorious in rejecting Twelve Hours by 186 to 183 ;
defeated in attempting Ten Hours, by 181 to 188 ! Yet the cause is mightily
advanced. God, in His wisdom and goodness, demands a, little longer trial of
faith and patience. The consummation will then arrive, and it will be the more
evidently seen to be His own work. The House of Commons never saw, before
these events, such an utter resignation of party feeHng on all sides to the asser
tion of a great act of humanity. The influence of Ministers, used unscrupulously
and unsparingly, obtained at last but a majority of seven, and that not in
support of their original proposition. . . .
March 25th. — Globe of this afternoon contains a most direct attack on mc —
" ambition, love of office," &c, &c. — " the Prince of Canters." What a scene in
the House last night ! The tiptoe of expectation, every one anticipating an
Eleven Hours Bill. I was prepared to accept it, reserving to myself the power of
moving whenever I pleased. It would have settled the question for at least two
years. Graham, I am told, very hostile in Cabinet. Peel for it ; determined,
however, to resist. Graham notified his opposition, and signified that all who

298 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XII.
supported me were entering on a course of " Jack Cade * legislation." Indecent,
foolish, and stupid ; but be did himself thereby irreparable mischief. Considera
tion of Bill, or rather of withdrawal of it, deferred till Friday next.
March 26th. — Consultations without end ; annoyances of all kinds ; unabated
anxiety. Prayed heartily for counsel, wisdom, and understanding.
March 27th. — Resolved to act in conformity with my first impression, and
allow withdrawal of Bill. . . . Did so, and Graham pledged himself to bring
in a new Bill. I can, therefore, do on this what I could not have done on the
old Bill — take a debate and division on the simple question of ten hours I
It was generally anticipated that the Government would endeavour to
effect a compromise by proposing an Eleven Hours Bill. When, however, it
became known that Sir James Graham proposed to bring in a new Bill, and
to stand doggedly to the Twelve Hours principle, and when, moreover, he
expressed this in words and actions which were intolerable, the excitement,
especially among the operatives, became intense. The Committees united in
memorialising the Queen against " the ill-advised perseverance in a course of
cruelty and injustice of your Majesty's principal Secretary of State for the
Home Department, who has avowed his intention of withholding all relief from
oppressed women and children, and has sought to effect his object, by means
most insulting to the faithful representatives of your Majesty's loyal subjects
in Parliament, and tending to degrade the high office bestowed on him by
your Majesty."
At this period of his career, Sir James Graham was one of the most un
popular men in the country. Except, by a few personal friends, he was almost
universally disliked ; and it is not surprising to find in Lord Ashley's Journals
some strong comments upon his character and conduct. The " novel and
somewhat questionable course " he had pursued in endeavouring, by stratagem,
to rescind the votes in favour of the Ten Hours Bill, had increased his un
popularity generally, and in a marked degree among the friends of factory
legislation. But Sir James Graham had not yet shown the whole length to
which he could go, when his will was thwarted ; and in the near future he
was to make a display of some of those qualities which kept alive his unpopu
larity. He had an overhearing manner, which in itself raised opposition;
and, once having become convinced on any subject, his mind seemed to shut
its eyes, and he plunged deeper and deeper into partisanship. " He exulted,
as a strong man, in the power he possessed, and sometimes," says his bio
grapher, "it must be owned, its exercise savoured of tyranny." f It did so
during this year, when the Factoiy Bill was the burning question in and out
of Parliament ; and the friends and foes of the movement were agreed in this
perhaps more than in anything else — a common dislike to Sir James Graham.
In the interval afforded by the Easter holidays, between the withdrawal of
* " H. B." published a lively caricature on this. Lord Ashley as Jack Cade, followed
by Lord John Manners, Sir R. Inglis, and Lord John Russell, advancing against Sh-
Kobert Peel and Sir J. Graham on the defensive.
¦p " Life of Sir James Graham," by T. M. Torrens, ii. 199.

lg44.j THE SIMPLICITY dp PA1TH. 299
Sir James Graham's Bill and the introduction of a new one, Lord Ashley,
longing for a few days' repose, went on a short visit to Dover; but the
Diaries reveal how little real rest there was for him while the great question
on which his heart was set was pending.
April 3rd. — Dover. . . . Read the Bible with the boys ; a useful and
agreeable morning ; beautiful day ; walked to the top of Shakespeare's Cliff ;
enjoyed the scene, the refreshing air, the hope of renewed strength, and fuller
service. . . . Home at seven, very tired. I often think, when fatigued, how
much less my weariness must be than that of the wretehed factory women. It
has, at any rate, this good result — that I feel and make additional resolutions to
persevere in their behalf.
April 5th (Good Friday). — Do what you will you cannot so entirely banish
the past and disregard the future as to make the mind rest solely, simply, exclu
sively on the present hour. " This is the day that the Lord hath made ; let us
rejoice and be glad in it." Much do I desire it, but I am haunted, and I know
I shall be haunted by debates, divisions, spectres of attacks, defences, failure,
success. I am of a very nervous and excitable temperament ; an impression
once made is not easily effaced ; it hangs to me like a conscience. . . As
I taught the little children to-day, it seemed to me wonderful in how small a
compass is contained the whole sum and substance of Christian religion. Yolumes
without end, years of study, years of controversy, immense thought, immense
eloquence, all expended, and mostly wasted, to dilate or torture that which may
be comprehended by the understanding, and relished by the soul, of a simple
child. What will all the learning in the world, all the meditation of the pro-
f oundest spirits, add to the plain facts of the fall of man and his salvation by
Christ ? Little but perplexity and the embarrassment of that which is intrinsi
cally simple !
April 6th. — Mill-owners have got out a manifesto contradicting me on every
point, and specially on " the distances." I hold to my statements. If I be
refuted, my career as a public man is over ; I could never again make a speech
in the House of Commons or elsewhere. I should be proved to be as near to a
liar as a man can well be, short of the actual dealing in falsehoods. ...
April 12th. — Panshanger. Rode with William Cowper to Watton. Saw
Bickersteth. * Rejoiced to have some conversation with him ; he is full of faith,
and truly and dearly loves our Lord and Master. But there are few, like him,
proof against temptation and expediency in the hour of trial. . . .
April 15th. — Wrote a few days ago a challenge to Greg and Ashworth to meet
Fielden and Kenworthy and superintend the re-measurement of the distances.
Will they accept it or no ? I think not. However, I shall, thank God, have a
triumph in either case. If they attend, I must prove my accuracy ; if they refuse,
I shall prove their dishonesty. . . .
There was a long paper warfare on this subject. The letters are still in
existence, but it would be needless to quote them here. Suffice it to say that
the challenge was evaded, and the accuracy of Lord Ashley's statement was
proved by incontestable evidence.
* Rev. E. Bickersteth, Pce+cr of Wattcn, Herts.

300 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XII.
Sir Robert Peel saw, or thought he saw, a way out of the difficulty
connected with Lord Ashley's Factoiy measures. It is referred to in the
following entry : —
April 17th. — London. Well, what next? Can I believe my ears ? Old Bon-
ham* informed me (stating, while he did so, that it was almost a breach of
confidence, inasmuch as no hint of any sort or kind was to be given) that Peel
had determined to offer me the Lord Lieutenancy of Ireland, with almost unlimited
powers, in respect especially of the Church. Peel, he said, had told him, and
Graham confirmed it, that no one in the kingdom could effect such good in
Ireland ; no one but myself could grapple with the landlords and the prelates,
and maintain, against influence, the rights of the working clergy. ... I listened
in silence and astonishment ; a little gratified, but not at all in doubt. I quite
admitted that I could, probably, do more with the Irish clergy than most men at
present. . . . Silent, not offended, not puffed-up, not hegxdle<l,fully resolved never
to do or accept anything, however pressed by the strong claims of public necessity
and public usefulness, which should, in the least degree, limit my opportunity or
control my free action in respect of the Ten Hours Bill. . . . God give me a
right judgment in all things 1 0 God, grant that I may never be seduced by any
worldly motive to abandon truth and mercy and justice I Keep me from all
specious patriotism, and alike from all fear of man's reproach ! . . .
April 22nd. — One thing now perplexes and annoys me. I perceive, or fancy
that I perceive, within the last few months, a great diminution of intellectual
power. I have no energy, no command. If I attempt to speak, my utterance is
unsteady. I have no flow of ideas, and not much more of language. I feel no
confidence, no hope, no satisfaction. I positively dread the necessity of presenting
even a petition. I never open my lips without a prayer to God, and yet I tremble
at the duty. All this adds greatly to my sorrow.
April 23rd. — Which is the more wicked, a covert or a barefaced rogue ? Peter
Borthwick went this evening to Henry Baring (who told me of it the instant
after the transaction) and made a proposal. "Would you like to hear," said
Baring to me, " a specimen of public virtue ? Peter Borthwick has just said to
me, ' I have a motion to-night ; pray keep me a House. You remember how I
voted on the Factory Bill. I voted against the Government. Now, if you will
keep a House until I shall have made my speech I will vote for the Government.'
Do not show me up," said Baring. How can I march through Coventry with
such a tale as this ?
On the 3rd of May leave was obtained to bring in a new Bill, and the
occasion was utilised by Mr. Ward (Sheffield), Mr. Roebuck, and Captain
Rous, to make a series of attacks upon Lord Ashley. Tho Bill was so
worded that it would not admit of any amendment being proposed on any of
its clauses, and it was therefore necessary for Lord Ashley to give notice that
he would move the introduction of a new clause to the effect that no young
person should he employed more than eleven hours a day, or sixty-four hours
a week, and that from October 1st, 1847, these numbers should be reduced
to ten hours and fifty-eight hours respectively.
It was a night, as he says, " of trouble and rebuke."
* Bonham was " whip."

1814] TEN HOURS BILL VIEWED COMMERCIALLY. 301
May 4th. ... I was the direct and indirect target. They fired at me
without mercy, and left me, like a portrait of St. Sebastian, shot through and
through by their arrows. Had not intended to make any reply ; perhaps I felt
incompetent, as I always do now. Strong in my cause and conduct, weak in my
capacity. . . .
In moving the introduction of the new clause on the 10th of May, Lord
Asliley set himself to the task of meeting the objections that had been urged
against the Ten Hours Bill on commercial grounds — namely, that it would
cause a diminution of produce ; that there would take place a, reduction, in
the same proportion, of the value of the fixed capital employed in the trade ;
that a diminution of wages would ensue to tha great injury of the workmen;
and, lastly, that there would be a rise of price, and consequent peril of
foreign competition. Having examined and refuted these arguments, he
continued : —
Sir, this House is now placed in a novel position ; it is summoned to rescind
its resolution, not because new facts or new conditions have appeared, but
because the Minister has declared his hostility. Nothing has been stated that
was not stated before — no fresh knowledge communicated, no unseen dangers
discovered. The House is summoned to cancel its vote, not upon conviction, but
to save a Government. . . . Sir, the whole question of representative Govern
ment is at stake ; votes have been rescinded before, but never such as this. You
are almost declaring, to those who are your ordinary friends, they shall never
exercise a vote but at the will of the Minister. This is a despotism under the
forms of the Constitution ; and all to no purpose ; for your resistance will be
eventually and speedily overcome, but your precedent will remain.
In concluding his vigorous denunciation, he uttered prophecies which,
singularly enough, were soon to be fulfilled to the very letter, although the
causes leading to those results were then entirely unknown. He said : —
The feeling of the country is roused ; and so long as there shall be voices to com
plain and hearts to sympathise, you will have neither honour abroad nor peace at
home, neither comfort for the present nor security for the future. But I dare to
hope for far better things — for restored affections, for renewed understanding
between master and man, for combined and general efforts, for large and mutual
concessions of all classes of the wealthy for the benefit of the common welfare;
and especially of the labouring people. Sir, it may not be given to me to pass
over this Jordan ; other and better men have preceded me, and I entered into
their labours ; other and better men will follow me, and enter into mine ; but
this consolation I shall ever continue to enjoy— that, amidst much injustice, and
somewhat of calumny, we have at last lighted such a candle in England as, by
God's blessing, shall never be put out.
As soon as the loud and continued cheering ceased, Sir James Graham
rose, and for once appeared to be unequal to the task of answering the
arguments arrayed against him, endorsed as they were by so many of his own
party and supporters. And it may be noted, in passing, that, although the

3'",2 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XII.
(l:bate lasted for two nights, there was no one in the House who even at
tempted to overthrow the arguments adduced by Lord Ashley. It was evi
dent to the Ministry that a crisis in its history had come, and Sir James
Graham declared it in these words : — " Sir, I shall not be unjust towards the
noble Lord, whatever others may be ; and I am quite satisfied that the cause
which he has advocated this evening can never fall into the hands of a better
advocate. I am quite satisfied that his motives are of the highest and purest
nature, and he is no less an able and powerful advocate than I believe him to
be a sincere one. He has, however, said, that her Majesty's Government seek
to exercise a tyranny upon this occasion. Now, Sir, with humble submission,
I say that I am quite prepared to bow to whatever decision this House may
come to upon this question, but I can conceive no tyranny greater ; — none
greater upon the part of the Crown, and I should certainly say that it would
be the extreme of tyranny on the part of a popular assembly, to expect that
any Minister should remain responsible for the conduct of public affairs when
the representative assembly of the nation, bearing so large a portion of the
whole power of the Government of the country, demands a course to be taken
which that Minister, in his judgment and in his conscience, believes to be
fatal to the best interests of the country. I must say, with perfect sub
mission and perfect frankness that I leave this case to the decision of the
House ; but with equal firmness, and with equal frankness, I am bound to
state that, if the decision of the House should be that the proposition of the
noble Lord should prevail, it will be my duty to seek a private station, hoping
that the decision of the House may be conducive to the welfare of the
country." The debate was continued with gTeat animation, Lord Howick, Mr. Bernal,
Mr. C. Buller, Mr. Ferrand, Mr. Muntz, and others, supporting Lord Ashley;
and Mr. Liddel, Mr. G. Knight, Mr. Mark Philips, and Mr. Roebuck, op
posing him. Mr. Roebuck, who was always a strong enemy to Factory
Legislation, distinguished himself by giving utterance to one of the most
violent speeches ever heard in that House, even from him.
At one o'clock the debate was adjourned.
May 12th. — Sunday. At last a day of repose I Have been in a whirl by night
and by day — occupied and anxious all day ; sleepless, or if sleeping, like a
drunken man, all night ; my head quite giddy, and my heart absolutely fainting ;
too much to do, in quantity, in variety, and importance. Delivered at last, by
G od's especial mercy, on Friday night of my burden, not only without failure,
as I felt at the time, but also with honour, as I learned afterwards. Oh, what
trouble, time, and perplexity removed !
The adjourned debate was resumed on Monday, May 13th. It was
evident that the great Parliamentary struggle upon the subject was approach
ing its end ; the fate of the Ministry was trembling in the balance.
Among the speakers was Mr. John Bright, who again gave the hottest
opposition, while Mr. Macaulay, who had hitherto voted against all legijla-

!844.] A CRUSHING DEFEAT. 303
tion on the subject, now declared himself in favour of the Ten Hours Bill, and
supported it in one of his brilliant orations. But the case was doomed when
Sir Robert Peel, having addressed the House for upwards of two hours, con
cluded by saying, " I know not what the result may be this night, but this I
do know — that I shall, with a safe conscience, if the result be unfavourable
to my views, retire with perfect satisfaction into a private station, wishing
well to the result of your legislation."
This was decisive. In the face of such a contingency there were many
who felt they could not do otherwise than vote against the measure they
approved, in support of a Ministry whose malevolent action in threatening to
break up the .Administration unless the House of Commons rescinded the
vote it had given in favour of the Ten Hours Bill, they disapproved. On
the question being put, the House divided. Ayes, 159 ; Noes, 297. Majority
against Lord Ashley's amendment, 138.
It was a crushing defeat, but it was evident to all the friends of the
movement that the future triumph could not much longer be delayed ; and
Lord Ashley left the House reiterating his determination to renew the
subject at an early date.
May 14th. — Last night defeated— utterly, singularly, prodigiously defeated by
a majority of 138 ! ! The House seemed aghast, perplexed, astounded. No one
could say how, why, and almost when. It seemed that 35 or 40 was the highest
majority expected. Such is the power and such the exercise of Ministerial
influence ! I . . .
May 15th. — The majority was one to save the Government (even Whigs being
reluctant to turn them out just now), not against the question of Ten Hours. . . .
Freemantle went from one member to another assuring them of Ministerial
danger, and thus each man believed that his own vote was the salvation of the
Government. May 16th. — Dined last night at the Lord Mayor's feast. Found much sym
pathy, as I do everywhere. This great majority far better for the question than
one of, say, 25. It proves that there was no division against the principle, but
one to save the Ministry ; it begets, too, a high reaction.
" Cast down, but not destroyed." I feel no abatement of faith, no sinking of
hope, no relaxation of perseverance. The stillest and darkest hour of the night
just precedes the dawn. " Though it tarry, wait for it," believing that God sends
you a trial, and yet bears you up with a corresponding courage ; and, although
you may pass not the stream of Jordan, it is something that God has permitted
you to wash your feet in the waters of the promised land.
It is interesting to learn from contemporary sources what was the impres
sion left on various minds by these stirring incidents, especially when these
impressions were made on minds holding opposite views.
One specimen only can be given here. Mr. Charles Greville says : * —
"I never remember so much excitement as has been caused by
Ashley's Ten Hours Bill, nor a more curious political state of things, such
* C. C. Greville's "Journal of the Reign of Queen Victoria, 1837-52," vol. ii., p. 236.

301 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XII.
intermingling of parties, such a confusion of opposition ; a question so much
more open than any question ever was before, and yet not made so or acknow
ledged to be so with the Government ; so much zeal, asperity, and animosity ;
so many reproaches hurled backwards and forwards. The Government have
brought forward their measure in a very positive way, and have clung to it
with great tenacity, rejecting all compromise ; they have been abandoned by
nearly half their supporters, and nothing can exceed their ehagrin and sore
ness at being so forsaken. Some of them attribute it to Graham's unpopu
larity, and aver that if Peel had brought it forward, or if a meeting had been
previously called, they would not have been defeated ; again, some declare
that Graham had said they were indifferent to the result, and that people
might vote as they pleased, which he stoutly denies. Then John Russell
voting for ' Ten Hours,' against all he professed last year, has filled the
world with amazement, and many of his own friends with indignation. It
has, I think, not redounded to his credit, but, on the contraiy, done him con
siderable harm. The Opposition were divided — Palmerston and Lord John
one way, Baring and Labouchere the other. It has been a very queer affair.
Some voted, not knowing how they ought to vote, and following those they
are accustomed to follow. Many who voted against Government, afterwards
said they believed they are wrong. Melbourne is all against Ashley ; all the
political economists, of course ; Lord Spencer strong against him. Then
Graham gave the greatest offence by taking up a word of the Examiner's last
Sunday, and calling it a ' Jack Cade legislation,' this stirring them to fury,
and they flew upon him like tig'ers. Asliley made a speech as violent and
factious as any of O'Connell's, and old Inglis was overflowing with wrath.
Nothing could be so foolish as Graham's taunt. He ought to have known
better how much mischief may he done by words, and how they stuck by men
for ever. Lyndhurst rubbed his hands with great glee, and said, ' Well, we shall
hear no more of " aliens " now ; people will only talk of " Jack Cade " for the
future,' too happy to shift the odium, if he could, from his own to his
colleag-ue's back. The Ministers gave out, if they were beaten last Friday,
they would resign ; but they knew there was no chance of it. Some abused
Ashley for not going on and fighting again, but he knew well enough it
would be of no use. The House did certainly put itself in an odd predica
ment, with its two votes directly opposed to each other. The whole thing is
difficult and unpleasant. Government will carry their Bill now, and Ashley
will be able to do nothing, but he will go on agitating Session after Session ;
and a philanthropic agitator is more dangerous than a repealer, either of the
Union or the Corn Laws. We are just now overrun with philanthropy, and
God knows where it will stop, or whither it will lead us."
The Bill passed to the House of Lords as a Government measure. It was
warmly opposed by Lord Brougham on the third reading, but it became law
on the 6th of June, 1844
During the time that this great and memorable struggle was proceeding
in Parliament, the whole country was in a state of great agitation. Friends

1844.] RESCINDING VOTES. 305
of the cause held meetings in all the large towns to support the action of
Lord Ashley, whose movements the factory operatives and their friends
watched with intense interest and anxiety. Among those who greatly
assisted him in his labours were Mr. B. Jowett, Mr. W. B. Ferrand, Mr.
John Wood, and Mr. William Walker, of Bradford, while eminent clergymen,
dissenting ministers, medical men, tradesmen, and operatives, vied with one
another in placing at the disposal of Lord Ashley evidence to assist him in
his arguments, and sympathy to aid him in his toil. To the press ho was
greatly indebted ; and Mr. Walter, in the columns of the Times, gave very
material aid to the cause.
The new law, although not giving all that was required, was yet a distinct
gain, as it acknowledged and established a new principle — namely, that adult
female labour ought to be restricted.
Soon after these events, the political world was thrown into a state of
great excitement by the rumoured resignation of the Ministry. On the 14th
of June the Government were defeated in Committee on the Sugar Duties
Bill, by a majority of twenty ; and at a Cabinet Council, held two days later,
it was settled that Ministers would resign unless the House accepted the
Bill as originally framed. On the 17th, Sir Robert Peel held out the threat
of resignation unless the House of Commons rescinded its vote of the 14th,
a course which Mr. Disraeli described as " dragging his supporters unreason
ably through the mire," and denounced as a species of slavery, inasmuch as,
at every crisis, he expected that his gang should appear, and the whip should
sound. " The Minister," he said, " deserved a better position than one that
could only be retained by menacing his friends and cringing to his opponents."
The result of the division was a majority of twenty-two (233 to 255) in
favour of the Ministry !
Twice in one month had Sir Robert Peel summoned independent and
responsible men to rescind their votes, a course that Lord Ashley described
as " neither constitutional, loyal, politic, nor Christian-like." He wrote a
private letter to Peel on the subject, in which he said : —
I think it unconstitutional and tending to dictatorship, under the form of
free government. I am unwilling to use the several terms my reflection suggests,
by which I should designate the policy in its aspects towards the country, your
supporters, and, above all, the Queen. I can think of it only with astonishment
and grief, convinced that the mischief now done is irreparable, and destined to
hasten the evil day which, in God's just anger, has long impended over us, and
yet might have been averted. . . .
. . . The speech you made, and the events which followed it, have rendered
it impossible that I should continue to entertain the hopes and feelings of
former days ; and duty, perhaps, demands that I should not conceal from you my
opinions. Referring to the correspondence, Lord Ashley noted in the Diaiy : —
June 22nd. — Peel wrote a kind reply, but assuming that I had totally with
drawn all support. I replied that I should still vote for most of his measures,
U

306 THE EARL OF SHAPTESBURY. [Chap. Xtl.
but could repose no great confidence. That I should never seek a leader among
the Whigs. He rejoiced upon that, and expressed his great satisfaction.
But I have done good ; his tone is altered ; he has spoken in a conciliatory
manner, and, in fact, cried " peccavi." I cannot doubt that my letter has
materially contributed to it. He knows that though I have few followers in the
House. I have many who think with me in the country. I tremble for the issue
to the nation, and I cannot forget ancient friendships, ancient hopes, ancient
co-efforts with Sir R. Peel. .
Among the measures of this Session was the Dissenters' Chapels Bill,
relating to the condition of property vested in Unitarian trustees for religious
and charitable uses. Soon after the Restoration, the Act of Uniformity had
rendered illegal any gift for such uses, except to the Church of England.
This restriction was removed by the Toleration Act of William III., as far
as Trinitarian Nonconformists were concerned; but Roman Catholics and
Unitarians were exempted from the benefit. They, however, were relieved
by statute in 1813. There was one exception to these acts of toleration still
outstanding. It was that which " left endowments under deeds of gift which
did not specify sectarian tests of application, to be interpreted by courts of
equity as they might deem fit, on the doubtful balance of proof as to the
opinions of the donor ; although the effect of such decision might be to divest
a congregation of the place of worship, the cemetery, and school-house, they
had uninterruptedly held for fifty years."
The Dissenters' Chapels Bill was designed to set at rest the doubts and
the ceaseless litigation occasioned by the anomalous state of the law ; and
although stoutly opposed by the Church and by evangelical Dissenters, it
was carried, and passed into law before the end of the Session.
In addition to this Bill, a lengthened debate on the condition of Ireland,
and, later, on the Irish Church, occupied much of the attention of Lord
Ashley during the Session, and frequent reference to these questions is made
in his Diaries.
Feb. 24th. — Debate on Ireland closed this morning at a quarter past three,
after nine nights of discussion ; result favourable to the Government, unfavour
able to Church. Peel and his colleagues amply justified their administration of
Ireland, and their conduct in respect of the repeal movement and O'Connell.
The Protestant Church was furiously and brilliantly attacked, and most feebly
defended. Every argument, ingenious and true, urged against it ; scarcely one
advanced in its behalf. The Ministers declared their resolution to uphold it,
but assigned no reason which could conciliate any one affection or satisfy any
one doubt. John Russell said truly that " all their prospective difficulties were
but as feathers in the scale compared with the magnitude of the existing evil."
The Church, in fact, is assailable on twenty points, defensible only on one,
and that one is, that it testifies and teaches the truth. This ground the Peel
Ministry will never take, and therefore, say what they will, they will warm no
hearts, and appeal to no principles, and will have nothing but dry, shop-like
details of possible, or probable, inconveniences, to set against the stirring and
dazzling facts and sentiments of the complaining party. I, for one, could not

1S44) PEEL ON THE IRISH CHURCH. 307
support the Church in Ireland, on the sole grounds taken by Sir Robert
Peel. ...
Feb. 27th. — Never did I hear such a speech from a Minister ! never may I
hear such another, as that last night from Sir R. Peel on the Irish Church I If
the Church is defensible on those grounds only, I, for one, will vote against it.
Half an hour of surprise that Roman Catholics did not act up to the engagement
of " acquiescing in the Church arrangements," and half an hour in ringing the
changes upon this : " I assume there must be an Established Church ; the Roman
Catholic offers me one set of terms, the Protestant another ; I prefer the Pro
testant ; " and here was his conclusion : " I will not surrender the Irish Church
except " (with my life ?) " under some overwlielming necessity of public policy ! "
What, thou Minister 1 does the Church, then, rest on no principle ? The argu
ments of the whole clique have a strong affinity in form and disposition on
every subject. Sir W. Follett said, on the Dissent Bill, that though a Trinitarian
might have founded a Chapel, we had no reason to believe that he wished those
who came after him to preach the same doctrine ! and that inexplicable states
man, Mr. Gladstone, intimated that all Dissent tended to Socinianism, and that
a vast portion of the founders were, in fact, Unitarians !
June 28th. — Dissenters' Chapels Bill read a third time and passed. Privately
objected to a division, but was overruled.
July 16th.— -Lords last night affirmed Dissenters' Chapels Bill by a majority
of 161 ! ! . . . A public man, holding my position and entertaining my
views, and bepraised (for I cannot say " supported ") by a certain portion of the
religious community, is oftentimes in serious embarrassments. Some plan is pro
posed ; he is required to assist it ; he urges against the possibility, or expediency,
some deductions of his experience ; he is secretly suspected, or openly accused,
of want of faith, self-seeking, or relying on an arm of flesh ; he exercises no
judgment, and falls into the scheme ; he is baffled, and mischief ensues, both to
the cause and to himself in reputation for common-sense. Will these gentlemen
define the rules and the situations in which human judgment may be safely and
lawfully exercised ?
The condition of the lunatic population of the country, notwithstanding
the legislation of 1828, still left very much to be desired. In 1842 Lord
Granville Somerset had asked leave to bring in a Bill to extend the Metro
politan system of inspection to the provinces, and to appoint barristers as
Inspecting Commissioners, who should devote themselves exclusively to the
service, it having been found that the supposed annual visits of magistrates
frequently never took place at all. Lord Ashley supported the Bill, which
passed into law in July of that year.* The Metropolitan Commissioners,
now invested with larger powers, thoroughly investigated the state of the
English and Welsh asylums, and presented to Parliament in 1844 a valuable
report, fitly called " the Doomsday Book of all that, up to that time, con
cerned Institutions for the Insane." It revealed a deplorable state of things,,
however, in many asylums, notwithstanding the various Acts of Parliament
that had been passed ; but. its publication laid the foundation for wiser and
* Hansard, 3 s. lxi. 806.

308 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XII.
more comprehensive enactments, in the passing of which Lord Ashley was to
take a leading part.
He notes in his Diary : —
July 2nd.— Finished, at last, Report of the Commission in Lunacy. Good
thing- over. Sat for many days in review. God prosper it ! It contains much
for the alleviation of physical and moral suffering.
It has beon well said that the services which Lord Ashley rendered to
this cause alone, would have carried his name down to posterity in the front
rank of English philanthropists. His untiring labours in connection with it
ceased only with his life.
On the 23rd July ho brought forward a motion for an address to the
Crown, praying her Majesty to take into her consideration the report of tlie
Metropolitan Commissioners of Lunacy, as, in the following Session, the
statute under which they acted would expire. He called upon the House to
consider in what form and to what extent power should be confided to an
administrative body for the government of lunatics throughout the kingdom,
and stated that " it was the duty of the House to prescribe the conditions
under which a man should be deprived of his liberty, and also those under
which he might be released ; it was their duty to take care that for those who
required restraint, there should be provided kind and competent keepers, and
that, while the patient received no injury, the public should be protected."
In commenting upon the immunity from visitation of houses for single
patients, he said : " A power of this kind ought to be confided to some hands
that would hunt out and expose the many horrible abuses that at present
prevailed. No doubt there were many worthy exceptions, but the House had
no notion of the abominations which prevailed in those asylums. It was the
concession of absolute, secret, and irresponsible power to the relatives of
lunatics and the keepers of the asylums, and exposing them to temptations
which he believed human nature was too weak to resist." There was the
temptation to keep patients from recovery, because the allowance (often as
much as £500 per annum) would then cease. So strong was his opinion of
the bad effect of this, that, if Providence should afflict any near relative of'
his with insanity, " he would consign him," he said, " to an asylum in which
there were other patients and which was subjected to official visitation."
The only control they had over single houses was, that if patients resided
more than twelve months in one of these, the owner of the house must com
municate the name of the patient to the Clerk of the Commission. This rule
was either disregarded, or evaded by removing the patient every eleven
months. The second class of houses to which he called attention was the county
asylums, and, after specifying certain of these that were admirably managed,
lie pointed out that twenty-one counties in England and Wales had as yet no
asylum whatever.
In speaking- of tho private asylums, which, on the previous 1st of January,

1S41.] TREATMENT OP LUNATICS. 309
contained 4,072 patients, Lord Asliley referred to the evil of a system by
which a profit was realised by the superintendents on pauper patients, who
were taken in at rates as low as seven or eight, shillings a week. It often
happened that an old mansion, transformed into an asylum, was the residence
of the superintendent and a few private patients, while the paupers were sent
into offices and out-buildings.
After pointing- out some of the glaring cases of cruel neglect and ignorant
and brutal treatment, detailed in the Report, ho adduced many facts and
statistics to show the importance of treating lunacy in its early stages, as,
where the practice had been adopted, the most beneficial results had followed,
while an opposite policy led to confirmed madness, with little or no chance of
recovery. Turning to the question of restraint, he paid a high tribute to " those good
and ablo men, Mr. Tuke, Dr. Hitch, Dr. Corsellis, Dr. Conolly, Dr. Vitre,
Dr. Charlesworth, and many more, who had brought all their high moral and
intellectual qualities to bear on this topic, and had laboured to make tho
rational and humane treatment to be the rule and principle of the government
of lunacy." Lord Ashley concluded his speech in these words : —
These unhappy persons are outcasts from all the social and domestic affections
of private life — nay, more, from all its cares and duties — and have no refuge but
in the laws. You can prevent, by the agency you shall appoint, as you have in
many instances prevented, the recurrence of frightful cruelties ; you can soothe
the days of the incurable, and restore many sufferers to health and usefulness.
For we must not run away with the notion that even the hopelessly mad are dead
to all capacity of intellectual or moral exertion — quite the reverse ; their feelings,
too, are painfully alive. I have seen them writhe under supposed contempt,
while a word of kindness and respect would kindle their whole countenance into
an expression of joy. Their condition appeals to our highest sympathies,
"Majestic, though in ruin ; '•
for though there may be, in the order of a merciful Providence, some compensat
ing dispensation which abates within, the horrors manifested without, we must
judge alone by what we see ; and I trust, therefore, that I shall stand excused,
though I have consumed so much of your valuable time, when you call to mind
that the motion is made on behalf of the most helpless, if not the most afflicted.
portion of the human race.*
On the assurance of Sir James Graham, that the matter should receive
attention next Session, Lord Ashley, after a short debate, which served to
draw public attention to the subject, withdrew his motion.
Mr. Sheil spoke in the debate, on the condition of criminal and pauper
lunatics in Ireland, and concluded with a eulogy upon Lord Ashley in these
words : " It is a saying that it does one's eyes good to see some people, and I
may observe that it dees one's heart good to hear others ; one of those is the
* Hansard, 3 s., Ixvi. 1257. Shaftesbury's Speeches, p. 144.

310 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XII.
noble lord. (Cheers.) There is something of a sursum corda in all that the
noble lord says. Whatever opinion we may entertain of some of his views,
however we may regard certain of his crotchets, there is one point in which
we all concur — namely, that his conduct is worthy of the highest praise for
the motives by which he is actuated, and for the sentiments by which he is
inspired. (General cheers.) It is more than gratifying to see a man of his
high rank, not descending, but stooping from his exalted position, in order to
deal with such subjects — not permitting himself to be allured by pleasure or
ambition, but impelled by the generous motive of doing good, and by the vir
tuous celebrity by which his labours will be rewarded. It may be truly stated
that he has added nobility even to the name of Ashley, and that he has made
Humanity one of "Shaftesbury's Characteristics."* (Much cheering from
all sides.) f
July 24th. — Last night motion on Lunacy — obtained indulgent hearing. The
speech did its work so far as to obtain a recognition from the Secretary of State
that legislation was necessary and should be taken up -in my sense of it. Sheil
made a neat allusion, by way of compliment, to my great-grandfather's works.
He added, too, " the noble lord's speaking is a sursum corda kind of eloquence ; "
this is the most agreeable language of praise I have ever received ; it is the very
style I have aimed at.
July 25th. — My friend, the Times, in character as usual, charges me with
weakness. How can I be otherwise, not having in the House even a bulrush to
rest upon ? " No politician ! no statesman ! " I never aspired to that character ;
if I did, I should not be such a fool as to attack every interest and one half of
mankind, and only on behalf of classes whose united influences would not obtain
for me fifty votes in the county of Dorset or the borough of Manchester. " Rides
but one hobby at a time ! " Of course ; a man who cannot afford to keep a groom,
if he be rich enough to have two horses, must ride them alternately. I have no
aid of any kind, no coadjutor, no secretary, no one to begin and leave me to finish,
or finish what I begin ; everything must be done by myself, or it will not be done
at all. Exceptional as were the public demands, in variety and extent, upon the
time of Lord Ashley, he did not allow the claims of private and social life to
pass unrecogTiised. How he managed to get through his labours is a mystery
only to be understood by those who have made a study of the economy of
time. It was a mystery to himself, and he makes frequent entries in his
Diary like the following : —
So grievously hurried that I have not time to record anything. Hurried in
body and mind ; longing for a few days of repose. In bed late ; up early.
There are scattered throughout the Diaries, however, very graphic indica
tions of matters that were filling- his mind with joy or sorrow ; of duties and
engagements accomplislied, and of plans and projects for the future. In the
* It will be remembered that the third Earl of Shaftesbury was the author of the
well-known book called "Characteristics of Men and Manners."
t Times, July 24, 1844.

1S44-1 PLACING A SON AT SCHOOL. 311
early part of this year he placed his eldest son at school in the Isle of
Wight; and a glimpse of his fatherly solicitude is given in the following
entries : —
January 2nd. — Dear Antony is about to start for school. I cannot bear to
part with him ; he is a joy to me.
March 4th. — What a blessed letter Minny received from Antony this morning !
So simple, and yet so deep in its feeling and its truth. Oh, well can I under
stand the gracious and precious wisdom, the more than manly intelligence, that
shone in the hearts of Josiah and King Edward 1 0 God, make him, like Samuel,
to walk before Thee, in youth and in age, with joyful obedience, unwearied
service, and ever-increasing love.
June 28th. — Yesterday to Isle of Wight to fetch Antony, and to-day returned
with him. Praised be Thy holy name, 0 God, for all Thy mercies to us and to
him ! I found him well, happy, and full of gracious promise. Minny went
with me, and also Francis, Maurice, and Evelyn. Yery expensive ; but we had
incautiously made the promise. Children hold much to such engagements ; and
the loss of money is of less account than the loss of confidence. Admirable
school ; all the care of solicitous parents, with the encouragement of every
manly thought and exercise. His master is watering the seed that, by God's
grace, I was permitted to plant ; He alone can, and will, give the increase.
The claims of friendship were not lost sight of in the pressure of other
engagements. March 17th. — Minny and I saw Mrs. Fry yesterday on the bed of sickness.
Kissed her hand to show my respect and love. That woman has, assuredly, been
called to do God's work, and love her blessed Lord and Master. May He yet
spare her for further service, and then take her to Himself.
It was only when a demand was made upon his time that could do no
more than gratify his own personal pleasure, that he refused to comply
with it.
June 12th. — The Emperor of Russia is here, and firing away in visits. . . .
Have never in my public life been more hurried than during last month ; not an
hour to do anything, not a minute to reflect. God grant that my engagements be
good, for they are all-absorbing ! Would have given a, great deal, as the phrase
is, to talk to the Emperor ; did not succeed.
It was not until August that Lord Ashley obtained the rest he had so
long desired ; and even then it was but partial repose. On the 3rd of
August he reached Ryde, in the Isle of Wight ; but the entry following this
record shows that on the 7th he " hurried up to town to be sworn in as Com
missioner in Lunacy — heard and resolved to expose some shocking Welsh
cases." Then back again to the Isle of Wight ; but it is clear that his mind
was otherwhere.
August 10th. — Yisited Parkhurst to-day with Jebb.* What -a, harvest of
misery and sin ; actual sin, prospective misery. Vain, very vain, these corrective
* Colonel Jebb was head of the Convict Department.

312 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. (Chap. XII.
processes ; yet they must be attempted, and duty must lord it over hope. One
heart may be touched, and one soul may be saved ; and it is worth all the trouble
and all the expense, But how ignorant and how criminal is the nation — quite
as ignorant, and far more criminal, than these wretched boys — which permits,
by its neglect, these tares to be sown, and then tediously labours to uproot
them ! . . . .
August 17th. — Long and solitary walk by sea-shore ; much and agreeable
meditation. Thought over the example and history of Daniel as a model and
guide for statesmen. The scantiness of his biography much to be regretted in this
sense — his position and conduct as Minister of the Empire of Babylon, a beacon and
a pole-star for the helmsmen of modern kingdoms. He ruled a nation of religious
belief diametrically hostile to his own. What was his policy ? What his action ?
A right understanding of this great and good man's government would open the
eyes and smooth the path of a ruler in Ireland ! You would learn how Ministers
can deal with religionists of a different complexion, leave an established faith
untouched by power, and yet retain their own integrity.
A few days later he paid a visit to St. Giles's House.
August 23rd. — St. Giles's. " Dear earth, I do. salute thee with my hand."
Left all my kids, Antony excepted, at Ryde. My heart misgave me as I saw
baby straining her darling little face through the bars of the pier to get a last
sight of us. " I commit them unto God, and to the word of His grace." . . .
Here I am in perfect solitude, an immense house, a wide garden, hardly the step
of a human being, and no sound but that of a distant sheep-bell ; it is a moment
to reflect on God's prodigious and undeserved goodness to me and mine. " What
am I, and what is my house, that Thou hast brought me hitherto ? "
August 28th. — Heard this morning of the death of W. Fry. * I am deeply
grieved ; a worthy man, a friend of the poor, and a devout believer. It is a most
serious loss to those who desire to see many and mighty improvements in public
and private conduct. I am indebted to him for requesting me to undertake the
Opium Question, and for immense aid in the execution of it. I had hoped for
still further aid in the next Session.
Sept. 2nd. — Ryde. To Portsmouth to see the gun-practice of tho Excellent,
commanded by my old friend Sir T. Hastings. ... If the Government and
nation would show half the zeal to defend themselves from the Devil that they
do from the French, we should speedily become a wise and an impregnable
people. . . .
Towards the end of September came the renewal of anxiety and work in
a journey through the factoiy districts.
Sept. 26th.— May God turn the hearts of the mill-owners and give me grace
in their eyes ! What a blessing were I quit of this undertaking, and able to
direct my efforts to other and untrodden fields I Glad to be with my ancient and
well-beloved friend Lady Francis ; t I ever remember her in my prayers. They
have built a fine house here ; they have done well to plant themselves, despite of
* William Storrs Fry, son of Mrs. Elizabeth Fry.
t Lady Francis Egerton, afterwards Countess of Ellesmere. She w:is a sister of
Mr. Charles Greville. Lord Francis Egerton's place was Worsley, near Manchester,

1841 -J TOUR IN THE FACTORY DISTRICTS. 313
the unpleasant neighbourhood, in the midst of their duties and responsibilities.
Many people of wealth would have fled to brighter spots ; may God bless them in
their dwelling with years of peace and usefulness !
Sept. 27th. — I see by the papers that Dunn, the proprietor of the Chinese
Collection, is just dead. Thus I have lost, in six weeks two men (him and Fry)
who most ably assisted me in the Opium Question. How mysterious are the ways
of God ! Well did old Hooker say : " The little we perceive thereof we darkly
apprehend and admire ; the rest with religious ignorance we devoutly and meekly
adore ! "
The campaign of Lord Ashley in the manufacturing districts was very
arduous, but it was well worth all the toil. He saw, as he had never done
before, how many of the mill-owners, desperate in adversity and unthinking
in prosperity, were playing with men as with ninepins. He saw, in other
cases, a growing readiness to accept a limitation of hours to eleven, if not to
ten, on the ground that it would be physically and morally desirable. He
went minutely into the question of " distances " travelled during the day by
the operatives, and found that, despite the contradictions, he had rather
understated than overstated them. He perambulated the towns to see for
himself the actual condition of the people, and the filth and pallidness of
house and person.
Lord Ashley met the Lancashire Central Short-Time Committee, and a
few of their friends, at the Brunswick Hotel, to receive an address. In
thanking them for it, and for their appreciation of his services, he paid an
eloquent tribute to all the workers who had aided iii the agitation, and par
ticularly to Nathaniel Gould, of Manchester ; the late Michael Thomas
Sadler ; John Wood, of Bradford ; Mr. Brotherton, Mr. Fielden, Mr. Oastler,
and Mr. Bull, men who, " when the question was surrounded with greater
hazards than it is at present, did not fear to come forward and declare, in the
face of contempt, and prejudice, and power, that, by the aid of God's bless
ing, they would strive against every difficulty, and persevere until they had
brought the struggle to a successful termination."
In reviewing the position of the question, and contrasting it with that of
sixteen years before, he enumerated some of their gains, which were : an
enactment limiting the labour of children to six hours a day ; protection
ag'ainst accident, death, and mutilation, from the unguarded state of machinery ;
and' the important provision that no woman, of whatever age, should bo em
ployed in any mill or factory more than twelve hours a day. He explained
to those who were not conversant with the forms of the House of Commons,
the difficulties that had beset the matter in the last Session of Parliament
showing how the Bill was in constant jeopardy and how a false step would
have caused the loss of it, the object being- to preserve the Bill, iu order to
get what good they could from it, and at the same time to remain faithful to
the main principle of the Ten Hours. In concluding, he denied that he was
the enemy of the factoiy masters, or of the factory system. " I am an enemy
of the abuses," ho said, " but not of tho system itself," and he exhorted them

314 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XII.
to go forward with strength and resolution, promising, on his own part, that
he would persevere with an unbroken and determined spirit until a happy
consummation of their united labours should be reached.
During- this visit a deputation waited on Lady Ashley at the Albion
Hotel to present her with an address in which her self-sacrifice was recog
nised, and the aid she had given to the cause, in consoling and sustaining
their leader in his arduous toil, was gratefully acknowledged.
Oct. 19th. — London. Have called on many master-spinners. Hear that they
are gratified. Did so before I met operatives. Addressed a body last night.
Admirable meeting ; urged the most conciliatory sentiments towards employers ;
urged too the indispensable necessity of private and public prayer if they desire
to attain their end. Told what I felt, that unless religion had commanded my
service I would not have undertaken the task. It was to religion, therefore, and
not to me, that they were indebted for benefits received ! What a place is Man
chester — silent and solemn ; the rumble of carriages and groaning of mills, but
few voices, and no merriment. Sad in its very activity ; grave and silent in its
very agitation. Intensely occupied in the production of material wealth, it
regards that alone as the grand end of human existence. The operatives, poor
fellows, to a man, distrust this present prosperity. Have visited print-works,
Mr. Thomson's, Clitheroe ; Mr. Dugdale's, near Gawthorpe ; Mr. Field's, Man
chester. Thirty -five thousand children, under 13 years of age, many not exceed
ing 5 or 6, are worked, at times, for 14 or 15 hours a day, and also, but not in
these works, during the night ! Oh, the abomination I Now, therefore, God
helping me, I will arise and overthrow this Philistine. Ob, blessed Lord and
Saviour of mankind, look down on the lambs of Thy fold, and strengthen me to
the work in faith and fear, in knowledge, opportunity, wisdom, and grace I
Soon after his return to London, Lord Ashley began to revolve in his
mind the programme for the Session, and resolved that he would devote his
energies, in the first place, to the Ten Hours Bill for the Protection of
Children in Calico Print-works, to a Lunacy Bill, and, after that, to such
other matters as occasion offered.
His Diaries at this time are very full, and a few extracts will show the
current of his thoughts and the scope of his aspirations : —
Oct. 26th. — Everything now is rushing at the " landed proprietary ; " its over
throw is aimed at, illuc cuncta vergere. The comparative prosperity of other
branches of industry brings forward agriculture in invidious contrast, and this
feeling will continue, and perhaps increase, until the day of manufacturing con
vulsion. Entails, primogeniture, large estates, &c. : all to be got rid of. Many
even of the Conservatives incline that way ; they perceive difficulties in our
social state, and catch at any solution. If so, the thing will be done, and God
prosper the issue ! But strange it is that all improvement and salvation should
be found in the overthrow of the "landocracy," while the enormous accumula
tions of banking, trading, milling are to be petted and praised as the very foun
tains of universal joy. .
Oct. 30th. — London. Fogs, smoke, muffin bells. Much need of internal light

1844-1 RUGBY AND ETON. 315
and joy; very little external, yet promise myself occupation and amusement
even. Must look up Societies, Committees, &c, and attend Police Courts.
Nov. 3rd. — Sunday. Windsor Castle. Arrived yesterday. Attended service
m St. George's Chapel ; exquisite chanting ; cold and comfortless discourse, and
yet better than the one I heard some two or three years ago. Queen and Prince
Albert at private chapel in Castle. . . .
Nov. 9th. — Good deal of business. No repose. Sittings renewed in Lunacy.
What a scene of horrors 1 If such be the condition of things under all our
inspection, law, public opinion, and the whole apparatus of " philanthropy " (what
a sad word ! ), what must it have been formerly, and what would it be again in
a state of pure principle of non-interference ? Long interview with Roper,
secretary to Society for Protection of Needlewomen. I find, as usual, the clergy
are, in many cases, frigid ; in some few, hostile. So it has ever been with me.
At first I could get none ; at last I have obtained a few, but how miserable a pro
portion of the entire class ! The ecclesiastics, as a mass, are, perhaps, as good as
they can be under any institution of things where human nature can have full
swing ; but they are timid, time-serving, and great worshippers of wealth and
power. I can scarcely remember an instance in which a clergyman has been
found to maintain the cause of labourers in the face of pew-holders. . . .
Nov. 18th. — Yisited Peekham Asylum on Saturday last. Long affair — six
hours. What a lesson 1 How small the interval — a hair's-breath — between
reason and madness. A sight, too, to stir apprehension in one's own mind. I am
visiting in authority to-day. I may be visited by authority to-morrow. God be
praised that there are any visitations at all ; time was when such care was un
known. What an awful condition that of a lunatic I His words are generally
disbelieved, and his most innocent peculiarities perverted ; it is natural it should
be so ; we know him to be insane ; at least, we are told that he is so ; and we
place ourselves on our guard — that is, we give to every word, look, gesture a
value and meaning which oftentimes it cannot bear, and which it never would
bear in ordinary life. Thus we too readily get him in, and too sluggishly get him
out, and yet what a destiny !
Nov. 21st. — Went yesterday to Rugby to examine the physical and moral
aspect of the place and see whether it would be a good school for Antony. Hope
— nay, think it will do ; universal testimony, so far as I hear, in its favour from
all who have sons* there. Saw Dr. Tait, and Cotton, the tutor ; both advised the
age of fourteen as, on the whole, the best ; much, said they, will depend on the
position he takes when he enters the school ; " The great advantages we offer are
found in the higher grades ; every advance in rank is regarded by the boys as
involving an increase of responsibility." I fear Eton ; I dread the proximity of
Windsor, with all its means and allurements ; dread, the tone and atmosphere of
the school ; it makes admirable gentlemen and finished scholars— fits a man,
beyond all competition, for the drawing-room, the Club, St. James's Street, and
all the mysteries of social elegance ; but it does not make the man required for
the coming generation. We must have nobler, deeper, and sterner stuff ; less of
refinement and more of truth ; more of the inward, not so much of the outward,
gentleman ; a rigid sense of duty, not a " delicate sense of honour ; " a just
estimate of rank and property, not as matters of personal enjoyment and display,
but as gifts from God, bringing with them serious responsibilities, and involving
a fearful account ; a contempt of ridicule, not a dread of it ; a desire and a

31G THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [CliAr. XII.
courage to live for the service of God and the best interests of mankind, and by
His grace to accomplish the baptismal promise : " I do sign him with the sign of
the Cross, in token that hereafter he shall not be ashamed to confess the faith of
Christ crucified, and manfully to fight under His banner against sin, the world,
and the Devil, and to continue Christ's faithful soldier and servant unto his
life's end."
Graham has asked me to undertake the Lunacy Bill, promising to treat it as a
Government measure. Prodigious work ! but cannot refuse to lighten the burden
on a Minister's shoulders. Agreed on condition of full Government support in
every respect. Oh. that I might prosper and do something for those desolate and
oppressed creatures !
Nov. 2fith.— Many starving people in the streets ; an alms here and an alms
there very unsatisfactory ; no effectual or permanent good done ; a very small
iota of the mischief abated. It makes me miserable, never absent from my
thoughts, like having a bad taste always in one's mouth. Where is the root of
the evil ? It cannot be inevitable to have so many poor. Poverty, of course, we
must have, but not, surely, deep and extensive destitution. It is wrong, awfully
wrong, that so many able-bodied and willing labourers should want employment
and bread. What can be done ?
Nov. 28th. — Thoughts of a great scheme for relief of people pass through my
mind. Would it be a measure of relief, or an aggravation of distress ? Repeal
duty on tea to one-sixth of present amount ; sugar the same ; repeal the malt tax
totally, and the Com Laws at the end of five years ; keep on the income tax,
raised to five per cent, for ten years. I like the scheme very much.
Nov. 30th. — A fellow has taken the trouble to sneer against me all across the
Atlantic. Received this morning a New York paper with a prodigiously long
account of a game-law case in England. On the margin, in manuscript : " A case
for Lord Ashley's philanthropy, from an American slave-holder." Untrue in
respect of me, for I hate, and have always hated, these excessive preservations of
birds and beasts ; illogical in respect of the analogy, for there is no similitude
between the trade in human flesh and the over-rigid custody of cock pheasants !
Dec. 1st — Sunday. To St. George's in afternoon. A melancholy sight : the.
parish church, with a handful of "genteel folks," and not twenty square inches
of space for the vulgar fry, choked up by monopolising pews, excluding and
affronting the working man !
Dec. 3rd. — Yesterday took chair of meeting on behalf of wretched seam
stresses. Good Heavens ! that in such a cause there should have been so scanty
an assemblage I Happily, we had foreseen the event, and had proportioned our
room to our expectations. The place of meeting was small, but, being filled,
assumed a dignity it did not possess. No " quality," no wealth ; people very
highly respectable. My chief supporters, always zealous and kind, W. Cowper
and Redmayne, the wholesale dealer. . . .
It will be remembered that in 1839 the long estrangement between Lord
Ashley and his father was followed by a hearty reconciliation. Unhappily,
that reconciliation was not to remain unclouded. The career Lord Asliley
had adopted, and the causes he had espoused, were not such as met with the
sympathy of his father, and ever since the speech at Sturminster in 1843, iu

1Si4-l THE "STURMINSTER SPEECH." 317
which he had spoken plainly of the responsibilities of landed proprietors, there
had been a growing- coldness, which had resulted as shown in the following
entry : —
Dec. 16th. — St. Giles's. The Sturminster speech is not forgotten. It is one
of the ingredients of his hatred.* Curious occurrence ; the League are reviling
me for doing nothing, at the moment I am turned out of my father's house for
doing too much.
Dec. 19th. — League busy ; letter this morning to say that an attack was to be
made by Cobden on me, drawn from state of dwellings at Martin and Damerham.t
Duncombe tells me that a spy has been there for three days. God be with me I
I am innocent as a child unborn, and yet it seems that they will strip me at last
of all power to effect anything in the House of Commons. I commit it all to
God. He will yet deliver me.
Dec. 24th. — Christmas Eve. Broadlands. " Hallowed and gracious is the
time." What a season for united action, for mutual and reconciling prayer, for
self-knowledge, for self-abasement, for inquiry who we are, what we are, whence
we are, why we are ! .
Dec. 28th. — Private hints and my own suspicions have led me to believe that
my " favour " has been, for some time, on the decline in the county of Dorset. I
have said but little, excepting my speech at Sturminster ; but I am disliked, not
only for what I have said, but for what I have omitted to say. I cannot do as
George Bankes does — attend the agricultural meetings and farmers' clubs, and
roar out about Protection, the superhuman excellence of landlords, the positively
divine character of tenants, tickle the ears with fulsome flattery, and rise in
popularity as you rise in declamation. The labourers are generally ill-treated in
houses and wages ; the gentry and fanners know the fact, and know, too, that I
think so ; hence their aversion ! The proceedings of the late agricultural
meeting at Blandford confirm my opinion. I was mentioned but once, and my
name — amid cheers and three times three to many others — attracted there but a
cold "Hear, hear." It was introduced by Bankes clearly not to honour me, but
to furnish an attack on the Anti-Corn-Law League. Well, let them do as they
like ; I know — and God be praised for it — that I am right ; and I will not abate
one breath of my lips to save the seat for the county. Nothing but bulls of
Bashan ; I am encompassed on every side.
* The allusion is to Lord Shaftesbury.
•f- Martin and Damerham were outlying spots on his father's estate,

CHAPTER XIII.
1845.
In the Ten Hours movement there was little to be done during this year,
except to watch the working of the new Bill, and to keep the Committee
well together, especially now that those who were pledg'ed to Ten Hours were
reinforced by sueh powerful allies as Lord Palmerston, Lord John Russell,
Lord Howick, and Mr. Macaulay.
The subject, however, was never out of Lord Ashley's mind, and in an
early entry in his Diary for the year we find him reviewing his position : —
Jan. 11th. — It will be a singular thing if this great and much-agitated
question ends in a mere vapour ; if the labours of twelve years, and the anxiety
and notoriety of forty, commissions and committees, disclosures of sinfulness,
cruelty, aud peril, that make one's head to be sick, and one's heart to be faint —
terminate as tranquilly and entirely as though nothing had been known and
nothing attempted ; nevertheless (humanly speaking), such an issue appears to
be most probable ; I can hardly anticipate a longer period (if so much) for efforts
in the House of Commons than the duration of the coming Session. Should I be
removed to the House of Lords, I shall be taken to an assembly where it would
be vain to propose such measures, and I should leave the other without a suc
cessor to my office. Is there any one who would undertake the career from
which I should have been removed ? I know not the man. It is possible that
the duty now would not be so burdensome and painful ; it is possible that,
Moses-like, I may have been a humble instrument to bring the people to the
borders of Jordan, while to some Joshua, at present unseen, may be given the
honour and delight of leading them into Canaan ; but if it be not so, and any
one be called to pass through what I have already passed through, he will -not do
it willingly. Here are twelve years of labour, anxiety, and responsibility,
especially the first and the four last ; but every year since 1836 has been one of
toil and preparation, though nothing, by defect of opportunity, may have
appeared in public. Eight years of open support and of suppressed antipathy
from the Conservatives while in Opposition ; three years of coldness and one of
decided resistance from the same when in Government. . . . Except Fielden,
Brotherton, and Inglis,* I am certain of no one in public. I have borrowed and
.^pent, in reference to my income, enormous sums of money, and am shut out
from every hope of emolument and every path of honourable ambition. My own
near kinsfolk dislike my opinions, and some persecute me. I am now a sufferer
in domestic relations, and I am excluded from my father's house, in no slight
degree because I was known to have maintained the cause of the agricultural
labourer. No one but myself can estimate the amount of toil by day and by
* Sir Robert Ingbs.

18*5.) THE IRISH SECRETARYSHIP. 31'J
night, of fears and disappointments, of prayers and tears, of repugnances con
tended against and overcome, of long journeys, and unceasing letters ; and will
all this have no greater result than the simple and resisted issue of the Colliery
Bill ? "I will stand on my watch-tower and will see."
Not once or twice in his career had Lord Ashley been agitated already
by the question of accepting or refusing office. Whenever that question
came to him, it filled his mind with conflict. He was patriotic to the core,
and the responsibility of declining to accept any position that would give
him larger means of benefiting the country, weighed heavily upon him. On
the other hand," the temptations to accept office were very great ; his name
was almost as familiar on the tongues of men as that of the Premier ; there
were large bodies of the people who looked upon him as the one upon whom
their hopes were fixed, as the leader in all great social and religious ques
tions ; he was still young, with a young man's proper and laudable ambition ;
and, moreover, his private means were altogether inadequate to the demands
upon them.
Jan. 24th. — Brighton. Colonel Wyndham has lent us his house, and here we
are I Saw Bonham yesterday. Asked him who was to be successor to Lord Eliot
as Secretary for Ireland. '• Why should not you take it ? " said he. " The
Factory Question," I replied, " stands in the way." " Oh no," he rejoined, in a
strain of droll logic, " that is an English question, and has nothing to do with
Ireland. There may be perhaps some difficulty on your part to accept Peel's
measures for Ireland, but I can see no other." He then showed me a letter
from Sir J. Graham which he had just received. " Is Ashley quite out of the
question for the Irish Secretaryship ? The Factory Question is settled, and he
would find ample room for all his activity and for the exercise of all his warm
feelings in that career." ... He closed by saying : " After all, you may never
hear of this again."
Feb. 1st. — As Bonham said, " I have heard no more of it ; " it would have been
to no purpose, for nothing should have, or shall, induce me to surrender these
social and moral questions. Many changes ; Gladstone goes out, I know not why ;
Knatehbull, because Peel is sick of him ; Sir T. Freemantle to Ireland ; S.
Herbert and Lincoln to seats in the Cabinet. It will be a Cabinet of Peel's dolls.
Cunning fellow ! How adroitly he has tarnished and then dismissed the two
"farmers' friends ; " thus he would dispose of every one either actually or pros
pectively troublesome to him ; and so he would have done with me.
Feb. 5th. — Peel expressed to Jocelyn his earnest, most earnest, wish that I could
be induced to take office — very likely. Graham, too, said the same ; spoke of the
folly of my perseverance ; that the thing was hopeless ; and that I kept up bad
feelings ! Bad feelings ! Why, I never called any one Jack Cade ! " But,"
added Sir James (it is curious to discover their calculations), " he will soon be
removed to the House of Lords ; he can do nothing with his Factory Bill there,"
(most true), " and then he will be sure to join us." So here is their device, to
run their opposition against my father's life in the sure and certain hope that an
elevation (!) to the House of Lords is a death-blow to my exertions ! 0 Lord, I
beseech Thee again and again, for Christ's blessed sake, turn the counsel c£
Ahithopbel into foolishness I

320 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIII.
Although, as we have said, there was little to be clone for the present in
regard to the Ten Hours Bill, Lord Ashley's attention was much engaged
upon a kindred subject, the Report of the Children's Employment Commis
sion, for which he had moved in the year 1840, and especially, on the state
of the Calico Print-works. The lives of the poor wretched children who
were engaged in this branch of industry were made miserable by reason of
their cruel bondage. Employment began generally at from seven to nine
years of age, although there were cases known of children beginning to work
at three or four years old. The hours were always long ; lasting, for young
girls, as well as for adults, from sixteen to eighteen hours a, day, amid cir
cumstances and conditions that were fearfully injurious to health. The
rooms in which the work was carried on were hot and unhealthy, and in the
" singeing room " the air was always full of small burnt particles, which
irritated the eyes intolerably, so that all the children were more or less
affected with inflammation and other diseases of the eyes. The nature of
their work was distressing, as it required unremitting attention ; their arms
they had to keep in a continual rotatory motion, and they were upon their
feet the whole time they were at work. The wages of these poor children
were extremely low ; their education was totally neglected ; and they were
being ruined in hody and soul by their long hours of labour, often protracted
far into the night. Altogether, the young calico printers seemed to be about
the most miserable class of workers to be found in the industrial population.
On February the 4th Parliament was opened by the Queen in person, and
on the 5th, Lord Ashley gave his notices, and obtained, by ballot, precedence
for his motion respecting children occupied in Print-works. The interval,
as usual, was full of suspense, and every day his hopes and fears are recorded,
and all his thoughts run in the direction of his labours. Thus he writes :—
February 7th. — The progress of crime, both in amount and intensity, is
dreadful ! How mysterious are the ways of Providence ! Why is it that children
of the tenderest years are subjected to the fiercest tortures ? God give us His
Holy Spirit to amend our hearts and lives, for we are desperately wicked — they
who do such things, and we who do not prevent them. Shall I deliver my poor
children in the Print-works ? God be with me 1
February 9th. — Brighton. For days, and almost for weeks, I have prayed, in
the words of Lot, " Give me this Zoar : behold, it is but a little one." This day
that chapter was read as the first lesson ; and then came the reply : '• See I have
accepted thee in this thing also." I felt it almost like an answer from Heaven
that I should rescue my children in the Print-works, and, like the Israelites.
" I bowed the head and worshipped."
On February the 18th Lord Ashley moved, in the House of Commons
" That leave be given to bring in a Bill to regulate the Labour of Children
in the Calico Print-Works of Great Britain and Ireland." Although the
subject was much akin to others he had brought forward, and the nature of
the evidence was of necessity almost identical, he startled tho House, and
oventually the country, by the revelations ho made as to the condition of

18-15.] CHILDREN IN CALICO PRINT-WORKS. 321
these oppressed and almost forgotten children. In earnest and eloquent
language he pleaded their cause, dwelling upon every point that could touch
the heart of the House and draw forth sympathy to the sufferers, yet avoiding
any expression reflecting on the conduct and character of individual Print-
masters. He was at a loss to conceive on what grounds an opposition would he
made to his proposal, tho third in the series he had brought before that
House ; but he hinted at the possibility in these words : —
Sir, in the various discussions on this and kindred subjects there has been a
perpetual endeavour to drive us, who seek the aid of the law, from the point
under debate, and taunt us with a narrow and one-sided humanity ; I was told
that there were far greater evils than those I had assailed — that I had left
untouched much worse things. It was in vain to reply that no one could grapple
with the whole at once. My opponents, on the first introduction of the Ten
Hours Bill, sent me to the collieries ; when I invaded the collieries, I was referred
to the Print-works ; from the Print-works I know not where I shall be sent, for
can anything be worse ? . . .
Sir, it has been said to me, more than once, " Where will you stop ? " I reply,
without hesitation, " Nowhere, so long as any portion of this mighty evil remains
to be removed." *
The Bill, which received some opposition, and was also subjected to some
mutilation in its passage through the House, became law on June 30th as
" The Print Works Act, 8 and 9 Vict. c. 29." Its provisions were akin to
those of the Factoiy Act of the previous year, and contained similar clauses
as to inspections and penalties. The Act was defective, however, in many of
its provisions, Lord Ashley's proposals having been modified on lines sug
gested by Mr. Cobden. But, although it did not remove all the evils, if
mitigated many, and the condition of the children was greatly ameliorated
thereby .¦)-
Feb. 21st. — Time so occupied and harassed, no leisure for entry. Print-works
. speech over on 18th. The House is weary of these narratives of suffering and
shame ; the novelty is past, and the difficulty, the apparent difficulty, of a remedy
remains ; it catches, therefore, at any excuse for inattention, and damns the
advocate for the toiling thousands, by courteous indifference. Civil and even
kind to myself personally, though manifestly tired of the subject and somewhat
of me. Here is another burden added to my shoulders, already bruised and
peeled, to fight against an averted and reluctant audience. Sir James complimen
tary, cold, hostile, subtle, admitted the Bill, and made preparations to throw it
out 1 Public opinion, too, either dead to the woe or preoccupied by trade ; not a
newspaper will give one syllable to the wrongs of these miserable whelps ; and
yet, how, without public opinion, can I make the least progress ? However, be
this as it may, I will against hope believe in hope ; I will not throw up the
cause ; I will, God helping me, persevere ; I may have to mourn over the blighted
prospects of these children, but I shall find peace for myself.
March 26th. — Panshanger. Up at 7. Bright and soft morning. Birds singing
* Speeches, p. 165. t Yon Plener's " Factory Legislation," p. 35.
V

322 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. tCHAP. Xltl.
in a variety of notes. It is inspiriting and beautiful — a general and cheerful
prayer of all Nature to God, the Author and Preserver of all. " Let everything
that has breath praise the Lord." Ay, children in Print-works no less than
birds and beasts and creeping things ; but a fierce resistance is begun, fierce as
though their strongholds were assailed by a legion of angels. Alas ! I stand
alone ; not a " penny-a-liner " with me : all dark, dismal, silent ; but I shall yet
" expect." March 31. — Beautiful morning — seems to tempt one from duty and business
and make one idle. I could live in the country with joy, but I must, God willing,
first accomplish my task in the active haunts of men.
Although there were so many questions pending, and under treatment, in
which Lord Ashley was personally engaged, he was not in any way indifferent
to the general drift of public affairs. On the contrary, his Diaries abound
in comments upon these, although it is beside our purpose to record them
here ; but the following passage, relating to the defenceless state of our
coasts in those days, will be read with interest : —
March 31st. — This evening Navy Estimates in House of Commons. Who will
ably and effectively exhibit the defenceless condition of our dockyards, and
the whole line of our shores ? Never was a great nation, humanly speaking, in
such a state of exposure. Now, here is the proof of it, and never has God in His
mercy, no, not even to Hezekiah as against Sennacherib, exhibited a more
singular and special providence. Sir Thomas Hastings told me that he had
received and reported officially to the Government the intelligence that during
the negotiations respecting Tahiti, the French had collected in the harbour of
Cherbourg eight steam- vessels equal to the Gomer, fully equipped for war, with
troops on board, and ready to start at a minute's notice — the commander would
have learned, by telegraphic despatch, that the negotiations were at an end, and,
without declaration of war — for such, says the Prince de Joinville, is now
unnecessary — would, in sixteen hours, have reached both Portsmouth and
Plymouth L- What was there . to oppose them 1 Absolutely nothing. Not a
steam-boat within a day's sail, not a gun-boat in the harbour, not a cannon
mounted on the batteries to fire even a salute ! All this was confirmed on the
visit of the King of the French to England the other day ; he spoke to John
Russell, who mentioned it to Palmerston, from whom I have it. "A war
between England and France," said he, " is much to be deprecated ; we should
gain some advantages at first, though we should, on the seas, be worsted in the
end. I am glad that our negotiations on Tahiti terminated favourably ; I should
have been grieved to do any injury to your capital, the seat of civilisation and
humanising commerce, but I was advised to make an attempt on London, and I
should have been successful." To be sure he would. Palmerston remarked that
this was somewhat of a threat. I take a very different view. The King knows
well that his dynasty depends on the position of England ; and he gave this as a
hint for our advantage, and not as an expression for insult ! Well, well may we
exclaim, " 0 God, we have heard with our ears the noble works that Thou hast
done in our days ! "
In the ecclesiastical world the sky was thick with clouds and the air with
portents. It was in this year that the Tractarian Movement may be said to

18«.] MR. WARD'S CENSURE AND DEPRIVATION. 323
have reached its crisis. Although Lord Asliley had keenly watched every
fresh development of the controversy, he had not, hitherto, owing to the
p--essure of other matters, taken much active public part in it. The stages
by which the present position had been reached may be briefly told in this
place. Early in 1844, Keble had written : " We go on working- in the dark,
and in the dark it will be, until the rule of systematic confession is revived in
our Church." Later on he had complained that it was impossible to ascertain
the moral and religious condition of the people " for want of being able to use
the arm of confession." Towards the end of the year Dr. Pusey had
declared that he neither could nor would subscribe the Articles of the Church
in the sense in which they were propounded by those who framed them.
Many public meetings were held in various places, and it was the burden of
their protests that the High Church party was attempting to bring back into
the National Church usages which were associated in the minds of the people
with the superstitions and corruptions of Rome. Throughout the year 1845
excitement ran high, notwithstanding the address in the early part of that
year by the Archbishop of Canterbury, in which he recommended to the clergy
and laity mutual forbearance and concession on the points in dispute between
the Tractarian and the Anti-Tractarian parties
On February the 13th there was a meeting of Convocation at Oxford, to
condemn a book written by the Rev. George Ward, M.A., entitled "The
Ideal of a Christian Church, Considered in Comparison with Existing Prac
tice," and to deprive the writer of his degree, on the ground that passages in
his book were utterly inconsistent with the Articles of Religion of the Church
of England, and with the declaration in respect of these Articles, made and
subscribed by Mr. Ward previously, and in order to his being admitted to the
degrees of B.A. and M.A. respectively.
On a division, the condemnation of the book was carried by 777 votes
against 386, giving a majority of 391 against Mr. Ward; and the proposition
to deprive him of his degree was carried by 569 to 511 votes.
February 13th. — To Oxford to join in proceedings against Mr. Ward ; his cen
sure and deprivation of degree most necessary, becoming, and just. Theatre full ;
attention good. Mr. Ward, by permission, defended himself in English : not in
solent or impetuous, but Jesuitical and shallow. Never did I think that, within
those walls, I should hear a clergyman of the Church of England use these expres
sions : " With others who, like myself, go to the full extent of the Roman
Catholic doctrines ; " and, " I renounce no one doctrine of the Roman Catholic
Church, provided it be a Roman Catholic doctrine, and not one of corruption ;—
provided it be a Roman Catholic doctrine — J mean, sanctified by the Pope." Why,
these two sentences cancelled his whole defence, and proved the spirit in which
he had subscribed the Articles in a "non-natural sense," and decried the Refor
mation. Majority of 391 for the censure ; 58 for the deprivation I
Among the non-plaeets were Mr. Gladstone, Dr. Hook, and Dr. Pusey.
Scarcely had the excitement caused by this decision died away, than an
other case, similar in many respects, came before the public. The Rev. F
v 2

324 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIII.
Oakley, incumbent of Margaret Street Chapel, and an intimate friend of Dr.
John Henry Newman, had written to the Bishop of London claiming to hold
the same principles as Mr. Ward, and challenging him to institute proceed
ings. The challenge was accepted, and on June 30th Mr. Oakley was con
demned by the Judges of tho Arches Court, his licence revoked, and he him
self prohibited from officiating in the Province of Canterbury until he retracted
his errors.
Events, soon after this, hastened to a climax. On October 8th, Dr. New
man, in a letter to a friend, announced his intention to seek " admission to the
one Fold of Christ ; " and on November 1st, he, Mr. Oakley, Mr. St. John,
and Mr. Walker, all converts to Rome, received the sacrament of confirmation
in the chapel of Oscott College, at the hands of Dr. Wiseman, while within
the same month the Rev. F. W. Faber was also received into the Church of
Rome. It is noteworthy that in tho midst of this excitement Archdeacon Samuel
Wilberforce was called to the administration of the diocese of Oxford — the
centre and focus of it all.
It was at a period such as this, when men's minds were greatly perplexed
on ecclesiastical questions in general, and in particular with regard to any
tendency towards Romanism, that the Prime Minister saw fit to bring for
ward a measure which was to produce anxiety, amounting almost to terror, in
the ranks of Protestantism.
When Parliament met in February, it became known that Mr. Gladstone
had resigned his post in the Ministry — the Vice-Presidency of the Board of
Trade — and in the course of the debate on the Address, the reasons for this
step were fully announced. Sir Robert Peel had intimated that the Govern
ment was about to take into consideration the existing Acts relating to the
College at Maynooth, with a view to the improvement of that institution
by further endowment, and the establishment of non-sectarian Colleges.
These changes were at variance with Mr. Gladstone's written and spoken
views upon the relations of Church and State, and he at once severed him
self from the Ministry, in which he had rapidly risen to influence and power.
In a very short time there was a general commotion. The spirit of
Protestantism was roused, public meetings and conferences were held, pam
phlets were scattered, sermons were preached, the question was the main
topic of conversation in every circle of society, and the most strenuous
efforts were made to kindle religious feeling to a white heat, in order that
the threatened extension of Roman Catholic endowment might be resisted to
the death.
The College of Maynooth, intended for the education of the Roman
Catholic priesthood and the laity, was not at that time in a position to supply
tho wants of either. The building was incomplete, and what was finished
was falling into decay ; the library was wholly insufficient ; the funds were
inadequate to meet the salaries of the professors, and the accommodation was
altogether unequal to the demands. The proposal of the Government was to

1845.]

THE MAYNOOTH GRANT.

place Maynooth on, at least, some approximate level with tho other Collegiate
institutions of the Empire, without, it was alleged, in any way interfering
with its teaching- or discipline.
The Maynooth Bill comprehended an increase in the salaries of the
president and professors, provision for sixty additional students— making tho
number 500 — and an augmentation of the grant to each. The annual grant
of £9,000 hitherto contributed towards the expenses of the College, was to be
increased to nearly £30,000, not subject to an annual vote, and the repairs of
the College were to be executed, as in other public buildings, by the Board
of Works. The excitement in the House on the introduction of the Bill was pro
digious, and the debate on the second reading lasted over six nights, in the
course of which Mr. Disraeli launched philippic after philippic against tho
Premier. " Explain to us," he cried, " why, after having goaded Ireland to
madness for the purpose of ingratiating yourself with the English, you are
now setting England on fire for the purpose of ingratiating yourself with
the Irish."
It was in vain, however, for Mr. Disraeli to utter his philippics, or for
Colonel Sibthorp to say he would " submit to have his head shaved off, rather
than forget that he was a Protestant ; " the second reading was carried in
the Commons by 323 against 176 ; majority for Ministers, 147. With tlie
exception of Lord Ashley, Mr. Fox Maule, and Mr. G. Bankes, no one who
had held political office voted in the minority.
The excitement in the ecclesiastical world was now intense ; never before
or since has there been such wild commotion. An unceasing torrent of
petitions against 'the measure rained in ; angry denunciations were hurled
against the Government ; and every Evangelical pulpit and platform in tho
land uttered its loudest protest.
Lord Asliley was a Protestant of the Protestants, and he stood forth in
the name of the Evangelical body of the Church of England, both in and
out of Parliament, in the strongest opposition to the measure. He was not
at this, nor at any, time "an apostle of mere blind, unreasoning fanaticism."
In 1829, as we have seen, he supported Catholic Emancipation by his vote,
and, as we shall see, he held sentiments with regard to Roman Catholics for
which few, who knew only one aspect of his character, would have given him
credit ; but he drew a strong distinction between the persecution and tho
patronage of Roman Catholics. Of the latter, now and always, he was a
consistent and determined opponent.
In the great popular agitation he took an important part, and heavy
demands were made upon his time, already crowded with manifold labours cf
other kinds. His speeches stand in striking- contrast to those of some who
identified Sir Robert Peel as the veritable Antichrist — of Dr. Croly, for
example, who said that George IV. came to a premature end, and the Houses
of Parliament were burnt down, because Catholic Emancipation — " that un
happy, harsh, ill-judged, fatal measure " — was passed in 1829,

326 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIII.
Throughout this period Sir Robert Peel remained unmoved. Since he
had overcome Mr. O'Connell, the bitterest of his enemies, he had become, as
he thought, master of Ireland ; and the panacea for soothing the irritation of
the conflict in which he had been victor, was to be the extension of education
in Ireland among- the Roman Catholics as well as the Protestants.
He affected to regard the opposition to the Bill as " mainly the opposition
of Dissent in England — partly fanatical, and partly religious — mainly un
willingness to sanction the t genn of a second Establishment, and to
strengthen and confirm that of the Protestant Church." He was of opinion
that many of his opponents " merely yielded to the wishes of Dissenting
constituents. Tariff, drought, forty-six shillings a quarter for wheat," he
wrote to Mr. Croker, " quicken the religious impulses of some ; disappointed
ambition, and the rejection of applications for office, others." *
He looked upon the storm which the Bill had raised with indifference,
being resolved to carry the measure, and he professed to be careless as to the
consequences which might follow, so far as they concerned him or his position.
The result was as he anticipated : the Maynooth Endowment Bill was
carried. Despite the repeated efforts that were made for its repeal, it con
tinued in force until 1868. It was abolished by Mr. Gladstone's Govern
ment when the State Church in Ireland was disestablished.
As, in the course of this volume, we shall see Lord Ashley standing forth
as the champion of Protestantism under circumstances in which his own
individuality will be more conspicuous, ,we shall not quote from the many
speeches in which he refers to the Maynooth question.
There are many references in the Diary to the same subject, only a very
few of which we shall extract, as the interest in the matter has now, to a great
extent, died out.
April 4th. — Last night Maynooth carried (first reading) by 216 to 114, the
whole thing almost a counterpart of 1829 ; the same changes of principle, and
by the same men. What a spectacle ! Why were the Whigs displaced ? These
measures go beyond anything they ever proposed, or even imagined ; and yet Peel
was brought in to correct their mischiefs. The main cause of Whig unpopularity
was their confederacy with the Romanism of Ireland, union with O'Connell, and
supposed desire to act for the advancement of the Papal Church. Peel was their
opponent, and led every one to believe that he was also their opposite, and
therefore to support him. His conduct, then, is considered to be treacherous.
And is it not so ? As for the measure, it is useless and foolish — foolish because
it irritates and insults the opinions and feelings of a large body of people in
these realms ; and useless, because it will not conciliate a single heart in England
or Ireland. . . .
April 7th. — Maynooth will prove a stumbling-block ; the House, as I foresaw,
would readily pass it, but the country is becoming furious. The Free Church of
Scotland, the " religious public " of England, Wesleyans, Dissenters, all alike are
protesting and petitioning, probably with little chance of success, but with fixed
* "Croker's Correspondence," vol. iii., p. 32.

1845'1 SPEECH ON MAYNOOTH. 327
resolution, so far as in them lies, to cashier their representatives at another
election. What a strange ignorance, or haughty contempt of the deep, solemn
Protestant feeling in the hearts of the British people I Can a statesman, ought
a statesman, to force a measure, by dint of a legislative majority, utterly hateful
to the great mass of the nation ? . . .
April 8th. — I am resolved to oppose it on this ground : I leave on one side
the question of the increased grant and its lawfulness ; because, upon that head,
you are all at variance. I proceed to the endowment of the College by Act of
Parliament, with a grant of large funds from the national purse — you thus
make it one of the great institutions of the Empire, place it on a level in rank.
and on an eminence in favour, as compared with Oxford and Cambridge, and con
firm it by more powerful securities. This endowment and elevation lead neces
sarily to the endowment and elevation of the whole priesthood of Ireland — you
must, having raised them to a certain level, keep them there, and this can be
effected by adequate endowment only. Thence the establishment by law of the
Roman Catholic Church, and the concurrent existence of two Established
Churches ! The 'filing is another term for ruin !
It was not until April the 17th, on the second reading of the Bill, that
Loid Ashley made his speech on the subject in the House of Commons,
although on one or two occasions he had gone there, during the long con
tinuance of the debate, with the full intention of speaking. He felt con
siderable hesitation as to the line he should adopt. To argue it on financial
grounds, would only be to give a handle to the supporters of the Bill ; to
argue it on Church of England grounds, would place him in the position of
only representing the opinions of a minority ; the theological objections were
worn threadbare, and had become unpalatable ; and the argument that there
was political danger in the progress of the Church of Rome, did not seem
likely to be effective. When he went down to the House he felt " dismayed
beyond all former fears," with not a thought in his mind, and his memory a
blank. It was with pardonable pride, therefore, that he was able to make
the following entry : —
April 18th. — I obtained last night nothing but compliments from Whig, Tory,
Radical, and even Roman Catholics. I can hardly conceive why. I can only pray
God that all may be turned to His future service. . . . Did all that I could to
avoid harsh or personal expressions against Roman Catholics sitting in face of
me, and yet to assert my Protestant principles. Glory to God, I effected both.
Redington, a Roman Catholic, said, in reply (no paper has reported it), if all
Protestants would so speak, and choose me for their leader, it would raise a
more fearful enemy to Roman Catholicism than any other way. . . . This is
very remarkable, an effect quite amounting to a sensation — produced by a single
speech from a man in a private station on a worn subject, and in the middle of a
prolonged and frequently adjourned debate; it passes my comprehension. D'Israeli
said to me last night : " I think it quite a duty to tell you what an effect your
speech has produced. I have spoken to-day to all kinds of persons, from Crock-
ford's up to the Bank, and have heard but one voice. Tou have hit out a line
pf action and argument ; — great conciliation with steady and full assertion of

328 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIII.
Protestantism. The very violent, the discreet, the lukewarm, have all concurred in
expressions of approval. The peroration was of especial value." I thanked him,
and replied that, " standing as I did so much alone, these things gave me hearty
encouragement." "Yes," he added, " I have long observed your single effort!,
and I thought it a duty to break the ice, and say what I have heard." . . .
Although the second reading was carried by a majority for Ministers of
147, that majority was curiously composed — viz., Conservatives in favour of
the Bill, 158; Liberals, 165. Against: Conservatives, 145; Liberals, 31.
Sixty -four Conservatives were absent from the division.
April 21st. — It was a fearful minority ; 145 of Peel's friends voted against
him. He had a majority of Conservatives in opposition to his Bill. He lives,
therefore, moves, and has his being through John Russell.
The Bill was not read a third time until the 21st of May, but its eventual
success was regarded as certain. ' Lord Ashley speaks of it in the following
entry as if already achieved : — ¦
May 3rd. — Ireland thankless, as I foresaw, for the boon. . . . Is it not to
weaken the religious argument when you protest against Maynooth, not because
of its purpose, but because of its effects ? The effects have nothing to do with
the arguments ; were they even good, humanly speaking, it would be equally a
duty to resist the national and permanent teaching of that religion which was
declared and established by the Council of Trent. . . . What a blessing to me
it is that I am not tied by the strings of a Party either indoors or out !
The month of May brought Lord Ashley many pleasures and duties in
connection with the meetings of religious societies. Especially was his
interest excited, at this period, in the Jews' Society, which was enjoying its
palmy days. There had been everywhere a revival of zeal on behalf of
" God's ancient people ; " good news was constantly arriving from Jerusalem
of the labours of the Bishop and his noble band of workers, and certain
promises and prophecies of the Seriptures were regarded as about to be
speedily fulfilled. As a matter of fact their fulfilment was not accomplished,
but the anticipation stimulated faith and hope in those who read, what they
thought to be, the " signs of the times."
It reminds one of the eleventh chapter of Hebrews, to read the muster-roll
of the " great cloud of witnesses " — the Fathers of the Evangelical Church — -
who were on the platform at the " exciting meeting," as Lord Ashley calls it,
on the anniversary day in this year, most of whom have now gone to their
rest. There were Sir Thomas Baring, the Bishop of Choster (Sumner, after
wards Archbishop of Canterbury), Lord Asliley ; tho Revs. E. Bickersteth,
Hugh Stowell, T. S. Grimshawe, F. C. Ewald, W. R. Fremantle ; Dr. Wolff
of Bokhara, Hugh McNeile, W. W. Pym, and Dr. Marsh, of the large
majority of whom it may now be said, " These all died in faith, not having
received the promises, but having seen them afar off, and were persuaded of
them and embraced them."
Lord Ashley was singularly happy in his speech from the chair. He,
said ;—

1S"'1 DEATH OF THE BISHOP OP JERUSALEM. 329
Our Church and our nation have been called to the glorious service of making
known the Gospel of Christ to the many thousands of Israel. Now, in whatever
light I view this great question, whether I regard it as purely secular, whether I
regard it as purely religious, or whether I regard it as partaking of both
characters, I see no subject which can surpass, or even approach it, in magnitude
and in all those attributes which feed the imagination and stir into life the
warmest energies of the heart. ... We rejoice in the end and hopes of this
Society, as seeking the fulfilment of a long series of prophecies, and tho
institution of unspeakable blessings, both in time and in eternity, for all the
nations of the world. We believe (and we act, too, as we believe) that, if the
casting away of the Jewish people be the reconciling of the world, what shall
the receiving of them be but life from the dead ; and turn where you will to
examine the operations of this and all kindred Societies, and of every people on
earth, and you will see in our tardy progress, and in our comparative unfruitful-
ness, the necessity of this revival. ... It is our duty, our most high and
joyous duty, that every effort be made, that no exertion be spared, that all our
toil be given, by day and by night, that into every prayer, with all our souls, this
special supplication should enter, for the revival and exaltation, be it figurative or
be it literal, of repentant and forgiven Jerusalem.*
It was little dreamed by those who had taken part in the meeting, that
before the year closed they would have to mourn the death of Bishop
Alexander, the one, it was believed, who was to be the instrument for carrying-
out many of the great schemes on which their hearts were set. The sad
event, and its effect on Lord Ashley's mind, are thus recorded : —
Dec. 15th. — Just received, in a letter from Veitch, the examining chaplain,
intelligence of the death of the Bishop of Jerusalem at Cairo. I would rather
have heard many fearful things than this sad event ; it buries at once half my
hopes for the speedy welfare of our Church, our nation, and the Children of
Israel ! What an overthrow to our plans ! what a humbling to our foresight I
what a trial to our faith ! Alas, this bright spot, on which my eyes, amidst all
the surrounding darkness, confusion, and terrors of England, have long been
reposing, is now apparently bedimmed.
But what is our condition 1 Have we run counter to the will of God ? Have
we conceived a merely human project, and then imagined it to be a decree of the
Almighty, when we erected a bishopric in Jerusalem, and appointed a Hebrew to
exercise the functions ? Have we vainly and presumptuously attempted to define
" the times and seasons which the Father hath put in His own power ? " God,
who knoweth our hearts, alone can tell. It seemed to us that we acted in faith
for the honour of His name, and in the love of His ancient people ; but now it
would appear that the thing was amiss, and not according to God's wisdom and
pleasure. And yet, short-sighted, feeble creatures as we are, all this may be merely a
means to a speedier and ampler glory !
The year was memorable for a mania among speculators, as curious as thai
of the South Sea Bubble. * Jewish Intelligencer, June, 1845,

330 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIII
The railway system had been in partial operation for some years, but there
had not been any remarkably vigorous speculation in shares, due in great
measure to the languor and depression that had prevailed since 1839. In
1843 a few adventurers had succeeded in doing " a good thing" in railways;
and the notion soon became prevalent that the best way to make money grow
was to invest it in railways. Speculative capitalists caught at the idea, and
resorted to every available means to create a demand for investment of the
money that had been lying idle for the past four years.
Success attended their labours ; a railway speculative fever set in, and
soon became an epidemic. Grave and sedate people, no less than the dreamers
of dreams, seemed suddenly to have lost their senses ; the old and the young,
the millionaire and the thrifty artisan, people of all ages, of both sexes, and
of every rank, were eager to risk all they possessed, so confident were they
that timely investment was the sure road to fortune.
Parliament was besieged by the promoters of Bills for new railways ; and
every fresh scheme proposed brought forward a host of enthusiasts, who,
despite the fact that the advantage to be gained from some of these wild and
ruinous propositions could only be the saving of a little time and a little
money to those who travelled or carried goods, were ready to back up the
designing and unscrupulous few who were making gig'antic profits by their
frauds on the public. It was at this time that Lord Ashley's father, Lord
Shaftesbury, so greatly distinguished himseK as Chairman of Committees in
the House of Lords. Much labour also devolved on Lord Ashley in connec
tion with these railway matters in the House of Commons, and there are
many entries in his Diary to the following effect : —
May 26th. — In the chair of Railway Committee ! Six days in the week.
Sharp work. . . .
June 7th. — Still in chair of Railway Committee I
This was happening at a time when he was more than usually pressed
with Parliamentary duties. He had determined to bring forward further
measures with regard to Lunatics and Lunatic Asylums, but " had been let
hitherto." The subject was continually in his thoughts, and, at different
periods of the early part of the year he refers to it in his Diary.
It was not, however, until the 6th of June that Lord Ashley found his
opportunity, and then, at the request of the Government, who had pledged
themselves in the previous Session to support him, he brought forward,
simultaneously, two Bills: the first, "For the Regulation of Lunatic
Asylums," and the second, " For the Better Care and Treatment of Lunatics
in England and Wales." In reviewing the past history and present position
of the question, he described the lamentable state of the law prior to the Act
of 1828, and the partial benefits which that, and other Acts, had conferred ;
but pointed out that evasions of the law were frequent, and that horrors of
almost every kind were possible under the existing system. He proposed
now to establish a permanent Commission, and thereby secure the entire ser,

1845-1 BILL FOR REGULATION OF LUNATIC ASYLUMS. 331
vices of competent persons. The Bill would give the power of more detailed
and more frequent visitations, fix the limit of expenses, and place all asylums
or " hospitals " under proper regulations.
" My Bill will also provide an additional security against the improper deten
tion of pauper patients, by requiring that the persons signing the order for their
confinement shall personally examine them beforehand, and that the medical
officer who certifies as to their insanity shall see them within seven days previous
to their confinement. I may add that neither of these safeguards exists, at present.
I propose, also, that my measure should compel every person receiving a patient
to state his condition, mental as well as bodily, when first admitted, and the
cause of his death when he dies. It will also direct that every injury and act of
violence happening to a patient shall be recorded, and will require a case-book to
be kept, thereby affording additional securities against mismanagement, and
showing how far the patients have the benefit of medical treatment. It will also
authorise the visitors to enforce a proper supply of food (in licensed houses) to
pauper patients, who are at present fed at the discretion of the proprietor. Fur
ther, it will enable the visitor to order the admission of a patient's friends ; at
present they are admitted or excluded at the caprice of the person who signs the
order for the patient's confinement. It likewise will enable the visitors to sanc
tion the temporary removal of a patient in ill-health to the sea-side or elsewhere.
It, moreover, will enforce an immediate private return of all single patients
received for profit, and authorise the members of a small private Committee,
named by the Lord Chancellor, to visit them if necessary. This is the provision
of the law in France : in that country licences are prescribed for every house, and
certificates and visitors for every lunatic. The abuses and cruelties perpetrated
in these retreats for single patients would surpass the belief of the House. . . .
These returns are universally evaded at present, the law rendering it unnecessary
to make any return unless the patient has been confined for twelve months. The
Bill will give the Chancellor power to protect the property of lunatics against
whom a commission has not issued, by a summary and inexpensive process, and it
subjects all workhouses in which any lunatic is kept to regular visitation."
The purpose of the second Bill was to extend the system of county
asylums. It provided that the erection of county asylums should be com
pulsory, the existing accommodation increased where necessary, and separate
buildings provided for chronic cases. The Bill further provided for the
prompt care and treatment of all classes of lunatics ; that those whose friends
could not pay for them should be placed in an asylum as paupers, and that all
lunatics taken care of by their friends, instead of being placed in asylums
should be inspected quarterly by a medical man, and lists of them returned to
the Commissioners.
After giving details of the financial part of the question, and a charac
teristically vivid description of the horrors still prevalent in certain quarters
under the existing system, Lord Ashley urged the necessity of utterly
abolishing the practice of making pauper lunatics the prey of speculators.
After appealing to the House — "an assembly of educated, humane, and
Christian men" — on behalf of this utterly helpless class, who " were under

332 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIII.
the marked visitation of a wise, though inscrutable Providence — a class who
could not make the least compensation for their disinterested zeal and
labours," he paid a high tribute to the wise- and humane efforts of Pinol, to
the signal success of the Society of Friends, and that remarkable family of
the Tukes who founded the retreat at York, and concluded his speech
thus : —
To secure not only the progress, but even the continuance of this improved
condition, we have need of a most active and constant supervision ; if this be
denied, or even abated, the whole system will relapse. There is the strongest
tendency, and it is not unnatural, amongst the subordinate officers of every
asylum, to resort to coercion ; it gratifies all the infirmities of pride, of temper,
and of insolence. . . .
It is our duty, and our interest too, when we have health and intellect —
mens sana in corpore sano — leisure and opportunity, to deliberate upon these
things before the evil days come, and the years of which we shall say we have
no pleasure in them. Here are we sitting in deliberation to-day ; to-morrow we
may be subjects of this fearful affliction. Causes, as slight apparently as they
are sudden, varying through every degree of intensity — a fall, a fever, a reverse
of fortune, a domestic calamity — will do the awful work, and then, " Farewell,
King ! " The most exalted intellects, the noblest affections, are transformed into
fatuity and corruption, and leave nothing but the sad though salutary lesson —
how frail is the tenure by which we hold all that is precious and dignified in
human nature." *
After a debate, in which there was no opposition, leave was given to
bring in the Bills, and Lord Ashley carefully guided their further course.
The two Bills became law in 1845, and have been not inaptly called " tho
Magna Charta of theliberties of the insane."
The permanent Lunacy Commission now introduced, whose functions
were greatly widened, comprised six paid Commissioners at salaries of
£1,500 each. Lord Ashley, who since its foundation had always been a
member, became unpaid Chairman of the Commission, an office he retained
until the end of his life.
June 7th. — I must enter an expression of humble, hearty, and unceasing
thanks to Almighty God for my great success in the introduction of the Lunacy
Bills yesterday evening. Sir J. Graham seconded the proposition in a very kind
and fervid speech, and announced the full support of the Government. Just as
I , had concluded my speech amid applause from the House, two Masters in
Chancery ^appeared from the Lords, and announced their acceptance of the Bill
for the protection of women and children in the Calico Print-works. What an
answer to my prayers ; on the same day, and at the same hour !
June 30th. — Never have I suffered more anxiety than on these Lunacy Bills.
I dream every night, and pass, in my visions, through every clause, and confuse
the whole in one great mass. It is very trying — perpetual objections, perpetual
correspondence, perpetual doubt ; and yet there are good feelings exhibited.
July 30th. — Both Bills passed Committee in the Lords, and they are now quite
* Hansard, 3 s, Ixxxi. 180,

1S43.]

cowper's insanity. 333

safe. Most humbly and heartily do I thank God for my success. Such a thing
almost before unknown, that a man, without a party, unsupported by anything
private or public, but God and His Truth, should have overcome Mammon and
Moloch, and have carried, in one Session, three such measures as the Print-works
Regulation and the two Bills for the erection and government of Lunatic
Asylums. Aug. 20th. — Have been reading, in snatched moments of leisure, "Life of
Cowper." What a wonderful story ! He was, when he attempted his life,
thoroughly mad ; he was never so at any other time. Yet his symptoms were
such as would have been sufficient for any " mad doctor " to shut him up, and far
too serious to permit any "Commissioner" to let him out, and, doubtless, both
would be justifiable. The experiment proved that Cowper might safely be
trusted ; but an experiment it was, the responsibility of which not one man in
three generations would consent, or ought, to incur. We should, however, take
warning by his example, and not let people be in such a hurry to set down all
delusions (especially religious delusions) as involving danger either to a man's
self, or to the public. There are, I suspect, not a few persons confined whom it
would be just as perplexing, and yet just as safe, to release as the poet Cowper.
Parliament was prorogued on the 9th of August, but there was little time
for Lord Ashley to rest. For him, repose consisted more in the change than
in the total absence of occupation ; and a mind like his, active and hungry,
needed something to feed upon more definite and practical than speculation.
It is not surprising, therefore, to find the lull in one kind of engagements
occupied busily in other directions.
Sept. 1st. — The Society of Friends watch me with unparalleled love or un
paralleled malignity. Wherever I turn, I see, or hear, or read, some token of their
sleepless zeal. Mr. Bright gives me no rest in the House of Commons ; Ashworth
in Lancashire ; Pease has paused but for a time in the public press. There is a
Quaker, whose name I forget, but who keeps all alive at Fordingbridge ; and
now a Mr. Wright, of Pontefract, has written to denounce the oppression of the
peasantry, " thy tenantry near thy residence in Dorsetshire ! " as set forth in the
Times of August 23rd. Replied to contradict his assertions, and express my sense
of the love the Quakers bear me and their zeal for my reformation.
Sept. 12th. — Turning- over in my mind some scheme of general education,
such, at least, as may bring the vast mass of the juvenile population within the
" reading of the Bible." It is sad to see, and quite awful to consider, the vast
multitude of immortal creatures who live and die without ever hearing, except
in an oath, the name of Christ. This every one admits, deplores, and leaves
unredressed. The more I think, the more I am embarrassed and perplexed ; the
Church on one side, which ought to be respected ; the Dissenters on the other,
who will make themselves heard, seem to present insurmountable difficulties,
and meanwhile the people perisheth I
In the early part of this year the Peel Administration was standing,
apparently, upon the firmest possible foundation, and when Parliament was
prorogued, on the 9th of August, there was not a cloud in the sky to give
warning of the coming storm.

334 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. (Chap. XIII.
Only two days, however, passed, before Sir James Graham received a
letter from a potato dealer, informing- him that, from some unaccountable
cause, a species of blight, or other form of disease, had fallen upon the potato
crop of the country, and that all the potatoes sent to the markets bore indica
tion, more or less, of the disease. The news soon received confirmation. It
was found that throughout the whole of Kent and Sussex the disease was
prevalent ; and, later on, similar reports came from all quarters. In England,
where the people — partly owing to the operation of the Poor Law — had not
to depend upon the potato for subsistence, the threatened danger was not so
alarming as to suggest the idea of famine. But in Ireland, if the disease
should spread there — there was no evidence at present that it had done so,
the crop being later in its yield there than elsewhere — the result would be
disastrous in the extreme, as the vast majority of the working population
were entirely dependent upon the potato crop for their existence, and its
failure would mean nothing less to them than ruin and starvation.
The Government could not shut their eyes to this terrible contingency,
and frequent Cabinet Councils were held. People began to inquire what
these could mean, for, as yet, the public in general were ignorant of the
approaching danger, and rumours were current that there was a division
among the Ministers.
A few weeks sufficed to explain the mystery, and then there was a clamour
for the immediate calling together of Parliament, and, on the part of the
Anti-Corn-Law League, for the ports to be thrown open.
Sir Robert Peel had come into office in 1841 to maintain the Com Laws,
but now, seeing the extent of the danger, his first consideration was the
necessity of throwing open the ports to the importation of provisions of every
kind. This in itself would have been an easy matter, if it were only to meet the
present emergency; the difficulty would be to re-impose restrictions after
they had been once relaxed.
Towards the end of October, the news arrived that the distemper was
spreading throughout Ireland with frightful rapidity, and on the last day of
the month a Cabinet Council was held at Sir Robert Peel's residence, to
deliberate on the alarming prospects of the country. On the, following day,
he set before the Cabinet his opinion that the Corn Laws could no longer be
maintained, that the existing duties should be at once suspended, and the
ports thrown open. No definite action, however, was taken at that time ; a
Commission, consisting of the heads of departments in Ireland, was appointed
to take steps to guard against the sudden inroad of famine, and the idea of
an autumnal Session was abandoned. Shortly after this there arose a great
cry in Ireland, and the Mansion House Relief Committee of Dublin inter
preted it in a series of resolutions which stated that there was undoubtedly
approaching, throughout that land, calamitous famine and pestilence, and
which concluded by impeaching the conduct of the Ministry, for refusing to
open the ports or to call Parliament together earlier than usual.

l84M ALTERED VIEWS UPON THE CORN LAWS. 335
In this position of affairs Lord Ashley addressed a lengthy letter to his
constituents setting forth his altered views upon the Corn Laws. This letter,
published in the Dorset County Chronicle, was copied into all the principal
journals. The Diary continues : —
October 25th. — I cannot see my opinion on the Corn Law question in a different
light. I am sure it is safe, and even necessary, in the present position of affairs ;
and as for the insinuation that I am shifting or changing, I cannot treat regula- ¦
tions as principles. I have written this in reply to Melbourne, and stated the
case fully.
October 27th. — Violent articles in papers ; sent to me, of course. League
paper absolutely truculent ; every form of baseness ascribed to me. Surely this
extreme and ferocious bitterness from the two opposites is a tolerable proof "that
I have hit the mean. This comes of speaking the truth. Good it is, no doubt,
that the truth should be told, and it will, no doubt equally, at last prevail ; but the
man who speaks it is oftentimes a martyr to his sincerity, and others are enlightened
to praise him when he is either dead or ruined. I fancy I see the motives of this
eruption of anger. The high Protection party conceive that my letter gives an
impulse to abolition, the very shadow of which is frightful to them ; the Free-
Traders conceive that it will aid to qualify their scheme of abolition by adding
time and modifications. Thus I have grievously offended both sides ; my strength,
if I have any, will be found among the reasonable, thinking men of the land.
I do not, cannot, repent of the step I have taken. But by adopting this line
I separated myself from many with whom I had hitherto acted. And I thus
invited the assaults, the combined assaults, of two parties, and, standing alone,
lost the countenance (such as it is) of the third I I had, in this way, nothing to
rest on but my general influence and character. It was impossible to be blind to
the ill-suppressed hatred of many individuals of all classes ; and the tone and
language of the public papers, metropolitan and provincial, develop the grounds
of the animosity — "canting, saint, hypocrite, pretence of religion, &c." — every
thing, in short, that can pass a sneer on the principles I have ventured to
maintain. It has always been so, and will be so to the end of time. God help
me ! . . . .
For my own satisfaction and conscience I could not endure the annual repeti
tion of sham-fights, so to speak. We were summoned, every Session, to make a
plain, unconditional resistance to the repeal of the Corn Laws. I had long
suspected that it would be ultimately unavailing, that the agricultural interest
would some day be summoned, either by the presence of commercial difficulty, or
by the will of the Minister, to reverse, in some following Session, the decision of
the one that had preceded. The last debate confirmed both this opinion and that
of utter hopelessness of continued resistance. What, then, was to be done ?
I could not think this without saying it. There are, no doubt, many occasions on
which it is wise to be silent ; but here I could not with propriety refrain from
speaking out. I could not deceive those whom I represented, by urging them on
to protracted resistance, by promising results which I was sure would never
arrive^ I could not myself coldly persist in a line of conduct which was (I
thought at least) fatal to the interests of the landed gentry, and at variance
with my own judgment of what was required. I said it, therefore, and awaited,
and do await, the personal consequences I . . .

336 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XI II.
The action of Lord Ashley had raised a storm around him, such as was
novel even in his experience. Two years before, the Examiner had said,
" If this man goes on as he now does, telling the truth to every one, ho will
soon become the most hated person in England." The prophecy now appeared
to be about to receive its fulfilment.
Nov. 3rd. — At times I almost quail when I think of the concentrated hatred
against me.
Nov. 21th. — After all, what have I dono to provoke such constant, minute,
and pointed hatred ? The League hate me as an aristocrat ; the landowners, as a
Radical ; the wealthy of all opinions, as a mover of inconvenient principles.
The Tractarians loath me as an ultra-Protestant ; the Dissenters, as a Churchman ;
the High-Church think me abominably low ; the Low-Church some degrees too
high. I have no political party ; the Whigs, I know, regard me as leaning very
decidedly to the Conservatives ; the Conservatives declare that I have greatly
injured the Government of Sir R. Peel. I have, thus, the approval and support
of neither ; the floating men of all sides, opinions, ranks, and professions, who
dislike what they call a " saint," join in the hatred, and rejoice in it. Every
class is against me, and a host of partisans in every grade. The working people,
catching the infection, will go next, and then, " Farewell, King : " farewell any
hopes of further usefulness.
On the 22nd of November, a letter from Lord John Russell, written from
Edinburgh, and addressed to the electors of London, appeared in the daily
papers, announcing his unqualified conversion to the principles of the Anti-
Com Law League, and expressing his surprise that, with calamity of au un
precedented nature threatening, Ministers had separated, apparently, without
having taken any steps to meet the impending scarcity. It concluded in
these unmistakable words :— " The Government appear to be waiting for some
excuse to give up the present Corn Laws. Let the people by petition, by
address, by remonstrance, afford them the excuse they seek. . . . Let the
removal of restrictions on the admission of the main articles of food and
clothing, used by the mass of the people, be required in plain terms, as useful
to all great interests and indispensable to the progress of the nation."
On the re-assembling of the Cabinet two days afterwards, it became
evident that Sir Robert Peel had resolved either to repeal the Corn Laws or
to resign. On the 4th of December it was announced in the Times, with all
authority, though not using the word itself, that Parliament would meet at
an early date, and that the repeal of the Corn Laws would then be proposed
by the Ministers.
It is quite impossible now to realise the intensity of the excitement caused
by this announcement. How the information found its way into that paper,
remains to this day a mystery, and it was indignantly denied by the Minis
terial press.
Lord Stanley and the Duke of Bnceleuch intimated to the Premier that
they declined to be parties to any measure involving the ultimate repeal of
the Corn Laws, and refused further to retain office ; and a feeling having

1S45-] A CRITICAL QUESTION. 337
become prevalent that others would do tho same, Sir Robert Peel, on the
5th of December, repaired to Osborne, and tendered his resignation to hoi-
Majesty. Lord John Russell was summoned to form a Government, but his ar
rangements fell to the ground, and before the end of the year Sir Robert Peel
was again First Minister of tho Crown.
Dec. 23rd. — A question will shortly arise, which we, M.P.'s of a certain com
plexion, shall be called on to answer — " Do you intend to vote for the Bill of Sir
R. Peel, which will take away all protecting duties (though gradually, perhaps)
from British Agriculture ? " I will look to my own case ; I was elected by an
agricultural body, who expected, undoubtedly, that what they called " Protection,"
should be maintained. I was not tied, by their language or by my own, either to
mode or to extent, to sliding scale or sixty-shillings ; it was not a matter on
which they could have demanded, or I would have given, a pledge —but a new
case has arisen, one not then in the contemplation of either party, the case of
total abolition, one on which the electors would have had a right to ask, and
possibly I should have been ready to give, a decided engagement. It seems then
that, if I were to vote for abolition, I should vote in a sense diametrically opposite
to the sense of their hopes and views when they chose me as their representative,
and in a way which, had it been then foreseen, would have, in all likelihood,
prevented my election.
Now we must take heed what we do, and pray earnestly to God for a sound
judgment, for counsel, wisdom, and understanding, that those especially, who
make profession of religion, may bring no scandal on honesty and truth.
The last entry in the Diary for the year finds Lord Ashley face to face
with this alternative : —
Deo. 31st. — If Peel's plan be for total abolition, and I be disposed to support
it, must I not previously resign my seat ? What a tremendous sacrifice ? The
Ten Hours Bill abandoned, and all my projects at once extinguished 1 God in
His mercy give me wisdom and prosper the issue.

CHAPTER XIV.
1846.
On the 22nd of January Parliament re-assembled. For some weeks pre
viously public feeling had been strained to the uttermost, and the announce
ments to be made by the restored Minister were awaited with feverish
anxiety. But, although it was clear that Sir Robert Peel had become a
convert to the Manchester School, and that it was his intention to abandon
the Corn Laws he had come into office to maintain, he did not make any
definite statement : " I will reserve to myself the unfettered power of judging
what will be for the public interest," he said ; " I will hold office unshackled
by any other obligation than that of consulting the public interest, and
providing for the public safety."
A few days later, however (Jan. 27), he announced his policy, into the
details of which it is not necessary that we should enter here. The important
part of the explanation was, that he proclaimed himself " an absolute convert
to the Free-Trade principle, and that the introduction of the principle into all
departments of our commercial legislation was, according to his intention, to
be a mere question of time and convenience."
Throughout this period Lord Ashley was full of anxiety. He had ever
been an opponent of the Repeal of the Com Laws ; he had been sent to Par
liament to defend them, but now he felt that defence was no longer possible.
Staunch Protectionist as he had been, he could no longer conscientiously
retain his old opinions ; and he felt it to be his duty forthwith to avow
his conviction, and, as a consequence, to resign his seat in Parliament. That
this resolution was not arrived at without a struggle, the entries in the Diary
abundantly testify. He was supported in the step he was about to take by
Lady Ashley, who went with him, heart and soul, wherever duty called.
Jan. 15th. — Ought I not to be deeply thankful to Almighty God that He has
given me a wife capable of every generous self-denial, and prepared to rejoice in
it, if it be for the advancement of religion and the welfare of man ? Oh, that my
children may inherit, by God's grace, of their mother's spirit, and find their truest
pleasure in the virtue and happiness of others I
Jan. 27th.— Ten o'clock at night. He (Peel) has just made his statement,
and, to my mind, it is most satisfactory. The landed gentry ought to be content
with the proposed adjustment ; nay, thank God for it. If they do their duty by
their estates and the people on them, they will be richer and more powerful than
ever ; but I rejoice that this repeal of the Corn Laws will compel them to care,
and to some effort, at least, towards improvement.
H I remain an M.P. I shall vote for it in all its parts, and throughout all its
stages ; but can I remain so ? Though no pledges were given or asked, was there

184<5-] RESOLVES TO RESIGN HIS SEAT. 339
not between the electors and myself an "honourable understanding " that " Pro
tection " of some kind should be maintained ? If this be the case, I may not
vote in direct contradiction of the principle ; neither will I vote for it. Public
necessity and public welfare both demand the repeal of the Corn Laws. I could
justify such a vote before God, because I am convinced that it would be for the
best for every material and moral interest ; but I have entered into relations with
men, and I must observe them, though it be to my own detriment. The slight
influence I possess is founded on an estimation of character ; if that be lost, I
shall have nothing left for a " stock-in-trade ; " besides, I must recollect the
principles I have maintained, the language I have held, the public professions I
have made ; and it will then appear far better that I should suffer any loss than
give " occasion to the enemies of God to blaspheme," and say that, " after all,
your religious men, when they come to be tried, are no better than any one else."
Many would say this ; many more would think it ; and I should thus, by a
deliberate act, have myself brought discredit on the public profession of religion ;
and, when I have endeavoured and prayed that all my conduct might be to the
honour of God, I should have done more, in a single hour, to cast a stain on
" pious statesmen," than I could render of service to His holy name in the labours
of twenty years.
I remember, therefore, those blessed texts : " Seek ye first the Kingdom of
God and His righteousness ; and all these things shall be added unto you."
" Commit thy ways unto the Lord ; and He will direct thy paths." In this hope
I will surrender all ; and maintain my integrity, while I lose my office.
I shall resign my seat, and throw up all my beloved projects ; all for which I
have sacrificed everything that a pubHc man values ; all that I had begun, and
all that I have designed. Nearly my whole means of doing any good will cease
with my membership of Parliament.
But God's will be done : " Though he slay me," said Job, " yet will I trust
Him." Notwithstanding the fact that the agitation for the repeal of the Corn
Laws was occupying the attention of the great bulk of the people, the Ten
Hours Bill was not allowed to languish. There was still strong opposition
in Parliament, but many of the supporters of the League had stated that if
the Corn Laws were repealed they would vote in favour of the Ten Hours
Bill, although many entertained the curious notion that the necessity for
factory legislation would cease in that case. Mr. Cobden had said, " The
demand for labour will be so great that three masters will be looking after
one man." The staunchest opponents, however, were those who on principle
objected to State interference with private rights. Lord Ashley, knowing
that there was little time for him to act in the present crisis of affairs,
left no stone unturned to advance the cause he had so much at heart, and
his skill and judgment, his indomitable perseverance and importunity, were now
displayed in the midst of circumstances of a peculiarly embarrassing nature.
On the 31st of January he resigned his seat. Two days before taking
that step, he re-introduced into the House of Commons his Ten Hours Bill
with every prospect of success. In support of his views, he adduced a large
W 2

340 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIV.
mass of important facts and information recently collected, including the
results of experiments tried in several of the leading factories, as to the
effects of shortened hours of labour.
From this testimony he deduced the strongest case for further restric
tions, and argued that the present system gave to female children a certain
amount of teaching until the age of thirteen, and that then, at a period when
the acquisition and experience of whatever is practical should begin, they
were advanced to the full extent of adult labour, and debarred, by their
unceasing occupation, from the attainment of the knowledge, indispensable to
their welfare in life. They became unsexed in nature and habits by such
constant abstraction from domestic duties, and all the community suffered in
consequence. " There was wisdom," he said, " concentrated wisdom, in the
saying of Madame de Stael, who, in answer to a question of the Emperor
Napoleon, ' What shall I do for the benefit of France P ' replied without
hesitation, ' Give us, sire, a generation of mothers.' "
All the strength of his opponents was put forth in the debate that
followed, and Mr. John Bright was again conspicuous for the warmth of his
opposition. Lord Ashley was well supported by Lord John Manners, Mr.
Wakley, Mr. Fielden, and others, and the Bill was read a first time.
Everything was ready for a further, and, it was hoped, a successful campaign.
But its future conduct was reserved for other hands.
He probably little thought when, on the 10th of May, 1844, he had said :
" It may not be given me to pass over this Jordan ; other and better men
have preceded me, and I entered into their labours ; other and better men
will follow me, and enter into mine," — that his words were to be, in some
respects, so speedily fulfilled.
But, as we have seen, two days after he had re-introduced the Ten Hours
Bill, conscience demanded that he should resign his seat in Parliament, and
the future charge of the Bill devolved on Mr. Fielden, the Member for
Oldham. Jan. 30th.— Last night Ten Hours Bill. Through it, God be praised, without
failure. Not in heart, not in vigour ; but again I say, God be praised ! . . .
Most awfully reviled by Messrs. Bright, Trelawney, Roebuck, and Esoott, of
which I took no notice, except to clear away a misstatement by the belligerent
Quaker. . . .
Jan. 31st. — Heard from Farquharson. He gave me his own opinion, and,
no doubt, the true one, that the yeomanry would consider me as "acting in
direct reversal of the principle," &c. &c. ; wrote, therefore, immediately for the
Chiltern Hundreds, and am now, for the first time in nearly twenty years, no
longer a member of Parliament I Many will condemn me, some for doing that
which they ought to do ; some for appearing to sanction the principle of dele
gation. Others will approve the course as wise and safe for public men. Much
touched by the honest and virtuous sincerity of Fielden, Wood, and Philip
Grant. They are, if any men be, deeply anxious and deeply interested that I
should remain a member of Parliament, yet they did not hesitate for an instant.

134C] A FACTORY VISITATION. 341
Moved almost to tears they were, while they applauded my decision, and hoped
and believed that it would prove, eventually, the best.
Feb. 6th. — Bonham very anxious to see me yesterday before the post went
out. It was to say that a few persons had contributed two thousand pounds
towards the expenses of a re-election. I found that Peel and Graham (is there
an end of wonders .') were among them ! Their language was generous and
delicate ; they instructed Bonham to say that they considered a great public
principle was involved in my re-election; that their assistance conferred no
personal obligation ; that if I were returned, and the next night moved the
Ten Hours Bill, and by success drove them from office, they should consider that
is was simply within the compass of my inevitable duty. I did not refuse at
once. Such a decisive course has always somewhat of harshness in it ; but
refuse I shall, because acceptance of aid of that kind, however guarded and deli
cate the terms, limits independence of thought and action. The parties who
confer the favour may expect nothing, but the party who receives it has a sensa
tion of being fettered. A requisition, I hear, to be got up on Protestant grounds.
God grant that I may ever stand firm there !
Feb. 9th. . . . Wrote to decline, very civilly, and even thankfully, offer
of two thousand pounds. . . . Times of yesterday contains address of the
Short Time Committee to electors of Dorset. It is excellent, and, to me, most
gratifying. . . .
Feb. 13th. — Wrote yesterday address to announce that I could not fight the
purse of the County, and must, therefore, decline a poll.
On the nomination of a candidate to supply the vacancy caused by his
retirement, Lord Ashley took the opportunity to explain in person to the
electors of Dorset his altered views.
Feb. 19th. — Dorchester. Non nobis Domine. I have never spoken so forcibly
in my life. It touched, I could see, and I have heard, half convinced, many of
my opponents.
Having taken so important a step, which seemed vitally to affect the Ten
Hours movement, and consequently the welfare of tens of thousands of
operatives, it was necessary that Lord Ashley should seize the earliest oppor
tunity to go again amongst the factory hands to explain to them his action,
and its bearings upon the great question in which their interests were so
deeply involved.
March 2nd. — Manchester. ... It was a mighty comfort to these excellent
operatives that I promised to visit them. Large and crowded meeting in Town
Hall. . . . Operatives in general feel that I have advanced the question by
the mode and subject of my retirement. I told them that I had nothing to serve
them with but my personal character ; that had I continued in Parliament,
while I retained my seat, I should have lost my reputation ; holding the oppor
tunity, but throwing away the means to do them service. . . .
March 4th. — Preston. . . . This is hard work. Shall I accomplish it?
Would to Heaven I were home again I Monday, from London to Manchester,
and meeting in the evening ; Tuesday, to Preston, and meeting ; Wednesday, to
dine with Thomas Fielden, and meeting at Ashton ; Thursday, to inspect large

342 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [CHAr. XIV.
mad-house, and a meeting at Bolton ; Friday, Oldham ; Saturday, to Bradford.
and dinner with Walker. God grant that Sunday may be quiet ! Monday, meet
ing at Bradford ; Tuesday, Halifax ; Wednesday, Huddersfield ; Thursday, Leeds ;
Friday, homeward, God be praised. This is the pertinacious, unwearied revolution
of a steam-engine ! . .
Not satisfied with myself. Monstrous difficult to find a fresh speech every
night, and more difficult, too, to make them run on the soft, conciliatory line ; to
avoid all exciting topics, and, so that we may attain our end, to leave out, in fact,
all our reasons for it ! I want to propitiate the masters, and yet encourage the
workpeople. " Soft sawder " to the mill-owners (unless it be skilfully applied)
is a damper to the men ; and a stirrer to the men is a damper to the mill-owners.
Nevertheless, by God's blessing, I have hitherto been passably successful. . . .
March 20th. — London. Received two days ago an address, agreed to unani
mously by the General Assembly of the Free Church of Scotland, and signed by
Dr. McFarlane, as Moderator. It spoke of my services and of the good that,
under God, I have been enabled to effect for the working people of the realm,
with many expressions of esteem, gratitude, and affection. Surely this is a re
markable event ; that it it is a most gratifying one I can best decide. Its peculiar
value is well described in Seeley's * letter to me on the subject. " I was much
struck with the movement of the Free Churchmen. ... It was such a spon
taneous motion ; the people have so little connection with you. There is no
party object concealed, all these things gave it value. Also, these are sour, hard
men, the Cameronians of our time. Also, they have raised, among the middle
classes and the poor of Scotland, nearly a million sterling in the last three years
— a thing unprecedented. Therefore I hold that document to be of value to your
children. I hope, too, that it is a shadow cast before."
The second reading of the Ten Hours Bill, which Lord Ashley had intro
duced, was moved by Mr. Fielden on the 29th April, and a debate, lasting
the whole day, ensued. At its close Sir James Graham announced the deter
mination of the Government. " There ought to be no hesitation on the part
of the executive Government in a question of this kind," he said, " and I
announce our firm determination to resist the further progress of this Bill."
For days beforehand, Lord Ashley had been in a state of great anxiety and
suspense, and it must have been with a heavy heart that he went to the House
on the night of the second reading; he refers to it in his Diary very briefly : —
April 29th. — Factory Bill in House of Commons. Waited in lobby. Had
not the spirit to attend under the gallery. Many things will be started in
debate which no one can refute but myself. Alas ! alas !
April 30th. — So Sir James Graham and his colleagues have declared them
selves against the Factory Bill. Heartless and dishonest men ! The whole
debate proceeded, and will proceed, on a lie ; on the lie that the Bill is directed
to the control of tbe labour of grown men ! Alas ! alas ! I must have fallen
very low, or this proposal would not now be treated so contemptuously.
The debate was adjourned for a week. It was resumed on the 13th
May, and again on the 22nd, when Lord John Russell spoke warmly in its
* Mr. Seeley was the well-known publisher of that name.

1846.] FALL OP THE PEEL MINISTRY. 343
favour, and Mr. Macaulay supported the Bill in one of his brilliant
orations. When the House divided, however, the result was the loss of
the Bill by a majority of 10. For, 193; against, 203.
But influences were at work which were nevertheless greatly to expedite
the movement.
On the 26th of June, the same day that saw the Corn and Customs
Bill receive the Royal Assent, the Ministry of Sir Robert Peel was
defeated on the Irish Coercion Bill, by a majority of 73. The result was,
the resignation of Sir Robert Peel and the return to power of Lord John
Russell and the Whigs. It was now felt that new prospects of success
were opening up to the advocates of the Ten Hours Bill, as Lord John
Russell, and several of the members of his Government, were pledged to
the principle of that Bill. It was impossible to renew the question in the
House that Session, and therefore the whole energy of its supporters was
directed to keeping the interest in it alive in the country.
The fall of the Peel Ministry was a source of considerable satisfaction
to Lord Ashley. We append two extracts from his Diary, in which he
gives, very clearly, his estimate of the character and career of the deposed
Minister : —
May 18th. — On Friday evening Corn-Law Repeal Bill passed third reading.
Disraeli made one of his invectives against Peel — very pointed and powerful.
Though I should not have spoken it myself, I am forced to admit the truth of it ;
though bitter in principle and motive, it is hardly exaggerated in imputation.
This statesman's career is without precedent in the history of politicians : he has
begun by opposing, and ended by carrying (not simply supporting) almost every
great question of the day. He has availed himself of the virtues and vices, the
wisdom and the prejudices, the desires and fears, of his friends and adherents ;
for them or against them, as his purposes required. He denounced "party"
that he might set up " Peelism," led the Tories and followed the Whigs, holding
power by the first and seeking praise in the second. His opinions, I suspect,
have ever been discordant with his conduct. He thought with Canning on the
Roman Catholic question, but acquired consequence, distinction, power, and a
party, by heading the resistance to it. When resistance had become troublesome,
and raised impediments in his way, he changed his front, developed his opinions.
seduced some of his followers, and browbeat the others.
He is forced out of office. His whole life is bent to discredit the Whigs, and
weaken their hold on the helm of power. All the changes that could be rung
on the bells of Popery, O'Connell, Protestant Church, are performed by his
friends ; he stands by, and, though he guards himself against any precise and
indisputable statements, which may rise, ghost-like, out of Hansard, he leaves
every one to suppose that he shares the sentiments and approves the policy. Can
any one doubt that he saw and encouraged those notions in the public mind,
hoping and believing that they would restore him to power 1 His language to
the Scotch deputation, as recorded by Fox Maule in the Maynooth debate, would
alone be sufficient to prove that assertion ; his language in private once to me, as
I rode with him in the Park, that the cry of "No Popery " had become necessary,

344 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIV.
plainly exhibited what was passing through his imagination. I do not doubt,
myself, that he had at that time resolved, should he arrive at office, to endow
Maynooth !
Again, in 1841, had he not conceived — nay, more, devised — the plan which he
has since propounded ? Had he not long disliked the men by whom he was
supported ? and had he not determined to sacrifice them to the commendations of
his antagonists 1
Cunning, I fear, has ever ruled him ; he has employed it ardently, though
awkwardly, in the Factory Question ; he will employ it, should he remain in
office, in the matter of the Protestant Church in Ireland I . . .
June 26th. — Government defeated by a majority of 73 ! Far larger than I had
expected. Peel must retire, having reduced Parliament, party, and men's minds,
to the original chaos. WiU he learn from this result his own miserable want of
foresight and discrimination ? Not one of those whom he had hoped to conciliate,
not a Whig, or a " Leaguer," to whose principles, and for whose applause, he had
sacrificed his own consistency, voted in his behalf ! All fhe Whigs against him !
Cobden against him ! Bright against him ! Where are his hopes, and Graham's,
drawn from their resistance to the Ten Hours Bill ?
Before proceeding to describe Lord Ashley's manner of occupying the
time during which he was out of Parliament, a few extracts from his Diary,
which have been omitted in order not to break tho thread of the narrative
relating to Factoiy Legislation, may be given here.
Referring to reverses in New Zealand, in 1845, when Colonel Despard
was defeated by the Maoris, with a loss of 500 killed and wounded, he
writes : —
We cover the world with our colonies, and yet we have not, or practise not,
one single healthy principle of colonisation ! This last was the best imagined of
all. Religion went hand-in-hand with political government, and we have, never
theless, fallen short of the mark. I should like to make each colony, so far as
possible, a transcript of the mother-country. I would protect and train it unto
its riper years, and then give it, like a full-grown son, free action and absolute
independence. Thus Old England would not be ashamed when she " spoke with
her enemies in the gate." . . .
In Indian affairs Lord Ashley always took a deep interest, and day by
day, as the news arrived, commented on the war in which our arms were
engaged. February 24th. — Details from India show a sad loss in officers and soldiers.
Sir Robert Sale killed ! But we have gained a victory, and a just victory, with
out rapacity or ag'gression. Yet,' glorious as it is, I rejoice as much in the noble
proclamation of the Governor-General, as in the triumph itself. Here is, at last,
for the first time since tho days of Nelson, a direct, open, and pious recognition
of God's goodness in giving success to our arms. The order is dated on Christmas
Day, and closes with these paragraphs : —
" These grateful and heartfelt acknowledgments to the army for its services
cannot be closed without humbly remembering that our thanks are due to Him
who is the only Giver of all victory, and without whose aid the battle is not to
the strong.

rsi°] THE SIKH WAR. 345
'" The Governor-General, therefore, invites every British subject at this
station, to return thanks to Almighty God, this day, at eleven o'clock, for the
mercies He has so recently vouchsafed us, by assembling at the Governor-
General's tent, where prayers and thanksgivings will be read by the Governor-
General's chaplain.
"By order of the Right Hon. the Governor-General of India.
"F. Currie,
" Secretary to the Government of India with the
Governor-General. ' '
April 1st. — A third great victory over the Sikhs in India. God has put
honour upon Hardinge, who humbly offered honour to Him.
April 2nd. — I trust that Hardinge will not fail through excess of magna
nimity. His conditions must be severe ; he must demand, and see effected, the
total dispersion of the Sikh army. The interests of civilisation, the only object
which has reconciled us to this war, are involved in such a policy. . . .
April 3rd. — Hardinge's despatch (Times, April 2nd) containing his ultimatum
to the Sikh Government is of the noblest order — dignity, moderation, justice,
good feeling, and sound sense, appear in every expression. He has done inestim
able service to the character of his country. ... I admire nothing more
than the unanimity and unselfish friendship of all the officers ; no jealousy, no
self-seeking ; the interests of the country predominant. What faithfulness in
the native troops 1 Surely, this speaks well for the equity of our Indian Govern
ment. ... "I could have wept," says the gallant old Gough, " over the
carnage in the Sutlej, bad I not remembered the deliberate cruelty those men
had exercised towards the wounded and dying." Never was Divine retribution
more manifest, never justice more signal ! This army, stained with years of
profligacy and murder of kings and ryots, of friends and foes, wantonly invades
the British Empire, threatening- fire, spoliation, and bloodshed, even to the walls
of Delhi ; and, almost in the twinkling of an eye, is " melted like snow in the
glance of the Lord." . . . These events have seized hold of my imagination ;
and, thank God, I do feel the sentiment of gratitude and glory very deep in
my heart.
April 5th. — Sunday. A thanksgiving is to be appointed. Praised be God for
this ! Heard yesterday from Peel. " We shall thus break through a' bad
principle, which has hitherto prevailed, of not returning thanks to God for
Indian successes." These are his words ; I am grateful for them.
Towards Sir Henry Hardinge Lord Asliley entertained feelings of strong
personal friendship. A letter from Sir Henry, who was this year created
Viscount Hardinge, bearing upon the important events just recorded, will be
read with interest : — - Sir Henry Hardinge to Lord Ashley. Simla, May 20th, 1846.
My DEAR Ashley, — I am very much obliged to you for your letter. There
is no man's approbation I value more than your own, proceeding from a friend
who has proved the sincerity of his principles by his actions.
It has been a source of great consolation to me, in the midst of the turmoil of

346 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIV.
the camp, that the war into which I was so reluctantly forced, is admitted by all
to have been a just war, and that no efforts were omitted to avert it. A righteous
cause is the best propitiation for the aid of the Great Disposer of all events.
This overgrown Empire requires consolidation and peace. We have the pro
tection of the whole, as the paramount Power, with the resources of one-half
only of the soil ; and I should have been very glad indeed, as the most prudent
policy at the present time, to have kept the Sikh nation as the advanced guard
on our north-west frontier, opposing a Hindoo Government to the Mohammedans
and Afghans, on this the most vulnerable point of our Empire.
I have strengthened our own frontier by annexing a valuable portion of the
Punjab to the British Empire. I have established a Rajpoot Principality of the
Hills as a counterpoise to the Sikhs in the Plains. I have disbanded their
mutinous army and deprived it of 256 pieces of artillery ; one and a quarter
million has been exacted for the war expenses, and the Sikh power, curtailed of
more than one-third of its territories, now only exists by the aid of the British
garrison occupying Lahore.
I could not have annexed a very difficult country, larger than England in
extent, with 15,000 infantry, including 3,200 British infantry, in February last.
But if the experiment of re-establishing a Sikh Government should fail, we must
annex the whole, even up to Peshawur. It is too early to say whether the experi
ment will fail or succeed. It was impossible to have done more for want of
means. What has been done has been accomplished in sixty days, and whilst it
lasted, I hardly ever recollect severer fighting.
Our countrymen are noble fellows, and these Sikhs, drilled by French officers,
are undoubtedly the most warlike race to which we have been opposed in the
East. Jocelyn is a most satisfactory Secretary to have to deal with. He comes to
the point, and is very clear, and the Board of Control will suffer a severe loss
whenever he retires.
Conceive what an army this is to move. I had 15,000 infantry at Lahore,
and, in camp followers, &c, 100,000 mouths to feed daily. The Sikh army,
having no difficulties of caste, are rough and ready, and I long to enlist 10,000,
but then, we shall not find them so docile and faithful as our Hindoostanees.
Ever, my dear Ashley,
Tours very sincerely, H. Hardinge.
A charge, if charge it may be called, was brought against Lord Ashley
very frequently, and at various periods of his life, that he took a gloomy view
of things, and was too apt to look upon the dark side of every prospect. He
refers to this in the following entry : —
Jan. 19th. — Yesterday Elliott * gave us, as he always does, blessed be the man,
a most pious and excellent sermon — he touched the signs of the times, and took,
first, the good signs, reserving the bad ones for a second discourse. He spoke of
those who (and therein, probably, with a glance at me) ever saw what was dark,
and never what was bright on the far horizon. Well, it is true. Evil is more
powerful and lasting than good ; evil is natural, good is unnatural ; evil requires
* Rev. H. V. Elliott, of St. Mary's, Brighton.

1846-1 THE RAGGED SCHOOL MOVEMENT. 347
nothing but man as he is, good must find the soil prepared by the grace of God.
It is far more difficult, in a period of specious tranquillity, to alarm than te soothe,
to rouse than to lull, mankind. For one who is active to avert a distant peril, I
will find a hundred who repose in present security. The prayer is as needful f or
nations as for men, " So teach us to number our days that we may apply our
hearts unto wisdom."
It was not always that he entertained these gloomy views, as an entry on
another page testifies :—
Wilberforce was much harassed by letters and interviews on cases of con
science ; he was selected as the spiritual adviser of many parties. No one holds
such a place in the present day ; and we may draw, from this fact, the pleasing
inference that the number of good, and pious, and qualified men is very greatly
increased. The revival of religion and activity among the clergy has furnished,
to nearly all who may desire it, the means of spiritual edification and support ; a
true counsellor may be found nigh at hand in a thousand localities.
No sooner was Lord Ashley " out of Parliament " than he entered on a
campaign to which h i had long looked forward, whenever he should have the
leisure to undertake it. That campaign was a visitation of the slums of the
Metropolis, with a view to assist the work of the Ragged Schools, the London
City Mission, the Labourers' Friend Society, and other organisations for the
welfare of the poor, and also to institute a rigid examination into the dwell
ing-houses of the humblest of the working classes.
Before we follow him in this crusade, we must go back a little in order to
see what progress had been made in the development of the Ragged School
system, and to speak of the history and operations of the London City Mission
and also of the Labourers' Friend Society.
Thankful as Lord Ashley had been to have his attention drawn, in 1843,
to the Field Lane Ragged School, and earnest as were his endeavours to
assist the labourers there, it was clear to him, and to everybody who had any.
thing to do with the poor of London, that no isolated efforts could affect the
general condition of the waifs and strays of the Metropolis. There were
thousands of the children of the lowest and most ignorant classes springing
up, " sturdy of growth as weeds in a wheat field, and, like the latter, gaining
daily increase of strength, at the expense of the honest grain." They swarmed
the streets ; they gamboled in the gutters ; they haunted the markets in
search of cast-away food ; they made playgrounds of the open spaces ; they
lurked under porches of public buildings in hot and wet weather ; and they
crept into stables or under arches for their night's lodging. They lived as
the pariah dog lives, and were treated much in the same way ; everybody
exclaimed against the nuisance, but nobody felt it to be his business to
interfere. The first practical effort to reach these outcast " city Arabs," as they were
called, was to lure them to the Ragged Schools. But these were few and far
between, and, each having an isolated and independent existence, was helpless
to grapple with the evil, in any degree commensurate with the need.

348 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIV,
It became evident, to some who wore deeply interested in the matter, that
the strength of these organisations would be greatly increased by union, and
in April, 1844, the first steps were taken to institute a society which has done
an amount of good altogether incalculable — the Ragged School Union — with
which the name of Lord Shaftesbury will always be intimately associated.
Lord . Shaftesbury was scrupulously exact in giving- " honour to whom
honour was due," and would not allow himself to be styled the "Founder" of
a society when that honour was due to another. As we have seen, he was not
th" founder of Ragged Schools, nor was he the founder of the Ragged SchoOi
Union. On the 11th April, 1844, Mr. S. R. Starey, at that time a solicitor's clerk,
invited a few Ragged School Teachers to meet him at his rooms, No. 17,
Ampton Street, Gray's Inn Road. Only three responded : Messrs. Locke,
woollen-draper, Moulton, dealer in second-hand tools, and Morrison, a City
missionary ; an uninflnential band to all appearance, and yet they discussed the
hardest problem of that day, and came very near to a solution when they
resolved, " That to give permanence, regularity, and vigour to existing
Ragged Schools, and to promote the formation of new ones throughout the
Metropolis, it is advisable to call a meeting of superintendents, teachers, and
others interested in these schools, for this purpose." That was the first
decided step towards the foundation of the Ragged School Union, and those
four uninfluential men were the founders.
On tho 26th April forty superintendents and teachers responded to the
invitation and met at the St. Giles's Ragged School, held in the loft of a
cowshed in Streatham Street, Bloomsbury — a neighbourhood known as the
Rookery of St. Giles's ; notorious for its filth and fever, its riots and im
moral revels, its rickety and dirty dwellings, and its teeming population of
the lowest of the low. Here this little band of Christian workers formed
themselves into a Central Committee, and on the 5th of July they decided
that this association of teachers should be called " Tlie Ragged School Union."
At first they were anxious to affiliate themselves to the London City Mission,
and a formal proposition to that effect was made, but it was wisely declined,
as the City Mission had, even then, more work in hand than it knew how to
manage. Messrs. Locke and Starey were appointed Honorary Secretaries,
and requested to draw up the rules for the regulation of the Union. It was
only for a comparatively short time, however, that Mr. Starey was able to act
as Secretary, owing to business demanding his removal from London, when
Mr. J. G. Gent was appointed to fill the vacancy, an office he retained for
thirty-five years. He was succeeded by Mr. Kirk, who for twenty years had
been associated with Ragged School work, and who has for the past seven
years conducted the arduous duties of the Secretaryship with an unflagging zeal.
In November, six months after the Union was originated, Lord Ashley was
asked to give the weight and influence of his name and personal assistance to
this feeble and somewhat insignificant body of workers, by becoming Pre
sident of the Union. He responded thus : —

1Sl0'1 A COINCIDENCE OP NAMES. 349
Lord Ashley to Mr. Wm. Locke. November 21, 1844.
Sir, — At the instant I had the pleasure of receiving your letter I was con
templating a walk to Field Lane, that I might hear what progress was making in
your admirable undertaking-.
I shall be happy to aid you to the full extent of my power, but I am disposed
to advise a little deliberation before we set up a Society with all the apparatus of
a President and Patrons. I shall return to London, I hope, on Monday next ; it
will then give me pleasure to see you and hear your report. We may, I think, do
much for these poor children.
God be with us I Your obedient servant, Ashley.
Mr. William Locke.
From the time that Lord Ashley joined the movement, the Ragged School
Union grew in importance and usefulness, and for over forty years his love
for and zeal in the cause never knew abatement or change. For a great
portion of this time the Union was under the direction and responsibility of
a Committee elected at each anniversary, and of an Executive consisting of
Shaftesbury, President, Wm. Locke, Hon. Sec, Joseph G. Gent, Secretary,
whose names appeared in all public announcements, and on the certificates
obtained by deserving scholars. These are not very common names, and yet
we find them standing in similar relative positions 200 years ago.
Charleston and Carolina are names given in honour of our King Charles II.
The city of Charleston stands on a narrow slip of land, bounded on the north
side by the Cooper River, and on the south side by the Ashley River. The
names of these magnificent streams, which, at their junction, form the
harbour of Charleston, were given in honour of the first Earl of Shaftesbury.
The greater part of America was at that time a wilderness, and at the disposal
of King Charles II. By means of a Royal Charter, the King gave to the
Earl of Shaftesbury and some others, the whole tract of country between the
parallels of 29 deg. and 31 deg. 31 min. N. latitude, and from the Atlantic
to the Pacific. This included an area of 500 miles from North to South, and
of 2,500 miles from East to West. Now comes the remarkable coincidence
of names. Shaftesbury was the most active and able of the eight proprietors,
and, by agreement, undertook to frame a constitution for the embryo colonies,
suitable to the period and the vastness of the territory. Assistance was
required by him, which he obtained from the illustrious Locke. The constitu
tion drawn up contained 120 articles, and in its day was considered a grand
model ; but, in reducing the theory to practice, mighty difficulties intervened.
With a view to lessen these difficulties, and to facilitate the working of the
great scheme, the services of a Mr. T. A. Gent were secured. This gentleman
visited the country, and afterwards brought out a volume entitled "A
Complete Discovery of the State of South Carolina," which seems to have
been eagerly caught up by the public, as three ships were soon sent out filled
with emigrants. They settled at Oyster Point, as the neck of land was

350 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIV.
called, at the junction of Ashley and Cooper Rivers. On this spot they built
a village which grew into a town, and, at length, developed into one of the
strongest cities — so strong as to seem to be impregnable.
Such were the labours of Shaftesbury, Locke, and Gent 200 years ago ;
and, in another sense, such were the labours of Shaftesbury, Locke, and Gent
in recent times ; but " the labours of the latter trio have been to reclaim the
moral wilderness, to purify and cultivate the moral wastes, and to set up
spiritual fortresses that shall be unassailable by the great enemy." * The
services rendered by Messrs. Locke and Gent to the Ragged School cause
cannot be too highly estimated, and Lord Shaftesbury never lost an oppor
tunity of acknowledging them.
The years 1844-6 were memorable in the life of Lord Ashley if only on
the ground that they saw him publicly espousing the cause of poor ragged
children and organising fresh efforts in their behalf. The years were
memorable in the history of the metropolis, for they saw the commencement
of a series of philanthropic labours which were, in some measure, to improve
the condition of the outcast poor, to check the existing evils, and to avert the
calamities which many feared.
A few extracts from the Diary on the subject of Ragged Schools will
show the progress of his thought and action in their behalf : —
Nov. 27th, 1845. — Last night Broadwall Infant Ragged School ; very humble,
but very useful ; well received. . . . Many Dissenters ; but it is high time
to be thinking where we agree, not where we differ. Tens of thousands of
untaught heathens in the heart of a Christian Metropolis cry aloud to God for
vengeance. Dec. 11th. — Just come back from a tea-meeting in Jurston Street Sunday
School, given to the ragged, half -starved, neglected children of the locality — a
sight to thank God for ! a sight to pray Him to perpetuate and extend I
I conceive I am acting in the spirit of the Bible and the spirit of the Church
of England. I conceive that I am proving myself a true son of the Church in
which I was baptised, and in which, by God's blessing, I will die. I am
violating none of her laws, precepts, principles, or prayers ; none. But, if the
conduct I pursue be at variance with the doctrines and requirements of the
Established Church, I shall prefer to renounce communion with the Church to
abandoning those wretched infants of oppression, infidelity, and crime.
March 19th, 1846. — Last night tea party at Jurston Street Ragged School;
in the Chair. A wondrous company on the platform ; these things are now
becoming "fashionable." Humanity will soon be considered "elegant," "genteel,"
&c. &c. Bishop of Norwich came ; f a kind-hearted man, who goes, as he says,
wherever he sees my name. Strange as it was to see a Bishop in the middle of a
Dissenting school, surrounded by Dissenters, and supporting their efforts, yet it
was well and usefully done.
* Ragged School Union Magazine.
f Dr. Stanley, father of the Dean of Westminster. He was the only Bishop who
was ever seen on Ragged School platforms. All the others were, at that time afraid of
meeting Nonconformists.

1846.]

THE LONDON CITY MISSION. 351

During the long period of Lord Shaftesbury's Presidency of the
Ragged School Union he was always in the Chair at the annual meetings.
But this was the least part of his work. Much of the success of the
Ragged School movement was due to the public meetings which were held
in a great number of churches and chapels and halls in London and in
the large towns. At these meetings Lord Ashley took the Chair on in
numerable occasions, and in short, pithy addresses set forth the claims of
the poor. More important still were the quarterly meetings of delegates
from the Metropolitan Ragged Schools, at which he always presided,
when every conceivable topic that could assist the teachers hi practically
carrying on the work was discussed, new plans were formed, and progress
was reported. A merely cursory glance through the thirty volumes of the
Ragged School Union Magazine and Quarterly Records will give some
idea of the stupendous amount of work undertaken by him in this move
ment, but even a close study of those volumes will not give a full con
ception of what he wrought. For many years the ragged children of
London were rarely out of his thoughts waking or sleeping ; he visited
them in their wretched homes, he saw them at their daily work, he sat
beside them in their schools, he let them come to his house to tell him
their troubles ; he pleaded for them in religious and political assemblies ; he
carried their cause into the House of Commons and into the House of
Lords ; he interested the whole country in their welfare, and, as we shall
see, he achieved wonderful results in their behalf.
The London City Mission had been established by David Nasmith, who
had already set on foot similar institutions in Glasgow, Dublin, New York,
and elsewhere. It was in a room of his little house in Canning Terrace,
on the bank of the Regent's Canal, on May 16th, 1835, that he met two
of his friends by appointment, and the story of their interview is recorded
by him in these simple words : " After' prayer we three founded the London
City Mission, adopted our constitution, assigned offices to each other, and
after laying the infant mission before the Lord, desiring that He would
nurse and bless it, and make it a blessing to tens of thousands, we adjourned."
Such was the origin of one of the most admirable and valuable institutions
of our time, and one that has been the means of conveying- temporal and
spiritual good to untold myriads.
Although Lord Ashley's name appears for the first time on the records of
that Society towards the end of 1845, he had, immediately after his discovery
of the existence of Ragged Schools, been in communication with it, and
henceforth, in all his labours on behalf of the poor, he was to be indebted
to the aid of the London City Mission, as it, in turn, was to to be indebted to
him. How best to improve the condition of the labouring population of the
countiy, was a question which he had long been revolving in his mind and
which had demanded a large share of his energies. While recognising the
value of every agency for bringing about the physical and moral elevation of

352 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [CnAr. XIV.
the people, he was more and more convinced, as his knowledge and experience
of their actual state increased, that it was utterly futile to attempt to educate
and raise the masses unless at the same time they were provided with decent
homes. Already he had stood forth as the pioneer of the great question which, in
after years, was to become so conspicuous a feature of his labours — the
Housing of the Poor.
In 1842 he had assisted in founding what was then known as tho
" Labourers' Friend Society," but was afterwards named the " Society for
Improving the Condition of the Labouring Classes," the object of which was,
not to accommodate the people on a large scale — such an undertaking would
have been far beyond the power of a simple Committee — but to ventilate the
whole question, and to keep in view the erection of Model Dwellings for all
the varieties and grades of industrial life, and to show, in tho buildings it
would raise, what was necessary for the comfort and health and decency of
the inmates, and also the lowest cost at which the structures could be pro
vided and the rents imposed, consistently with a moderate though fair return
of interest on the capital expended. It had also another object in view ; it
wished to prove that in such amelioration " the moral were almost equal to
the physical benefits ; and that, although numbers would decline or abuse the
boon extended to them, many would accept it joyfully and turn it to good
account." *
At first Lord Asliley met with scant success in his labours in this
direction, but once having put his hand to the plougli, he was not the man to
look back. The time had not yet come for him to make any great public stir
in the matter, but meanwhile he never lost an opportunity of advocating the
need of better dwellings for the poor.
In 1844 the first public meeting of the Society for the Improvement of
the Labouring- Classes was held at Willis's Rooms, and an influential company
supported Lord Ashley in the chair. He vigorously exposed the lamentable
state of affairs, in reg-ard to the shameful dwellings in which the poor were
compelled to live, and urged that if the Society thus inaugurated only did
the work that lay before it, it might, by strong representations to the
Government, produce most beneficial results. " Unite all your efforts," he
said, " for this one great object ; give it a fair trial ; be not discouraged by
arguments, however specious, and failure is impossible. Soon you will see
dawn great moral, social, and political blessings for those who are the noblest
material God ever gave a nation — the working- classes of this country."
This apxseal went far and wide, and one of the first to respond to it was
the Prince Consort, who, in the following- July, was graciously pleased to
accept the office of President of the Society.
Now the time had come when, owing to the cessation of his Parliamentary
duties, Lord Asliley had that leisure for labour which he had long coveted,
and, as we have said, he determined to devote it to visiting the homes and
* Article by Lord Shaftesbury in Nineteenth Century, xiv., p. 934.

1846.] SPEAKING TO CHILDREN. 353
haunts of the poor in the Metropolis. He chose for his companions a medical
man, and one of the missionaries of the London City Mission.
There were two objects lie had specially in view in the perambulations he
was about to undertake ; first, to explore the unknown parts of London and
to see for himself the lanes aud alleys, and more particularly the houses, in
which the poorest of the poor and the lowest of the low dwelt ; and next, to
bring himself into personal contact with the people, so that he might better
understand their thoughts and habits, and qualify himself to grapple with
their need.
Such a mission needed no ordinary man, and Lord Ashley brought to it
no ordinary gifts. Let any one who thinks it an easy task to win the confi
dence of the poor and the outcast ; to speak words to them that shall draw
out their real thoughts and feelings ; to seek to benefit without patronising ;
to give counsel without preaching ; to preserve his own dignity amid the
rough and lawless, without placing any barrier to mutual approach ; withal,
to enter the abodes of filth and wretchedness, where every sense sickons, and
yet to appear at home, and at ease ; let any one try the experiment, and then —
and not till then — the difficulty will be apparent.
Lord Ashley could do all this as few other men could. He saw in the
miserable creatures before him, not thieves and vagabonds and reprobates, but
men with immortal souls that might be saved, and with human lives that might
be redeemed from their corruption. In the woman with unkempt hair and
tattered garments, he saw, not the abandoned harlot, but the " woman that
was a sinner," who might yet be brought to the feet of Him who would say
to her, in the tenderest of all human accents, " Go, and sin no more." But
the whole heart of Lord Ashley went out to little children ; he grieved over
their past neglect, their present lack of opportunity ; and he yearned over
their future. It is no exaggeration to say that, in the whole course of his life,
he hardly over passed a ragged child in the street without the desire to stop
and talk to it. Morning-, noon, and night, the welfare of the uncared-for and
the unthoug-ht-of children weighed upon his heart, and he looked upon any
day as lost in which he did not do something, however little it might be, to
make the weariness of their lives less weary and their sadness less sad. Tho
words of the Master were ever ringing in his ears — " Feed My lambs."
He possessed, in perfection, the art of speaking to children, and few men
ever spoke to them with greater effect ; not because he was a " lord," nor
because he brought sensible bonefits wherever he went, but because he could
lay hold of tho heart of a child, and soothe it with gentle words, and becanso
the accent, the tone, the smile, the whole bearing of the man, impressed oven
little children with the fact that ho was intensely in earnest. No man ever
received greater encouragement from visiblo results. Year after year he had
seen the law of kindness produce the most wonderful effects on the minds of
the wildest, the rawest, the most ungovernable children; often he had seen
the heart melted, for the first time, by the language of sympathy and of love ;
often his voice had been like the voice of God speaking to the heart of a

354 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIV.
child. It was always through the children that he hoped to win the parents.
As the shepherd with refractory sheep will carry the lambs, into the fold,
certain that eventually the sheep will follow, so his efforts were mainly
directed to reaching the children and to putting them in places of safety, as the
surest means of alluring their parents thither. Wherever Lord Ashley went
during these perambulations, the people clustered round him in groups, and
received him with respect. And it may be remarked here that, throughout
his life, although he went freely among vagrants, paupers, harlots, drunkards,
thieves, and criminals of all kinds, the refuse of society, he never, on any one
occasion, or in any circumstance, received an insult. Everywhere the people
were grateful to him for the interest he took in their condition, and, in the
large majority of cases, answered freely the questions he put to them.
Bad as he had expected to find certain quarters of the Metropolis, the
actual state of things was a thousandfold worse than he had conceived
possible. He found, in some cases, hundreds of human beings — equal to tbe
population of a whole village — compressed and hidden in a dozen small and
wretched houses packed in a court, the houses and court occupying less than
the area of a good-sized barn, or a village church, or a moderate-sized emi
grant ship. He saw how the people became liable to disease ; why contagious
maladies were not only bred and extended, but likewise why they clung to
these places. He saw how utterly impossible it was for the physician to
minister in them with any degree of satisfaction or success, for everywhere
the drainage was bad, the ventilation worse, and the light of heaven almost
excluded. He saw, too, that Nature was attempting to do her part towards
that which sanitary reformers recommended: she was attempting to reduce
the number of inhabitants by commissioning fever, scrofula, and other
diseases, to slay them.
One of the things that appears to have struck him with great force, and to
have strongly laid hold of his imagination, was the terrible injustice involved
in the want of sufficient accommodation. He found that in a large number of
instances, it was not extreme poverty that had driven the inhabitants into
these dreadful dens — as they were earning what, with proper management,
might be called a decent living — but the exorbitant prices charged for
accommodation. There were few house-rents so extravagantly high as those
paid by the veriest outcasts of our streets. The tenant of a mansion paid a
lower nightly rent, in proportion to the space he occupied, and the cubic feet
of air he breathed, than did the miserable urchin who spent his two or three
pence for permission to stow himself under a bed of a low lodging-house
filled to suffocation by the most abandoned of all ages — one of the t ,\ enty or
thirty inmates of a space not large enough for the accommodation of more
than two or three.
It was necessary to the purpose Lord Ashley had in view that publicity
should be given to this state of things ; and on the 22nd of May we find him
at a meeting of the " Society for Improving the Condition of the Working
Classes," held at the Hanover Sqnare Rooms, bringing the subject before

1S46.] AMONG THE POOR. 355
an influential audience as vividly as it could be brought. " I do not." he
said, " speak merely from book ; I do not speak merely from the accounts
that have been given me ; because I have, not only in past years, but during
the present year (having-, from certain circumstances, rather more leisure
than I formerly had), devoted a very considerable number of hours, day by
day, to going- over some of the worst localities in various parts of this great
Metropolis." He startled his audience by some of the revelations he made,
of rooms " so foul and so dark that they were exposed to every physical
mischief that can beset the human frame " — so foul that when a physician,
habituated to enter such places, visited them, he was obliged to write his
prescription outside the door ; of courts and alleys thronged with a dense
and most immoral population of every caste and grade of character, but
almost every one of them defiled by perpetual habits of intoxication, and
living amid riot and blasphemy, noise, tumult, and indecency.
It was not enough, however, to state the evil ; active practical steps must
be taken to meet it, and Lord Ashley announced that it was the intention of
the Society, if funds were forthcoming-, to erect in the heart of the parish of
St. Giles's a Model Lodging-House — a house where a young man coming np
from the countiy for the first time, or others who wished to live in a place
where some, at least, of the decencies of lifo were observed, might find a
place of retirement and shelter at a moderate rent. This was the germ of
that great Model Lodging-House system, which has now sprung up in the
neighbourhoods once occupied by reeking courts and alleys.
Not by lip only, but by pen also, Lord Asliley turned to good account the
results of his perambulations. In the Quarterly Review for December, there
appeared a startlingly graphic article from his pen, on " Ragged Schools," in
' which he gave the results of his own observations of the habits of the
clientele of those schools, founded upon his recent visitations.
This admirable article was the means of giving a great impetus to
Ragged School work. It was the talk of the town; people ran wild about it ;
extracts were inserted in all the papers ; and innumerable people made appli
cations to be taken to see the Ragged Schools.
Lord Ashley was greatly amused one day at hearing two men discussing
the article. " I believe it was written by Lord Ashley," said one. " I don't
think so, because his name isn't mentioned, and it isn't like his style." " Those
are the very reasons that make mo think he wrote it," was the answer. A few
extracts from his Diary will show how completely absorbed Lord Ashley was
in the beneficent work in which he was engaged : — ¦
April 28th. — St. Giles's. This is my birthday. I am this day 45 years old.
Praised be the Lord that hath fed me all my life long until this day. . . .
Starting for London, though day be tempting here, to take Chair at Ragged
School as a sort of thankful offering and appropriate duty.
May 29th. — Dined yesterday with , The courtesies of life and ancient
friendship demanded it. A splendid display of luxury and grandeur, yet unsatis
factory. The contrast so great to tbe places where I have passed so many hours

356 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIV.
lately, that I felt almost uneasy. The few pounds, too, that I want, and shall
not obtain, for the establishment of Ragged Schools, seemed wasted in every dish.
All this is very well, according to their wealth and station, now and then ; but
the crumbs which fall from their table are in scanty proportion to the number
and abundance of their feasts. A greater simplicity, however, even in permitted
things, would be more beneficial to the poor, to society, and to themselves. A
life so led rivets " the world in the heart ; " and all the externals of good humour,
piqus language, and occasional charities, &c, &c, only contribute a hollow and
delusive sanction to that system of things which the individuals, and the world
at large, have pre-determined to be right, because they know it to be pleasant. . . .
May 31st. — Whitsunday. Broadlands. . . . Day beautiful, rose early, and
wept out, like WUberforce, to make the field my oratory ; but the prayers of the
birds, and of all animated Nature, had more, no doubt, of sincerity and less of
murmuring than mine. We know well what we dislike and deplore ; but little
do we know or consider for what we ought to be thankful. I wish that every
one would daily and hourly set before his eyes, and confess his sin and the sin of
his people : what we have received and done as individuals and as a nation ;
what we have left undone ; what, in the despite of God's long-suffering, we per
sist in leaving undone ; our hopes and fears ; our loves and hates ; our enormous
wealth, and still more enormous covetousness ; the cry of the poor, and the sen
suality of the rich ; and then, if there be but the smallest spark of grace in the
soul, we shall, one and all, exclaim with Job, " Wherefore I abhor myself, and
repent in dust and ashes."
June 8th. — Went to Lambeth on Ragged-School business ; called on a poor
Irishwoman whose husband had just committed suicide ; bought, alas I . a
" pledge medal " from the widow of a man who had hung himself in a fit of
intoxication ! Took a short walk afterwards in Park with my sweet Mary and
the baby ; dear Evelyn accompanied me. May God be praised. Oh, if some Dives
would give me two or three hundred pounds, the price of a picture or a horse, I ¦
could set up schools to educate six hundred wretched children ! . . .
June 12th. — I am now begging for four objects — circulars out upon each.
God give me, first wisdom, and then success ! Busy in founding a Ragged School ;
peculiar evils require peculiar remedies. Alas ! alas ! I can set up a school which
shall give education every evening to 280 children for £58 a year — hardly more
than it costs to prosecute one criminal— and yet I can barely collect the sum I
The labours of Lord Asliley were all-consuming. His time was so broken
to pieces by small details, public and private, that if, perchance, he had a
quarter of an hour to spare, he hardly knew what to do with it ; so many
things offered themselves, that the period was exhausted in making the
selection. For a long time he was only able to get through one book, of
which he writes : —
June 16th. — Have crawled by degrees through a very entertaining Life, by
Tytler, of Sir W. Raleigh. Energy, genius, speculative and practical knowledge
of all kinds, unlimited courage and perseverance, promptitude at every moment,
and adaptation to every circumstance. What a chequered life I what an unhappy
close I Indignation and contempt towards that despicable reptile of the human
race, James I., are impotent ; but I feel them as though he stood before me. As

1S1°] A PLAN OP CAMPAIGN. 357
dreams may be urged as an argument in favour of the immortality of the soul,
so may this sense of injustice, perpetrated whole centuries ago, be maintained as
a proof of final retribution !
Lord Ashley could not but think with some anxiety of tho future, and ask
himself the question, whether he should ever return to Parliament. Useful
as his present labours were, he felt himself " like a man at sea without a
rudder." He was constantly moving on, but not to the point he desired.
He was collecting facts, examining evidence, and instituting inquiries, none
of which he could turn to account as he wished. He felt that there was
" no attraction or compensation in the study of human miseiy and degrada
tion, except in the prospect of abating them," and in order to do this he mlist
be back again in Parliament.
At length the future shaped itself to him with some distinctness, and he
wrote : —
June 1st. — I assume, if the Lord will, that I shall return very speedily to the
House of Commons. What, then, shall I do 1 I must throw aside many ques
tions in which I take a deep and glowing interest, because I have neither time
nor strength for them all — Ireland, India, the Colonies. . . .
I will take, first, the long-agitated, much-desired, and most blessed Ten Hours
Bill ; this, with a Parliamentary effort in behalf of the " Ragged Children," will
constitute the work of next Session. I will then proceed with Church Reform, a
reform that shall restore it to the scheme of Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer, and
revive, if possible, tho primitive examples ; and the last that I dare to contem
plate will open a series of exertions to aid spiritually and physically, the
oppressed, forsaken, and heathen children described and reported on by my Com
mission of 1840 — a vast and foul mass, which our avarice has engendered, and
our luxurious ignorance overlooks, and increases, and perpetuates. " Who is
sufficient for these things ? " Not I alone, but any one, if God be with him.
And, now, 0 God, the Father of tbe forsaken, the help of the weak, the supplier
of the needy, who hast diffused and proportioned Thy gifts to body and soul, in
such sort that all may acknowledge and perform the joyous duty of mutual
service ; who teachest us that love towards the race of man is the bond of
perfectness, and the imitation of Thy blessed self : open our eyes and touch our
hearts, that we may see and do, both for this world and for that which is to
come, the things which belong unto our peace. Strengthen me in the work that
I have now undertaken ; give me counsel and wisdom, perseverance, faith, and
zeal, and in Thine own good time, and according to Thy pleasure prosper the
issue. But, 0 Lord, pour into me a spirit of humility and fear ; let nothing be
done in a vain and wicked notion of righteousness and merit, but in devout
obedience to Thy will, thankfulness for Thine unspeakable mercies, and love to
Thine adorable Son, Christ Jesus, with a constant and hearty confession of sin
and unworthiness, and everlasting hope through His merits alone, our only
Redeemer and Saviour.
June 3rd. — Another object I have, but I can leave the special conduct of it to
others, beca,use societies are formed and joint-stock companies on foot ; slow, it is
true, and not very sure, but nevertheless in action — the health of towns and

358 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIV.
dwellings, of all physical questions the most important by far, and exercising a
terrible influence on things spiritual.
In religious circles there was an almost restless activity ; many important
movements were beginning to strike root, and, to employ a Scriptural meta
phor, often used by Lord Ashley to denote the early indications of new life in
religious work, there was " the sound of a going in the tops of the mulberry
trees." Never was there a time when religion was brought more prominently for
ward, and public prayer more largely attended. To Lord Ashley this did not
suggest relaxation of effort ; on the contrary, he felt it was an hour in which
every one should be up and doing, and he himself came forward more than
ever into the forefront of the battle. It was in this year that he became
officially connected with the British and Foreign Bible Society as Vice-Pre
sident — that Society which, in his youth, he had been taught to regard as
revolutionary, and as undermining the foundations of Church and State ! A
few years later he became its President, and, until the close of his life, he
never ceased to take the deepest interest in its operations.
Two other movements, of which more will have to be said hereafter, are
referred to for the first time in his Diaries, in this year.
Feb. 28th. — Night before last took chair at " Young Men's Christian Associa
tion." Four hundred persons to tea, a very striking scene — young shopmen, with
their mothers and sisters, attending really in a religious spirit. Last night pre
sided in Covent Garden Theatre at Anniversary of Metropolitan Drapers' Associa
tion for early closing of shops. Both these Societies have their origin in the Ten
Hours movement.
The death of Bishop Alexander of Jerusalem had been a terrible blow to
the friends of the enterprise he inaug-urated. He seemed to have been a man
with the special gifts and graces essential to the trust reposed in him. His
own zeal helped to keep alive tho zeal of those who, full of hope for Israel,
lived in anticipation that the hour for their restoration to their own land would
speedily arrive. The death of the Bishop, cut off in the midst of his labours,
when engaged in his first episcopal visitation of the darkened kingdom of
Egypt, threw a gloom over these hopes, which, as the years rolled on, were
never again revived in the same intensity.
According to the terms of the arrangement made on the foundation of the
bishopric, it was now the tum of the King- of Prussia to appoint a successor
to the see of Jerusalem. He selected Dr. Gobat, of the Church Missionaiy
Society, a German by nationality, who was duly appomted, and retained his
episcopate for thirty-three years. He was a man of high character and prin
ciple — an excellent man in every respect. Unfortunately, however, he was
not without enemies, and, prior to his consecration, Lord Ashley had to defend
him from some odium and calumny. He believed in the man thoroughly,
and, throughout his career, gave him hearty and persevering support in the
difficult position in which he was placed. Notwithstanding opposition,

t$46.) IN BELGIUM. 359
Dr. Gobat's influence was felt throughout the countries over which his
jurisdiction extended, and many abiding works have been left behind as
memorials of his labours. As the years went by, other difficulties and
dissensions arose; the bishopric did not answer the expectations formed of
it ; Jerusalem showed no signs of being " a city at unity with itself," and the
saying of Newman, " I have never heard of any good or harm that bishopric
nas ever done," was bandied about until, at last, it was endorsed even by some
of those who in 1844 were most enthusiastic in its favour.
On the 7th of July Lord and Lady Ashley, accompanied by their four
sons, started on a tour in Switzerland in quest of health and repose. There
were important reasons why — " at this season, in a time of great interest, of
changing government, of schemes of his own, of Commissions in Lunacy,
and sittings on the Malta College '' — Lord Ashley should leave London. It
was, however, contrary to his own wishes, and throughout the journey he was
depressed and harassed by the claims of his many conflicting duties. " I am
not very full of agreeable anticipations," he writes; "a little low-spirited.
My heart returns to my objects in public life."
From his ample Diary we shall only quote very briefly. The first halting-
place on the journey was at Ghent.
. . . Went to see the Church of the Beguines. ... I cannot get over
these Beguines ; they seem to be tbe " ne plus ultra " of uselessness. What
purpose do they serve, 750 of them, beyond making a sight for curious foreigners,
materials for a handbook, and aids to a rhapsody ! Doubtless, the first view of
the church was singular and, to a certain extent, impressive, but only from its
novelty. The large white covering on the head of each gave an appearance as if
the church were studded with pigmy tents, but then the silence of the assembly.
and the attitude of prayer, struck the imagination, until the bursting of the
organ into something like a jig, after a few notes of more reverential music,
raised the eyes to the figure of the Virgin, the great object of their adoration,
a doll of about two feet in height and figged out in a pink court-dress 1
There is evidence in the Diary that, to Lord Ashley, the first few days of
the tour were full of irritation and unrest. The cares and anxieties which
had thickened around him of late, had left their impression ; he was out of
health, and jaded in body and mind.
The first real relief came to him, as it came in old time to the Psalmist,
" in the sanctuary of God."
Sunday. — Attended Service. An unknown man preached a sermon from the
text, " Cast thy bread upon the waters, and thou shalt find it after many days."
He proceeded to enlarge on the hopes and duties of perseverance — never to be
weary in well-doing, to banish despair, or even despondency, in the pursuit of
things tending to the honour of God and the welfare of mankind. He directed
his discourse specially to ministers with cure of souls ; to philanthropists, and to
parents. His observations were just, true, and affectionate ; he dwelt more
particularly on the cares, anxieties, and disappointments of parents, and showed
that they were seldom, if ever, without their fruit at the last ; he considered

360 THE EAKL OP SHAFTESUUllY. [Cuap. XlV.
their labours and their prayers as seed which might lie long before it sprang, and
still longer before the harvest, but he bold it to be nearly sure, as the fulfilment
of a Divine promise. His entire discourse seemed a special message to my
doubts and apprehensions, a spur to my discouragements, a balm to my failures,
a word of exhortation to invigorate the mind into which I had fallen during
the last few days ! Blessed be His name !
At Carlsruhe, (" built like a fan, of which the streets are the ribs, and tho
tower from which you see it, tlie bulb,") he enjoyed the forest scenery, and
pronounced his rest there to be " good, very good."
July 16th. . . . Baden. Certainly, it is a lovely spot ; "nothing is common,
nothing is without its point. The undulating hills all around, clad with the
deep, close velvet of the Black Forest, keep the place at all times in a dress of
state. But I am sure that it shares the climate of Aix and Carlsbad, and, down
in its luscious valleys, would suck out every energy of mind and body. Ascended
hill in a carriage to view Alte Schloss. . . . When one stands on the pinnacle
of these remnants of former days, and surveys, even to giddiness, the terrible
abyss below, the almost unassailable strength of the fortress, and endeavours to
estimate the vice and violence against which these preparations were made, and
the sorrows and fears their inmates must have often endured — first one heartily,
ay most heartily, blesses God that our lot is cast in a milder and a better age ;
and then one proceeds to sympathise with those victims of robbery and murder,
who, to flee from power, had made their nest in a rock. All this sentiment con
tinues in full force until you descend to the Neue Schloss below, and there inspect
the distressing dungeons and all the various inventions and appliances of incar
ceration and torture. These scoundrels inflicted as much as they suffered ; it was
defect of means, not excess of compassion, that restrained their hands ; the
wretch that screamed on the rack, or pined in the oubliette, had forecast the
same for the monster that thrust him in. These things, although memorials of
events long past, turn me quite sick. I felt the same at Ratisbon three years
ago ; I felt it here. Ay, well may we say with David, " Let me fall into the
hands of God, and not into the hands of men ! "
July 17th.— Read one of the " Tales of the Genii" to the kids, making such
verbal alterations and omissions as propriety required. Works of fiction may be
read in moderation with considerable effect ; and specially such as these, where
there is always a high tone of morality and sentiment. The author, by a hazard
ous attempt to render, by his descriptions, the indulgence of the passions odious,
has excited thoughts which should ever be suppressed. The best way to avoid
sin is riot to know it ; the knowledge of evil brought in both the practice and the
love thereof.
July ISth. . . . These Germans lead an easy, sensual, sleepy life of placid
and noiseless current. It is wonderful that creatures of such a vegetative habit
should have produced, and should still be producing, men and things of so high
an order. Intellectually they are very great ; were they physically equal in their
energies to the British people there would be nothing on earth to compare with
them— but it is not so. One Englishman will perforin his work in half the time
that it takes two Germans to consider it, and whether it be the stoker of a steam-

l84G.] CHRISTIAN WORK ALltOAD. 36l
boat, a banker's clerk, or a commissioner of police, or a gentleman at dinner, the
British nation will save both time and trouble. Surely their mode of life in the
present day, their constant and friendly intercourse, their tranquil smoking,
their baths, their gardens, their naps, their mid-day retirement, are a wonderful
contrast to the savage conflict, the uproarious festivals, the dirt, the prisons, and
the everlasting watchfulness against danger, of the Middle Ages.
In Strasburg a visit was paid to the grand monument of Marshal Saxe.
The piece of sculpture has made a great noise in Europe.* I confess that,
greatly as I admired many parts of it, the figure of the Marshal made me laugh.
He looks like a principal singer coming forward to the lamps at tbe theatre to
give us a popular air ; all smiles and self-possession. The female figure is un
equalled, and there is much original genius and execution in the figure of Death.
As for the British lion, the Dutch bear, and tho sentimental Hercules, they are
good, but irresistibly comic !
Much later in life Lord Shaftesbury took an active part in the movement
in London for funeral reforms ; and was even an advocate of cremation. It
is interesting to catch a glimpse of his views on these subjects at this early
date. . . . Taken to see a dried Count of Nassau and his dried daughter, all in
their fine clothing as they were embalmed and buried four hundred years ago.
What is this passion that people have had, and still have, to battle with Nature,
and resist, if they can, the decree, " Dust thou art and unto dust shalt thou
return ? " Do they believe in the resurrection of the body ? If so, let them trust
the power and goodness of God. Do they disbelieve it ? What satisfaction to
prolong the existence of a shrivelled, sapless, disfigured, and disgusting car
case ! . . .
Alsace suggests to him this query :—
Why did the Allies in 1815, when they adjusted the kingdoms of Europei
leave this German territory in the hands of France ? It was acquired by fraud
and violence, by the actions of war in a period of peace, under the authority of
that arch- villain and exceeding charlatan, Louis " le Grand." It is " as one of
the royal cities," and should be restored to the German Confederation. I believe,
however, that it is not ill-governed ; and had it been restored to Germany would
probably have been annexed to some second-rate Duchy.
In his journeys Lord Ashley always took care to try and find out what
signs of activity were being shown in Christian work, and at Basle, the
" Holy City" of Switzerland, he discovered more regard for religion than in
any other town of tho Republic. There were missionary establishments and
Bible societies and Evangelical preachers and Sabbath observances.
Called on tbe Professor Hoffmann ; found him kind, intelligent, and pious.
He gave an encouraging account of the progress of Christian principle and
Christian action in Germany. He stated that, seven years ago, he knew but five
* It represents the Marshal as in the act of descending into tho toinb, opened for his
reception by Death, while a female figure, symbolising France, strives to detain him ;
and Hercules, in mournful attitude, leans upon his club.

362 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIV.
persons of station who took any interest in missionary operations ; he now knows
fifty ; and that their meetings, which at one time were " well " attended by twenty
persons, numbered at present nearly four thousand.
As set against this, however, he found that the progress of systematic and
avowed " Freethinking " — the foe he was hereafter to meet in constant battle
— was increasing to an alarming degree, and spreading even among the poorer
sort. Here is a peculiarity among the German literati ; professorial chairs are held,
and public lectures given, by men of open, acknowledged, and boastful Atheism ;
nor does opinion frown them down. We have bad people in England, but few
dare to parade their make-beliefs with ostentation and joy.
. . . Saw the cathedral — curious, and worth the walk if it were only to pay
respect to the memory of Erasmus. I have always a sneaking sympathy with
that man ; he saw the truth, loved it, and yet he dared not to be a martyr in the
hour of trial. I fear I should have been a hare like him.
The fountains of the towns and villages, combining ornament and use in a
signal manner, were to Lord Ashley a most agreeable feature : —
Had I a landed property I should erect them in every village for the con
venience of the people. The resort to them in the evening recalls the primitive
times and the narratives of Scripture. Just now, under the window, there are
assembled at one fountain several women with their vessels, a number of naked-
legged children, and many cows and oxen drinking. " Our father Jacob gave us
this well and drank thereof himself, his children, and his cattle ! " . . . The
sunset was lovely : and, as it lighted up the distant peaks of the snowy range of
the Alps with its parting rays, revived the consolatory words of our blessed Lord,
" I will not leave you comfortless ; I will come again unto you ! "
Even at such an early date as 1846, the hand of change was working
wonders in Switzerland : —
Aug. 1st. — Interlaken. ... I saw this place two-and-twenty years ago ;
it was then a beautifully rural spot, an Auburn to have delighted Goldsmith.
Cows, cottages, and peasants, everything in harmony with the scenery around,
and the few strangers who flitted past, or stationed themselves for a while in the
modest inn, had all the air of travellers, persons who had trodden, or were pre
paring to tread, the mountains. This evening I drove along a miniature revival
of the Parisian boulevards — shops, benches, groups of fashionables in suitable
conversation, hotels, casinos, and all that can banish the country and bring in the
town. The hills are still high, and the pastures green, but they are peopled by a
different race, and "All, save the spirit of man, is divine ! "
At Grindelwald the freshness and vivacity of the air gave all the party
elasticity and spirit, " with a capacity," says Lord Ashley, " I, at least,
had not known since I left England, to enjoy life." His admiration of the
glacier was unbounded : — •
Never was a river born so suddenly and so magnificently. It does not come
creeping in a thread-like stream, from small and silent fountains, but gushes

lg46.] HOLLAND. 363
forth in full size, like Minerva from Jupiter's head, and rushing with thunder
into an amphitheatre of mountains, escapes through the windings of the valley.
On either side of these mighty pyramids of ice, stands an enormous mountain
of naked granite, and behind them rise the lofty and terrible peaks of the
Vischerhorn, covered with masses of everlasting snow. There they all stand in
the stillest and most awful majesty, engaged, as it were, to watch the only thing
that has sound and motion, the river, which issues forth from a beautiful arch
way — beautiful in the form and colour of the ice — at the foot of the glacier.
The illness of his son Maurice, who was one of the party, had given cause
from time to time for great anxiety, and on the 4th of August, the following
entry appears in the Diary : —
Maurice has become languid as a drooping flower ; the good effects of the
place are gone back ; we must return without delay to England. .
The determination was not altogether in opposition to Lord Ashley's
desires. I felt wonderfully well, and gloriously enjoyed existence, when on the
Wengern Alp ; I know not that I have been really elastic at any other time
during this tour.
They returned at once to Interlaken, and from thence the travellers pro
ceeded to Berne, en route for Rotterdam.
Aug. 19. — Rotterdam. Went to see a Dutch Fair, amused beyond all pre
cedent ; could have spent hours, had but minutes. We must, if it please God,
have at some future time a tour in Holland, and a leisurely one ; nothing could
be more interesting and instructive. . . . Why did we ever (God forbid that
we should repeat such a folly) go to war with the Dutch 1 Our interests are
alike ; one or two trifling questions of trade may, for a while, place us in oppo
sition, though on false grounds, but our great political interests, all that concerns
our social and national positions, are the same. . . .
The passage from Rotterdam, occupying thirty-six hours, was accom
plished in a dreadfully rolling sea, with an adverse wind, heavy rains, and
an awful thunder-storm, but owing to a severe attack of mal de mer, Lord
Ashley says : —
I regarded them with the indifference of a man who has more important
things to think of.
On the last page of the Diary there is the following note : —
This journal, like the three of preceding dates, re-opened for the first time
(after having being written) in August, 1880. Never kept, afterwards, the
journal of a tour. The re-perusal of them is best described in Cowper's words :—
" How soft the music of those village bells,
Falling at intervals upon the ear
In cadence sweet, now dying all away,
Now pealing loud again and louder still,
Clear and sonorous aa the gale comes on!
With easy force it opens all the cells
Where memory slept."

364 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIV.
And so here. What experience of life ! what tenderness of feeling, what truth
of heart ! what depth of simplicity in these lines !
In all these journals, which I bequeath to my beloved daughter Victoria,
there may be seen consistency of the past with the present. May have been
right, may have been wrong, but at least do not contradict myself and make tho
last half of my life antagonistic to the first. Great infirmity, much trace
throughout of original sin, and yet, though now, on a revision, could wish, were
it possible, to add much to what is gone by, see nothing to take away. Never
intended for the eyes of any one but of myself and of that beloved woman now
gone to her rest, they are the entries of one day after another ; and everything
may be said against thoin but the charge that they were not hearty and sincere.
Victoria may find them interesting and, possibly, even profitable.
Almost immediately after his return to London, Lord Ashley received
two important letters, ono from Bath, and the other from Oxford, inviting
him to be the representative in Parliament of each of these constituencies.
He briefly records the fact in his Diaiy, and adds : —
Nightmare ! and dreams all night. Went up, of course " for my degree." *
Later on he writes : —
Oct. 3rd. — Offers from Bath to represent that place at the next election-
replied that I wished to have some assurances and guarantees as to support and
expense. Many, from the county, urge my reconsideration of Dorset ; but the
matter is very doubtful. The Protection party are determined to regain all that
they have lost, and will, therefore, oppose my at Ira-it quiet return. I am not
prepared with any seat, nor have I, except Bath, any prospect of one.
Dec. 26th. — Many kind letters from Bath, still urging me to become a
candidate, and engaging to bear every expense. I am not anxious to accept the
offer ; I have, indeed, ceased to be anxious, at least I fancy so, to enter Parlia
ment again ; but I must receive the deputation. I should prefer, no doubt,
an honourable return to my own county, but my enemies there are bitter,
and my friends are slow — every word that I read from the county confirms me
in my judgment, that I ought not to place myself forward unless invited by a
requisition, which, in all likelihood, I shall never have. . . .
The month of October found Ireland on the brink of starvation. Lord
Ashley had maintained that every one ought, by private self-denial, to aid
the legislative effort for relief, and abridge his own consumption, that "all
might have a little." He never advised others to do what he was not pre
pared to do himself, and it is not surprising therefore to meet with these
records : —
Oct. 7th. — Found all provisions rising in price. Gave orders that no more
potatoes should be bought for the house. We must not, by competing in the
market, raise the cost on the poor man. He has nothing after Has to fall back
upon. . .
Dec. 12th. — Ireland is manifestly set for our punishment, the slow but just
* Hb used to say that, whenever he had a restless or disturbed night, his dreams
always recurred to the " going up " for his degree at Oxford.

1846-1 WITH LORD JOHN RUSSELL. 365
punishment of a ruling power that thrust upon it Popery, anarchy, and un-
sympathising proprietors. The nation is irreconcilable to the Saxon authority.
Our late repentance, and numerous benefits, are perverted to our injury. Famine
stalks through the land. We expend money for their maintenance at the rate of
£127,000 a week ; and the starving peasantry can save, from this effort of mercy
and munificence, enough to purchase arms to a greater extent than was ever
before known for the assault and overthrow of their benefactors ! And yet so
besotted are we, that all this is turned into an additional argument for tho
endowment of the Irish priesthood ! . . .
December 29th. — Ireland is terrible, terrible, terrible. And the year 1847
will be worse than 1846. Counsel has perished from among us. We are at our
wit's end. It is a just retribution for our sins towards that country. " Be sure
your sin will find you out."
A few extracts from the Diary, selected from many, will tell, in the
briefest way, what were the subjects pressing upon the thoughts of Lord
Ashley towards tho end of this year of ceaseless activity : —
Sept. 1st. — A Pope called Pius IX. has mounted the Roman throne. He is
"like the Son of Nimshi," he "driveth furiously." Ho will soon be the most
popular, as he seems to be the most liberal, man of his day. Shouts attend him
wherever he goes. His plans for " reform " are more rapid and more extensive
than the capacity, at the moment, of the people to receive them ! To what will
all this grow 1 Most assuredly these political advances cannot co-exist with the
maintenance of ecclesiastical monarchy.
Sept. 16th. — The " Evangelical Alliance " is, like tho Anti-Oorn-Law League,
a " great fact." It does not appear likely, however, to have practical results in
the same proportion— its chief result, for the present, must be that such a
meeting could have been collected and conducted on such prinoiples and in such
a manner. Oct 25th. — Dined last night with Kingscote, to consider plan for larger admis
sion of laity to services in the Church, To be submitted to the Bishop of London.
Our consultation seemed to prosper, and all present were of one mind. It is a
great undertaking, and involves, so far as our human eyes can see, the permanency
and efficiency of the Church of England.
Two days later Lord Ashley wrote to Lord John Russell to request an
interview, in order that ho might talk to him on the state of the Church, and
on the 29th he called on him by appointment. The interview was a hurried
one, but the conversation then commenced was resumed at a further interview
on the 31st.
Oct. 31st. — I have, thank God, done my duty ; I have " testified " to this Prime
Minister, as I did to the last ; the fruit from both may be about equal ; but I
prefer Russell as a man to Sir R. Peel.
Nov. 14th. — Yesterday to Broadwall to meet Committee on Ragged School —
established a class of industry for one evening in the week : tailoring and shoe-
making for the boys, needlework for the girls — have undertaken to pay the
expense ; am in hopes of making nearly sufficient by one article in the Quarterly
Review on " Ragged Schools." . . .

366 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIV.
Macaulay argues, and well, that the term " superficial " is relative, and can
seldom be applied accurately. That which is profound in one day becomes
shallow in another ; the utmost depths of Roger Bacon would be paddling-pools
for the schoolboys of our day. This is not the objection to be raised against
education altogether, or even the education of the present era. My objection is
that all are taught alike, whatever their stations, hopes, views, and necessities —
there is little practical, little of use for future application, and boys are ill-
educated, not because their knowledge is acquired by rote and lies mainly on the
surface, but because they are lifted above their political and social station, filled
with personal conceits, and inflated with notions that they are fit to reform the
world, and then govern it.
Dec. 31st. — Croesus would be pauperised if he were to meet half the demands
that are made upon me every month ! Alas, I must refuse the largest proportion.
and give very sparingly to the remainder. I say " alas," because the cases are
oftentimes meritorious, and I shall always be misrepresented, and frequently
misunderstood. Many people choose to believe that I am rich, and ask accord
ingly ; yet more than half of my income is borrowed, to be repaid at some future
day, with heavy accumulations of interest ; eight children, the two eldest costing
me more than £200 a year each ; a ninth coming, and an allowance from my
father of only £100 annually more than I had as a Bachelor at Oxford ! Are
these sources of weal th ? . .

CHAPTER XV.
1847 — 1850. THE TEN HOURS BILL.
The great struggle for the Ten Hours Bill was drawing near its end, and.
by the irony of fate, the victory was to be achieved while Lord Ashley was
out of Parliament. The winter of 1846-7 bad seen him in Lancashire,
attending- meetings in every large town, and adopting all possible means to
support the efforts which Mr. Fielden was to resume in Parliament in the
ensuing Session. Everywhere Lord Ashley met with an enthusiastic recep
tion. He reminded his hearers that his opponents used to taunt him about
the Corn Laws, and argue that there lay the obstacle which prevented the
passing of his Ten Hours Bill. " "With respect to myself," he said, at a
public meeting at Manchester, " I know the arguments I used to encounter
while the Corn Law was yet in force — how often it was said, ' Tou are the
cause of the long-time vexation ; it is you who are to blame, because, for your
own exclusive interest, you keep up the price of bread, and prevent us from
entering into competition with foreign manufacturers.' I recollect perfectly
well one of your present members saying, ' If I vote for the noble lord on the
Ten Hours Bill, will he follow me into the lobby for a division on a motion
for the repeal of the Corn Laws P ' " He went on to say that, now he had
voted for repeal, he asked for concession in return.
The object of Lord Ashley on all occasions, was to encourage and stimu
late the friends of the movement to rally round Mr. Fielden with the same
enthusiasm with which they had rallied round him. Many, out of friendship
for himself, had said, " We may as well relax our efforts, and wait until Lord
Ashley is again in Parliament," not realising that he was anxious, not for his
own honour, but that the measure might be launched on the crest of the
popular wave.
It must not be supposed that he alone was bearing the whole brunt of the
battle. In various parts of the countiy Mr. Oastler and others were
vigorously prosecuting similar labours, while a weekly periodical, The Ten
Hours Advocate, published by Mr. Philip Grant, an able and zealous colleague,
was, under the advice and guidance of Lord Ashley, doing good service to the
cause. *
On the 26th of January, Mr. Fielden moved for leave to bring in the Ten
Hours Bill ; the motion was seconded by Mr. Ferrand, and leave was given.
On the second reading (Feb. 10) the subject was discussed for several hours,
* Alfred's "History of the Factory Movement," p. 248.

368 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XV.
Mr. Hume strenuously opposing the measure on grounds of political economy,
and Mr. Roebuck, who never lost an opportunity of attack, assailing it on all
sides. There is a natural and mournful ring in the following words from tho
Diary : —
Feb. 10th. — Factory Bill is under discussion in the House of Commons. I
lingered in the lobby ; had not spirit to enter the House ; should have been
nervously excited to reply, and grieved by inability to do so.
March 1st. — Intense anxiety about Factory Bill. I dream of it by day and
by night, and work as though I had charge of the Bill.
March 12th. — Lady De Grey observed to me, last night, that I was grown
silent, and had lost all my spirits. It is quite true. I have, during the last two
or three years, been growing more melancholy and even stupid. It is, perhaps,
because I have little or no play, and that makes Jack a dull boy.
March 17th. — Long labour yesterday in furnishing John Russell, at his request,
with notes for a speech.
Notwithstanding all opposition, the second reading was eventually carried
by a majority of 108, and on the 3rd of May the third reading, after an
animated debate, was likewise carried by a majority of 63 !
When, ten days later (May 13), the Bill was introduced into the House of
Lords, it was observed that the attendance of bishops was larger than had
ever been known on any previous occasion.
The Earl of Ellesmere (formerly Lord Francis Egerton), moved the second
reading, which Lord Faversham seconded. Lord Brougliam then rose, and,
apologising for interrupting the unanimity which Lord Faversham had hoped
would characterise their proceedings, at once addressed himself to " the large
number of right reverend prelates whom ho saw assembled opposite," and laid
before them his views of the question in its relation to the morals of the
people. The vote for the second reading was carried by a majority of forty-
two. On the 17th of May the bishops again mustered in full force. The debate
was one of the most interesting ever listened to in the House of Lords, the
most remarkable speech being that of the Bishop of Oxford, who set himself
to the task of meeting the argimicnts used in opposition to the Bill, which
were grounded in great measure upon a number of untrue assertions, and
then, passing on to the discussion of the practical question at issue, he asked,
" Could their lordships believe, that upon the last two hours' labour of trembling
hands, tending upon that machinery, after long, unceasing, and heart-consum
ing attention, when Nature almost refused to perform her functions— could
their lordships believe that upon those two last hours depended all the profits
and accumulations of the manufacturers ? Ho believed that the work dono in
those two last hours was infinitely inferior in quality to that which was done
in any other portion of the day ; it was demanding work when Nature refused
the power of working ! "
The Bill was read a second time without a division, nearly every member

1847.] VICTORY ! 369
of the Bouch of Bishops voting in its support, and on the 1st of June it
passed its final stage.
May 18th. — Tho Bishops behaved gallantly — 13 remained to vote ; three
spoke, and most effectively : London, Oxford, St. David's ; Clarendon (!) and
Brougham (! I) in opposition. This will do very much to win the hearts of the
manufacturing people to Bishops and Lords — it has already converted the hard
mind of a Chartist Delegate.
June 1st. — Six o'clock. News that the Factory Bill has just passed the third
reading. I am humbled that my heart is not bursting with thankfulness to
Almighty God — that I can find breath and sense to express my joy. What reward
shall we give unto the Lord for all the benefits He hath conferred upon us?
God, in His mercy, prosper the work, and grant that these operatives may receive
the cup of Salvation, and call upon the name of the Lord I Praised be the Lord,
praised be the Lord, in Christ Jesus ! . . .
This great victory was received throughout the country with intense en
thusiasm. The rejoicings in the manufacturing districts were such as had
never been seen before. Lord Ashley and Mr. Fielden were greeted with
ovations wherever they went ; many of the mill- owners welcomed the change,
and arranged for festivities in honour of the occasion. Medals were struck
in commemoration of the event, and the Queen was graciously pleased to
receive, at the hands of Lord Ashley, one of these medals sent to her by the
factory operatives.
The importance of the Act of 1847 becomes very apparent, when we
remember that out of 544,876 persons employed (according to the returns of
that year) in the textile industries, no less than 363,796 were young persons
and women, whom the Act directly affected ; the time of their labour being
limited, fiotn the 1st of July, when the Act came into force, to eleven hours
a day or sixty -three hours weekly, and from May the 1st, 1848, to ten hours a
day or fifty-eight hours weekly.
For forty years the subject had been before the world, and for fourteen
years Lord Ashley had been working- incessantly for the boon now granted.
He had, at the first, demanded that the agitation should be carried on in the
most conciliatory manner possible, and now that the great principle of the
Ten Hours' limit had been affirmed by the Legislature, he urged that there
should be no noisy or affronting exultation. Three days after the Bill had
passed its final stage, he addressed a letter to the Short- Time Committees as
follows : —
My Good Friends, — Although there is no longer any necessity to name you
collectively and as united together for the purpose of obtaining a reduction of
the hours of working in factories, I will address a few words to you, in your
capacity of representatives of the whole operative body, on questions of the
highest and dearest interest.
First, we must give most humble and hearty thanks to Almighty God for the
unexpected and wonderful success that has attended our efforts. We have won
the great object of all our labours — the Ten Hours Bill has become the law of
Y

370 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. tCHAP. Xv.
the land ; and we may hope, nay, more, we believe that we shall find in its happy
results, a full compensation for all our toils.
But, with your success have commenced new duties. You are now in posses
sion of those two hours which you have so long and so ardently desired ; you
must, therefore, turn them to the best account, to that account which was ever
in the minds of your friends and advocates when they appealed to the Legisla
ture on behalf of your rights as immortal beings, as citizens and Christians.
You will remember the principal motive that stimulated your own activity,
and the energetic aid of your supporters in Parliament, was the use that might
be made of this leisure for the moral improvement of the factory people, and
especially the female workers, who will now enjoy far better opportunities both
of learning and practising those duties which must be known and discharged if
we would have a comfortable, decent, and happy population.
You will experience no difficulty, throughout your several districts, in obtain
ing counsel or assistance on these subjects. The clergy, the various ministers, the
medical men — all who have been so forward and earnest in your cause — will, I
am sure, be really delighted to co-operate with your efforts.
I need not, I know, exhort you to an oblivion of past conflicts, and to hearty
endeavour for future harmony. I trust that there will be no language of
triumph, as though we had defeated an enemy. Let us be very thankful that the
struggle is over, and that we can once more combine, not only the interests, but
also the feelings, of employer and employed, in a mutual understanding for the
comfort and benefit of each other, and for the welfare of the whole community.
I cannot entertain a doubt that you will have anticipated me in this respect ;
it has been my endeavour from the beginning to seek and to advise all methods
of conciliation ; and I can safely declare, that in the periods of the greatest
ardour or disappointment, I never heard, either in meetings or from individuals,
a single vindictive expression.
Although the final completion of this great measure has been achieved by
another, I could not, after so many years of labour, take leave of it altogether
without a few words to you of advice and congratulation. To no one could the
lot have fallen so happily as to our friend Mr. Fielden. He joined me in 1833 in
the introduction of the first Bill, and has been ever since, as you well know, your
able, energetic, and unshrinking advocate.
In bidding you farewell, I do not retire ifrom your service. I shall, at all
times, hold myself in readiness to aid you in any measures that may conduce to
the moral and physical welfare of yourselves and of your children ; and I shall,
indeed, most heartily pray that it may please God to prosper this consummation
of our toils with every public and private blessing.
I remain, your veiy affectionate friend and servant, Ashley.
It will be well in this place, perhaps, to glance at some of the subsequent
features in the history of the Ten Hours movement.
At the time of the passing of the Act a great commercial crisis caused
many factories to stop working, or at least to work only half time. There
was, therefore, at first, a reduction of wages, solely due, not to the Act, but
to a concurrent stagnation of trade. When, however, in May, 1848, the Ten

1849-J THE SYSTEM OP "RELAYS." 371
Hours Day came to be adopted, a revival of production had taken place.
The legal working day was reckoned to begin at 5.30 a.m. and to end at
8.30 p.m., and the manufacturers took advantage of this to work their young
persons by a system of "relays" and — what was still worse — of "shifts" of
hands, so as to keep the operatives employed, and the mills in action, the
whole of this time. The masters who kept the time prescribed by the Act,
were loud in their denunciations of the practice. There was a struggle
between the manufacturers and the Inspectors on this point ; and the country
justices, of the manufacturing class, assisted the mill-owners in thus evading
the purposes of the Act. Great alarm was created among the operatives,
and, in order to allay it, a test case was got up by the Lancashire Central
Short-Time Committee, and tried, when the bench decided that the law was
not explicit enoug'h to enable them to convict, and an appeal was entered to
carry the case before a superior court.
Throughout the year 1849 there was intense anxiety amongst the friends
of the Ten Hours movement, who feared that the whole question would have
to be re-opened in Parliament. The old Committees were re-established.
tours of inspection were organised ; all the machinery of agitation had to be
called again into use, and it was found that the system of " relays " was
spreading in all directions. The Masters' Association, on the other hand,
was equally active, and petitions were drawn up against the Ten Hours Bill,
and circulated freely.
A few extracts from the Diary will show Lord Ashley's attitude towards
the question during this anxious time : —
March 5th, 1849.— The Ten Hours law is in jeopardy: God gave it us in His
mercy, and admirably has it worked, no reduction of wages, no flight of capital,
no misuse of vacant hours, nay, the reverse of all this. Some of the masters,
a small, thank God, though powerful minority, have discovered a means of
evasion. The Government say that they cannot prevent it, and they will, there
fore, partially legalise it ! Here is fresh toil, fresh anxiety. Would to God it
were settled for ever !
June 8th. — Old John Fielden is dead. . . Poor old Fielden ; he had
many kind qualities, and was a true and energetic friend to the Ten Hours Bill :
greatly, indeed, am I, and the operatives also, indebted to him, and we shall miss
him very seriously now, when wealth and capital and avarice and power are
again in arms against weakness and poverty. The mighty boon of the Ten Hours
law is nullified by fraud and abused justice ; and they seek now to annihilate it
by open legislation !
Oct. 4th. . . . The Ten Hours agitation still alive. Mr. Oastler and
Mr. Stephens have seized the opportunity to revile me and place themselves at
the head of the operatives ; but I rejoice to say that the operatives will neither
believe them nor accept them. This matter must be speedily determined by an
appeal to one of the Superior Courts : it is. disgraceful that the Home Secretary
has so long neglected this pressing necessity.
Nov. 1st. — Mr. Oastler and a crew of others (I can use no milder term))
including Sam Fielden (why he ?) are denouncing and reviling me in every
Y 2

372 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XV.
society, by day and by night, in speech and on paper, as a traitor, and a thousand
Other things, to tho Ten Hours Bill. God knows my sincerity, my labours,
Vexations, losses, injuries to health, fortune, comfort, position in that cause. It
is true I told the workpeople that I would assent (if tliey would assent, but not
without) to the concession of half an hour, provided they received in return the
immediate and final settlement of the question, and the limitation of the range
from fifteen to twenty hours, a concession the masters alone could make. Here is
my offence, and I am too busy, and also too tired to begin a controversial defence.
Like Hezekiah, I "spread it before the Lord." . . . I wish I could be cheerful,
but mirth hath perished.
It was not until the 8th of February, 1850, that the test case came on for
hearing in the Court of Exchequer. The decision was awaited with feverish
anxiety, as it seemed that the whole effect of the statute hinged upon it, and
the adverse judgment of Mr. Baron Parke, in which it was decided that the
system of " shifts " and " relays " was not contrary to the letter of the Act,
was received with dismay.
Feb. 1st, 1850. — Judges will decide adversely on factory case submitted to
them, and thus legalise relays ! The Attorney-General said to me this afternoon,
" They will give judgment, not according to law, but on policy. Judge Parke,"
he added, "observed to me, 'I have no doubt that the framers of the Act
intended that the labour should be continuous, but as it is a law to restrain the
exercise of capital and property, it must be construed stringently.' " Might not
this judge have said and thought, with equal justice and more feeling, "This is a
law to restrain oppression and cruelty, and alleviate an actual slavery under a
nominal freedom. I will, therefore, construe it liberally I " . . .
Feb. 15th. — Adverse judgment in Court of Exchequer. Great remedial
measure, the Ten Hours Act, nullified. The work to be done all over again ; and
I seventeen years older than when I began I But, as I did not commence, so
neither shall I renew it, in my own strength. My sufficiency, if there be any>
is of God.
It was now clear that the cruel system which had been declared legal,
would spread rapidly throughout the manufacturing districts. But Lord
Ashley was equal to the emerg'ency, and, having in the interval taken his seat
for Bath, he, four days after the decision had been given; introduced the
question into the House of Commons, by calling the attention of the Govern
ment to the necessity for " taking some steps to obviate the very evil con
sequences of that decision ; " and on March 14, after a smart discussion,
obtained leave to bring- in a Bill. He insisted upon immediate action, as, in
the then present state of things, with the mills going for fifteen hours, and
the actual labour of young persons restricted to ten, it resulted in their being
turned out into the streets at different intervals during the day, which was
not only an incentive to vice, but it made it impossible for Inspectors to
ascertain how many hours the hands really worked. Even Mr. John Bright
acknowledged the need for settling what was, he admitted in some degree, an
unsatisfactory state of the law ; but he took occasion to charge Lord Ashley
with posing at one time as the " hired advocate " of those who were anxious

1850.] "RELAYS" AND "SHIFTS." 373
to paint in the blackest colours the condition of the manufacturing districts,
" and at another time as if he were engaged, in consequence of the passing
of the Ten Hours Bill, to paint an entirely different people."
Throughout the Session the Ten Hours question was constantly beforo
the House, and every stage in its progress was guarded anxiously by Lord
Ashley. Sir George Grey, on behalf of the Government, proposed a plan to
which Lord Asliley had previously agreed — namely, iu return for the strict
limitation between six and six, to allow ten and a half hours labour per day,
and not more than sixty hours per week. The real compensation in this was
— and it was worth all the rest — that the time of labour was limited to a
range of twelve hours with a certain termination at six o'clock. There were
many amendments to this proposal, and endless discussions in and out of
Parliament. Lord John Manners moved that the factory day should bo
limited to half past five in the afternoon. Mr. John Bright seconded a
proposal to legalise the hateful system of " shifts and relays," and to fix tho
factory day from half -past five a.m. to half-past eight p.m. ! Both of these
motions were lost, as was also a motion by Lord Asliley, that children between
eight and thirteen years of age should be included in the six to six clause.
But although this was lost then, it was afterwards effected by Lord Palmer
ston, when at the Home Office in 1853.
March 11th, 1850. — Saw Grey ; he proposes, in fact, an eleven hours' bill, and
admitted that it was so, offering at the same time advantages in the reduction of
the range from 15 to 12J hours ; all mills to close at six o'clock. He would not
interdict relays, and by permitting them, enable masters to work for eleven hours ;
why this ? All has prospered under the ten hours, why thus propitiate Bright
and Ashworth ? Evasions would be universal ; detection, impossible.
May 7th. — Harassed day after day by this Factory Bill — impossible to get a
stringent clause to prohibit relays ; tried many and failed — have resolved then,
as only hope of getting anything good and secure for the operatives, to accept
Government Amendments. I am sure that they are the best terms that ever will
be offered, and probably that this is the last time of their being offered. I fear,
too, division among the operatives, for, if some reject, some will accept tho
terms ; once divided they are lost, the masters will effect an Eleven Hours Bill !
May 8th. — Harassed exceedingly by Factory affair— -resolved to adopt clauses
of Government, and wrote letter to Times announcing it. Expect from manu
facturing districts a storm of violence and hatred. I might have taken a more
popular and belauded course, but I should have ruined the question ; one more
easy to myself, but far from true to the people.
May 9th. — Two considerations have greatly determined me to take the resolute
course of accepting the Government proposals. First, I felt most distrustful of
the disposition of the House to support me in the full demand for the " ten
hours." The majority, that, in 1847, gave victory to the old supporters of the
Bill, wore governed, not by love to the cause, but, by anger towards Peel and the
Anti-Corn Law League. Had not these passions interposed, there would have
beon no unusual "humanity." Our position in this respect, is now altered.
Secondly, it is manifest that neither party (the employers, or the men) is striving

374 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XV.
for what is considered to be really essential. The two additional hours could
give nothing of value to the amount of production ; the two hours spread over
the week, could take nothing of importance from the operatives, the rule being
constant and rigid that the mills should be closed at six o'clock every day. They
are struggling merely for victory ; no side chooses to be beaten. This may bei
natural, but I could not consent to be the tool. Doubtless it is a blow to my
reputation, because many will misunderstand, while many will misrepresent, my
position and conduct.
After a long and wearisome course, the Bill was passed, and received the
Royal assent on July 26, 1850. It reduced the legal working day for all
young persons and women, to the time between six in the morning and six in
the evening, with one and a half hours for meals. This permitted ten and a half
hours work on five days in the week ; on Saturdays no protected person was
to work after two. Such was the main feature of the Act 13 & 14 Vic.
cap. 54, which has, since 1850, regulated the normal day in English factories.
The principle established by the Ten Hours Bill has had an effect, the
importance of which it is difficult to over-estimate, and, owing to the perse
verance of Lord Shaftesbury, that principle has been extended, until to-day
we have "a complete, minute, and voluminous code for the protection of
labour ; buildings must be kept pure of effluvia ; dangerous machinery must
be fenced; children and young persons must not clean it while in motion ;
their hours are not only limited, but fixed ; continuous employment must not
exceed a given number of hours, varying with the trade, but prescribed by
the law in given cases ; a statutable number of holidays is imposed ; the
children must go to school, and the employer must every week have a certifi
cate to that effect ; if an accident happens, notice must be sent to the proper
authorities ; special provisions are made for bake-houses, for lace-making, for
collieries, and for a whole schedule of other special callings ; for the due
enforcement and vigilant supervision of this immense host of minute pre
scriptions there is an immense host of inspectors, certifying surgeons, and
other authorities, whose business it is 'to speed and post o'er land and ocean'
in restless guardianship of every kind of labour, from that of the woman who
plaits straw at her cottage door, to the miner who descends into the bowels
of the earth, and the seaman who conveys the fruits and materials of
universal industry to and fro between the remotest parts of the globe ! " *
One of the most interesting circumstances in connection with the later
labours of Lord Shaftesbury on behalf of factory operatives was, that his
steady perseverance, in the long run, brought round to his side many of those
who had most stoutly opposed him. In 1860, Mr. Roebuck, who had for
merly been bitterly hostile, stood forth in Parliament and made his public
recantation. The question before the House was the labour of children,
young persons, and women employed in Bleach- works. He said : "I am
about to speak on this question under somewhat peculiar circumstances.
Very early in my Parliamentary career Lord Ashley, now the Earl of
* Mr. John Morley's " Life of Cobden,"

iseo.] mr. roebuck's recantation. 375
Shaftesbury, introduced a Bill of this description. ... I opposed Lord
Ashley at that time, and was very much influenced in my opposition by what
the gentlemen of Lancashire said. They declared then that it was the last
half hour of the work performed by their operatives which made all their
profits, and that if we took away that last half hour we should ruin the
manufacturers of England. I listened to that statement, and trembled for
the manufacturers of England — but Lord Ashley persevered. Parliament
passed the Bill which he brought in. From that time down to the present
the factories of this country have been under State control, and I appeal to
this House whether the manufacturers of England have suffered by this
legislation P " (Loud cheers.) * The burden of his speech throughout was,
that in his former tooth-and-nail opposition, he had been wrong in almost
every particular.
No sooner had Mr. Roebuck concluded than Sir James Graham came up
to him, and, laying his hand on his shoulder, said, " I am glad that you have
read your recantation, and I will read mine to-morrow." Roebuck's recanta
tion was more fully announced in the following letter, written a few days
after his speech in the House : —
Mr. Roebuck, M.P., to Lord Shaftesbury.
19, Ashley Place, S.W., March 24, 1860.
My dear Lord Shaftesbury, — I am much obliged by your kind expres
sions and by your flattering appreciation of my labours on behalf of the women
and children working in Bleaching and Dye-works. The praise, however, if any
be due, belongs to yourself, for the evidence supplied by the enactments which
you promoted made a convert of me, and led me, as far as I was able, to imitate
your example and follow in your footsteps. That good will come of last
Wednesday's division I feel certain. The success of the measure is now assured,
and much misery, which has hitherto disgraced us, will now be prevented. The
present state, however, of these poor women and children is a serious lesson to
all legislators. It teaches us, in a way not to be mistaken, that we ought never
to trust to the justice and humanity of masses of men whose interests are fur
thered by injustice and cruelty. The slave-owner in America, the manufacturer
in England, though they may be individually good men, will, nevertheless, as
slave-owners and masters, be guilty of atrocities at which humanity shudders ;
and will, before the world, with unblushing faces, defend cruelties from which
they would recoil with horror if their moral judgments were not perverted by
their self-interest. It is happy for us that we have an impartial public around
us, who, being unswayed by evil interests, can, without a sacrifice, give a just
judgment. Thanks again for your approval,
Believe me, very sincerely yours,
J. A. Roebuck.
True to his word, in a debate upon the same subject (the Bleaching and
Dye-Works Bill), Sir James Graham rose and said : " I have a confession to
* Times, March 22, 1860.

376 the earl op Shaftesbury. [Chap. xv.
make to the House. Experience has shown, to my satisfaction, that many of
the predictions formerly made against the Factory Bill have not been
verified by the result, as, on the whole, that great measure of relief for
women and children has contributed to the well-being and comfort of the
working classes, whilst it has not injured their masters. . . . By the
vote I shall give to-night I will endeavour to make some amends for the
course I pursued in earlier life in opposing the Factory Bill." *
In March, 1864, Mr. Gladstone, in a speech on interference by prohibition,
referred to the Factory Acts, and said, " It is an interference, as to which it
may be said that the Legislature is now almost unanimous with respect to
the necessity which existed for undertaking it, and with respect to the
beneficial effect it has produced both in mitigating human suffering, and in
attaching important classes of the community to Parliament and the Govern
ment." In a note written by Lord Shaftesbury in the margin of Mr. Grant's
" History of Factory Legislation " are these words : " He does not retract
with the honesty of Roebuck and Graham."
In all quarters, testimony was borne to the beneficial effects produced by
the intervention of the Legislature in the employment of women and
children in factories. To quote such testimony would be an endless and
unnecessary labour. One extract only, as a sample, shall be given here. At
a meeting of the British Association in Manchester, in September, 1861, Pro
fessor Newmarch, in his opening- address as President of the Economic
Science Statistics Section, after referring to the progress of Factoiy Legis
lation, and the " wholly successful " issue of the limitation of hours, said :
" It had consolidated society in this part of the island, swept away a great
mass of festering and growing discontent, placed the prosperity of the dis
trict on a broad, solid, and safe basis ; on the orderly, educated, contented
labour of Lancashire, a security against foreign competition, a guarantee of
power, and fund of undivided profits. These results had followed from the
sagacious, persevering, and moral exertions of the advocates of the Ten
Hours Bill."
By far the most interesting summary and comment upon the great Factoiy
struggle, is supplied by Lord Shaftesbury in some manuscript notes appended
on fly-leaves to Mr. Philip Grant's " History of Factoiy Legislation." They
were written towards the end of his life, and are as follows : —
My friend Grant has made some omissions, and especially in p. 145. He has left
out the whole history of what follows on my acceptance of Grey's offer of a
"limitation of the hours between 6 and (i, with an hour and a half off for meals,"
thus making the working day 10 J instead of 10 hours.
It led to a violent disruption. Oastler, Walker, and the Fielden family de
nounced me as a traitor, and never ceased afterwards to hurt and slander me.
I assented on the ground that twenty years of well-balanced conflict showed
that neither party could gain its full purpose ; and that compromise was the only
solution, And the gain to the people was far beyond the concession to the
* Times, May 9, 1860.

18-17— CO.] SUMMARY OF FACTORY LEGISLATION. 377
employers, who, for an additional half hour, surrendered their right to take the
hours of labour over an interval of 15 hours with all the means of evasion, and
agreed to close their works at 6 o'clock.
This was recognised, at the very first, by very many of the operatives, and>
oventva'ly, by all.
It, moreover, prevented a " sore place " by giving neither party the absolute
victory. And in nothing have I seen more reason to admire and trust the factory-
workers, than in their readiness to conform to my advice (which I gave in abun
dant letters and speeches) that, while there was much joy, there should be no
insolent exultation, no language of triumph, but expressions of gratitude, ad
dresses of friendly sentiments, and desire for harmony and common action.
All this had the desired effect ; for the masters, instead of a sulky opposition,
were zealous to aid the operations of the measure, and henee, under God, its
success. From the first hour of my movement to the last, I had ever before me, and
never lost sight of it, the-issue of a restoration of a good understanding between
employer and employed.
He has also omitted to note the completion of the Act by bringing, in 1853
(this we owe to Palmerston), the children between 8 and 13 under the 6 to 6
Clause. To this time, though the adults and, young persons were liberated after
12 hours' detention on the premises, the children of tender years were detained
15 hours, many of them, in Yorkshire, coming 3 miles to their work.
These new measures (the Extension Acts) were mentioned in the Queen's
Speeches both at the opening and the closing of Parliament in 1867.
The next entry, on another fly-leaf, appears to have been written at a later
date : —
Forster T suggested that, in the preface to my " published volume "(1)1 should
set forth many cf the obstacles that had beset my progress. This could not be
done by myself ; the narrative would savour of egoism. But for my children,
if this book survive me, I may say that they were many and severe. I had to
break every political connection, to encounter a most formidable array of capital
ists, mill-owners, doctrinaires, and men, who, by natural impulse, hate all
"humanity-mongers." They easily influence the ignorant, the timid, and the
indifferent; and my strength lay at first ("tell it not in Gath ! ") among the
Radicals, the Irishmen, and u, few sincere Whigs and Conservatives. Peel was
hostile, though, in his cunning, he concealed the full extent of his hostility until
he took the reins of office, and then he opposed me. not with decision only but
malevolence, threatening, he and Graham, to break up his administration and
" retire into private life " unless the House of Commons rescinded the vote it had
given in favour of my Ten Hours Bill. The Tory country gentlemen reversed
their votes ; but, in 1847, indignant with Peel on the ground of Corn Law repeal,
they returned to the cause of the factory children.
Fielden and Brotherton were the only " practical " men, as the phrase then
went, who supported me, and to "practical " prophecies of overthrow of trade, of
ruin to the operatives themselves, I could only oppose " humanity " and general
* John Forster, author of "Life of Dickons," and many other works.

378 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XV.
principles. The newspapers were, on the whole, friendly ; some very much so.
A few, especially the local journals, inconceivably bitter, though balanced by
local papers sound and hearty in their support.
Out of Parliament, there was in society every form of " good-natured " and
compassionate contempt. In the provinces, the anger and irritation of the oppo
nents were almost fearful ; and men among first classes of workpeople, over
lookers and others, were afraid to avow their sentiments. It required, during
many years, repeated journeys to Lancashire and Yorkshire, no end of public
meetings in the large towns ; visits, committees, innumerable hours, intolerable
expense. In very few instances did any mill-owner appear on the platform with
me ; in still fewer the ministers of any religious denomination. At first not one,
except the Rev. Mr. Bull, of Brierley, near Bradford ; and even to the last, very
few, so cowed were they (or in themselves so indifferent) by the overwhelming
influence of the cotton lords.
I had more aid from the medical than the divine profession ; and ever must I
record the services and skill of Mr. Fletcher of Bury.
The demands upon time and strength were quite up to my powers, and, indeed,
much beyond them. I suffered a good deal.
The operatives themselves did their duty. Their delegates, whom they main
tained at their own cost, were always active and trustworthy men : specially my
friend and fellow-labourer, Philip Grant, who was, in my support, as two right
hands. Perhaps the various efforts made by Sir R. Peel to induce me to take office
were amongst the greatest of my difficulties. The attractions of office were not
weighty ; but Sir R. Peel wishing, not so much to have me as a member of his
Government as to withdraw me from the Factory Bill, spared no entreaties, no
" flatteries," no almost falsehoods, to entice me. He shifted his ground in every
way, first one thing, then another. Among other things, .the Lord-Lieutenancy
of Ireland, as " a man who would have great influence over the clergy to induce
them to accept reforms."
In the Times of Saturday, April 11th, 1868, there is a review of the Life of
Wilberforce I There are many things said in it of him that might be said of me,
but they never will be. He started with a Committee and a Prime Minister to
back him. I started to assail home interests, with every one, save a few unim-
posing persons, against me. O'Connell was a sneering and bitter opponent ;
Gladstone ever voted in resistance to my efforts ; and Brougham played the
doctrinaire in the House of Lords.
Bright was ever my most malignant opponent. Cobden, though bitterly
hostile, was better than Bright. -He abstained from opposition on the Collieries
Bill, and gave positive support on tbe Calico Print-works Bill.
Gladstone is on a level with the rest ; he gave no support to the Ten Hours
Bill ; he voted with Sir R. Peel to rescind the famous division in favour of it.
He was the only member who endeavoured to delay the Bill which delivered
women and children from mines and pits ; and never did he say a word on behalf
of the factory children, until, wlien defending slavery in the West Lndies, he
taunted Buxton with indifference to the slavery in England !
Lord Brougham was among my most heated opponents. He spoke strongly
against the Bill in 1847.
Miss Martineau also gave her voice and strength in resistance to the measure.

1847—69.] FRIENDS AND FOES. 379
By degrees some public men came round. Russell, then Lord John, did me
disservice while he was Minister ; he espoused the cause when turned into Oppo.
sition. Then Sir G. Grey adhered ; and, towards the end, Macaulay gave us one
of his brilliant and effective speeches. My latter years in the House of Commons
were dogged by Oastler and the Fieldens, who resented my policy in bringing all
things to a happy conclusion by making and accepting concessions to abate too
much exultation in the operatives, and too much soreness in the mill-owners.
The pressure upon purse and upon time was very great ; the pressure upon
strength was greater, but the pressure on the mind was greatest of all. I
endured terrible anxieties.
(I have omitted above that the famous O'Connell was, for a long time, very
bitter and hostile, and spoke of the " good-natured nonsense " I delivered. He
became, afterwards, much milder.)
What follows was written evidently after another long interval : —
On May 15th, 1869, a great celebration at Bradford to uncover Oastlers
statue. The reception the operatives gave me was wonderful There must have
been one hundred thousand people present ; many had come from distant townsi
in Yorkshire.

CHAPTER XVI.
1847.
There were many who did not hesitate to declare that the scare produced by
the threatened failure of the potato crop in 1845, and the consequent famine,
was neither moro nor less than a political coup. It was, nevertheless, a
terrible fact, and Ireland had been plunged into unprecedented distress. In
the autumn of 1846 the disease reappeared with greater virulence than ever ;
and in 1847 Ireland was in a state of absolute famine. It is impossible to
describe the terrible condition of that unhappy country ; tens of thousands
were threatened with actual starvation, and thousands more were suffering
from disease consequent upon insufficient food. Then it was seen that the
repeal of the Corn Laws was a stroke of the wisest policy ; the ports had not
been thrown open one day too soon, nor had the intimation to countries from
whence gTain could be imported, been given an hour too early. The descrip
tions in the daily press were of the most harrowing- kind, and the whole
world was horrified by their shocking details, to which there is, happily,
nothing similar on record in the annals of this country. Despite all the
efforts that were made, " there was not a house where there was not one
dead." It was ascertained by the census of 1851 that a million and a half of
persons, of all ages, had disappeared — either starved to death, destroyed by
pestilence, or fled the country.
In a great variety of ways the sympathies of Lord Ashley were called out
towards the suffering people, to whom constant reference is made in the
Diary throughout these years of famine.
February 21st, Sunday. — Sermon for relief of Irish ; held one of the plates in
Park Street. Largest collection ever known here, £192 14s. lid. Sad to see
how many well-dressed people pass by and give not a brass farthing. . . .
February 26th. — Wrote to Bishop of London to urge day of humiliation. It
is something to reverence God as a nation, though it be only externally.
March 24th.— The day appointed for fast and national humiliation. At ten
o'clock, prayers being ended, some bread and cocoa. The savings in the house-
books to go (it is the homage, not the sum) to some Irish fund. Were this done
in every family, thousands of pounds might be collected. It has been a comfort
able day to me ; the service, the reading, the conversation, have all been con
solatory and profitable. Seldom have I known my heart more touched, or my
eyes more full. ... 0 God, may this people stand before Thee in penitence,
in prayer, confession, and forgiveness ! May they yet be Thy instruments, for
honour to Thee and welfare to the human race, Thy chosen soldiers of the Cross
of Christ against sin and the devil !

lS17-l SPEECH AT BATH. 381
111 the early part of the year Lord Ashley was engaged in rendering
important service to Lord John Russell, who was about to submit to Parlia
ment a scheme for the education of the poojile, based upon the grant of
£100,000 to bo asked for during the Session. He proposed to exclude
Roman Catholics from the benefit of the grant, and to take up their case in a
separate form. The details of his plan were submitted to the House on the
19th April, when he expressed his belief that any proposal for making State
education purely secular would be opposed to the opinion of Parliament.
April 1st. — Much engaged in endeavouring to bring the Wesleyan body to
accept and support new scheme of education.
Lord J. Russell to Lord Ashley.
Chesham Place, April 7, 1847.
My dear Ashley, — Your exertions to induce the Wesleyans to accept our
Minutes will, I trust, be successful.
But at all events, I cannot refrain from expressing the obligations which I
feel to you for your very active and judicious endeavours to obtain the support
of that most valuable body to our Minutes. I remain, ever yours faithfully, J. Russell.
April 15th. — All is well ! The Wesleyans have accepted the Minutes. May
God prosper the issue ! Took chair in evening yesterday of great education
meeting in Freemasons' Hall. Very enthusiastic, very successful ; everything
prospered. April 23rd. — A majority last night on the Education Minutes of 345, forty-
seven only voting against it ! I am truly thankful. May the measure be pros
pered to the advancement of true religion ! Now, where would the Government
have been had the Wesleyans joined the Dissenters ? Their union would have
damped the ardour of the Church, and all would have been in confusion.
Lord Asliley had accepted the invitation of an influential deputation that
had waited upon him, urging him to stand for the representation of Bath, at
the forthcoming- General Election, and offering to pay all his expenses ; and
on the 25th May he addressed the electors. In his opening remarks he gave
a graphic description of Parliamentary life. He said : —
I was almost willing to' retire from public life, and all its distracting voca
tions ; for, however tempting to the young and inexperienced — however full of
promise of usefulness and of honour to those who have never tried it — the
House of Commons does not present, to its more practised' members, such an
amount of unalloyed enjoyment as to render it, of all sublunary things, the
most to be desired.
The immense consumption of time, the constant demand on the moral and
physical energies, the enormous effort which is required to do the smallest good,
and the misunderstanding and abuse which constantly attend that attempt —
these circumstances, when seen and felt, greatly diminish the attraction of Par
liamentary honours. Add to these the state of public parties, the uncertainty of

38!i THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. ~ [Chap. X VI.
the opinions of your own ordinary political friends, and the total impossibility
of reposing entire confidence in any public man — consider all these things, and
you have but little left to inspire any inordinate desire of senatorial privileges.
The subjects he principally brought forward were those connected with
the social condition of the labouring classes, indicating principles rather than
precise measures, and holding himself free to decide the time and mode of
asserting them ; but, in all, he pledged himself to maintain the " great prin
ciples of the Constitution in Church and State — -those great principles which,
ever since the Revolution of 1688, have been recognised and cherished by
the people of these realms — the Crown, the Bishops, the Houses of Lords
and Commons, and every institution ecclesiastical and civil."
His opponent was Mr. Roebuck, then his bitterest antagonist in the
Factory agitation. Mr. Roebuck had arrayed on his side capital, as well as
considerable influence, the Jews alone subscribing £2,000 towards his
expenses, and he made, moreover, the usual extravagant display which pro
duced no inconsiderable impression upon a certain class of electors in those
days. Lord Ashley, on the other hand, declined to allow banners, proces
sions, or even ribands; determined that if he triumphed, it should be a
triumph of principles.
July 24th. — Bath. Arrived yesterday — all seems quiet, and appearances are
not bad. It would require a world of argument to make me vote for the repeal
of the Septennial Bill ; a more frequent repetition of the toils, expenses, excite
ment, and evil passions of a contested election would be awfully injurious to all
parties. July 26th. — Mobbed on Saturday, and struck in the evening by a man, who
was instantly seized, his blow having been broken — yet I shall continue to walk
about. Violence is expected at the hustings ; I trust that the police will do their
duty. Attended several committees, very crowded and very hot — all looks pretty
well, but " Dieu dispose." Mr. R. is determined, I hear, to wither me by sarcasms
¦ — doubtless he will have the opportunity to revile, and I shall have none to
answer ; but God judge between us I
July 28th. — The nomination has passed off quietly — people noisy, but good-
humoured. An immense meeting ; Mr. Roebuck, piano in comparison of what I
expected, so much so that I could not produce the only part of my speech that I
bad prepared in answer to his invectives 1
Perceived a change in the popular feeling towards end of my speech : cries
of " Ashley for ever I " ten times more frequent all this evening than before.
July 31st. — London. No time for entries till this morning — many events ;
returned, however, thank God, at the head of the poll ! * A., 1278 ; D., 1228 ;
R., 1093.
August 2nd. — I am deeply sensible of the immense value of the mode in
which I have been returned, and of the principles asserted in it. I can never
sufficiently thank God for the whole event, and for the prospect it has opened to
me of restoration to public usefulness. I have been excluded from Parliament
* Lord Ashley, Lord Duncan, Mr. Roebuck. The latter was left at the foot of the
poll after a connection of fifteen years with the constituency.

!847.1 ROGER MILLER, CITY MISSIONARY. 383
for two Sessions, but the time has not been entirely lost ; and I am now replaced
in it in a way the most honourable, and the most pleasant on record in the
history of elections. I did not ask a single vote ; I appeared but once in Bath,
and made a single speech before the week of the dissolution ; I did not pay a
single farthing ; I had not an inch of ribbon, a banner, music, or » procession ;
not a penny during six months was expended on beer ; nor had I one paid agent ;
the tradesmen conducted the whole, and with singular judgment and concord.
This is indeed a model for elections, and heartily do I thank God that the
precedent has been set in my instance. We had no mob, no bludgeon-man, and
trusted entirely to the police and common sense. . . .
Aug. 7th. — -The unanimity of the London press, great and small, the blue
bottles and the gnats, against me and for Roebuck, is very remarkable. Punch
of yesterday added his sting. Such perseverance cannot fail of some general
effect on the public mind ; for, as Mr. Hardwick, the architect, told us a few
' days ago, the repeated jars of a train, passing over an iron bridge, were equal, in
the aggregate, to one mighty blow !
The interest excited in Ragged Schools and the London City Mission
showed no sign of diminution. Many influential persons were eager to see
the strange sights which Lord Asliley so graphically described by pen and
speech. The newspaper press lent material aid in making the subject popu
lar ; and the mustard seed was beginning to spread itself into the largest of
trees. Frequent notes similar to the following occur in the Diary : —
March 27th. — To Pye Street at 11 o'clock to show Ragged School to Fox Maule
and Mr. Guthrie. Lord, how we ought to bless Thee for this measure of success I
May 1st. — An article in the Edinburgh Review on " Ragged Schools," written,
evidently, by one who knows nothing of them. No mention of our Ragged
Union, no recognition of our labours and services. The spirit of it is good — no
tendency to irreligion. Now, I discern the reason of their silence ; I see a
contemptuous allusion to factory legislators, and any praise of the Union would
involve a praise of myself. Such things are in themselves of no value ; the
result is the sum and substance, wherewith we should be content ; but to a public
man, the praise of successful efforts, especially if he be a, "philanthropist," is
stock-in-trade for further enterprise ; to withhold it where it is due, is not so
much to injure the man as to retard humanity.
The Broadwall Ragged School in South London owed its existence to the
indefatigable labours of Mr. Roger Miller, a City missionary, who had at first
gathered about 130 of the most destitute and forsaken children he could find,
and, in a tumbledown building, had laboured, week-days and Sundays, to lead
them into better paths. Soon the crowds of applicants were too numerous
for the accommodation ; and Lord Ashley happening to hear of this, sent for
Mr. Miller, to see if something could not be done to assist him in his work.
Lord Ashley seemed to know instinctively the men he could trust, and
with whom he could work ; and once having taken kindly to a man he would
trust him implicitly, and work with him ungrudgingly. It was so in this
case ; and Mr. Miller was soon entered upon his list of friends. This was no
meaningless distinction implying mere patronage. He sought out in men

384 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XVI.
beauty of character and singleness of purpose, and it mattered not to him
whether they belonged to the humbler walks of life or to the higher : he gave
them his friendship in no ordinary sense of the term. He accepted the motto
of the poet Young : — -
" Judge before friendship, then confide till death."
Roger Miller was a man whom Lord Ashley highly esteemed. He was a
frequent, and always a welcome visitor, and his simple, earnest devotion to
the poor, his practical piety, and his cheerful, hopeful faith, were often help
ful to the spiritual life of Lord Ashley. The death of this faithful mis
sionary, just at a time when his labours were more than ever needed, was a
serious blow, which deeply affected Lord Ashley.
June 7th. — This morning overwhelmed with grief ; but God give us faith and
obedience. Miller killed in the Birmingham train on Saturday night. I had
seen him in the morning, well and full of zeal. He was going to Manchester to
bury his mother. How inscrutable are Thy ways, 0 Lord ! Write this lesson on
our hearts. Here was a man rich in good works, piety, truth, service to God and
man, labouring by night and day for humanity and religion, and especially
amongst the poorest of our race. He is suddenly cut off, his work unfinished, his
wife and children left destitute ! And this, too, when so many profligate, idle,
mischievous, useless, survive. Let us rejoice that we know the issues of life and
death to be, not only in the power, but in the care, of our Father which is in
Heaven I He is gone, I believe, to his rest ; and now, 0 God, give us the will and
the means to aid his widow, who is a widow indeed, and the children, who are
orphans ! But where shall I find another such for the charge of our Ragged
School ? Where another so f ull,of love, piety, earnestness, discretion,, and labour 1
Lord, Thou knowest. Blessed Saviour of mankind, remember Thine own words —
" Feed my lambs."
June 9th. — A far greater man might have gone out of the world with much
less effect. All was grief on Monday at Broadwall ; children and adults wept
¦alike, and blessed the memory of poor Miller. I have known men of a hundred
thousand a year depart this life, and every eye around dry as the pavement. Here
goes a City missionary at thirty shillings a week, and hundreds are in an agony
of sorrow. I have lost an intimate friend. We took, I may saj, " sweet counsel
together." A gap has been made in my life and occupations which will not
easily be filled up.
Lord Ashley had in early life often wished to devote himself to science,
At this period in his career he seemed about to devote himself to literature.
Two articles from his pen appeared iu the Quarterly Review for 1847. The
first was on Mrs. Elizabeth Fry, whose biography it reviews.
The second article was on " Lodging Houses,'' and was written to assist
the efforts being made by the Labourers' Friend Society, in the same way in
which the article on Ragged Schools had assisted the Ragged School Union.
It was successful, and paved the way for attempting greater things, not
only by the Labourers' Friend Society, but upon their model, and not in
London only but in many of the large provincial towns and cities.

1S47.)

IN SCOTLAND. 385

In August Lord Ashley set off on a round of visits, to take a little
relaxation before the labours of the new Parliament should commence.
Aug. 12th._Broadlands. Went over yesterday to St. Giles's. Minny, and the
four boys ; no one there ; place solitary as the plains of Tartary, but, thank God,
it looked well and uninjured. A few years ago I could have adopted a rural life ;
I could not, I think, now ! My habits are formed on metropolitan activity, and
I must ever be groping where there is the most mischief. . . .
Aug. 23rd.— William Cowper writes to Minny, "I hear Ashley sometimes
spoken of as the only man who is calculated to lead the majority of the Con
servative party, and certainly if he were an ambitious man he might assume a
leadership with many followers next Session, particularly on subjects relating to
the- Church, &c, &c." Well, this is a new view of my futurity; what sport for
the newspapers ! If they shot at me while I was merely a cocksparrow, what
would they do when I had become a Popinjay I no, no, no ; I have opinions and
feelings, strong and deep ; they may be right or wrong ; but, right or wrong,
they can never lead a party, because no party would follow them.
Aug. 30th. — Ryde. Reading "Missionary Enterprises" by Williams, tt may
well make us all blush — blush by contrast with the missionaries, blush by contrast
with the natives of the South Sea Islands. Zeal, devotion, joy, simplicity of
heart, faith and love ; and we, here, have barely affection enough to thank God
that such deeds have been done. Talk of "doing good "and "being useful in
one's generation," why, these admirable men performed more in one month than
I or many others shall perform in a whole life ! 0 God, bless our land to Thy
service, and make every ship an ark of Noah to bear the Church of Christ and
the tidings of salvation, over all the waters of the ocean.
Sept. 17th. — Galloway House. There cannot be a lovelier or more enjoyable
spot. The air is so elastic and bracing that it saves one from Sybaritish affec
tions ; one feels up to doing something. God give me a stock of health to be
used in His service ! '
Dear old Duchess of Beaufort here ; talked much with her on the Second
Advent ; we both agree and delight in the belief of the personal reign of our
blessed Lord on earth. I cannot understand the Scriptures in any other way ; it
is, however, a doctrine much abhorred by certain people, and greatly ridiculed
and persecuted in those who profess it ; the adversaries argue and revile as fiercely
as though they attacked or maintained the fundamentals of the Christian
religion, whereas the reception of this text, hqwever comfortable, is no niattcr
of faith. Sept. 25th. — Wishaw, Lord Belhaven's. Arrived here yesterday, hospitably
received ; found Miss Strickland, authoress of " Lives of Queens of England " .
put up my bristles in fear, and prepared for an onslaught of blue-stocking
Tractarianism ; agreeably disappointed ; a good-natured, kind-hearted woman.
She spoke gloriously of my public exploits, hence I suppose my becalmed
spirit. . . .
Sept. 30th. — Achnacarry. Visit to Lord Malmesbury. Found here Ossulston,
the Castlereaghs, and a Mr. Giles, a skilful limner. Rose this morning at 6.
The purple hills were tipped with the rising sun, and all around is heathery
mountain. It is like living at the bottom of a teacup with lovely edges.
Oct. 2nd. — Impossible to describe the fascinations of these Highland regions;
z

386 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XVI.
the hills must be seen, and the air must be breathed ; one's old limbs become
elastic, and we " leap exulting like the bounding roe ; " it is a joy which fills the
heart with thankfulness.
The colours and tints of every kind and hue, in most abundant variety,
enliven the valleys and mountains with a brilliant glory. It looks as if some
mighty giant, intending to do a landscape, had used a whole district for his
palette, and spread it over with all the colours that singly or combined can exist
in Nature. And as for the whole effect, language is altogether impotent ; one's
vocabulary will supply no adequate terms, and must be content to admire in
silence or by short and emphatic ejaculations. . . .
Oct. 9th. — Rossie Priory. Been here since Wednesday; it is a fine posssession,
people hospitable and kind ; found here Sheriff Watson — very glad indeed to
meet him — a tutelar saint of Ragged Schools ; also Sir David Brewster, a dear
old man, combining beautifully science and religion. ... I have been in
good spirits since my arrival in Scotland, and have laughed a great deal, perhaps
too much.
Oct. 20th. — Boiling Hall, near Bradford, in Yorkshire. Yesterday evening
the Short- Time Commissioner of the West Riding presented to Minny a full-
length portrait of me, painted by Bird, and an excellent likeness, as a memorial
of gratitude for my services. Nothing could have been more acceptable in every
sense. *
On his return to London Lord Ashley found abundant labours awaiting
him. One matter in particular claimed his attention, and it was characteristic
of him that he would carry an urgent case to its final issue, however pressing
other claims might be. A lady, Mrs. H„ had been shut up as a lunatic, but,
as far as Lord Ashley and three other Commissioners could judge, she was
as sane as any woman in England ; and he was pained and alarmed to find
how, with all the safeguards of the law, there were still facilities for in
carcerating a victim. He spared no pains in sifting the evidence on both
sides, and prosecuted the investigation day by day until he had proof
indisputable that the lady was the victim of a cruel conspiracy, and was
perfectly sane. It need not be added that she was set at liberty with the
least possible delay.
The patience and skill and unwearying labour of Lord Ashley as a Com
missioner in Lunacy can never be told. One story out of many, illustrating
the characteristic promptness with which, even late in life, he would examine
a case and take immediate action, may be cited here.
A lady, Mrs. A., residing in the West End, was on visiting terms with
Mrs. B., a woman of fashion and position. There was very little in common
between the two, and the visits of Mrs. A. would have been less frequent
than they were, had she not taken a more than passing interest in a young
lady, Miss C. who was staying, indefinitely as it seemed, in the house of
Mrs. B. There was a great charm in her conversation, and the visits of
Mrs. A. seemed to afford her considerable pleasure, although they were only
of an occasional and somewhat formal kind. One day when Mrs. A. called,
* It now hangs at St. Giles's House.

l84?-l THE OATH OF ALLEGIANCE, 387
Miss C. was not there, and on making very pointed inquiries, she was, after
some hesitation, informed that her young friend was out of her mind, and
was in an asylum fifty miles away from town, the name of the asylum being
mentioned. That evening Mrs. A. felt troubled and distressed ; she had seen Miss C.
only a week or ten days previously, and perceived no indication of a dis
ordered mind. It was true she had observed indications of sadness and
depression of spirits, and had feared that her young friend was not happy ;
but that she was out of her mind and fit to be in an asylum, she oould not
and would not believe.. She was greatly troubled, not knowing what to do,
or where to go. At length it occurred to her that the Earl of Shaftesbury
was a Commissioner in Lunacy, ahd she went straight away to his house,
found him at home, and told him the whole story. It was evening when she
arrived in Grosvenor Square, and dinner was on the table, but within a
quarter of an hour Lord Shaftesbury was on his way to the railway station
to go down to the asylum and investigate the matter for himself. He did so,
and on the following day the young lady was released, it having been
authoritatively ascertained that she was not in a state to render it necessary
for her to be an inmate of an asylum.
The new Parliament was opened by the Queen in person on the 23rd
November, and her speech was, for the first time, transmitted to the chief
towns in the kingdom by the electric telegraph.
At the preceding General Election Baron Lionel Rothschild was returned
for the City of London — the first Jew ever returned to the House of Com
mons ; and, in order that he might be allowed to take his seat, the question of
the removal of Jewish Disabilities was revived. The subject had been
frequently under discussion since Mr. Robert Grant, in 1830, first brought
forward a Bill to enable Jews to sit in Parliament. At that time a Jew was
liable to every kind of humiliation: he could not vote unless he took the
prescribed oath ; he could not be an attorney, or practise at the bar, or be
employed in a school, and, in many other respects, was " conspicuous in a free
community as a man under a social and political ban." In the course of
years, however, various concessions had been made, until all the privileges of
citizenship were accorded to him, except the most coveted honour of all — the
right to sit in Parliament.
Lord John Russell moved a resolution to enable Baron Rothschild to take
his seat, and, although it was strongly opposed by the Conservatives, the
resolution—" for the admission of Jews into Parliament " — was carried by
a majority of 253 to 186. The Bill was eventually thrown out, however, in
the Lords.
Lord Ashley took part in the debate, and his speech told with consider
able effect. His objection was not to admitting them as Jews, but that the
Oath of Allegiance should be altered to suit them. " What I said in effect
was this," said Lord Shaftesbury, when telling the story of these times to

388 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XVI.
the writer : " You call on us to alter the oath by striking out the words ' on
the faith of a Christian,' and ask the Legislature to affirm that this is
unnecessary. I will not be a party to playing with the name of Christ, by
striking it out of an oath, to please any one. If you like to have no oath at
all, well and good, but I will have nothing to do with its alteration, which
is a practical denial of the faith."
The closing events of the year are thus recorded : —
Nov. 15th. — Dined with John Russell on Saturday last. I had some thought
of avoiding any "private" civilities; but I determined otherwise — he made
a friendly advance and quasi-apology ; let us forget all in the common
necessity. . . .
Nov. 19th. — Windsor Castle. Came here on Wednesday evening. Queen kind
and hospitable : may God shield her and hers from every mischief, and, above
all, incline her heart to thoughts of service and of love. My visits here mark
the lapse of time and the progress of things ; as such they have a tinge of melan
choly in " looking after those things that are coming upon the earth." Sir G.
Grey here also ; he is " a good man and a just." . . .
Dec. 13th. — A singular correspondence in the paper to-day. The Bishops
(twelve in number, Winchester and Ely surprise me) remonstrate with Lord J.
Russell for his appointment of Dr. Hampden ! Their letter is weak, almost
foolish, his reply is clever and just. My opinion is quoted as having been given
to Russell in support of the appointment. He did not previously consult me on
it. He asked me subsequently what I thought. I replied, " I should not, had I
been Prime Minister, have made the appointment myself ; but now that it is
made, I venture to say that more good than evil will, I think, come out of it.
His appointment as Regius Professor was infamous, because his writings at
that time were Neological, of the school of Strauss ; but during the last four
or five years he has written and- published very beautiful and orthodox dis
courses." . . .
Dec. 15th. — To-morrow Jew Bill in House of Commons. I must speak ; may
God give me a mouth and wisdom ; if I fail I shall be discouraged for any future
effort : my spirit is far from elastic, I was always easily depressed, I am more so
now. . . .
Dec. 17th. — Who ever trusted in God, and was disappointed ? Spoke last
night, and obtained (I am full of wonder) astonishing success. How curious !
I was so frightened and dejected that I had almost determined not to rise.
A minute more of my predecessor's speech would have consigned me to
silence ! . . .
Dec. 20th. — Now, is this result traceable, in His free mercy to past faith! I
resigned my seat in Parliament, and all my public hopes and public career, that
I might not give " occasion to the enemies of God to blaspheme," and I sur
rendered everything to His keeping. Mark the issue : my Ten Hours Bill is
carried in my absence. I am returned to Parliament in a singularly and unusu
ally honourable way, and within three weeks I begin to occupy a higher position
than at any antecedent period : surely it is a completion of the promise, " Them
that honour me, I will honour." . . .

CHAPTER XVII.
1848.
The year 1848 was ushered in amid distrust, perplexity, and doubt. Every
where there was foreboding of some unseen and undefined misfortunes.
Men's souls were stirred by strange presentiments.
It was not long before the first rumblings were heard which presaged tho
approaching storm.
"Events are coming to the surface," wrote Lord Ashley, early in the
year. " We see the stir on the waves, and we shall soon see the mass thrown
up by the volcanoes. Italy is in open revolution ; Austria is crumbling to
pieces; France internally is threatened by reform conflicts; England is
harassed by falling revenue, want of employment, republican principles, and
Church dissensions ; America ' is rushing to debt, foreign conquest, and
dissolution of States."
The great event which was to become the signal for the pent-up fires to
break forth all over Europe was not a surprise to some, although unexpected
by the majority — a third revolution in France, the proclamation of a Republic,
the expulsion of the Orleans dynasty, and the election of a Provisional
Government and a National Assembly.
It is not necessary to trace here, however briefly, the causes which led to
the Revolution. The spark which caused the explosion was an arbitrary
attempt to stop a proposed Reform banquet.
Lord Ashley took an intense interest in watching the progress of events ;
and his Diary gives a complete epitome of the revolutionary epidemic, which
spread over nearly all the courts and capitals of the Continent. If we quote
from it only sparingly, it is because we wish to confine our extracts more
particularly to those passages which show the current of his own life.
Feb. 25th. — Are we not in times of wonder, distress, and danger? To-day
the grass is, and to-morrow is cast into the oven. On Tuesday the King of the
French was in all the plenitude of his power, with an army of a hundred
thousand men in Paris alone ; and on Thursday he is an outcast from his
dominions, expelled with indignity from his capital, his palace plundered, and
himself oast down to a private station. Revolution and anarchy are in the
ascendant ; the whole royal family is exiled, a Republic proclaimed, and Franco,
apparently, on the eve of a democracy, a consulate, and an empire ! " Woe, woe,
woe, to the inhabitants of the earth ! " None of this surprises me, except the
electrical suddenness of the event. The King has, for seventeen years, been
combating the principles that placed him on the throne, resisting the national

390 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XVII.
feelings that were evoked and cherished to prepare the Revolution of 1830, and
fighting the whirlwind that he himself sowed as a storm. How could he, and
his Minister Guizot, suppose that a nation of thirty-two millions would rest
content with an electoral system based on 240,000 voters, one-half of whom were
Government placemen 1 One thing alone surprises me : that they should have
fallen into the same error as Charles X., and have been deceived in their estimate
of the fidelity of the soldiers ! This is really a judicial blindness, that with such
an example to guide them, they should have fallen into the same pit 1
Feb. 26th. — A Republic is proclaimed, and anarchy reigns in Paris. Revolu
tions, which in former days required years, are now perfected in days ; a week is
an age for these extraordinary events. " So great power in one hour is come to
nought ; " all his schemes about dynasties, his astute and false diplomacy for the
Spanish marriage, his rigorous and absolute laws for the foundation of despotism,
his terrible army schooled in Africa, his vast fortifications of the capital, his
mighty authority among crowned heads as the ruler of thirty^two millions of a
military nation, all blown away like a soap bubble I " Afflavit Deus." . . .
We are not safe here ; a falling revenue in the face of a necessarily, I fear,
increasing expenditure, and » determination to admit no new taxes. Trade, too,
is fearfully stagnant, and distress prevails universally. In this state of things
comes a French Revolution I . . . Now what sufficient ground is there for all
this rebellion ? The sagacious Cobden said, a week ago, in taunting contrast with
the English system : " The French are most happy, they have no privileged
orders, no large properties, no established Church ; they have obtained all that
they want, another Revolution is impossible I "
With the flight of Louis Philippe from France the spirit of Revolution
was let loose in Europe. Every countiy suffered more or less, but those
countries which suffered least were England and Belgium. In England,
however, disaffection had, in a limited degree, been for some time growing,
and the events in France brought it to a head. The Chartists, led by mad
Feargus O'Connor, who had been returned for Nottingham at the General
Election of 1847, immediately commenced an agitation for " their rights."
Their programme included "Down with the Ministry," "Dissolve the
Parliament," " The People's Charter," and " No Surrender ; " and preparations
were made to hold a monster demonstration in April to demand these points.
The state of England was to some extent alarming. In the manufactur
ing districts distress, almost unprecedented, prevailed, and a revolutionary
spirit was abroad ; nevertheless, the people remained tranquil — thanks, in no
small measure, to the boon of the Ten Hours Bill — and in Manchester alone,
sorne thousands of the operatives enrolled themselves as special constables.
In London there was a spirit of turbulence and lawlessness, excited partly by
Mr. Ernest Jones, and others like-minded, whp urged the people not to fear
" the vile men of the law, the police, the troops, or the shop-keeping ' specials.' "
In Ireland the United Irishman was urging its readers " to sell all that they
had to buy a gun." In Glasgow, Edinburgh, and Liverpool, there was riot
ing and loss of life among the starving and the unemployed.
Everywhere these symptoms caused a sense of uneasiness ; no one knew

1848d THE REVOLUTION IN FRANCE. 391
what surprise and alarm the next hour might not bring forth. Meanwhile,
events in France were hurrying on.
March 2nd. — If the King, instead of signing his abdication, had thrown him
self among the troops which remained firm, he might have prolonged the mon
archy of the barricades. But he has been " demented " for a long time past ; his
obstinate maintenance of all the corruptions of France, both in public men and
public things, because he chose to govern by them ; his eager pursuit of wealth
and place for his own children, the history of the Conde property, the appanages,
the Montpensier marriage, regarded simultaneously with his apparent indiffer
ence to the social welfare of France, led the whole nation to believe that he was
Harpagon engrafted on Louis XIV. Like the present Bishop of Exeter, he over
reached himself by his over-cleverness, and has now found that all the sagacity
and experience of the most tried of men are not necessarily " counsel, wisdom, and
understanding." . . . But we are in a social revolution ; the first was against
aristocracies and established Churches, the second against a particular dynasty,
the third against that which alone remains, the possession and rights of property !
The workpeople have thrust their special representatives, Blanc and Albert, into
the highest offices, and have propounded their own code of laws for the regula
tion of labour. ... In England we have yet Conservative feeling enough to
resist a storm. Our peril will arise from a calm. A storm of violence we should
shrink from or withstand ; the calm of Republican success would inevitably
breed a spirit of imitation.
March 4th. — Louis Philippe is actually in England. He landed at Newhaven,
in Sussex, from an English steamer, on one of the points selected, by his son
Prince Joinville and others, as the fittest for a descent upon the British territory I
He was kindly and hospitably received. God be praised, adversity covers a mul
titude of sins.
March 8th. — Noise and disturbance yesterday and to-day in Trafalgar Square ;
windows, lamps, and heads broken ; a mass of housebreakers and pickpockets,
swollen by idlers. In these days, however, everything must be noted. More
serious riots at Glasgow ; many shops of great value plundered.
March 10th. — Breakfasted with Mahon, to meet Macaulay and Carlyle ; plea
sant, but strange.
Provisional Government have fixed wages of cab-drivers at three francs and a
half a day ; and the Minister of Instruction has issued a circular to announce to
the electors that "education" and "fortune" "are not required for a Deputy."
An unlettered peasant " would be better for an agricultural district." Go it, my
hearty I
"France for the French." All English workmen have been expelled, and
with circumstances of great oppression and dishonour. They were driven out by
the bayonet ; not allowed to bring away even their property, nor to receive their
arrears of wages. Yet, without their aid, not a railway could have been con
structed in France, and, I believe, hardly a factory carried on.
A general panic among the English residents in Paris ensued. They fled
in various directions, and abandoned the city. Those only were left behind
who had no means of flight — artisans and domestics, dependent for employ
ment upon the better classes of their countrymen. Nor was the situation of

392 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XVII.
the English artisans in the provinces any safer. There were many thousands
scattered over France ; in the factories of Normandy alone there were no less
than 2,500 English workmen employed. There, and elsewhere, riots were of
frequent occurrence, all masters who gave employment to British artisans
being marked out for attack. At Boulog-no, from one single factory, English
workmen, numbering, with their wives and families, 700 souls, were dismissed
in compliance with the demands of the rioters.
Turned out of their homes, denied employment or public relief, with rents
half a year in advance imposed upon them, involving them in losses ; met at
the savings bank, where their earnings had been deposited, with the answer
of "No funds," their case was desperate. They crowded the French out-
ports, and clamoured to be sent back to their own countiy.
With Lord Ashley originated the scheme for their relief. An influential
committee was called together, over which he presided ; funds were collected,
agencies were set to work, and Lord Palmerston and the authorities at the
Foreign Office gave effect to their aims in various instances in which it might
have been difficult for the committee to have realised them.
Among the results of their efforts, upwards of 6,000 refugees were brought
over, cared for on their arrival, and passed on to their respective destinations,
while special provision was made for the children of the British Orphan
School in connection with the Marbceuf Episcopal chapel in Paris, which had
been broken up during the general panic in that city.
In referring to these and kindred efforts, and also to a speech made by
Lord Ashley, on the 16th of March, on better " Medical Relief to the Sick
Poor," the Times said, " Political economists and men of the world vote Lord
Ashley a bore, but there is none of them who would not rather have twenty
speeches from him on matters of Humanity, than one circular from Ledru
Rollin ; " while the Morning Chronicle, treating him with contemptuous
kindness, said, " No thinking man concurs with Lord Ashley ; but it is a very
good thing, in these days, to have a nobleman who bring-s forward the dis
tresses and needs of the people, and gives them assurances that their case will
be considered." It was in allusion to these remarks that the following entry in the Diary
was made : —
__ March 21st. — Amidst all this contempt and desertion, I may rejoice and
heartily thank God that the operatives of Lancashire and Yorkshire, suffering
as they are, remain perfectly tranquil. Such, under God, is the fruit of many
years of sympathy and generous legislation. In Manchester several thousands
enrolled themselves as special constables.
While uneasiness was increasing at home, "men's hearts were failing them
for fear " on the Continent.
March 23rd.— Insurrection at Berlin ! Insurrection at Vienna ! The Prince
Metternich deposed ! It is astounding at first to see how these great monarchies
fall ! They seem as though they had no roots, nor ever had any. The truth is,
that for years their foundations have been undermined ; they were as rotten a

1S18.] CHARTISM. 393
quarter of a century ago ; but either the 'gale of wind was not strong enough,
or it failed to hit them on the weak side, and at the right moment. The first
Revolution in France shook the whole system ; but war and terror diverted
men's minds. Peace brought reflection, comparison, anticipation. The second
Revolution gave a blow on the other side, and completely snapped the roots and
loosened the earth ; the third brought down the Cedar of Lebanon in a single
gust !
March 25th. — Revolutions go off like pop-guns ! Lombardy is in full revolt ;
it will doubtless be severed from the Austrian Empire. . . .
March 30th. . . . We have yet a tumult in store, English Chartists and
Irish Repealers are to have their day. " Count no man happy before he be, dead,"
count no event small until it shall have passed.
Happily, the event so much dreaded — the great Chartist demonstration —
collapsed in a most ignominious manner. But the alarm had been serious, and
the precautions unprecedented. The military defence of the metropolis was
under the care of the Duke of Welling'ton ; troops were ready everywhere ; a
quarter of a million citizens were enrolled as special constables ; Downing
Street was barricaded. But on the day before the " Demonstration " the
Chartist leaders quarrelled amongst themselves ; on the morning of the day
these dissensions were renewed ; the police informed the rioters that they
would not be allowed to cross the Thames, and the whole affair ended in a
ridiculous fiasco.
April 10th. — The threatened day has arrived. How will it end ? Referring
to all the circumstances, I think it will close peaceably, but who knows ? We
are in the hands of God. He has told us, and would that one and all recognised
from our hearts, " Except the Lord keep the city, the watchman waketh but in
vain." April 12th. — It ended, how shall we sufficiently praise God, according to our
minutest prayers. All was peaceable. The meeting at no time exceeded thirteen
thousand. No more actual disturbance than on ordinary days. The procession
was abandoned, and the petition came down in a hack cab. Surely the glory
must be to Him " who stilleth the raging of the sea, and the madness of the
people." 'April 13th. — Nevertheless, I remain of the same mind. 'All things are
tending to a change. We are entering on a. new political dispensation ; and
many of us probably will outlive the integrity of our aristocratical institutions.
Men are talking, they know not why, and they do not reflect how, of this slight
concession and that ; of an "enlargement of the franchise," and other vagaries.
No one, except the Chartists, has asked for it, and they will rest satisfied with
nothing short of the whole. The middle classes are content, and so are nineteen-
twentieths of the working people ; but this will be of no avail against indistinct
terrors, ignorant uneasiness, and speculative, not social policy. A Sanitary Bill
would in five years, confer more blessing and obliterate more Chartism than
universal suffrage in half a century ; but the world, when ill at ease, flies always
to politics, and omits the statistics of the chimney-corner, where all u, man's
comfort or discomfort lies. ...
Iu the "Life of the Prince Consort," Sir Theodore Martin, after describing

394 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XVII.
the turbulent state of the country and the anxiety with which it was
regarded by the Queen and Prince, proceeds to say : " An opportunity arose
during this month (May) for the Prince to take the position before the world
which he afterwards occupied with so much honour, as the advocate of
measures for improving the condition of the labouring classes. Four years
previously he had testified his interest in the subject) — one that always lay
nearest to his heart — by becoming the President of the Society which had
been established with this special object.* The Society, in the meanwhile,
had been making its way steadily, but slowly, for public attention had yet to
be awakened to the importance of the subject ; and it was considered by Lord
Ashley, and others of its active promoters, that the appearance of the Prince
in the chair at a public meeting to advocate its interests at this time might
be attended with excellent results. The Prince, ever ready to show his sym
pathy and interest for that class of our community which has most of the
toil, and least of the enjoyments, of this world, f at once fell in with their
views."* It is somewhat singular that Sir Theodore Martin, who elsewhere has
described so fully the circumstances leading up to any important event in
the life of the Prince Consort, should, in this instance, have omitted all
mention of them, and passed over in silence not only the action of Lord
Ashley in the matter, but also some interesting details as regards the action
of the Prince. These omissions we are fortunately able to supply.
Under the date of the 19th April, Lord Ashley entered in his Diary : —
April 19th. — Osborne, Isle of Wight. The Queen has sent for me to talk over
the condition of the working people ; and here I am. I was obliged to put off
Golden Lane Ragged School (W. Cowper took the chair for me). Her Majesty
very amiable and very considerate for the poor. God be praised, who has put
such thoughts into her heart 1 May they bring forth fruit to His glory on earth,
and her own peace in time and eternity I . . .
From a memorandum found among the papers of Lord Shaftesbury, and
from conversations with him upon the subject, noted down at the time, the
following particulars are obtained : — ¦
The Queen sent for me to Osborne ; the Fairy was ready for me at Gosport,
and I went. The Queen was greatly alarmed, and so was the Prince, by the
Revolution in France and the exile of Louis Philippe. They feared the continuance
of commotions in England, and were desirous to know how they could exercise
their influence to soothe the people. The Queen, on my arrival, expressed this
sentiment very warmly, and added at dinner, " The Prince will talk to you to
morrow. We have sent for you to have your opinion on what we should do in
view of the state of affairs to show our interest in the working classes, and you
are the only man who can advise us in the matter."
On the following morning, during a long walk in the gardens, lasting for
* The Labourers' Friend Society.
f His own words in his speech at the meeting of the Society, 18th Mav 1848
% " Life of the Prince Consort," vol. ii., p. 46,

1848.] THE PRINCE CONSORT AND LORD JOHN RUSSELL. 395
over an hour and a half, I discussed with the Prince the condition of affairs and
the state of the nation. He asked me my advice, and how he could best assist
towards the common weal.
" Now, sir," I said to him, " I have to ask your Royal Highness whether I am
to speak out freely, or to observe Court form 1 "
" For God's sake," he answered, " speak out freely."
" Then, sir, I would say that at this juncture you hold a position in which you
can render to the country far greater assistance than if you were its king. You
can speak as a king, represent a king, without the necessary and inevitable
restrictions of a king. Your presence, though formally different, is virtually the
presence of the Queen. My earnest advice to you is, that you should put yourself
at the hpad of all social movements in art and science, and especially of those
movements as they bear upon the poor, and thus show the interest felt by Royalty
in the happiness of the kingdom."
" What can I do ? " the Prince asked, eagerly.
" On the 18th of May next, the anniversary of the Labourers' Friend Society
will be held, and if your Royal Highness will accompany me, first to see some of
the dwellings of the poor, and afterwards to preside at the meeting, I am satisfied
it will have a good effect. You should come in three carriages, and have the
footmen in red liveries — even these things are not without their influence."
The Prince at once fell in with the suggestion, and arrangements for carrying
it out were discussed. But when Lord John Russell heard it he was frantic, and
brought to bear every possible opposition, as he often did with regard to other
schemes which he did not originate himself.
It was with no little regret that Lord Ashley received the following letter
from the Prince -. — H.R.H. the Prince Consort to Lord Asliley.
Osborne, April 23rd, 1848.
My dear Lordi Ashley, — Lord John Russell did not like the idea of my
presiding at Exeter Hall on account of the risk of a disturbance. I begged him
to consider the question a little longer, and to consult Sir George Grey before
committing himself against it. I have received this morning the enclosed, which,
I am afraid, is decisive against the plan. Though I must admit that there is
strong reason against it, I sincerely regret it, as it will be difficult to find another
becoming opportunity for expressing the sincere interest which the Queen and
myself feel for the welfare and comfort of the working classes. You may have
opportunities for conveying our sentiments. At any rate, our Society ought to
be more prominently brought before them, and they ought to be invited to make
suggestions for the amelioration of their own condition, to have these gone into
by those who understand the matter, and to give, in this way, the means to the
higher classes to assist them in their work. Ever yours truly, Albert.
The enclosure referred to in the above letter was as follows : —
Lord John Russell to H.R.H. the Prince Consort.
Chesham Place, April 22nd, 1848.
Sir, — On considering further Lord Ashley's proposal to your Royal Highness,
it seems to me that the risk is greater than the probable advantage. Any Chartist

396 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. . IChap. XVII.
might attend and attempt to speak ; such an attempt would be resisted by the
meeting, and much confusion might ensue. The triumphant reception of your
Royal Highness would not compensate for any disturbance of the meeting. Sir
George Grey, to whom I have spoken, concurs entirely in this opinion. The
Repealers in Dublin have become more violent since my declaration, but the
well-affected are confirmed in their loyalty. In England the Chartists seem to
be declining in numbers and mischief.
I have the honour to be
Your Royal Highness's Faithful and obedient servant,
J. Russell.
Soon after this Lord Ashley had another interview with the Prince— at
Buckingham Palace — and urged him to persevere in his intention. " This is
a matter," he said, " in which your Royal Hig'hness is perfectly free to act as
you may please, and my advice is that you tell Lord John Russell that you
are as good a judge as he is."
On the 29th April the Prince wrote to Lord John Russell : —
The book which you sent me certainly shows great disposition on the part of
some mischievous folks to attack the Royal family ; but this rather furnishes me
with one reason more for attending the meeting, and showing to those who are
thus to be misguided, that the Royal family are not merely living upon the
earnings of the people (as these publications try to represent), without caring
for the poor labourers, but that they are anxious about their welfare, and ready
to co-operate in any scheme for the amelioration of their condition. We may
possess these feelings, and yet the mass of the people may be ignorant of it,
because they have never heard it expressed to them, or seen any tangible proof
of it. *
Eventually the advice of Lord Ashley prevailed, the opposition of Lord
John Russell was overruled, and the Prince wrote : —
From Ii.R.H. the Prince Consort to Lord Ashley. B.P., a 1848.
My dear Lord Ashley,— I am glad that all difficulties are removed with
respect to the meeting. Thursday, the 18th, at twelve o'clock, will suit me
perfectly. I must see you soon upon the subject ; perhaps you could call here
to-morrow at four o'clock. Ever yours truly, Albert.
On the appointed day the Prince arrived with a brilliant cortege, and,
accompanied by Lord Ashley, went to George Street, St. Giles's, and other
streets in that neighbourhood, entered liouse after house to examine the actual
state of affairs, and was received everywhere with the utmost enthusiasm.-!
Later on the Prince took the chair at the public meeting, and, as Sir Theodore
* Quoted in " Life of Prince Consort," vol. ii., p. 47.
+ "If the Prince goes on like this," said a Socialist to the Rev. Mr. Erauch, a
zealous evangelist to the working classes, "why, he'll upset our apple-cart ! "

1SiS'l STATE OF SANITARY SCIENCE. 397
Martin says truly, " made it the occasion for the speech which first fairly
showed to the countiy what ho was."
Lord Ashley refers to it in his Diary thus : —
May 19th. — Yesterday, a glorious meeting of the Lab. Friend Soc. Prince
Albert in the chair — Non nobis Domine, non nobis Domine ! but, God give us grace
to bless Thee ; no drawback at all, it is new life to our efforts. . . .
May 20th. — Hear little but satisfaction at the success of the meeting, " So
wise, so opportune, so very happy," all this because it succeeded. What would
have been the indignation and contempt against me had it failed ! But God was
my helper ; I may now, on this stock of reputation for good judgment, obtain
influence to do good in other things. " Put into my heart good desires, and
enable me to bring the same to good effect." Prince Albert did his part
admirably, with remarkable grace and modesty. His speech, too, was excellent
in itself ; and it was his own. The success has been hitherto complete ; almost
every paper bepraises the step, and writes upon it in an anti-revolutionary tone.
¦Ay, truly, this is the way to stifle Chartism. . . . Rank, leisure, station, are
gifts of God, for which men must give an account. Here is a full proof, a glowing
instance ! The aristocracy, after a long separation, are re-approaching the people ;
and the people the aristocracy.
It was, however, a long- time before any very sensible effects were to be
felt generally from these efforts. In proportion, however, as the mischief
became apparent, the labours of Lord Ashley increased, and we find in his
Diaries many entries with regard to the state of the people and their
needs. Thus : —
May 25th.— What will be the event in Ireland 1 Everybody they say is armed
to the teeth against the Saxon. The Saxon meanwhile is giving from Saxon
funds nearly four hundred thousand meals every day to his Celtic assailant. But
a moral poison pervades the whole European atmosphere, and we here in England
are beginning to be affected. It is painful to listen to the desperate weariness
with which many declare that " Repeal " would be better than the present state
of things. . . .
Lord Ashley took a, leading part in two great efforts in the summer of
this year, namely, the passing of the Public Health Act, and the ventilation
of the question of Emigration for the ragged population of London.
In the early half of the present centuiy sanitary science may be said to have
had no existence. Until the visitation of cholera in London in 1831, no one
seemed to think that evil lurked in overflowing cesspools and contaminated
water, beyond the fact that the odour of the one and the taste of the other
were unpleasant. When, however, a terrible plague threatened the land, the
causes were investigated, and to the inroad of cholera we owe the first real
impetus given to sanitary research.
Progress, however, was very slow. When the calamity abated, people
returned to their old ways, and allowed the interest, which had beon awakened
in a time of fear, to die out. But not so men of science, who patiently
investigated fa-"ts and traced out hidden sources of malaria; and not so

398 THE EARL OP SHAPTESBURY [Chap. XVti.
philanthropists, who continued to preach the good doctrine that cleanliness is
next to godliness.
In 1839 the first Report of the Registrar-General and the fourth Report
of the Poor Law Commission were published, and they made such a startling
revelation of the state of the public health, and of mortality, that general
attention was again directed to the subject of sanitation. Interest was sus
tained by a further Report of the Poor Law Board in 1842, and culminated
in the first Report of the Health of Towns Commission in 1844.
From that time forth the necessity of sanitary reform was never lost sight
of, although practical steps were taken slowly. A series of " Nuisances
Removal Acts " was passed in Parliament ; the first Act by which summary
jurisdiction was given to justices of the peace to remove nuisances, proved to
be injurious to health, coming into operation in 1846.
By far the most important Bill introduced into Parliament on Sanitary
Reform was the comprehensive measure known as the Public Health Act,
presently to be referred to.
Lord Ashley spoke on the subject in the adjourned debate (8th May),
claiming that this was essentially a working man's question, as it affected
every phase of his life — his home, his capacity to eat and drink in comfort,
and his ability to gain a livelihood and rear a family in decency and respect-
bility. He argued that the same condition of things, and habits of life, which
give rise to fever, also powerfully stimulated the action of immorality and
violence, and that the connection of misery with filth, and crime with both,
was inevitable. He was satisfied that no genuine or lasting good could result
from education, so long as Parliament left the people in their present physical
and domiciliary condition. He warmly supported the Bill, which became law
during this Session.
The Public Health Act of 1848 created a Central Board of Health, and,
as chairman of this Board, it was Lord Ashley's duty, in conjunction with
Dr. Southwood Smith and Mr. Edwin Chadwick, to initiate a series of
reforms, and to undertake labours almost unprecedented, especially in con
nection with the visitation of cholera, which, in 1849, swept from London, in
the course of a few weeks, no fewer than 4,000 souls.
On the 26th September the following entry occurs in the Diary : —
September 26th. ... I have accepted, at the urgent request of Morpeth,
and through him of John Russell, the office (unpaid) of Third Commissioner under
the Health of Towns Act. It will involve trouble, anxiety, reproach, abuse, un
popularity. I shall become a target for private assault and the public press ; but
how could I refuse I First, the urgency of the request on the part of the Govern
ment ; second, the immense and unparalleled value I always attached, in public
and private movement, to the sanitary question, as second only to the religious,
and, in some respects, inseparable from it ; third, the public and private profes
sions and declarations I had made ; fourth, the mode, extent, and principles on
which I had pressed the Government, at all times, as a real and solemn duty, to
undertake the measure, promising invariably the utmost aid in my power ; fifth,

1848-3 EMIGRATION. 399
the Government accede to my request, and in the face of great unpopularity,
rebuke, toil, and vexation, introduce a measure ; sixth, they carry it, and then
turn to me and say, " Remember all that you have done, spoken, promised, and
give us aid we now require ; " seventh, can I forget their services on the Ten
Hours Bill ; eighth, I have many things to ask of them yet ; with what face can
I do it if I refuse them when they make a reasonable request to me? May God
give me strength 1 . . .
The second great practical question in which Lord Ashley took part this
year was that of Emigration.
On the 6th June he brought forward in the House of Commons a motion :
"That it is expedient that means be annually provided for the voluntary
emigration to some one of her Majesty's colonies of a certain number of
young persons of both sexes, who have been educated in the schools ordinarily
called ' Ragged Schools ' in and about the metropolis." The speech was a
masterpiece of effective oratory, and although bristling with facts and figures
and details, it was so well relieved by vivid and picturesque descriptions and
telling anecdotes, that it created a profound impression. At the outset, he
announced that he was not introducing a controversial question, or assailing
any interest, and did not, therefore, anticipate any opposition, except from
those who believed they could suggest a better plan ; and that it was less
from any overweening confidence that he had hit the true method, than from
a desire to excite discussion and stimulate general effort, that he had pro
pounded the matter for debate. He first gave the clue to the sources of his
information : —
Till very recently the few children that came under our notice in the streets
and places of public traffic were considered to be chance vagrants, beggars, or
pilferers, who, by a little exercise of magisterial authority, might be either
extinguished or reformed. It has only of late been discovered that they consti
tute a numerous class, having habits, pursuits, feelings, customs, and interests of
their own ; living as a class, though shifting as individuals, in the same resorts ;
perpetuating and multiplying their filthy numbers. For the knowledge of these
details we are mainly indebted to the London City Mission. It is owing to their deep,
anxious, and constant research ; it is- owing to the zeal with which their agents
have fathomed the recesses of human misery, and penetrated into places repulsive
to every sense, moral and physical ; it is owing to such exertions, aided by the
piety, self-denial, and devotion of Sunday-school teachers, that we have advanced
thus far. Certain excellent persons, who gave their energies to Sabbath training,
were the first to observe these miserable outcasts, and hoping, by the influence
of the Gospel, to effect some amendment, opened schools in destitute places, to
which the children were invited, not coerced.
He stated that the numbers of this particular class — estimated at great
trouble and on the best authority — exceeded 30,000 — naked, filthy, roaming,
lawless and deserted children, quite distinct from the ordinary poor.
He then described to the House the habits and dispositions of this wild
race, their pursuits, modes of livelihood, the character of their dwelling-
places, and the natural history, as it were, of the species. He explained how

400 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XVII.
1,600 of these street Arabs had been placed under examination, and of
these 162 confessed that they had been in prison not once nor twice — many of them-
several times ; 116 had run away from their homes, the result, in many instances,
of ill-treatment ; 1 70 slept in lodging-houses — nests of every abomination that
the mind of man can conceive ; 253 confessed that they lived altogether by beg
ging ; 216 had neither shoes nor stockings ; 280 had no caps, hats, bonnets, or
head covering ; 101 had no linen ; 219 never slept in beds — many had no recol
lection of having ever tasted that luxury ; 68 were the children of convicts ; 125
had step-mothers, to whom may be traced much of the misery that drives the
children of the poor to the commission of crime ; 306 had lost either one or both
parents, a large proportion having lost both.
Of the habits of these unfortunate children he gave some graphic details : —
Many of them retire for the night, if they retire at all, to all manner of
places — under dry arches of bridges and viaducts, under porticoes, sheds, and
carts ; to outhouses ; in sawpits ; on staircases ; in the open air, and some in
lodging-houses. Curious, indeed, is their mode of life. I recollect the case of a
boy who, during the inclement season of last winter, passed the greater part of
his nights in the iron roller of Regent's Park. He climbed every evening over
the railings, and crept to his shelter, where be lay in comparative comfort.
Human sympathy, however, prevails even in the poorest condition ; he invited a
companion less fortunate than himself, promising to " let him into a good thing."
He did so, and it proved a more friendly act than many a similar undertaking in
railway shares.
In speaking of the mental, moral, and physical condition of the children,
he adduced the startling fact that, in the previous year, 62,181 persons were
taken into custody, of whom 22,075 could neither read nor write, and 28,118
had no trade, business, calling, or occupation whatever, and these figures only
approximated to the extent of the evil, as the records of the tribunals and
police courts, while they showed the numbers of those whom the constable
was quick enough to apprehend did not touch the vast amount of unseen and
undetected crime, breaches of public order, injuries to the peace, property,
and safety of individuals, nor yet the prevalence of that training which forms
those children to a character perilous to the well-being of society.
In describing the nature of the efforts which had been made to rescue
these children from their evil habits and associations, he pointed ont that
there had been many plans proposed for dealing with them, such as the erec
tion of schools (but this was not feasible, because there were no existing
agencies by which they could be superintended or controlled), or the adoption
of the "hospital system," and the erection of barracks for their reception;
and the conclusion at which he had arrived was, that, in the present aspect of
affairs, there was nothing better than that the Ragged School system should
be extended as much as possible.
The system, however, must, as I have said, be stimulated ; and the proposition
which I make to the Government is this : that the Government should agree to

1S4S.] FAREWELL ADDRESS TO EMIGRANT BOYS. 401
take every year from these schools a number of children — say 1,000 — 500 boys
and the same number of girls — and transplant them at the public expense to her
Majesty's colonies. . . .
1-f you will hold out to these children, as a reward of good conduct, that
which they desire — a removal from scenes which it is painful to contemplate, to
others where they can enjoy their existence — you will make the children eager
by good conduct to obtain such » boon. There are, be assured, amongst the
hildren, guilty and disgusting as they are, many thousands who, if oppor-
unities are given them, will walk in all the dignity of honest men and Christian
citizens. After an animated and interesting discussion Lord Ashley observed in
reply that the reason why he only included the metropolis was through
extreme caution ; that his object was to make an experiment; and then extend
it if it were successful. After the generous manner in which his proposition
had been supported, he thought that if he attempted to divide the House, he
should only take a hostile course, and convert into enemies those who would
otherwise be coadjutors, and he would, therefore, withdraw his motion.
Subsequently, however, a grant of £1,500 was made by the Government for
the purpose of an experimental trial of the scheme.
This grant, and the contributions of friends, put Lord Ashley in a position
to set to work vigorously on the emigration scheme. Although he soon found
himself crippled for want of adequate funds, he went heart and soul into the
matter, and made the money go as far as possible.
There was never an effort attended with greater success, and we must
anticipate a little by looking at some of the results. The children were care
fully selected and specially trained, and each was impressed with the idea
that he was to go forth as the representative of a large reserve. Before each
detachment started, Lord Ashley visited them, and some of his farewell
addresses on the eve of their departure are worthy of being written in letters
of gold, so full are they of tender fatherliness and Christian love. Here is a
specimen :—
I see you now, my boys, probably for the last time. You are going to enter
upon new connections. You are going to a land where much will depend upon
yourselves as regards your future prosperity and success in life. The whole
world is open to you. I believe you will be placed in circumstances where
honesty will not fail to meet with its reward. I hope when you are far away
you will not forget those friends who have taken care of you here, and the
instruction and advice you have received from time to time from those who have
felt an interest in you, and that you will not forget what has been said to you
to-nio'ht. I believe it will be a great help to remember, not only what has been
said but the very countenances of those who have befriended you ; let their
presence be familiar to your recollection. Remember the faces of those who are
present here to-night. The remembrance may deter you in the time of tempta
tion from doing that which would disgrace yourselves and bring discredit on
them. Especially let me tell you, working boys, that, however you may rise in
society — and there is no reason in the world why you should not rise — you must
A A

402 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XVII.
still be working men. Christianity is not a speculation, it is essentially practical.
It is the only thing for your soul's health to be always at work. Remember
this : you have something to do for others as well as for yourselves. You have a
character to get, and you have a character to lose. You must not by any mis
conduct of yours, bring disgrace upon those who have gone out before you. If
you bring discredit upon them, you are injuring a whole class. Many of those
lads who are now roaming about the streets, houseless and friendless, may yet be
brought into this or similar institutions, may be helped or hindered in their
future course by your conduct. If that should be such as would bring discredit
upon yourselves and those who send you out, it may hinder their being sent as
you are. If there is any one single thing which more than another tends to
make a man feel great, it is that he is answerable for his own conduct to God
and to society at large. You are going across the water. I have no doubt but
we shall sog>n hear that you have got employment. Whatever your duty or
circumstances may be, never forget prayer. You may rise to high stations ; they
are open to you there as here. Whatever success you may meet with in this
world — and we heartily wish you may meet with great success — still, my lads,
never forget the greatest ambition of the Christian is to be a citizen of that city
whose builder and maker is God ; and though we may never meet together again
on earth, may we all at last meet together there.
Testimony was borne in many, and sometimes unexpected quarters, as to
the conduct and efficiency of the Ragged-School boys who were sent out to
the Colonies. The better they were known the more they were appreciated.
It was not all smooth sailing with Lord Asliley in his efforts to carry out
his emigration scheme, and there are, in the Diaries, many entries which
show that the disappointments were as numerous as the successes.
July 21st. — So I am now to be disappointed, nay, deceived I No emigration
for my ragged children, unless I raise a sum of money for that purpose. How
is that to be done ? Not a word was said on this subject when I consented to
withdraw my resolution. . . .
Two Chairs yesterday. Opened Westminster Reading-room for the dirty,
forgotten workpeople of Duck Lane and Pye Street. Very successful, God be
praised — really affecting. Letters and Chairs eat me up ; I never refresh my
mind with new stores : always speaking, never reading or thinking. God in His
mercy grant me a little repose this summer. I am thin as a wafer. . . .
. . . A great deal of melancholy over me, both to-day and yesterday and the
day before. Truth is, I am a little tired, and a little disheartened; men are
untrue and lukewarm. I am endeavouring to pile Pelion on Ossa, the work of
the Titans, with the force just sufficient for an ant-hill. . . . Talk of the
dangerous classes, indeed I The dangerous classes in England are not the people I
The dangerous classes are the lazy ecclesiastics, of whom there are thousands, and
the rich who do no good with their money I I fear them more than whole
battalions of Chartists. ... I am as much fretted by anxiety as worn by
labour. I cannot feel by halves, nor only when the evil is present. I take it I
suffer very often much more than the people do themselves I . . .
July 27th. — An affecting evening yesterday, Gave a tea-party to take leave
of our " ragged " emigrants to Australia, ragged no longer, thank God I They

1S48.] YOUNG THIEVES. 403
go from private funds that I have collected from the excellent Miss Portal,
Mr. Farrer, Lord Wriothesley Russell, and my sister Charlotte. Many were
assembled ; we addressed them, and many were moved to tears. It was a deeply
religious meeting, and a feeling of piety and gratitude pervaded us all. And
now here, as then, I commit them, 0 Lord ! to the word of Thy grace — prosper
the work ! bear them safely, happily, joyously, to their journey's end ! watch over
them in body and in soul ; make them Thy servants in this life, and Thy saints in
the next, in the mediation and everlasting love of Christ, our only Saviour and
Redeemer I
During his perambulations of the slums of London in 1846, by his
Ragged School investigations, and in other ways and places, Lord Asliley
made himself thoroughly acquainted with the haunts and habits of the young
thieves of the metropolis. Some of his descriptions of them are admirable,
and his anecdotes telling.
A large proportion do not recognise the distinctive rights of meum and tuum.
Property appears to them to be only the aggregate of plunder. They hold that
everything that is possessed is common stock ; that he who gets most is the
cleverest fellow, and that everyone has a right to abstract from that stock what
he can by his own ingenuity. *
They make little or no secret of their successful operations, cloaking them
only with euphemistic terms ; they " find " everything, they " take " nothing ; no
matter the bulk or quality of the article, it was " found " — sometimes nearly a
side of bacon, just at the convenient time and place ; and many are the loud and
bitter complaint's that the " dealer in marine stores " is utterly dishonest, and has
given for the thing but half the price that could be got in the market, t
These children are like tribes of lawless freebooters, bound by no obligations,
and utterly ignorant, or utterly regardless, of social duties. They trust to their
skill, not to their honesty ; gain their livelihood by theft, and consider tbe whole
world as their legitimate prey. With them there is no sense of shame ; nor is
imprisonment viewed as a disgrace. In many instances it has occurred that after
a boy has been a short time at one of the Ragged Schools he suddenly disappears.
At the end of a few weeks he comes back to the very spot in the school where he
sat when he was last there. The master going up to him says, " My boy, where
have you been ? " The boy answers, " Very sorry, sir, I could not come before,
but I have had three weeks at Bridewell." Going to prison is with these children
the ordinary lot of humanity ; they look upon it as a grievous act of oppression,
and when they come to school they speak of it as one gentleman would tell his
wrongs to another.
As an illustration of their low state of morality and their utter shame-
lessness, he instanced what had passed one evening at a Ragged School : —
Fourteen or fifteen of these boys presented themselves one Sunday evening
and sat down to the lessons, but, as the clock struck, they all rose and left, with
the exception of one who lagged behind. The master took him by the arm, and
said, " You must remain ; the lesson is not over." The reply was, " We must go
* House of Commons, July, 1849. t Quarterly Review, Dec, 1846.
A A 2

401 THE EARI. OP SHAFTESBURY. tCHAP. XVII.
to business." The master inquired, "What business? " " Why, don't you see it's
eight o'clock ; we must go catch them as they come out of the chapels."
On another occasion he told a story of a City Missionary, a kind and
worthy man, who had endeared himself to the whole of a wretehed district,
and especially to the younger population.
One evening, having put on a new coat, he went, about dusk, through a remote
street, and was instantly marked as a quarry by one of these rapacious vagabonds.
The urchin did not know him in his new attire — therefore without hesitation
relieved his pockets of their contents. The Missionary did not discover his loss,
nor the boy his victim, until in his flight he had reached the end of the street.
He then looked round and recognised in the distance his old friend and teacher.
He ran back to him, breathless. " Hallo," said he, " is it you, Mr.  ? I didn't
know you in your new coat ; here's your handkerchief for you ¦ "
It was in consequence of his speech in the House of Commons on the
subject of emigration that in July, 1848, Lord Ashley entered into one of
the strangest experiences, in connection with London thieves, that, up to that
time, ever fell to the lot of mortal man. A City Missionary, named Thomas
Jackson, a zealous, earnest, and in his way, gifted man, had been appointed
to the Rag Fair and Rosemary Lane district, where he was known as the
Thieves' Missionary. He was in their confidence ; his house was open at all
times to those who chose to visit him in search of advice and consolation ; he
was acquainted, far more intimately than the police, with the -habits of pick
pockets, burglars, and every class of convicted or unconvicted roguery ; he
had the entree into dens of infamy, and had familiarised himself with sin in
some of its most sickening aspects ; and yet he carried with him a quiet and a
prayerful spirit, and became to Lord Ashley not only a guide, but also a
philosopher and friend.
Soon after Lord Ashley had propounded his scheme in the House of Com
mons, for the emigration of young criminals, it occurred to him to ask a
notorious adult thief whether he would like to avail himself of such a scheme.
" I should jump at it," was the reply. Thus encouraged, he determined to
have the same question propounded at one of Mr. Jackson's meetings, to
which discharged criminals only were to be admitted. " It would he a capital
thing for chaps like us," was their unanimous answer. Then one of them got
up and proposed that they should write Lord Ashley a letter on behalf of
themselves and all their tribe, inviting him to meet them, and give them his
opinion and advice as to how they could extricate themselves from their pre
sent position. A round-robin was accordingly prepared, and was signed by
forty of the most notorious thieves and burglars in London, praying him to
meet them. A night was fixed, and on July the 27th, Lord Ashley, without
hesitation, and without fear, went to the meeting. Accustomed as he was to
strange sights and strange assemblies, he was not prepared for what was
awaiting him. There, in a large room, with Jackson in the midst, were close
upon f our hundred men of every appearance, from the " swell-mob ;' in black

1SiS] FALLEN AMONG THIEVES. 405
coats and white neckcloths, to the most fierce-looking, rough, half-dressed
savages he had ever seen.
The City Mission Magazine for AugTist, 1848, says : " Several of the best
known and most experienced thieves were stationed at the door to prevent the
admission of any but thieves. Some four or five individuals, who were not at
first known, were subjected to a more public examination, and only allowed
to remain on their stating who they were, and being recognised as members
of the dishonest fraternity. The object of this care, as so many of them were
in danger of ' getting into trouble,' as they call it, was, to ascertain whether
any who should betray them were present."
Lord Asliley was received by them with genuine enthusiasm, and, after
taking the chair, the proceedings were opened by devotional exercises ! A
chairman, to be at ease, always likes to feel the pulse of his audience, in order
to know, as far as possible, what manner of men they be, and the method
adopted on the occasion of which we write was striking in the extreme : —
I was anxious to know what was the character of these thieves ; some of them
pickpockets, some shoplifters, others of the swell-mob, and exceedingly well-
dressed some of them were. Many of them, however, had no stockings, and some
of them had no shirts. I wanted to know the great departments of roguery ; so
the missionary said : " His Lordship wants to know the particular character of
the men here. You who live by burglary and the more serious crimes will go to
the right, and the others will go to the left." About two hundred of the men at
once rose and went to the right, as confessed burglars and living by the greatest
crimes.* Lord Ashley then addressed them kindly but firmly, expressing his will
ingness to befriend them, not only as his duty but out of regard for them. In
the first place, however, he wished to hear them speak.
A number of the men then gave addresses, and anything more curious, more
graphic, more picturesque, and more touching, I never heard in my life ; they
told the whole truth, without the least difficulty, and, knowing that they were
there to reveal their condition, they disguised nothing.
Lord Ashley had recommended mutual aid, self-reliance, a relinquishing
of their old practices, and new resolves for the future. " But how," said one
of the men, " are we to live till our next meeting ? We must either steal or
die." It was an awkward question. Lord Ashley acknowledged that he
never felt so utterly impressed with the magnitude of the task, and the
feebleness of the power ; and confessed, that when Jackson urged them " to
pray, as God could help them," he felt a certain amount of sympathy when
one of the party rose and said, " My Lord and Gentlemen of the Jury, prayer
is very good, but it won't fill an empty stomach," whereupon there arose a
general response of " Hear, hear ! "
One point was made clear that night. It was, that the men were dis
satisfied with tho life they led, and would do anything to break away from it
* Speech, West Middlesex Auxiliary City Mission, June 23, 1873.

406 THE EABL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XVII.
if they only knew how. One and all they were eager for the emigration
scheme, and Lord Ashley promised to do all he could for them. Then
one man, on behalf of the rest, exclaimed, " But will you ever come
back to see us again ? " " Yes," replied Lord Ashley, " at any time, and at
any place, whenever you shall send for me." " And," as he said when telling
the story, " the low, deep murmur of gratitude was very touching." The
result of that night's work, like so many in Lord Ashley's career, can never
be known. One outward and visible sign, however, was the fact that, within
three months from that date, thirteen of those who were present were starting
in life afresh in Canada, while, a little later on, nearly three hundred had
either emigrated, or had passed into different employments, and had no need
to return to their hateful occupation*
In reviewing the public labours of Lord Ashley during this year, we have
almost lost sight of other matters scarcely less interesting. We must, there
fore, go back in the narrative.
In the early part of the year, his eldest son, Antony, had entered the
Navy, and in March sailed for the Australian station in H.M.S. Savannah.
March 30th. — Just returned from Portsmouth with Minny and the boys ; have
been to take leave of dear Accy for three years, and perhaps never to see him
again ; it may be so, but yet I hope — nay, I believe — that God will be with him,
and restore us safe and happy to each other. But it is a pang ; we feel it more
when we reflect than while we experience it. I see him now ; I shall see him
for ever till we meet again, standing at the ship-side, and watching us depart.
Oh, Christ, our only Saviour and Redeemer, have mercy on the lad in body and
in soul I . . .
In August came the long-looked-for relaxation from the harassing cares
and anxieties of public business. There was no place in the world that did.
him so much good as Scotland, and so to Scotland he went.
Aug. 12th. — Galloway House. Galloway, in the height of friendliness and
amiable feeling, has lent us his beautiful cottage of Cumloden in the Wigtown
mountains ; and thus we are going to enjoy mountain breezes, Scotch scenery,
and romantic seclusion.
Aug. 16th. — Cumloden. Everything conduces to enjoyment and comfort
here ; amusement for the eye, brisk air for the lungs, leisure and contemplation
for the mind. I seem in a week to have lost all power of business, as I certainly
have all taste for it ; dress in a shooting-coat, lounge about, read all sorts of books.
Oct. 4th.— Inverary. Arrived here yesterday through very beautiful scenery,
on a yery beautiful day. Duke and Duchess amiable in the extreme ; she is a
dear, sensible, lovable creature, whom I have known from a child. It is a
stately place ; trees, rooks, mountains, torrents, and lochs, all in the perfection
of the noble and fascinating. . . .
Oct. 7th. . . . Have been studying with more regularity and attention
* It was mainly through the generosity of Mr. R. C. L. Bevan, the banker, that the
emigration of the thieves was accomplished. Lord Shaftesbury was on several occa
sions indebted to his munificence, and was wont to speak of him as " a prince in the
Israel of God."

l848-l HEATH OP LORD MELBOURNE!. 40?
St. Paul's Epistle to the Galatians ; it is a noble work of zeal, piety, and sound
argument. Oct. 16th. — Cumloden. I know not a better preacher than Mr. Johnstone,
our minister here at Minnigaff ; his matter is true, sound, and plainly evan
gelical, argumentative, persuasive, touching, practical, and admirably, yet very
simply, delivered. He is worth a regiment of ecclesiastical " Pindars." . . .
Oct. 26th.^Surely no sun ever rose more beautifully than this morning ;
viewed it with delight. Yet there was a coldness in my affection and a for
mality in my prayer which seemed little to accord with such a display of God's
works. But we must be careful not to estimate the state of our hearts towards
God merely by the rapture we may feel at occasional periods : religion would
then be measured by enthusiasm ; it must be tested by its fruits, by our real and
inmost desires, by our daily walk, by our Scriptural belief, by our constant faith,
and by our practical life. . . .
On November the 8th the pleasant holiday in Scotland came to an end,
and shortly afterwards we find Lord Ashley again in the midst of his labours.
A few of the special events which marked the close of this memorable year
may be noted in this place.
Nov. 15th.— Priory, Stanmore. Here by command of the Queen-Dowager to
meet the Queen Regnant. I have two rooms to myself and two fires. I deplore
the waste of fuel when there are so many who have none. This feeling is
growing upon me, and may degenerate into stinginess, or, at least, a parsimony in
the exercise of just hospitality. The amount of waste in all things is prodigious, in
some instances careless ; in some inevitable. Why, the very crumbs and scrapings
of finished dishes in a thousand well-fed families would, week by week, sustain a
hundred persons I This, alas I cannot be avoided, but a wanton or thoughtless
waste is sinful. " Gather up the fragments that remain, that nothing be lost."
Nov. 17th. — Went yesterday to Harrow; accompanied her Majesty. Day
brilliant, boys and people enthusiastic, the whole successful. This is good.
Royalty had never shone upon Harrow, which has turned out some good men,
and seems likely, in God's providence— oh, that it may be so — to turn out some
more ! An early impression of respect to the Sovereign Is wholesome ; it may,
in these days, become indispensable. Saw dear Francis, and heard his praises
from Dr. Vaughan and the tutors.
Nov. 25th. — Poor Melbourne died yesterday, and to-day he is, of course,
gibbeted in the Times. This is " one of the new terrors of death."
Nov. 30th. — Charles Buller, poor fellow, has been carried off by typhus fever,
following on an operation, in the prime of life. I regret his loss. He was a
much changed man. His pertness, his light and saucy opinions, had given way
to sobriety and kindness of heart ; and his humanised feelings had begun to
ornament and invigorate his great talents. Had he lived he might have been (I
speak as a man) of real service in his generation. But God is wiser than us.
Dec. 1st. — This day Melbourne consigned to the grave. Attended the funeral
at Hatfield Church. May the Lord sanctify the event to those who survive, and
say, with resistless power, to us all, " Watch."

CHAPTER XVIII.
1849.
Although in the early part of 1849 there was a lull in the excitement which
had made 1848 so memorable, there were forces at work in this country
which were to create general alarm and uneasiness. In Ireland the suspen
sion of the Habeas Corpus Act was renewed in consequence of the critical
state of affairs, and a grant of £50,000 was made for the relief of Irish
distress in certain Unions, where, owing to the severity of the distress, a
sufficient rate could not be collected. Referring to this, Lord Ashley
wrote : —
Jan. 5th. . . . Ireland again distressed, and again to be relieved. All
admit the fact and the necessity, but' wish to throw the necessity on every
shoulder but their own. Government propose a rate in aid, which may be
questionable as a principle of taxation, but is most just as applied specifically to
Ireland. Irish proprietors are, of course, furious, and, generally speaking, not
very honest in this respect. What is the remedy for this state of things ? What
is the cause of it 1 Is it the Celtic race ? Yet we see many of this tribe in other
parts of the world frugal, industrious, orderly ; much may be recorded of the
economy, foresight, and affection of thousands. Is it the religion ? Yet I do not
find, however faulty, superstitious, idolatrous, may be their belief and practice,
that any physical incapacity is necessarily connected with it ; in many heathen
nations there may be found much temporal prosperity, and the Tuscan farmers
and peasantry show by their high cultivation and general comfort that indolence
and barbarism are not inevitably the consequence of Popery. Is it national
hatred to the Saxon, or pious hatred to the Protestant ? or is it both combined ?
But if so, this would appear in Ulster, but hardly be known in Connaught, where
Saxons and Protestants are as rare as » meat dinner. Is it misgovernment?
Why, every measure, however excellent, and by whomsoever brought in, fails at
once ? And why 1 You can obtain no agency in Ireland ; no one is to be
trusted — no public, no private functionaries ; all are of one complexion ; what
ever enters Ireland is transmuted by the prevailing atmosphere ; everything
acquires an affinity to job, and to job it all. Whence is this ? Magna luis com-
missa, 0 England ! and thou hast not repented of them. But until that be
done, and we begin good things in a good spirit (here it is we fail) nothing will
prosper. Among the schemes of labour that Lord Ashley set before himself for the
year was, first, the stirring-tip of the Board of Health to more vigorous
efforts. One hundred and fifty wretehed children had recently died of
proved neglect, and " They will be the martyrs of a cause of reformation," he
wrote. "Their death will be the signal, and the compulsion, too, of an

1S19'I SUBDIVISION OP PARISHES. 409
improved and more merciful state of things." Next, a plan for the general
subdivision of all the larger parishes for ecclesiastical purposes, so that the
population of each parish should not exceed 4,000, a plan that he felt certain
would effect a greater amount of moral, social, and religious improvement
than a whole code of laws. Then, the completion of Ragged School projects,
especially in relation to Emigration ; and finally, " the invitation to the strag
glers in the lanes and streets ; the evangelical coercion through the highways
and hedges, according to the commands of our blessed Redeemer. Add to this
the ordinary and existing work, and there is my budget ! "
The spirit was willing, but the flesh was weak. Lord Ashley's health
began to fail, and this was to be one source of hindrance to his projects ;
while a cloud, which had not yet arisen, was to gather and overshadow him,
and make this year memorable for the bitterness of its sorrow. The following
is the beginning of a, long scries of entries extending through many years.
They will only bo referred to occasionally in the course of this work, but to
ignore them altogether would be to detract from the heroism which, notwith
standing, persisted in incessant labours.
Jan. 30th. — Warned by six months of unpleasant symptoms, terrible noises in
my ears, sleeplessness at nights, or slumbers broken by strange sensations of
nervousness, my whole body appearing to vibrate like u, Jew's harp, consulted
Dr. Latham. "Rest or decay," he replies. " Over-toil, over-anxiety, over-sensi
tiveness to the subjects handled during many years, have shaken you in every
part ; you must be more moderate, or utterly disabled." I can well believe it —
few can know ; nay, none know the full extent of my labours, and the full trial
of all my feelings. Thank God, I am warned in time, that I may, should it be
His pleasure to spare me, husband my strength for a few more years of service ;
I can do so with a clear and even happy conscience, for I know that I have given
to the public, and have not spent on myself, the best of my life and energies. But
yet I cannot contemplate even comparative inaction with joy ; but God's will be
done I . . .
In his scheme for the subdivision of parishes Lord Ashley was threatened
in the first instance with the opposition of Lord John Russell, on the ground
that it was opposed by the Archbishop of Canterbury ; but an interview with
the Archbishop disjiosed of many difficulties, and Lord John withdrew his
opposition. On the 1st of March, therefore, the motion was brought forward,
although to the last moment there were strong misgivings as to the support it
would receive.
March 1st. — My misgivings justified. John Russell writes to me to-day to put
off my motion, " as the Dissenters will oppose it." What shall I do ? If I post
pone it I incur many hazards, such as ill-health, misrepresentation, no oppor
tunity ; if I urge it, I avert the Government. Good may, by God's blessing, bo
brought out of evil. J. Russell hints at a Commission without a previous motion
in Parliament ; if so, thank God, I shall be spared a speech ; and sad, discredit
able disclosures of the wrangles and anomalies of the Church will be avoided.
Ten o'clook. — Just returned from the House — a debate — a division, headed by

410 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURV. [Chap. XVlU.
Bright and Hume ; beat them, God be praised, by 111 to 18 ! Kept in uncertainty
until two minutes to five, when Johnny said he wished me to proceed. Debate
was most triumphant, and the issue all the better, because motion was opposed
without a shadow of reason by Dissenters I The truth is, they see it is a heavy
blow and great discouragement to Dissent and popular discontent ; they see that,
by this means, the Church can and will, God blessing us, recover her just position
and " conservatise " the kingdom.
A Commission was appointed, and in the course of a week or two was
working harmoniously, with hearty zeal and a desire to see the facilities first,
and the difficulties afterwards.
Anything that would arouse the clergy to greater activity Lord Ashley
hailed with satisfaction ; his estimate of their zeal and of the religious state
of the times is given in the meditation entered in his Diary on Good
Friday : —
April 6th. — Good Friday. This is a, serious contemplation. Is the world
better than the day that our blessed Lord died upon the Cross ? Are men indi
vidually better ? Is the world collectively better ? That the externals of society
are more refined, that the surface is smoother, that more pious things are said,
and more pious actions tolerated, that civilisation, has been advanced, and that
Christianity is the cause of it, few persons will deny. But how are the hearts of
men ? Are they cleaner, less averse from good, more given to God ? Is the
number of the faithful increased, diminished, or stationary 1 Are we nearer to be
an acceptable people? Is there, as yet, any appearance of a Harvest? "Lord,
Thou knowest." I look around, myself, and am much discouraged. I see but
few who could stand a trial, few who love truth and God's will above all things,
few who are not ready to find ten thousand excuses for doing what they like, and
rejecting what they dislike. My experience may be very limited, and I may form
incorrect judgments, but I trace much of our evil to the moral condition of our
ecclesiastical rulers and ministers. It is possible that they may be improved in
comparison of former days ; they are wholly insufficient in reference to the
present. Look to the metropolis I Why so frightful a state of spiritual destitu
tion ? Why so many wretehed, forsaken, naked vagrants 1 I have said this, and
received in reply, " The clergy are unequal to the task." Well, then, why do they
discountenance and almost insult (the exceptions are few but honourable) those
who toil to collect the outcasts in Ragged Schools and make them at least to hear
the name of Christ ? These men seem to think that of two evils, it is the less for
them to die in their sins, than to be brought to knowledge and repentance by the
co-operation of a Dissenter I If so, what was there worse in Jerusalem ? . . .
Lord Ashley's presence at Court was very frequent, and his Diaries show
how constantly his sympathies were alternating between the highest and the
lowest in the land. A few extracts may be given here : —
Feb. 8th. — Here I am at Windsor Castle. Came yesterday ; sat next to the
Queen at dinner ; had some interesting conversation. May God, in His mercy
to the Realm, raise up for her some Joseph, Daniel, or Nehemiah, some one who,
in Christ's faith and fear, shall rule this people prudently and with all his
power I . . .

1849-1 ILLNESS OP HIS SON FRANCIS. 411
Feb. 12th. — Newspapers of late very full of cases of cruelty to children in
schools, in private houses, on board ship. They come between me and my
rest, and to no purpose, for the evil is irremediable, except by the grace of
God. May 1st. — Sat in House of Commons to vote against Ewart's motion for
abolishing punishment of death. I have a very strong feeling on the subject.
Wished publicly to record my opinion that the Word of God does not permit but
commands " He that sheddeth man's blood, by man shall his blood be shed." . . .
May 10th. — To the Queen's concert last night ; everything as brilliant and
cheerful as music and company could make it ; myself rather dismal. . .. .
May 15th. — Made a night visitation to Hoxton Lunatic Asylum, having sus
picions of misconduct ; found, I rejoice to say, things far better than we expected ;
our system, therefore, of inspection may be considered successful, and our terrors
salutary. . .
May 16th. — Prince Albert took chair to-day at Hanover Square Rooms for
Servants' Provident Institution. He did his business admirably well, with good
taste, good feeling, and real ability. But, to be sure, if he liked flattery he had
full measure of it, and of the strongest quality — pure rectified spirits I
Moved a resolution, as I was desired, though hoarse with roaring yesterday to
four thousand people. Thank God that the Prince is what he is, and the Queen
too, with a moral Court, domestic virtues, and some public activity in philan
thropic things !
May 19th. . . . Seven o'clock. Just heard that some one has fired at the
Queen I She is safe. God be a million times praised for His mercy to her and to
the country ! The profligate George IV. passed through a life of selfishness and
sin without a single proved attempt to take it. This mild and virtuous young
woman has, four times already, been exposed to imminent peril I
It was late in the evening of this day that Lord Ashley received a letter
from Harrow which filled him with the greatest alarm and anxiety. It was
to announce the serious illness of his second son, Francis. He had been at
Harrow since April, 1847, where he had taken and kept a distinguished
place in the school, and, at the time of which we write, was in the sixth
(highest) form. He was a singularly striking character ; old and thoughtful
for his years, deeply religious, and pure in heart and habit. The illness with
which he was seized was » severe attack of cold and inflammation, and the
remedy then applied was one which would not now be even thought of — such
has been the rapid advance of medical science — repeated bleedings.
The sorrowful narrative that follows must be told only in the words of his
father, and should it be thought that the incidents are too sacred for the
public eye, it may be stated that Lord Shaftesbury had often been urged to
preserve them in the form of a short biography, but was withheld from doing
so, as he would have been obliged to say things which would relate to himself,
and his motive might possibly have been misconstrued. Almost the last
evening that the writer was permitted to spend with Lord Shaftesbury, was
occupied in hearing the narrative of the incidents which follow, and it was
his earnest wish that they should be recorded. " It may be, nay, T feel sure

412 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [CiiAr. XVIII.
it will be, useful to others — let it be told," were his last instructions that
evening, as he wiped away the tears that had been flowing- freely.
May 21st. — Dearest Francis no better. . . . Saw him after he had slept :
very feverish, thirsty ; but calm, composed, and cheerful. Blessed be God, he is
easy and peaceful ! Asked me soon after my arrival to read the Bible. Did it
joyfully. Read the seventh of Revelation for the glories and bliss of the other
world, and the twenty-fourth of Matthew for the present duties and occupations
of this. Prepared thus for either alternative of God's will. Then we prayed,
and were, I think, comforted. What a darling, tender, true, zealous, and God-
serving boy it is I Oh, that he may be spared to us, not for our solace and enjoy
ment only, but for the Lord's faith and fear ! How often have I meditated on
his future aid and sympathy in all my thoughts and pursuits for the good of
mankind. But I must imitate the example of our dear Lord, and say, " If it be
possible : nevertheless, not my will, but Thine be done ! " . . .
May 22nd. . . . He knows his danger, but he knows also his hope. Never
have I seen such a boy ; though so young, and as the world goes, so innocent, he
is filled with a sense of sin and unworthiness ; and his only fears are those which
spring from a sentiment that " the joys of heaven are too glorious for one like
him." Oh, what a mercy it is, and what a consolation to us, that he is as far
from self -righteousness as the east is from the west ! Never have I known till
now what I am possibly to lose ! "Read to me," he said, "about forgiveness of
¦ sins." We then read and talked much of the free and full mercy of God in
Christ Jesus. Above all, I urged him, as a calmer to every apprehension, to bear
ever in mind that " God is Love," that human love is capable of great things ;
what, then, must be the depth and height and intensity of Divine love ! " Know
nothing," we said, " think of nothing but Jesus Christ and Him crucified." The
darling boy kissed me repeatedly, and blessed his parents that they had brought
him up in the faith and fear of the Lord. Oh, blessed Saviour, this is a won
drous work of Thine ! it is the humbleness, the resignation, the piety, the
experience of an aged Christian !
May 25th. — Yesterday left dear Francis with great hopes of recovery. His
mother stays with him. The disorder has been dreadful ; not an ordinary attack
of fever, a positive conflagration.
May 28th. — Harrow. Yesterday (Sunday) a day of fearful and agonising
anxiety; a better account to-day, and various symptoms -of permanent improve
ment. Sat with him, read the Bible and prayed ; he desired specially some
prayers of thanksgiving. " Do you meditate, can you meditate," I said, " my dear
boy, as you lie hero ? " " Oh yes," he replied ; " but I have learned what a futile
thing must be a death-bed repentance. I feel that I have been reconciled to God.
but what could I have done, when lying on this bed, to make my peace with
Him, had I not before been brought to a knowledge of the Truth ! " We prayed
earnestly that, if he were raised up, it might be, by Divine Grace, to service in
this world and salvation in the next !
Yesterday attended school chapel, and took Sacrament ; 120 boys are com
municants ! Can this be without its fruits ? Blessed Lord, water it by Thy
Spirit ! Why, in my day, not only no boys (and there were many of seventeen
and eighteen) took the Lord's Supper; but no one dreamed of it. Surely a true
and well-earned consolation to Dr. Vaughan.

1840'1 DEATH OF HIS SON FRANCIS. 413
June 1st. — Yesterday, at eight o'clock in the evening, it pleased Almighty
God to take our blessed Francis. It was the work of a, moment ; and we were
like amazed persons, so great had been the promise, not many seconds before, of
returning strength and vivacity. Yet we must not murmur or repine, for all is
wisdom, and mercy, and love, that cometh from Him. The child, we doubt not,
is with Christ, which is far better.
June 2nd. — The loss to us is irreparable ; if we regard it only in reference to
ourselves, we can neither describe nor appreciate the calamity. What happiness
had we not promised our declining years, from his respect, his love, his sym
pathy, his piety I No pen, no tongue, can set forth the charms and perfections of
that blessed boy. But this is a small fraction of the view. We must look at him
as emancipated from sin and danger, as received into the embrace of his precious
Lord and Saviour, as a dear spirit in the realms of bliss. Is it not that the fruit
was ripe, and that God, in His mercy, plucked it before it rotted on the tree ?
Yet every day and every hour bring his memory to our thoughts — the books, the
chair, the things we so often talked about. . . .
I must gather up all that he said ; I cannot let any of his words fall to the
ground. During his suffering he had a dream. " I have had a dream," said he
to Mrs. Gay (the housekeeper, that dear, and kind, and religious woman, who
nursed him). " I dreamed that I was very ill, and that I died, and was buried at
Harrow." " Did he seem disturbed by it?" I asked. "Not in the least; he
took it with the utmost composure." Blessed be God, his heart was proof against
fear ; he had said in the early part of his illness, " Mamma, I fear that I shall be
numbered among the fearful ; " but God was pleased to reveal Himself more
clearly, and, as " perfect love casteth out fear," so was it with his dear soul.
June 3rd. — Sunday. Sweet darling, he was unselfish to a singular degree.
" Oh, mamma," said the blessed boy, " I am so ashamed of myself, that through
my incaution and neglect I have exposed you to this heavy expense." Thus the
dear child, instead of dwelling on his own rightful comforts and remedies, was
thinking only of our pecuniary inconvenience.
On Tuesday, after he had first learned his extreme danger from the medical
attendants, he said to me, " Is it so ? " I replied " that it was." He then called
me, saying, " Come near to me, dear papa." I went and knelt down by his bed
side ; he threw his blessed arms round my neck, and kissed me for a very long
time, and then said, " I want to thank you, dearest papa, for having brought me
up as you have done, for having brought me up religiously. I now feel all the
comfort of it ; it is to you I owe my salvation." " No, dearest boy," I replied,
" it is to the grace of God." " Yes, it is true," he said, " but you were made the
instrument of it." Is there not consolation, almost divine, in these precious
sentences ? His voice and manner throughout his whole illness were, so to speak,
sublime ; he retained his infantile simplicity, and yet he was above himself. His
heart was unlocked, and all its treasures displayed.
June 4th. — On that awful Tuesday, after we had read and prayed together,
the dear boy said, " Dear papa, give me your blessing." I might have replied,
like St. John the Baptist, and said, " I have need .... of thee, and comest
thou to me ? " but he asked it, and from my soul I gave it. " If prayers will
avail you," I said, " you will have the prayers of hundreds of ragged children."
He seemed greatly pleased with the thought, and his face, as his mother now
remembers, quite brightened up. . , .

41 4 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XVIII.
Saw Hewlett, who told me, more in detail, about his announcement to Francis
of his state of danger. The darling child, having ascertained it by inquiry from
him, " received the answer," says Hewlett, " with a smile on his countenance, and
simply added, ' Whatever is God's will is enough for me.' " This alone would
have been a real and deep consolation ; but, by God's mercy, it is only one of
many such sentences.
June 5th. — " What I do, thou knowest not now, but thou shalt know here
after." Yet I can see, even at present, many reasons, and we, as God's creatures,
must receive them as all-convincing. His death may be the instrumental cause
of seriousness and renovation to many, especially of his schoolfellows ; it may
strike an indelible impression on those of his family who survive ; it may exhibit
a beautiful specimen of early fitness, and remain as a monument of Divine
Grace ! It may chastise me, and yet so mildly, that while I bow the head in
submission I am not prostrated by the blow. Oh I what a strange chastisement I
My own dear, precious, darling son is taken to everlasting glory, to the end and
object of all my labours and my prayers I and this is the Lord's mode of afflicting
His people ! . . .
June 7th. — Francis is dead and buried. It is difficult to realise the truth, but
so it is. We attended yesterday his funeral, which accomplished his dream that
he should be interred at Harrow. Minny and I greatly rejoice that we sur
rendered our feelings of nature that his dear remains should lie, where, in the
course of things, God willing, we should pass many of our days and perform
many acts of worship, at St. Giles's in Dorsetshire. We consigned him to the
churchyard of the school which he had so loved and adorned, and where he
needed not preachers, or poets, or the tongue of friendship, or love, to make
known his admirable virtues. He was buried in the presence of all his school
fellows and their several masters ; and though sermons and speeches may and
will be blessed to enforce his example on those who survive, no one yesterday,
among many hundreds, required the word to say who or what he was. " The evil
that men do lives after them, the good is oft interred with their bones." Not so
with him ; the record of his name will long be fragrant ; and I trust, nay,
believe (for God will give us this consolation over and above the other), that the
monument of stone will also present him to many hearts as a monument of
Divine Grace. . . .
June 12th. — They ask me to write a short memoir of my darling boy. " It
will be useful," they say, " to many, and specially to other boys." If I do so, I
must record things in praise, as it were, of myself.
Harrow churchyard is classic ground, to which not old Harrovians alone
are wont to go on pilgrimage. Many are the visitors, even from beyond
the Atlantic, who, after feasting their eyes on the glorious panorama com
manded by the fine elevation, seek out the modest stone which marks his
grave. They were sad and solemn days, those thirteen days when his son lay on
his bed of sickness ; and sad and solemn were the days that followed. Were
it not that we want to see every aspect of the life of Lord Shaftesbury, we
should have hesitated to have intruded even thus far into scenes so private.
But it opens up a beautiful page in a man's life, when it can be seen that

1849-1 RAGGED SCHOOLS EMIGRATION SCHEME. 415
there was, between himself and his children, such absolute confidence and
affection, that they could speak unreservedly together on the subject of
personal religion. It sheds a lustre over every public effort for the good of
others, when it is known that this was but an extended phase of the work
that had been going on in his own home.
Lord Ashley's nervous and sensitive organism suffered much from the
shock of this event ; and months after (October 11) he writes : —
" The thing that I greatly feared is come upon me ; '' and remarkable it is
that the very effect I ever anticipated from such an event as the death of one
of my children, has been produced. It has left me equal to business, with life
and energy and sympathy with important interests as warm as ever ; but it has
thrown an alloy into all enjoyment. I am grown much more nervous and appre
hensive. Every trifle, if it be sudden, makes me expect some sad intelligence —
a knock at the door, a footstep, a letter, an unusual expression of countenance.
The truth is, that the shock I experienced on being summoned in » moment to
attend his death-bed — having left him not half an hour in, as we all believed,
returning vigour — was far deeper than was then felt. It was a blow of which
the internal mischiefs were not exhibited when it was struck.
For many months there is scarcely a page of the Diary that does not
record the name of " my blessed Francis." His portrait, ever after his death,
was on the mantelpiece in the study at St. Giles's ; and thirty-six years later
than the time of which we write, Lord Shaftesbury declared his belief that
not one day had passed without some conscious memory of his beloved son.
Although it was the first time that death had entered in the family, and
Lord Ashley felt stunned by the blow, he did not " sorrow as those who have
no hope." Within a week of the funeral we find him busy on the Com
mission for the Subdivision of Parishes, and busier still in Ragged School
work, for a new motive was now added.
Work of the " Ragged " kind recalls his image so vividly, and his dear words
of sympathy and approval, how could I please him more were he alive, or more,
if he be cognisant of what is passing, than by endeavouring to please God in
seeking the welfare of those forlorn lambs of our Master ?
There were two things for Lord Asliley to accomplish without delay —
the prosecution of the Ragged Schools Emigration scheme, and the Bill for
the Public Health Provisional Orders.
On July the 24th he again brought forward in the House of Commons his
motion for an annual grant of money to be provided for the emigration of a,
certain number of Ragged School children of the metropolis to the Colonies.
If anything could have stimulated the Government to action in this
matter, it should have been the manner in which the £1,500 granted in the
previous Session had been expended, the amount of good it had already done,
and the permanent good it seemed likely to effect. Letters were read from
the boys who had been sent out to Australia, — touching letters, full of grati
tude and hope, and, in concluding his speech, Lord Ashley said : —

416 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XVIH.
And now, Sir. revile the system and criticise it as they may, these Ragged
Schools have been, and are, the sole means whereby religious and secular know
ledge is imparted to the thousands of a race sunk, whole fathoms deep in desti
tution and suffering. You vote £100,000 a year for the purposes of education.
You might, as far as these miserables are concerned, vote one hundred pence ;
they cannot receive any portion of your bounty ; they cannot be accommodated
to the system of your National and Borough Road Schools. What other means
exist? We have now 82 schools, full 8,000 children, 124 paid and 929 voluntary
teachers, of whose services I cannot speak with adequate gratitude and respect.
In weariness and painf ulness, and with every form of self-denial, they surrender
themselves, body and soul, to this noble cause, hoping to excite in others a
kindred sympathy. But they are not successful. The sympathy with the cause
is lamentably small, and especially from those who should be the very first in
every work of charity and religion. ... It is, then, to the House of
Commons that we direct our attention, in the hope that the Legislature will take
up the duty that individuals seem to reject. I can hardly appeal to your feelings,
because you appear to me to lie under an obligation to oonsider the case of these
desperate sufferers. " Their enemies drive them into the sea, and the sea throws
them back upon their enemies ; " and yet they are immortal spirits, as precious,
body and soul, in the sight of God, as the very best among us in this august
assembly. I commit, therefore, the issue to the representatives of the kingdom,
believing that they will not gainsay by their actions what so many of them
profess with their lips, when they pray " that it may please God to defend and
provide for the fatherless children, and all that are desolate and oppressed."
In the discussion which followed, as it was evident that there was a strong
feel'ig in the House against Lord Ashley's proposition, he felt it would
be indecorous in him to press it to a division, and the motion was therefore
withdrawn. The country was not ripe for the effort ; no second g-rant was
made, and henceforth the Emigration scheme, as regarded Ragged Schools,
had to be carried on from private sources.
But the ventilation of the subject in the public press gave an impetus to
Ragged School work generally. The subject became popular, and the fact
that the Government would not take up the matter, made the flow of contri
butions from voluntary sources more abundant than ever.
The strong personal interest that Lord Ashley took in individuals on
whose behalf he laboured can never be adequately told. An illustration only
can now and again be given. For example, a letter, written in 1849, was
found, thirty-six years after its date — that is to say, shortly after his death—
in the box which he always carried about with him, as containing the things
he most valued. It is written in a cramped, ill-formed hand, and is
addressed: "Lord Ashley, Exeter Hall, Westminster, London." On the
cover Lord Shaftesbury had written : " Very precious to me, this letter.— S."
It ran as follows : —
Port Adelaide South Australia.
October 8th, '49.
Most Noble Lord,— I Arived at port Adelade on the 25th March after a
very plesant passage and am now in a very comfortable situtation and with very

1S19'' OUTBREAK OF CHOLERA. 417
pious people. I like Australia very well but the Weather is so very hot in the
summer it is now 6 mounths since I arived here and have need to thank you for
your kindness in sending me out. I think with perse vience I shall do much
Better here than in England. I do not think I shall ever forget the good Advice
1 recived at -palace yard Ragged School, and senserily thank them all for there
kindness. Please to except the poor thanks of your obliged and thankful servant
Caroline Walker.
On the back of the letter, written evidently many years later, although
there is no date affixed, is the following : — " She went into service, behaved
so well that her master gave her in marriage to his son. She became a con
siderable person in Australia, and afterwards went to India ? Where is she
now ? God be for ever with this Ragged School girl ! — S."
Throughout the year — in fact, from October, in 1848 — the country had
been in a state of growing alarm on account of the outbreaks of cholera ; and
Lord Ashley, as Chairman of the Board of Health, was involved in the most
harassing and unceasing labours. In the early part of the year as we have
said, one hundred and fifty children perished by the pestilence in an establish
ment at Tooting, for the " care of the Infant Poor," and it was found that
they were attacked when suffering from insufficient food, defective clothing,
and impure air. Investigations into further outbreaks, at different times and
places, proved conclusively, that " wherever neglect, wherever depression, or
vice, or poverty, pressed down the population, there the pestilence raged with
its retributive and warning arm ; the sins of omission and commission were
revisited on the lives of those who perpetrated or permitted them." It
was found that foul drains, overflowing cesspools, fetid waters, overcrowded
lodging-houses, damp cellars, and ill- ventilated rooms, attracted the pestilence,
which then spread to the houses of the better classes, and to the mansions of
the rich.
As the summer advanced the pestilence grew in virulence ; but while
everybody who could do so was running away from London as fast as
possible, Lord Ashley, with his indefatigable colleagues, Dr. Southwood
Smith and Mr. Edwin Chadwick, was working night and day in the very
midst of the plague. Reviled by the newspapers, resisted by Boards of
Guardians, hampered by red-tape, he persevered in his labours ; and, be it
remembered, that it was entirely unpaid service which he rendered through
out the whole of the difficult and dangerous time of the existence of the Board
of Health. Sept. 7th. — Labour and anxiety at Board of Health very great. We are
now in the City of the Plague, and still by God's love under His shield and
buckler. He hears our prayers, and defends against the " Pestilence that walketh
in darkness." Disorder increasing ; close of last week showed a mortality
trebling the average of London ; 1,881 victims of this awful scourge ! Yesterday
showed, for the metropolis alone, a return of 345 in one day. 0 God! Thou art
terrible and yet just in Thy decreesi
B P

418 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XVin.
Sept. 9th. — London is emptied. Cholera worse than ever ; returns of
yesterday quite appalling, and yet manifest that we do not receive more than
two-thirds of the truth. Have been mercifully preserved through this pestilence.
Have not, I thank God, shrunk from one hour of duty in the midst of this City of
the Plague, and yet it has not approached either me or my dwelling.
Sept. 17th. — Times of this morning contains an extract from the Observer
which is gratifying. The Board of Health may hope little, and perhaps desire
little, for the applause of men ; but I do much deplore that our anxieties and
labours should be thrown away, and we be told that we have done nothing,
attempted nothing, imagined nothing, wished nothing. Our diligence and zeal
are mentioned in the article ; yet it is less than justice. We have indeed toiled
unceasingly, and not as mere officials, but with earnestness and feeling. Chad-
wick and Smith are men who may feel, but who know not fatigue or satiety in
business, when necessity urges, or duty calls. As for the staff of the Board,
miserably paid as they are, with scanty hopes of preferment, or even of continued
employment, I am unable to speak with adequate praise. They have laboured
even to sickness, and when struck down by the disease, have hastened back to
their work, not for emolument (for they receive fixed salaries) but for conscience
sake. And such are the men whose scanty recompense certain gentry would
reduce by 10 per cent. Out upon this disgusting economy I
The one great cause of surprise and anxiety to Lord Ashley throughout
this perilous time was, that although the disease was spreading, and terrible
alarm was prevalent, there was no apparent turning to prayer. Not an
ecclesiastic attempted to stir the Government to direct public supplication.
In vain he wrote to the Archbishop and the Bishop of London, and he says,
" Surely it is prodigious that the laity should always take the lead in these
things. The world will soon ask ' cui bono ? ' our spiritual, or, rather, our
ecclesiastical rulers."
It was in vain also that he urged a fast-day ; and not until alarm was
approaching to panic was he able to obtain a special prayer.
Lord John Russell to Lord Ashley.
Balmoral, September 1, 1849.
Dear Ashley,' — I have written to-day to the Archbishop, in answer to a
letter of his, to say that the Queen will direct a form of prayer to be prepared on
account of the cholera.
The visitation of this disease has indeed taken a very awful shape.
Now as to your own health. Carlisle writes me word that he is going to
London, and I think you owe it to your family that you should now take the
rest which is so necessary to you. Had I foreseen your duties would have been so
severe, I could hardly have proposed the office to you. But, though unpaid,
you will, I am sure, feel the satisfaction of having worked for the health and
life of your fellow-creatures in a way that hardly any other person would have
one" Ever, my dear Ashley, yours truly, J. Russell.
On Sunday, 16th September, the special prayer was read in the churches.
During the preceding week the number of deaths from cholera raised the

1849.] SUNDAY POSTAL LABOUR. 419
ordinary average of mortality from 1,008 to 3,183. By the 13th of the
following month cholera had disappeared, but not until 14,497 deaths from
this cause had been registered since the 1st October, 1848. Referring- to
the special prayer the Diary continues : —
Sept. 17th. — Yesterday, Sunday. The prayer for deliverance from the cholera.
A poor substitute for a day of repentance and humiliation ; but, thank God,
better than nothing. . . . Alas 1 alas I who can trust our ecclesiastical rulers ?
Does it not savour of a mockery? Was it so that Moses and Aaron stood
"between the living and the dead," when wrath had gone out from the Lord?
What gibes, jokes, sneers, and doubts, we shall encounter 1 What varieties of
scoffing and bitterness ! a precious occasion for sceptics and worldlings ! . . .
It was not until a fairly clean bill of health could be returned that Lord
Ashley allowed himself the rest for which he had long been pining.
Sept. 18th. — Tunbridge Wells. Attended Board of Health on my way through
London. Pestilence on the decline. I can be spared from London, and I seek a
short repose. But I heartily thank God that I shrank not from the post of toil
and danger, but persisted from August 1st to September 11th in the midst of the
pestilence, and stirred not till the plague was stayed. The Almighty bore me
through and covered me, for Christ's sake, with His shield and buckler. . . .
A few days later, and the following entry occurs : —
Sept. 29th. — Yesterday to Lord Hardinge's with Minny to dine and sleep. He
is a good-hearted, simple-minded, generous soldier ; a noble fellow in his profes
sion, and a real good man. I love and esteem him much, and God ever bless him
and his for his pious, manly,.true, and thankful acknowledgment, in a public
order, of God's mercy to the armies in the battle of Sobraon I . . .
Tn defence of the Christian Sabbath — its claims, duties, and privileges —
Lord Ashley was, throughout his life, always on the alert. Any encroach
ment upon its sanctity, from whatever quarter, was sure to bring him to the
front ; and any effort to guard and honour it, was equally sure of his co
operation and support.
While he was resting at Tunbridge Wells, a rumour reached him that a
Government order had been issued for all clerks in the Post Office to attend
to their official duties on Sundays as on other days. Instantly he wrote to
Sir George Grey, Lord John Russell, and Lord Clanricarde,* appealing to
them, as Christians and Statesmen, to interfere, and, in the course of a few
hours he had placed himself at the head of a movement, organised by the
employes of the Post Office to resist the demand. A few days later he came
up to town to preside at the Freemasons' Tavern over a full and enthusiastic
meeting, to protest against the action of the Post Office authorities.
The protests were in vain ; and he writes : —
Nov. 20th, Sunday. — On this day will begin the new ministerial scheme of
Sabbath labour at the P. 0. Should it succeed, should it increase revenue, and
gratify moneyed men, alas, humanly speaking, for the Sunday altogether I But
* The Postmaster-General.
B B 2

420 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chat. XVIII.
we pray and trust that God '¦ will blow upon it," and bring to confusion the vile
attempt. The true remedy lies in closing every P. 0., metropolitan and provin
cial, from 12 o'clock on Saturday night till 2 o'clock on Monday morning.
For the present he was unsuccessful ; but within a short time he was to
return to the charge with resolution undaunted.
On May the 30th in the following year he moved, in the House of Com
mon?, that an address be presented to her Majesty, praying that she would be
graciously pleased to direct that the collection and delivery of letters on Sunday
might, in future, entirely cease in all parts of the kingdom. A noisy debate
ensued, the Government strenuously resisting; but Lord Ashley's motion
was carried by 93 to 68 !
In reply to the Address, her Majesty adopted the resolution, and thus
confirmed the victory that Lord Ashley had won in the House. Lord John
Russell announced that it was the intention of the Government completely
to carry out the vote, and that no exception would be made even in favour
of foreign correspondence.
For three weeks the Sunday post was stopped throughout the kingdom ;
and during that period, and for some time after, Lord Ashley occupied the
unenviable position of being the most unpopular and the most roundly-abused
man in the kingdom. He writes : —
Mouths are yawning against me in anger and contempt. Not only the papers,
but all society, are furious, and all this because certain aristocratical people will
not have their gossip in the country every Sunday morning. ... It requires
either strong shoulders, or an ass's skin, to bear the strokes. . . . The variety,
universality, and bitterness of attack are quite original.
Of course the newspapers teemed with letters, from irate correspondents,
descriptive of the inconvenience, and calling for immediate alteration. The
Government, after advising the Queen to adopt the resolution, returned to the
House, and, represented by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, set to work to
neutralise the effect of the vote by publicly inviting petitions to prove the
inconvenience and damage.
The press, and society still more, so they tell me, teem with vituperations and
hatred. Epithets and appellations are exhausted ; bigot, fool, fanatic, Puritan,
are the mildest terms. They seek to beat me with my own weapons, and lament
the " desecration of the Sabbath " of which I am the cause ! Truly " Satan is
transformed into an angel of light." . . .
On the other hand, Lord Ashley received letters "of deep, earnest, grateful
joy from postmasters and messengers, full of piety and prayer," and letters
of thankfulness and offers of aid from many unexpected quarters.
It was not for long, however, that the controversy was to last. An
inquiry was moved for, and entrusted to Lord Clanricarde, Mr. Labouchere,
and Sir G. Cornewall Lewis, the result being that the resolution, with tho
order of the Postmaster-General under it, were rescinded, and the Sunday
delivery was replaced on its former footing.

CHAPTER XIX.
1850—1851.
" By doing good with his money a man, as it were, stamps the image of God
upon it, and makes it pass current for the merchandise of heaven." In tho
course of his life there were many who thought that the greatest good they
could do with their money was to place it in the care of Lord Shaftesbury.
He always had schemes on hand which needed help. Every one who knew
him, knew that, as a trustee of money, he was scrupulously exact, and that
not a penny entrusted to him would fail of accomplishing some direct end ; it
was known, too, that he had special channels for circulating it where it would
be most useful. At various periods of his career large sums of money were
placed at his disposal for charitable purposes, and the last months of his life
were much occupied in the disposal of a legacy of £50,000 left to him for
distribution among charities.
He was probably never more grateful for such aid to his schemes than at
the time when, the Government having failed to further his efforts to pro
mote Emigration among Ragged Schools, the whole burden of supplying the
means for it fell upon the exertions of the benevolent. There was one lady,
Miss Portal, who was always ready to help in any work of mercy in which
Lord Asliley was specially interested, and many times in the course of the
Diaries there are entries like the following, relating to her Christian love and
munificence : —
Jan. 6th. — Received yesterday a draft for £1,000 from that dear woman,
Miss Portal, to be laid out, at my discretion, on Ragged Schools, emigration, and
whatever can advance the temporal and spiritual well-being of the youthful
outcasts. This makes now £3,300 with which this pure-hearted and disinterested
daughter of Zion has supported my efforts. May God bless her basket and her
store, her body and her soul, her heart and her spirit, with fruitfulness in faith,
Joy, peace, prayer, and everlasting life ! . . .
. . . She has been a real comfort to me ; her sympathy and co-operation,
- her simple, humble-minded generosity, have given me great support. . . .
Money and help flowed in from many quarters in furtherance of the
Emigration scheme — the Queen and Prince Consort sent £100 — and, so long
as such resources lasted, the greatest success attended the labours of Lord
Ashley in this direction.
One friend who, moro than any other, had been a constant sympathiser
and earnest coadjutor in Lord Ashley's labours — the Rev. E. Bickersteth —
was, early in this year, called to his rest. In his society Lord Ashley had
always found satisfaction ; on almost eveiy subject their views were identical,

422 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. IChap. XIX.
and many a solemn hour had they spent together in discussing the state of
the times in relation to Tractarianism ; in pondering over unfulfilled prophecies
— the frequent subject of Mr. Bickersteth's pulpit discourses — in talking
over the restoration of Israel to their promised land, and, dearer than all, in
hoping and praying for the Second Coming of the Son of Man.
On the 17th February he writes : — ¦
"Lord, he whom Thou lovest is sick." Is this too much to say of Bickersteth ?
I trow not. This dearly-beloved friend and fellow-servant is grievously ill ; and
prayers, we bless God, are daily made for him throughout the Church. How little
can we afford to lose such a champion for the Truth. And yet I hardly dare to
ask that he be detained longer in this sinful and suffering world ; but we may
safely ask, and do ask, that he may enjoy consolation and assurance in the grace
and mercy of our blessed Redeemer.
On February the 28th Mr. Bickersteth died ; and it was long before there
was another to take his place in Lord Ashley's esteem and affection. Some
time after his death, when harassed with cares for the Church, he wrote: —
" How I miss, and shall continue to miss, the warmth, the joy in good, the
sympathy, of dear Bickersteth. How many times his words have encouraged
or consoled me."
Before proceeding to dwell upon the larger subjects that were specially to
engage the heart and brain of Lord Ashley, a few extracts upon general
matters may be given here from his Diary.
Feb. 8th. — Windsor Castle. Came here yesterday. On Wednesday speech at
Sanitary Meeting. Walked through state rooms ; saw and loved a picture of
Edward VI. He and my blessed Francis were counterparts of each other in
thought, in heart, in service, in age, and in death. They are probably now
together humbly and joyously adoring their blessed Lord ; and as they sleep in
Him, so will they come with Him ! " Come, Lord Jesus, come quickly." . . .
In the House of Commons a serious altercation had taken place, on the
7th of February, between Mr. Horsman and Lord John Russell, arising out
of charges made against the Government by the former in a letter to his con
stituents. It is to this that the former part of the following entry relates : —
Feb. 13th. — On evening 11th acted as mediator between J. Russell and
Horsman, without previous concert with either; was urged, to it by Hume,
V. Smith, Inglis, &c. My bat-like position gave me facilities. Prayed to God, and
succeeded. Many spoke to me afterwards very kindly on the subject. Gorham
affair still unpronounced upon ; it is supposed that the Bishops of Oxford and
Salisbury, working on the duplicity of the Bishop of London and the simplicity
of the Archbishop of Canterbury, will retard the decision that the clergy may
have time to protest against the tribunal ; and they themselves, during the delay,
take the chapter of accidents ! Wrote finally to Russell to urge despatch ; he
replied that "he viewed, with much suspicion, the conduct of the Bishop of
London." Singular it is, the state in which I am ; I am almost forced to have
"a finger in every pie." I verily believe that, humanly speaking, I was in-
strumentally the cause of the safer construction of the Gorham Committee.

l860-l REV. ADOLPH MONOD. 423
Certainly Lord John had never dreamed of the Archbishops as assessors, before I
bad suggested them.
Ash Wednesday, attended church ; afterwards the Board of Health, then pro
ceeded to Pye Street. Had agreed to make one of a small family dinner-party
with my mother-in-law ; * but when she filled it with strangers and raised it to
sixteen, I declined. It is not that I attach any peculiar sanctity to the day ; but
it has been set apart by the Church for confession and meditation. Festivities,
therefore, are not in accordance with it, and would shock the feelings of many
conscientious members. . . .
Feb. 2] st. — By desire of Prince Albert attended meeting at Willis's Rooms, to
move resolution on behalf of the Industrial Exhibition of 1851. Though I am
disposed to regard the thing as having " more cry than wool," I went in obedience
to his wishes. Twenty-two speakers, some very long ; I, the twelfth, for four
minutes, and never did I dislike anything so much. . . .
In March Lord Asliley left London for a fortnight's visit to Paris.
One of his first visits was to the Eglise Reformee, to hear the Rev.
Adolph Monod preach.
April 1st. . . . and right glad I am that I did so, for a better and more
touching sermon, more pointed and true, and effectively delivered, I never heard.
It was steeped in evangelism ; and the worthlessness of man's works and the
free grace of God, savoured every thought and expression. It did me and Minny
real good, and I felt truly comfortable. . . . The sun shines, the houses
sparkle, the shops abound ; aliis bustle, felicity, bunting and gobble — yet "all
faces gather blackness ; " not a cheering word drops from any one, no matter
what his station, politics, or education. The utmost of comfort is, " it will not
be just yet." That mysterious " it." The syllable contains the renewal of sixty
years of Revolution, of proscriptions, wars internal and external, fall of trade,
distress, men's hearts failing them for fear. By-the-bye, sat next to Guizot at
Monod's sermon.
In the following year, when Lord Ashley was again in Paris, he was less
successful in his visit to hear Monod. The church was the Temple de Sainte
Marie. It was crowded, the heat oppressive, and the people not over civil.
" I saw here," he said, " at least liberie, for the beadle slammed the door in
my face ; egalite, for no one was better treated by each other, or the officer,
than any one else ; but no fraternite, for they drove me from point to point,
until, having reached the bottom of the church, I could go no further."
The immediate object of Lord Ashley's visit to Paris was to examine the
homes and haunts of the poor, to see what practical hints could be gathered
in sanitary matters, and to contrast and compare methods of meeting the
evils incident to all great cities. Hence we find him visiting, " in the
way of trade," as he says, Montfaucon, the slaughter-house of horses ; the
Cite Ouvriere, "desolate, and without inhabitant;" the Abattoir Mont-
martre, " excellent, well-placed, no dirt, no cruelty ; " the Salpetriere, where,
during the cholera, 1,600 out of 5,000 had died, the reason assigned being
* Lady Palmerston.

424 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIX.
singularly confirmatory of experience in England — "rooms over-crowded,
great faults of construction, exceedingly ill-ventilated."
Paris had a great charm for Lord Asliley — its tints, its climate, its move
ment, its life, the kindness and courtesy of the people — and yet he looked
upon all with a feeling of sadness. " I cannot bear," he says, " to think of
the horrors that designing and self-seeking men — men of low personal
interests and godless ambition — are preparing for this generation. As I
walked through the gardens and through the streets, contemplating the
numbers of young, pretty, and playful children, I felt as Elisha, and wept to
think of the sorrows in store for them, the widowhood, the orphanage, the
desolation, and suffering."
This feeling was to a great extent shared in by the Parisians themselves,
as the following notes will show : —
April 4th. — It is strange the condition of mind of all in this city. Every
day, sometimes twice a day, rumours of a decree, a coup d'etat, a Bill which will
drive the Socialists to fury, then a struggle. Went to Madame de Lieven's yester
day evening ; saw some notables, but heard the same as elsewhere ; the French
gentry are at their wit's ends. I remarked that the people were misled by evil
and designing leaders. Guizot maintained that the people were "utterly cor
rupted from their very youth, having neither moral discipline nor religion ; they
would be quite as bad without them." Thence to Madame Pozzo's, the great
Legitimist house. No difference of sentiment or expression : all gloomy, appre
hensive, and life from hand to mouth. And yet they live in show and distraction
everywhere— no end of play-going, balls, parties, receptions ; plenty of fear, and
no thought ; abundance of anticipations, and no preparation ; a dismal future, a
present gaiety — " Let us eat and drink, for to-morrow we die." ..." I have
not had," said Madame Pozzo to Minny, " a day of assurance for two years ; I
have had the actual day, but no security of the morrow ; " and yet these Legiti
mists dream of " reaction," and, as M. Pozzo informed me, had already their plan
"pour modifier la ville."
Four o'clock. Very weary. Penetrated and perambulated Faubourg St.
Antoine, and the street behind the Hotel de Ville. Thence to the Chamber. It
has the look of a bad theatre, with uncomfortable boxes and ill-chosen decora
tions. Stayed ont hour and a half, during which time the Deputies threw pellets
and papers into urns, and did nothing else. Bored to death, so came away.
A scene in the Chamber, yesterday, which ended nearly in blows. Threats were
uttered, and fists shaken. These are but symptoms of internal fires. The
offending party was fined fifteen days' pay. Was there ever anything so vulgar ?
April 5th.— Last night to the President's reception, Elysee. The style simple,
without pretence. Amused in contemplating the various figures, and the various'
parts they might play hereafter. Changarnier there in plain clothes, with white
moustaches and a black wig ; he looks like a Tartar cat. Certainly, for a Repub
lic, there never were so many orders, ribbons, stars, and other decorations. We
know whence they came, but whither do they go ? The immorality of the nation
lies at the root of all the evil and all the danger ; it is not misgovernment, oppres
sive taxation ; it is not religious persecution, nor denial of freedom ; it is not the
presence of a griping Church or a monopolising aristocracy; it is not any political

163°-1 IN PARIS. 425
defect, or any civil abuse or blunder ; it is the utter want of all religion, all sense
of God, all respect for man. The domestic system, the prime ordinance of God
for human society, is nearly extinct. " In thee and thy seed shall the families of
the earth be blessed." Mark the expression ; not the nations, not the people, not
the individuals, but the "families" of the earth. This, however, is cut up at the
very roots ; their mode of life, their dwellings, their amusements, their tastes,
their passions, all are incompatible with the cares, the toils, the duties of domestic
existence. Hence, to save money and gratify their selfish and carnal desires, the
unnatural and disgusting conditions respecting children ; hence the total neglect
of thousands of their offspring, consigned from their birth to the charge of distant
and indifferent hirelings ; hence the annual exposure of 30,000 children in the
streets of Paris, many, too, they say, born in legitimate wedlock. I will rest (but
not unto us, 0 Lord, not unto us) the superiority of England over France on this
alone : 30,000 infants abandoned every year in Paris on a population of 1,000,000,
not 300 in London on a population of 2,000,000 !
April 6th. — Dined with Lady Elgin last night, Rue de Varennes, to meet
Lamartine. He is over head and ears a, poet, and looks like one ; he talks well,
and is highly interesting while he recounts his revolutionary experiences. But
I could not trust him ; he seems to take sober and practical views of nothing, all
is resolved into the fitness of the affair, or the moment, for a speech, or a stanza.
Doubtless his prodigious oratorical abilities are a great source of temptation to him.
He showed as much when he said yesterday, " If it were not bad for the country,
I should rejoice to live my period of power over again, it was so exciting." He
is the only one who speaks with assurance of the future, but, then, he is become
once more a candidate for office. His wishes are fathers to his thoughts. He
rendered great service, all must confess, in the first moments of the dreadful in
surrection of 1848, but I cannot regard him as a disinterested man.
April 1 0th. — Dined last night with Madame de Lieven, and met many French
gentlemen, Guizot, &c. &c. Sat next to me a " Legitimist." " You have been
saved," he said, " by the religion of your people." I observed that the " best and
only mode of humanising the working classes was to go amongst them and prove
that you studied their best interests." " This," he replied, " is now impossible
with us ; the masses are in so awful a condition, and every obstruction besets us ;
all our men of science, station, and note, are professed infidels." It is so, but what
a contrast to England ! Yet we must not boast. Who made us to differ ? . . .
April 11th. — Dined last night with Monsieur and Madame Andre. A party of
French Protestants desirous of listening to stories about Ragged Schools and
other modes of assisting society. Kind, hospitable, and friendly ; full of zeal
and piety. Deeply alarmed by the state of the Parisian people, and equally
anxious' to devise some means of encountering it, but their difficulties, it cannot
be denied, are tremendous. . . .
To-day we start for England. . . .
Lord Ashley's views with regard to amusements will have been found,
from various extracts given ih this book, to have been much wider than those
of many with whom he was associated, and whose views iu great measure he
was supposed to represent. The principle which governed him was that laid
down by tho Apostle, " All things are lawful for me, but all things are not
expedient."

4^6 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. (Chap. XIX.
To oblige Minny went to Theatre Francais, not having entered a play
house for very many years. I have abstained in deference to the opinions and
feelings of those with whom I have been associated in religious undertakings,
and L shall do so again, though I am disposed to believe that the theatre might
be made a " School of Virtue." Told, besides, that it was necessary to see Valeria,
in order to ascertain the public mind of Paris, its views and sentiments. Saw
nothing but a bad play, well acted.
One of Lord Ashley's first acts on his return from Paris was to send in
bis resignation as Chairman of the Board of Health. We have seen how
arduous his labours had been during the year of cholera, and they had not
decreased. It was not, however, on the ground of the labour involved that
he wished to discontinue his services in connection with the Board. He had
seen the necessity of a change in the laws concerning the burial of the dead
in the metropolis, and had prepared a Bill for their amendment — the " Extra
mural Interment Bill." Early in January of this year he received a letter
from Lord Carlisle informing him that the Government proposed to take out
of his hands the future conduct of that Bill. This, however, was but one of
a series of disappointments which are alluded to in the Diary thus : —
The Government throw on me the small, tedious, harassing details of the
Provisional Orders, but the measures of credit they reserve for themselves. This,
however, has altered and abated my duties for the Session, because I am now
detached from the special charge of the sanitary measures, Interment, Water,
Building. I cannot hide to myself my own disappointment ; partly, I had hoped
that my name (is this an illegitimate desire ?) would be inseparably connected with
these reforms ; and, partly, I hoped that intense labour and anxiety would not
be without their fruits. " He best can paint them, who can feel them most."
I tremble for the issue, in ignorant or unsympathising hands. . . .
Notwithstanding the disappointment, Lord Ashley considered that the
Interment plan was one of the best ever devised, and was likely to be produc
tive of real moral effects on the poorer population, and he continued to work
at it laboriously. The appointment, however, of Lord Seymour as President
of the Board, over the head of Lord Asliley, who hau oorne all the burden
and heat of the day, greatly changed his position and impeded his action. It
was this that led to his tendering his resignation. But Lord John Russell
would not hear of it, and, sinking his own preferences for the general good,
Lord Ashley continued, at great personal sacrifice, to retain his office. If he
could not keep the Interment Bill in his hands, he trusted, at least, that he
should be able to carry through the Bill for the Metropolitan Water Supply,
and, in fact, he made this a condition of his remaining on the Board.
Throughout the year, and still later, the Diary contains many entries relat
ing to these matters, of which the following may be taken as specimens to
show the nature of some of the difficulties that assailed him : —
June 5th. — Interment Bill. Passed but three clauses in nearly five hours.
Much attacked and reviled. . . . These are the sweets of unremunerated
public life I

1S50-1 DEATH OP SIR ROBERT PEEL. 427
July 18th. — Yesterday gave whole day to wander over the wild heaths of
Surrey, around Farnham, in quest of springs and getting grounds for Water
Supply of the Metropolis. Started at ten and returned at ten. Saw all that we
wanted, found rivers to break out in the desert, and confessed that God was
bountiful. But will man be so ? It is overwhelming, heart-breaking, awful to
reflect, how many thousands are deprived, in this Christian city, of the prime
requisite for health, comfort, decency, of an essential prop and handmaid to
morality ! . . .
Dec. 12th. — The Water Supply, for which alone I remained at the B. of H,
will be set aside or emasculated by the Government ; and yet I made this measure
a condition of my stay there. The situation is painful, because it is become that
of a clerk, and I am made, by Seymour and Grey, to feel it hourly. The Board
has no free action, no power to effect any of its decisions, for tlie Treasury and
the Home Office refuse, or thwart, every proposition.
Jan. 31st, 1851. — The labours and anxieties of the B. of H. have, I suspect,
contributed not a little to my disorders. I feel these subjects deeply ; they are
intimately connected with the physical and, to no small extent, with the moral
welfare of mankind. I am grieved, harassed, overwhelmed with variety of work,
a dull position, and a dismal horizon. I want neither honour, nor praise, nor
payment ; but I want some little fruit of protracted toil and expended health.
. . . But what shall I do 1 Shall I persevere, or shall I retire ? I want the
time for the stirring and precious business of this Session. I want it for other
movements of service to God and man. I want it for moments of reflection and
repose ; but I must not seek my own, but Thy will, 0 God.
The summer of this year saw the close of a very remarkable career, and
one with which Lord Ashley was, more particularly in his earlier life, closely
associated. On the 24th of June there was a debate on the foreign policy of the
Government, introduced by Mr. Roebuck, and continued over four nights.
On the 28th Sir Robert Peel spoke, and his speech was generally admitted
" to be characterised by great kindliness of feeling and political foresight.'*
It was his last speech, his last appearance in that House, where, ever since
1809, he had been one of the most conspicuous members. On the following
day, as he was riding np Constitution Hill, after entering his name in the
Queen's visiting book at Buckingham Palace, his horse shied and threw him
over its head, and Sir Robert, still keeping hold of the reins, drew the animal
upon him with its knees between his shoulders. The injuries were not at
first considered likely to be fatal, but their extent was not really known. On
the 1st of July the symptoms grew more and more alarming, and on the
following night he expired.
June 30th. — Sunday. Yesterday Peel was thrown from his horse, and injured
by the fall. God have mercy on him in mind and body I . . . Called to in
quire after Peel— do not quite like the account, though I trust that aU will
be well. July 2nd. — Peel still in great danger — poor man. May God be gracious to
him 1 . . .
July 3rd. — Peel is dead. He died last night, at eleven o'clock, in full

428 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIX.
consciousness, having seen his family and friends, and taken the Lord's Supper at
the hands of the Bishop of Gibraltar. What an end ! What an event I Are we
not all in the midst of death ? It has deeply afflicted me ; he was a great intel
lect, and had some noble qualities. 0 Lord, give us hope that he has found mercy
in Christ Jesus, and sanctify it to us all I . . . House this morning was ad
journed in respect to poor Peel. This awful death has revived many recollec
tions, and stirred many feelings of ancient days. . . .
July 5th. — Yesterday J. Russell pronounced an eulogy on Sir R. Peel, and
proposed a public funeral, which was declined, with gratitude, by Goulburn on
the part of the family, who urged a passage in his will expressive of a desire to
be interred in the vault at Drayton. It was well and feelingly done on both
sides ; but, as it went on, I could not but estimate how worthless are these things.
How did they affect him ? how did they console his family ? And yet such have
been, in history, the springs of many brilliant actions, and, perhaps, will be so
again. The true value of it is nothing ; the same minds that have recorded their
panegyrics will, as soon as the peculiar shock is over, review his course with
critical " justice," and qualify the praise that was uttered in the moment of sym
pathy. Human applause is very tempting ; but woe to the man who confides in
it ; there is no secure and fruitful honour but that which cometh from God only.
As the shock subsides, reminiscences arise. This event, that was at first terrible,
is becoming sad. The man, his voice, his figure, all are before my eyes. It is truly
awful. May God in His mercy bless the affliction to his wife and children !
July 9th. — This day Sir R. Peel will be interred at Drayton, and then speedily
forgotten. Such is human fame, and yet in many respects, one of the greatest
men of this generation ! The Duke of Cambridge expired this day. I deeply
lament his loss. . . . He brought the branches of the Crown into frequent
contact with the charitable institutions of the metropolis and the comforts of
the people.
July 25th. — Attended, on Tuesday, a meeting to do honour to Sir R. Peel, and
to second a resolution moved by the Duke of Wellington I Had been requested
to do so by Goulburn and Graham, and of course complied. He had wonderful
qualities of various kinds, and his loss is great.
In August, Lord Asliley, who had not been in really good health since his
severe attack of illness in ;1848, left London for a tour in Scotland, in the
hope that he might renew his strength and be braced up for the work which
lay before him iu the winter. The Duke of Argyll had lent him Roseneath,
the Duke's place on the Clyde. We will not follow him through the tour,
except to note one or two incidents. At Tarbert he met, by accident, Mr.
Locke, the Secretary of the Ragged School Union, and suddenly, vividly,
there came before him " the ragged race, and indeed, all the race of unhappy,
forgotten, ill-used children." In intervals of leisure he tried to read a few
books, and keep pace with the generation; but he found that "while he
roamed over the older works he had missed, he let go the new, and so, like
panting Time, he toiled after them in vain." In one part of his journey he
went seven miles in a spring cart, " rightly so named, for he was never made
to spring so high before." And in another he was " entrapped to ascend the
hills with a shooting-party, and found himself unintentionally converted into a

1S^'J A PAPAL BULL. 429
tleer-stalkcr, although he neither fired a rifle nor saw a stag." At the little
town of Tain he records this surprising fact : " I was mado ' free of the city.
The first public honour I have ever had. It was kindly proposed, and most
flatteringly conferred in the Town Hall, nor am I indifferent to the goodwill
and esteem of a body of citizens, though small and remote."
When the Session of Parliament was closed by the Queen in person in
August there was peace at home and abroad. But a new chapter in the
ecclesiastical history of the country was opening, and within a few weeks the
whole kingdom was to be agitated as it had rarely been before. One of the
most marked features of English history during the nineteenth century has
been the continuous growth of liberty of conscience. One by one, the dis
abilities of Dissenters, Roman Catholics, and Jews, have been removed ; but,
with all this larg-e-hearted tolerance for almost every form of faith and
practice, England never forgot that there was an ecclesiastical system which,
in its era of supremacy, wrote its history in characters of blood, and, while
yielding complete religious freedom, even though cautiously and tardily, to all
law-abiding Roman Catholic subjects, watched jealously for any manifesta
tion on the part of the Church of Rome of a desire to re-assert her ancient
pretensions. Thirty-six years ago the fear of Rome was much more dominant in
England than at the present day. Circumstances have altered, and a " No
Popery " agitation of national dimensions would require for its exciting cause
a high-handed policy such as no ecclesiastical body seems ever likely to venture
upon again in this countiy. Indeed, it is difficult to believe how thoroughly
the heart of England was stirred by the institution of certain titular dignities
which are still illegal, but are now accorded, as a matter of course, in our
ordinary conversation and in our literature.
In October, 1850, there was published a Papal Bull, abolishing the
Administration of Roman Catholics in England by Vicars Apostolic, and
appointing instead, two Archbishops and twelve Bishops, with territorial
districts distinctly marked out. Lord Ashley was in Scotland when the Bull
was published, and his first view of the matter, written at the moment, is
noteworthy. Oct. 25th. — Inverary. Events are beginning to be rife ; the Pope, by a Bull,
has divided England into dioceses with territorial titles, such as "Archbishop of
Westminster." We must be careful not to push this matter too far ; it is an act
of great annoyance and audacity, but not contrary to law, nor worth, in fact, a
new law. It must be used as a warning, as a stimulant, as a proof of Roman
ambition. The aspect of affairs soon began to assume a more serious complexion.
Dr. Wiseman was appointed the first Archbishop of Westminster, and raised
to the dignity of a Cardinal, and, in this capacity, he sent to England tho
notorious pastoral, dated " From out of the Flaminian Gate at Rome," a docu
ment which inflamed the Protestant fervour of the country a hundredfold
more than the Papal Bull. Apparently ignoring the English Church and its

430 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIX.
episcopate, he spoke as if England had been restored to the Romish com
munion, and would henceforth be ecclesiastically governed by the new
hierarchy. The following extract will serve as a sample of the arrogant as
sumption that characterised this extraordinary document : — ¦
" The great work, then," wrote the Cardinal, " is complete; what you have
long desired and prayed for is granted. Your beloved country has received a
place among the fair churches which normally constituted the splendid aggre
gate of Catholic communion. Catholic England has been restored to its
orbit in the ecclesiastical firmament from which its light had long vanished,
and begins now anew its course of regularly-adjusted action round the centre
of unity, the source of jurisdiction, of light, and of vigour. How wonderfully
this has been brought about, how clearly the hand of God has been shown in
every step, we have not leisure to relate, but we may hope soon to recount to
you by word of mouth."
The recent proceedings of the Tractarians had prepared the people for a
unanimous cry of " No Popery," and all the Protestant sects and communions
united to resist these outrageous demands. Had Sir Robert Peel been
living, he might, perchance, have calmed the popular excitement, or, at least,
have directed and subdued it ; but Lord John Russell, who was now Premier,
saw an opportunity of dealing a blow at his Tractarian foes, and " raised a
tempest, from the effects of which his Government soon after suffered ship
wreck." On November the 4th he wrote to the Bishop of Durham, what was
long after famous as " The Durham Letter."
After pointing to his own advocacy of the Catholic claims in past years,
he denounced the recent measures of the Pope as " a pretension of supremacy
over the realm of England, and a claim to sole and undivided sway, which is
inconsistent with the Queen's supremacy, with the rights of our Bishops and
Clergy, and with the spiritual independence of the nation, as asserted even in
Roman Catholic times."
This letter won from Lord Ashley the strongest admiration, and roused
the whole country to a ferment. The course of events is noted, stage by
stage, in his Diary, from which we now quote : — ¦
Nov. 3rd.— Edinburgh. People have often rebuked me as a croaker, as a bird of
evil augury ; but, as David says, " Is there not a cause ?" I never fear attacks,
but I tremble for the spirit that resists them. The Pope and his decrees are
nothing ; but the Puseyite Churchmen and the Laodicean nation are enough to
inspire terror. I am ready to conflict with Infidelity, and defy it ; but I sink
with dismay when I find the Hniversity rife with the German philosophy, and
ecclesiastical Judases, pretending belief in the Holy Scriptures, betraying the
Son of Man with a kiss I
Nov. 5th.— Gunpowder Plot day I It was a mighty deliverance, for which we
of this generation are about as thankful as we are for the rescue of Daniel out
of the lions' den. And yet, when has God dealt more mercifully with any people?
Public meetings denouncing the Papal Aggression were being held
throughout the country, and petitions were adopted calling upon the Govern-

185°d LETTER FROM THE BISHOP OF OXFORD. 431
ment and Legislature to intervene. It was impossible that Lord Ashley
could remain away any longer from the scene of conflict, and on November
the 11th we find him again in London and at the head of the Anti-Popery
movement. Nov. 11th. . . . Took chair at conference of clergy and laity to devise
mode of meeting present crisis ; sat for five hours ; fearful of disunion ; all
settled, by God's blessing, on a little management ; agreed to a committee to stir
country. How shall we "improve the shining hour?" Such an occasion may
never return.
Nov. 21st. — The Cardinal's manifesto is out ; bold, astute, unscrupulous ; but,
with all its cunning, more hurtful to the shooter than to the target.
Nov. 25th. — What a surprising ferment 1 It abates not a jot ; meeting after
meeting in every town and parish of the country. Vast meetings of counties,
specially of York. At concerts and theatres, I hear, " God save the Queen " is
demanded three times in succession. It resembles a storm over the whole ocean ;
it is a national sentiment, a, rising of the land I All opinions seem for a while
merged in this one feeling.
An announcement having been made that a great meeting was to be held
to discuss the question, the Bishop of Oxford (Wilberf orce), " striving," as
his biographer says, " to hold the balance between the two parties in the then
excited state of opinions," wrote to Lord Ashley a long letter, of which the
following is an extract : —
You will be, more than any one, able to direct the current of Thursday's
meeting ; to settle whether it shall set against bona, fide Romanising tendencies
in the Church (by which J mean the revival of a system of auricular confession,
sacramental absolution, the sacrificial character of the sacrament of the Lord's
Supper, the denial of Justification by Faith, &c, &c), or whether it shall be a
mere attempt to brand as Romanisers all those in the Church who are of the
school of Andrews, Hooker, Beveridge, &c. Of this school I am a member. I make
no secret of it. I have, as I believe, dropped no one truth of my Evangelical
education, but I hold those truths in a more consistent and, therefore, a firmer
grasp. But the question I am anxious you should let me suggest for your
thought is this : Can it strengthen us as a Church against Rome, against Lati-
tudinarianism, against irreligion, against Socialism, and our frightful social evil,
to drive out, or render suspected, all the earnest-minded and, I will venture to
say, spiritually -minded men in this our day of exceeding need of every aid ?
" To this letter," says the biographer of Bishop Wilberforce,* " Lord
Ashley replied, that at the meeting he was not only most anxious to avoid
personalities, but that he would do all in his power to prevent them. He
explained that the object of the meeting was to prevent Tractarian dogmas,
which, as he said, drove whole congregations to Dissenting chapels, and
which were rapidly turning the Church of England into a free Church."
There is no reference to this correspondence in Lord Ashley's Diary, nor
does a copy of his reply appear to have been kept.
* " Life of Bishop Wilberforce. By his son. Reginald G. Wilberforce," vol, ii., p. 69,

432 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIX.
On the 5th of December, the meeting — a large and influential gathering
of lay members of the Church of England — was held at Freemasons' Hall,
" to protest against the insolent and insidious attempt of the Bishop of
Rome," and to invoke the Queen's aid for tho suppression of Romish innova
tion in the Church of England. Over this meeting Lord Ashley presided,
Addressing his Protestant brethren of the Church of England, with grief
that the exigency of the times required this distinctive epithet, he called
upon them to show, by their " vigorous, ready, and persevering antagonism,
that the ecclesiastical establishment of these realms is the right of the
people, and that the people will defend the right to the last extremity." He
continued : —
A foreign priest and potentate, who misunderstands and misg-overns his own
people, who is kept on his miserable throne, to the oppression of his own subjects
and all religious liberty, only by outlandish bayonets, to the everlasting dis
honour, I must say, of the French people, has presumed to treat this realm of
England like " to a tenement or paltry farm," part its soil into provinces and
dioceses, invest his nominees with titles of episcopal and territorial jurisdiction,
and usurp the functions of our Royal Mistress. We protest against this as an
act of monstrous audacity. It ignores alike (such is the modern phrase) the
Church and the State, Her Majesty and the Bishops. We own, under God, no
rule in these kingdoms but that of our beloved Queen, and the laws and constitu
tion of the realms ; and, God helping us, none other shall be planted here in
civil or ecclesiastical authority. It may be said that a title is of little import ;
yet, if any one hold the contrary, let him urge it on these intrusive bishops, and
tell them that "a rose by any other name would smell as sweet," and see whether
they will yield to the argument. But the name is of mighty importance ; it is
always of prodigious weight with those who do not reflect, and who, after all,
are the largest portion of mankind. Why, then, if it be so valueless, do the
Roman Catholics insist on its adoption ? Why, for a trifle, invoke a Papal Bull,
and disturb this country from John o'Groat's House to the Land's End. Mark
the true reason : the Romish Church claims sovereignty and jurisdiction over
every baptised soul ; those very people who denounce the Cardinal — I have lately
read it in a Popish periodical — are the Cardinal's spiritual subjects. To call
himself, as he is, Bishop of the Roman Catholics in the city of Westminster.
would be to forego that claim, and shrink within his rightful sphere ; to call
himself Archbishop of Westminster is to assert the whole spiritual sovereignty of
the district, and demand its subjection to the See of Rome. Can you doubt this ?
Read the manifesto : — " Whether the Pope appoints a person vicar apostolic, or
bishop in ordinary, in either case he assigns him a territorial ecclesiastical juris
diction, and gives him no personal limitations." Why, here is the whole thing ;
and because we see that their hierarchy is incompatible with ours — because, not
content with equality, they aspire to supremacy, we will resist them step by
step, inch by inch, nor yield them one hair's-breadth beyond that which we have
already ceded.
After quoting the statement of Dr. Wiseman that a hierarchy was needed
in order to introduce the Canon Law, Lord Ashley proceeded to explain what

1S50-1 THE PAPAL AGGRESSION. 433
Canon Law was, and what the effect of it would be upoii religious liberty.
Then, turning from the outside mischief to that within, he said : — -
Let us turn our eyes from Popery in flower to Popery in the bud ; from the
open enemy to the concealed traitor ; from the menace that is hurled at our
Church, to the doctrine that is preached from our pulpit ; from tbe foreign
assailant, to the foes of our own household. What has invited this aggression ?
What has induced the Court of Rome, so wily, cautious, and penetrating, to throw
aside the sheath, and openly attack the Capitol ? . . . The manifest tendency
in many of our clergy, in faith and practice, to the faith and practice of the
Church of Rome, the numerous perversions of that unscriptural creed, the
adoption of rites, ceremonies, and languages fitted only to a Popish meridian.
Need I enumerate them ? You know them well ; and when to this they add the
teaching of false and heretical doctrines ; when they add the practice of auricular
confession — the most monstrous, perhaps, of all the monstrous practices of tbe
Romish system — who can wonder that the appetite of the Pope was whetted, that
his eyes were blinded, and that he believed the time was come for once more sub
jecting this Protestant land to his odious domination ? Now, we insist on these
details, not only because they are " histrionic " arrangements, adapted only to the
theatre, and impeding all worship, in spirit and in truth, but because they are
the symptoms of a deep-seated corruption of faith and doctrine, enticing, and
intended to entice, the people from the simplicity of the Gospel, and to lead them
to submit to the sacerdotal forgery of a sacrificing priesthood, and the necessary
and inevitable train of abominable superstitions. Here is our daily, hourly, im
minent peril. It is for the sons of the Church to protest against these enormities
in all their length and breadth. What else can be done ? Do not some of the
bishops tell you that they are powerless ; that they speak, exhort, command, but
the rebellious Tractarians will not obey ? Have they not nearly all declared the
extent of this festering mischief ? What other course can we take to obtain a
general and united expression of feeling? Tbe laity love their Church, its
decency, its simplicity of truth, its Gospel character, and they will maintain it
in all its efficiency ; but that Church must continue to be scriptural ; — if it
change its character, and cease to be such, why then they will lie under the same
duties, and they will entertain the same feelings as their forefathers, when, dis
regarding everything but the confession of the Truth, and the honour of
Almighty God, they broke, at all hazards, from the unscriptural and unholy
Church of Rome. I speak here for myself. I doubt not I speak the sentiments
of thousands in this realm, that if we be driven to this necessity (which God in
His mercy avert I) I had rather worship with Lydia, on the bank, " by the river
side," than with a hundred surpliced priests in the temple of St. Barnabas.*
[Here the whole assembly enthusiastically rose to their feet, and the ladies
joined in the vociferous cheering which succeeded.]
Referring to this meeting, Lord Asliley wrote in his Diary : —
December 5th. — Well, to be sure. I never saw such a thing ; the enthusiasm,
from the first moment to the last, was miraculous. The audience would have
remained and cheered till midnight ; time after time they rose from their seats,
* St. Barnabas, Pimlico, was notorious at this time for its ritualistic practices.

434 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIX.
and shook the room with thunders of applause. But the feeling was more than
boisterous— it was: deep and sincere, and had all the character of being permanent
and religious. The speaking excellent ; the laity shone in power and theology ;
many pulpits could not produce such solid stuff.
The Roman Catholics in England saw with regret the results of the
latest outcome of Ultramontane policy. On November 17th they sent up an
address of loyalty to the Queen, and asserted the purely spiritual character of
the new organisation. A few days afterwards Lord Beaumont, a Roman
Catholic peer, publicly regretted the ill-advised measure of the Roman
Pontiff, which had placed English Catholics in the position of having " either
to break with Rome, or violate their allegiance to the Queen." On Novem
ber the 28th the Duke of Norfolk expressed his unity with the sentiments of
Lord Beaumont.
December 23rd. — Windsor Castle. Prince sent for me after morning service,
and we spent an hour and a half on Church matters. I am delighted, and I bless
God for his zeal, judgment, perception, and vigour.
Some idea of the ferment of the times may be gathered from the fact that
between the 14th and the 30th November no fewer than seventy-eight works
on the Papal Aggression issued from the press.*
On the reassembling of Parliament the subject was alluded to in the
Queen's Speech by the announcement of "a measure calculated to maintain
the rights of the Crown and the independence of the nation against all en
croachments ; " and on the 7th February the Premier introduced a Bill to
prevent the assumption of ecclesiastical titles in respect of places in the
United Kingdom, which was denounced by Roebuck, Brig'ht, and others, but
strenuously supported by Lord Asliley. By a vote of 395 to 63 the House
permitted the Bill to be brought in, but its progress was delayed for a time
by a Ministerial crisis.f
March 1st. — Who can now assert that the Pope has no power in England ?
He has put out one Administration, and now prevents the formation of another.
. . . Wrote yesterday to Prince Albert, and told him the feeling of the nation ;
it will reach him, I guess, inopportunely, but he desired me to tell him the truth,
and I have done so. God bless the endeavour !
March 3rd. — Seven o'clock. Government reinstated, every man of them,
according to the slang, " as you was." Russell announced that he should proceed
with the Anti-Papal Bill, having promised some amendments.
The Bill was re-introduced on the 7th March, but very much toned down
in its character. The opposition to the measure was still formidable, and
there was a seven nights' debate before the second reading was carried. On
the 18th March Lord Ashley again put the matter forcibly before the House,
from his own particular point of view. He asserted that, in the tone of
* Publishers' Circular, December 2, 1850.
+ The celebrated cartoon in Punch will be remembered. It represented Lord John as
a naughty boy chalking up the words " No Popery," and then dodging round the corner.

l851-l THE ECCLESIASTICAL TITLES BILL. 435
Napoleon in his most haughty and terrible days, the Pope had virtually
declared that the House of Hanover ceased to reign ; and discussed at length
the manner in which " such a Protean power, presenting alternately and con
jointly every form of spiritual, temporal, and ecclesiastical policy," was to be
dealt with. "It pretends," he said, "to be spiritual in England, ecclesi
astical in Spain ; it is temporal everywhere, though professing it nowhere ; it
is democratic in Ireland, and despotic in Austria ; it terrifies statesmen in
Sardinia by refusal of the sacraments, and the Government in France by a
refusal to support them at elections ; here it is, in England, appealing- to the
rights of man and the liberty of conscience ; and there it is, in Italy, denounc
ing them by the lips of Pope Gregory XVI., as 'that absurd and erroneous
maxim, or wild notion, that liberty of conscience ought to be assured and
guaranteed to every person.'" In conclusion, he declared his belief that
England " would not give way to Rome by submission — no, not for an hour,"
and added, " What may be the issue to the nation, no man may foretell, but
for ourselves, happen what may, we will, by God's blessing, stand immovably
on our immortal Faith, which we have neither the right nor the disposition to
surrender." One practical outcome of the agitation was, that on the following day a
great meeting was held, for private conference, of members of the Church of
England, clerical and lay, and representatives from all the orthodox Noncon
formists in London — " all who held the Head — the great truths of Christ's
gospel." March 20th. ... It was to see whether we could not, under God's bless
ing, lay aside our minor differences and make a common front against a common
enemy. Met at eleven o'clock at an hotel in the Adelphi — everything prospered ;
the Divine Hand was manifest in the fervour, earnestness, self-control, and
mutual goodwill of the assembly. It was a noble and a Protestant sight, and
illustrated the Apostle's benediction, " Grace be with all those that love the Lord
Jesus Christ in sincerity."
A Committee was formed to consider modes of operation, and, at Lord
Ashley's suggestion, to endeavour to include the Protestants of every nation,
and the result was the formation of a vigorous Protestant association.
Another outcome of the agitation is thus referred to : —
April 8th. — Archdeacon Manning has joined the Church of Rome, and four
clergymen in Leeds have done the same. Lord, purge the Church of those men,
who, while their hearts are in the Vatican, still eat the bread of the Establish
ment and undermine her 1
The further story of the unfortunate " Ecclesiastical Titles Bill " may be
briefly told here. It was elaborately discussed in Committee, and then read
a third time on July the 3rd, after which the Lords dealt with it in due
course. But the later stages of the measure were not marked by any of the
old enthusiasm. It became law, and then, curiously enough, " no one seemed
one penny the worse or better," and Englishmen freely used, as a matter of
course, the territorial titles which had put the nation into such a flutter only a

436 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIX.
few months before. Twenty years afterwards the Act was repealed, though
the illegality of the titles was again explicitly affirmed.
Before passsing away from this subject, it may be stated here, that,
throughout this controversy, and at all times, Lord Asliley was scrupulously
caref id to maintain a wide distinction between the Roman Catholic priesthood
and laity, and any " violence " of language he ever used was directed against
the former, while to the latter he was invariably tolerant. Passages innumer
able from his public speeches and private writings could be quoted, were
proof necessary ; and as the charge of " never being able to see good in any
save those of his own way of thinking" was not unfrequently brought against
him, it may be well to show that this was unfounded. He warmly supported
Mrs. Chisholm, and attended, from time to time, her " group meetings " of
emigrants. " This is a novel and most admirable scheme of colonisation," he
writes in his Diary, July I7th ; " but many people suspect that the Devil is in
it, and that Mrs. Chisholm, who is a Papist, has no views but the extension of
Romanism." Referring to the self-devotion of Roman Catholics to the
great works of charity and love, he said : " I can speak with no disparage
ment of those sisters of charity and mercy who, in long black gowns, per
ambulate our streets ; I speak of them with deep respect ; engaged, as they
are, in works of compassion, goodness, and tenderness ; but I maintain that
in our own Protestant faith we have sisters of mercy to vie with them." * In
a speech at St. James's Hall, in defence of voluntaiy schools, he said : " I con
fess that I sympathise with the Roman Catholics in this matter ; it is natural
and just that they should insist on the full teaching of all the points essential
to their faith ; they must insist upon a distinctive teaching in religious mat
ters." Again, in a speech protesting against the exclusion or discourage
ment of religious teaching in schools aided by grants from the State, he
said : "I would rather have any form of religious teaching when there is some
thing definite, though there may be only a particle of what is true. I would
much rather children went to almost any other kind of school than to one
where religious teaching was prohibited. I would much rather be a Papist
than a Positivist, and I, for one, will accept and believe the syllabus of Rome
in preference to the syllabus of Birmingham." And again on the same sub
ject in another place: "Whatever I may think of their system in other
respects, the Roman Catholics have, I must say, always been true to the gToat
principle that religion should be the alpha and omega of education, and they
shrink with horror from the very notion of a place of education where religion
is not the primary consideration."
In things spiritual, however, it was utterly impossible that he could have
any " fellowship " with Roman Catholics, and in his opening meditation in
the Diary for the year 1851 — the year of Anti-Papal controversy — he defines
the principle which governed him. He writes : —
Jan. 5th. — Broadlands. Sunday. " Grace be with all them that love the
* Ragged School Union, May 11th, 1S68.

1S5L] THE SHOE-BLACK BRIGADE. 437
Lord Jesus Christ in sincerity." This shows clearly not only what is permitted,
but what is enjoined, in the walk of Christian labour ; — to wish " God speed " to
all such, and to give them the right hand of fellowship in all works of love and
charity. This overrides all ecclesiastical differences, all distinctions of form and
human arrangement, all the modes and varieties of non-essentials ; but it demands
the full belief of evangelical tsnith, the joyous reception of Christ's blessed
Atonement, His perfect work, His everlasting- dominion, His faith, His fear, His
love. It binds us to the true believers of the Lutheran and Presbyterian
Churches ; it binds us to the pious Nonconformists of England, to the Henrys
and Doddridgesi wherever they be ; but it does not bind us — it does not even
separate us — from those who " hold not the Head " in obedience and childlike
humility. The Great Exhibition, which was opened in Hyde Park on the 1st of
May in this year, and which brought so much pleasure to many, brought to
Lord Asliley a considerable amount of work. The religious societies desired
to make it the occasion, while so many foreigners were in the land, of press
ing- the claims of the Gospel in various ways, and it had by this time come
to be recognised that, if anything good was to be done, Lord Ashley must
have a prominent share in the doing of it.
A great many new undertakings, and developments of old ones, marked
this period. For example : On November 28th, 1850, a meeting- of delegates
of Ragged Schools was held in Field Lane Schoolroom, Lord Ashley in the
chair, to consider the means by which boys might get new employment when
the " Great Exhibition of 1851 " should bring thousands of foreigners to
London. Three Ragged School teachers — Messrs. John MacGregor (" Rob Roy "),
R. J. Snape, and J. R. F. Fowler, on their way home from that meeting,
crossed over Hoiborn, arm-in-arm, when a, bright thoug-ht flashed into the
mind of Mr. McGregor, who said, " Why not make some of our hoys into
shoeblacks for the foreigners, to employ in the streets ? "
The thought at once ripened into action ; ten shilling's were subscribed on
the spot; and the next day the plan was submitted to Lord Ashley, and
obtained his hearty approval and support. By the 1st May regular " stations "
were established, and, during the continuance of the Exhibition, twenty-five
boys cleaned 101,000 pairs of shoes, for which the public paid £500.
The success of the scheme was ensured ; from year to year improvements
and extensions were made, and to-day the Shoe Black Brigade is one of the
permanent institutions of the land. From first to last Lord Shaftesbury
was a staunch friend to the Brigade, and although not the originator — as we
have seen — he was always regarded as one of the " Fathers " of the movement.
The story of Lord Ashley's efforts to obtain a place in the Great Exhibi
tion for the display of the translations of the Bible made by the British and
Foreign Bible Society, may be told in his own words :—
There was a great strugg'le to obtain a proper place for the great works
achieved by the Bible Society. There was no diffioulty whatever in obtaining

438 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIX.
abundant space for all the implements of war and of human destruction that
the mind of man could imagine ; a large proportion of the Exhibition was
taken up with guns, cannons, torpedoes, everything that could annoy and
desolate mankind. It was suggested that we should erect for the Bible Society,
some place in the Great Exhibition where we could show proofs of all that we
had done to the praise of God, and all we were capable of doing ; some, however,
said we had no right to appear before the public in any form in the Exhibition.
I had a long interview with his Royal Highness the Prince Consort on the subject,
and he took the view that the Bible Society had no right to a position there.
I said, " Putting aside the religious aspect of the question, I will put it before
you from an intellectual point of view. I ask you whether it is not a wonderful
proof of intellectual power that the Word of God has been translated into
170 distinct languages, and into 230 dialects ? Is it not proof of great intellectual
power that the agents of the Bible Society have given a written character to
upwards of thirty distinct languages, enabling all those people to read the Word
of God in their own tongue ? " He said, " You have proved your right to appear ;
it is a great intellectual effort, and I will do my best to secure for the Society
such a position that their deeds shall be made known." *
The result was, that a, position was eventually secured, although not a
good one.
In April, just as Lord Asliley was on the point of starting for a visit to
Paris, a deputation waited on him to offer him the Presidency of the British
and Foreign Bible Society. He urged some reasons that he thought might
disqualify him, but, eventually, on the 5th May, accepted the office. It is
thus referred to in his Diary : — ¦
May 5th. — Received a deputation this morning from the Committee of the
British and Foreign Bible Society, to offer me the post of President, vacant by
the death of Lord Bexley. It was headed by Harrowby, who proposed the office
to me in an address of singular kindness. There were were also Inglis, Acland,
Lord Cholmondeley, Mr. Roberts, Mr. Foster, and the clerical Secretary, Mr. Browne.
I finally accepted the offer, having referred to the consideration of the Committee
the fact that I was already President of several important Societies, that I should
appear a monopolist of place and power, that I might not be able to give so
much time to it as could be wished. I left it, however, in their hands ; and,
imploring God to govern all to His will and honour, went to Paris. They main
tained their invitation and waited on me to-day. I should have been grieved had
circumstances prevented my elevation to that high post ; it is the headship of
the greatest and noblest of the Societies ; and I am not indifferent either to the
honour or the utility of the position ! Grant me, O Lord, Thy grace, and uphold
me in the work.
On the 2nd of May Lord Ashley wrote in his Diary : " I have before me
those terrible ' May chairs ' — always the most difficult of one's labours." The
meetings during this year were, however, exceptionally good, and, owing to
the Papal aggression, were of a staunchly Protestant character. One of the
most interesting was that of the Bible Society, when Lord Ashley took the
* Speech, Bible Society (Kensington Auxiliary), March 9th, 1877.

IS51-] MADE PRESIDENT OF THE BIBLE SOCIETY. 439
chair for the first time as President. In moving a resolution that the meeting
should unite in " expressing their best wishes that the blessingJof God might
rest upon the new President and upon his efforts in connection with this
Society," the Earl of Harrowby, turning to Lord Ashley, said — ¦
I am sure, my Lord, that you will not hold cheap the honour which has been
conferred upon you. I do conceive that it is the highest honour which could be
conferred on a Christian man. As it is accounted the highest honour to be an
Englishman amongst the nations of the earth, so I conceive that it is the highest
honour within the realm of England to be the representative of her religious
principles and feelings ; and I believe that there is not, within the realm of
England, a man who enjoys the general approbation of his fellow-citizens more
than your Lordship. In your Lordship are combined all the requisites for
advancing the social interests of your fellow-countrymen in their widest
ramifications ; and you have pursued your course undeterred by difficulties, by
opposition, by sneers ; uninjured by popularity, uninfluenced by the fear of un
popularity ; and, throughout, your conduct has, I am convinced, been based on
the deepest personal religious convictions.
At the conclusion of the meeting Lord Ashley expressed his special plea
sure in being identified with the Bible Society, on the ground
That it is catholic in its character, catholic in all its operations ; that it
enables us to form in these realms, in times of singular distress and difficulty, a
solemn league and covenant of all those who " love the Lord Jesus Christ in
sincerity ; " that it shows how, suppressing all minor differences, or treating them
as secondary, members of the Church of England and Nonconformists may blend
together in one great effort. . I do thank God that this Society brings us into
co-operation with our fellow-men of every nation and of every clime ; that it
binds us heart and soul to our American brethren — those noble specimens of the
Anglo-Saxon race, in moral energy and in physical development ; nay, more, that
it binds together Protestants on the Continent and in the world ; all, in short,
who hold " one Lord, one faith, and one baptism," and who are prepared to main
tain the great truth established at the Reformation that the Bible and the Bible
alone, is the religion of Protestants.
The office thus entered upon was retained to the end of Lord Shaftesbury's
life. In 1885 he spoke at the annual meeting for the last time, and through
out that long period he never wavered or faltered in any step that might
promote its welfare.
There were several new measures which Lord Ashley was anxious to
introduce, and had for some time past been carefully preparing. It was only
by the most persistent economy of time, and the complete surrender of
himself to perpetual labour, that it was possible for him to do so, but he
persevered. It was not in tho nature of things that he could be much longer
in the House of Commons ; his father had entered upon his eighty-third year,
and was showing signs of failing strength ; and Lord Ashley was anxious to
do as much as possible of the work he had set before himself, while his oppor
tunity lasted, and before he should, to use his own words, be " consigned to
the helplessness and indolence of the House of Lords."

440 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY". [Chap. XIX.
On April the 8th he introduced into the House of Commons a Bill to
" Encourage the Establishment of Lodging-Houses for the Working Classes."
In this Bill it was proposed that towns or parishes having a population of
10,000, or over, should be enabled to build Model Lodging-Houses, and raise
money and defray expenses from the rates. In moving for leave to bring
in the Bill Lord Ashley drew upon his long experience, and graphically
described the overcrowded state of lodging-houses both in London and in
certain other large towns.
To one phase of his subject he drew special attention, namely, the effect
produced by clearances and alterations, made with the view of beautifying
the metropolis, on the housing accommodation of the working classes.
Of the benefits of model lodging-houses he could also speak from
personal experience, and he told the House of the cheerful punctuality
with which the rents were paid ; the general freedom from disease ; the
accommodation that made it possible for men to enjoy staying at home
instead of passing their leisure hours in the beer-shops ; the ample space for
children to play, instead of running wild in the streets ; the lower rents for
comfort and cleanliness, than had previously been paid for filth and wretched
ness. It was impossible, however, that private speculation could ever effect
the end in view, as the temptation to make inordinate profits had always
proved irresistible.
In concluding his speech, he urged the House to take up this matter,
which had excited the interest of all civilised Europe, from parts of which, as
well as from America, letters had been received, asking for plans and reports
on the subject. He was certain that he spoke the truth — and a truth which
would be confirmed by the testimony of all experienced persons, clergy,
medical men, all who were conversant with the working classes — that, until
their domiciliary condition were Christianised (he could use no less forcible
a term), all hope of moral or social improvement was utterly vain.
Though not the sole, it was one of the prime sources of the evils that,
beset their condition ; it generated disease, ruined whole families by the
intemperance it promoted, cut off, or crippled, thousands in the vigour of life,
and filled tho workhouses with widows and orphans.*
A few days afterwards Lord Ashley introduced a Bill for the Regulation
and Inspection of Common Lodging-Houses — houses where individuals, or
families, were received by the night. It was accepted without any prelimi
nary remarks, it being generally known and acknowledged that the state of
them, both morally and physically, was most pernicious.
It was when these two Bills were passing the Commons that an event
occurred, not altogether unexpected, although it came suddenly at the last.
It is referred to in the Diary thus : —
June 1st, Sunday. — Received at half -past five this morning intelligence of my
father being dangerously ill. A train starts at nine, and I must go by it.
June 2nd. — St. Giles's. My father died this morning, at seven o'clock, having
* Hansard, cxv. 1258.

18=1 1 CROPLEY, SIXTH EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. 441
suffered no pain, but unconscious to the last. Harriet and her daughter, John,
and William were present. Now I enter on a new career, one to which I am
little adapted. Parliamentary business and city duties are my calling. How can
I, at fifty years of age, learn other things ? Land, rent, &c. &c, are as Arabic to
me. But the issues of life and death are in the Lord's hand ; He,- therefore, has
deterinined ; and my prayer now is that He will sanctify it to me, and that,
whether hig-h or low, rich or poor, conspicuous or obscure, I may do His blessed
will, serve my generation, and then fall on sleep.
June 6th.— St. Giles's. Ah, my poor father ! I bless Thee, 0 Lord, that I was
here to say " Lord Jesus, receive his spirit," and close his eyes. (Kissed yesterday
the lips of darling Minny's bust, the bust of my precious wife in her youth
and beauty, but just as beautiful to me now, though twenty years have passed.)
June 10th. — Yesterday, my poor father committed to the grave. All was
simple, decent, impressive — no show, no hearse, no horses, as he desired ; but
there was much respect and reverence.
Cropley Ashley Cooper, sixth Earl of Shaftesbury, was the second son of
the fourth Earl, and was born December 21st, 1768. He was educated at
Winchester, from whence he passed to Christchurch, Oxford, where he took
his B.A. degree in 1787. At the general election of 1790, just after coming
of age, he was elected by the town of Dorchester to be its representative in
Parliament, and he held this position until his succession, in 1811, to the earl
dom. Soon after taking his scat in the House of Lords he filled the office of
Chairman of Committees during the temporary illness of Lord Walsingham ;
and he performed these duties with such marked ability, that, in November,
1814, he was permanently appointed to that office, and was sworn of the Privy
Council at Carlton House.
Hansard reports but few of his utterances in the House of Lords, and yet
for many years no peer's voice was heard so frequently. The duties of his
office as Chairman of Committees were very considerable. The functions
which, in the other House, were divided amongst tho Chairman of Committees,
the Speaker's Council, and the two Examiners of Petitions, were for nearly
forty years ably fulfilled in the House of Lords by " old " Lord Shaftes
bury, as he was generally known, although he showed no signs of age in his
conduct of pressing business. His uncompromising impartiality, joined to
his strong common sense, and his thorough knowledge of the statute law,
made him completely absolute in his own department. When he had once
heard a case, and had deliberately given his judgment upon it, he expected,
and as a rule obtained, implicit submission from all concerned. Unfortu
nately, as we have seen, he carried these autocratic habits into domestic life,
where he was more feared than loved.
During the later years of his life, and especially during- the prevalence of
the great railway mania of 1844 — 46, the labours of Lord Shaftesbury in con
nection with railways were enormous. He materially aided in reducing- to a
system, the laws and regulations of the House of Lords on this important
subject. It was generally allowed that the speed with which he passed

442 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIX.
unopposed Bills through Committee was something marvellous. On ques
tions of parliamentary law and usage his authority was unquestioned.
The Earl was nearly eighty -three years of age when, at the opening of the
Session of Parliament in Februaiy, 1851, the Marquis of Lansdowne informed
their Lordships that he had received a communication from their Chairman
of Committees stating that "from his age and infirmities he felt himself
unable to continue the duties of the office." Lord Stanley, the Duke of
Wellington, the Earl of Harrowby, and others, bore testimony to his ability
and unswerving integrity and firmness ; and the Duke of Richmond, in allud
ing to his well-known characteristics, said : " I have seen attempts to influence
Lord Shaftesbury in matters relating to private Bills, and he invariably
followed what was a very good plan, for he answered, ' I shall do no such thing.'
He kept the attorneys and agents in very good order, for, when they once got
a good dressing from Lord Shaftesbury they never made any such attempts

again.

"*

" And now," wrote Lord Ashley, on the day of his father's funeral, "I bear
a new name, which I did not covet ; and enter on a new career, which may
God guide and sanctify. If I can by His grace make the new as favourably
known as the old name, and attain under it but to the fringes of His honour
and the welfare of mankind, I shall indeed have much to be thankful for."
What had been achieved under that old name cannot possibly be better
told than in his own words, written during the preceding Christmas-tide, and
certainly no more appropriate words could be found with which to close the
story of this part of his career : —
Dec. 25th. — Christmas Day. Broadlands. It would be curious to take an
impartial review, if I could, of what I have gained, by many years of toil, for
myself, for the public, and, may I say it ? for the cause of our blessed Master.
I. — What have I gained for the public ? that is, according to my own estima
tion, for many will say, in the language of Scripture, that my doings have only
" gained them a harm and loss."
1. Seventeen years of labour and anxiety obtained the Lunacy Bill in 1845, and
five years' increased labour since that time have carried it into operation. It has
effected, I know, prodigious relief, has forced the construction of many public
asylums, and greatly multiplied inspection and care. Much, alas I remains to be
done, and much will remain ; and that much will, in the estimation of the public,
who know little and inquire less, overwhelm the good, the mighty good that has
been the fruit.
2. Seventeen years, from 1833 to 1850, obtained the Factory Bill. The labour
of three hundred thousand persons, male and female, has been reduced within
reasonable limits, and full forty thousand children under 13 years of age, attend
school for three hours every day I Let the people themselves, let the reports of
the Inspectors, let the records of bygone days, be heard against the contempt,
the misrepresentation, the ignorance, the hatred of those who opposed or dis
couraged me.
3. A Commission moved for in 1841 reported in 1842, and in 1843 passed a Bill
* Hansard, 3 s., cxiv, 47.

1851-1 REVIEW OP PAST ACHIEVEMENTS. 443
to forbid labour of females in Mines and Collieries. No one can deny the blessed
results of this measure ; my persecutors, therefore, admitting the good, attack the
principle, and question the wisdom of obtaining happy ends by such means.
4. In 1845 passed Bill to regulate and limit labour of children and women in
Print-works. Cobden even supported me here. Necessarily an imperfect measure,
but yet productive of some good.
5. Had main share (though the honour went to another) in preparation of
Interment Bill, and carrying it through the House.
6. Address and grant of Royal Commission for Subdivision of large Parishes.
Result yet to be tried.
7. Two years of intense labour, without pay, on Board of Health, specially in
season of cholera, and lately on Water-Supply to Metropolis.
8. Say nothing, perhaps of failures, though they were intended for public
service, and received some approbation : — Motions on Opium Trade, Education,
Poor-laws, and Sunday Post-office ; nor of share taken in general debates on sub
jects of vital interest.
9. This for Parliament. Out of it have spared no trouble nor expense (and
both have been excessive) for Ragged Schools, Model Lodging-houses, Malta
College, Emigration Committees, and meetings on every imaginable subject.
II. — -What gained for the cause of our blessed Master ?
Perhaps we may rejoice in an awakened attention, though but partially so, to
the wants and rights of the poor ; to the powers and duties of the rich ; perhaps,
both in Parliament and out of it, in a freer, safer use of religious sentiment and
expression ; perhaps in an increased effort for spiritual things, and in greatly
increased opportunities for doing and receiving good. This, alas 1 is not the
thing itself but only the means to it. It is, nevertheless, all that we can boast of.
III. — What gained for myself ?
1. Peace of mind, but nothing else. Four objects may be said to stir the
action of public men, singly or combined ; money, power, fame, desire to do
good. As for the first, I had, when young, three years of office from 1828 to
1830, and then three months, from January to April, in 1835 ; tbe rest of my time
has won me nothing, but has, rather, been sadly expensive to me, Declined
in succession, several offices, that I might be free for Factory Bill.
2. Power and patronage. Confess I should have desired both, believing (but
how terrible and deep is self-deception I) that I should have, through faith and
prayer, exercised power well, and patronage to the welfare of important interests
and to the honour and comfort of good men. But have obtained neither ; have
never held any post in which I could act on my own authority ; nor ever have I
had the disposal of a single place, either ecclesiastical or civil.
3. Influence and fame. Is my influence with the Government 1 What do I
avail, and what is their treatment of me ? Is it with the Peel party ? I lost
my political connection with them when I refused office and urged the Factory
Bill. Is it with the Protectionists ? I lost them when I supported the repeal of
the Corn Laws. Is it with the manufacturers? They hate me for the Ten
Hours Act. Is it with the operatives ? They forget all my labour of love in the
middle course I took for their welfare. I won for them almost everything ; but
for the loss of that very little, they regard me as an enemy ! Is it with the Com
mons House of Parliament ? Whatever I had is gone ; I had once the ear of

444 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIX.
the assembly ; I have it no more. Is it with the bishops ? the High Church, the
Tractarians ? Is it with the Low Church ? So it is said, but I ask the proof of
it. Is it with the Press ? Nearly every paper is hostile ; I have had my day of
favour ; now I suffer the reverse. Is it with my friends ? Alas, how few can be
trusted in the hour of trial 1 My curious career, too, makes me, every day,
new enemies, and oftentimes alters my old friends ! Is it with the rich ? God
knoweth. Is it with the poor 1 Yes, so far as a few shouts go, but no further !
This is my position after twenty years of labour ! I began in the hope that
many of the aristocracy would first follow and then succeed me. Not one is to
be found ; a few, at my request, put their hands to the plough, but they looked
back and returned not to the furrows.
Then how stands my fame ? Well, if I had rested on this, I should " have
been, indeed, unblessed." What I have is notoriety, not reputation. I have a
name that everybody knows, " a household word," writes the American Minister,
Mr. Lawrence, to me, "from New York to the Rocky Mountains ; " but a name
that every one fires at ! Some dispute my judgment, some my sincerity, some my
courage ; some think, or profess to think, me unworthy of their notice ; some call
me " well-intentioned but weak ; " others, " hypocritical and canting ; " some
hold me to be ruled entirelyby vanity, others consider me a mere tool. Now and
then I make a speech which produces an effect, and I get some praise ; but tho
speech is soon forgotten, and the man only remembered to be treated as before.
A few, no doubt, think of me, and speak of me, kindly ; but they are rare and of
small influence in the stirring world. I have been oddly and antagonistically
viewed : Sir J. Graham, when Secretary of State, alluding to the Factory Bill,
said, " I was a man to make a Revolution " (this will be remembered). Sir G.
Grey, when Secretary of State, said to me in 1818, alluding also to the Factory
Bill, " I shall be ready to say, in my place in Parliament, or elsewhere, as Secre
tary of State, that the passing of the Ten Hours Bill has kept those vast counties
at peace during this eventful period." (This will be forgotten ; nay. has, I
think, been already forgotten.) But notorious men are good for chairs of
dinners and meetings. People come, not through affection and respect, but to
see the notorious man ; and so I serve their purpose.
4. Desire to do good for good's sake. Whatever my weaknesses, whatever the
human admixture with my former hopes and fears, this must, henceforward, be
my sole sustaining motive. I am now nearly fifty years of age ; my physical
and moral powers have attained their summit. I cannot go higher, but I may
fall lower. And what is man's judgment ? Does it not often determine that to
be " gold, silver, and precious stones," which God's judgment pronounces " wood,
hay, stubble " ? All see my infirmities ; all, knowing human corruption, infer
more than they see, and they are right. All use me, and all grow tired of me ;
but few can know the troubles I have endured — the sorrow of mind, the weari
ness of body ; the labour I have undergone by day and by night ; the public and
private conflicts ; the prayers I have offered, and the tears I have shed. Here,
however, is my consolation, that, amidst frailties and sins, trespasses and short
comings, I have had one single object perpetually before me. It was God's grace
that gave me the thought ; God's grace that has sustained me hitherto, to have,
in truth, but one end, the advancement of His ever-blessed name, and the temporal
and eternal welfare of all mankind. So closes my review. Sursum corda .'

CHAPTER XX.
1851 (JUNE)— 1852.
Some time before the death of his father Lord Shaftesbury had determined
not to take his seat in the House of Lords. But, to use his own expression,
" The leading of Providence was the other way." His two Lodging'-House
Bills would soon pass the Commons, and it was urged upon him by many
friends, and especially by Lord Harrowby, that there would be both grace
and right in his taking them up and piloting them through the House of
Lords. In view of it he wrote : —
But what an operation to sit as a Peer ! The Chancellor demands no end of
documents ; and, over and above (what folly when one's father had been recog
nised for forty years), an extract from the Patent of Peerage ! Sutcliffe stands
for my place at Bath ; how I pray God that he may succeed !
It is needless to say that there were expressions of sorrow from many
quarters that " Lord Ashley " had left the House of Commons ; and from
many, of belief that he would be equally useful in the House of Lords.
In moving the writ for Bath, Sir Robert Inglis took occasion to speak of
him in terms of respect and affection. " I believe that I speak the sentiments
of the House generally," he remarked, " when I say that Lord Ashley should
not be withdrawn from the first ranks of this assembly, the scene of his
labours and his triumphs, without some parting expression of respect and regret.
During the last fifteen years of Lord Ashley's Parliamentary life he has been
emphatically the friend of the friendless. Every form of human suffering he
has, in his place in this House, and especially every suffering connected with
labour, sought to lighten, and in every way te ameliorate the moral, social,
and religious condition of onr fellow-subjects ; and out of this House his
exertions have been such as, at first sight, might have seemed incompatible
with his duties here. But he found time for all ; and when absent from his
place on these benches, he was enjoying no luxurious ease, but was seated in
the chair of a Ragged-school meeting, of a Scripture-reader's Association, or
of a Young Man's Christian Institution. I will add no more than that the
life of Lord Ashley, in and out of this House, has been consecrated, in tho
memorable inscription of the great Haller, ' Christo in pauperibus.'"
On the 23rd of June Lord Shaftesbury took his seat in the House of
Lords, and on the evening of that day he wrote in his Diary : —
It seems no place for me ; a " Statue-gallery," some say a " Dormitory." Full
half-a-dozen Peers said to me, within as many minutes, " You'll find this very
different from the House of Commons," "we have no order," "no rules," "no

446 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XX
sympathies to be stirred." Shall I ever be able to do anything ? They are cold,
short, and impatient. But God has willed it, and I must, and, by His grace, will,
do my duty.
The following day he made his first speech in the House of Lords on
moving the second reading- of the Bill for the " Inspection and Registration
of Lodging-Houses." He spoke in a low tone of voice and with great
brevity, and took occasion to explain that it was the deep interest he felt in
the objects of this Bill, and the urgency there was for legislation on the
subject, " that had induced him to address their lordships so early after his
call to their lordships' House." In the course of the very brief debate that
ensued, the Marquis of Lansdowne, in supporting the motion, " complimented
the noble Earl upon the success of his exertions to ameliorate the condition of
the poor and destitute," * and expressed a hope that he might pursue in the
House of Lords the career he had followed in the House of Commons.
It was an almost if not an altogether unprecedented occurrence for one
member to carry a measure through all its stages in the House of Commons,
and for that same member to carry the same measure through all its stages in
the House of Lords. This was, however, accomplished by Lord Shaftesbury,
and his Bill became law. It has been acted upon throughout the kingdom,
and police authorities, magistrates, medical men, City missionaries, and all
whom it concerned, have been unanimous in their testimony as to its
beneficial results. " It is the best law," said Charles Dickens to Lord
Shaftesbury, some years afterwards, " that was ever passed by an English
Parliament." The second measure — the Bill for " Permitting the erection by local
authorities of Model-Lodging Houses " — came before the Lords for the
second reading on July the 8th, when Lord Shaftesbury, in the course of his
speech, gave many details of a similar character to those he had given before
the other House.f
This Bill also became law, but from various causes, and principally
because it was much mutilated in its passage through the House of Commons,
it was only to a very limited extent put into practice, and ultimately became
a dead letter.
Lord Shaftesbury has recorded, in full, his early impressions of the House
of Lords, some of which are given in the following extracts. Referring to
the much reiterated hope that he would continue in the Upper House the
course he had followed in the House of Commons he says : —
June 25th.— It is, however, a totally different thing— far less stirring, far less
gratifying. Success here, is but a shadow of success there ; little can be gained,
little attempted. . . One of the most striking, effects to me on removal from
the House of Commons is my absolute ignorance of the political movements.
thoughts, and facts of the day. Everything of importance revolves round the
centre of the Commons' House : unless you be there to see it, hear it, feel it, you
get it at second hand, and then only half.
* Hansard's Debates, cxvii. 1140. f Hansard's Debates, cxvii. 235.

l851-l THE INHERITED ESTATES. 44?
June 27th. — The difficulties of the House of Lords seem to thicken as I survey
them. Everything must be done between five and half -past six, or you will have
no auditory ; consequently there is an unseemly scramble for the precedence, and
a terrible impatience after you have got it. Yet I have received many expres
sions, and heard of more, that I "should rouse them," and "give them business
to do," and in some measure " popularise " the House ! . . .
June 30th. — To House of Lords, where I broke cover in a bit of humanity-
mongering about Chimney-sweepers. Found my voice ; was well received ;
" thanked God, and took courage."
July 8th. — Opened this afternoon, in House of Lords, second Lodging-House
Bill. Wonderfully well received ; their noble natures even cheered during the
speech and after it. Many congratulations and thanks. My surprise knew no
bounds. I had warmed " Nova Zembla."
Many times during his first Session the voice of Lord Shaftesbury was
heard in the House of Lords. On the 17th July he made an important
speech on the Bill for admitting Jews into Parliament, which Bill was
rejected by a majority of 36 ; and on three occasions he pleaded the cause of
the wretched Chimney-sweepers, whose condition was growing worse and
worse, but whose sufferings were regarded in almost all quarters with surpris
ing indifference.
On the 8th of August Parliament was prorogued by the Queen in person.
August 8th. — Day fine ; everything gay and good-humoured. Attended as a
peer, and enraptured the Chancellor and law lords by wearing the robes of the
first Lord Shaftesbury.
Having seen how Lord Shaftesbury entered upon his public duties on
succeeding to the peerage, we will now follow him into the privacy of his
inherited estates, to mark the spirit in which he faced the responsibilities of
his new position.
A few days after the burial of his father the following characteristic
entiy occurs in the Diary : — -
June 16th. — St. Giles's. I am thankful, very thankful, that my two first acts
of power have been in the service of God. I have limited the disorders of the
tap-room here, by closing it at nine o'clock every night — " his brevibus princi-
piis" &c. — and I have provided for the appointment of a Scripture-reader.
An examination into the state of affairs at St. Giles's soon convinced him
that there were many radical changes to make without delay. There had
been incredible waste : large sums of money had been ruthlessly lavished and
thrown away, to no purpose of either use or luxury, while many things really
necessary had been totally neglected. Without losing heart for a moment,
he resolutely set to work to face the difficulties that lay before him, deter
mined to right all that had gone wrong, and to establish more firmly all that
was good. As will be seen in the course of the narrative, the circumstances
in which he was placed were of no ordinary kind ; but, although the obstacles
to be overcome, and the difficulties to be vanquished, would have made any

448 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XX.
one less resolute quail before them, by degrees he quietly and steadily accom
plished the task he had set himself.
It is worthy of note that, full as the Diaries are of details of the actual posi
tion of affairs, there is not one word that reflects in any way upon the memory of
his father. On the contraiy, scattered throughout the pages, there are many
touching passages — of which the following is an example — to show that the
only thoughts of him were thoughts of tenderness and filial regard : —
June 29th. — Sunday. My poor father lay for six-and-thirty hours after his
attack, perfectly unconscious ; free from suffering, alive, but apparently, and I
doubt not, really, insensible to all around him. All these cases are mysterious.
What was the state of the soul during that period 1 Was it asleep ? Was it be
numbed like the body, or was it active and cognisant of eternal things ? Here
may have been God's chosen time for the infusion of His grace. Here may have
been the hour, so to speak, of regeneration. Prayer was permitted, and then, surely,
faith also in the results of prayer. " Lord Jesus, receive his spirit," was no idle
supplication, or tossed, of necessity, into empty air.
It is also worthy of note that the plans Lord Shaftesbury now devised,
and the changes he intended to effect, were not for the adornment of his own
house, or for personal gratification of any kind, but on behalf of the labourers
on the estate and in the neighbourhood, and of those who hitherto had not
enjoyed the benefits which he considered they had a right to expect.
August 17th. — Sunday. Week passed in depths of abundant, dusty, and use
less papers. Gave three hours on Thursday to Commission in Lunacy. Every
other moment till seven o'clock, saving half an hour for a ride, to this wonderful
"digging" — old newspapers, bills, formal letters from 1790, &c, &c, under a
mass of dirt and dust deep enough for a crop of mustard and cress. When I lay
down at night, the tearing, reading, burning, came on me like the after-effects of
a sea- voyage, and made me sleepless.
August 22nd. — St. Giles's. Inspected a few cottages— filthy, close, indecent,
unwholesome. But what can I do ? I am half pauperised : the debts are end
less ; no money is payable for a whole year, and I am not a young man. Every
sixpence I expend — and spend I must on many things — is borrowed !
August 25th. — Car.* has offered to build me four cottages in the village.
Heartily do I give God thanks for this, who has put it into her heart. The world
will now, at least, see our good intentions ; and that is of high importance where,
like me, a party has been a great professor.
Sept. 5th.— Have found, at last, a Scripture-reader for the forests and steppes
of Woodlands and Horton.
Sept. 6th. — Shocking state of oottages ; stuffed like figs in a drum. Were not
the people as cleanly as they can le, we should have had an epidemic. Must
build others, cost what it may.
Sept. 13th.— Yesterday to Pentridge, Cobley, and Woodyates. No school of
any kind at Pentridge ; some forty or fifty children " unwept, unhonoured, and
unsung." I determined, under God, to build one, and may He prosper the work I
* His sister, Lady Caroline Neeld.

isdi.] st. Giles's. 449
To-day to Woodlands, Horton, and Verwood, to prepare the ground for Scripture-
reader, and secure his acceptance by the farmers.
Sept. 15th. — To Hinton Martel. Rural and lovely scenery ; but what a cot
tage — -what a domicile for men and Christians I found in that village ! Yet,
what can I do ? And the management of the estate, too, has in great measure
passed from me by the grants of these small life-holds.
Oct. 3rd. — Visited some cottages — thank God, not mine ! What griping, grasp
ing, avaricious cruelty. These petty proprietors exact a five-fold rent for a thing
in five-fold inferior condition ! It is always so with these small holders. Every
thing — even the misery of their fellows — must be turned to profit. Oh, if instead
of one hundred thousand pounds to pay in debt, I had that sum to expend, what
g-ood I might do ? But it has pleased God otherwise.
Having- carefully examined into the state of things, and made himself
master of the facts, Lord Shaftesbury lost no time in inaugurating some
sweeping reforms. These were not easy to carry out, and were opposed in
some cases by deep-rooted prejudices.
He found that the truck-system, which he had condemned so unsparingly
in his Factoiy legislation, was flourishing on his own estate, and he deter
mined to put a stop to it forthwith. He knew of its existence ten years
before, but then he was tongue-tied ; now, he could denounce the abominable
system as he pleased. He discovered that certain farmers were grievously
defrauding the workpeople, paying them, in kind, at the rate of £10 a load
for wheat when the market price was only £8 ! To these men he said, " I am
master here ; I will not allow the poor to be oppressed. You shall pay in
money or quit your farm ! " It was a bold step, for, in the state of his
finances a vacant farm was an important consideration, and as a matter of
fact, some were thrown on his hands ; but he had counted the cost, and he
persevered until he had abolished the system.
Another mischief — and one that confirmed him in the belief that farmers
of the old class were ignorant, selfish, and tyrannical, and that the repeal of
the Corn Laws was indispensably necessary to save the agriculture of the
realm — was, that many of the farms were shamefully under-cultivated, and,
consequently, not half the proper number of labourers were employed. Yet
the tenants were well-to-do, for, inasmuch as the land was underlet in value,
they made a profit with little trouble. But they turned their men heartlessly
out of work, and bade them " Go to the great house " (meaning his own) if
they wanted a job.
Nothino- gave Lord Shaftesbury so much anxiety as the want of proper
cottage accommodation. " Surely I am the most perplexed of men," he wrote.
" I have passed my life in rating others for allowing rotten houses and im
moral, unhealthy dwellings ; and now I eome into an estate rife with abomi
nations ! Why, there are things here to make one's flesh creep ; and I have
not a farthing to set them right,"
On one thing he was firmly resolved, namely, that he would not spend
any money upon his own house until he had effected some improvement in the

450 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XX.
cottages, nor until he had cared for the village House of God, which had
suffered sadly from neglect.
Meantime, he was harassed by correspondents who assumed that he was
rich, and who " wrote in all the fervour of meritorious need as to one blessed
by God with abundant wealth." It was painful to him to say " No " to their
appeals ; it was impossible that he could explain that fresh liabilities were
arising on all sides, absorbing every farthing yielded by the estates, and that
expenses innumerable, taxes and labour, had to be met out of borrowed money.
There was only one course open to him, and that was to quit St. Giles's for
the present.
This step was taken towards the close of January in 1852, a little more
than six months after his father's death. But the improvements he had
effected during that time were a pledge and a prophecy of what would yet
be done, as he had opportunity. In that short period, in addition to the plans
he had proposed for cottage accommodation, he had appomted a Scripture-
reader for Horton, undertaken a school at Pentridge, projected one at Hinton
Martel, and one at Woodlands. The parish church at St. Giles's he thoroughly
restored and redecorated, and made it " look like a church, and cease to wear
the appearance of an old ball-room." In addition to these things, he had
inaugurated the system of giving the audit dinners to the tenants at his own
house, instead of at an inn, being convinced that it was " more hospitable and
friendly, and an excellent mode of preventing excess." He had, moreover,
planned a series of rewards for garden- allotments; a society to encourage
labourers on the estate ; evening classes for young men ; and cricket clubs,
for the summer, for all the cottagers, the matches to be played in the park.
Then came the day when, for the present, he must leave this new field of
activity, and he notes it in his Diary thus : —
Jan. 27th, 1852. — This day I prepare to leave " the Saint " * for a long time,
perhaps for ever 1 Tbe issue is the Lord's ; " let Him do," so said old Eli, " as it
seemeth Him good "I I do love and cherish the spot, and pray that God will lift
up the light of His countenance upon it, and all its people ! . . .
Notwithstanding- the heavy demands made upon his time throughout the
period to which we have been referring, the Diary was not allowed to suffer,
and a few extracts, upon general subjects, may be given here : —
Sept. 19th, 1851. — California has led the way ; Australia follows — auri sacra
fames. What no motive, human or divine, could effect, springs into life at the
display of a few pellets of gold in the hand of a wanderer. . . . This may
be God's chosen way to force the world to fulfil his commandment and " replenish
the earth." It brought existence to California.
Oct. 29th.— Windsor Castle. Kossuth, the Hungarian, has entered South
ampton in triumph, proceeded to Winchester in glory, to the house of " Lord
Andrewes," the mayor, and is hanging on the skirte of London, ready for a descent.
This vagabond is treated as though he were the " Deus Optimus Maximus." Our
* Lord Shaftesbury's familiar way of naming St. Giles's.

JS51.] THOMAS WEIGHT, PRISON PHILANTHROPIST. 451
Lord would have but a poor reception compared with his ! Many who attend him
are designing persons, looking either to electioneering purposes or to revolution ;
many, in their simplicity, believe that they are upholding " constitutional "
government, and that " three times three " for Kossuth means " three times three "
for Queen, Lords, and Commons !
There was probably no man whose circle of friends and acquaintances was
wider than Lord Shaftesbury's, and .certainly none whose circle included
greater variety in social position, influence, and attainment than his. He was
intimate with his fellow Peers and the highest in the land ; he was intimate
with the humblest and lowliest of working men. It made no difference to
hini what a man was in the eye of society or of the world, if he saw in him
one who possessed those qualities upon which true friendships alone can rest.
He esteemed a man first for what he was in himself, and next, for what he
was doing for the world to make it brighter and happier and holier. Hence
it was that among those he loved and " delighted to honour " were men who
were engaged in every branch of Christian work, by whom he felt proud to
be known as a " fellow-labourer."
Among these was Thomas Wright, the prison philanthropist. How it
came to pass that the acquaintanceship, which ripened into friendship, began,
was told by Lord Shaftesbury to a gathering of young men, when warning
them against false pride and exhorting them not to be ashamed of their
trades. He said : —
Many of you must have heard of a remarkable man of the name of Thomas
Wright of Manchester. He visited prisons. He was engaged all day long in a,
small establishment acting as foreman, covered with oil and grease and everything
else. The first time I ever saw Thomas Wright was at Manchester, I was
staying with my friend, the great engineer, Mr. Fairbairn. He said to me : " You
have heard of Thomas Wright ; would you like to meet him ? " I said, " Of
course I should, beyond anything." " Well, then, we shall have him to dinner."
So we asked him to dinner ; we three together. In came Thomas Wright, and
had I not known who he was I should have said he was the most venerable
doctor of divinity I ever looked upon. His hair was white ; his expression was
fascinating ; he was dressed in black. We passed the evening and then we went
to church. Two or three days afterwards, we said we would go and see Thomas
Wright. We knocked at the office door, and a man, in a paper cap and an apron
and covered with grease, opened it. I passed in and I said, " I want to see
Thomas Wright." "I dare say you do," he said, "here I am." Then I said,
'• Bless you, my good fellow ; never was I so impressed in my life before, as I am
now with the true dignity of labour." There was that man, covered with grease
and wearing his paper cap. When his work was over, he doffed his cap, washed
his face, put on his black clothes and away he went to prison, to* carry life and
light and the Gospel of Christ to many broken and anxious hearts.*
The same interview is thus noted in the Diary : —
* Speech before Y. M. C. A., Glasgow, Oct., 1877.

452 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XX.
Nov. 24th. — Manchester. Yesterday that good man Wright, of Chorlton-on-
Medlock, the visitor and comforter of prisoners in every gaol to which he has
access, dined with us alone, and we had some excellent talk. This man is a
marvel. What a standard for the great of this earth to measure themselves by !
Some of the entries towards the close of the year are as follows : — ¦
Dec. Sth. — The Saint. I protest against universal suffrage on many grounds ;
on none more than this, that it has never been found consistent with general
freedom. Wherever it has prevailed it has established the freedom, nay, licence,
of the majority ; and the restraint, nay, thraldom, of the minority. Was social,
civil, and religious liberty, of the whole, known in the ancient Republic of
Greece ? Does not De Tocqueville show the tyranny of the people in the United
States ? Has universal suffrage emancipated four millions of negroes ? Has it
secured in France political independence and social peace ?
Christmas Day. — Day sadly distracted by intelligence of yesterday. Palmer
ston has quitted office and Granville is appointed in his place. Palmerston, with
all his faults, was an English Minister, a, man who desired civil and religious
liberty for others as for himself.
Parliament was opened on the 3rd of Februaiy following, when Lord
John Russell explained the circumstances connected with the resignation of
the Foreign Office by Lord Palmerston, in relation to the reception of
Kossuth, and the ex-Secretary defended his action in a vigorous speech. Into
the merits of the misunderstanding it is not necessary that we should enter.
Events in France were causing considerable uneasiness at this time, not
in England only, but throughout the Continent, and, in view of the unsettled
state of Europe, the country was thrown into agitation with regard to the
inadequacy of the national defences, and the Government resolved to bring
before Parliament a, scheme for the re-establishment of the militia. On the
16th of February Lord John Rus;ell explained the scope and purpose of the
Bill, and on the 26th, while it was yet in a preliminary stage, the Govern
ment was defeated, as shown in the following- entry. Lord Derby,* the
recognised leader of the Tory party, was called upon to form a Government : —
Feb. 20th. — Quarter-past eleven at night. Just heard that Government is
out; beaten by a small majority on an amendment moved by Palmerston, to
convert he " local " into a " general " militia. It is strange to me to be shut out
of the medley. The House of Lords is a sad place for news of the events ; get
all at second-hand, and dealt out sparingly. Many things now occur, as old
Latimer says, " to cut off my comb." Palmerston had fallen ; every one had
deserted him ; he was left alone. He gains a victory over the Minister who
announces his resignation. Palmerston's house (I am just come from it. half-
past eleven at night) is overwhelmed with company ; one would think that he
had saved an empire, or that he was mounting a throne !
A wonderful Nemesis ! John kicks out Palmerston and Palmerston, after a
short interval, kicks out him. He rejoices, they say, in the result, though he was
furious and humbled at the mcde, because he feared both the Caffre Debate and
the Reform Bill !
* Lord Stanley succeeded to the title in June, 1851.

ls=2.) ROUTINE WORK. 4S3
Feb. 28th. — Called on Derby, and, afterwards, on Walpole, to urge them, as
they valued the peace of the country, to a specific and open declaration,
immediately on the meeting of the Houses, of their intention to ask no more
than the necessary votes, and then forthwith to " dissolve " and appeal to the
electors for a final decision whether they will, or will not, accept in any form, or
for any purpose, a duty on the importation of food.
" I have not a majority," said Derby ; "but I have sufficient strength to with
stand a factious opposition." " No," I replied, " I do not think you have ; a
Minister may defy both Houses, if he have the country on his side, but, be
assured, the country is against you ; altogether against you, I believe, on Pro
tection ; but most certainly on the obligation you lie under to tell them what
you mean ! " He was very civil, and thanked me. Walpole the same, and, he
added, in confidence, that he had urged, again and again, this very counsel.
The new Ministerial arrangements were completed by the 27th of
Februaiy. The Chancellorship of the Exchequer was offered to Lord
Palmerston, who declined to serve under Lord Derby ; whereupon the office
was accepted by Mr. Disraeli, to whom was assigned the Leadership of the
House of Commons.
During the early part of this year Lord Shaftesbury was unusually
harassed by "letters, interviews, chairs, boards, speeches." "I am worn,
worn, worn by them all," he says, " surrendering all amusements and society,
giving all the day and half of almost every night to business and meetings,
and all this iu the face of weak health and tottering nerves."
In the midst of this work the time had come for him to leave his town-
house in Brook Street and to take up his residence in the old family house in
Grosvenor Square : —
Feb. 6th. — This is the last evening I shall ever spend in this house ; it is sold,
and I must leave it to-morrow. • I cannot leave it without regret. I have passed
here many happy and useful hours, praised be God ; certainly more happy, and
probably more useful, than I shall ever pass again. I have here prepared for
nearly all my public labours, in study, thought, and prayer ; I am now in the vale
of years, and, henceforward, shall feed on recollections. We had outgrown the
dwelling, it had become too strait for us.
No fresh accession of labour ever tempted him to set aside the duties to
which he had pledged himself. The " Exhibition year " had given an im
petus to Ragged School work, and every fresh development of that heart-
stirring movement brought a corresponding increase of toil to him. The
difficulties in connection with the Board of Health had multiplied, and, as we
shall see later on, were bringing the existence of that Board to a close. The
May Meetings of this year laid heavier demands than ever upon Lord
Shaftesbury, every Society being eager to secure the presence of the " new
Earl " amongst them. It was due to his marvellous art of economising time
that he was able to meet his engagements. The Lunacy Commission alone,
it would have seemed, might have been sufficient to have occupied all his
leisure, for he conducted his duties as Chief Commissioner with a care and

454 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XX.
scrupulosity that are as admirable as they are unusual. It was his rule, after
visiting cases of special importance, to record the circumstances as an aid to
his memory, and this was done in the most thorough and exhaustive manner.
By June the burden of overwork and over-anxiety had become so heavily
oppressive that we find this significant entry : —
June 19th. — Dr. Ferguson orders me to Ems to drink the waters.
It was a favourite recreation of Lord Shaftesbury in vacation time to
write in his Diary what may almost be termed " essays " on the thoughts that
arose within him. Thus, while at Ems, we find the following : —
July 20th. — Humanly speaking, and on human grounds, what countries in the
world seem to enjoy the best and fairest prospects of greatness, security, and
wealth ? I should reply, France and the United States of America. The United
States are a young country ; and, so far as an analogy is good, have all the hopes
and prospects of healthy and vigorous youth. They contain within themselves
everything, however various, that Nature bestows, and in abundance inexhaus
tible. In art and science they are equal to the best ; in energy of character,
almost superior. They have nothing to fear but from internal dissensions ; thej
are beyond the power of foreign aggression. Their territory is nearly boundless.
and so close as to furnish a ready safety valve to all their discontented spirits ;
every year adds enormously to their numbers and resources, and wealth seems to
grow like the grass of the field. Their Government is essentially republican ; and
there is actually nothing left to contend for in the way of more liberal institu
tions. They may, and will, have party strifes and struggles for the possession of
place and power ; but what social question remains ? There is no Church to be
invaded ; no aristocracy to be pulled down ; no king to be replaced by a pre
sident ; efforts at organic changes would seem to be impossible, nor will the bane
of Europe, the Socialistic principle, become, for many generations at least, a
continuous and concentrated question.
" Slavery" will be a thorn in their side ; but its utmost consequence will be a
disruption of the Union, and the formation of two mighty and independent
States ; the North more powerful than the South. Then, probably, changes may
begin ; and, as Monarchy fades into Republics, so Republics rise into Monarchies.
July 22nd. — France presents a spectacle such as the world never saw before.
Ransack history, and say whether, in any age, there has existed a nation, living
within a ring-fence, of high civilisation, advanced science, of military spirit and
prowess, almost unrivalled, and numbering more than six-and-thirty millions, all
speaking the same language, and, with the exception of a small fraction, all pro
fessing the same religion. She rests on two seas to the north and to the south,
and possesses every requisite of a great maritime power ; her surface is extensive,
and her soil rich, producing, in wine especially, many things that other nations
demand. She, like the United States, can fear little or nothing from foreign
aggression ; she is more than a match for any two of the Continental kingdoms >
and, in the way of defence, perhaps, a mateh for them all. But her means of
attack are very great ; and both her past history and her present vigour impress
a terror on every Government around her !
Such enormous resources will extricate her speedily from financial difficulty ;
and, indeed, Mr. Bates (of the great firm of Baring and Co.) told me the other

1852-J THE Dt'KE OP WELLINGTON. 455
day that he had more hopeful views of French finance than of any other country
on earth. She, too, like the United States, has little left to destroy. Her Church
is despoiled, the Crown is taken away, the landed aristocracy are no more ;
nobility is forbidden, and equality instituted. Further organic change seems
impossible ; a despotism, it is true, temporarily exists, which, while it lasts, is
doing that form of good which liberty, I fear, will never effect ; and, when it is
overthrown, will leave the nation to its commonwealth again.
Her plague is that of Socialism, deep, rancorous, and widespread ; the national
character, nevertheless, counteracts it in some measure, and the personal interests
of the community effect the remainder.
Another recreation in which Lord Shaftesbury indulged at Ems was one
which was almost always denied him in England — the leisurely perusal of
books. August 15th. — Reading Birks on Daniel, clear, satisfactory, comfortable. The
mysterious resources of China, the progressive might of the United States, will
neither hasten nor retard the final development of man's destiny on earth I
God's " tender mercies are over all His works ; " but prophecy is busy with those
empires only that affect His ancient people, and, therein, the issue of the Elect
Church, elect " from all kindreds and tongues and people."
August 23rd. — Dover. During my vacation have read Milton again. Well did
Dryden say that " the force of Nature could no further go." I cannot but believe
that God, in His goodness, inspired the man — -not as He inspired Isaiah and Joel,
to foretell future events in strains of majestic grandeur, but to show, for the com
fort and instruction of our race, that man's mouth and man's understanding are
His own divine workmanship.
Soon after his return from Ems, Lord Shaftesbury received the painful
intelligence that the Duke of Wellington, the friend of his early manhood,
who had seen in him high principles and large capabilities, and had sought
his friendship and his aid, was numbered with the dead. On the 14th of
September, at Walmer Castle, the old hero breathed his last.
September 16th. — The death of the Great Duke is an "event." Will the
world present other opportunities for other such heroes ? Such a life is hardly
on record ; everything, nearly, went well with him,and he " died full of riches
and honour." His dominant feeling was a sense of duty to the Crown and to the
country ; it was paramount to everything else. And now begins the ordinary
scramble ; he held many appointments, and many of his survivors will covet, and
some will deserve, them.
There were rumours that the Chancellorship of Oxford, vacant by the
death of the Duke of Wellington, would be offered to Lord Shaftesbury.
The following entry refers to this : —
September 24th. — For myself it would add a burthen of duty to the many
burthens I have already ; it would necessarily call me off from many I have
undertaken, and have hardly time and strength to discharge. Now, is there one
that I would surrender for this honour ? Not one. It is an honour I do not covet,
a duty I do not like — an unprofitable field, a comfortless dignity. I hate all the

456 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [CsaP. XX.
circumstances of it. Let those who are ambitious of it obtain and enjoy the post ;
there will be candidates enough. I had rather, by God's blessing and guidance,
retain those places for which there are no candidates — the chairs of the Ragged
Union, the Colonial Dormitory, the Field Lane Refuge. . . . This is clearly
my province. I am called to this, and not to any political or social honours. I
am now fifty-two years of age ; I have laboured almost incessantly for f our-and-
twenty years, and I have never received an honour, or notice of any sort or kind,
great or small, from the Crown, the Minister, or the public, except the citizenship
of the small borough of Tain, in Scotland.
Lord Shaftesbury's ideas of burial were very pronounced. Any glorifica
tion of the body from which the spirit had fled was repugnant to him. He
had no sympathy with the passion of some who would seek to battle with
nature, and resist, or attempt to resist, the decree, " Dust thou art, and unto
dust shalt thou return." He disliked the gross, material idea of burial, as
unpoetical, unscriptural, and the result of materialism in theology ; he looked
upon the corpses of the departed as no more than relinquished garments of
living men and women, " temples of God, in which divine service is over and
finished, the chanting- hushed, the aisles deserted." This was no new idea of
his. It was, like most that entered into matters of practical importance,
fixed and rooted. We have heard him express the same sentiment in his
journals of early Continental travels ; we shall hear him re-echo those words
with even greater force in the last year of his life, when supporting the
efforts of the Cremation Society.
Nov. 18th. — Last night at half -past eight to "lying in state!" What a
monstrous misuse of splendour ! here is the inf/my, or the infamy, of our
nature. " Dust to dust, ashes to ashes : " here is the decree of God I Order upon
order, gold upon gold, troop upon troop : here is the decree of man ! The decrees
seem to be in collision. It was fine, very fine, but hardly impressive ; signs of
mortality, but none of resurrection ; much of a great man in his generation, but
nothing of a great spirit in another ; not a trace of religion, not a shadow of
eternity. They would have made far other display in Romish countries : the
cross, a band of chanting monks, priests with censers — a false religion, it is true,
but nevertheless something .that would have shifted the thoughts from a mere
grovel on the earth.
To-day the procession ; saw it well, singularly well, from St. James's Palace.
Stupendously grand in troops and music. It was solemn, and even touching ;
but it was a show, an eye-tickler to 999 out of every thousand — a mere amuse
ment. The Duke himself would have permitted it, in a sense of duty ; he never
ivould have desired such a thing.
The Protestantism of five-and-thirty years ago was much more easily
itimulated to enthusiasm than it is now, and the story of the interest and
excitement aroused by the_ persecution of the Madiai in 1852 reads like a
chapter out of some old- world history.
In the city of Florence there dwelt two small shopkeepers, Francesco
laid Rcsa Madiai. They were simple folk, neither wealthy, great, nor

1SD2-1 PERSECUTION OF THE MADIAI. 457
powerful, but they were sincere. Under the influence of Protestant teaching,
they were led to regard the Church of Rome, in which they had been reared,
as in error, and, as they could not conscientiously remain in it, they deter
mined to come out and be separate. The Scriptures became their delight,
and, although warned that to read them in their own house, and to seek to
propagate them, or to spread the doctrines of Protestantism, would be to act
in hostility to the religion of the State, they felt it was their duty to persevere
and bear the consequences — " they could not but speak the things which they
had seen and heard."
They were, in consequence, subjected to severe persecution. But this
could not turn them from their purpose ; the spirit of the old martyrs pos
sessed them ; they would not obey man rather than God. The matter was
then referred to the Grand Duke of Tuscany, who condemned them to five
years' imprisonment with hard labour in the galleys.
When this sentence became known it produced throughout Protestant
Europe a sudden and simultaneous indignation. In England, by common
consent, Lord Shaftesbury was looked to as the leader of the movement to
obtain a reversal of the cruel and tyrannical sentence. One of his first steps
was to lay the case before the Prince Consort, and acquaint him with the
actual state of public feeling upon the subject.
To this letter the Prince replied : —
H.R.H. the Prince Consort to Lord Shaftesbury.
Balmoral, September 2Uh, 1852.
My dear Lord Shaftesbury,— Many thanks for your letter respecting the
unfortunate Madiais, which I received this morning. The cruel case had already
attracted the Queen's notice, and I attempted a personal appeal to the Grand
Duke, to which I have not yet received an answer. I tried particularly to
impress him (or rather his Confessor, who is the ruling power) that the case will
do irreparable mischief to the Roman Catholic cause in England, knowing that,
for the sake of Christian charity, not a finger will be moved.
This is the Church which calls us intolerant, merely because we do not choose
to be governed by it 1 The King of Prussia has written to the Queen, asking- her
to make joint representations with him at Florence. Her Majesty has, in her
answer sent to-day, expressed her willingness so to do, and has instructed Lord
Malmesbury accordingly. Ever yours truly, Albert.
It was decided by those who, under the leadership of Lord Shaftesbury,
had so warmly espoused the cause of the Madiai, that a deputation should go
out from England to intercede with the Grand Duke (the Archbishop of
Dublin assuming the lead in Dublin).
The deputation, headed by Lord Roden, set forth on their mission on tho
23rd of October. On the 26th Lord Roden wrote to Lord Shaftesbury,
informing him that he had received a reply from the Tuscan Minister of
Foreign Affairs, declining to receive a deputation on the subject of the

458 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XX.
Madiai. " They are Tuscan subjects," wrote the Minister, " and have been
condemned to five years' imprisonment by the ordinary tribunals, for
propagating- Protestantism, which is prescribed by our laws as an attack upon
the religion of the State."
The deputation went forward notwithstanding, and their return is thus
referred to in the Diary : —
Nov. 12th. — Yesterday to Protestant Alliance to receive deputation on their
return from Florence. Let us bless God ; He has really prospered us. . . .
Is it no remarkable sign, nay, proof of the latter days, that when two small
shopkeepers are persecuted by the hand of tyranny, for righteousness' sake, all
Europe is in commotion ; deputies start from England, France, Holland, Prussia,
Switzerland ; monarchs interfere with autograph letters, and the sanctity of
principle and truth is maintained in the cause, and in the persons, of social
inferiors ; social, I say, for, God knows, they may be as " Hyperion to a Satyr,"
compared with grandees? It revives the memory and practice of Apostolic
times ; it is the dawn of the day when the Churches that "hold the Head " shall
be as one I Ah, how dear Bickersteth would rejoice in such a daybreak, were he
on earth, but probably he is enjoying now a meridian display of God's full mercy
to this thankless world ! There are hopes, too, even for Italy ; the populace
crowded around the deputation ; at Lucca, Lord Roden could scarcely prevent
their drawing his carriage in triumph ; at Genoa, the National Guard would have
turned out in military order. This is good ; the people will see that there is a
reality in Protestantism, a, spirit of brotherhood, a unity of hearts under a
diversity of forms.
Successful as the deputation had been in stirring popular feeling, it had
failed to obtain any reversal or mitigation of the sentence on the Madiai, and
fresh steps had to be taken by the Protestants of Europe. Lord Shaftesbury,
early in December, headed a deputation to Mr. Walpole, to petition the Queen
on their behalf, a petition signed, " strange, but joyous to say, by one Arch
bishop (Dublin) and eight Bishops ! "
In January, 1853, at the urgent request of the Protestant Alliance and
many influential persons, Lord Shaftesbury was on the point of starting off
for Florence " in search of the Madiai." Just when his preparations were made,
he received a letter from the Protestants of Geneva " urging caution, breath
ing doubts, quenching spirits, and imposing wet blankets." But his ardour
was not damped, and he still purposed to go forward, when he received private
information that at the present juncture of affairs he would " complicate the
whole thing, worsen the condition of the Madiai, and do more harm than good."
The journey was therefore postponed. Meanwhile other and more effective
measures were in progress. Lord John Russell urged upon Sir Henry Bulwer,
Envoy Extraordinary to Tuscany, the necessity of remonstrating strongly
with the Tuscan Government on the subject. " As this is a matter affecting
a Tuscan subject," he said, " it may be argued that Her Majesty's Govern
ment have no right to interfere. If this means that interference by force of
arms would not be justifiable, I confess at once that nothing but the most

iS5'-1 THE AMERICAN SHOWMAN. 45!)
extreme case would justify such an interference. But if it be meant that
Her Majesty has not the right to point out to a friendly sovereign the argu
ments which have prevailed in the most civilised nations against the use of
the civil sword to punish religious opinions, I entirely deny the truth of such
an allegation." The Grand-Duke withstood, as long as he was able, the storm his tyranny
had provoked, but eventually he was obliged to yield, and on the 17th of
March the Madiai were liberated.
An amusing episode of this subject was the receipt of a, letter from an
agent of Mr. Barnum — the American Showman — a letter that greatly tickled
the humour of Lord Shaftesbury, who had a keen relish for a joke.
Mr. Barnum's Agent to Lord Shaftesbury.
Manchester, March 2ith, 1853.
My Lord, — As I am aware your lordship is always actively engaged in a holy
warfare against the Roman Catholic religion, and the mainstay of the converts
from that faith, I calculate it is highly probable that Rosa and Francesco Madiai
are likely to come under your Lordship's patronage on their arrival in the old
country. As agent for Mr. Barnum, whose name, I presume, is not unknown to
your lordship, I respectfully beg to be informed whether it is possible to enter
into an engagement for these interesting people to exhibit themselves in our
United States after the London season, as I have no doubt they would draw fair
audiences in our northern States, where the Protestant feeling runs strong, and
we are pretty alive to proceedings in this country.
Mr. Barnum would act liberally by these good people, and great good may be
done. I have the honour to be, my lord,
Your lordship's obedient servant,
John Hall Wilton.
Unfortunately there is no record of the reply Lord Shaftesbury sent to
this communication.
It rarely happened that any one subject, however great its interest, was
allowed to absorb Lord Shaftesbury's attention, and while the case of the
Madiai was proceeding, other and wider movements were claiming his aid.
In 1850 Mrs. Harriet Beecher Stowe wrote her celebrated tale, " Uncle
Tom's Cabin." It was first published in parts ; on its completion it was
re-issued, entire, and. it then commenced a career almost unparalleled in the
annals of literature. In the course of less than a year more than 200,000
copies were sold in the United States, and this was but a prelude to the still
more astonishing success awaiting it in this country. It ran like wild-fire
through the land, appealing to every class in cities, towns, and remotest vil
lages, and affecting, as no other book, perhaps, had ever done, the imagination
of the people.
From extracts already given from his journals, it will easily be seen how,
with his utter detestation of slavery of every kind, the enormities revealed in
this life-like fiction stirred the heart of Lord Shaftesbury. For years he had

460 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XX.
watched every movement in America bearing upon the subject ; and latterly
the operation of the Fugitive Slave Law, by which " a whole nation, blessed
by God with freedom, wealth, and the Holy Scriptures, declares it to be im
possible to emancipate a slave, and penal to teach any one of them the first
principles of Christianity," had distressed him beyond measure. But hitherto
he had been unable to take any important active part against the cruel system.
As a matter of fact, there was at that time no action that could have been
taken. After reading Mrs. Stowe's book, however, and when public feeling
was stirred to its depths, he felt that it was impossible to remain quiet.
Nov. 6th. — Long troubled in spirit, and touched to the heart's core by " Uncle
Tom's Cabin." Marvellous work ! What a power of Christian intellect I What
a concentration, so to speak, of natural simplicity ! One feels, as one reads it,
that it is heaven-sent. It has a destiny. Ah, Lord, grant it, and forgive, at last,
\/ the descendants of Ham.
Determined to draw up anAddress from the Women of England to the Women
of America, and try to stir their souls and sympathies. Did it, and sent it off to
the newspapers to-day.
The proposed address was to rouse public opinion, by an appeal to the
great sympathies of mankind, so much more powerful than laws or statutes ;
and it was hoped that if it were taken up by local committees, enriched by
many signatures, and then transmitted to America, it would not fail to pro
duce a deep and fruitful impression. It was » call from the Women of
England to their sisters in America, to consider how far the system of slavery
was in accordance with the Word of God, the inalienable rights of immortal
souls, and the pure and merciful spirit of the Christian religion.
Henceforward, for many years, events in America, especially as they bore
upon the question of slavery, were noted at considerable length in Lord
Shaftesbury's Diaries.
Nov. 12th.— To the House of Lords to take the oath. What a mode of ad
ministering a sacred office I What a " hideous gabble I " Is there any— can there
be any— value in such a form ? A little encouragement to my slavery move
ment, but very little. Kind letters from the editor of the Leeds Mercury, and
old Sam Rogers, the poet. It is refreshing to see a man so keen in his humani
ties at ninety years of age. . . .
Nov. 20th.— It is wonderful to contemplate the long-suffering of God towards
the American Republic. Their statute laws are in direct contradiction of the
statute laws (so to speak, the Ten Commandments) of God. Try them in succes
sion, and it will be found that every decree is set at nought by the United States
law. The "fugitive " slave law was a compromise to maintain the Union at the
expense of mercy, truth, justice, God's gifts and word. The whole of their
domestic policy is governed, more or less, by " slavery." It is the beginning and
the end of their movements. They invade Mexico to find a market for their
breeding farms, seize on Texas, and re-establish that slavery which Mexico had
abolished ! They are bound together by compacts of murder, rapine, adultery.
They say to three millions of God's immortal creatures, "Your bodies are ours
for lust, labour, for any amount or quality of suffering and degradation we

1S:,2-I FRIENDSHIP WITH BICKERSTETH. 461
choose to inflict, and your souls shall wallow in utter ignorance of the things of
eternity." And yet they prosper. Their dominion is mighty, their wealth
stupendous ; they seem to have nothing to fear from man, and every ambition is
gratified. They boast of their freedom, their republic, their "religion;" aud
the public press of England is silent on these things ! What a mystery is all this !
What is there in former times to mateh the present ? What nation before knew
Thy will, read it in Thy Book, professed to believe it, and then passed laws (the
work of the whole people, not of a single despot) in flat, insolent contradiction of
Thy will and truth ? Lord, " increase our faith," and speedily have mercy on
Thy oppressed creatures, for Christ's ever dear and precious sake !
Nov. 21st. — Sunday. This United States slavery harasses my very soul ; I
can think of nothing else ; breathe a prayer for them minute after minute.
Nov. 25th. — Busy, very busy, about my " Address from the Women of England
to the Women of America " on negro slavery. Have met with more sympathy
and less ridicule than might have been expected ; thanks, under God, to " Uncle
Tom's Cabin." My dear and steady friend, the Duchess of Sutherland, has been
most zealous, serviceable, and high-minded. She has called a meeting of ladies
in her house to form a committee and adopt the memorial.
Nov. 27th. — The Duchess did her part in the best manner. Ah, Lord, return
all into her own bosom, and bless the house, which, glorious in human trappings,
has been consecrated to the cause of Thy dear Son !
Dec. 15th. — Wrote yesterday to Mrs. Beecher Stowe to express my admiration
of her work, and my gratitude to God who had stimulated her heart to write it.
The death of the Rev. Edward Bickersteth in 1850 had been a severe loss
to Lord Shaftesbury. He looked around and saw no one who could supply
his place ; no one who could give him just the help and sympathy he needed
in the anxieties of his ever-increasing work, no one on whose judgment he
could place implicit reliance. Frequently, in times of great perplexity, he
recorded in his journal (into which he poured every thought and feeling,
every aspiration and hope, as well as every fear and misgiving-) the sense of
this great and growing want — the friendship of one who should be able to
enter into his plans and purposes, and in whom he could confide in unre
strained measure. There were many sorrows pressing upon him which few
could understand ; his fellow-labourers did not know that the sufferings of
the poor haunted him night and day, and grieved him as though they were
personal to himself ; few ever realised that the records of slavery, persecution,
and cruelty in the daily papers, and much more those that came within the
scope of his own knowledge, would fill him with such burning indignation
that he had difficulty in restraining himself from becoming the champion of
every individual case of oppression. No one ever knew, until his Diaries
were seen, how he chafed at delay in redressing wrong, how he literally
" agonised " over the misery and the despair of those whose distresses were
capable of being made endurable, if not altogether relieved. Nor did he
stand in need of such a friend in the hour of his sorrow, less than in the hour
of his joy. He craved for some one who, himself in the midst of similar
labour, would be able to sympathise with him in his triumphs and successes.

462 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XX.
and be a sharer in the joy of harvest, no less than in the tearful sowing of the
seed. It was this sense of want that made him write, in the midst of the
enthusiasm kindled among Protestants on behalf of the Madiai ; " It is the
dawn of the day when the Churches that ' hold the Head ' shall be as one.
Ah, how dear Bickersteth would rejoice in such a daybreak were he on
earth ! " It was a cry for the touch of the vanished hand, and the sound of the
voice that was still ; it was an acknowledgment that there was no one else
who held in his heart the same position his departed friend had held.
But a friendship was ripening which ere long should supply the one he
had " lost awhile " — that is, as far as one friendship ever can supply the place
of another. In the prosecution of various good works, in committees and on platforms,
he had been brought into contact with Mr. Alexander Haldane, a barrister-at-
law of the Inner Temple, the representative of an ancient Perthshire family,
celebrated in the annals of philanthropy and religion, and one of the proprie
tors of the Record newspaper — the organ of the Evangelical party.
Mr. Haldane, who was some months older than Lord Shaftesbury, was an
active,, energetic man, strong in body and mind, of great intellectual force
and tenacity of purpose, and full of keen and warm-hearted sympathies. He
was lively in temperament, with a strong sense of humour and an inex
haustible fund of anecdote. He possessed, as Lord Shaftesbury many years
afterwards recorded, a strong intellect, a cultivated mind, and wide know
ledge, and he devoted them all to the furtherance of religion and morality, to
the honour of God, and the welfare of the human race.
He was for many years one of the principal writers for the Record. " At
every important crisis, political and religious, the other proprietors were long
accustomed to look to him to produce the appropriate leaders," and it was to
his labours that the paper owed much of its influence and value. In public
affairs he took a profound and absorbing interest. Politics at home and
abroad, society, literature, the condition of the masses, and, especially, the
great religious controversies of the times, were the subjects that chiefly
engrossed his thoughts and inspired his pen.
The first friendly letter from Mr. Haldane to Lord Shaftesbury was
written in 1849, on the occasion of the death of his son Francis. In 1850-1
there was frequent correspondence between them, and after that date, as
their intimacy increased, the letters became unceasing.
In course of time, whenever Lord Shaftesbury was in town, scarcely a
day passed when Mr. Haldane did not " drop in " to bring the news, to
report the progress of matters in which they were mutually interested, or to
cheer with friendly counsel and intercourse. When absent from town there
was an almost daily interchange of letters.*
Mr. Haldane's interest in the political events of his time brought him
* Lord Shaftesbury's letters were invariably preserved by Mr. Haldane, and some
hundreds of them have been kindly placed by his daughters in the hands of the writer
for the purposes of this Biography.

1862-1 MR. ALEXANDER HALDANE, 163
much into contact with prominent members of both Houses of Parliament,
and for many years he had been in the habit of being present on the occasion
of any important debate in either House.*
In the course of this narrative wo shall quote at some length from the
correspondence between Lord Shaftesbury and Mr. Haldane. A letter,
written abroad in this year, on paper illustrated with a view of Ems, may be
quoted in this place, as an example of the free and open confidence already
existing between them. Lord Shaftesbury to Mr. Haldane^ Ems, July 27th, 1852.
Dear Mr. HALDANE,^At the top of the note is the place where we drink the
waters, and into which the Tractarians would, no doubt, glady infuse a " quietus '
for me. My human security, however, is that I and the Cardinal Archbishop of
Cologne drink from the same spring and at the same time.
I have only just received your letter. I have no disposition to notice the
opprobrious fellows ; I care not what they say or what they do. If they can
write me down, I cannot write myself up ; and of this I feel deeply convinced
that if, after So many years of publicity, I have not character or favour enough
(with the only portion of the world to which I could appeal) to withstand the
attacks of Pusey, Sewell, Carlyle, and Co., my position is not Worth preserving.
When I was younger I had some ambition for myself ; I have now no desire
except to possess so much influence as may enable me to do good. Should these
sons of Babylon prevail, it will be because they find a "predisposition," as we
said in cholera times, in the public mind to take the impression against me, and
thus my hope of a healthy influence would be beaten down.
And to tell you the truth, I have had many indications of such an issue. The
public grows weary of its servants ; it is tired of " humanity," and dead sick of
me ; whether by being out of sight for a time I shall come forth like an old coat
with a new fluff, is a matter of speculation ; I much fear that they will find me
out, and as the Showman said to Lord Stowell, when he went to see the mermaid,
" You have been a customer to me, my Lord, and I'll not take you in ; it is only
the old monkey ! " — they will say, " Don't attend to that speech, or go to that
meeting, it's only the old monkey."
But many thanks for your letter. Pray collect materials ; we may yet be
obliged to fight. .
The place, I think, is beginning to do me good. God be praised. I long,
however, to be home,again. Yours, S.
Towards the close of the year events were ripening wliirh were to plunge
Lord Shaftesbury into a sea of controversy and ceaseless activity.
It was announced that Lord Derby had advised the Crown to issue
licence to Convocation to resume its Synodical functions, and on the 5th of
November the two Houses of Convocation commenced a sitting of one week's
* From the time Lord Ashley became Earl of Shaftesbury Mr. Haldane was so con
stant an attendant at the House of Lords, that he acquired a prescriptive right t , ,i
certain place which was always reserved for Vim.

4G1 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XX.
duration. Meanwhile public feeling had been stirred, and was growing in
intensity in many quarters, against the attempted introduction of auricular
confession into the Church. On the 22nd of September the Bishop of
Exeter had given judgment in favour of the Rev. G. R. Prynne, incumbent
of a church near Plymouth, who, it was alleged, had introduced the practice
of compulsory confession among the girls attending- the Orphan Home in his
parish. At the instigation of the Protestant Defence Committee, a meeting took
place on the 15th of November at the Freemasons' Hall, to protest ag'ainst
this innovation, and against the revival of Convocation.
Lord Shaftesbury, in opening the business of the meeting, said : —
We have been somewhat criticised for bringing into juxtaposition Convocation
and Confession. Now, it appears to me that they are so much akin, and so
necessarily inseparable, that I should just as soon think of separating, in Guild
hall, Gog and Magog as separating these two things. The Convocation, and I
am speaking of the Convocation as extinguished in the year 1717, animated by
the worst sentiments and views of priestly despotism and priestly ambition,
would naturally, necessarily, and, to use a modern phrase, " normally " resort to
the Confessional as the best and most effective engine of priestly domination.
We are not here to denounce every form of Church synod or ecclesiastical
assembly. We are not here to deny the expediency, or, if you will, even the
right, of the Church to have some power and form or self -regulation. But we
are here to denounce the revival of the Convocation that was justly extinguished
in the last century. We are here to deny to that Convocation, if called together,
the right or the power of suggesting the plan and the limits of its own reforma
tion ; and we are here to say that we will not submit to any clerical Parliament
that will make the laity of this Church and of these realms mere " hewers of
wood and drawers of water " to a select knot of sacerdotal dignitaries. A form
of Church government upon a reasonable and moderate basis, in which the laity
of the Church will have not only a great, but a dominant, share, is well worthy
of consideration ; but as for the other Convocation, that was extinguished in
1717. I can only express the hope that, should there be any attempted revival
thereof, her most gracious Majesty will follow the example of her illustrious
predecessor, and, to use the language of that great historian, Hallam, will
'• sprinkle a little dust on the angry insects."
The remainder of the speech related entirely to the Confessional, a subject
to which we shall revert later on.
On the 3rd of December Mr. Disraeli introduced his Budget, in a remark
ably effective speech of four hours and a quarter duration. The Budget was
unfavourably received by the Free Trade party ; the debate extended over
four nights, and on the 16th of December, the result of the vote placed the
Ministry in a minority of 19, in a House of 591 members. Lord Derby
immediately thereupon tendered to the Queen his resignation.
It was while Lord Shaftesbury was on the Continent, " combining busi-
ness with pleasure," that the Ministerial crisis arose.

1852.) ABERDEEN, PRIME MINISTER. 465
Dec. 17th. — Half-past six. Paris. It is strange to me to bo absent from
"a crisis ;" but were I present, what could I do? My professed principles and
public course have shut me out from the power of serving the Crown in office,
and, in fact, from the wish of any one, in either House of Parliament, to see
me there.
Derby ought not to resign ; and, indeed, no Minister ought, henceforward, to
resign on any single defeat. Repeated and rapid changes are becoming very
hazardous ; and as the House of Commons has undertaken to beat every Minister
two or three times every Session, and then again support him with little or
no principle, the Minister must refuse to retire, except before the real, unmistak
able sense of the country. But all this verges on democracy.
Dec. 29th. — Aberdeen, Prime Minister ; Lord J. Russell, Minister for Foreign
Affairs. Is it possible that this arrangement should prosper ? Can the Liberal
policy of Lord J. square with the restrictive policy of Lord Aberdeen ? Supposing
that they ire true to their principles, how will they agree when Italy calls for
sympathy against Austria ? John, if he have a spark of honesty, will stand for
Sardinia ; Aberdeen, if he have an atom of consistency, will stand for Austria. I
wish them joy, and a safe deliverance.
Graham, Newcastle, Gladstone, are again installed in power with much iclat
and high commendation.
Dec. 30th. — Palmerston has accepted place under Aberdeen as Premier, and
subject to John Russell's leadership as Secretary for Foreign Affairs. . . .
His mortification will, I fear, be great almost daily. I regret it for his sake ; I
am fond of him ; he is kind-hearted and friendly ; he is getting on in life, and I
could have wished him some respect and affection from those who were associated
with him in his later days.

E E

CHAPTER XXI.
1853.
" The poor shall never ' cease out of the land.' That we know," wrote Lord
Shaftesbury, " for God has said it. But the poor of London are very far
different from the poor of Scripture. God has ordained that there should be
poor, but He has not ordained that, in a Christian land, there should be an
overwhelming- mass of foul, helpless poverty."
To roll away, in some measure, that reproach from London, was the
gigantic task Lord Shaftesbury felt he had " been called of God " to attempt,
and the machiuery he regarded as best adapted to the accomplishment of that
end was the Ragged School system.
Since the Ragged School Union was founded there had been added to the
field of its operations, in the space of six or seven years, more than a hundred
new schools, attended by considerably over ten thousand children. Lord
Shaftesbury's labours multiplied in proportion to the multiplication of the
schools. Each had its opening ceremonies, or its anniversary, or its prize
distribution night, and each sent in its special claim to his assistance. It re
quired almost superhuman strength to perform the duties devolving upon
him. Conferences with teachers, interviews, correspondence day after day ;
and. in all parts of London, Chairs and the inevitable speeches night after
night. His watchfulness was unceasing. There was not a detail of the system
that escaped his observation. For example : there was a tendency in some
schools, as order was established and decent rooms supplied, to admit children
of a class and condition for whom the schools were not intended ; and also, to
retain those who had mended their ways and had risen in the world, instead
of transplanting them to other schools. Against this tendency Lord Shaftes
bury took a very decided stand. On one occasion he said : —
You must keep your Ragged Schools down to one mark ; you must keep them,
as I have said a hundred times, and, until I carry my point, I shall say a hundred
times more, in the mire and the gutter, so long as the mire and the gutter exist.
So long as this class exists, you must keep the schools adapted to their wants,
their feelings, their tastes, and their level. I feel that my business lies in the
gutter, and I have not the least intention to get out of it.
He had a great dislike to making any unnecessary parade of the schools,
and a still greater dislike to the system of selecting special examples of
children for the purpose of winning applause.
His unfailing zeal as their leader inspired a kindred zeal in the teachers,
and his stirring words often put new life and energy into them, and therefore,
into their work. He would speak to them thus : — ¦

From a Painting by Blackley.

THE WESTMINSTER SCHOOL OF INDUSTRY, OLD PYE STREET.

,3'1 STOPPING CRIME IN THE SEED. 467
th v*611 y°U' ™y f riends- tllat if > wi*11 a11 the sllcoess you have attained, with all
he knowledge you have acquired, with all the blessings you have received, you
pause in your course any longer than is necessary to take breath, gather strength,
survey your position, and thank God — why then I say, never again come into this
hall, for if you do, I will be the first to say to you, as Cromwell said to the House
of Commons, " Out upon you ! begone ; give place to honester men."
Almost every year there had been some important extension of the scope
of Ragged School work. The original idea was merely to provide day,
evening, and Sunday schools, for infants, juveniles, and adults of the lowest
order of the destitute and outcast classes. To this, as we have seen, Lord
Shaftesbnry's emigration scheme had been added, and admirably had it
succeeded. But other organisations equally important had come into opera
tion : the chiefest being Refuges and Industrial Classes. It was found that
the work in the schools lost much of its moral power, in consequence of the
constant and daily antagonism it encountered from the exposure of the
scholars, on retiring from the scene of instruction, to all that was con
taminating and vile in the wretehed places they called their homes. Lessons
of virtue were nullified by examples of vice. And it was heartrending to
know that many a child had no choice but to go from school to the haunts of
vice and crime in order to obtain food for the day and shelter for the night.
The question of providing Refuges became a burning question with many,
and efforts were made to establish them, not only in the metropolis, but in the
large towns and cities of the kingdom.
The Refuges were at first of two classes. Night Refuges, for casual
vagrants, preference being given to children attending the Ragged School ;
and permanent Refuges, for the support and education, for a stated period,
of young persons between ten and sixteen years of age.
The object of the Industrial Classes was rather to assist in the formation
of tidy and useful habits, than to rear a race of regular artisans. In some
of the classes, making and mending their own clothes was the only thing
taught to the children ; in others, making and printing paper bags, printing
handbills and circulars, making mats and church hassocks, and other simple
handicrafts. Although there were, of necessity, many drawbacks to the Ragged School
movement ; although the work was greatly impeded by a periodical deluge
of the miserable population of Ireland, flooding the districts that had been
purged and improved ; although success was, in a great measure, indirect and
could not be shown by figures, — the best results of the system being removed
from public view by emigration; although no support was received from
Government or from' legislation, and comparatively little from the wealthy
classes — an enormous amount of good resulted, and, as early as the year 1851,
Lord Shaftesbury had been able to say: —
We have devised and organised a system of prevention by which to stop
crime while it is in the seed, and sin before it has broken into flower and desolated
society. Although other schools may have stood in the way of vice and crime,
E E 2

468 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXI.
no one could say of them, with certainty, that almost every one trained in them
would, without their intervention, have been a vagabond or a thief ; domestic
discipline and other circumstances might have interposed to do their work. But
we do maintain that every one of those whom we have reclaimed would, from
the very necessity of his position, have been either a thief or a vagabond ; we do
maintain that, by the instrumentality of this institution, we have established
a preventive system which operates in anticipation of the gaoler, or even of the
hangman. We have, moreover, greatly abated the amount of juvenile delin
quency, and have cleansed the metropolis, not by pouring out from it the filth of
our streets, but by passing these children through a cleansing and filtering
process, before we poured them forth in a rich and fertilising stream on the
colonies of our country.
One feature of the Ragged School system with which Lord Shaftesbury
was especially identified was the gift of a prize or certificate to each scholar
who had remained in one situation for twelve months with satisfaction to his
employer, and for general good conduct.
His addresses to the children on these occasions were models of their
kind, and overflowed with such intense " f atherliness," that they never failed
to touch their hearts and bring tears of pleasure to their eyes.
Every fresh phase in the progress of Ragged School and kindred work
Lord Shaftesbury noted in his Diary, as well as his hopes and fears, his
elation and depression, in connection with them.
The next entry, although written in the Royal Palace, shows that his
thoughts were still with the forsaken children of the London streets.
Jan. 20th. — Windsor Castle. A play here last night. Wonderfully amused.
It is, doubtless, rather in the style of Louis XIV., but it is amusing, nevertheless. ¦
Must insert, to aid my recollection (though, probably, shall never have leisure
or spirit to review my entries for many years), some preceding operations. On
Sunday, 15th, to Field Lane Ragged School in the evening. Never go -there
without seeing something for which to bless God.
Five hundred persons, from five years old and under to fifty, engaged in
reading, hearing, learning the word of God I What singular and remarkable
instances of moral power ! A dozen stout, full-grown, savage-looking men sitting
like lambs under the teaching of a young woman ! " It is marvellous in our eyes.''
On 11th, Chair at Dorchester to present Bankes with piece of plate — testi
monial for his twenty years' Chairmanship of Quarter Sessions. The invitation
to me was intended as a move towards reconciliation of the rupture between me
and him seven years ago. I accepted it as such ; peace, peace — peace everywhere
" on earth as it is in Heaven."
March 24th.— Some work since my return to London. Anxious labour for the
Reformatory, and speech in Willis's Rooms. This noble institution is dying for
want of funds, and the rich and easy of the land will sit by and see thousands bo
rejected and perish, for the lack of a few pounds ! Everybody bepraises our
exertions and success ; and the smallest fraction comes to our aid. If our asylum
contained dead Indians or tattooed Zealanders we should excite overwhelmin"-
interest, but because it contains only live Penitents we have scarcely any.
March 25th (Good Friday).— Surely God has hoard our prayers to save the

isss.i new Enterprises. 469
Reformatory from extinction. Money has flowed in, an 1 this day I received one
hundred pounds for it from the Duke of Bedford. May God bless the deed to
his comfort and stir him (for his riches are immense) to other acts of love and
mercy !
The year 1853 was marked by the introduction in the House of Lords and
to the public, of a number of new schemes for the benefit of the London poor.
In estimating the labours of Lord Shaftesbury, it must never be forgotten
how much he had to overcome before he oould throw himself into any fresh
sphere of action. His self -depreciation, nervous anxiety, ill-health, and con
sequent low spirits, made him shrink from public labours, while his burning-
zeal was ever urging him forward. It required not a little heroism persist
ently to surrender himself to the good of others.
The first of the new enterprises of this year is thus referred to in the
Diary : —
March 19th. — Last night movement in House of Lords to obtain a " standing
order " for the protection of the multitudes to be displaoed by " Improvement
Companies." Obtained a Committee of Inquiry. Felt dull, incompetent, and
confused in my speech. The locality and the audience are one cause, and my own
infirmity the other. It dispirits me, for, old as I am, I am full of projects. With
me " the children are come to the birth, and there is not strength to bring forth."
Lord Shaftesbury's motion was to the effect that any Bill, sanctioning or
involving the pulling down of houses inhabited by the labouring classes,
should make provision for the erection, within a convenient distance, of
dwelling-houses sufficient for the accommodation of at least as many persons
as should be dispossessed.
The question was surrounded with difficulties, which were duly pointed
out in the debate that ensued. The matter was at length referred to a
Select Committee, who reported in the following May. It was then resolved
that, in future, the promoters of Improvement Bills should report the number
of houses inhabited by the labouring classes to be pulled down (if more than
thirty in number), and state whether any, and what, provision was made for
remedying the inconvenience likely to arise.*
Although this was only a step, it was a step in advance, and Lord
Shaftesbury was gratified, more especially, as from letters he received from
Mr. Cubitt, the large contractor, and others, he felt satisfied that the rela
tions between capital and labour would, by this resolution, be much improved.
His second great effort on behalf of the poor this year was taking charge.
in the House of Lords, of another Common Lodging-Houses Bill. The
previous Act had been " the first successful effort that had been made to
reach the very dregs of .society — the first to penetrate to the deepest dens of
vice, filth, and misery." It was necessary, however, that further beneficial
provisions should be made, especially as regarded inspection, and that other
provisions, which had hitherto been optional, should be rendered compulsory.
* Hansard, cxxvi., 1291.

47 0 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXI
In moving the second reading of the new Bill, on May the 13th, Lord
Shaftesbury was able to report, not only from the evidence of others, but
from his own personal inspection, that the previous Act was working well.
The houses had been cleaned, the walls and ceilings whitewashed, the venti
lation improved, the bedding was better in quality, quantity, and cleanliness,
the number of persons to be admitted had been carefully regulated, and the
liability to fever and other contagious diseases considerably lessened. It
was shown, also, that in the common lodging-houses there were, according to
the latest returns, no fewer than 80,000 inhabitants who, as well as the keepers
of the houses, had materially benefited by the Act. The principal object of
the present Bill was to give fuller power to punish offences under the
previous Act, to abate certain nuisances not hitherto specified, to provide for
the removal of the sick to hospitals, and to arrange for reports as to the
lodging of beggars and vagrants.*
In advocating the Bill, Lord Shaftesbury urged, that if it were success
fully carried into effect, many houses then beyond the reach of inspection
would be affected by it, together with a, great mass of the population. If
these common lodging-houses were not brought under proper regulation, it
would be in vain to strive against juvenile delinquency, for it was iu them
that nine-tenths of the crimes perpetrated were plotted.f
The Bill did not reach the Commons till the 6th of June ; it passed the
three readings, however, without debate, and received the Royal assent on
August the 4th. The advantages of the measure were so obvious, that a Bill
to extend its provisions to Ireland, introduced into Parliament in 1860,
passed through both Houses without debate, and received the Royal assent a
few weeks after its introduction. J
In commenting upon the Act of 1853, the Times remarked : — " To purify
the Inferno that reeks about us in this metropolis, to recover its inmates, and
to drive the incorrigible nucleus into more entire insulation, is one of the
labours to which Lord Shaftesbury has devoted his life ; and we can never be ¦
sufficiently obliged to him for undertaking a task which, besides its immediate
disagreeableness, associates b is name with so much that is shocking and repulsive.
" To Lord Shaftesbury's legislation we owe the gratifying fact that these
recesses are explored by authorised persons, that houses are no longer per
mitted to take in more than as many as can breathe properly in them, that
lodging in cellars is prohibited, that the rooms are properly cleaned and
whitewashed, that ventilation, lighting, and drainage are provided for, and
the furniture of the houses sufficient for the authorised number of lodgers.
As far as the work has proceeded, we can hardly conceive a more meritorious
or more gratifying triumph. It is a great result out of the very worst
materials. To change a city from clay to marble is nothing compared with a
transformation from dirt, misery, and vice to cleanliness, comfort, and at least
a decent morality." §
* Hansard, cxviii., 235. % Hansard, clvii. and olviii.
t Hansard, oxxvii., 294. § Times, May 16, 1853.

l853-l Juvenile mendicancy and crime. 471
Notwithstanding the success of Ragged Schools, Night Refuges, and
Reformatories, and the wider provisions of the Common Lodging Houses
Acts, juvenile mendicancy and crime, if not on the increase, certainly showed
no sign of abatement. It was said that more beggars were to be encountered
in a walk from Westminster Abbey to Oxford Street, than in a tour from
London to Switzerland, whether by Paris or the Rhine.
The third great effort of Lord Shaftesbury for the removal of the vice,
degradation, and misery of the metropolis, was an onslaught on Juvenile
Mendicancy and Crime. He had been an attentive observer of the causes
that had conspired to hinder the success of Ragged Schools, and had arrived
at the conclusion that dissolute parents were undoing all the good that was
done, by sending out their children into the streets to beg, while they lived in
drunken depravity upon the proceeds thus obtained. He found that a vast
number of orphan children managed to remunerate the low lodging-house
keepers who sheltered them in a similar manner. It was notorious that this
great army of child-begg'ars was a nursery of theft and every form of evil.
To strike at the root of this mischief, he introduced into the House of Lords
a motion on the " Repression of Juvenile Mendicancy and Crime."
The speech in which he brought forward his motion was a remarkable one.
In addition to his own wide knowledge of the subject, he had fortified him
self with communications from magistrates and reports of inspectors, .and,
over and above these, with statements made by ninety thieves resident in one
institution ; the testimony of 100 City missionaries, the opinions of 100
gentlemen " particularly and practically conversant with that class," besides
the confessions of 100 " professional misdemeanants." Such a mass of curious,
but concurrent, evidence, was hardly ever presented on any subject before.
Lord Shaftesbury's proposition was, that the Vagrant Act should be so
extended as to empower the police to apprehend — not for the purposes of
punishment but of protection — all children found in a state of vagrancy in
the public streets, and bring them before the magistrates. The children were
then to be committed to the workhouse and educated, if possible at the charge
of the parents, or if not, at the charge of the State ; but in any case to remove
the children from the corrupting influence of the parents.
It cannot be denied that, good as the proposal was in many respects, it was
open to many objections, and it need hardly be said that serious obstacles had
to be encountered in the attempt to pass the Bill. It was argued that the
placing of young persons, who were criminal, or quasi-criminal, in the work
houses would render those establishments " distasteful to the poor ; " — that
it was contrary to the original design of. the workhouses to make them
" Houses of Detention ; " that the accumulation of children — 20,000 of whom
it was alleged were graduating in the school of vice — would lead to intolerable
pressure and expense; that the particular children or parents to be dealt with.
could not be clearly defined — and other objections, to all of which Lord Shaftes
bury fully replied.
At the conclusion of the debate he said the passing of the Bill was an

472 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXI.
object very dear to his heart, and he was rejoiced to find that " the adverse
decree he had anticipated " on the part of the Lords was not realised. In a
subsequent stage the Earl of Aberdeen (Prime Minister), Lord Campbell, the
Duko of Argyll, and others, gave him hearty support.
June 24th. — Labouring hard on two Bills ; one for the Suppression of Juvenile
Mendicancy, and thereby of juvenile delinquency, another for the abatement of
bribery, intimidation, and expense at elections. I should be certain to pass them,
humanly speaking, were I in the House of Commons ; but I shall have great
difficulties in the Lords, and no hearty mouthpiece in the House of Commons.
The House of Lords is terrible ; there is a coldness, an inattention, and an impas
sibility which are perfectly benumbing.
July 12th. — After much anxiety and discussion, carried, with hearty approval,
Mendicancy Bill, with amendments, through the House of Lords.
A curious episode sprang out of Lord Shaftesbuiy's speech on moving
the second reading of this Bill. He had claimed for the poorer classes, that
jurisdiction which the Court of Chancery exercises over the rich — namely,
that in case of a notorious violation of the parental trust, a magistrate should
be enabled to place the child in an asylum, where the State might perform for
it duties which its parents had omitted. To strengthen his argument, he
quoted the judgment of Lord Eldon, given some thirty years previously in the
well-known case of Mr. Long "Wellesley, afterwards the Earl of Mornington,
who was deprived of the care of his own children. The ease was notorious,
and the judgment had been cited hundreds of times, as a leading authority
on the limits which public policy sets, to the right of a parent to abuse the
trust which Nature has confided to him, for the education and religious and
moral training of his children. There was, of course, nothing unusual in
citing such a case ; on the contrary, nothing could have been more natural.
It was an apt illustration of his argument, and was the more weighty as it
was a decision given by a. high authority. It was, moreover, a quotation
from a well-known law book accessible to everybody.
Lord Mornington, however, was weak enough to allow himself to be greatly
perturbed in spirit, by the quotation of a decision, in the justice of which he
did not concur ; weaker still in writing to Lord Shaftesbury calling upon him
to retract, or failing in this, to meet him hi " mortal combat ; " weakest of all
in sending the correspondence to the newspapers for publication.
The age of duelling had, even then, passed away in England, and Lord
Mornington's "challenge" is probably one of the last of the long series,
demanding " the satisfaction due to a gentleman." The following passage
may be regarded as among the curiosities of literature : — ¦
My lord, I have taken the trouble to give you this explanation of my life and
conduct prior to asking your Lordship to explain to me whether, in taking the
course you have done in slandering me, your fellow peer, during my absence from
the House of Lords, you have done this with the intent to offer me a personal
insult, and if such was your intention, whether I may hope that you are prepared
to meet the responsibility of such a course of proceeding 1 This I trust you will

1853-1 CHALLENGED TO FIGHT A DUEL. 473
do, aud I therefore beg leave to invite your lordship either to explain and retract
the offensive remarks with which you introduced my name in your speech of the
5th inst. in the House of Lords, and which have been reported in the Times news
paper of the 6th inst., or to say whether you will give me that alternative that I
am entitled to, and which I trust that you will not refuse.
Lord Shaftesbury to Lord Mornington. July Uth, 1853.
My Lord,— I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of a letter from
your lordship dated the 9th of this month.
In my speech in the House of Lords I simply quoted a judgment of Lord
Eldon's — a law case, published in a law book. This I had a right to do whether
in Parliament or out of it ; and every one has the same right.
Your lordship is good enough to send me what is technically called " a chal
lenge." I refer you for a reply to this, and any future communication, either to
the Police Magistrate in Bow Street, or to my solicitors, Messrs. Nichal, Smyth,
and Burnett, 18, Carey Street, Lincoln's Inn. Your obedient servant, Shaftesbury.
In a " parting shot " the Earl of Mornington characterised this reply as
" very absurdly impertinent," and regretted that Lord Shaftesbury had not
" the spirit to meet what he had himself provoked, in the manner which
regulates the conduct of gentlemen ! "
The only allusion to this incident in the Diary is the following : —
July 22nd. — Ems. Have never recorded the august and valorous challenge I
received from Lord Mornington, because I quoted, in my speech on Mendicity,
the judgment of Lord Eldon in re Long Wellesley. This would have been foolish
had I been a fighting man ; but it was both foolish and cowardly, when he knew,
as well as I know it myself, that I neither send nor accept such things !
It was late in the Session when the Mendicancy Bill was sent to the Com
mons ; there was a pressure of other measures which the Government had
engaged to pass ; the Poor Law Commissioners and Metropolitan members
showed an active opposition that there was not time to counteract, and Lord
Shaftesbury's Bill was lost for that Session.
An agitation was zealously carried on, public opinion was aroused, the
newspaper press, ministers of tho Gospel, magistrates and officials, were all
enlisted in favour of the Suppression of Juvenile Mendicancy and the Refor
mation of Juvenile Criminals, and society was brought to recognise the truth
of the old motto, that prevention is better than cure, and that it is a far easier
process to train the child than to reform the man.
Eventually Lord Palmerston (then Home Secretary), who had the faculty
of seeing when the nation had made up its mind on any question, took the
matter in hand, endeavoured to reconcile the somewhat conflicting views of
various politicians and philanthropists, and produced, on June the 19th, 1854,
a " Youthful Offenders Bill," which, after passing successfully and rapidly
through both Houses, received the Royal assent on August the 10th. In the

474 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXI.
preparation and passage of that Bill Lord Shaftesbury lent invaluable aid,
and brought to hear all the resources of his long experience and practical
wisdom. The preamble of the Bill set forth, " That whereas Reformatory Schools
have been, and may be, established by voluntary agency in various parts of
the countiy, it is expedient that more extensive use should be made of these
institutions." When a school was certified as fit for the purpose, the Act
provided that, on conviction, after a short imprisonment of a fortnight or less,
the child should enter the school and remain for a term of years under the
sole charge of the managers.
As a consequence of this Act the number of these schools went up to 34
in 1856, to 45 in 1857, and to 59 in 1860, and during that period there was a
marked decline in juvenile mendicancy and juvenile delinquency clearly
traceable to their operation.
Prom the rush and whirl of ordinary life Lord Shaftesbury was in the
habit of taking occasional refuge abroad. The change to the Continent
presented great attractions to Lady Shaftesbury, and he was always anxious
to please her. Thus in January, 1853, we find him in Italy, and in September
of the same year in Prance and Switzerland. Unlike the majority of travel
lers, however, each successive journey on the Continent introduced him to
fresh fields of labour and opened up fresh channels for practical sympathy.
Jan. 23rd. — Sunday. Turin. Saw yesterday Pasteur Meille, of the Waldenses,
and that Christian soldier and confessor, Gen. Beckwith. Talk of self-devotion,
indeed, among the Papists I who has exhibited so much as this man in his pro
longed life of thirty years among " the saints "of the valleys? Saw, too, the
church of the Waldenses rising 'in one of the finest positions in Turin 1
Jan. 24th. — Genoa. Attended yesterday Italian service at two o'clock, and
heard the Waldensian Pasteur Meille. 0 Lord, that I should have lived to
witness and hear such a thing in such a, place ! What would have been the
feelings of old Milton ?
" Avenge, O Lord, Thy slaughtered saints, whose bones
Lie scattered on the Alpine mountains cold ! "
They are avenged, and in the way that they themselves would have desired it,
by the word of God having " free course, and being glorified," in the very capital
of their fiercest persecutors ! An overflowing congregation, a touching service,
a heart-inspiring hymn.
In the evening at eight o'clock, Desanctis (a Romish priest once, now a
Christian presbyter) preached to the people. He is a great man, a good man, a,
Christian man. Well may we say, with devout and humble thankfulness,
" many kings and prophets have desired to see the things, that ye see, and have
not seen them ! "
But all hangs on a thread ! Who shall catch it if it falls ? — " fear not,"
" underneath are the everlasting arms." " The event may be retarded," says the
excellent Meille ; " persecutions may arise, but the foundation of the Church is
laid." God will soon give us the top-stone, crying, " Grace, grace be unto it ! "
After morning service, met Desanctis and Malan, a Deputy to the Chamber, and

ls53] THE WALDENSIANS. 475
a Waldensian. Much confidential and comfortable talk (it was at Meille's
lodgings). We agreed that we should now make a great effort for additional
circulation of the Scriptures, but avoid a very public statement, even in England,
of our hopes, our progress, our intentions. " The laws are still against us ; they
are still unrepealed ; they are the laws of the Middle Ages, and are not brought into
harmony with the Constitution. Hence our danger ; the judges, who are bigoted
adherents to the old system, try all religious causes with closed doors, and test
the case by the Code and not by the Constitution. There is a strong reactionary
party, who, were they in power, could, and would crush us by the existing laws
of the kingdom. We have, in fact, under Heaven, nothing but the good dis
positions of the actual Ministry ! " It was agreed that I should call on Count
Cavour, the Prime Minister. I did so, and sought him everywhere, but in vain ;
so I wrote him a letter which Perponcher, the Prussian Charg6 d' Affaires, under
took to deliver to him. Stated that " I had been most anxious, as an Englishman,
to testify my gratitude, and that of my country, for his good-will to the Vaudois
Church ; that we watched the progress of religious and constitutional liberty
with deep interest ; that England was alive to the welfare of Sardinia ; and that
if anything could rouse us, it would be any menace directed to its conduct and
independencies. I then expressed my desire to have learned from him how to
explain the long-continued discrepancy between the laws and the Constitution ;
how Mr. Mazzinglia could be sentenced (as he was a few days ago at Genoa) to
three years' imprisonment for having given a copy of St. Paul's Epistle to tbe
Ephesians ; that we in England could never understand which was to prevail, the
old law or the new Constitution." I then added my personal respect for his
character, talents, &c.
Thus Mazzinglia is condemned, and can be set at liberty by the prerogative
only of the King by a pardon. Thus all is imperfect ; nothing is secured ; the
whole edifice might to-morrow be thrown down ! and yet it will not fall ; " it is
founded on a rock." God has already blessed Sardinia for the Church's sake. Oh
that this people knew the secret of their strength !
Saw Perponcher — much agreeable and useful conversation with him. I bless
God that I have been to Turin ; and I pray Him to render my visit fruitful to
His honour and the Church's service ?
Jan. 29th. — Nice again. Last night to Hudson (Minister at Turin) at the
Feder. To meet Mammiani, for a short time the Pope's Prime Minister under the
Constitution at Rome, now a refugee. He seems a wise, intelligent man, and
anxious for the regeneration of Italy.
Feb. 2nd. — Engaged for two days in devising schemes of Bible diffusion.
Struck out the plan of peripatetic schoolmasters, as in Ireland. God in His
mercy prosper it !
Count Cavour's reply to Lord Shaftesbury's letter contained many expres
sions of esteem and personal regard, and explained the actual position of
affairs. He stated, that although in the political conditions of the country it
was unwise to make any sweeping reforms, Lord Shaftesbury might rest
assured that the cause of religious liberty was making steady progress.
The following extract was written in the autumn, during Lord Shaftes
bury's tour in France and Switzerland : —

47b THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [CnAP. XXI.
Sept. 5th. — Every step that one takes on the Continent gives a fresh proof of
the vast superiority of the foreigner in all matters of taste and design (except
that of gardening) to the English people. Not only their public buildings, but
their ordinary dwellings, ithe hotels, the shops, their minute ornaments, their
dress, all the things they make — their railway carriages, their refreshment-rooms,
their stations — name what you will, all exhibit a refinement and purity of con
ception, generally diffused, which are not found even in our great architects and
modellers. Struck yesterday by the defective result of English preaching. The
sermon was good, and apparently sincere ; but it was delivered, like ninety-nine
sermons out of a hundred by English ministers, in a cold, monotonous, sing-song
uniformity. The preacher was stiff as a, May-pole ; and his discourse flowed
clear, steady, unbroken and unvaried by voice or gesture, like the water from a
lion's mouth. Not so the foreigner ; he is fervent, imaginative, utters as much
by his gestures as by his tongue, and maintains attention by the variety of his
tones. He is an intermittent spring ; and his auditors wait with impatience for
the next gush of the lively stream.
Almost immediately upon his return to England Lord Shaftesbury
entered heart and soul into the anti-slavery agitation, whose centre was at
Stafford House, and, after himself, whose moving spirit was the Duchess of
Sutherland. March 25th. — Began a movement for the evangelisation of the fugitive
slaves settled in Canada. It is a natural, necessary, and becoming consequence of
our movement for emancipation. They are utterly friendless and forgotten.
May 7th. — To-day Mrs. Stowe received at Stafford House by the Duchess of
Sutherland and the two committees ; it was a singular and most useful gathering.
We had every rank of life, every form of opinion, political and religious — bishops,
dissenting ministers, tradespeople, peers, Quakers, and the wives of all. The
homage was general ; and every one seemed delighted with the soft, earnest,
simplicity of her manner and language.
May 13th. — Mrs. Stowe dined with us here last night, and all her party ; very
successful. I rejoice, as a peacemaker, to have brought together the Archbishop
of Canterbury and the Rev. Thomas Binney, a flaming Dissenter. After dinner
we had many Dissenters, many clergy, the Editor of the Patriot newspaper,
Josiah Conder, shopkeepers, lawyers, peers, &c, &c, all with their ladies. It was
quite " a happy family ; " and every one seemed mightily pleased.
May 17th. — St. Giles's, Last night overflowing meeting at Exeter Hall (I in
the chair) on Anti-Slavery. Zeal tremendous ; satisfied I was, for a wonder, with
my own speech, more so probably than anybody else.
June 22nd. — My campaign for the niggers is both laborious and expensive.
We want more shoulders and more purses to the work.
In course of time the " Address " to the women of America went forth,
signed by tens of thousands of the women of England. It was replied to by
Mrs. Tyler, wife of the ex-President, who pointed out to the Duchess of
Sutherland and her co-signatories, where fitting objects for their sympathy
might be found. " Leave it," she said, " to the women of the South to
alleviate tlie sufferings of their dependents, while you take care of your own.

1s"'3j' /TINA. 477
The negro of the South lives sumptuously, in comparison with a hundred
thousand of your white population in London."
While Lord Shaftesbury was engaged in this Anti-Slavery campaign,
many of the American papers attacked him with great severity, and urged
him to " look at home " and consider the condition of the working classes of
his own country. The ire of an editor of one of the " religious " papers of the
South was greatly roused, and in an angry article he wrote : " And who is this
Earl of Shaftesbury ? Some unknown lordling ; one of your modern philan
thropists suddenly started up to take part in a passing agitation. It is a pity
he does not look at home. Where was he when Lord Ashley was so nobly
fighting for the Factory Bill, and pleading the cause of the English slave ?
We never even heard the name of this Lord Shaftesbury then."
Lord Shaftesbury loved a good joke, and he often related this story with
infinite merriment.
In religious circles, one of the most engrossing subjects of thought, and
fruitful fields for action, was China. A political and social revolution had
commenced in that country, which was regarded as an event more momentous
than any that had occurred previously in the history of Protestant Missions,
and the hope was entertained, that the downfall of idolatry and the establish
ment of Christianity throughout the Chinese empire, would be ultimately
ensured. The leaders of the insurrection openly denounced the whole ancient
system of superstition ; a great change was being effected in the minds of
the people ; isolation and exclusiveness were no longer the national boast ;
goodwill and fraternity were being proclaimed to distant nations. " That
"populous empire," Lord Shaftesbury wrote in his Diary on July the 20th,
"hitherto hermetically sealed against intercourse, reciprocity, and civilisa
tion, seems, like Jericho, to have been compassed about seven days, and awaits
only the final shout, when the walls shall fall down fiat and the servants of
God take possession."
No one was readier than Lord Shaftesbury to see an opportunity, and
avail himself of it. Now was the time to send out additional missionaries ;
now was the time to circulate freely the Holy Scriptures. It was the jubilee
year of the Bible Society, and it was resolved by the Committee to give to
the people of China, in their own tongue, a million copies of the New Testa
ment. To this and other plans for reaching the people Lord Shaftesbury
gave invaluable aid. The opening up of China opened up to him a boundless
vista — " the beginning of the end."
Sept. 3rd. — The Times is overflowing with surprise, and cannot account for it,
that the prodigious revolution in China has been effected in so short a time, and
by so easy means. No one who has studied the 2nd Book of Chronicles, studied,
I say, not simply read, can doubt that, when the end vastly exceeds the means,
and the work is strikingly disproportionate to the instrument, " the thing is of
God ; " it is the result of His own immediate and direct interposition. Was there
ever such a political event as the rebellion of the Ten Tribes ? Was there ever
one so contrary to all human experience, all human reasoning, all human policy ?

478 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXI.
But " this thing is done of me," said God by the prophet; and so He would say
now, did He vouchsafe to speak, as of old, to men upon earth. I see it, I see it,
surely I see it ; the Gospel will be offered where, in truth, it has never yet been
fairly offered, in China and Japan ; it will then have been " preached for »
witness to all nations," and then will " the end come ! " " Come, Lord Jesus, come
quickly." The efforts being made by the Bible Society for the evangelisation of
China, were seconded by those of the London Missionary Society. They
called together a special meeting for the purpose of raising funds to send out
additional missionaries, and invited Lord Shaftesbury to take the chair. He
willingly responded, and commenced a vigorous speech by saying : " This
matter commends itself to the judgment and feeling of every man who cares,
in the least degree, for the welfare of the human race. It requires neither
statement nor argumentation; an actual reality is before us ; the old wall of
superstition is broken down ; the empire of China with its three hundred
millions, is opened to our efforts ; the breach, so to speak, is practicable ; the
citadel is to be stormed, not by the potentates and armies of Europe, but by
Protestant agents, by a noble rivalry of Protestant missions from every part
of the civilised globe, and of every evangelical denomination."
Dec. 1st. — Yesterday chair of London Missionary Society in aid of their
Missions to China. Shall, I suppose, give great offence to my friends in the
Establishment ; sorry for it, but the cause is too holy, too catholic, too deeply
allied with the single name of Christ, for any considerations of Church system
and Episcopal rule. These things are, to my mind, good in their places, but
their places are bounded by time and space ; the Cause knows nothing but"
universality and eternity. What is the meaning of " Grace be with all those
who love the Lord Jesus Christ in sincerity " ? Did not Morrison. Milne, Med-
hurst, Moffat, Williams, love Him ? If grace, then, was with those men. shall L
vile man, presume to say that L will not be with them also ?
Sanitary reform in the metropolis had become, in eveiy sense of the term,
a vital question, and the years 1852 and 1853 were marked by severa]
measures of great utility. Among them were the " Metropolis Water Act,"
by which it was provided that no water supplied for domestic use should be
taken from any part of the Thames below Teddington Lock ; the " Act to
amend the Laws concerning the Burial of the Dead in the Metropolis," giving
authority to the Secretary of State to order, for the protection of the public
health, that any particular burial-ground should be closed, and that any
parish should have power to take certain simple steps for procuring a new
cemetery ; the Compulsory Vaccination Act ; the Smoke Abatement Nuisance
Act ; and others.
Every fresh measure in the direction of sanitation brought, directly or
indirectly, fresh labour to the Board of Health, and every fresh burden laid
upon that ill-used and long-suffering Board brought to Lord Shaftesbury, in
particular, anxiety, toil, and annoyance.

1853-J THE BOARD OF HEALTH. 479
April 29th, 1852. — Great motion in House of Lords on sanitary state of the
metropolis. Carried the point, and had passable success.
May 14th. — The Times has taken up the note of the undertakers, the water
companies, the Parliamentary agents, and the whole tribe of jobbers who live on
the miseries of mankind, and are hunting the Board of Health through brake
and briar, and hope to be " in at the death ! " Be it so : if we fall, not a body
will be left to shout " unclean, unclean ! " and form, and guide, and impel, public
opinion. Matters will become worse and worse. I tremble for the issue.
Walked yesterday to review my old haunts in Westminster, and look at thei
wretehed children in Pye Street ; sick, sick, sick, to see how little years of labour^
had done.
Nov. 17th. — Grieved to learn that not only nothing is done by the Govern
ment, but that the Ministers will take good care that nothing shall be done by
any one else : the Board of Health is to be destroyed ; its sin is its unpardonable
activity. Dec. 31st. — So Sir W. Molesworth is to be our new Master at the Board of
Health 1 What mortifications I have undergone in this service ! And will this
endurance be blessed at last, or will our enemies succeed in destroying -the only
institution that stands for the physical and social improvement of the people ?
Our foes are numerous, and I dread their success ; it would vex me beyond
expression to see Chadwick and Southwood Smith sent to the right-about, and
the Board, which, under God, has done and has conceived so many good thing's,
broken up.
The "unpardonable activity" of the Board had, in fact, brought it into
unavoidable collision with every interest of magnitude. Referring to this,
Lord Shaftesbury says : —
August 9th, 1853. — It is not wonderful, though sad, when we remember the
interests that it has been our duty to approach and handle. We roused all the
Dissenters by our Burial Bill, which, after all, failed.
The parliamentary agents are our sworn enemies, because we have reduced
expenses, and, consequently, their fees, within reasonable limits.
The civil engineers also, because we have selected able men, who have carried
into effect new principles, and at a less salary.
The College of Physicians, and all its dependencies, because of our independent
action and singular success in dealing with the cholera, when we maintained and
proved that many a Poor Law medical officer knew more than all the flash and
fashionable doctors of London.
All the Boards of Guardians : for we exposed their selfishness, their cruelty,
their reluctance to meet and to relieve the suffering poor, in the days of the
epidemic. The Treasury besides ; (for the subalterns there hated Chadwick ; it was an
ancient grudge, and paid when occasion served).
Then come the water companies, whom we laid bare, and devised a method of
supply, which altogether superseded them.
The Commissioners of Sewers, for our plans and principles were the reverse of
theirs ; they hated us with a perfect hatred.
Occasionally, hope revived that the Board of Health might yet he the

480 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Cbaf. XXI.
appointed means of further sanitary triumphs. With Palmerston for Home
Secretary, Lord Shaftesbury thought that not only would the Board be saved
from destruction, but that new life would be given to it. " I have never
known any Home Secretary," he wrote, " equal to Palmerston for readiness
to undertake every good work of kindness, humanity, and social good,
especially to the child and the working- class. No fear of wealth, capital, or
election-terrors ; prepared at all times to run a-tilt if he could do good by it.
Has already done more than ten of his predecessors." But these anticipa
tions were not destined to be very fully realised.
Aug-. 19th. — Palmerston has undertaken, and apparently with success, several
of our Board of Health measures. I rejoice in his efforts, but cannot give him,
except for good will, all the praise bestowed by the Times. We, unfortunate
people, having "borne the burthen and heat of the day," having collected all the
evidence, having stirred the public attention, having incurred all the odium.
receive no support from the Government, and consequently fail. He, having
borne and done nothing of the kind, but being the Secretary of State, succeeds !
But observe how he ignores our considerations and difficulties, and cuts the
Gordian knot by enacting whatever is easy, and omitting whatever is the reverse ;
we laboured our hearts out to give compensation to the clergy ; he gives them
none. We devised a long and intricate scheme to lower, for the poorer sort, the
expense of interments ; he orders extramural burial, and leaves the artisan to
meet the increased cost as well as he can ! Alas ! alas ! success is not what you
do, but what people say of it, and they are almost always too ignorant, or too
indifferent, to judge rightly.
Towards the end of the year it became manifest that the days of the
Board of Health were numbered, and that some " cold, idle, comfortless, do-
little office " would be set up in its stead. It was a positive grief to Lord
Shaftesbury, who, as he said, had given to it " five years of his life and
intense labour, and had not received even the wages of a pointer, with ' that's
a good dog.' "
It was not until the summer of 1854, however, that the crisis came, and it
is referred to thus : — ¦
July 29th, 1854. — Palmerston will not hear of my resigning ; nor will I of
remaining, unless on grounds very intelligible. This public service is a haid,
ungrateful thing. My remuneration has been that usually allotted to monkeys
— more kicks than halfpence.
July 31st. — No choice of resigning or remaining ; the House of Commons
threw out the Bill this day. . . . Thus after five years of intense and unre
warded labour I am turned off like a piece of lumber ! Such is the public service.
Some years hence, if we are remembered, justice may be done to us ; but not in
our lifetimes. I have never known a wrong by the publio redressed, so that the
sufferer could enjoy the reparation, for
t " Nations slowly wise and meanly just,
\ To buried merit raise the tardy bust."
Aug. 5th. — On Thursday last gave a dinner, by way of farewell, to the Board

1S33.] REPUBLICANISM. 481
of Health, the commissioners, doctors, engineers, clerks, secretary, seventeen in all.
We part very good friends.
Aug. 12th. — On Thursday last Board Bill received the Royal assent, and the
old Board was extinguished. We have left no arrears of business ; our successor
will have all before him ; he will not be required to give five minutes to arrears
on our period of office. Thus have closed six years of very hard and gratuitous
service. I may say, with old George III. on the admission of American Inde
pendence, " It may possibly turn out well for the country, but as a gentleman L
can never forget it."
Lord Shaftesbury wrote constantly in his Diary throughout the year 1853
on the progress of Democracy, Republicanism, and levelling opinions. He
traced it, not so much to the general desire of the people, or to the influence
of the press, but to the operation of commercial causes and money-making
ambition. Landed property was being regarded apart from all notions of
ancestral feeling-, of attachment to hereditary estates, of long connections
between property and peasantry, and was looked upon merely as a negotiable
article of merchandise, to be sold and shifted with as little of affection and
difficulty as a five-pound note.
July 26th. — This is the worst form of republican indifference to the generous
elements of antiquity. But more : younger children must no longer receive an
nuities and portions, but must each have a slice of the landed estate. In two
generations, then, every property would be subdivided ; the landed interest, as a
distinct and powerful body, would be extinguished, and the House of Lords
rendered impossible, for it can never subsist, except as an independent body —
independent by the wealth of its individual members, having hereditary rights,
but also hereditary property.
August 22nd. — The atmosphere of political principles and institutions is
decidedly democratic in the present day, and men are borne on against their
wishes to democratic results. What is it ? Is it by our own folly, or that of our
ancestors ? Is it the cycle of the principle of government, like the recurring
periods of drought, famine, plenty, health, and disorder ? Or is it the will of
God that every form should have its day, and then perish ? Aristocracy exists
on the Continent by the sword ; in England by sufferance. Which will have
the longer duration — the obedience of the soldier, or the patience of the ten-
pound householder ?
It is observable that not an appreciable fraction of the people of England
desire the abolition of the King and the peerage ; and yet, by degrees, rapid
degrees, they will come to it, and be astonished beyond measure when the work
is irremediable. So it appears ; but we may yet, in the mercy of God, be reserved,
institutions and all, for higher things.
Sept. 13th. — The year 1848 was the climax of our odiousness to the foreigners.
They will never forgive us for the calm, the security, the assurance, with which
our monarchical and aristocratical institutions withstood the shock that affected,
in Europe, monarchies and republics alike. They praise us and abhor us.
Having glanced at some of the public events in which Lord Shaftesbury
p F

482 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXI.
was concerned during this year, we now turn to the Diary to extract some
passages relating more immediately to himself.
In reviewing the work in which his life was being spent, he says :—
April 6th. — Many Bills in hand. Times sneers at me, and speaks of my " rest
less benevolence." But why am I restless ? Because others are xestful.
April 7th. — Engaged more than ever : small works compared with the political
and financial movements of the day — a Lodging-House, a Ragged School, a Vagrant
Bill, a Thieves' Refuge I No wonder that people think me as small as my work ;
and yet I would not change it. Surely God has called me to the career.
June 12th, Sunday. — "With all your experience" (I imagine some young man
saying to me), " would you counsel me to follow the career that you have chosen
and pursued 1 " In the first place, I reply that, in spite of all vexations, disap
pointments, rebuffs, insults, toil, self-denial, expense, weariness, sickness, all loss
of political position, and considerable loss of personal estimation — in spite of
being always secretly despised and often publicly ignored — in spite of having
your "evil" most maliciously and ingeniously exaggerated, and your "good"
" evil spoken of " — I would, for myself, say "Yes."
June 13th. — But what would you counsel to another? I should advise him
to consider maturely what he desired. If he desired to rise in the world, to have
a party, to be much thought of, to be a great man at Court or in politics, I should
say " No." If he desired internal satisfaction, that humble joy through Almighty
God (amidst ten thousand vexations) that attend you in retirement and in thought
fulness, I say emphatically " Yes."
June 29th. — Harassed by public and private business. My heart goes so com
pletely into every question, that I fret like one possessed. Chimney-sweepers,
juvenile mendicants, " et hoc genus omne." Speeches and Chairs without end.
But all is not vain ; I am reaping a harvest. Is it because, in God's mercy, I
have not fainted ? The working of the Ten-Hours' Bill is peace, wealth, and
happiness, social order, and moral improvement.
An impression prevailed that, because Lord Shaftesbury had succeeded to
the earldom, and possessed large landed estates, he must necessarily be a
very wealthy man. As a matter of fact, he was, as we have already hinted,
for the greater part of his life, in such circumstances, that only by exercising
the utmost care was he able to escape from distressing financial difficulties.
" Heroism " is not too large a word to employ with reference to the long, hard
battle he fought, in his endeavour to fulfil the apostolic injunction, to which
he often refers, and to " owe no man anything, but to serve him in the Lord."
In estimating the extreme difficulty of his position, it must be remembered
that his whole life was spent under the e'ye of the public ; that an adverse
press was ever eager to find a ground of attack upon him ; that as a leader
in every charitable organisation of the day, he could not urge upon others to
be liberal and not give freely himself ; and that, identified as he was with
every movement on behalf of the poor, the demands upon his private charity
were almost incredible in number and extent. When Lord Shaftesbury put
down his name on a subscription list, he did not " offer to the Lord that which

1853.J DEMANDS UPON PRIVATE CHARITY. 483
cost him nothing," he offered that which cost him self-denial, self-sacrifice,
and anxiety.
One of the greatest troubles that could befall him, was to find himself
unable to give pecuniary aid to a deserving cause. He was willing to make
any sacrifice, to leave himself almost entirely without resources, in order to
give to those who had need ; and if, on any occasion he was obliged to say
" no," it was a positive pain to him. A little incident in illustration may be
narrated here. A lady called upon him one day, and told him a piteous story
of a Polish refugee who was in a state of utter destitution. She had a dread
of asking Lord Shaftesbury for money, because she knew him well, and knew
how pressing were the demands made upon him from all quarters. She told
her story, however, and left the issue with him.
" Dear me ! " he said, " what is to be done ? I have not a farthing. But
the poor fellow must have something at once. What can I do P "
He was as agitated and distressed as though some strong personal trouble
affected him. Then a bright idea flashed through his mind: he suddenly
remembered that in the library he had got a £5 note " in reserve as a nest
egg," and bringing it in, with an air of infinite delight, he begged his visitor
not to delay a moment in conveying it to the man in need.
In quoting from Lord Shaftesbury's Diaries passages — which, it must be
remembered, he never intended when writing them should come before the
public eye — relating to his monetary affairs, we prefer to incur the censure of
any who may consider this beyond the province of the biographer, rather than
to lose the opportunity of showing him in the midst of circumstances in which
he was misjudged and misunderstood because his real financial position was
not known.
May 24th. — Made up my mind ; must sell old family pictures, must sell old
family estates ; it is painful ; ancestral feelings are very strong with me ; but it
is far better to have a well-inhabited, well-cottaged property, people in decency
and comfort, than well-hung walls which persons seldom see, and almost never
admire unless pressed to do so ; and as for estates, why, it is ruin to retain them
in the face of mortgage, debt, and the necessary provision for your children !
May 28th. — Sent to St. Giles's for two more pictures to be sold. The house is
falling, and must be repaired ; will not do it from any fund or revenue by which
moneys devoted to religion, charity, or cottage building, would be diverted. Must
therefore surrender more heirlooms, dismantle my walls, cheek ancestral feeling,
and thank God that it is no worse. . . .
June 29th. — To build cottages is nearly as ruinous as to gild your saloons ; it
is an enormous expenditure, and no rent. A pair of cottages cost me four
hundred pounds, and the rent I receive from them is £2 10s., or at most £3, for
each cottage, garden included.
The following entries, relating to a variety of subjects, are selected from
the Diary which, during this year, was singularly free from gaps : —
April 14th. — Took Lionel * to-day to Harrow ; saw him comfortably and
* His son,
F F 2

484 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXI.
happily housed at Mr. Warner's. Ah, Lord, I commit hini unto Thee in bcdy
and soul ; preserve him, cherish him, make him and dearest Evelyn Thy servants,
that they may walk before Thee with a perfect heart in Christ Jesus our only
Saviour ! Visited the grave of my blessed Francis ; there he was deposited four
3rears ago ; he neither sleeps nor is dead ; his body is there, but his soul is in
Paradise. I no more doubt it than I doubt my own existence, and " them which
sleep in Jesus will God bring with Him." What a, wonderful thing is the
Christian religion ! it makes us to see and to feel that a stroke of death is often
times one of the tenderest of God's mercies !
Saw, too, the " testimonial ; " — the schools erected to his memory. Oh, may I
die the death of the righteous, and maj' my last end be like his I
May 3rd. — The House of Commons is the depository of power, and it is vain
to hope to be an effective man out of it. You may experience much social
civility, but no one accords you a hair's-breadth of political influence. " Philan
thropy," combined with a peerage, reduces a man to the lowest point.
June 13th. — The fleet is gone to the Dardanelles ! 0 God, protect my son*
in soul and body for Christ's sake !
Aug. 10th. — Unless something be done, and that speedily, to give activity and
vigour to the House of Lords, it will sink into a mere registration office for the
decrees of the House of Commons ; Bills come up in a cloud in the month of
August ; 70 or 80 to be discussed and passed in a week ! How can we do any
thing but simply inspect and register them ? This must. God willing, be my
first effort next Session. But what hope have I of success ? The past Session
has disheartened me.
Aug. 13th. — When I went to the House of Lords I determined to show its
activity and power in the institution of social improvements. I did not seek my
own repute ; I knew I was injuring my own comfort, but I wished, so far as in
me lay, to rescue the House from the character of the " dormitory." God knows
it has been no " dormitory " to me.
The two next entries were made during his annual tour on the Continent.
Sept. 18th. — Sunday. Geneva. A great steamboat, groaning with the number
of passengers, left the quay this morning ! This in the city of Calvin ! I am not
opposed to innocent recreation on the Lord's day, but no one has a right to make
his own recreation on that day the burthen and affliction of another. That
thousands may disport themselves on Sunday, hundreds must surrender, not only
repose, but even, were they so minded, public worship ! It cannot be just and
well-pleasing to God.
Sept. 22nd. — Paris. Times of Nth declamatory, and justly, against rewards to
agricultural labourers, of ten shillings and a new coat, for twenty years of good
conduct. Made an attempt myself to introduce larger sums at the Blandford
Labourers' Friend Society, but, though I wrote a year ago, I have received no
answer. The agricultural labourer could greatly benefit his condition, were he
inclined to a little care and economy ; a young man, by the payment of sixpence
a week, might secure to himself an annuity of twenty pounds a year after sixty
years of age.
Oct. 5th. — Progress fair at St. Giles's. All the men employed on the house
* His eldest son.

1S53.] PALMERSTON'S REPLY TO SCOTCH MEMORIAL. 485
desired a holiday, and they had it with cricket, football, quoits, &c. I confess it
did my heart good to see them sharing with me, in due time and proportion, the
enjoyment of the old park of my ancestors.
In the early autumn of this year there was a severe visitation of cholera
throughout the countiy, and the Presbytery of Edinburgh wrote, through
their Moderator, to the Home Secretary (Lord Palmerston) asking whether,
in the circumstances, a national fast would be appointed by Royal authority.
The Home Secretary replied in a characteristic, letter of such sterling- common
sense, that a part of it may be quoted here, as it illustrates the manner in
which Lord Palmerston co-operated with Lord Shaftesbury, both working
towards the same end, but by different means.
" Lord Palmerston would sugg-est/that the best course which the people
of this country can pursue to deserve that the further progress of the cholera .
should be stayed, will be to employ the inteival that will elapse between the
present time and the beginning of next spring, in planning- and executing!
measures by which those portions of their towns and cities which are
inhabited by the poorest classes, and which, from the nature of things, must
most need purification and improvement, may be freed from those causes and
sources of contagion, which, if allowed to remain, will infallibly breed pesti- ,
lence and be fruitful in death, in spite of all the prayers and fastings of a ,
united but inactive nation. When man has done his utmost for his own ,.
safety, then is the time to invoke the blessing- of Heaven to give effect to his:
exertions." Nov. 2nd. — London. Palmerston has refused a fast day in his answer to the
Scotch Memorial, and, in such a style, that, though his letter contains abundant
good sense and much truth, he will be regarded by the religious world as little
better than an infidel. His notions and feelings theologically are feeble, no
doubt, and erroneous ; but he had no intention to be irreverent, though he has
stirred up a nest.
Dec. 21st. — The " burking " system of the newspapers is more fatal and hostile
than their attack. At conference I made a longish speech on various points
which the Times reduces to this: "LordS. said that the children ought to be
treated with justice and kindness ; " and, shortly after, Mr. Sturge is made to say,
in the same amount of words, that " he could not agree with Lord S." ! !

CHAPTER XXII.
1854—1855.
In 1853 the cloud that had long hung over the East was gathering blackness,
and threatening to burst in storm. A dispute about the holy places in
Palestine was the pretext upon which the peace of forty years was to be
broken. Eight years previously, the Emperor of Russia had spoken of
Turkey as " a dying man whose dissolution was at hand." On the 9th of
January, 1853, the Emperor, in conversation with Sir G. Hamilton Seymour,
explained his views in unmistakable language. " Turkey is falling to pieces,"
he said, " and it is important that England and Russia should come to a good
understanding, that neither should take any decisive step of which the other
is not apprised." A little later on, he declared: "I tell you, if your Govern
ment has been led to believe that Turkey retains any element of existence,
your Government must have received incorrect information. I repeat to you
that the sick man is dying ; " and he urged that England should join with
Russia in making arrangements beforehand as to the inheritance of the
Ottoman in Europe.
A few months later came the dispute about the holy places ; Turkey
claimed that the only Protectorate over the Christians of Turkey was the
Sultan's, and, although negotiations innumerable were undertaken to adjust
matters between the two Powers, the hope of maintaining- peace grew fainter
and fainter, and on the 1st of November, 1853, Russia declared war against
Turkey. Lord Shaftesbury's Diary follows |the incidents of the war with great
minuteness. We shall only extract occasional passages to mark the progress
of events, and his opinions and actions with regard to them.
Sept. 17th, 1853. — The Emperor of Russia has proudly and angrily rejected
the Note of the Four Powers as altered by the Porte. The Turk is insane, and
the Muscovite wicked, but he is a fool into the bargain. He has thrown away his
character as the umpire of Europe ; he has been guilty of sad aggression, has
dealt in falsehoods, and, by commencing war, he will open up the means of
insurrection, revolution, and socialism (the very bugbears of his life) to Italy,
Poland, France, Hungary, and Germany.
Oct. 14th. — Brighton. We are in war and not in war ; full of rumours, perils,
protocols, negotiations. Drummond has written a clever letter to the Peace
Society, in which he tells them that they desire peace, only that they may have
leisure to make money ; that if war would answer the purpose they would (he
implies) like it as well, that they denounce Mars and Moloch, but worship
Mammon, who, according to Milton, is the basest and meanest of them all !

1854.] RUSSIA AND TURKEY. 487
Feb. 8th, 1854. — AU seems beating up for conflict. The Czar, if not the
wisest, must be the maddest of politicians. He is isolated in Europe ; Austria
and Prussia have refused their co-operation ; the whole of Germany is indignant
and ardent to get rid of Russian influence. I have always believed that the
Emperor lived under the delusion that his authority was dominant at Berlin and
Vienna. This rejection, therefore, will equally astound and exasperate him.
March 6th. — The event of the day is, to my mind, the speech of the Emperor
of the French to the Legislative Chamber. He there declares that " the days of
conquest are passed," never to return. He shows that France has a deeper
interest than England in repressing the power of Russia, and that the intimate
alliance of these two countries, formerly such bitter rivals, is a noble impulse to
civilisation. He has acted wonderfully well throughout ; it would be wrong, nay,
unjust, to suspect him, to have even a misgiving ; and yet the change is so
immense, his policy so unexpected, that one ought, for some time at least, to be
upon one's guard.
In the Manifesto of the Emperor of Russia, dated February the 9th,
1854, in which he announced to his subjects the fact that England and
France had taken up the cause of Turkey, these words occurred : " And thus
England and France have ranged themselves by the side of the enemies of
Christianity, against Russia fighting for the Orthodox Faith."
To allow this reproach to remain unanswered was painful to many Chris
tians in England, and, on March the 10th, Lord Shaftesbury, as their mouth
piece, took the opportunity of a formal motion for papers on Turkish affairs,
to address the House of Lords on the subject. On behalf of the friends of
missions, he directly contradicted the assertion of the Czar, and undertook to
prove that Turkey had, of late, done everything to advance, and Russia
everything to retard, the progress of Christianity. After pausing to
express his opinion that the negotiations had resulted in their only possible
issue, he defended the necessity of " making alliance with any power, heathen
though it may be, to maintain the cause of right, justice, and order, against
the aggressions even of professing Christians," and to declare, that the real
question at issue was, whether we should " assert the rights of a weaker
state, maintain the independence of nations, and endeavour to assign a limit
to the encroachments of a power that seemed bent upon darkening all that
was light, and subjugating all that was free, among the nations of mankind."
For himself he could wish that we were well rid of both the parties concerned
— " that the Russians were driven to the North of Archangel, the Turks to
the East of the Euphrates," but, in the circumstances, it was "right to prefer
the autocrat who had granted such great facilities to the advancement of
Christianity and civilisation, to the autocrat who had denied them in his own
dominions, and who would deny them still more fiercely should he ever
become, by our neglect, the master of those noble provinces that he so ardently
coveted." In tracing the gradual growth of wealth, intelligence, and civilisation
amongst the Christians of Turkey, Lord Shaftesbury stated that, owing to
the singular liberality of the Turkish system, there had been a large diffusion

488 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXII.
of the Scriptures ; in fifty towns there were distinct congregations of seceders
from the Greek Church; Protestant teachers and schools had multiplied,
and, in capital and provinces, religious associations, printing presses, Bible
depots, colporteurs, and native teachers, were openly permitted. There had
been, it was true, outbreaks of Muslim bigotry, but these were local, and had
been controlled by the Government ; the chief persecutions of Christians had
been inflicted by other Christians, stimulated by their priests. Ho con
tinued : —
Now, contrast this with what is permitted or prohibited in Russia, and draw
your inference as to what we have to expect should these awakening provinces
fall under the dark and drowsy rule of the Czar. No associations for religious
purposes are tolerated in Russia ; no printing presses are permitted for printing
the Bible in modern Russ, the only language understood by the people; no
versions of the Scriptures are allowed to cross tbe frontier except the German,
French, Italian, and English. Not a single copy, I repeat, of the Bible in the
modern Russ, in the vernacular tongue, can gain access into that vast empire ;
and it is believed, on the best evidence, that not a single copy has been printed,
even in Russia, since 1823, in the tongue spoken by tbe people I No colporteurs,
of course, nor native agents, to enlighten the gloomy provinces ; no depots for
the sale of the Scriptures, no possible access to the Word of God.
Lord Shaftesbury then pointed out the tyranny of Russia in siding with
the Greek priests ; in persecuting the seceders ; in endeavouring- to hinder
Sir Stratford Canning and other Ministers, in their labours to procure justice
for the Protestants ; in forbidding Jewish subjects to possess the Hebrew
Scriptures, and in suppressing missionary efforts among heathen, or semi-
savage, tribes on the outskirts of her empire ; and contrasted the policy of
Turkey in permitting and protecting missionary agencies, which had brought
about a " great development of knowledge and liberal sentiment, enlarged
hopes and aspirations, of the Christian population."
After extolling the comparatively liberal sentiments and policy of the
preceding Czar, Alexander, Lord Shaftesbury concluded as follows : —
He died ; and in 1826 the Emperor Nicholas ascended the throne. And what
did he then do ? He suppressed, by an ukaSe, the Russian Bible Society, with all
its branches ; suppressed every privilege granted to religious societies, and
brought back that Cimmerian darkness of the human intellect and the human
heart, that he seems to prize so highly.
Has Turkey, I ask, done anything of the sort ? Has she not, my Lords, in the
last twenty years, allowed more to the progress of liberty and truth, than Russia
in the whole of the famous nine hundred years that the Emperor boasts as the
present age of the alliance between the Sclavonic nations and the Greek com
munion ? Undoubtedly she has ; and this inference cannot be gainsaid — that,
if the Sultan had been less liberal towards freedom of religion, less considerate
of the rights of conscience, there would have been no Menschikoff note, and no
invasion of the Principalities.
But now, my Lords, though these are not the matters for which we undertake
the war, we may rejoice that we are not engaged in upholding a state of things

JSSl.] RELIGIOUS LIBERTY IN FRANCE. 489
adverse to all amelioration, and subversive of all liberty and truth. And, seeing
that we have entered on this conflict in no spirit of ambition, covetousness, or
pride, but for our own defence, and in the maintenance of great principles, which
concern alike all the races of mankind, let us have no fear for the issue, but
offering a humble and hearty prayer to Almighty God, let us devoutly trust that
His aid will not be wanting to bless our arms with success, and a speedy peace,
in this just and inevitable quarrel.
The newspapers of March the 11th, the day following the delivery of this
speech, contained this remarkable passage from the St. Petersburg Journal
of the 18th of February : —
Since the year 1829 his Majesty has followed with earnest attention the
march of events in Turkey.
The Emperor could not close his eyes to the consequences of changes which,
one by one, have been introduced into that State. Old Turkey has disappeared
since the Turkish Government has sought to plant institutions diametrically
opposed to the genius of Islamism, and to the character and customs of Maho
metans — institutions, more or less copied from the type of modern Liberalism.
In reply to a letter from his sou Evelyn, who had written to congratulate
him on the success of his speech, he says : — Marcii 11th, 1854.
God bless you, my darling boy, for your kind, sympathising letter. The success
was indeed wonderful.
You ask me how I get through so much work ; why, as I hope that you will
hereafter, by hearty prayer to Almighty God before I begin, by entering into it
with faith and zeal, and by making my end to be His glory and the good of man
kind. " Ln hoc signo rinees." Yours affectionately, S.
The " much work " alluded to in the foregoing letter, was not only the
routine duties inevitable to the position Lord Shaftesbury had taken in public
life ; on all hands new labours were pressing upon him.
It had been represented to Lord Shaftesbury — and his wide acquaintance
with foreign affairs and frequent visits to the Continent, confirmed the truth
of the statement — that the cause of religious liberty in France needed to be
brought under the personal notice of the Emperor. The recent alliance
presented, it was thought, a favourable opportunity for carrying this into
effect. Lord Shaftesbury to the Emperor of the French.
London, April 19th, 1854.
Sire, — The liberty that I have taken in addressing your Majesty will, I feel
assured, be forgiven when your Majesty shall have considered the gravity and im
portance of the subject that I have ventured to bring under your attention.
The position that your Majesty has given to France in the estimation of Europe ;
the happy and providential Alliance between the French and English nations,
and the great principles for which, in truth, both your Majesty and our beloved
Queen are contending, have led us not only to hope, but to believe, that we shall,

490 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXII.
all of us in both countries, obtain to the full the privileges and blessings that we
are seeking to obtain for others.
Your Majesty will be astonished and grieved to learn, by the document which
accompanies this letter (a document signed by some of the best names in England,
and to which hundreds, had time been allowed, would have attached their signa
tures) that the Protestant Churches in the French Empire do not, at present,
enjoy the freedom, right, security of property and conscience that are enjoyed by
tbe Seceders from the Greek Church, or Protestants, as they are termed under
the Turkish dominions. They are, on the contrary, suffering many grievous
vexations, and they are apprehending many more, unless it shall please Almighty
God to move your Majesty's heart to show yourself their friend and protector in
all that they can claim as Christian men, and the citizens of a great Empire. It
would ill become me to press on your Majesty the effect that such a contrast
would produce, in present circumstances, on the minds of Europe and America.
With a humble and hearty prayer to the Throne of Grace, that your Majesty
may receive this address in the spirit in which it is offered,- and that your Majesty
may be disposed to accord us what we presume to ask,
I have the honour to be, with much respect,
Your Majesty's very obedient, humble servant, Shaftesbury.
The letter was forwarded by Count Walewski, and in course of time a reply
was received, written by the Emperor himself, in which his Majesty some
what warmly denied that the Protestant Churches were in the state repre
sented. Not only had he taken the opinion of M. Guizot upon the general
question, but he had obtained exact information from the Departments referred
to, and was assured that therein was equal justice and protection for all.
Lord Shaftesbury was not easily silenced, when he had strong evidence on
his side, even by the voice of an Emperor. He had overwhelming testimony
that, not only had any mayor, or other magistrate, power to refuse Protes
tants the privilege of meeting for public worship, and to shut up their chapels
by force, without assigning any reason, but that this was constantly being
done, and that the pastors of many churches, especially those in the Haute-
Vienne, were even then mourning- their scattered flocks, their closed churches,
and their empty schools. It was the opinion of Lord Shaftesbury that the
Emperor was misinformed, or was blind to the power which the Ultramon
tane party was exercising over the civil authorities, and, in the present temper
of affairs, he wanted to see him interpose his high authority, and maintain
before the world the principle which Napoleon I. set forth in these memor
able words : " The dominion of the law ceases where the undefined domain of
Conscience begins, and neither the prince nor the law can do anything against
this liberty." Lord Shaftesbury, therefore, sent the foEowing letter to the
Emperor : — Lord Shaftesbury to the Emperor Napoleon LLL
London, June 20th, 1854.
Sire, — I have to acknowledge, with sincere thankfulness, your Majesty's con
descension in replying to my letter.

1854.] THE ORDER OF THE GARTER OFFERED. 491
I may not intrude on your Majesty's goodness, and presume to controvert any
thing that has been stated by your Majesty. Yet I may, perhaps, venture so far
as to send a list of a few places of worship (by no means the whole) that have
been closed since the Presidential Decree of 1852, and to add that the interposi
tion, which I was bold enough to undertake, was founded, not on any request or
communications to me from the Protestants in France, but on the reports of
English travellers who had visited the scenes, and on the narratives in religious
and authentic periodicals.
I will dare, sire, to go one step further, and say that your Majesty has not
received true intelligence from your functionaries. I take this freedom, and, at
the same time, entreat for it, your royal pardon. I would not write in this way
to the Emperor of Russia or any other Potentate ; but I cherish, from my heart,
the alliance with France, and I cannot endure the thought that the people of
England should connect your Majesty's name with the odious name of Persecution.
I am, sire, With much respect,
Your Majesty's very obedient servant,
Shaftesbury.
There was further correspondence on the subject, and every step, that
could be taken with prudence, was taken to secure greater religious liberty to
French Protestants.
Worldly honours were not coveted by Lord Shaftesbury, but he was not
indifferent to them. The honours he had himself achieved, far exceeded any
that could be bestowed upon him. It is, however, remarkable that, up to
this point in his career, no public honour had been accorded to him, save and
except the presentation of the freedom of the town of Tain in Scotland !
It was when he was fighting a battle as hard as any that should be fought
in the Crimea ; when he was distressed by failure in procuring just legisla
tion for chimney sweepers, and " harassed by Quaker letters bepraising the
Czar" and denouncing him; when "private affairs and public affairs, the
Danube and House-drainage, Ragged Schools and the Kings of the East,
Omar Pasha and ' pure literature for the people,' the Turkish Exchequer and
his own " were dividing and confusing- his mind, that he received the follow
ing letter from the Prime Minister : —
Lord Aberdeen to Lord Shaftesbury.
Argyll House, May 1th, 1854. •
My dear Shaftesbury, — It would give me great pleasure if you would
permit me to submit your name to the Queen for the vacant Blue Ribbon. This
is not intended as a political appointment ; for, although I hope your general
feelings are not unfriendly to the Government, I make the proposal exclusively
from a desire to mark my admiration of your unwearied exertions in the cause of
humanity and of social improvement.
I am aware that honours of this description are usually conferred from very
different motives ; but I feel certain that the distinction was never better

492 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXII.
deserved, and I doubt not that I shall myself receive credit for making such a
selection. Believe me, very truly yours, Aberdeen.
Almost every weighty question that came before Lord Shaftesbury he
discussed with himself in his Diary, and these are his thoughts and argu
ments on receiving Lord Aberdeen's " friendly and gratifying letter " : —
May 5th. . . . Though my immediate impulse was to decline it, prayed to
God for counsel and guidance. The point to be considered is " will it impede, or
will it promote, my means of doing good ? " Minny wants me to accept it " as a
just acknowledgment," so she says, " of my deserts." I am unwilling to do so.
lest it should be considered a payment of them, and I be told, hereafter, either
that I was never disinterested in my labours, or, when I appeal to Government
for aid in my projects, that they have done enough to oblige me, and that they
can do no more !
I do not, myself, care about the thing the least in the world ; and I do
not see that it would be advisable to take a step by which nothing can be gained
and something may be lost.
First, though I am really anxious to maintain this Government in office, I do
not wish to bind myself to it by any party ties ; and this would, in some degree,
lay me under an obligation to tha Minister.
Secondly, it would preclude me, in some degree, from claim on any other
Minister, who might succeed Aberdeen, and I can prosper, in my various and
difficult undertakings, only by being on good and disinterested terms with all.
Thirdly, many ignorant and many malicious persons would decry all public
virtue, and say that " every public man had his price."
Fourthly, many censorious, spiteful, and wondering remarks, some in bitter
ness, some in pleasantry, which I need not record, would be made on myself.
Fifthly, the novelty of this reward for such services as mine, would offend
many people, and lower the value of the decoration among those for whom it is
principally intended.
Sixthly, the fees would amount to more than one thousand pounds, a sum
which I have not and cannot command, and which, if I had, I must devote either
to my children or to duties towards my people. Those who are rich, or without
claims on them, may do these things ; but how can I, when, at this moment,
people are asking for payment of their debts, and I am unable to satisfy them ?
This is my mind ; but I must, in deference to the wishes of another, take one
day for thought and counsel. God give me a true judgment.
The result of the deliberation was that he declined to accept the honour,
and wrote to Lord Aberdeen to that effect.
May 10th. — Wrote on Saturday to Aberdeen and declined the Garter ; but I
thanked him heartily and affectionately for his kindness, and for the estimate he
put on my public services. He understood and felt my difficulties, and sent, he
told me, my letter to the Queen. I regret the necessity of the determination,
for I am not indifferent to the honour ; but I am sure that I have done wisely,
God be praised ; and, so far as I can judge, people seem to think so.

1SS4.1 COLONISATION OF SYRIA. 493
The position of affairs in the East revived the hope that the time was at
hand when a way would be opened for the return of the Jews to their
inheritance in the Land of Promise. Whatever opinion others might hold
upon this subject, and whatever interpretation they might place upon tho
prophecies iu the Scriptures concerning it, Lord Shaftesbury never had a
shadow of doubt that the Jews were to return to their own land, that the
Scriptures were to be literally fulfilled, and that the time was at hand. It
was no commonplace belief he held; no mere assent to a proposition. It was
his daily prayer, his daily hope, " Oh, pray for the peace of Jerusalem ! "
were the words engraven on the ring he always wore on his right hand — the
words, too, that were engraven on his heart. His study of the prophetic
Scriptures led him to associate the return of the Jews with the Second
Advent of our Lord, and this was the hope that animated every other.
He believed in human instrumentality bringing about Divine purposes,
and, as we have seen, had laid a scheme for the Colonisation of Syria before
Lord Palmerston in 1840. Nothing practical having come of the negotiations,
he now brought the subject under the notice of Lord Clarendon.
May 1 7th. — Wrote this day to Sir Moses Montefiore, to leam, if I could, the
sentiments of his nation respecting a plan I have already opened to Clarendon,
and Clarendon to Lord Stratford, that the Sultan should be moved to issue a
firman granting to the Jewish people power to hold land in Syria, or any part of
the Turkish dominions. This would be analogous to the Decree of Cyrus. Surely
no one can say, " you are precipitating events ; " they are rushing upon us ; we
desire simply to meet them. All the East is stirred ; the Turkish Empire is in
rapid decay ; every nation is restless ; all hearts expect some great thing ; all look
to wars, convulsions, changes, new and wonderful issues ; nothing, men fear, is
to remain as it is, yet no one can shadow even the outline of the events to como.
No one can say that we are anticipating prophecy ; the requirements of it seem
nearly fulfilled ; Syria "is wasted without an inhabitant ; " these vast and fertile
regions will soon be without a ruler, without a known and acknowledged power
to claim dominion. The territory must be assigned to some one or other ; can it
be given to any European potentate ? to any American colony ? to any Asiatic
sovereign or tribe ? Are there aspirants from Africa to fasten a demand on the
soil from Hamath to the river of Egypt 1 No, no, no I There is a country
without a nation ; and God now, in His wisdom and mercy, directs us to a nation
without a country. His own once loved, nay, still loved people, the sons of
Abraham, of Isaac, and of Jacob.
Among the labours that at this time made up the common round and daily
task of Lord Shaftesbury's life, was a renewed effort to better the condition
of Chimney Sweepers. It was not, however, until some years later that his
efforts were crowned with success.
May 2nd. — Great anxiety about Bill for relief of Chimney Sweepers. Have
suffered actual tortures through solicitude for prevention, of these horrid
cruelties. What a mystery that our efforts have been so long unavailing. The
accursed system is, I fear, returning to London.

494 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXll.
May 20th.— For three days have suffered much from giddiness, and to-day
suffer from grief. The Government in the House of Commons threw out the
Chimney-Sweepers Bill, and said not a word of sympathy for the wretehed
children, nor of desire to amend the law. They stood on mere technicalities,
Fitzroy and Lord J. Russell giving the ministerial opposition. Walpole was as
hostile as any of them, sacrificing the bodies and souls of thousands to a mere
point of legal etiquette 1 I have to thank Phillimore for bringing it in, and
Kinnaird and Acland for supporting it ; and again I must bow to this mysterious
Providence that leaves these outcasts to their horrible destiny, and nullifies,
apparently at least, all our efforts to rescue them in soul and body.
May 21st. — Sunday. Very sad and low about the loss of the Sweeps Bill. . . .
The Collar of the Garter might have choked me ; I have not, at least, this or any
other Government favour against me, as a set-off to their insolence and oppres
sion. I must persevere, and by God's help so I will ; for however dark the view,
however contrary to all argument the attempt, however painful and revolting
the labour, I see no Scripture reason for desisting ; and the issue of every toil is
in the hands of the Almighty.
May 22nd. — Half -past ten. . . . Wrote to Aberdeen about the conduct of
the Government. I thank God that Palmerston was no party to the act, he
came to vote for me and found Fitzroy in the field against me I * Am in many
minds what to do. Shall I move an address to the Crown, and state the whole
case ? Shall I let the matter rest to another Session ? . . .
The following extracts from the Diary relate principally to the private
joys and griefs of Lord Shaftesbury during this year : —
May 15th. — Very busy ; little time for thought, none for reading. Oftentimes
do I look at a book and wish for it, as a donkey for a carrot ; and I, like him,
am disappointed.
May 17th. — Went to chair of mothers' meeting in Westminster ; a wonderful,
really a wonderful — call it, in the language of theology, a miraculous — spectacle.
It was a sight to bless God for, such a mighty reformation of drunken, idle,
profligate, dirty, and cruel parents. As usual, none of the clergy there. A work
of this kind, and of this high and spiritual character, effected by an unordained
person, a humble layman who, without the intervention of a bishop, or a college
education, had nothing but the grace of God and the Holy Scriptures, is too
powerful, too convincing, too irresistible. It overwhelms " Apostolical Succession "
by an avalanche of practical truth.
July 4th. — To Harrow for the speeches. It pleased me. Dear Evelyn was
among the speakers ; and most admirably, most agreeably, did he execute his
task both in French and English. Every one was delighted with his manner, his
appearance, his manifest ability. Ah 1 Lord, make him Thy true, constant, and
fruitful servant 1
July 22nd. . . . Threatened by loss of Seeley's aid in the various move
ments and societies. This is heartrending. "I cannot," as Moses said, "bear all
this burden myself alone." Specially the Lab. Friend Soc. will suffer. It has
long depended, humanly speaking, on Gregson, Roberts, and Seeley, the universal
and constant (with myself) sub-committee. But Gregson has ceased to attend ;
* Fitzroy was Under-Secretary at the time.

1854.] BEREAVEMENTS. 495
Roberts is abroad for health ; and now Seeley must " give in ! " Lord, raise us
up fit men for this service I 0 Lord, succour us I It is surely a work for Thine
honour and man's real welfare !
It was when en route to Ems to drink the waters, before proceeding on
his annual Continental tour, that he wrote : —
Aug. 12th. — Ems. Had heard, on road, at Bonn, report of death of poor
Jocelyn by cholera ; confirmed by a letter from Palmerston. Such is the will of
God ; and we must say of this, as of many other events, " What I do thou knowest
not now ; but thou shalt know hereafter." It is very sad, for he leaves behind
him a wife and four young children ; very awful, for he was cut off suddenly,
without notice or preparation. " In the midst of life we are in death." He was
in excellent health, all things considered, but a few hours before the pestilence
struck him — " the arrow that flieth at noon-day." ... It has startled and
grieved me ; so good-natured, good-tempered, and good-hearted ; he was popular,
with much social merit. . . God sanctify it to us all — to his relatives and
acquaintances, to the circle of his associates, to high and low, rich and poor ! Let
it drive us more earnestly to prayer, for ourselves and for our children I
Aug. 17th. . . . Jocelyn buried at Hyde Hall on Tuesday, the day after
we received the intelligence. Besides other reasons for remaining, it was thus
physically impossible to pay the last tribute of respect and affection. The feeling
is strong to pray for the departed, specially if your belief comes short of assur
ance. But it must be resisted ; there is no warranty for it in Scripture.
Sept. 8th. — The dear old Duchess of Beaufort has been gathered to her fathers,
full of years and God's grace. At eighty-four years of age, and with such hope
— nay, assurance — of a blessed eternity, who can weep for her departure ? She
has run a remarkable course ; she fought a good fight ; she kept the faith. Called
by God to be His instrument for the revival of the truth in the upper classes of
society, she became " a mother in Israel." I entertain for her the deepest rever
ence and affection, and well may I add, gratitude, for her undeviating kindness
and love towards me, and hearty sympathy in all I undertook. Many and profit
able have been the hours that I have passed in her company. Very kind letter
from her worthy daughter, Lady Georgiana Ryder.
Nov. 12th, Sunday. — St. Giles's. To London a few days ago, to exhibit the
terrors of Wild Court to the editors of papers and others, that they might see the
present state of things, and judge by the inspection of a year hence (should God
so far spare us) of the improvements we propose to make, their cost, their com
pleteness, and efficiency. It answered well.
The object of Lord Shaftesbury in inviting a number of noblemen, minis
ters, representatives of the press, and others to a kind of " open-air meeting "
in Wild Court, Great Wild Street, Drury Lane, was that those who were
interested in the London poor might have an opportunity of knowing, from
personal inspection, the character of the dens in which too many of them
were obliged to herd together. This wretched Court was selected as a suit
able locality for the extension of the experimental labours of the Society for
Improving the Condition of the Working Classes (the Labourers' Friend
Society) in introducing into London better house-accommodation for the poor.

49G THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXII.
Tlie newspapers of the following day published graphic descriptions of the
place ; and it was stated, among other details, that the inadequacy of the
means supplied for sewage, drainage, and water supply were such, as, but for
ocular proof, could hardly have been believed to exist in any civilised country.
It was found, too, that in the fourteen houses of which Wild Court consisted,
nearly one thousand persons found shelter, and that the very staircases were
nightly covered with poor wretches to whom even the pestilential accommo
dation of the rooms was an unattainable luxury.
Nov. 27th. — Saw yesterday, in the paper, that Lockhart was dead. He had
long been in a declining state, and now he is gone I His family anxieties had
been great, and his bodily sufferings too. I must ever remember him with grati
tude, for the Quarterly Review has ever been open to the maintenance of mercy,
truth, and wisdom, in the cause of the labouring population. His kindness to
myself was unwearied.
Dec. 18th. — London. . . . Chair in evening at Drury Lane, for an oration
of Gough's.* The man is a marvel — a real marvel. He would be a marvel if
there were only his eloquence and flow ; but he is pious and modest withal, which
renders him a perfect prodigy. He acts as well as he speaks.
War in a Christian spirit presented no anomaly to the mind of Lord
Shaftesbury. He acknowledged the Hand of God in the unfolding of every
fresh page of History, and he saw, or thoug-ht he saw, in the events which
were happening in the East, the ripening of many purposes and the accom
plishment of many ends, which he believed to be Divinely decreed. Thus he
writes of the Czar : — •" He has aimed at universal empire, and is now under
going the sentence that God ever inflicts on such fearful ambition." Again :
" He has greatly persecuted the Jews, of whom nearly two millions live and
smart under his warlike dominion. But he will learn, as all have learned
who have oppressed them, that they are ' a people terrible from their begin
ning hitherto,' terrible in their possession of God's covenanted protection ; "
and so on throughout the Diaries.
What did present an anomaly to the mind of Lord Shaftesbury was, that
any action could be taken by the leaders in the great movements connected
with the war, except in a serious spirit, and, more than this, that any steps
should be taken by a Christian nation, without national prayer, or any signal
mercy be received, without national thanksgiving. It grieved him that
banquets given to military and naval heroes on their departure for the war
should be so " light and jocose." " Surely," he says, " we should send them
forth with prayer, and hope, and confidence, not with wine and laughter."
It grieved him that the despatches of Lord Raglan made no acknowledg
ment of the God of battles. " He falls sadly short of Hardinge, who,
announcing his great victory over the Sikhs, gave all the glory to God.
Forgive him, O Lord, and us too, for the nation must have a share in
the responsibility."And again : " Why are Raglan's despatches so cold and thankless to
* The Temperance Lecturer.

ls54-l SPECIAL PRAYERS. 49.7
Almighty God P Is it not grievous ? Is it not awful, that, amid such plain
and unquestionable proofs of God's interposition, there should be no mention
of His name P Is he ashamed to follow Lord Nelson and Lord Hardinge P
Is he thinking more of the clubs of St. James's Street, than the audience of
the Heavenly host ? I am deeply sorry, and tremble for him and for the
cause. It is a sad pity, a melancholy loss, for a nobler specimen of a soldier
and a gentleman has never existed in our land."
Lord Shaftesbury did not in these criticisms require from others what in
principle he did not give himself ; nor did he preach and fail to practise.
The entries in his Diaries are full of devout acknowledgments of the good.
ness, mercy, and judgment of God, while on many occasions, and especially
on the eve of critical events, he recorded the particular subjects of his prayer.
Here is a specimen : " O Lord, Almighty God, protect those gallant men of
both nations by sea and by land, from the pestilence, the battle, and the
flood ;_ give them a speedy and a joyous victory ; a speedy and a lasting
peace ; restore them safe and happy to their land, and that right soon. We
pray not, O Lord, in malignity or revenge, but for the peace of nations, and
the security of freedom ; restrain the ambition of this man, stay his encroach
ments, confound his devices, and turn his heart. Rend from him his ill-
gotten gains, the acquisitions of fraud and violence, confine him within his
own limits of race and language. Save a Protestant land from idolatrous
rule, and enable us to do some great work for Poland, of justice, mercy, and
retribution ; and thus, by Thy grace, both in the East and in the West,
Thy word shall have free course and be glorified through Jesus Clirist our
Lord." The following letter to Mr. Haldane relates to this subject : —
Lord Shaftesbury to Mr. Haldane. Dee. 21st, 1854.
My dear Me. Haldane, — A controversy will, I suppose, arise on the pro
priety of the refusal of Lord Aberdeen to set apart a day for thanksgiving in
acknowledgment of the victories of Alma and Inkerman.
On a consideration of the whole matter, I think that he was right.
It would be a happy thing if the public and private prayers of the nation
ascended, at every hour, to the Throne of Grace, but it is a serious question
whether the Queen shall frequently interpose, and, by authority, direct the devo
tions of the people.
In the first place, the constant repetition of such an exercise of prerogative
has a tendency to bring their power into dispute, and it is, I understand, very
open to question.
Next, the frequency of the appeal diminishes and almost wears out the effect ;
and it should, therefore, be reserved for instances of a great crisis, such as tha
commencement of a war, or the close of it, or some event having a decided
and marked issue.
This is the more requisite, as a day set apart involves a heavy fine on large
masses of the working community. Not one employer in a hundred will pay his
people for the day of suspended labour ; and thus, while easy people rejoice, the
G a

498 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. tCHAP. XXIt.
operative classes almost groan, and positively .sustain a loss, while we experience
none. This breeds discontent, and takes greatly from the value of the authori
tative observance. The people assent to it on great occasions ; but on an occasion
less marked, both they and the Dissenters, and even the Clergy, complain of the
decree. Lord Aberdeen added an argument which I had never heard before, but it has
great force. " Take heed," he said, "how you get into the habit of superseding
the Liturgy by new prayers under the Royal order ; you may introduce prece
dents fatal to the integrity of your Prayer Book."
We had, and most fitly, a prayer at the beginning of the war ; we should, I
hope, have one more if it please God to bless our arms with the capture of
Sebastopol. If you concur with me, will you use your influence to turn the thoughts of
religious newspapers into the same channel 1 Yours very truly
The last paragraph in the letter quoted above is noteworthy. Mr. Hal
dane had great influence with the Record newspaper, and it was through him
that, on all occasions and on every conceivable subject, Lord Shaftesbury was
able to communicate with the public.
The end of 1854 and the early part of 1855 was a period pregnant with
important events in the ' life of Lord Shaftesbury, as it was in the political
history of the country. The mismanagement of affairs in the Crimea, par
ticularly as regarded the Commissariat Department, had kindled a feeling of
distress and indignation such as had never been known before.
Dec. 21st, 1854. — The mismanagement and stupidity, if not utter negligence,
at Balaklava, have caused a great amount of loss of life, of property, and health.
This was excusable in the outset ; it is not excusable now, when the Government
know all these things.
Dec. 22nd.— Much talk with Clarendon, Newcastle, and Lord Lansdowne;
they are downcast, and fear the consequences of the incapacity of their local
agents. The country has sent out stores of every kind, equal to five times the
demand ; and yet neither the sound nor the sick, the officer nor the private, can
obtain the twentieth part of what is wanted.
It would be beside our purpose to tell the story of the grievous calamities
that befell our countrymen in the Crimea in the terrible winter of this year.
" The noblest army England ever sent from, these shores," said the Times,
"has been sacrificed to the grossest mismanagement. Incompetency,
lethargy, aristocratic hauteur, official indifference, favour, routine, perverse-
ness, and stupidity, reign, revel, and riot, in the camp before Sebastopol, in
the harbour of Balaklava, in the hospitals of Scutari, and how much nearer
home we do not venture to say." Every day fresh tidings came of privation,
sickness, and death; of unspeakable suffering from neglect; of medical
stores decaying at Varna that were intended for Scutari ; of tents standing
in pools of water for want of implements to dig trenches ; of consignments of
boots all for the left foot ; and so forth. One good came out of the evil, not
limited to the Crimea, but destined to affect every battle-field for all future

1855.] MISMANAGEMENT IN THE CRIMEA. 499
time, namely, the landing in Scutari of Miss Florence Nightingale and the
noble band of women who accompanied her, as nurses to the sick and
wounded. Thus was inaugurated the Geneva Red Cross Association which
has since done so much to mitigate the avoidable horrors of war.
When Parliament re-assembled after the Christmas recess (Jan. 23),
public indignation in England had reached its height.
Jan. 25th, 1855. — London. Accounts from the Crimea wax worse and worse ;
our men are decimated by disease, cold, and hunger. The survivors are feeble and
demoralised. We have no commanders, no officers. "Counsel has perished."
Raglan's staff — specially his Quarter-Master and Adjutant-General — are incom
petent, ignorant, obstinate, and preferring the observance of a red-tape regula
tion to the comforts, nay, the lives of the soldiers. Newcastle, at home, seems
not more efficient ; he sees all the evil, and yet, through weakness or perverseness,
applies no remedy. Unless God in His wonderful mercy interpose, we shall have
a national disaster unprecedented in the annals of English history. 0 God, give
us the spirit of penitence, confession, and prayer ! Here is our only hope. Have
written to McCaul, Seeley, and Haldane, to stir up every one to earnest, hearty,
and constant supplication.
And J. Russell has chosen this time to send in his resignation, and break up
the Government1! Can any one who knows the man and his antecedents, doubt
that self-seeking, place-loving ambition, aims at the Premiership, and jeopardises
everything for his own particular ?
Mr. Roebuck had given notice that he would move for a Select Committee
" to inquire into the condition of the army before Sebastopol, and into the
conduct of those Departments of the Government, whose duty it has been to
minister to the wants of that army." As this involved " a censure upon the
War Department, with which some of his colleagues were connected," Lord
John Russell considered that his only course was to tender his resignation,
" probably," as Lord Shaftesbury said in a letter to Mr. Haldane, " with a
desire to flood the Government, in the hope of floating to the surface and
getting the best anchorage as the waters subside."
On January the 29th Mr. Roebuck's motion was carried by 305 to 148,
and on the following day the Coalition Government ceased to exist.
Feb. 1st. . . . Folly, rashness, self-conceit, and miscalculation, are at
their height. Affairs in the Crimea, and affairs at home, seem to prove that we
are anything but " a wise and understanding people." All is in confusion : the
old Government is out ; and there is no new one to come in. Meanwhile the
war proceeds, the army perishes, and judgments arise out of our own personal
childishness. We are silly beyond the silliness of a boarding-school. ... On
Monday night a majority of 150 destroyed the whole Administration, intending
to destroy only Newcastle and Aberdeen. The Government might have been
saved, would it have announced a change in the War Department, and a resolu
tion to reform the Civil Departments of the army ; but the " mock heroics " got
hold of them, and they preferred defeat. These struttings of dignity are very
legitimate in ordinary times, but wholly misplaced in such a crisis of the nation
as this. r, r, O

500 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXII
¦ Derby proposed yesterday to Palmerston that he, Gladstone, and Sidney
Herbert, should join his administration. Palmerston replied that he would join
none which did not contain Clarendon at the Foreign Office. He subsequently
refused to join him at all.
Feb. 3rd. — We are full of rumours ; and none are agreeable. It is certain
that Lord J. Russell (! ! !) has been desired, this day, to form an Administration ;
and Palmerston has consented to take the lead of House of Commons, Lord John
going to the House of Lords. . . . Why is the House of Lords to be made the
London Reformatory, where convicted criminals are to have another chance ? Is
it good that so tarnished a man should be in so brilliant a situation ?
Palmerston has many defects for a Premier ; but he is better than any com
petitor. He has judged wrongly in aiding Her Majesty to inflict the Russell
incubus on the country. He urges in excuse that " he should have been charged
with personal views and a desire to get the thing into his own hands."
Feb. 5th. . . . Palmerston has received orders to construct an Adminis
tration ! It was no slight affront to public morality that Lord J. was ever sum
moned to do so. But "public morality " is a mediseval thing ; the 19th century
has outstripped it !
Feb. 6th. — The Peelites, it is said, refuse to join, though reluctantly ; but
Gladstone leads them, and they follow him. Various reasons are assigned, but
none of them sound, patriotic, wise, or true. I hear that Gladstone has long'
exhibited a desire to return to Lord Derby, and I believe it. He would then be
Leader of the House of Commons, and be virtually Prime Minister. Then would
he work his will in the ecclesiastical appointments. People will begin to expect
that Palmerston's Church nominations will differ much from Aberdeen's, being
influenced by my opinion. There could not be a greater error. He has never in
his life, and never will, so long as he has breath, consult me on anything. It is
not very likely that he will consult anybody ; but, if he do, it will not be one
connected with the Evangelical party.
The day after the above entry was made in the Diary Lord Shaftesbury
received the following letter : —
Lord Palmerston to Lord Shaftesbury. Piccadilly, 7th Feb., 1855.
My dear Shaftesbury,— Will you be Duke of Lancaster with a seat in the
Cabinet ? You would be useful to us in Council, and your being there would, 'I
am sure, be gratifying to large bodies of the people. Yours sincerely,
Let me know as soon as you can. Palmerston.
Later on in the same day a further letter was sent. It ran thus : —
Lord Palmerston to Lord Shaftesbury. Piccadilly, 7th Feb., 1855.
My dear Shaftesbury,— Unexpected difficulties have arisen which may
interfere with the offer which I made you this morning, and therefore I must ask
you to consider it as suspended till you hear from me again.
Yours sincerely,
Palmerston
The difficulties to which I allude do not relate to you but to others.

1855-1 OFFER OF THE DUCHY OF LANCASTER. 501
Although the receipt of the first letter could not be otherwise than
gratifying to Lord Shaftesbury, the receipt of the second brought him infinite
relief. His replies to both letters are given below : —
Lord Shaftesbury to Lord Palmerston (No. I.). Feb. 7th, 1855.
Dear Palmerston, — I have received your letter, and consider, as you desire,
the offer suspended.
I have sent my letter, which was ready, that you may see that probably after
all, I may not be such a colleague as you wished for, at least not one worth
struggling for against a difficulty. Yours,
Shaftesbury.

Lord Shaftesbury to Lord Palmerston (No. II.). Feb. 7th, 1855.
My dear Palmerston, — You may be assured that I am much gratified by
your kind proposition, and I feel very sensibly both the honour and the friend
ship of it.
But the acceptance of office involves so large a surrender of many important
occupations in which I am engaged, and have for a long time been engaged,
that I should make up my mind with great reluctance to enter on a new career.
The circumstances of the time, however, are such that no one may stand on
his own particular habits and tastes, if the surrender of them can be of advan
tage to the public weal. Your letter states that I can be of such service, but
while I submit my judgment to yours, and prepare to undertake a charge to
which I am most repugnant, I may assert that I can be of service to your Admini
stration only by adhering to the principles I have professed, and by which I have
obtained any small confidence I may have from the country.
Pray be assured that I am not presuming to make conditions. I simply desire
to state that there are certain opinions and principles, which I have always main
tained, and which, wherever I be placed, I must continue to maintain.
Now, the only points on which you and I are likely to differ are : —
1st. Questions such as Maynooth, and matters akin to it. I am not for the
extinction of Maynooth, that cannot be now done, but I am strongly against the
extension of it, and very much in favour of its reformation and adjustment to
the necessities of Ireland.
2nd. Any measures for the encouragement of the Papal power, such as the
appointment of Roman Catholic chaplains to the several gaols.
3rd. The question of the Jewish Relief Bill.
4th. Measures affecting the vexata qucestio of the Sabbath, such as the dis
turbance of the' Act, passed last session, for the closing of public-houses on that
day, which has worked so well, but to which there is a strong opposition.
Now, if with the hazard of these differences, and your knowledge of the several
positions I hold in the country, at the head of many Associations and Committees,
you are still of opinion that I can render a service in the present awful crisis (for
this is my main consideration) I will surrender, to your judgment, my own very

502 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. (Chap. XXII.
strong antipathy to official life, and hold the situation until you shall have found
some other one equally to your mind. Yours very truly, Shaftesbury.
The incident is narrated in the Diary in these words : —
Feb. 8th.— And so I have had the chance of being » Cabinet Minister-!
Palmerston proposed to me the Duchy of Lancaster with a seat in the Cabinet !
It is a crisis, a dreadful crisis — a Government must be formed 1 Reserving all
principles, I accepted it in the sense shown in my letter, though I loathed it
beyond the power of expression. My first impulse to refuse, but overruled by the
importunities of Minny. Believed, and still believe, that I should have been
thwarted, defeated on everything, whether of movement or existence ; should
have been absolutely alone, defied in the Cabinet, and misunderstood out of it.
A few hours afterwards requested by P. to consider " the offer as suspended,"
in consequence of unforeseen difficulties.
. . . This morning a letter from Lady Palmerston to say that the Whigs
were infuriated by their "small" share of power and place ; and that P. must
give the Duchy to one of that party. I acquiesced more cheerfully in the with
drawal than in the proposition of the offer. Lord Lansdowne took the lead
against me.
The letter alluded to above, was as follows : — -
Lady Palmerston to Lord Shaftesbury. Thursday morning, Feb. 8th.
My dearest Ashley, — Palmerston is distracted with all the worry he has to
go through, and he must go to Windsor at twelve, so he desired me to write to you.
He says that your high character and position in the country would, he feels
sure, have been of great use to the Government, but after he first wrote to you
he found himself in a very unexpected difficulty. The Whigs at Brookes' were
all up in arms at the Government not being formed on more Liberal principles
or rather with " more of the Whig party."
They are disappointed at the Peelites joining, and at under people of that
party keeping their places, so that, in that manner, there are hardly any places to
fill up. They press, therefore, very much for a Whig in the Duchy of Lancaster,
so as to make the Peelite division in a greater minority. One part of our friends
strongly press for Lord Grey, and another put forward Lord Carlisle. I don't
think Palmerston will agree to either, but still he would give way to having a
Whig appointed, rather than to have all the party dissatisfied.
Nobody has made any personal objection to you, and Palmerston would
certainly have preferred you to any other person, both from opinion and affection ;
but as you did feel reluctant to accept the trammels of office, and felt that it
would be a sacrifice on your part to give up your independence, he will not urge
you any further ; but hopes you will give him your assistance and the benefit of
your advice. Believe me, yours ever affectionately, E. Palmerston.
P.S. — It is no pleasure to have to form a Government when there are so
many unreasonable people to please, and so many interested people p'-essino- for

1855.] SANITARY COMMISSION TO THE CRIMEA. 503
their own gratification and vanity, without any regard to the public good or the
interests of the Government and country.
For a time the anxiety and suspense which an offer of a place in the
Government always brought upon Lord Shaftesbury, were removed. But
only for a time. Lord Palmerston had too high an appreciation, from long
personal experience, of Lord Shaftesbury's qualifications for statesmanship,
to dispense with his immediate assistance without a struggle.
In the meanwhile, however, he was called to a work of the gravest im
portance, for which, as far as we are aware, he has never had the credit
which was justly his due, namely, the organisation of a Sanitary Commission,
with full powers to redress the grievances at Scutari and Balaklava, as far as
they were capable of redress, and thus to roll away, as far as possible, the
stigma that attached to the nation.
" That commission," Miss Nightingale wrote to Lord Shaftesbury, some
time afterwards, " saved the British army."
One day, when excitement and indignation were at their height, on
account of the mismanagement of affairs in the East, Dr. Hector Gavin,
who had been for three years Government Commissioner for the prevention
and cure of cholera in the West Indies, called upon Lord Shaftesbury, to
talk about his labours on the Board of Health in relation to the same
disease, and, as a matter of course, the conversation turned upon the ravages
made by cholera among our brave soldiers in the East. It was during that inter
view that the scheme for a Sanitary Commission in the East was suggested
to the mind of Lord Shaftesbury.
The outline of the history of the movement is given briefly in the Diary.
The amount of labour involved can be imagined.
Feb. 14th. . . . Have been running about to stir up Prelates and Ministers
to a day of prayer. Tried, unsuccessfully, to see Panmure * on sanitary arrange
ments for Crimea Hospitals, but all in vain ; a " Philanthropist " is always a bore.
Feb. 15th. — A day of success. May God be praised, and to Him be all the
glory 1 First, efforts with the Bishop of London, Archbishop of Canterbury
Gladstone, and Palmerston, for a, day of humiliation, have prospered. Most
thankful was I to-day to find P. not only ready, but urging, that the day should
be a special day, and not a Sunday. This is very good ; it looks serious and reverent.
Next, Panmure has listened to my scheme for a Sanitary Commission to pro
ceed, with full powers, to Scutari and Balaklava, there to purify the hospitals,
ventilate the ships, and exert all that science can do to save life where thousands
are dying, not of their wounds, but of dysentery and diarrhoaa, the result of foul
air and preventible mischiefs. Again I bless Thee, 0 Lord ; and bring the work,
we pray Thee, to a joyous issue !
The Commissioners, who were appointed without delay, were Dr. Suther
land, of the General Board of Health ; Dr. Hector Gavin (who was afterwards
killed accidentally in the Crimea) ; Mr. Rawlinson, Civil Engineer ; Mr. New-
lands, Chief Inspector; three sub-inspectors, and one assistant engineer.
* Lord Panmure (formerly Mr, Fox Maule) was Secretary of State for War,

504 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXII.
Lord Shaftesbury to Lord Panmure. Feb. 19th, 1855.
My dear Panmure, — The Commissioners must proceed by Marseilles. No
time should be lost, and the screw steamer will not be ready for some days ; nor
is there any room left to receive new comers.
You will, I hope, be good enough to permit them to do so. . . .
\_The question of stores to be taken, and remuneration to the Commissioner9
followed.'] The service will be laborious, and even perilous ; and these gentlemen have
cheerfully surrendered their personal comforts, and, in the case of Mr. Rawlinson,
professional emolument, to aid the public in this crisis. Mr. Newlands is the
chief officer of Liverpool, a person of great energy and experience ; the other
sub-inspectors are from the same place, and will be of infinite service to superin
tend the cleansing of Scutari, Balaklava, and the camp.
We are greatly indebted to the Town Council of Liverpool for the liberal
manner in which they have placed their medical staff at the disposal of the
Commission ; we could not, otherwise, have obtained such excellent service at so
cheap a rate. It is to be considered as their contribution to the effort made for
the improvement of the health of the army.
We estimate that two months, or, at most, three months, will be sufficient for
tbe purpose in view.
It will be very desirable — nay, almost indispensable — that the Commissioners
should have the power of hiring, on their own account, such numbers of work
men as they may find necessary.
The entire success of this undertaking will depend on the instructions given
to Lord Raglan, Lord W. Powlett, and other authorities, to carry into execution
without delay whatever the Commissioners may declare to be essential to health
and safety.
You may really repose confidence in them ; they are trustworthy men, and
they will advise nothing that is needless or extravagant. If, upon giving a plan,
they are met with any delays, however short ; sent from one department to
another ; their hands bound with red tape, and their shins broken by a succession
of official stumbling-blocks, they will be useless — indeed, ridiculous ; and they
will, themselves, feel, as every one will say, that they might as well have remained
at home. We cannot, in these matters, trifle with time ; minutes here are as
valuable as years : and a pestilence might ravage the troops while a score of
functionaries were writing to each other to ascertain whose business it was to
attend to it. But with vigour and dispatch, very little writing, very little talk
ing, and very much action, I entertain, under God's blessing, the most sanguine
hopes. It would be a great result. Yours very truly, Shaftesbury.
In addition to the letters to Lords Raglan and W. Powlett, I would recom
mend a strong letter to Lord Stratford de Redcliffe.
So completely were the arrangements, even to the minutest details, under
the personal direction of Lord Shaftesbury, that, at Lord Panmure's request

1S55.] DEATH OF THE CZAR. 505
the Instructions to the Commissioners were drawn up by him, and were even
written by his own hand.
The instructions were clear, precise, and energetic, and were supplemented
by a dispatch from Lord Palmerston to Lord Raglan in terms no less vigor
ous. After requesting that Lord Raglan would give the Commissioners every
possible assistance, he continued : " They will, of course, be opposed and
thwarted by the medical officers, by the men who have charge of the port
arrangements, and by those who have the cleaning of the camp. Their mission
will be ridiculed, and their recommendations and directions set aside, unless
enforced by the peremptory exercise of your authority. But that authority I
must request you to exert in the most peremptory manner, for the immediate
and exact carrying into execution whatever changes of arrangement they may
recommend ; for these are matters on which depend the health and lives of
many hundreds of men, I may indeed say, of thousands."
The work of the Sanitary Commission is matter of history. Lord Shaftes
bury having originated and efficiently organised it, retired, as was his habit,
into the background, while others enjoyed the credit. There were some, how
ever, of whose good opinion he was very mindful, who did not deny him the
just recognition of his timely services. Among these were Lord Palmerston
and Miss Florence Nightingale. At the time, and ever afterwards, the latter,
in public and private, gave "honour where honour was due."
The following extract is from a letter written by her in 1858 : —
Miss Florence Nightingale to Lord Shaftesbury.
30, Old Burlington Street, Oct. 16th, 1858.
Dear Lord Shaftesbury, — I venture to send you with this a copy of my
Report to the War Office upon army sanitary matters. It is, as you will see,
strictly confidential, and has not been presented to the House of Commons. But
as Lord Shaftesbury has, for so many years, been our leader in sanitary matters
(as in so many other wise and benevolent things), it seemed to me but right to
send him a Report which contains so much of what was done by himself, viz.,
the work of the Sanitary Commission in the East, although I can scarcely expect
that he will read it. I am, dear Lord Shaftesbury,
Yours very faithfully,
F. Nightingale.
Two public events occurred about this time, to which reference is made in
the Diary. The following extracts relating to them may be quoted here,
before reverting to subjects which more immediately concerned Lord Shaftes
bury. The events were, the death of the Czar of Russia, and the visit to
England of the Emperor of the French.
March 2nd. — Intelligence by electric telegraph that the Emperor of Russia died
this morning between 12 and 1 o'clock.
I cannot but feel for the man, though I denounced the Czar. He died, I doubt
not, in great measure, of a broken heart, and the fearful excitement of wounded

506 the earl of Shaftesbury. [Chap. xxii.
pride and irrecoverable reputation. Mighty losses in men and money ; a declin
ing population ; increasing European confederacies against him ; an exhausted
empire ; the certainty that he could gain nothing, the almost certainty that he
must lose a great deal ; all this, backed by the conviction that he himself was, in
fact, the cause of the war, snapped the springs of mental and physical life ; and
he died a greater slave to his ambition than many of the serfs to their tyrannical
owners. March 19th.— Last night to an evening party at Windsor Castle. Went by
train in full dress (a special one being provided), and returned by the same
after midnight. Emperor had been installed a Knight of the Garter. A wonder
ful change and elevation I In 1848, the last time he was in England, I mounted
guard with him as a special constable in Mount Street ; his next visit to this
country (such are the vicissitudes of French public men) may be like Louis
Philippe's, in flight, and as a refugee 1
Some people dislike the history of the man and some of his doings. It may be
so ; but it is here an affair of nations, not of persons. His individual character
and conduct (supposing it to be reprehensible) must be merged in his represen
tation of the French people ; it is a question of London and Paris, not of Victoria
and Louis Napoleon. Nevertheless, his policy will admit of defence ; his coup
d'etat is not without its point of excuse and right. The stain on his actions — and
it is a deep stain — is the cruel, unjust, spiteful, vindictive, and base confiscation
of the Orleans property. This is indelible, and for ever deprives him of the
possibility of being called a high-minded man.
We, as Englishmen, have no right to find any fault. We must, on the contrary,
be full of his praise ; he has, up to the present time, been loyal and true.
April 23rd. — It is a retributive justice that Palmerston is Prime Minister to
receive the Emperor. He was dismissed for speaking favourably of him. And
it is also a justice that John Russell is absent from the scene of hospitality and
splendour. He was the man who counselled the Queen to cashier Palmerston.
In a letter to his son Evelyn, who was studying in Geneva, Lord Shaftes
bury gives a graphic, gossipy resume of public and private news : —
Lord Shaftesbury to the Hon. Evelyn Ashley.
London, Feb. 28, 1855.
My dearest Evelyn, — I have just received your letter of the 20th. It has
been very long upon the road, if your date be correct ; and I avail myself of
" a sitting " in the House of Lords to hear appeals, to give you a few lines.
We have had much trouble ; we are again quiet for a while externally ; I fear
that, internally, our dangers and difficulties are no less than they were. When
Palmerston had formed his Government, it suddenly fell down with the dry-rot,
and he had to begin anew on old foundations and with old materials. The
motives of the Peelites for retirement are not clear. The arguments, no doubt,
against Roebuck's committee are unanswerable in the line of folly and peril ; but
they knew them when they accepted office, and they knew also that the question
was still pending, and likely to be enforced. It is matter for serious inquiry
whether, in such a crisis, men are justified in incurring a certain and immediate!
for a problematic and remote, danger. There were two evils to choose between
— the evil of refusing the inquiry, and the evil of conceding it ; and, great as is

1855.] LETTER TO MR. EVELYN ASHLEY. 507
the evil of the concession, it was less, in my humble judgment, than the evil of
refusal. As for the article in the Record, it stated very nearly the whole facts. Lord
Lansdowne took the lead against me, stimulated, in part, by many of the Whig
party, who wanted the place for a Whig, and, in part, by the ladies of Sutherland
House, who wanted the place for Carlisle. Palmerston was terrified, and gave
way. I do not blame him, because, in his predicament and ignorance of the
true state of things, it seemed, and perhaps was, wiser to take a colleague with a
party at his back before a colleague without one. He had to get the machine of
Government into motion, and he was anxious for anything that might grease the
wheels. He yielded, therefore, for a Whig. When Lord L. had brought him thus
far, he waited a bit, and then asked for Carlisle. Palmerston protested against
such an appointment as ridiculous, useless, enfeebling ; but, as usual, he gave
way, and Brookes' prevailed.
He is much to be pitied ; he has not a single friend in public life who desires
to give him honest, kind, and prudent counsel ; he is not himself disposed to
seek such counsel ; the consequence is that he is blown to and fro. and reverses
the apostolical precept : " Try all things, and hold fast that which is good." So
far from being firm, he is beaten from everything ; and I much doubt whether
he has, since he became Premier, been able to do any one thing according to his
own judgment and preference.
But his difficulties, it must be admitted, are enormous. He has no party of
his own to rest upon ; he has not even two or three able and friendly adherents
to fight his battles. His choice is limited for office men ; he is hmited to the
H. of Commons, and to such of the H. of C. as dare to vacate their seats. These
are few, and mostly unworthy ; and yet the public are roaring out for new men ;
but no new men of any value have been introduced through the Reform of
Parliament; and the Minister can no longer introduce new men through the
channel of the rotten boroughs.
Well, he has now formed a new Cabinet on the secession of the Peelites. It is,
to all intents and purposes, a purely Whig administration ; it will be shaky,
unpopular, and of short duration. God grant that it may last long enough to
carry us to a speedy peace !
The selfishness, the meanness, the love of place and salary, the oblivion of the
country, of man's welfare, and God's honour, have never been more striking and
terrible than in this crisis. These, added to the singular conceit of all the candi
dates for office (and all have aspired to the highest), have thrown stumbling-
blocks in his path at every step. The greediness and vanity of our place-hunters
have combined to make each one of them a union of the vulture and the peacock.
There is a blight, my dear boy, on all we say, think, or do. God is not with us.
I much fear that Palmerston's ecclesiastical appointments will be detestable.
He does not know, in theology, Moses from Sydney Smith. The vicar of Romsey,
where he goes to church, is the only clergyman he ever spoke to ; and, as for the
wants, the feelings, the views, the hopes and fears, of the country, and par
ticularly the religious part of it, they are as strange to him as the interior of
Japan. Why, it was only a short time ago that he heard, for the first time, of
the grand heresy of Puseyites and Tractarians 1
Go on with Herschel. Stick to German, French, and mathematics, and keep
up your classics, so far as to be ready and able to start afresh on your return in

508 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXII.
preparation for Cambridge. Let all be " begun, continued, and ended " in Him,
" from whom alone cometh all counsel, wisdom, and understanding ! "
Well you may be struck that England is " in dang-er of losing her influence
abroad and her integrity at home." She is humbled. We hear the words of
Isaiah : " Come and sit down in the dust." Constitutional government is a
laughing-stock, and the progress of rational freedom on the Continent is checked
for half a century. War, as Demosthenes said, discovers ra ac&pa, the rotten parts
of an Empire ; our sin has found us out ; America comes next ; and then the
liberty of great nations will either be extinguished or become anarchy.
The French alliance I have always sought and defended ; and I do so still.
But I have sought it negatively, not positively — as an alliance not to do us any
good, but to save us and the world from much harm. But I have seen, from the
beginning, that " incedis per ignes suppositos cineri dolose "
Col. Tronchin is a noble fellow : " hold all such in reputation : " cultivate him
much, and all of that stamp in Geneva ; it is a fruitful soil.
The frost has ended with us, and the disemployed people, thank God, are
returning to work. It has been a hard time, and yet I have almost prayed for a
eontinuance of it, in the Crimea at least. I fear the return of spring and warm
weather ; the heat of the sun will draw out the pestilential exhalations of a soil
which has, for months, imbibed the filth and mortality of an enormous camp.
We have sent out a powerful Sanitary Commission.
May God bless you and preserve you, my dearest boy, in time and in eternity
through Christ Jesus. Your affectionate father, S.
The " escape from office " on which Lord Shaftesbury had congratulated
himseK was not so complete as he had anticipated. Changes were made in
the Cabinet owing to the resignation of Sir James Graham, Mr. Gladstone,
and Mr. Sidney Herbert ; and Lord Palmerston determined, if possible, to
secure the co-operation of his kinsman. Among the changes was the appoint
ment of Lord Carlisle to the Lord Lieutenancy of Ireland, by which the
Duchy of Lancaster became again vacant ; and this office, with a seat in the
Cabinet, Palmerston once more offered to Lord Shaftesbury.
It was in vain for him to urge the old objections. Palmerston was deter
mined, and he used every exertion and influence, direct and indirect, to induce
Lord Shaftesbury to yield. " I can have no objection to your holding yourself
free to vote as you like," he wrote in reply to the reiterated objections. " It
will be as well, however, that you should not mention to others your reserva
tions, because these things are exaggerated in passing from mouth to mouth,
and create discussions that become embarrassing to Government, and are
turned ag'ainst it by opponents. I therefore accept your acceptance."
But Lord Shaftesbury had not accepted, and he immediately obtained an
interview with Lord Palmerston to plead for delay.
Meanwhile the position had become embarrassing. The newspapers had
announced — " We believe the Earl of Shaftesbury will succeed the Earl of
Carlisle as Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster ; "* and letters came pour-
* Globe, March 10th, 1855, &o.

1W5.1 IN PERPLEXITY. 509
ing in from all quarters, urging him to take the decisive step, or congratu
lating him, as though it were already taken. Among the former was Mr.
John Delane, the editor of the Times, who said : " Your high estimation in
the country would be of great value to any Government." But the pressure
from without was of little weight, compared with that from within his own
immediate circle.
Lady Shaftesbury, who was absent from home at the time, wrote : —
I do beseech you not to refuse. Reflect how much more weight everything has,
coining from a Cabinet Minister. Think, for instance, of all you have said to the
Emperor about the persecution of the Protestants ; it will have tenfold weight
when he knows that your position in England is such as to have a seat in the
Cabinet. Lady Palmerston was as persistent as the Prime Minister, using her
influence not only with Lord Shaftesbury but with her daughter, Lord
Shaftesbury's wife. " Palmerston is anxious for the Queen's sake that he
should be at once sworn in," she wrote to her, and followed this up with a
letter, one of many upon the subject, to her son-in-law.
Lady Palmerston to Lord Shaftesbury. Piccadilly, Friday.
My dear Ashley, — I am quite affronted that you would not come and have
some tea with me to-night. I wanted to tell you several things. How many
letters pour down upon me from people you would not expect, all anxious to heal
of your taking the Duchy.
I have even one from Henry Stanley at Athens, expressing his hope that you
would join the new Government.
Lady Molesworth also told me to-day of many who were anxious to hear of
your acceptance, and amongst these Charles Villiers — which I hardly expected, as
he always finds fault with everybody. Sir William,* of course, wants you, and
Sir Benjamin Hall was so anxious to have you in the Government that he came
to talk to me about it yesterday ; and I suppose you know that Lord Carlisle is
very anxious for you. But now there is another consideration that I wanted to
mention. You refused to take a place in the Queen's Household, you have refused
the Garter (which she did not like), and now, if you refuse a third offer of belong
ing to her Government, I am sure she will be quite offended ; for though Palmer
ston had full permission to fill up the places as he thought most conducive to the
advantage of his Government, yet he did take her approbation before he offered
it to you. Therefore it is, in fact, her offer.
Good-night, my dear Ashley. I hope you will send a favourable answer.
Yours ever affectionately, E. Palmerston.
" I never was in such perplexity iu my life," said Lord Shaftesbury to tho
writer, when narrating these incidents. " I was at my wit's end. Ou one
side was ranged wife, relations, friends, ambition, influence ; on the other, my
* Molesworth.

510 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXII.
own objections, which seemed sometimes to weigh as nothing in comparison
with the arguments brought against them. I could not satisfy myself that to
accept office was a divine call ; I was satisfied that God had called me to
labour among the poor. There was no Urim and Thummim ; no open vision.
I could do nothing but postpone, and in doing this, I was placing Palmerston
in a most awkward position. But God interposed for me."
The " interposition " came in a curious way. When perplexity was at its
height he received the following letter from Lady Palmerston : —
Lady Palmerston to Lord Shaftesbury.
My dear Ashley, — Palmerston has three people waiting for him, and two
in his room, so that he could not write a line now, but he will satisfy you entirely
upon all the points you mention.
And he is very anxious now, that you should put on your undress uniform and
be at the Palace a quarter before three to be sworn in.
Pray do this, and I am sure you will not repent it. Palmerston is very
anxious to have his Government complete, and, as there has been so much delay
in all these discussions, he would be very anxious that you could, for the Queen's
sake, appear at the Palace to be sworn in a quarter before three.
Yours ever affectionately, E. Palmerston.
Lord Palmerston was in a dilemma. Up to that point he had been unable
to find anybody who would satisfactorily fill the vacancy, otherwise he would
have relieved his friend from the pressure that he knew was intolerable.
His own light and hopeful spirit made him believe that, once in office, all the
objections would disappear and only good would ensue to all. But had he
seen any loophole for his friend, he would not have continued his urgent
demands. And Lord Shaftesbury was in a dilemma. There had been no answer
borne in upon his soul, no handwriting upon the wall, no voice that he could
interpret as the voice of God, to set the question at rest for him. To use his
own words : — " I never felt so helpless. I seemed to be hurried along with
out a will of my own ; without any power of resistance. I went and dressed,
and then, while I was waiting for the carriage, I went down on my knees and
prayed for counsel, wisdom, and understanding. Then, there was some one
at the door, as I thought, to say that the carriage was ready. Instead of that
a note, hurriedly written in pencil, was put into my hands. It was from
Palmerston. " Don't go to the Palace." That was thirty years ago, hut 1
dance with joy at the remembrance of that interposition, as I did when it
happened. It was, to my mind, as distinctly an act of special providence as
when the hand of Abraham was stayed and Isaac escaped."
The " ram caught in the thicket " was the Earl of Harrowby, and on
March the 31st he was sworn in as Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster.
In this day of religious liberty it may seem, to some, a curious fact that,

1855.1 RELIGIOUS WORSHIP BILL 511
up to the year 1855 there was an enactment in force, prohibiting the teaching
of the Gospel and the worship of God in private houses, when more than
twenty persons beside the family were assembled. Against persons who
assembled in any numbers for secular or political purposes, for gain or merri
ment, there was no legal prohibition ; but, if a body of Christians met to
pray and to preach, they were liable to fine and imprisonment. When the
Madiai were imprisoned in the dungeons of Romish Tuscany, for having
faithfully discharged their duties as Christians in their own household, all
England was up in arms, and was furious in indignation, while, at the very
time, there was in this country a law in full force, which gave power to
restrain the Christian teacher, to persecute the little bands of praying folk
who met from house to house, and to place many of the religious organisations
which were leavening the mass of society at the mercy of any non-approving
neighbour. It is true that the law was regarded in most cases as only a dead letter,
an obsolete thing, but, as the Times observed, it was " a rod in pickle, an
ecclesiastical engine to be called into operation when desired." If a staunch
Protestant Government were to be succeeded by one of a Puseyite character,
and that again by another leaning still more towards Romanism, the law, as
it stood, was ready to their hands, to shut up a vast number of Sunday and
Ragged Schools as well as every mission meeting and cottage lecture,
throughout the country.
In May Lord Shaftesbury gave notice bf » motion to bring in a Bill to
repeal so much of the Act of 52 Geo. III. as prohibited the assembling of
more than twenty persons above the members of a household for purposes of
religious worship in one house.
It seems at first sight extraordinary that a matter apparently so simple
could have called forth any very strong feeling, or have encountered any
very serious opposition. It might reasonably have been thought that such
a measure would have commended itself to the approbation of all, as in
accordance with the general view of religious liberty, and a common regard
for the religious improvement of the people. Such, however, was not the
case. The Earl of Derby, the Bishop of Oxford, and others, threatened a
strenuous opposition, and therefore, on June the 12th, on the order of the
day for reporting the Bill, Lord Shaftesbury, who at first had conceived that
his task would be merely a nominal one, found himself compelled to traverse
the whole length and breadth of the question.
His arguments were to this effect. It was notorious that there were
amazing numbers of persons who never went into any place of public worship
at all ; that the Established Church and Nonconformity combined, were
inadequate to grapple with the infidelity of the times; that, therefore, every
facility should be given to bring the masses within the reach of instruction
and the sound of thb Gospel, and that no impediment whatever should be
placed in the way of those who sought to neutralise the poison of indifference
and infidelity by the antidote of religion. Owing, mainly, to the extreme

512 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXII.
difficulty of inducing the working classes to attend tho ordinary religious
services in churches and chapels, there had been provided, to meet the wants
of the people, Missions, Cottage Lectures, Bible Classes, Sunday and Ragged
Schools, and other kindred institutions, by means of which hundreds of
thousands of persons had been evangelised, although in nine cases out of ten
these meetings had been positively illegal, as they almost invariably com
menced and closed with singing and prayer, which constitute " Religious
Worship." During the year 1854, for example, the City Mission had held no
less than 25,318 meetings, of which 22,000 were in direct infringement of
the law. Were the law enforced, these, and all similar gatherings, must of
necessity be stopped. Lord Shaftesbury went on to say : —
It might be contended, perhaps, that the law was obsolete. It might be
obsolete in one sense, but it had great power of revival, and might be enforced at
any moment. Indeed, at present it was constantly used for purposes of intimida'
tion, and he could quote instances in which it had been actually put in force.
In 1820 an information was laid against Lord Barham, the present Lord Gains
borough, by Lord Romney, at West Mailing, near Maidstone, under the Act.
religious services having been held in Lord Barham's house when he was unwell
instead of in the village schoolroom. Lord Barham was fined £40— £20 for each
meeting. . . .
A gentleman, a county magistrate in a northern county, early in 1854 came to
reside on his estate, and found the parish in a most neglected condition. At the
gates of his park was a large coal mine and a dense population around it. Finding
that nobody would do anything for them, he went one evening in every week,
and in the largest cottage read a chapter of the Bible and some religious tracts.
The meetings were numerously attended ; but, after a few months he was obliged
to drop it, and it ceased. And why ? It was hinted to him that persons were
about to lay an information against him for a breach of the Conventicle Act.
He, being an active county magistrate, felt that it was not right in him to set an
example of breaking the law, so he gave up his reading. . . . The gentleman
in question might have had a cock-fight, jumping in sacks, or any sort of amuse
ment, and nobody could have objected to it, but the moment this gentleman,
commiserating the religious destitution of the people, went to their cottages,
read to them a chapter in the Bible, and joined with them in religious worship,
the law said " Mind what you are doing, for if you are caught at this again you
will be fined £20."
After citing- another and very striking- ease, in which the law had been
put in force so recently as March, 1850, Lord Shaftesbury maintained that
unless some public end could be shown to be advanced by the present law, or
unless it could be shown that its repeal would be subversive of public morality,
it was not just or right to place a veto upon a man receiving any number of
persons into his house for purposes of religious worship ; and he appealed to
the right reverend prelates opposite, whether it was consistent with their
position or their Christian dignity, to deprive some of the most useful of their
own clergy, or of the Nonconformists, of the power of doing their best to
evangelise their flocks without breaking the law, or to consent to tho present

1855-1 RELIGIOUS WORSHIP BILL. 513
system of wholesale connivance? He appealed also to the Government,
whether the more wise and the more just plan would not be to repeal the law
altogether ; or else, if they would not consent to such a course, to enforce its
provisions strictly.
The result of the division is told in the following entry : —
June 13th. — Last night moved " Religious Worship Bill" in House of Lords.
Encountered by nine Bishops. Oxford and London leading a knot of Puseyite
Peers, and Lord Derby with as many of his followers as he could command.
Carried it, however, by 31 to 30, the Irish Bishop, Singer, giving me the
majority. One of the most, perhaps the most unpleasant evening I recollect in
public life. Derby and his friends behind me while I spoke, insolent, interrup-
tive, discouraging. He seemed like a man who felt a deep irritation at the
movement and a hatred for the mover. Faltered, at least to my own sensation,
very greatly ; was awfully depressed, unhappy, and diffident ; nothing without
in the House, and nothing within my own heart, to cheer me.
The antagonism of the Bishop of Oxford to the Bill was vehement and
persistent, and for a time it appeared to be in considerable jeopardy.
June 16th. — Last night Derby moved that the Religious Worship Bill be sent
to a Select Committee, and carried it by 17. Eleven Bishops voting with him.
It is the height of folly in them to resist the measure ; the Bishops, especially,
had an opportunity of giving, with grace and favour, what they cannot retain.
They have exhibited, on the contrary, great ignorance, bigotry, and opposition to
evangelical life and action, and have seriously injured their character, influence,
and position. The feeling is universal and very strong. The Archbishop, I
rejoice to say, and the Bishop of Winchester, stayed away. Had, I bless the
Lord God, more comfort and strength last night than before.
Lord Shaftesbury was invited to join the Committee, but, as soon as he
saw the names of those composing it, he declined, feeling sure that in every
way he would be completely overpowered. The opinion of the Select Com
mittee was, that the Bill should not be proceeded with, but that another
should be substituted. This was accordingly done, and it was introduced to
the House by the Earl of Derby, who stated that the Bill he had brought up
from the Select Committee provided : 1. That no penalties should be incurred
by any religious worship conducted by the incumbent or licensed curate of a
parish, or by any clerk in holy orders acting on their behalf. 2. That no
penalties should, under any existing laws, be imposed for the use of prayer
in opening or closing of meetings held to promote any religious or charitable
object. 3. That no penal clause should attach to any layman holding any
meeting for religious purposes, provided he acts with the consent and con
currence of the clergyman of the district. 4. That if such layman failed in
obtaining the clergyman's sanction, and could obtain the concurrence and
permission of the bishop of the diocese, he should be equally sanctioned in
that proceeding.
It was obvious that the hew Bill did not touch the evil of which Lord
H H

514 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXII.
Shaftesbury complained, and which he sought to remove. This was almost
acknowledged by Lord Derby when he said : " There were cases in which
some individuals, desirous of holding family worship and of admitting his
poorer neighbours to it, might be restricted by the existing law ; and he
should be inclined to consent to some relaxation in such cases, though he
could not frame any such clause."
That impediments should be placed in the way of religions worship by
dignitaries of the Church of England was intolerable to Lord Shaftesbury-
In attempting to legislate that meetings should be held only under the
direction of an " authorised " leader, in accordance with certain forms, and in
a licensed place, he saw clearly that, although their plea was ostensibly to
preserve order in the Church, the actual motive was to limit the work of
laymen, to arrest the progress of Dissent, and to prevent any innovations
which should disturb existing relations between the clergy and their
parishioners. In moving the rejection of Lord Derby's Bill, he said that after the dis
cussion that had taken place, it was impossible the law could remain obsolete,
in the large communities where it had hitherto been obsolete. If the Bill
proposed by |Lord Derby became law, it must be enforced, and why revive
the old law or bring a new one into operation which must cause restrictions
in religious worship P The principle involved in the question had gone deep
into the heart of the country, and whether his own Bill were rejected or not,
it was only for a time, for sure as was the setting of the rising sun, it would
be found that its principle would be asserted — namely, " that every man
should have a perfect right to worship God when and how he pleased — to
worship in his own house, with his neighbours, in any number, and at any
time ; that this should not be a mere privilege, but a right, unless it could
be shown that public morality or public safety would be endangered by it."
He objected to Lord Derby's Bill on the ground that, under the guise of
the Statute Law, it was an entirely new Ecclesiastical Discipline Bill, to
give greater power to the bishops over the clergy and laity. Its first clause
enacted that such worship should only be performed by " licensed " curates,
who, more than any others, were under the power of the bishops ; laymen
must go, as suppliants, to the incumbent or bishop, to ask leave to hold
service in their own houses, and take their chance of permission or] refusal.
The second clause granted permission to offer prayer in opening or closing a
meeting, " certainly not in the middle. If prayers were offered up in the
midst of such a meeting a penalty of £20 would be incurred." But the bare
idea of " permission " to pray was intolerable to Lord Shaftesbury. " It may
as well be said," he exclaimed, indignantly, " that I am to have ' permission '
to breathe the air ! "
In a series of vigorous and crushing arguments he attacked the Bill, point
by point, and concluded by moving that the Bill brought in by the Earl of
Derby be read a second time that day three months.
A spirited speech by Lord Brougham, immediately following that of Lord

1S55.] SUCCESS OP RELIGIOUS WORSHIP BILL. 515
Shaftesbury, produced a telling effect, and upon its conclusion the Earl of
Derby rose and withdrew his Bill.
A week later an important and influential meeting was held in Free
masons' Hall to strengthen Lord Shaftesbury's efforts, when a petition was
adopted for presentation to the House of Lords. Within four days of the
presentation of this petition, Lord Shaftesbury again brought forward his
Bill, having revised it in some points, which rendered it less objectionable to
the Bench of Bishops, but without infringing upon its principle. The Bill
was recommitted to the Select Committee, and Lord Shaftesbury, with the
Archbishop of Canterbury, were appointed members of that Committee.
Late as it was, the Session did not pass before Lord Shaftesbury's Bill
stood part of the statute law of the land. It established the power of the
incumbent or curate, and the persons authorised by either of them, to conduct
religious worship in a schoolroom or any building, be it barn or palace, in any
part of his district, without in any way being molested by any power, judicial
or ecclesiastical. It enabled a householder to use his house for religious
worship, and to gather into it any number of persons without his being any
longer subject to pains and penalties of any kind whatever ; and it made the
meetings of missionaries, scripture readers, and religious teachers, whether
held from house to house or in some regular place, lawful assemblies.
We must now glance at some of the " miscellaneous " events of the year,
and go back to cull our extracts from the Diary, relating to matters of minor
public interest it may be, but which affected the private life of Lord Shaftes
bury and were connected with the main current of his work.
March 28th. — On Monday spoke three times in House of Lords on Sardinia.
Opportunity offered, and was prompted to seize it by hope of pleasing Sardinian
Government, and so increasing one's influence to aid Waldenses and the Bible
Society. Very fervent, and received, as I thought, in silence. Felt quite over.
whelmed. This is the painful character of the House of Lords. You seldom
know whether you are pleasing or displeasing your audience, so stiff is their phlegm I
May 3rd. — I dread, sadly dread, these schemes of national education. Paking-
ton, who is a good man, and a sensible one, has taken the lead in a scheme for
local rates to maintain the education of the people. Such a plan is a death-
warrant to the teaching of evangelical religion. Lt had better be called " a water-
rate to extinguish religious fire among young people." Here, indeed, we must
betake ourselves to prayer, for the scheme (little does my honest and kind friend
Pakington perceive it) poisons the very root, and causes that " things, which
should have been for our peace, be unto us an occasion of falling."
May 8th. — Inglis is numbered with the departed. He died the day before
yesterday. A man so single, so peculiar, has seldom existed in public life. Pure-
minded, affectionate, true, incorruptible, governing all his public actions, and,
I am sure, too, his private -life, by the love and fear of God, he maintained a
career which had no precedent, and, probably, will be no example. Everybody
was compelled (there is no other word) to respect him, and those who enjoyed his
intimacy, loved him.
During the month of June Lord Shaftesbury was busy with two Bills,
H h 2

516 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXII.
one for further legislation on behalf of Chimney Sweeps, whose wrongs were
still left unredressed (which Bill, chiefly in consequence of the active resis
tance of Sir G. Grey, he was compelled to withdraw), and another, on behalf
of Milliners and Dressmakers. The question of their condition had been
frequently discussed, but nothing had been done until 1842, when the Report
of the Employment Commission was issued, and, even then, no direct legis
lative results followed. In 1843 there were 1,500 young persons of 14 years
old and upwards employed in this business in the metropolis. Their hours
were from fifteen to eighteen a day, with only from two to six hours for rest.
The consequence was that consumption and impaired eyesight were terribly
prevalent amongst them. In 1844 a committee of benevolent ladies caused
Sunday work to be abandoned, and in 1853, the proprietors of many dress
making establishments agreed to abide by rules, laid down by an association
formed to protect the interests of the needlewomen. Since that time, how
ever, things had lapsed almost to their former worst condition, and Lord
Shaftesbury's Bill proposed that between lMay the 1st and August the 1st,
which included the "London season," work should be prohibited between
10 p.m. and 8 a.m., and, for the remainder of the year, between 9 p.m. and
8 a.m. An hour and a half was to be allowed for meals ; all proceedings for
the enforcement of penalties under the Bill were to be taken at the police
courts, before magistrates to whom the jurisdiction in these matters was to
be exclusively committed. The principle of the Bill had already received
recognition in the three great measures, the Factory, the Mines and Collieries,
and the Ten Hours Bill.
June 6th. — Have prepared Bills for the Chimney Sweepers and Milliners.
Sad, cruel, overwhelming their sufferings ; but how shall I prosper ? All is in
His hands, who cares as much for the smallest, sickliest sempstress as for all the
grand ladies of the land. But it is not the great who are alone chargeable with
connivance (to suit their own convenience) at these enormous abuses ; every
woman who is rich enough to have a fine gown is partieeps criminis, and the
wealthy of Liverpool, Birmingham, Norwich, and all the large towns, perpetrate
the same abominations.
June. 16th. — On Thursday last introduced Bill for relief of "Milliners and
Dressmakers." Statement, though most distressing, received with little favour
indoors, and, so far as I can see, with none out of doors, not a paper, except the
Standard, has uttered a word in defence of those poor, helpless, oppressed girls.
Referred to a " Committee on Trade."
Immediately after the close of the Parliamentary Session Lord Shaftes
bury started for his customary tour abroad.
Aug. 8th.— Do not start on my journey with a light heart ; far rather remain
in England. . . . Am getting on in life, and must use, while it lasts, my
remnant of intellect ; powers, such as they were, weaken ; and no wonder, for it
is all expense and no income ; all labour and no rest ; all action and no study ;
all exhaustion and no supply. Not had time to read a 'single book, a single
review. ... It requires the skill of the most cunning practitioner to turn
to account time in Mosaic.

1S55.1 DEATH OF A SON. 517
The journey which began (without light-heartedness was to end in deep
gloom. His son, Maurice, had for many years been the victim of a sad
malady, and, while Lord Shaftesbury was on his travels, the news reached
him that he had passed away.
Lord Shaftesbury to the Hon. Evelyn Ashley. Basle, Aug. 21, 1855.
My dear Evelyn, — Here, on our way to Lausanne as fast as we could go, we
received a telegraphic message to announce that dear Maurice had entered into
his rest. It has pleased God to take the afflicted child — afflicted doubtless in His
infinite wisdom — and receive him into Paradise. For that he is there, through
the boundless love and merits of our blessed Saviour, I am as certain as I am of
my own existence. His intellect, through a terrible succession of fits, had sunk
exceedingly ; yet his heart was erect ; he was heard to murmur " Christ's King
dom, Christ's Kingdom," and endeavoured to recover many texts that he had
learned in earlier days. What a lesson is this for the teaching of youth ! Here
is he consoled, and repeating, as it were, the password into Heaven by the
spiritual knowledge acquired in his merest childhood, the only remnant of mind
in an hour of darkness.
I have lost two precious sons for the short time of human life ; but I have, by
the love of Christ, housed them for ever in Heaven. May those who survive
walk worthy of their vocation, and, after a life of service and faith, be gathered
into a blissful eternity. I am going to travel all night, in the hope of reaching
Lausanne for the final work of respect and affection.
May God be with you. Yours affectionately, S.

Lord Shaftesbury to the Hon. Evelyn Ashley.
Schwalbach, Sept. 3rd, 1855.
My dear Edy, — Your letter, addressed to Lausanne, followed me to Schwal
bach, and found me recovering, thank God, from a singularly sharp attack of
bilious cholic. . . . Poor dear Maurice was interred in the cemetery of the
district (there being no English churchyard) attended by many kind and sympa
thising people. Wonderful it is that this feeble boy had such a charm around
him, as to attract very many. His intellectual weakness and his spiritual
strength resulted in a very impressive combination. I have directed a tombstone
to his memory, on which will be engraved two texts which he cherished, and
often repeated, " The Lord is my Shepherd, I shall not want ; " " It is good for
me that I have been afflicted." How good he now knows in reality ; he knew it
before in faith. Frequently in speaking and in writing, I have been permitted
to comfort him by quoting the words of our blessed Lord, " What I do thou
knowest not now, but thou shalt know hereafter." ... I have written
details to St. Leonards ; the children might send you the letters. . . . I am
in perplexity about our fleets. What is that in the Euxine doing ? Lyons seems
to have no more energy than Dundas. As for Sweaborg, the Russian account is
clearly a lying one ; it says that " we attempted to land troops, and were beaten
back with loss." Not a single man, thank God, was killed. . . . Can you

518 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXII.
devise a little change for Lionel before he returns to Harrow ? He must, poor
boy, have been grievously dull all this time.
May God bless you. Yours affectionately, S.
The Diaries abound with fugitive thoughts put down at odd moments on
a wonderful variety of subjects. Here is one as an example : —
Aug. 15th.— Intellect is everything in this age, character nothing. Let a man
make a good speech, and he is a good man — good enough, at least, for all prac
tical purposes. " Illuc cuncta vergere ; " these public examinations for public
appointments are hastening the consummation. If a man can construe well a
passage in Tacitus, or solve a mathematical problem, it is enough ; no inquiry as
to the higher qualities, moral fitness, personal adaptation ; — away he goes a writer
to India, having passed, in many instances, his pillars of Hercules, never to go
further — possibly to retrograde.
The following are among the closing entries in the Diary for the year : —
Dec. 8th. — Woburn Abbey. Here last night. What a place ! It is not a
palace, a house ; it is a town, a municipal borough, a city. Why, with all its
appurtenances of stables, gardens, out-buildings, &c, there is more brick, stone,
and mortar than in a dozen streets of Dorchester or Blandford. It is a " Kirjath
Huzoth," " a conglomeration of streets " — costly, astounding, wearisome.
Dec. 12th. — St. Giles. Winter has set in early and vigorously. Sufferings of
the poor very great. The scenes, as recorded in the Police Reports, at the doors
of the workhouses, and all night long, are horrifying. Boards of Guardians,
Vestrymen, Relieving Officers, and the President of the P. L. Commission, are
alike, either brutal, ignorant, or foolish. These things morbidly affect me. They
are ever in my mind, and during the inclement season destroy all my comfort,
and abate the enjoyment of what, by God's mercy, I possess. All is remediable,
but not by one man. And now " philanthropy " is at a discount ; people are
nauseated with humanity and " humanity-mongers," and especially with myself.
Dec. 27th. — Just heard that Palmerston designs to make some lawyers " Peers
for life" — a step as pernicious as it is specious. It must eventually, and not
remotely, destroy the hereditary House of Lords. It will begin by making us the
"French Chamber," and end by making us the " American Senate."
Written to dissuade him ; but cui bono ? The day is come — " Venit summa dies
et ineluctabile tempus" — and all these things will fall.

CHAPTER XXIII.
THE INNER LIFE.
" I HAVE no desire whatever to be recorded, but if, against my will, I must,
sooner or later, appear before the public, I should like the reality to be told,
be it good or be it bad, and not a sham." So wrote Lord Shaftesbmy to the
daughter of one of his oldest friends,* when' the shadows of time were length
ening. When, during the last year of his life, it was the privilege of the
writer to hear from his lips the story of many of the incidents recorded in
these volumes, it was his frequently reiterated wish that no attempt should
be made to tone down, or explain away, his " unpopular religious views," as
he called them. This wish has, of course, been reverently respected ; and if
these views have not been made clear throughout the preceding chapters, the
writer has failed to depict Lord Shaftesbury.
The narrative is now approaching a period in his career when he was more
than ever to stand in the forefront of religious movements, and to be the
Evangelical leader in religious controversy. Moreover, Lord Palmerston was
Prime Minister, and his Church appointments were in great measure to be
made under the guidance of Lord Shaftesbury. It will be appropriate in
this place, therefore, to pause in the narrative, and examine what were his
distinctive " unpopular religious views," and what was his position among
the Evangelical party. In doing so, we shall confine ourselves, as much as
possible, to his own spoken or written words ; and it may be remarked here,
that in quoting from them, the chronology has been to some extent dis
regarded, as, from youth to old age, from the commencement of his steward
ship until the time when he gave in his account of the same, his theological
opinions knew neither variableness nor shadow of turning.
" I am essentially and from deep-rooted conviction," he said to the writer
on one occasion, " an Evangelical of the Evangelicals. I have worked with
them constantly, and I am satisfied that most of the great philanthropic move
ments of the century have sprung from them. I stand fast by the teachings
held by that party, but I am not, and never have been, a leader of that party."
That was said in 1884. In 1856 he wrote to Mr. Haldane as follows : —
Lord Shaftesbury to Mr. Haldane. Paris, Sept. 9th, 1856.
Dear Mr. Haldane. . . . You wrote to me the other day, and were
kind enough to address me as a " Leader of the Evangelical Party." This is a
position too perilous, too uncertain, and too useless for any one to accept. No
* Letter to Mrs. Corsbie, daughter of Mr. Alexander Haldane,

520 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. ICdaf. XXIII.
one can be an effective leader unless those who follow him are prepared to repose
confidence in his judgment and guidance, not during smooth and easy times alone,
but in times of doubt and perplexity. No one in these days has such a sentiment.
All confidence has ceased ; and people, from a variety of causes, take up their
, opinions, and let them fall, entirely in reference to themselves or their particular
sections. A man that aspires to be a leader, or rather to assume the importance
of one, must" flow either drive or be driven. The first is impossible in the state of
men's minds ; the second is disgraceful.
Besides, though there are very many points, indeed most points in which I
concur theologically with the Evangelical party, there are some in which, as
friends or counsellors, &c, &c, I think several of them very far from charity or
justice. Let them catch me tripping (and who can always walk upright?), and
there would be as much real spite (though veiled under regret) and pleasure, as
among the editors of newspapers or the congregation of Puseyism.
I will do all that in me lies, under God's blessing, to aid their endeavours,
advance the good cause, and maintain the simplicity of " The Truth," but I will
not aspire to " lead " them, notwithstanding the band of worthy, noble, pure-
minded beings to be found in their ranks. Yours very truly, S.
Lord Shaftesbury belonged to the older order of Evangelicals — to the
Venns, Romaines, Topladys, Berridges, Simeons, Grimshaws, Herveys,
Scotts, and Newtons of a former day — to the school represented by Hugh
Stowell, Haldane Stuart, Edward Bickersteth, Hugh McNeile, Henry Venn,
William Marsh, Alexander Haldane, in his own day.
He believed in the doctrine of the total depravity of the human heart by
nature ; in the necessity of a " new birth " through the " revelation to each
individual soul, by the agency of the Holy Spirit and the Word, of the great
saving truths of the Gospel of the grace of God, by which the understanding
is spiritually enlightened and the character transformed." He believed in
the Christian life as a humble, " continuous trust in the Atoning Blood," a
simple faith in Scripture, a constant prayerfulness, and a recognition of the
Hand of God in all the events of life.
He ever maintained that the Evangelicals of his day had deteriorated, on
the ground that they were not as clear in their views, as distinctive in their
principles, or as thorough in their dogmatic teaching, as of old. While
acknowledging that there was a great increase in zeal, he believed there was
a great decrease of spiritual teaching. " The old standard was lowered, the
pure milk was mixed with water, if not with something more deleterious."
His Protestantism was not political. It was not asserted simply as the
source of freedom, the basis of civil and religious liberty ; it affected the
very springs of his spiritual life.
True Protestantism, in his view, " asserts the right of private judgment ;
but it asserts, at the same time, the inspiration of the Scriptures ; it asserts
the all-sufficiency of the Scriptures for man's salvation ; asserting, along with
it, that except in the belief of those Scripturos, there is no salvation at all ;

INSPIRATION OP THE SCRIPTURES. 521
and it labours to effect the Unity of the Churches by a unity in Christ, far
more than by assailing or defending establishments (mistaking externals for
internals), all the combatants getting thereby their Share of the nutshell, but
losing the whole of the kernel." *
On the doctrine of Justification by Faith, his trumpet never gave any
uncertain sound. He speaks of it as "That grand doctrine, the very life of
the Bible and the Keystone of the Reformation," a doctrine which he felt
was rapidly on the decline among all classes and degrees of religionists.
" The prominence almost universally given to works apart from doctrine," he
says, " to deeds of charity and benevolence, to a good life, to philanthropy, so
called, to splendour and liberality in sacred things, to ' love of the brethren,'
to labour for others, to everything where the notion of merit of one form or
another, consciously or unconsciously, can enter in, marks the spirit of the
day, and we shall relapse into the civilisation of Athens and Rome, with
much brilliancy and softness of exterior, worshipping heroism, science, com
merce, wealth, art, and everything human and superhuman, but the One True
God." f
" I hold to the doctrine of Justification by Faith," he said on one occasion
to the writer, " and go not only the whole length of Luther, but farther still ;
I accept the axiom of Doddridge, ' The best act that the best man ever did,
contains in it that which is worthy of condemnation ' — of course, that is, as
measured by the standard of God Himself."
His faith in the Scriptures, the whole Scriptures, and nothing but the,/
Scriptures, was as simple as it was sincere.
" My invariable and invaluable guide was this," he said, on the occasion
to which reference has already been made, " never to go in action or belief
where the Scriptures would not guide me. This never failed me ; and if at
any time it brought me where I might have had doubt, I gave the Scripture
the benefit of the doubt. For example, there is that question of the Eteniityl
of_J?unhjhjnent., so much discussed now. If I maintain it, I do not wish it. i
I find it revealed, and must believe that, somehow, it is the just judgment of ,
God — to be explained hereafter, if it cannot be understood now."
Lord Shaftesbury never questioned the inspiration of the Scriptures ; his
faith was never staggered by the difficulties involved in the acceptance of the
whole of the Bible, frqni the first chapter of Genesis to the last chapter of
Revelation. "What, thou knowest not now, thou shalt know hereafter" was
a favourite text with liini, and he applied it to questions upon which other
men's minds were perplexed. For himself, he was content to wait; con
vinced that for all the things hard to be understood there was an explanation
forthcoming, even though it might not come to him.
Speaking at a meeting of the Church Pastoral Aid Society on one occa
sion, he said : —
I have heard with mine own ears a master in Israel remark in a public
* Lord Shaftesbury's Preface to Life of Luther, by A. L. O. E,
t Ibid.

522 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXIII.
assembly, that to say that the Book of Chronicles and the Gospel of St. Luke
stood on the same ground of inspiration was to utter an untenable proposition.
I say that to make such a declaration- is to concede the whole question. More
over, men contend that one part of the Bible is inspired, and that another is not,
or that there are differences in the degrees of inspiration. The whole authority
of the Bible is thus cut up from beginning to end, Depend upon it, my friends,
that there is no security whatever except in standing upon the faith of our
fathers, and saying with them that the blessed old Book is " God's Word
written," from the very first syllable down to the very last, and from the last
back to the first.*
Next to searching the Scriptures " experimentally, spiritually, dogmati
cally, for the soul's own good, and as a matter of personal religion, with
much retirement and prayer," Lord Shaftesbury considered it was the duty
of every one to set forth before the world the one " clear, distinctive, experi
mental, dogmatic truth, summed up in the word ' Gospel.' " It was his con
stant lament that clergy and laity alike were engaged in caring about many
things, and forgetting the one thing needful—" the Divinity of Christ, His
Atoning Sacrifice, and His Coming Kingdom." It was a frequent saying of
his that " the offence of the Cross has not ceased ; " and he urg-ed at all times
— in the midst of threatened dismemberments and disruptions, of disturb
ances of heart and feeling, of strange and novel theories — the great duty of
all to " know nothing among men save Jesus Christ, and Him crucified."
Thus, when speaking of the distracted state of the Church, he exhorts the
clergy to make these truths continually the burden of their preaching.
For my own part, I believe that the sole remedy is one of the simplest and
one of the oldest ; not amusements for the people, or a system of secular educa
tion, or this thing and another, that are suggested ; the sole, the sovereign
remedy, in my opinion, is to do what we can to evangelise the people by preach
ing on every occasion and in every place, in the grandest cathedral and at the
comer of the street, in the royal palace and in the back slums, preaching Christ
to the people, determined, like St. Paul, to "know nothing among men save
Jesus Christ, and Him crucified." I do believe that the preaching Christ is still
the power of God unto salvation. It may, indeed, have 'ceased to produce its
proper effect upon the generation in which we live ; but why 1 Because in
many of the pulpits — -not of the Church of England only, but of many Non
conformists — preaching gives so uncertain a sound ; preachers refrain so com
pletely from dogmatic teaching. It is because so many of the sermons preached
in these days, instead of setting forth the Gospel in its simple yet majestic
power, are mere essays : milk-and-water dilutions of the saving truths, which
those who deliver them have undertaken to proclaim. It is because there is in
the pulpits to which I allude, no preaching to satisfy the heart, to meet the
affections, to purify the moral nature, that the power of preaching has lost so
much of its effect. I am not speaking now of fine f oLks who attend fashionable
places of worship, nor am I speaking of that large class called " skilled artisans,"
a very numerous and powerful body, who will, no doubt, in future, largely in-
* Church Pastoral Aid Society, May 8, 1862.

PRACTICAL TRUTHS. 523
fluence the legislation and destinies of this country ; but I am speaking of the
great mass of the poorer sort of people whom we find in our large towns, and of
our agricultural labourers. To these people the power of preaching is just the
same as it ever was, provided it comes from a truly pious man, who appeals to
the heart and preaches the simple truths of the Gospel. I have been very much
jamong this class, and I know that they will either have religion of the best
quality or none at all. And the religion which is of the best quality, in their
.estimation, is that which addresses itself to their inmost affections, softens all
Itheir sorrows, and alleviates their miseries by showing them that they have the
{sympathy of their fellow men and the still higher sympathy of the God who
created them.*
Again, when urging upon the clergy the necessity of being able to meet
every man with his own kind of weapons, he counselled them never to let
this be done at the expense of the great practical truths of Christianity : — ¦
Answer him by saying that he has a witness in his own heart, that he needs
a Saviour ; tell him not to trouble himself about these minute things, for which
he has little time or leisure, but to examine his own heart ; hold up before him
that truth which is most opposed by the natural heart of man — he will admit
everything rather than that — hold up clearly before him the great truth of a
crucified Saviour. This is the great crucial, the great testing point. That school
of objectors will give you every single thing but. that. They will give you the
Incarnation, the Divinity of our Lord : they will give you almost every single
thing that an Evangelical heart can desire — but that they will never give you.
That is the way in which they are now deceiving so many, and that is especially
the way — I know it from practical experience — in which they are getting hold
of so many highly-educated young women of this country ; speaking to them
about our Lord as if they loved Him more than any other class of men loved
Him, and considered Him the very height of human perfection ; and thus turning
them away from the great saving truth, without which no other truth in Scrip
ture would be worth having — salvation by a crucified Redeemer. I say, there
fore, that though it is not necessary for you to deal with controversy, you should
be armed at all points and ready to give a reason for the hope that is in you.f
Of Lord Shaftesbury's unfaltering belief in the special and particular
operation of Divine Providence, even in matters of comparatively minor im
portance : of his childlike confidence in God as the " hearer and answerer of
prayer," we have already spoken in these pages. There is one other subject
to which reference has also been made, but which should be mentioned more
particularly now — his belief in the doctrine of the Second Coming of our
Lord. It entered into all his thoughts and feelings ; it stimulated him in the
midst of all his labours ; it gave tone and colour to all his hopes for the
future. The motto engraven upon the flaps of the envelopes he daily used,
bore the inscription, " Even so come, Lord Jesus," in the original Greek.
" I cannot tell you how it was that this subject first took hold upon me,"
* Church Pastoral Aid Society, May 7, 1868.
+ Church Pastoral Aid Society, May 5, 1864.

524 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXIII.
said Lord Shaftesbury to the writer ; " it has been, as far as I can i-emember,
a subject to which I have altvays held tenaciously. Belief in it has been a
moving principle in my life; for I see everything going on in the world
subordinate to this one great event. It is not a popular doctrine ; it is not,
as it should be, the hbpe of the Church ; it is, as a rule, held only by the poor:
I have on several occasions taken upon me to point out to the clergy that it
should be one of the main subjects of preaching. I made a speech at Exeter
Hall, and said, ' You begin to see that the_world cannot be saved by human.
agency ; it must be by the coming again of Clirist. As a Church, you are full
of self -righteousness. You think you can do all by yourselves, and do not
even hint at a Second Advent.' Things are better than they were, however.
I remember the time when it was the rarest thing possible to hear the subject
referred to. I know there are many difficulties connected with it, and that
different views are held. I, for example, concur in almost everything said by
Mr. Grattan Guinness,* except the astronomical part which I do not under
stand. Of one thing I am satisfied : the great event is not far off. ' Behold,
I come quickly ' does not mean, ' Behold, I come in a hurry,' but ' when the
times are ripe.' Everything is ripening. God is doing His own work.
Preachers and missionaries see now that it cannot be done by them. Difficul
ties are multiplying in every department of things. Only a few days ago
Gladstone said to a friend of mine, ' God help the man who has to govern
this countiy in twenty years' time.' "
In a letter to Mr. Hind Smith, the Secretary of the Young Men's Christian
Association, he wrote : —
This dispensation seems to be drawing to a close, yet our Lord delayeth His
coming ; and why ? Perhaps He comes not, because so few people ask Him to
come. Were effectual fervent prayer of righteous men multiplied a hundredfold
the state of things might be changed, and many now alive might live to see the
fulfilment of the promise which is the grand and only hope of all the ends of the
earth. Speak to the young men to lay this event deeply to heart.
Miss Marsh, one of his greatly valued friends, writing, after his decease,
an " In Memoriam " letter to the Record, remarks : " ' There is no real
remedy,' he often said, ' for all this mass of miseiy, but in the return of our
Lord Jesus Christ. Why do we not plead for it every time we hear the
clock strike P ' "
Scattered throughout Lord Shaftesbury's Diaries there are a great number
of passages, in which he expresses, very clearly, his views upon many vital
religious points. A few of them have been collected, and are given here.
They, better than any words of ours, will describe that phase of his life
which was the mainspring of the whole— the life of quiet, joyful communion
with God and with his own heart.
Jan. 9th, 1852.— Sunday. Is it not clearer every day to thinking minds, and
much more to influenced hearts, that it is a " little flock " to whom the Father
* "The Approaching End of the Age."

ON PRAYER. 525
will give the kingdom ? And yet it is wonderful to see the self-delusion of many,
who confess that they are sinners, and hope, in that confession, to be secure, and
who yet do nothing to extricate themselves from the sin they acknowledge. The
great mass of conforming and confessing people have no zeal, no "charity" —
I wish our translators had retained the true word "love " — no burning love for
the honour of God, no burning love for the temporal and eternal welfare of
mankind ; and yet, without this, there is no true and vital religion in the heart.

Christmas Day, 1852. — I am taught on this day that " Jesus Christ, being in
the form of God, thought it not robbery to be equal with God," and yet He
" made Himself of no reputation, and took upon Him the form of a servant, and
was made in the likeness of men ; and being found in fashion as a man, He
humbled himself and became obedient unto death, even the death of the cross."
Do we believe this 1 can we believe this ? It would be difficult, nay, quite impos
sible to do so on any grounds of experience or human reasoning. Nothing but
Scripture can interpret Scripture. I should reject it, if announced to me by
^ man. I accept it, believe it, bless it, as announced in Holy Writ. The text that
says " God is Love " — the pure, perfect spirit of Love itself— explains it all ; and,
like the Israelites, I bow the head and worship.

June 19th, 1853. — Sunday. This is a passage from Bishop Stillingfleet :
" Prayer among men is supposed to be a means to change the person to whom we
pray ; but prayer to God doth not change Him, but fits us to receive the things
prayed for ! " A great passage, and very explanatory of the difficulty oftentimes
started, that the will of the all-seeing, all-knowing, all-judging God is to be
diverted or nullified by the pertinacity of man ! The will of God is always, at
every moment, in every place, in all circumstances, and towards all persons, to be
gracious and merciful. Every bounty and goodness that the bodies and souls of
men can desire, are ever flowing from Him ; but we are not capable of receiving
them ; they are, therefore, for the time, lost, and man sinks in misery ; but
prayer, intense prayer, that spirit by which men " ought always to pray, and not
to faint," begets in us the aptitude, the capability, to apprehend that which God
is ever bestowing ; and we are changed while He continues " the same yesterday,
to-day, and for ever." 
April 3rd, 1854. — Reading 2nd Chronicles. The older I am, the more I love
that book. It should be studied, weighed, and prayed over, hour after hour, by
every man in public life. 
Oct. 11th, 1857. — Read in aft; noon Matt. xxv. What a revelation of the
future judgment on the largest por^n of the human race I Those on the left
hand are condemned, not for murder, robbery, debauchery, not for breaches of the
Decalogue, or for open blasphemy, not for sins they have committed, but for duties
that they have omitted. And is not this the state of the great mass of mankind j
The great mass do not commit great crimes ; did they so, society would fall to
pieces in the twinkling of an eye ; but they go on, day after day to their life's
end, thinking of themselves, very little of others, and nothing of God. Rich and
poor are alike ; the rich are absorbed by enjoyment, the poor by necessity, the

526 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXIIL
intermediate class by the pursuit and manufacture of wealth. " I have done
ho harm," "I am not worse than my neighbours," "I have merely used my
own," &c, &c. : all these are the pleas, the hopes, the justifications of the
"innocent" world. But while man takes one view, God takes another. "Have
you done good ? " " Have you attempted it ? " " Have you sought to advance
my Name 1 " " Have you laboured for the physical and spiritual welfare of your
fellow sinners 1 " St. James (iv. 17) condenses the spirit of our Lord's words,
"Therefore to him that knoweth to do good and doeth it not, to him it is sin."

March 30th, 1866.— St. Giles's. Yesterday, again saw Sturt.* He was full
of the same confidence, calm and resigned. " Christ died for every one," he said ;
" I, for one, among the rest." Here he realised the highest point of Christian
life, in appropriating to himself, in faith and love, the merits of our dear Lord
and Saviour. 
March 18th, 1868.— The larger portion of those who profess to believe, are
eagerly eliminating from their creed all dogma and doctrine. They accept the
Scriptures just as far as it suits their philosophy. Such will be the religion of
the future, in which Vishnu, Mahomet, Jupiter, and Jesus Christ will all be upon ¦
a level ; with some, all equally good, with others, all equally bad.

August 25th. — What is the ultimate good that these haughty sons of science
seek for themselves and for mankind? When Professor Godwin has brought
thousands to believe that we sprang from a mushroom ; when Professor Huxley
has taught as many that we sprang from a monkey ; when Professor Tyndall
has satisfied myriads that prayer is vain, useless, unphilosophical, ridiculous ;
when the seventh commandment is proved, " intellectually," as Pusey says, " to
be no longer necessary " ; when polygamy is permitted and divorce rendered ten
times more easy ; when, with Mr. Mill, it is agreed that there is much morality
in the Koran superior to that in the Gospels ; when Revelation is accepted only
as a myth ; and science acknowledged as the only source whence a, man may
learn " whence he cometh and whither he goeth " ; how shall we be better, wiser,
happier 1 What will it add to the joys of men of leisure, ease, and education ?
but, especially, what will it add to those of the poor, the sickly, the destitute, to
the peasant, the mechanic ? Ask not what it will add ; turn to the Book of God,
and see what it will take away.

Dec. 21st. — Every one, regardless of all that he speaks, writes, or does in
respect of things religious, claims for himself — and the easy world accords the
claim — a 3hare in the Christian name and Christian sentiment. They vary in
form, method, and degree. " Broad Church " for the members of the Establish
ment (and, including the indifferent, they are the majority) and " Liberality " for
the Dissenters, are the euphonious expressions under which are entertained every
species and degree of unbelief, from a slight perplexity to unqualified materialism.
To accept or reject at pleasure ; to handle with freedom and levity what they do
* Mr. Henry Sturt, of Crichel, Dorsetshire. He was first cousin to Lord Shaftesbury,
his mother having been Lady Mary Ann Ashley; He died on the 15th April following.

DEFENDERS OF RELIGION. 527
accept ; to make man's intellectual powers the rule and measure of God's
Providence, and the limit to what has been revealed ; and with all this, as most
of them do, to assert externally that they have a sentiment of religion within —
tiey do not explain what— this is, in the pedantic slang of the day, " the School
of Thought 1 " Truly, it has the " form of godliness ; " but how manifestly it
"denies the power thereof." The power of godliness demands prostration of
heart, a deep sense and feeling of sinfulness, of wretched infirmity, of utter
unworthiness in the sight of God, of the necessity of forgiveness by the love and
through the strength of Another ! Do these thoughts accompany and influence
within, the outward profession of religion in the present day? In a few, no
doubt ; for God has His seven thousand, but the rest are under a strong delusion,
and they believe a lie, . . .
Jan. 25th, 1870. — We are prolific just now in associations, unions, and leagues,
both offensive and defensive. We have a league for secular and compulsory
Education. We have another for the reverse. Unions to promote Ritualism,
unions to put it down, unions to make Sundays pleasurable, unions to make them
solemn, and now we have in prospect an " Evangelical Union," which cannot be,
in our present state, anything but a union of words and expressions, of wishes
and fears, of arguments and plans, without the possibility of union in any one
course of action, or, indeed, of any combined and concentrated declaration.
People are speaking glibly of Evangelical union, without knowing what an
Evangelical is. . . .
Jan. 31st, 1871. — Really I have more to fear from the defenders of religion
than I have from its assailants. More mischief seems to be done, in many
instances, by those who undertake the cause of the Bible, than by those who
would overthrow it. Let the Bible tell its own story, use its own language, make
its own appeals. Enforce all these, but add nothing of your own. The " scientific "
friends " are as dangerous as the " scientific enemies." Revelation is addressed to
the heart, and not to the intellect. God cares little, comparatively, for man's
intellect ; He cares greatly for man's heart. " Two mites " of faith and love,
are of infinitely higher value to Him than a " whole treasury " of thought and
knowledge. Satan reigns in the intellect ; God in the heart of man. Try the 1
Scriptures intellectually merely, and you will encounter no end of difficulties, I
and these difficulties will agitate and darken your moral and spiritual perception/
of the truth. Try them by the heart, and you will find such a flood of comfort,) I
conviction, and assurance, that all difficulties will vanish, and even those started
by science will fade away ; for faith and gratitude will set them down to
ignorance and incapacity, and revel in the whole force of the discovery that
knowledge, material and philosophical, is for time, but love for eternity. . .
April 28th. — How, in logic or common sense, can a man have merit in the
sight of God ? To have merit, so as to constitute a claim, or the possibility of a
claim, on another, must rest on an independence between the parties : a power in
one to do something to which the other is not already entitled. God created
man, and gave him all his faculties of body, soul, and spirit. God has an unlimited
right to every act, word, and thought of the being He has formed. What can a
man offer to God that is not already God's 6wh if God gave the faculties, and to

528 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXIII.
Him must return every operation of them. If man devoted to God, perfect
obedience, perfect love, from the beginning of his life to the moment of his
death, without a moment's suspension, or a particle even of infirmity, he would
simply have cleared himself of God's anger : he would have done nothing at all
to establish a right on God's favour.

Nov. 19th. — Sunday. We must be very careful in our statements of what
God can do, and what He cannot do. " There is no limit," says that admirable
man, Boultbee, * " to His power, save that which involves a contradiction, physical,
rational, or moral." Now, what is a contradiction 1 a contradiction in reference
to the Almighty? Several things might be contradictions according to our
reason and intellect ; but our reason and intellect are created things, and formed
within certain limits, and for certain purposes. We are not so constructed as to
be able to fathom these things — we ought not even to examine the surface, when
we know that we can never in this life reach the bottom. St. Paul has said that
" God cannot lie." But is that said to declare an impossibility, a defect of power,
an utter incapability ? I trow not. It is a human expression, to express" the
truth, unchangeableness, unbounded love, the wonderful character of God. As
we say in ordinary life, " a man could not do such and such thing," because we
firmly believe that he would not do it.

Jan. 30th, 1872. — "Oh," says Froude, and others like him, "because we write
and speak thus, you charge us with hating God." " No, not in these terms," we
should reply. " We charge you with hating His Christ." . . .

April 14th, 1873. — Have been reading Calvin's " Commentaries on the Scrip
tures." They are singularly vigorous and convincing. They abound in piety,
learning, discernment, and power of fathoming and penetration. Everything
seems to have been written after long and deep deliberation ; and hence a
wonderful consistency with himself throughout. I can hardly conceive the
labour that he must have bestowed on his works. Such thoughts, refined,
balanced, compared, finished, and recorded, demand more toil and mind than are
given by a hundred critics. Yet I bless God that we are hereafter to be judged
by Christ, and not by Calvin. With all his piety, goodness, truth, he is awfully
severe, and does not seem to be, like our blessed Lord, " touched with a feeling of
our infirmities."
Yesterday, Easter Sunday, took Lord's Supper. God be praised. When reading
St. John, and the last words on the Cross, " It is finished," convinced that, if the
doctrine of transubstantiation be true, Christ would have said " It is begun." It
is begun, the series of sacrifices now commenced by my death, to be repeated to
the end of time. Again in Corinthians : " Ye show forth the Lord's death till He
come." On the Romish assumption, we do not show forth, or proclaim, or com
memorate, the Lord's death each time we take the Holy Sacrament. We cause
His death, we renew it, we compass it. All alike foolish and blasphemous.
* The late Rev. Dr. Boultbee, Principal of St. John's Collegt of Divinity, Highbury,

EASTER DAY. 529
April 15th. — Doddridge, in his paraphrase commenting in Sect. 170 on
Mark xiv. 72, calls the Authorised Version a " valuable translation." I wish that
in the two passages, John vi. 20, and xviii. 5, the Greek words, being the same,
had been rendered by the same in English. The result would be most striking.
The very same words operate two very opposite effects. '¦' It is I ! " overwhelmed
and threw to the earth his furious adversaries. " It is I I " gave at once security
and joy to his terrified friends. . . .

April 3rd, 1871. — Good Friday. The events of this day are so astounding, so
infinitely beyond.the-comprehension, feeling, and even the imagination of man —
so contrary to all our selfishness, so inconsistent with all our habits, so supremely
wonderful, inexplicable, and unparalleled, that did we not know God to be love,
and His blessed Son, therefore, the same — pure, absolute, boundless love — we
could hardly. I think, believe a word of such a plan and performance of redemp
tion. It is only by seeing Him as the real, single, intense, eternal, and illimitable
principle of love, that we can bring our feeble minds, perverted judgments, and
corrupt hearts, to a conclusion even that the thing was possible.

May 14th, 1878. ... is falling rapidly into the errors of the day. He
preaches very smooth things. In a long sermon about forgiveness and God's
mercy, he only mentioned " sin " once. " It is not," he said, " that I intend to
suppress God's hatred of sin. God forbid." And there it ended. Then, at the
close of his sermon, in order to magnify the mercy of God, he exclaimed, " There
is no one in this congregation who, having come to the service an unbeliever,
may not leave it justified before God." That is true, no doubt, but is it truly
stated? What is belief ? What does it contain? What does it demand ? Does!
it demand conviction of sin, confession of sin, repentance and faith ? All these
things, except faith, are dropped now-a-days, and people are led to believe that to
accept Christ as a Saviour, and to wish for His salvation, is the sum and sub
stance of a heart turned to God. It requires no self-abasement, no confession of
the justice of the Divine wrath, no acknowledgment of inherited corruption;
and, disguise it as the preacher may, no sense of demerit, and no sense of deserved
condemnation. It is, in fact, reduced to an easy, agreeable acceptance of a'
pleasant invitation, to be had at any time that is convenient to you. Herein lies
theseed of an incipient Antinomianism.

April 20th. — Easter Sunday. The simple dignity of the narrative in the
Gospels of the resurrection of our blessed Lord, is, in itself an ample evidence of
its truth. An event so stupendous, the accomplishment of prophecy so clear, the
fulfilment of promise so true, and the manifestation of Almighty power so
irresistible, are recorded in a few colloquial words, without note or comment,
without effort to impress the reader or magnify the issue. Contrast this with
any merely human composition (real or imaginary) to set forth the life and
achievements of a hero, and mark the difference. The panegyrist cannot trust to
the facts alone, or to the deductions of his readers, he must amplify, place in
several lights, and stimulate the imagination.
i i

530 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. tCHAP. XXIII.
Nov. 28th. — Believers and unbelievers have, each of them, their fears, but how
different in intensity and duration I The unbeliever, whenever he reflects, must
feel, " What if it all be true ? " The believer, in a moment of depression, may
think, " What if none of it be true ? " The unbeliever dismisses reflection, and
goes on as before. The believer indulges it, and it issues in redoubled assurance
and joy. 
Aug. 17th, 1880. — Read this morning, the first thing, Psalms xc. and xci. —
"The song of Moses, the Man of God." Blessed' be the name and memory of
that true, noble, beloved servant of the Lord Jesus Christ, for doubtless our
Saviour would have said of him, as he said of Abraham, " He rejoiced to see my
day, and he saw it, and was glad."
In what spirit and in what sense did the old believing Hebrews read those
two compositions ? Is it probable — nay, is it possible — that men, reading and
hearing such things with humble understandings and devout hearts, should not
have felt and seen that there was in store for God's real people, an eternity
of life, of happiness, and of truth ?

CHAPTER XXIV.
1856—1858.
From 1855 to 1865 — the years during which Lord Palmerston was Prime
Minister — the Diary of Lord Shaftesbury is scantier than at any other
period of his life, one volume containing the whole of the entries for the ten
years. They are sufficiently full, however, to give a clear account of the
labours in which he was engaged, as well as a succinct history of the times.
There are, throughout those years, many entries referring to Lord Palmerston's
Church appointments, but these we shall reserve until later, in order to mark
the whole progress of Lord Shaftesbury's action in relation to them.
Against any encroachment upon the sanctity of the Christian Sabbath,
Lord Shaftesbury always came to the front with a vigorous opposition. He
had placed himself at the head of many societies for guarding it, and, at any
time, could put in motion a vast system of religious machinery to resist the
movements made by secularists, or others, for " violating the Lord's Day."
For over forty years, in Parliament, at public meetings, by appeals through
the press, and by every other means within his reach, he kept up an unceasing
warfare : — sometimes to obtain restrictive legislation on the subject, but
always to advance the claims of the Day of Rest on the conscience and
intelligence of the nation, and- especially of the working classes. In his
speeches at the annual meetings of the Lord's Day Observance Society, and
the Working Men's Lord's Day Rest Association, over both of which he
presided, he enforced what he regarded as the rights, duties, and privileges
of the Sabbath in relation to social, domestic, political, and religious life ; and
as, year by year, there were fresh attempts made in and out of Parliament to
procure the opening of museums and places of amusement on that day, so,
year after year, to the very close of his life, he was zealously at work
organising fresh efforts to resist the threatened encroachments. " Your
political liberties," he said on one occasion to the members of the Working
Men's Lord's Day Rest Association, " are more secure under the charter of
the Sabbath, than they can be under all the charters which were ever given
by any of our kings, including that of Runnymede itself. That charter is
greater than any other that God has ever given to man. It is as great as the
sanctity of His own Book."
We have seen his action in 1847 with regard to Sunday labour in the
Post-office, and, subsequently, in stopping the Sunday delivery of letters
throughout the kingdom. In 1854 he succeeded in passing a Sunday Closing
of Public Houses Act; — which, however, was repealed in the following year
T T 2

532 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chat. XXIV.
by the Sale of Beer Act. And now we must look at seme of his further
efforts in the same cause.
Any thing that would tend to make the English Sunday approximate to
that of the French was hateful to him. He had no sympathy with the
saying, " Ennui was bom in London on a Sunday," as he shows in the follow
ing note : —
Sept. 23rd, 1855. — The stir in Paris on the Lord's Day is like the breaking up
of a mill-dam. It is a rush, a torrent that carries all before it. Each one must
judge for himself, but, putting aside the religious considerations, I vastly prefer,
for a day of repose, the deadness of London. One's head whirls with the flow of
vehicles and the unceasing masses of human life, that make the streets and walks
almost groan with their weight. The people seem to delight in the impossibility
of moving backward and forward without jostling one another. But so far from
being enlivening, the spectacle is, to my mind, actually depressing. It is terrible,
painful, alarming to see so wholesale', resolute, national a desecration of the
Lord's Day. Whether it be disbelief or disobedience, the result is distressing, and
weighs one down with the reflection that millions are set in open resistance to
the Most High, and are bent on giving the victory to the flesh over the spirit, to
time over eternity, to the god of this world over the God of the other. " They
crown," as old Jeremy Taylor says, " their cups with roses and their heads with
folly and forgetfulness."
This excites one's sorrow, and, I trust, one's prayers. Another spectacle
excites my indignation. Every sense of humanity, kindness and justice, is
shocked by the perpetual unbroken labour of the working-man on the Sabbath
Day. Buildings proceed, and thousands toil as though they had no limbs to be
reposed, and no rights to be respected. Can we wonder at the sixty years of
revolution this country has undergone ? Shall we wonder if it enter soon on
another half century of woe and conflict ?
And yet there are many in England, some from ignorance, some from malignity,
who would reduce us, or, as they would say, elevate us to a Parisian level.
In 1856 there were two causes for grave apprehension that the Parisian
Sunday was to be introduced into England. Sunday bands wore permitted
in the metropolitan parks, and strenuous efforts were being made to throw
open the Crystal Palace on that day, while the old attempt to leg'alise the
opening of the British Museum on Sundays was renewed with greatly
increased vigour.
As regards the Crystal Palace, Lord Shaftesbury had a personal
grievance. When the enterprise was taking shape, he, at a time when there
was considerable difficulty and some fear with regard to it, had eome forward
to support the effort, and had presided at the enthusiastic meeting in which
its future was determined. " Having obtained a guarantee that it would
under trustees, be turned to the best purposes, and that it would not he open
on Sundays," he noted in his Diary at the time, " I deemed it right to make
an effort for the safe and useful recreations of the people — to please them, at
any rate, by making the attempt."
It was, therefore, with no little anxiety that he watched the movements

1856.] SABBATH DESECRATION. 533
of the Crystal Palace Company, and with no little fervour that he addressed
an enormous gathering of Sunday-school teachers in Exeter Hall, mot for tho
purpose of protesting against the proposed opening of the Palace on Sunday.
His opposition to Sunday bands in the metropolitan parks was destined to
occasion him considerable inconvenience. Popular feeling was very strong
in certain quarters upon any interference with the riglit of people to do as
they pleased on the Sunday. In the previous year Lord Robert Grosvenor
had introduced a Bill to prevent Sunday trading in the metropolis, and the
people, thinkmg that their liberty was being- infringed, commenced a series
of Sunday riots in Hyde Park, and continued them for several Sundays until
they gained their end — the withdrawal of the Bill. In the course of these
riots serious cases of personal violence had occurred, windows had been
broken, and attempts had been made to set fire to houses.
When, therefore, in 1856, Lord Shaftesbury commenced a campaign
ag-ainst Sabbath desecration — with which, by the way, Lord Robert
Grosvenor's measure had nothing to do, as it had no reference whatever to
the " better observance of the Sabbath," but only to the pressure on certain
tradespeople who desired a full day of rest — he did so at considerable peril.
In Februaiy he took the chair of the Working Men's Lord's Day Rest
Association, with the following result : —
Feb. 11th. — The enemy had been beforehand, and packed the room very dex
terously, by scattering, not concentrating, their numbers. The chairman, there
fore, was not even master of the platform ; all was noise and confusion ; all
threatened violence, if not of blows — though that was very near — yet of perilous
pressure. Seeing that order was impossible, because disorder was predetermined,
and that nothing but mischief could arise from a prolongation of the meeting,
I vacated the chair, and gave our friends an opportunity of closing the meeting,
without furnishing to their adversaries an apparent victory, no speeches having
been made and no resolution moved.
Later in the year a fresh effort on the part of Lord Shaftesbury was
destined to be attended with more threatening hazards still. Sir Benjamin
Hall, the Chief Commissioner of Works, had, in the previous year, intro
duced military bands into the metropolitan parks. Lord Shaftesbury ob
jected strongly to this innovation, on religions grounds as well as on many
others — such as the compulsion of the bandsmen to do anything but regi
mental duties on the Sunday, the fear lest the popular notion that it was a
movement of Prince Albert's to Germanise the Sunday should render him
unpopular, and the offence to tho religious feelings of hundreds of thousands
of the community. But it was simply on the ground of national responsi
bility that he opposed it. His efforts were directed to induce the Govern
ment to withdraw the appointment of the bands, when the national responsi
bility would cease. As to the rest, he considered that only private efforts, by
teaching-, preaching, or example, should be made to raise the standard of
Sunday observance, and under no circumstances would he urge an aggTessive

534 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXTV.
policy, or invoke the aid of legislation or authority, except in matters under
law and police regulations.
The result of his endeavours to obtain the withdrawal of the sanction of
the Government, is told in the following extracts from the Diary : —
May 17th. — London. Violent and fearful struggles on Sabbath question,
Palmerston suffered himself to be dragged through the dirt by Sir B. Hall, and
endorsed all the follies, insolences, outrages of that perilous fellow. Mighty
feeling against him in House of Commons — his Government endangered. I had
forewarned him heartily, earnestly, but he rejected my advice. Matters, however,
had become serious, and I spoke then to Archbishop of Canterbury, and obtained
from him a letter to P. Went to P. late on Friday night, and persuaded him to
accept letter and discontinue bands ; announced it on Monday morning ; great
rejoicing, and addresses voted.
Vengeance, however, is announced. Sir B. and many in Brookes's ; choice
spirits from every class, high and low ; the Times and a whole swarm of penny
posters are frantic ; riots are threatened to-morrow ; furious placards all over
the streets, and my house, here accurately " numbered and defined," is marked out
for the special visit of the mob. To-morrow (Sunday) is fixed for the display of
"public rage ; " and. in fact, the police are somewhat alarmed. It is a frightful
thing that. every fancy of the populace, if thwarted, is to be supported by tumul
tuous gatherings, and yielded, as last year, by timid Ministers ! But will
Palmerston yield ? He is lost if he does.
May 18th. — Sunday. The " Ides of March " are come, but not passed ; must
barricade my house and prepare for mischief.
Cannot but muse sometimes on the joy that will be felt by many in London,
especially in the clubs and drawing-rooms, when they hear of tbe " smash " in
Grosvenor Square.
The conclusion of the whole matter may be told in an extract from a letter
to his son Evelyn : —
During two successive Sundays our house has been in a state of siege ; windows
closed, blinds down, and mobs expected ! All, nevertheless, passed quietly ; the
people are utterly indifferent ; though a few " roughs " will easily be found to
break windows and assault policemen.
The great band question, if left alone, will go out like a night lamp — yet it is
the commencement of a series of such things, attempts to lower all religious
observances, and secularise whatever is esteemed sacred. We are taught to expect
movements, and successful movements, like these in the " latter days."
There was nothing morose or ascetic about Lord Shaftesbury's views ; he
had no desire to curtail lawful recreations ; on the contrary, we find him, in a
variety of ways, labouring to bring an increase of healthful and innocent
recreations within the reach of all. In these years, therefore, when he was so
actively engaged in resisting encroachments on the sanctity of the Sabbath,
he was as ardently busy in seeking to obtain Early Closing in places of busi
ness, and the inestimable boon of a Saturday half -holiday.
In an address to the members of the Young Men's Christian Association
at Manchester, on the 25th of March, he said :—

1856.] PEACE REJOICINGS. 535
There is no slight amount of mischief arising from the long detention of
young people of both sexes in shops and warehouses. I believe this practice to
be productive of the very greatest mischief ; it lowers the whole physical system
by over-toil, and it lowers, simultaneously, the moral taste and appetite, and
destroys in them every desire for what is wholesome, leaving only the desire for
what is most stimulating and sensual. The body is wearied and the spirit
deadened, which otherwise might have been employed in matters tending to
reform, elevate, and dignify the personal character ; and, therefore, I see the
immense value of what is called the Early Closing Movement. I believe it has
been to the young of immense value, and I should be very glad to know that
simultaneously with that we had, not only for young men, but also for the whole
operative class, the lassignment every week of a good half -holiday. I believe
there is no other way in which you can improve the observance of the Sabbath
so effectually, as by giving a half-holiday on every Saturday afternoon. And
I must say that all those who have concurred with me in opposition to the
motion of Sir Joshua Walmsley, for opening places of amusement on the Lord's
Day, are bound to go along with those who entertain the opinion that I do — that
if we refuse to give them that form of recreation on the Lord's Day, we are
bound to do what we can to give them some form of recreation on some other day.
Among the events noted in the Diary during the year 1856 are the
following : —
Jan. 24th. — (Windsor Castle). — Sir E. Lyons here. Full of interesting and
instructive narrative. . . . His statements redeem the character of Lord Raglan
as a general, and show that in many, and those the most important instances, the
most necessary and promising enterprises were stopped by the refusal of the
French to co-operate, and in some, too, by their failure to act up to their engage
ments. I never heard or read such a complication of errors or mishaps, growing,
in great measure, out of the evil of a divided command. A special Providence
must have watched over our armies, or we should have been, as Canrobert was
always fearing and saying, " thrown into the sea."
March 31st. — Yesterday, Sunday. Peace was signed, and the intelligence sent
by electric telegraph. The guns announced it to the people. Let us bless the
Lord who has brought us out of so many and great dangers, who has shown us
such unspeakable and undeserved mercies, and who has taught us how and why
to thank Him I May it be a true peace, a lasting peace, a fruitful peace. May
it give double energy and double capacity to our thoughts, desires, and efforts.
May 31st. — On Thursday metropolis equally distinguished by its numbers and
its discipline : self -discipline, self-control ; two millions of people must have
been in the streets during the fireworks and illuminations (500,000, it is said —
I heard it from Palmerston — had been added from the country), and yet all was
quiet, orderly, peaceable. I saw myself, from the window, myriads collected, and
only one mounted policeman to represent authority. The stream, the river, the
deluge of human beings that flowed by, the steady pace, the density of the mass,
the complete occupation of the whole width of the streets, the regularity of
movement, like an easy watercourse, no sound but that of shght conversation
and a few short laughs, and the time during which it lasted, as they quitted
Hyde Park, were unprecedented and indescribable,

536 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [CiiAr. XXIV.
August 19th. — Miss Nightingale is returned to England quietly, and neither
receiving nor, so far as we can see, wishing a triumphant entry. She is worthy
of honour, and may she have it to her heart's content.
The question of the creation of life peerages, which was under discussion
during this year, was one on which Lord Shaftesbury held strong opinions.
It arose in consequence of the issue of letters patent purporting to create
Sir James Parke, Knight, a Baron of the United Kingdom for life. Tho
appointment was challenged by Lord Lyndhurst, who contended that there
were certain limits to the power of the Crown in the creation of peers, and
that the House of Lords had a jurisdiction and a right to decide on the
validity of the patents by which commoners are admitted to the privilege of
peers. " As for the Appellate Jurisdiction," Lord Shaftesbury wrote to a friend,
" I had rather lose it altogether than admit the creation of peers for life."
Ref erring to the debate, he says : —
Feb. 11th. — We had a good debate on the 7th respecting peerages for life.
A majority referred the question to a Committee of Privileges. Derby never
/Spoke so well before. The discussion is injurious ; it brings under Republican
and hostile review, the whole principle of hereditary succession, and has roused
the Democrats to hope and action.
The scheme is not popular. Yet it may triumph, for the Government will
try to enforce the measure, though most of them dislike it.
While the question was pending, he wrote to Mr. Haldane :—
February 20, 1856.
. . . The life peerage question might be met in a safe and useful way.
Doubtless, the Appellate Jurisdiction is very weak, and likely to become weaker
in the House of Lords. But an arrangement whereby we should annex a seat in
the Upper House to certain judicial functions, existing and to be created, would
take away the bald, crude creation of life peerages, prevent all possibility of
abuse, and give us the strength we desire.
The question was referred to a Committee of Privileges, and, in the end,
Baron Parke was created a peer, with title to issue.
The creation of peers from among the ranks of commercial men had
been advocated by Lord Shaftesbury as early as the year 1849. The result
of further efforts in this direction is given in the following entry : —
Aug. 8th (Schwalbach). — As I foresaw and foretold, so is the result of my
advice to Palmerston to raise a millowner to a peerage. The Manchester Times
(Bright's paper) rejoices in the proper appreciation of the merits and position of
manufacturers, and speaks the sentiments of the entire class. They consider, and
this I was convinced of, that a bar of exclusion is removed and their equality
recognised. In the spring of this year Lord Shaftesbury sustained a loss in the
removal, by death, of his brother-in-law, Lord Cowper.
Referring- in his Diary to his loss, he writes :—

1S5|3] THE LOIICHA "ARROW." 537
April 17th. — Poor dear Fordwich ! He was with us well on Monday morning ;
he left London well on Tuesday morning for business at Maidstone ; at three
o'clock he was taken ill in court, and at half -past nine he was dead I The sudden
ness, the awfulness, of it, recalls forcibly the death of poor Jocelyn. Both
mysterious, both inscrutable decrees of Providence ; we have only to do as the
children of Israel, " bow the head and worship."
A more lovable man never lived ; a good husband, and tenderly attached to
his children. The celebration of Harvest Home at St. Giles's this year was attended
with special circumstances. On one day 250 labourers sat down to a feast;
and 350 on the following day. On each occasion the festivities were preceded
by Divine Service in the church.
Oct. 29th. — Antony arrived safe and sound from Russia, and in time for this
festival. House full (who would have thought it?)— of foreigners ! Creptowitch (the
Russian Ambassador) and his wife, Azeglio, Messrs. Monico and Jaucourt, these
all present at the Harvest Home. The Persignys invited and most anxious to
come, but summoned suddenly to Windsor. Last night arrived the Portuguese
Minister, M. Lavradio, and his spouse.
All this to help my mother-in-law in her necessary duties, to propitiate the
" parlez-vous," and " make the thing go off."
Oct. 31st. — Persignys came after all, and went away this morning. All were
good-humoured and agreeable. Creptowitch specially pleased me.
In the speech from the throne at the opening of Parliament on February
3rd, 1857, this ominous passage occurred : " Her Majesty commands ns to
inform you that acts of violence, insults to the British flag, and infraction
of treaty rights committed by the local Chinese authorities at Canton, and
a pertinacious refusal of redress, have rendered it necessary for her Majesty's
officers in China to have recourse to measures of force to obtain satisfaction."
This state of things had arisen from the fact of a boat (lorcha), the Arrow,
having been boarded by Chinese, who carried off twelve men on a charge of
piracy. It was contended by the owners that the Arrow was a British
vessel, and by the Chinese that it was a Chinese vessel. The British
Consul demanded the release of the captured men, and his demand not
bein°' complied with, war with China ensued. As a matter of fact, the
lorcha Arrow was not a British vessel at all, and complications of a most
serious nature arose in China, and reacted upon the Government at home.
Lord Derby brought forward in the House of Lords, on the 24th of
Februaiy, a motion censuring the Government, in sweeping terms, for their
proceedings in China. The debate continued over two nights, when tho
division showed a majority of 146 to 110 against Lord Derby's motion. On
February 26th, Mr. Cobden, in the House of Commons, brought forward a
motion : " That this House has heard with ooncem of the conflicts which have
occurred between the British and Chinese authorities in the Canton river ;
and, without expressing an opinion as to the extent to which the Government

538 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXIV.
of China may have afforded this country cause of complaint respecting the
non-fulfilment of the Treaty of 1842, this House considers that the papers
which have been laid upon the table fail to establish satisfactory grounds foi
the violent measures resorted to at Canton in the late affair of the Arrow,
and that a Select Committee be appointed to inquire into the state of our
commercial relations with China."
Lord Shaftesbury's views with reference to this question are given in the
following entries : —
February 27th. — China question uppermost in men's minds and on men's
j tong-ues. Party spirit governs the whole, and the result is that there is more
i falsehood, in its various phases and degrees, uttered and felt by every speaker,
, and on both sides, than occurs in any six weeks of ordinary life ! The Chinese
are bepraised as innocents, as saints, as patterns of softness, purity, genius,
docility, honour — as specimens of what men and nations should be. Does any
one being, in either House, believe a ten-millionth fraction of all this ? Does
any one believe that if J. Russell had been in government, he would not have
said the very reverse of what he did say last night ? Does any one doubt the
same of Derby ? And does any one believe that, if the members of the Govern
ment (instead of being where they are) had been in Opposition, they would not
have done and said what has been said and done by Derby and J. Russell?
Public life is intolerable and disgusting (yet how much worse in America I).
" Truth and justice, religion and piety," for which we pray, have no more share
in these concerns than the mines of Golconda in the manufacture of green cheese.
It is a painful question. The Chinese are, doubtless, insolent, irritating,
aggressive, and false. We, on the other hand, give abundant provocation in the
pertinacity and outrage of our opium, smuggling. In the present case (I voted
with Government in this sense) we had law and right on our side in the matter
of the lorcha ; and, even had the right been less clear, the vote proposed — a vote
of censure — was extreme. Derby did, so far, good service in bringing many
improprieties before the public view ; but he gave a signal proof how good things
may be done from wrong motives. A more self-seeking unreal partisan movement
was never made.
The debate proceeded for three nights, and on the fourth Lord Palmerston
defended the conduct of the Government, and avowed his intention to treat
the vote as one of " no confidence."
March 4th. — Government defeated last night on China question by majority
' of 16. A sad result. Right or wrong, the Government must be supported to
bring these matters to a satisfactory close ; but now they are crippled in the eyes
of the Chinese, and apparently detached from the basis of the country. Such a
\ coalition was, perhaps, never before seen or imagined. Cobden, D'Israeli, and
\ Gladstone, all combined to turn out Palmerston, and obtain office. J. Russell,
\ ever selfish, came as a unit to the confederacy.
I did not expect it. Hoped and believed that God, having employed P. as
¦ an instrument for good, would maintain him. But His ways are inscrutable.
To my own influence over future' ecclesiastical appointments (should Palmerston
continue in power), I foresee the termination, They will say that my advice led

1857.] THE OPIUM QUESTION. 539
him to the nomination of the several clergymen ; that this exasperated Glad
stone, and gave rise to the effort and the coalition ; and that Derby's party,
many of whom had professed a resolution to keep Palmerston in office, had
deserted him and their promises ; that, in short, my counsel had done more harm
than good. And yet, has he not prodigious strength in the country ? Has he not
acquired, by this means, a popularity such as no minister has heretofore enjoyed ?
It will be remembered that after the Opium War of 1840-2, Lord Ashley
brought before Parliament the whole question of the opium trade, with a view
to putting an end to the traffic in this drug as a means of revenue for our
Indian empire. Those efforts were not successful in attaining the desired
end, although they served to inaugurate a standing protest against the ini
quity of the system. Meanwhile, the arrangements consequent upon the
' Treaty of Nankin made smuggling easier than ever. The Chinese saw that
| they dared not put in force the laws against the importation of opium. The
scum and refuse of Europe and Asia hovered about the Chinese waters, or
domiciled at Hong Kong as British citizens. Any lawless Chinese could
take up his residence there, and procure a colonial register, with liberty to
use the British flag.
Long before the boarding of the pseudo-British, but in reality Chinese,
lorcha Arrow, by Commissioner Yeh, which brought about the war of 1856-7,
Lord Shaftesbury had determined to again attack the Opium question by a
motion in the House of Lords for taking the opinion of the judges as to its
legality. He refers to the subject thus :—
March 8th. — Some time ago gave notice of Opium question ; delayed it, first,
to acquire information ; then, to obtain the legal questions as drawn up, for
submission to tbe judges, by Rochfort Clarke. Debate on China arose ; defeat of
ministers and public confusion. Derby, evidently hoping to catch me in a collu
sion with the Government, asked me in the House whether I intended to proceed ;
I answered " Yes," explained the cause of delay, and promised to lay my questions
on the table, which I did last Friday.
Granville on Thursday, after my statement, privately objected to my taking
my course in the matter, urging that I should embarrass the Government, raise
inconvenient debate, and do much mischief. I replied that the belief of " col
lusion for electioneering purposes " would do ten times more harm, and that
withdrawal on my part was simply impossible. Having returned home, wrote
him a letter, saying that if he would, as Minister of the Crown, state in the
House of Lords that the discussion would be detrimental to affairs in China, I
would put it off. Saw him in evening at House of Lords ; he objected to make
such an appeal, but offered to grant my motion if, in making it, I would keep to
legal points. I agreed, and he pledged himself to that course.
On the 9th of March Lord Shaftesbury brought forward his motion. He
denounced the system as " one of the most flagitious instances of unscrupulous- '
ness in the pursuit of wealth that mankind had ever witnessed, ... in
every point of view scandalous and perilous." He set forth its evils from the
commercial, the financial, and the political point of view, and commented on

540 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXIV.
its immorality as disgraceful to the character, of England and inimical to the
spread of Christianity. Successive Governments and Parliaments had tolerated
these things, but " there was a growing sentiment in the country," he said,
" that the traffic was altogether illegal, and was not only inconsistent with
statute law, but was in direct contravention to the law of the realm." He
wished this point settled, therefore, because, if tho judges declared it illegal,
it would be for Parliament to devise a remedy ; if they declared it legal,
" he should have an entirely new starting-point, and he could then appeal to
the people of England to consider this great national sin that had reduced
our character and restricted our operations, and brought the name of the
British people upon the south-east coast of China, to a level in morals and
conduct with the old detestable buccaneers of America." He moved that the
opinion of the judges be taken on the two points : first, whether it was lawful
for the East India Company to derive a revenue from the opium monopoly ;
and, secondly, whether it was lawful for them to sell the opium for the direct
purpose of being smuggled into a friendly country.
After some debate the motion was withdrawn on the understanding that
the Government would take the opinion of the law officers of the Crown on
the matter.
Meanwhile, Palmerston had advised her Majesty to dissolve Parliament
at the earliest period consistent with the due discharge of public business.
March 9th. — Dissolution received with zeal and favour towards Palmerston,.
such as no one ventured to anticipate. It is rather like an explosion, than an
exhibition, of feeling. P.'s popularity is wonderful — strange to say, the whole
turns on his name. There seems to be no measure, no principle, no cry, to
influence men's minds and determine elections ; it is simply. " Were you, or were
you not? are you, or are you not, for Palmerston?" This is not safe nor
trustworthy ; the sooner we come to a close the better.
Palmerston's health is not so vigorous as it was, and years aggravate the
disorder. At this moment he is suffering from gout, which he cannot shake off,
while the demands on his time and attention are severe.
In the General Election that ensued, Lord Shaftesbury's eldest son beeame
a candidate for the representation of Hull. The result of his candidature is
told as follows : —
March 28th.— Intelligence of Acoy's election :— Clay, 2,365 ; Accy, 2,353 ;
Compton, 1,392 ; Seymour, 434.
And all this without a bribe, treating, or any illicit inducement. His success
is wonderful, and is of God's goodness. May it be sanctified to him. May it be
the beginning of a career noble, patriotic, useful, religious, to his Master's honour
and man's welfare. Evelyn there ; of great service, a first-rate canvasser ; showed
every quality of a clever, energetic man of business. God protect him and all of
them. At a public dinner given to Lord Asliley to celebrate his return as member
for Hull, Lord Shaftesbury was present, and in reply to a vote of thanks for

1S57.J AN ITEM OF FAMILY HISTORY. 541
his attendance, he thanked the citizens for the generous kindness they had
exhibited to his son.
You have taken that youth by the hand and started him in the race of life
with every hope, I believe, of usefulness and honour. It cannot but be matter
of deep emotion that I should now see my son, in his earliest years, placed in
that position where many men have terminated their career ; that I see him com
mencing life in the highest situation that British freemen can confer upon their
fellow-citizens ; that I see him, young and inexperienced, entrusted with mighty
interests ; that I see him the member for the third sea-port in the kingdom.
Towards the close of his speech he took his audience into his confidence
in the following item of family history : —
Now, gentlemen, I am going to take credit to myself and my boy that we are
Yorkshiremen. I was not bom in Yorkshire, yet I rejoice to say that I have a
small Yorkshire property, and that at no distance from here, but I claim the
right to be considered a Yorkshireman from this, that when my father married,
it' was the only worldly possession he had of any sort or kind. By this he was
enabled to marry my mother, and hence the son who has now the honour of
addressing you.
The result of the General Election was a large Liberal majority, and the
triumphant return of Lord Palmerston as First Minister of the Crown.
On May the 14th, soon after the assembling of the new Parliament, Lord
Shaftesbury returned to the Opium Question. In reply to his question as to
the legality of the sale of opium in India, the Lord Chancellor said a case
had been drawn up by the legal advisers of the Board of Control, and was
about to be submitted to the law officers of the Crown.
It was not until the 24th of August that the opinion of the law officers
was presented. It was to the following effect : that there was no illegality in
the cultivation or sale of opium by the East India Company ; and that, as
regarded the trade, it was no violation of the Treaty, but, as some doubts
existed as to whether it was not contrary to the spirit of the Treaty, it would
be expedient to introduce some change, so as to avoid remonstrances that
might possibly be made. *
For the present nothing further could be done, but Lord Shaftesbury
resolved that in the following year he would again bring the whole question
of the opium trade before Parliament. India, however, came before the
House in connection with its transfer from the East India Company to the
Crown, and minor details of administration naturally fell into the back
ground. When the Government of India Bill was passed, and Indian affairs
became administered directly by the Home Government, it was needful that
time should be given for the due adjustment of the altered relations, and the
opium trade, among other Parliamentary questions, was for a time kept in
abeyance. That difficult question still remains unsettled. Lord Shaftesbury never
ceased to denounce the traffic as infamous, and never lost an opportunity to
* Hansard, 3 s., cxlv. 249, cxlvi. 107, cxlvii. 1884, 2003.

542 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXIV.
call public attention to it as indefensible on political, moral, religious, and
social grounds. He remained President of the Anti-Opium League to the
end of his life, and one of his last vigorous speeches was made when presiding
at its anniversary meeting.
Any effort that had for its object the preaching of the Gospel to the
masses was sure to command the warmest sympathy of Lord Shaftesbury ;
and in the spring of 1857 we find him rejoicing over the commencement of a .
series of Special Religious Services in Exeter Hall, on Sunday evenings.
May 31st. — Sunday. One event I must recall, and a Sunday event, too. Last
Sunday a glorious triumph for religion and the Church of England. Ah, blessed
be God ! a splendid proof of the use and value of the Religious Worship Act
passed two years ago I Under the powers of this Act in Exeter Hall, an evening
service was conducted by the Bishop of Carlisle in full canonicals, for the benefit
of all comers, especially the working classes, who " were not habitual Church or
Chapel goers : " such was the advertisement.
An attendance of more than three thousand — order, decency, attention, and
even devotion. They sang well and lustily, and repeated the responses to the
Litany (the only part of the Liturgy used) with regularity and earnestness.
Villiers preached the sermon, on "What saith the Scripture?" practical, pious,
affectionate, true ; delivered with dignity and power, and deeply impressive.
During the service, and when we retired, we felt the presiding hand and goodness
of God, and openly and secretly gave Him thanks.
Many have been the proofs that we have had of happy fruits : of persons
attending who never in their lives before had been in any place of public
worship. Another service this evening. Cadman officiating. Fuller than before ;
hundreds sent away. Equally prosperous. God is manifestly with us, and with
discourses such as these. Cadman preached like an Evangelist.
Abundant success attended these Services ; thousands were present every
Sunday evening, and testimony was borne from all quarters that a large class
of persons was being reached by this means, who were unaccustomed to be
present at any of the ordinary ministrations of the Church. It was a move
ment that exactly met the need of the times ; it had the sanction of the
Bishop of London (Dr. Tait), and of the incumbent of the parish in which
Exeter Hall was situate, and it fulfilled, it was believed, all the requirements
of the Religious Worship Act of 1855; it was designed to bring the clergy
and the people more closely together, and to remove the impression that the
clergy were " only gentlemen who wore black coats and received large
salaries " ; it appealed especially to the working classes, and was adapted to
meet their prejudices by providing that there should be no distinction of
persons, no reserved seats, no collections, and, in short, that every one who
came, no matter how humble he might be, should be dealt with upon precisely
the same footing as if he were the first man in the land.
Twelve Services were held, and towards the end, notwithstanding the heat
of the weather, five thousand eager listeners thronged the Hall and half as
many more were sent away every week for want of room. Tho Services

l857] EXETER HALL SPECIAL SERVICES. 543
were then discontinued, and arrangements were made for their re-commence
ment in the month of October. But, a short time before they were to be
re-commenced, an inhibition was issued by the incumbent of the parish to
the minister who was to have officiated at the re-opening.
That minister, fearing to commit a breach of the law, declined to hold the
Service ; the committee was called together, and, although Lord Shaftesbury,
doubting the legality of the inhibition, urged the continuation of the Special
Services, his judgment was overruled, and the Services were stopped.
Application was then made for the use of St. Martin's Hall, but the
incumbent of that parish, although approving the Services, announced his
intention to issue an inhibition against their being held within his parish.
In these circumstances, as the incumbent of the Strand district persevered
in his inhibition, the Nonconformists stepped in, and to the manner in which
they acted at this juncture Lord Shaftesbury bore high testimony.
To the members of the Nonconformist body we owe a debt of gratitude for
the manner in which our places have been supplied. They have, in this instance,
acted with a delicacy and a forbearance which redound infinitely to their credit.
They declined to engage Exeter Hall until they had ascertained that it would be
quite impossible for us to renew our Services, and, having taken the Hall, they
offered to give it up at any moment we might desire. They also, that they might
not seem to do anything by way of foil or contrast to us, adopted, most minutely
forms of the service which we had instituted. They selected the hymns which
we used to have sung, and the officiating minister read a lesson and a portion of
the Litany of the Church of England, while in his discourse he never, either
directly or indirectly, alluded to the difficulties under which the Church of
England was placed, or to the freedom of the party to which he belonged, or to
the manner in which that body had come forward to follow in our footsteps. *
Meanwhile a great stir had been created, and in the uncertain state of
the law on the subject, Lord Shaftesbury gave notice of a motion to amend
the Religious Worship Act of 1855, and adapt it to meet the exigencies, not
only of the present case, but of any similar case that might arise in the
future. The High Church party prepared themselves for a strenuous opposi
tion ; almost every other section of the Church was in sympathy with the
movement. It was curious to find how, with this one exception, all shades of
opinion were united in favour of an alteration of the law.
On the motion for the second reading of his Bill, entitled the " Religious
Worship Act Amendment Bill," Lord Shaftesbury went fully into the
history of the case, and having set forth its peculiar hardships and incon
gruities, proposed that the power of inhibition should not extend to parishes
or districts, the population of which, by the last preceding census, exceeded
2 000 that such inhibition should not be valid unless it be sanctioned by the
Bishop of the diocese, and that the power of inhibition should be limited to
" any congregation or assembly occasionally meeting for religious worship in
* Speech in House of Lords, Deo. 8, 1857.

544 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXIV.
any building or buildings not usually appropriated to purposes of religious
worship." The proposed addition of a clause to the Religious Worship Act— for
such was to all intents and purposes the scope of the new Bill — met with very
strong opposition from Bishop Wilberforce and the section of the Church he
represented. It was in consequence of a statement made by him, to the
effect that a large majority of the bishops urged a postponement of the
second reading, that Lord Shaftesbury concluded by moving that the Bill be
read a second time on the 8th of February.
The measure, mild as it was, called forth "an immense amount of sacer
dotalism, even among the Evangelical clergy." The laity went heartily with
Lord Shaftesbury ; the clergy, with few exceptions, were either openly or
secretly against him. In this state of affairs the Archbishop of Canterbury,
on the 5th of Februaiy, introduced a Bill for legalising Special Services in
unconsecrated buildings, in connection with the Church of England, the main
feature of which was to secure more power for the bishops than Lord Shaftes
bury's Bill proposed, by making their sanction necessary. On the 9th of
Februaiy, as twenty-four bishops were reported to be unanimous against his
Bill, Lord Shaftesbury withdrew it in favour of the Bill introduced by the
Archbishop. Referring to the meeting at which this unanimity was obtained, the
Bishop of Oxford wrote : — " The bishops have been sitting in conclave for
hours, which certainly consumes- much time — our wild elephants seem every
now and then a little tamed, and — if the " Bishop-Maker " were dethroned
by the fall of Pam — might, I think, become manageable. At present it is
sad work. Such ignorance of first principles ! " *
In the summer of 1857 the serious intelligence was received from India
of a succession of mutinies issuing in the occupation of Delhi by the insurgent
regiments, and the wholesale massacre of Europeans. A thrill of horror ran
through the country as, day by day, and almost hour by hour, the particulars,
some of them grossly exaggerated, were made known.
On the day when the first startling intelligence of the outbreak was
received Lord Shaftesbury wrote in his Diary : —
June 27th. — What, whence, is it? I regard it as the dying effort of Brahminism,
which is visibly, palpably, declining ; all its remaining strength is excited and
concentrated for one final struggle.
But God help us, and maintain His own work I The events will be ascribed
to the evil effects of the Missions ; and, for a while, the conviction will prevail.
Sursum corda, sursum corda, fox " fhe cause " of God's truth and the safety of
the Empire !
Throughout the duration of the mutiny Lord Shaftesbury, in a special
volume devoted to the subject, noted down from day to day his thoughts,
* Letter to the Hon. A. Gordon, quoted in " Life of Bishop Wilberforce, " by his Son
Vol. ii., p. 376.

1857.] THE INDIAN MUTINY. 515
feelings, and opinions in relation to Indian affairs. From this volume we do
not propose to quote. That sad and awful chapter in history has been written
again and again. Wo shall confine our quotations, therefore, to the private
journal in which his own actions are referred to, and from tliis but briefly.
Aug. 22nd. — Spoke last night, and denounced the idolatrous homage paid to
Brahminical caste by the system of Bengal levies.
Aug. 29 th. — Spa. Number and variety of things to be prayed for : that He
will quell the mutiny and give us a speedy victory ; that He will make this out
break the commencement of a new order of things ; of a wiser and more vigorous
government ; of justice and judgment ; of greater knowledge and greater zeal
for man's real good ; of fresh openings for the advance of the Gospel ; of en
larged missionary operations ; of increased opportunity to promote and invite
the Second Advent.
That He will protect, shelter, and deliver from their unspeakably ferocious
enemies, the helpless women and children outraged, tortured, murdered by the
incarnate fiends of Hindostan.
That He will abate the suffering of our troops already in the field, supply
their wants, give them repose, sustain their courage ; that He will hide, in tho
hollow of His hand, those now going out to India, and console the wives, the
mothers, the children, that are left behind in sorrow and anxiety.
Ah God, it is heartrending to remember these things, and yet there is talk oi
larger reinforcements from England. Wrote yesterday to Panmure, Palmerston
V. Smith, and Mangles, to counsel the levy of African regiments. The Africans
are eager for employment, they make first-rate soldiers, would bear the Indian
climate, and have no fraternisation with the natives. Cheaper, too, by far.
Ardently do I pray that this plan may be adopted. What a lift also to the
nigger ! and what a blow to the slave trade !
On the 30th October a meeting was held at Wimborne Minster, Dorset,
in aid of the fund being raised for the relief of the sufferers by the mutinies
in India. Lord Shaftesbury presided, and his speech on that occasion was
one of the most remarkable ever delivered by him.
After briefly, but vividly, describing the nature of the attrocities com
mitted, he proceeded : —
Well, now bear this in mind, the retribution that follows upon these crimes
must be equal to the nature and extent of the crimes themselves. I maintain
that justice, pure, simple justice, demands we should exact of these men that
compensation which is due to that crime unparalleled in the history of mankind.
We do not seek for revenge. God forbid that the word should be used in our
declamation I And God forbid that the sentiment should enter into our hearts !
But there is such a thing as justice, and there is such a thing as a sense of justice
imprinted upon the human heart by the hand of God Himself ; and, although no
private individual may take private justice into his hands, yet the sword is given
to the rulers of a State, and that sword is to be exercised to maintain order and
to execute the decrees of God against those who so wantonly have shed the
blood of their fellows. Justice, I hold, must be satisfied ; every principle of
policy and every principle of religion require it ; it is your policy — and the
J J

546 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [CHAr. XXIV.
greatest policy in the sense of humanity — that justice should be fully exer
cised. . . . Read the order of that noble soldier and gallant Christian,
Brigadier-General Wilson, to whom has been confided the command of the
troops around Delhi, and to whom was entrusted the honour of conducting
the assault upon that devoted town. Mark the words of that brave man !
Here is an extract from his general order : — " He need hardly remind the
troops of the cruel murders committed on their officers and comrades, as well
as their wives and children, to move them in the deadly struggle. No
quarter should be given to the mutineers." Is there a man living who will
not assent to that proposition ? "At the same time, for the sake of humanity
and the honour of the country which they belong to, he calls upon them to spare
the women and children that may come in their way." I confess that when,
ladies and gentlemen, I read that general order I was almost moved to tears in
deep thankfulness to Almighty God that He had raised up such a man, and put
such a sentiment into his heart, upon such an occasion ; and I do also rejoice that
those noble fellows under his command, notwithstanding their exasperation, not
withstanding the fury of the assault, listened to the request.
After combating the idea that the origin of the insurrrection was due to
religious motives, or that the prestige of England had passed away,- he
continued : —
We must now enter upon a bolder, a truer, and more Christian course ; we
must come forward in the plainest, simplest, and most open manner, to declare
that the Government of India is a Christian Government, that it rests upon
Christian principles, that it has Christian views, and that it will go forward in
Christian action. Simultaneously with that, the Government must declare that
it will never, directly or indirectly — either by itself or by others — use force or
bribery, or any illicit mode whatsoever in order to turn the natives from their
faith. You must give to them precisely the same rights and liberties in matters
religious that you claim for yourselves. If you claim — which you will claim, I
trust — that the Government of India, declaring itself to be a Christian Govern
ment, will also declare that it will give all due countenance and protection to its
co-religionists — the Christian missionaries ; you will also declare, and call upon
the Government, to declare, that they will allow to the Hindoos and to the
Mahometans precisely the same liberty that they claim for themselves. Your
conduct must be based upon Christian principles ; everything that you do must
be in Christian character to a Christian end. Are we to be scared from this great
duty that is confided to our charge 1 Are we to be scared by a few bugbears that
are raised up, telling us that if we do this we shall disaffeot the natives on one
side and disaffect the natives on the other side ? And what have we gained by a
time-serving forbearance? We began by every encouragement to their filthy
practices. Our police kept the ground at the horrid rites of the goddess Kali ;
our tax-gatherers collected the tolls of iniquity at the confluence of the Ganges
and the Jumna ; Juggernaut, when it crushed its hundreds of victims, was
decked with flags and bunting from the warehouses of the East India Company.
This has ceased ; and we have tried the experiment of choking our faith ; with
what result ? Why, if we had ravaged the country with fire and sword to make
proselytes, if we had shed as much blood as Nadir Shah, could we have excited a

1657.] A QUESTIONED STATEMENT. 547
more savage rebellion, a more awful insurrection, than this which has been
wrought by these fondled and ungrateful Sepoys ?
The Times, in an able article commenting upon the speech, said : — " On a
subject like the Indian Mutiny, on which everybody has been expressing him
self for months in almost the same words, genuine heart alone can speak with
freshness. In the hardening process of repetition we lose the edge of our
feeling ; even the greatest horrors, by being perpetually brought before us,
become matters of course, and we find ourselves unable to recover our first
strong impressions, except somebody renews them for us by the force of a
more retentive, realising, sympathy. Lord Shaftesbury's speech reads as if
the news of the Indian outrages had only reached us yesterday, and he were
giving his very first impressions. Yet there is nothing extravagant or un
guarded in his style. Nothing can be more just and moderate than what he
says about punishment, and we are glad that he has called attention to that
part of General Wilson's address to the troops. How simple and just is
General Wilson's settlement of this question, ' No quarter to the mutineers ;
spare the women and children ! ' This is the proper, natural, combination of
justice and mercy."
A statement made by Lord Shaftesbury in the course of his speech, called
forth some months afterwards a sharp and bitter controversy. He refers to
it thus : —
March 28th, 1858 (Sunday). — An unhappy mention of the name of Lady Can
ning, in a speech at Wimborne, had brought upon me a world of troubles. They
were dormant until 3rd Feb., although the speech- was delivered at the end of
October, but they have harassed me ever since, and they have this day (notwith
standing it ought to be a day of comfort and repose) gained a head ; yesterday
opening one battery, and to-day, I am told, another in the Saturday Review and
the Sunday Observer. The parties who began, treated me as a wilful misrepre-
senter of Lady Canning ; the parties who continue it, endeavour to prove that I
am bloodthirsty and false, a savage and a liar.
"Evil reports die hard," as the following entry, written fifteen years
later, will show : —
Nov. 5th, 1873. — In Bee- Hive of last Saturday Professor Beesly has revived
the old story of the Indian mutilations, some fifteen years ago. I then admitted
an inaccuracy in the heat of speaking, which I corrected in the papers the
moment I saw it, and before I was attacked. I now see where, in giving an
explanation, I made a mistake. I should have stated more than I did. I should
have stated the case thus : " A few days before I spoke, a lady whom I know very
well, said to me, ' I am just come from Eastnor, and I was present when the lady
of the house read a letter from Lady Canning, in which she spoke of the many
and fearful mutilations.' " So it was ; Miss Lindsay was my informant, Eastnor
Castle the place, and Lady Somers the person to whom the letter was written.
God deliver me from my enemies, for they are too strong for me 1
There was one result of "the great revolt in India which made a strong
j j a

548 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXIV.
impression upon Lord Shaftesbury — namely, that it opened, up a wide and
noble field for Christiau enterprise, on which all the great Evangelical
societies seemed to be eager to enter. Never before, perhaps, at any great
crisis had these Societies banded together, with minor differences forgotten,
all united in one great object, all animated by one great hope, all combined
in one great and glorious work. Throughout this anxious period, when the
past and the future of English dominion in India were in question, he lost no
opportunity of urging upon these Societies, and upon individuals, the neces
sity of sending forth missionaries, copies of the Bible, catechists, teachers,
and of having recourse to every form of effort and organisation available for
maintaining the strongholds in the possession of Christian agents in India,
and of assailing the strongholds of the enemy.
Frequently, in the course of the many speeches he made at this crisis, lie
paid glowing- tributes to those Christian heroes who were performing such
noble deeds for God and country in India. Thus, at the Bible Society
meeting, in 1858, he referred to Sir Henry Lawrence and Sir Henry Have-
lock in these words : —
Who were the men that first checked the awful career of mutiny and rebel
lion '! Let us consider the character of these men, their habits, their expressions,
their bearing. Were they men of the ordinary stamp — mere men of the world —
men who were conversant only with the duties of their profession ? Who was
the man that first, by the vigour of his intellect, the force of his heart, the depth
of his principles, the extent of his knowledge, the resolution of his whole
character, gave a great and, as it turned out ultimately, effective check to the
rebellion ? Was it not that great man : the greatest perhaps that India has pro
duced, the greatest, regarded as a compound of the Statesman and the Christian
— a man as remarkable for vigour in action as for gentleness of soul — was it not,
I say, that great and good man, now gone to his rest, and whose name I can
never utter without the deepest emotion and reverence, Sir Henry Lawrence ?
Again, who was that man that, by deeds unparalleled in history, by a heroism
peculiarly his own — a heroism which he was able to infuse into the handful of
men under his command, so that they stood undismayed in the presence of many
thousands of the enemy armed to the teeth ; who was it, I say, that put a final check
to the progress of those awful disorders, those terrible calamities in India ? Was
it not that preaching, praying, psalm-singing man. Sir Henry Havelock ? Well
did the Right Rev. Prelate, now on my right, the respected diocesan of this great
metropolis, liken that band of heroes to the Puritans of old, and draw the atten
tion of those who heard him to the fact which is now so completely established
that psalm-singing is not inconsistent with heroism, nor prayer incompatible
with the truest courage and the discharge of the highest duties.
The most conspicuous part taken by Lord Shaftesbury in Indian affairs
during this crisis, was in moving a vote of censure against the Government
for their Indian policy. Lord Canning, as Governor- General of India, issued
a proclamation to the chiefs and people of Oude, by which the property of
the Talookdars — or native landed proprietors of Oude — who had not made
their submission to the English authorities, was confiscated. This proclama-

1858.] INDIAN AFFAIRS. 549
tion was disapproved by the Government of Lord Derby. Lord Ellen
borough, as President of the Board of Control, thereupon issued his famous
despatch, in which, although the strife in India was scarcely over, he cen
sured the Governor-General in unmeasured terms for the harshness of his
repressive measures in Oude, condemned his proclamation in the strongest
language, and, as it was conceived, soug'ht to pacify the natives by humilia
ting the Executive. It was an attempt to weaken the hands of the Viceroy
at the moment when he required the fullest use of his powers : it would have
been a dictatorial proceeding had tlie whole of the facts that gave rise to the
proclamation, or the motives of the Governor- General, been fully known ; but
it was altogether unwarrantable in the present state of information ; it was,
moreover, couched in terms which no statesman should have used to another
at any time ; and it was doubly injudicious in the present crisis, as tending
to weaken the authority of the Governor- General and encourage the resist
ance of those who were in arms against us.
There was great indignation throughout the country. The question was
taken up at once in bothHouses of Parliament and votes of censure were moved.
In the Lords, the vote of censure was moved by Lord Shaftesbury. The
anticipated debate excited unusual interest. Long- before admission to tho
House could be gained, its approaches were thronged by " strangers " who
had obtained, or who hoped to obtain, the privilege of the entree. The space
in front of the Throne appropriated to the sons of peers and persons of
distinction, was fully occupied soon after the Lord Chancellor had taken his
seat, and the space below the bar was also crowded. " The scene," said the
Times, " was altogether one of the most brilliant and animated that has ever
been witnessed on the occasion of a debate." The scene in the House of
Commons has been brilliantly described by M. de Montalembert in his
celebrated pamphlet, " Un Debat sur l'lnde an Parlement Anglais."
Lord Shaftesbury had been a Conservative upon principle and a member
of two Tory Governments, but he had never been a party man at any time of
his life, and was even less so now than ever. Although, on the occasion to
which we refer, he was speaking from the Opposition benches — for he always
occupied the same place, and never crossed over on any change of Govern
ment — ]le began his speech with this apparent anomaly : " Whatever political
sympathies I possess, have ever been and still are, with that great party now
represented by Her Majesty's Government."
This position was perfectly understood by those who understood Lord
Shaftesbmy. They knew that it was the outcome of the truest patriotism as
well as of the highest principle ; he could not subordinate to the exigencies
of political party what seemed to him for the public good ; and the indepen
dent position that he assumed was not, as some supposed, from incapacity to
work in harness, but because he felt constrained to uphold and vindicate
certain principles, and principles were to him more than parties.
To the part Lord Shaftesbury took in this crisis of Indian affairs, lie
refers in the following entries in the Diary :—

550 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXIV.
May 15th, 1858.— Last night (strange that I should be found to take such a
step) " exhibited articles of impeachment." Moved, in the House of Lords, a vote
of censure on the Government I Cannot record, having lost the thread, day by
day, what led to it. But so it was ; and Government met it by " previous ques
tion," yet they had but a majority of nine ! This was, in truth, a defeat to them.
Circumstances were administrative to the event. The character of the motion
(a vote of censure), the subject-matter (the Empire of India) ; the revival of
courage, union, and activity, among many dejected and divided ; the very large
attendance of peers ; the seats and places appropriated to the House of Commons
quite thronged, ladies filling the whole length of both galleries ; the steps of the
Throne, and adjacent spaces, choked up ; and the Strangers' Gallery crammed to
the last square inch — made the entire thing very brilliant in case of success, but
equally dark in case of failure.
The attention was wonderful. After a few interruptions at the outset,
intended to put me down, -,i pin might have been heard to drop during an hour
and three quarters.
The arraignment of the Ministry was not successful. In the Peers, there
was a division, in which the Government obtained a small majority. In the
Commons, the motion was withdrawn, as news arrived from India which
greatly modified the impression of Lord Canning's action. Lord Ellen
borough had the good sense to take upon himself the responsibility of what
he had done, and saved the formal condemnation of his acts by resigning his
office. This was not the last occasion in which Lord Shaftesbury was to come
forward in Parliament this year on Indian topics. When the Government of
India Bill was under discussion, he declared " war to the knife " on one point
which he considered vital ; namely, that in the proclamation setting forth to
the natives the new relations between England and India, consequent upon
the abolition of the East India Company, there should be a distinct recogni
tion of the claims of Christianity. He urged repeatedly that, instead of
" harping upon that odious word neutrality in religion, there should be a
distinct and manful acknowledgment of Christianity on the part of the
Government." When the proclamation left England, he was satisfied with
the terms in which it was couched, but it appears to have undergone some
alterations for the worse before it was published.
We must now revert to some of the less striking events of the years 1857-8,
which have been passed over hitherto.
At no time in his life did Lord Shaftesbury employ the services of a per
manent secretary, and the pressure of correspondence was one of the burdens
he felt constantly. Entries like the following are frequent : —
March 28th, 1857. — Sit down and weep over the sad, wearisome, useless ex
penditure of time and strength on the letters I must read, and the letters I must
write. No one would believe (I can hardly believe it myself) the amount of
everything that is precious that is wasted in this way. Whole days and nights
are consumed in the merest trifles of correspondence, and, if I attempt to review

1858.] MR. FRANK CROSSLEY. 551
what I have been enabled to do of a solid or permanent kind, what to refresh
my mind by the smallest supplies of knowledge, I find that a week, which has
been passed in acknowledging useless letters and answering- frivolous questions
(not one letter in a hundred worthy of notice), has not furnished me with one
hour of comfort or information.
Were this burden less, I might do many things of more public benefit, at least
I might attempt it. But (it is no figure of speech) I am worn out by this dull,
monotonous, fruitless occupation. Nervous fatigue is often the consequence of
unbroken application. Yet, what can I do ? If I go on, I must endure this loss
of health and time ; if I desist, and reply to no letters, the wrath I excite, the
abuse, the invective, the assertion that " I am no Christian," are terrible. For
myself I mind not ; but I do shrink from causing, by any self -care and self-
indulgence, evil speech and evil feelings towards my order or my profession.
Have now, at least, a hundred letters unanswered ; and, yet, have not had
leisure to do one stitch of private business, enjoy barely an hour of recreation,
nothing on public affairs, and two books I have desired to look at still unopened.
My mind is as dry as » gravel road, and my nerves are sensitive and harsh as
wires. Year by year Lord Shaftesbury's sympathy with every effort to spread
the Gospel was widening, and in May he took the chair at the annual meeting
of the Baptist Society for Foreign Missions. It was one of those occasions,
as he said, when one who " maintained, in all their integrity, his distinctive
opinions as to Church government and subordinate points of faith, might
find that there were truths common to the whole human race, of every creed,
language, generation, and age, paramount to every other consideration, in
furtherance of which he might join with all who held the faith and loved the
common Lord in sincerity, to make known those truths whereby men are
dignified and God is glorified."
Aug. 22nd. — Went on 13th to Halifax to attend opening of " People's Park,"
the munificent donation of Frank Crossley, a manufacturer with a princely, and
what is better, a Christian heart. He was kind enough to insist on my attend
ance as " the best friend of the working classes." Speeches, of course, with
out end.
In his speech, proposing as a toast " The wellbeing of the people," Lord
Shaftesbury, referring to Mr. Frank Crossley's magnificent gift to the people
of Halifax, said :—
We often read in the papers of " munificent bequests." To my mind it is a
phrase that has no meaning at all. I see no munificence in bequeathing your
property to charitable purposes, when you are going out of this world and have
not the possibility of longer enjoying it. What I like are munificent donations ;
I like to see men antedating the pleasure of those upon whom they bestow their
bounty, antedating, I trust, their own pleasures, and enjoying, while yet alive,
all the reverence, homage, and affection that is showered upon their memories
after they are interred in the grave.
The elevation of Mr. Macaulay to the peerage — an honour, as the Times
said, which belonged peculiarly to the man, and was a fitting, if not an

552 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXIV.
adequate, return for a life spent in tho public service and devoted to literary
labour of the most dignified order — is thus referred to : —
Sept. 4th. — Macaulay is to be made a Peer. This is wise, politic, useful, con
servative. Urged this on Palmerston a year and a half ago. It will be taken as
a compliment by literary men — small and great.
Sept. loth. — Wrote to Macaulay to congratulate him and myself and the Lords
on his elevation. I can never forget his speech on behalf of the Ten Hours Bill.
Later in tho year Lord Shaftesbmy wrote to Lord Macaulay urging- him
to speak in the House of Lords on the subject of General Havelock's services
iu India, and the honours it was proposed to confer on him. To that letter
he replied: — Lord Macaulay to Lord, Shaftesbury.
Holly Lodge, Kensington,
Dec. 7th, 1857.
My dear Lord, — -I am most deeply sensible of your kindness. But I think
it better not to make my first appearance as a speaker in the House of Lords on
an occasion on which there can be no difference of opinion, and on which there
would be no room for anything beyond mere rhetorical display. I shall be seldom
able to take any part in debate, for my chest suffers severely from continued
speaking, and I have been forced entirely to give up reading aloud, of which I
was very fond ; I therefore wish to reserve myself for occasions in which I have
what I think good advice and strong arguments to offer.
As to our officers and soldiers in India, there is no honour or reward which
they do not deserve. Thank God, our nation has not degenerated.
Ever, my dear Lord,
Yours very truly, Macaulay.
" I shall bo seldom able to take any part in debate," was a mournfully
true prophecy. The voice that had rung out such words of burning eloquence
iu tho House of Commons was never heard in the Upper Chamber. There
was but a short term of life remaining to the new peer, and in his retirement
at Kensington he devoted himself to his History, " the pleasure and business
of his life." Almost suddenly, on the 28th December, 1859, he died, and on
the 9th January following was buried in Westminster Abbey. Referring to
these events are the following notes from the Diary : —
Jan. 3rd, 18C>0. — Dorchester. Here at Quarter Sessions. Heard on Saturday
of death of Lord Macaulay ! heard it with public and private sorrow. I liked
him, and, in many respects, admired him. Personally I mean, for his abilities
and acquirements commanded more than ordinary admiration. His sentiments
and expressions were. always generous, his feelings noble; he hated duplicity,
meanness, violence ; he never thought that brilliant exploits compensated for the
want of moral worth ; and he would call a man a villain, a rogue, or an oppressor,
whether he were arrayed like Solomon, or in tatters like Lazarus.
These super-eminent and mighty talents, though never openly and directly
employed for God's service, were, at least, never perverted to evil uses. Is there

185S.] SOCIAL SCIENCE CONGRESS, LIVERPOOL. 553
a sentence in any of his writing's to offend decency, morality, the Christian faith ?
— not one. I did not know till now how much I was attached to him. May I
never forget his true and noble speech made, at my request, in the House of Com
mons on behalf of the factory children ! Their prayers, I trust, ascended for
him to the Throne of Grace.
Urged Palmerston to write, as Prime Minister, to the family, and propose that
he should be interred in Westminster Abbey. He consented.
The question of the admission of Jews to Parliament, iu which Lord
Shaftesbmy had for many years taken a prominent part, was again under
discussion in the summer of 1858, and he refers to the position he had deter
mined henceforth to take up with reg-ard to the question, thus : —
July 1st. — This evening Jew Bill in Lords. Had signified my intention, to
many, of offering no further resistance. It is in vain, and altogether useless, nor
is it wanting in a, tinge of peril, to deny, pertinaciously and hopelessly (for the
country is, and ever has been, quite indifferent) the yearly demands of the
Commons. I yield to force, not to reason. I think my responsibility satisfied on this
side ; and, by prolonged refusal, I should begin responsibility on the other.
See how the question stands. Commons, for many years, have sent up Bills
with vastly-increasing majorities. Country quite apathetic, though numerous
elections have occurred during that time. The Commons have decided that a
Jew can sit on their committees, manage » conference with the Lords, take part
in debate, and use every influence, but from the vote he is excluded. This, added
to the actual state of the question, leaves the House of Lords scarcely anything,
and certainly nothing of value, to refuse. More opposition is therefore futile.
The labours of Lord Shaftesbury in connection with the Social Science
Congress at Liverpool, in October, were manifold. An epitome of them is
given in the following entries : —
Oct. 27th (St. Giles's). — The longest gap in my whole book, I believe. . . .
Started for Liverpool on 11th. Reached it too late for the service in church.
Dined, with W. Cowper at a hotel, we two having rambled in search of a dinner.
At eight o'clock to St. George's Hall. Refused to move a vote of thanks to Lord
J. Russell because I could not honestly praise him (a political intriguer and the
unfeeling adversary of the wretched chimney-sweepers), but agreed to move one
to Lord Brougham. The sight of the Hall, studded with company, was brilliant
in the extreme. When I rose to speak, was enthusiastically received, and so when
I sat down. Short, but, by God's blessing, eminently successful.
Next day inaugural addresses of the Heads of Sections. Had written nothing
and wished to say nothing, except to my own Section (Sanitary Improvement),
but was overruled ; and happy am I that it was so, for never has any effort so
prospered !
Even at the moment before rising, the day being far advanced, resolved to
make an excuse, but was urged on. Spoke in haste, fearful of fatiguing audience,
and yet anxious, as I was embarked to " get out my say." Saw that they were
interested, and proceeded. Towards close resolved to cut peroration short, then
determined to continue. Suddenly forgot allusion I intended to make, but I

554 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXIV.
paused not. Suddenly remembered it, uttered it, and finished to my heart's
desire. All this is to me miraculous ; the several steps of progress, all of which
I resolved not to make ; the loss and recovery of the allusion to St. Paul at the
end (which gained more success than anything I had ever said) were the result
of guidance from above, not of my own powers.
The effect of this speech was surprising. The Times was friendly and laudatory ;
the Daily News loud and lively in its approbation. " If," said the paper, " the
Congress had produced nothing but that one speech, the labour of the whole and
the service of the country would have been well and amply met."
Well, then, to God be all the glory, and to me increased thankfulness and
increased confidence in Him only, and an increased sense of responsibility I
On the Wednesday, chair of my Section. At half -past four dinner, six miles
off, with Mr. Brown, M.P., and then in haste to Philharmonic Hall to take chair
of Bible Society meeting. An immense gathering.
On Thursday, Sections. Then to meeting of working-men in Amphitheatre.
Here the reception, before and after speaking, that the working men gave me,
I shall never forget, nor will any one else who saw and heard it I
On Friday, Sections. Dinner in St. George's Hall. Speech, of course.
On Saturday, presidents and officers met the public in the concert-room to take
leave. Suddenly ordered by John Russell to second a resolution of thanks to the
Press. Got through it. At three o'clock to Manchester. Met four hundred of
the operatives at the Cotton Tree. Took up my quarters with my hospitable
friend Barnes ; stayed there Sunday. Attended, with wonder and delight, after
noon special service in Free Trade Hall, conducted by a young Baptist, full of
intellect and vigour, named Mursell. On Monday to Beckett's (Kirkstall Grange)
for Bible Society in Town Hall. On Tuesday to Bradford, having speechified
at Beckett's Schools for Young Men's Christian Association. Spent night at
Mr. Wickbam's, M.P. for the town. Very hospitable. On Wednesday to London.
In the course of his address as President of the Health Section Lord
Shaftesbury controverted the argument, at that time very prevalent, that, in
order to cure or alleviate the evils of the social system all physical remedies
were almost worse than useless, and that moral remedies alone should be
applied. He alluded to the operations of the Public Health Act as evidence
that the reduction of mortality was possible, and cited authorities for the
statement that the preventible mortality of the country amounted annually to
90,000. Now, we may be told by some that these things are but in the course of
Nature, and we ought not to interfere ; on such we will turn our backs ; we will
not listen to such a representation. We may be told that these things are costly,
and require financial effort, and the people are not ready to undertake the
expense ; but we may safely say that it is disease that is expensive, and it is
health that is cheap. There is nothing that is so economical as justice and mercy
towards all interests — temporal and spiritual — of all the human race. LE we be
told that spiritual remedies are sufficient, and that we labour too much for the
perishable body, I reply that spiritual appliances, in the state of things to which
I allude, are altogether impossible. Make every effort— push them forward —

1858.] SOUL AND BODY. 555
never desist — lose not a moment — but depend upon it that in such a state of
things you will in the end be utterly baffled. But when people say we should
think more of the soul and less of the body, my answer is, that the same God
who made the soul made the body also. It is an inferior work, perhaps, but
nevertheless it is His work, and it must be treated and cared for according to tbe
end for which it was formed — fitness for His service. I maintain that God is
worshipped, not only by the spiritual, but by the material creation. You find it
in the Psalms : " Praise Him, sun and moon : praise Him, all ye stars of light."
And that worship is shown in the perfection and obedience of the thing made.
Our great object should be to do all we can to remove the obstructions which
stand in the way of such worship, and of the body's fitness for its great purpose.
If St. Paul, calling our bodies the temples of the Holy Ghost, said that they
ought not to be contaminated by sin, we also say that our bodies, the temples of
the Holy Ghost, ought not to be corrupted by preventible disease, degraded by
avoidable filth, and disabled for His service by unnecessary suffering.

CHAPTER XXV.
1S59— 1860.
On New Year's Day, 1859, the Emperor Napoleon, on receiving the usual
congratulations of the Diplomatic body, uttered some words to the Austrian
Ambassador at the Tuilories, which indicated that the relations between the
two Empires were unsettled.
The hour had come, and the men were 1 eady, to commence the struggle
that was to end in the liberation of Italy, the expulsion of Austria from Lom-
bardy and Venetia, and the overthrow of the temporal power of the Papacy.
On one side was the young Emperor of Austria, trammelled by the tradi
tions and follies of his predecessors, surrounded by counsellors unfit to deal
with free thought or free men, and with an army destitute of leaders ; the
Pope, with his first fresh Italian sympathies narrowed down by circumstances,
giving proof that the Papal Power must ever be the enemy of Italian free
dom ; Ferdinand of Naples, treacherous, perjured, and oppressive. On the other
side France, panting- for glory, eager to "go to war for an idea"; Italy
groaning- for release from the tyranny of the petty governments that rent her
in pieces ; Sardinia, erect, alert, and strong in the strength of justice and of
truth. On this side was Cavour, embodying Italian shrewdness with English
steadfastness, whose "foresight and steadiness chained Fortune to his
chariot," to whom power was a necessity and failure an impossibility, whose
energy was dauntless, and who knew no fear, hesitancy, or scruple. And on
this side was Garibaldi.
It is impossible to summarise, in a page, the history of the causes leading
to the mighty struggle that was about to take place, and the events which
marked each stage of its progress. It may, however, assist the reader
to recall those incidents, if only an imperf ect outline of some of them he
given him.
The marriage, in January, 1859, of the Princess Clotilde, daughter of the
King of Sardinia, to Prince Louis Napoleon, was interpreted as an intimation
that the champion of Italian liberty would be supported by the power of
France. Soon after this war seemed inevitable. Lord Cowley was sent by
England to Vienna on a confidential mission to offer mediation. Russia pro
posed a congress to settle matters amicably. Austria insisted that, as a
preliminary, France and Sardinia should disarm. Meanwhile, Cavour visited
Paris and strengthened his position with the Emperor, securing the interests
of Italy, whether there should be peace or war with Austria.
The voting of large sums in the Sardinian Chamber, for the fortifications

1859.] ITALIAN AFFAIRS. 557
of Alessandria, on the 12th of April, was regarded by Austria as a menace.
Eleven days afterwards (April 23rd) an insulting ultimatum from Count
Buol was presented at Turin, and this Count Cavour turned to account by
throwing upon Austria all the responsibility of war.
That same night 120,000 Austrians, under General Gyulai, crossed the
Ticino, and the day following, Victor Emmanuel published his proclamation -.
" Let our war-cry be ' The Independence of Italy.' "
While these events were happening the British Parliament was in the
throes of a dissolution.
Lord Shaftesbury's Diary for 1859-60 contains fewer entries than at any
other period of his life. This is mainly to be accounted for by the fact that,
side by side with his Journal, but in separate volumes, he wrote, during a
part of these years, a running political comment on foreign affairs.
On the day before Good Friday — the day before Baroii de Kellersberg
delivered Count Bud's ultimatum — England was startled by two telegrams,
one giving hopes of peace, the other declaring the imminence of war. On
that day Lord Shaftesbury noted in his Diary : —
April 22nd. — Have agreed, this week, to do two things which, in ordinary
circumstances, I should have refused. I dine out to-night, the evening before Good
Friday, and I give a dinner on Saturday— a small dinner — the evening before
Easter Sunday. And why ? The state of affairs is very serious ; it is of import
ance that our Government be well affected to Sardinia. The Marquis Massimo
d'Azeglio is arrived on a special mission. Malmesbury, having but one day,
invites me to meet him at dinner. My known sentiments towards Sardinia are
thus recognised by the Minister as those he is not afraid to countenance ; and I
may, too, have an opportunity of dropping " a word in season." Why the other?
Because it is the sole occasion within reach of possibility, of bringing Azeglio
and Delane* into communication. Ten thousand misconceptions may be thus
removed, and ten thousand truths established, towards the defence of Sardinian
freedom and the maintenance of European peace.
The sympathies of Lord Shaftesbury were keenly excited on behalf of
Sardinia, and he wrote a letter to urge all who " took an interest in the
blessings of civil and religious liberty to come forward and express their
sympathy in this just and noble cause." That letter gave rise to a consider
able amount of adverse criticism, and brought to Lord Shaftesbury a large
increase of public work.
It was when all Europe was agitated by the approach of this great con
flict, that the Conservative Government thought fit to bring in a Reform Bill.
At the close of the debate on the second reading (March 31) the Ministry of
Lord Derby was defeated by a majority of thirty-nine — and an appeal to the
countiy followed ; the elections taking place during the most critical period
of the war. The result of the elections was a gain to the Conservatives,
but so small that, at a meeting of the chiefs of the Liberal party, in
* Editor of the Times.

558 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXV.
Willis's Rooms, it was agreed to move a vote of " No confidence " in the
Ministry. This was done by the Marquis of Hartington, and after a long
and stormy debate, lasting for three nights, the division showed a majority
of thirteen in favour of his motion.
Lord Granville was sent for to form a Ministry, as the Queen felt it to
be " a very invidious and unwelcome task " to choose between " two states
men so full of years and honours, and possessing so just a claim on her con
sideration," as Lord Palmerston and Lord John Russell. Lord Granville,
however, was unsuccessful in his attempt. Lord John Russell would not
serve under him, but expressed his willingness to serve under his old rival,
Lord Palmerston ; and, eventually, Lord Palmerston again became Prime
Minister, and held that office to the end of his life.
These events are referred to in the Diary as follows : —
May 31st. — London. A struggle is at hand, and an issue to be tried on a vote
of want of confidence. I could vote it readily, cheerfully, conscientiously, as
against the present Cabinet ; and then I could do the same against those who
should have replaced them. Palmerston alone would inspire me with hope ;
for I believe him to wish well, to desire to act well, and to be resolved to be well,
with the real and permanent interests of England.
I cannot feel the same of any other man in Parliament. He may not have
been always so ; but he is so now. He is far from young, he is satiated with
office, he is happy at home, and independent of all pecuniary and social necessities.
Hence he can afford to be honest, unselfish, and patriotic.
June 15th. — Since this, a defeat of another kind. Derby, by the House of
Commons, and Palmerston, after a few hours' effort by Lord Granville, with, as he
said, the ardent desire of the Queen, appointed to form a Government.
June 21st. — The Ministry is formed and on a very wide basis. To form a
Ministry in any other way would have been impossible ; it was a choice of evils,
a choice of dangers ; and Palmerston wisely took the lesser of the two.
He has Radicals, Tractarians, Whigs, and himself. There are elements of
discord, rivalry, intrigue, ambition ; but there is no apparent necessity why they
should break out. The " talking " power of the Cabinet, especially in the House
of Commons, is very great, perhaps too great for steady and easy deliberation when
in council, and for unity of action in public.
Yet, if Palmerston were removed, the whole thing would be an agglomeration
(and nothing more) of molecules floating in various, and ever opposite, directions.
The peculiar position Lord Shaftesbury maintained in the political world;
his wide acquaintance with the state of feeling among all classes in the
country, and the transparency and integrity of his character, made him to be
sought by men of all nationalities and all shades of opinion, and his advice to
be held in high esteem. It was thus that, in the midst of the crisis in Italy,
Count de Persigny, the French Ambassador, and others, were anxious to have
the expression of his views, and this involved him in much interesting and
important correspondence.
In the autumn of this year, while the struggle for freedom was still pro-

1859.] ITALIAN LIBERTY. 559
grossing in Italy, and the final consummation was awaited with feverish
anxiety, it occurred to certain leading Italians that it would be desirable to
concentrate and organisb the sympathies of England in their cause, by the
formation of a Committee to be presided over by some leading Englishmen ;
a letter, signed by Messrs. Avesani, Roeca, and others, was sent to Lord
Shaftesbury, requesting him to take this position.
" It is generous " (they wrote) " for England to show so warm a
sympathy ; and it would bo of great service to the Italians that this great
nation, which has preceded every other in the path of all liberties, should
make it felt in an efficacious manner. We trust in you, my Lord ; allow us to
keep this trust."
In replying to this appeal Lord Shaftesbury expressed his sense of the
great honour done to him in soliciting his name for such a purpose, and
added : —
If I could take the same view as you do of my position and influence, I should
not hesitate, even for a moment, to accept the post that your confidence has
offered to me. The claims, nay, more, the just demands of Italy on the sympathy
and co-operation of Englishmen, are such that it seems impossible for any one, be
he great or be he small, to hold back any support that it might be in his power
to bestow. Your case and our own are Yery similar : we long and ardently
desired the blessings of civil and religious liberty. To obtain them, we got rid of
our obnoxious rulers, chose those who should succeed them, and established a form
of government differing as little as possible from that to which we were habitu
ated, and all this was done without bloodshed, without violence, without rapine,
without confusion, or even disturbance of the order of daily life, and simply by
the will of a united people determined to be free.
Your course has been the same. But great as was our conduct, yours has
hitherto been far greater. We had long enjoyed the form, and oftentimes the
exercise, of free institutions ; the principle and practice of them were familiar to
us. But liberty came upon you like a thunderclap, and yet she found you as
orderly, peaceable, ready, as alive to the blessings she gives, and the duties she
imposes, as though you had been trained to them from your very cradles. So
intense is the effect that simply the love of national freedom can produce on the
understandings and the hearts of men.
We were told that you did not care for liberty, and that you had not courage
to assert it. We were told that you were unfit for self-government, and that
Austrian bayonets were necessary to save your beautiful land from bloodshed,
plunder, and anarchy, by your own people. We were told that your mutual
hatreds and jealousies were such that no one State, no one city, could be in har
mony with another. What, in fact, were we not told to your detriment and
dishonour ? Many believed what they heard. I did so at one time myself, but
who can wonder at it 1 What precedent had history afforded of so apparently
sudden a fitness for the exercise of the greatest of human callings — the exercise
of civil and religious freedom ? A nation seemed to be born in a day, born at
once, in its full moral stature, with all the powers of self-control, without which
there never was, and there never will be, any true or lasting liberty.
This letter — a portion of which only is given above — created a great

560 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXV.
impression in Italy. Although the question of Chairmanship, and indeed of
the formation of the Committee, was waived until its functions should be
more clearly defined, Lord Shaftesbury's letter was copied iuto all the papers,
and the Times, in a leading article, gave currency to the idea that there was
" something about a committee and a subscription -list which does not quite
harmonise with a great national assertion of independence." The gentlemen
who had signed the appeal to Lord Shaftesbury lost no time in repudiating
the misconstruction that the Times had put upon their motives ; but it was
too late to eradicate the unfavourable impression that had been produced, aud
in the end, as "these things, if not taken up at once and by acclamation," lose
their force, Lord Shaftesbmy prevailed upon the memorialists to abandon tho
project. Lord Shaftesbury's sympathy was much appreciated by Garibaldi, who
wrote to him, in Italian, translated as follows : —
General Garibaldi to Lord Shaftesbury. December 12th, 1850.
My Lord, — You have, in two letters published in the journals, done justice to
the Italians, and have assumed the patronage of their noble cause, dear to the
English. I express to you, in the name of my country, the deepest sense of
gratitude. Don't desist, my Lord, from this patronage at the present moment.
I made an appeal to the Italians, and they worthily responded ; I know that the
English also want to respond. Shall I not see you at the head of this movement
of national sympathy ? I say of sympathy, because it would be indecorous for us
to demand from the English that grand material assistance that it is the duty of
the Italians only to give to their own cause. You will acquire the greatest title
to the eternal gratitude of this country. Accept, my Lord, that of a soldier and
your devoted G. Garibaldi.
Owing to a long pending discussion, with regard to a Peace Congress for
settling the affairs of Italy, it was not until January that Lord Shaftesbury
replied to Garibaldi's letter.
Lord Shaftesbury to General Garibaldi. London, Jan. 12th, 1860.
Dear Signor Garibaldi, — Your letter, dated 12th Dec, has hitherto
remained unanswered, because, so long as the Congress was in prospect, I was
unable to see clearly what course to pursue.
Now that the Congress is indefinitely postponed, I can more easily perceive
the way to obtain that expression of sympathy on the part of the British people
that you so reasonably and so earnestly desire.
Italy, we rejoice to hear from you, has nobly done her duty in the response she
has made to your appeal for material succour. I trust that England will not be
less ready to give what you ask of her, the moral support derived from the
manifestation of tbe hearty approbation and ardent prayers of a free people.
But to obtain this fully, authentically, unmistakably, you should come your
self in person to receive it. My friends whom I have consulted, concur with me

I860.] LETTER TO COUNT CAVOUR. 561
in saying that your presence here, as the representative of a generous and
oppressed people struggling for civil and religious liberty, would call forth such
an expression of national feeling as would be, if possible, equal to the occasion,
and to your own merits. Believe me to be
Your faithful friend and servant, Shaftesbury.
That invitation Garibaldi was not able, for the present, to accept. It was
not until April, 1864, that an opportunity presented itself for him to visit
this country, and when he did so, Lord Shaftesbury was among the first to
welcome him, and was his constant companion throughout the whole of his
visit. Garibaldi was not the only leader who appreciated and acknowledged
Lord Shaftesbury's services on behalf of Italy. Cavour wrote also, and in
very similar terms, to thank him for what he had done, and to urge him to
still use his best endeavours to obtain for Italy the moral support of
England. When, in July, 1859, the Peace of Villafranca was suddenly concluded,
Cavour, disappointed, had retired from office ; but on the 21st January, 1860,
he was recalled, nominally by the King, but really by the people. This was
at the time that the annexation of Savoy and Nice to France was first
mooted. To these events the following letter refers : —
Lord Shaftesbury to Count Cavour. London, Feb. 3rd, 1860.
My dear Count Cavour, — The feeling in England among all classes who
desire the welfare of Italy, is one of joy and gratitude to God for your return to
office. No one can entertain that feeling more strongly than I do. I congratulate
not you, but your country on this happy event ; and most heartily do I pray that
it may lead to the secure establishment of civil and religious liberty throughout
every portion of the land where the Italian tongue is spoken.
But may I add one word of entreaty (which word would be, not only mine,
but that of the great majority of my fellow-citizens), that you will never listen
to any scheme for the separation of Nice and Savoy from the Crown of Sardinia.
We, here in Great Britain, loathe the very thought of it. We think that it would
taimish very much the motives and conduct of the Emperor of the French ; and,
not a little, the motives and conduct of the Sardinian Government. It would
throw a stain on the whole efforts for National Independence ; and entirely
alienate the affections of Englishmen.
We hate the traffic in the rights and freedom of peoples, as we hate the traffic
in slavery and human flesh. And we protest against anything that shall substi
tute the influence of France for the influence of Austria, and jeopardise, in any
measure, the peace, comfort, and security of the Swiss Republic.
Pray excuse me for thus writing to you ; it is forced on me by the very deep
K E

562 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. xxv.
respect I have for yourself, and the intense interest I feel for the honour and
welfare of Italy. Believe me,
Very truly yours, Shaftesbury.
A few days after this letter was written the Marquis of Normanby moved,
in the House of Lords, an address to the Queen, praying her to direct her
Government to use their best endeavours to prevent the transfer of Savoy and
Nice to France. Lord Shaftesbury supported that motion in a speech which
the newspapers characterised as "a noble- burst of eloquent indignation." It
is thus referred to in his Diary : —
Feb. 8th, 1860. — Spoke last night in House of Lords on Normanby's motion
relative to annexation of Savoy. Felt deeply, spoke strongly, perhaps impru
dently ; but my object was to state the truth, as felt by the people of England,
untrammelled by the legitimate caution of ministers and would-be ministers.
He brought a series of powerful arguments against the proposal, and in
concluding said : —
To the latest hour of my life I will protest against handing over a nation that
enjoys free institutions to a government under a despotic dynasty ; and against
handing over a free people, bound hand and foot, to a country where they can
enjoy no free expression of opinion, or, if guaranteed that expression of opinion,
can exercise no power in giving it practical effect. I protest against a country
where religious liberty is proclaimed being handed over to a nation where religious
liberty, if proclaimed, is often violated ; and I protest also, against the policy of
treating nations like flocks of sheep, and making them, regardless of their
consent, the subjects of barter and exchange. We in this country have long
protested against the traffic in human flesh ; I equally protest against any traffic
in human or national rights.
The motion was opposed by the Government, and withdrawn. The sequel
is matter of history. On the 23rd of April the voting in Savoy and Nice on
the question of annexation to France, closed. In Savoy, 130,533 voted in
favour, and 235 against ; in Nice the votes were 25,743 for annexation, and
160 against it.
Before passing away from the subject of Italian affairs we must give a
few extracts from the Diary, more especially those relating to Garibaldi, of
whom Lord Shaftesbury said, in a letter to a friend, " He seems to me to be
one of the noblest fellows that ever lived ; just the sort of man that the
English people ought to reverence and support."
May 26th, I860.— St. Giles's. How I wish that I could keep an account, for
refreshment of memory, of all that occurs ; of the rejection, by the House of
Lords, of the Paper Duty Bills ; of the wise contempt with which the House of
Commons treated all who endeavoured to stir it into fury ; of Garibaldi's heroic
effort to deliver Sicily ; of my equally heroic effort to save the Commission in

18<!0.] RELIGIOUS SERVICES IN THEATRES. 563
Lunacy, by once more thrusting my head into the lion's mouth and going to give
evidence before the Committee.
June 7th. — London. I had better give up my book — can find no time to
record anything.
June 12th.- Garibaldi has achieved wonderful results. It seems to me that
God's protecting and accompanying power has repeated for him the miracle of
Gideon and his three hundred. The greatness of his exploits is eclipsed by the
greatness of his character : truth, simplicity, disinterestedness, and humanity,
are stamped on every action.
My heart has been with him all along. It is now with him more than ever.
Legal reasons, political and politic reasons, have kept down open expression ;
but now, that he has wrought independence, has established a de facto govern
ment, has made a treaty on equal terms with the King of Naples, who, thereby,
admits bis position, we may, surely, signify our deep sympathy with the cause,
and our personal admiration for the man I
Dec. 1st. — Bunsen is dead. I knew him well, and who could help loving
him ?
Although the affairs of Italy occupied much of Lord Shaftesbury's time
during 1859-60, he was breaking fresh ground in many other directions. In
Syria the hostility of the Druses to the Maronites and the dispatch of forces
to maintain the peace there caused him much anxiety and labour, and, in
putting a question to the Foreign Secretary in the House of Lords, as to
whether the authorities of the force sent to Syria were to interfere directly
or indirectly with civil and religious affairs, affecting either Moslems or
Christians, he did not disguise — in the course of a long and graphic speech
in which he set forth the whole position of Christians in Syria — the fact,
that his desire to obtain an answer arose " from the insuperable distrust he
felt towards his Majesty the Emperor of the French."
There were matters nearer home, however, that called forth his energies.
The Special Sunday Evening Services, at Exeter Hall, inaugurated by Lord
Shaftesbury and the " Palmerston Bishops " had proved successful beyond all
anticipation. The interest in the services, instead of flagging, grew greater
every Sunday, and it was now a question how to extend similar efforts, so
that, on the one hand, the lowest of the low — the classes to whom the Gospel
was never, or very rarely preached, could be gathered together — and, on the
other hand, how an interest in the Gospel could be awakened in the middle
and upper classes who had " cared for none of these things." To reach the
latter, a series of Special Evening Services was held in Westminster Abbey
and St. Paul's Cathedral ; and for the former, Sunday Evening Services were
commenced in the theatres of the metropolis. Both of these movements
sprang directly from the Exeter Hall Services.
In the Theatre Services Lord Shaftesbury took the greatest possible
interest. They were originated by Mr. Sawell of the London City Mission,
who was an energetic co-worker with Lord Shaftesbury in religious and
philanthropic matters for some thirty years. Mr. Samuel Morley was also
one of those who gave invaluable assistance in the formation of the scheme-
EC k 2

564 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXV.
But as soon as it was in working order, Lord Shaftesbury stood at the helm
to direct the progress of the whole movement ; he bore the brunt of the battle
in their defence, and he reaped the harvest that was sown, inasmuch as the
good that was done, was done to those who belonged to himself — the poor,
the wretched, and the abandoned.
In January, 1860, five theatres were opened for religious worship. Tlie
Victoria (in the New Cut), the Britannia (Hoxton), the Garrick (White
chapel), Sadler's Wells (Islington), and another. By the middle of February
seven theatres were opened, and the average attendance was 20,700 each
night. Allowing a deduction of ten per cent, for people coming from mere
curiosity, there were 18,630 persons listening to the Word of God who had
probably never frequented any place of public worship before.
Lord Shaftesbury frequently " assisted " in the services at the various
theatres, and especially at the Victoria Theatre. It was a strange sight that
met his g-aze as he looked in at the theatre just before the first service that
he attended there ; stranger still, as he stood upon the stage, facing the foot
lights, Bible in hand, and read a chapter of the " sweet story of old."
From floor to ceiling the vast liouse was thronged ; in boxes, stalls, pit, and
gallery, were costermongers, street cadgers and labourers ; women in flutter
ing rags, many with babies in their arms ; boys in their shirt-sleeves and
corduroys ; young men and maidens in their gaudy " Sunday best ; " and here
and there a few persons in attire denoting that they belonged to the " better"
classes. At the opening of the service there had been much confusion. No
shrill whistles, no slang cries or cat-calls, no roars of laughter, as on the
evenings when the audience waited for the curtain to rise on some bloodthirsty
melodrama ; but conversation, interspersed with disputes about room, or
priority of claim. When the first hymn was sung there had again been some
little confusion ; it was a novelty to the people. The simple lively airs of the
American evangelists had not yet been heard. When, therefore, the first
verse of the Old Hundredth was attempted, it fell flat, and seemed to provoke
merriment. The words of the hymn were not known, a vast number of the
people could not read, many had no idea of tune, still more had no idea of
time. But, before the fourth verse had finished, many who had hitherto been
shy of lifting up their voices, or were unfamiliar with the tune, joined in, and
the fifth verse concluded with a triumphant roar !
When the opening prayer was offered, a few attempted to kneel, a large
number buried their faces in their hands or their hats, or, in the front rows
laid their heads on their sleeveless jackets — some turned their backs to the
stage, and some to the gallery, but throughout the whole house the silence
was intense, solemn, and striking-.
There was a buzz of approbation when Lord Shaftesbury rose to read tho
lessons ; but there was good taste enough in the audience to confine itself to
that quiet demonstration of approval.
It is recorded in the book of Ezra that when, on a great historical occasion,
the people were gathered together to hear the Book of the Law, the priests

I860.] SPEECH ON THEATRE SERVICES. 565
" road iu the book of the law of God distinctly, and gave the sense, and caused
them to understand the reading."* This is exactly what Lord Shaftesbury did,
and what so very many ministers unhappily fail to do. He was an excellent
reader, and whether to the little village congregation at St. Giles's, where he
invariably read the lessons when staying at his country seat, or in the vast
theatres of London, where for many years he frequently did the same, he
" caused the people to understand," and thereby touched their hearts and
consciences. The strangest sight of all that night, was seen when the preacher, having
given out a text, told tho simple story of the Gospel of Christ. The people
listened with extraordinary attention, as if they had never heard of the subject
before ; and, as one of the preachers at these Theatre Services, describing a
similar occasion, said, "Down their pale cheeks, that had once blushed, and
from their eyes still retaining their lustre, tears flow, and occasionally over
all the audience a stillness reigns, that proves reality to be more effective
than fiction, and tlie story of a Cross, erected on a Juclean hill 1,800 years ago
to have lost none of its power."
It soon became apparent that these services were accomplishing a vast
amount of good. They attracted thousands of the poor, whose rags and
tatters prevented them, even if they had the desire, from attending the
regular places of worship. They stood in relation to churches as ragged
schools stood in relation to other places of education. Their scope is described
by Lord Shaftesbury thus : —
To aid the progress of the general improvement is the object of these Special
Services. No one contemplates them as a permanent system : our desire is to
fell the trees, to clear the jungle, to remove impediments. We hope to bring
thousands of om- ignorant and neglected brethren to think about Christianity.
Having learned it, they will, we trust, pursue it ; and, rising above their attend
ance at the theatre, attach themselves to the Church of England, or some one or
other of the recognised and established forms of worship.
It need hardly be said that these religious services in theatres did not
meet with universal approval. On February tho 24th, in the House of Lords,
Lord Dungannon rose " To call attention to the performance of Divine
Service at Sadler's Wells and other theatres by clergymen of the Church cf
England on Sunday evenings ; and to move a resolution that such services,
being highly irregular and inconsistent with order, are calculated to injure
rather than advance the progress of sound religious principles in the metro
polis and throughout the countiy."
Lord Shaftesbmy, " the only culprit in the House, and one of the principal
movers in originating these services," replied. His speech was the most
novel and interesting of its kind ever heard in that august House. For two
or three hours his audience were riveted as, in picturesque language, and with
unsurpassed earnestness, he told tho whole story of the movement. He met
* Ezra. viii. 8.

566 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXV.
the argument that between these services and the associations connected with
a theatre there was an utter incongruity, by explaining that the class of
people attending them had the greatest possible repugnance to either a church
or chapel: that everything had been done to procure other buildings, but
without success; and, although music-halls might have been hired, these
places were rejected because, in almost every instance, they were connected
with taverns. He denied that there had been any disorder of any kind at any
of the services, and quoted letters from Sir Richard Mayne, the chief of the
police, testifying that at every service the people had conducted themselves
with the greatest propriety. Lord Shaftesbury examined the argument of
opponents that these services tended to draw people from the churches and
chapels they ordinarily attended, and refuted it by abundant letters from
clergymen and ministers of churches in the neighbourhood of the theatres.
In combating the assertion that these services were endangering the
Church, he produced ample testimony from clergymen who had participated
in them, that the reverse appeared to be the case.
In concluding his remarks, he said : —
My lords, you must perceive the rising struggle to preach the Gospel among
this mighty mass of human beings. Can you be indifferent to it ? I ask whether
you are prepared, as members of the Church of England, to see the Church stand
aloof, and the whole of this movement given up exclusively to the Dissenters ?
Will you say to those destitute and hungering men, " We can give you no sort of
food. Come, if you like, to episcopal churches and chapels, and there you shall
be preached to in stiff, steady, buckram style. We will have you within walls,
consecrated in due and official form ; otherwise you shall never hear, from us at
least, one word of Gospel truth." Are you prepared to admit that the Church of
England, despite the pressing and fearful necessity, is bound so tightly by rule
and rubric, and law and custom, that she can do none of the work ? Will you
say, " We have not a sufficient force of clergymen ; we have not churches or
chapels ; we have no money to ordain and support the ministers of religion ? "
In that case the people who are benefited by these services will reply, " Let the
Nonconformists, then, do the work, but let the Church of England take up her
real position as the Church of a sect, and not that of the nation ; she has been
applied to and found wanting, and let us follow those who have called us to the
knowledge of the truth."
Lord Shaftesbury was ably supported in the debate by Earl Granville and
the Bishop of Llandaff , the burden of whose remarks was, " If this thing be
of God, who are we that we should withstand it P and if it be of men, it will
surely come to nought;" and eventually Lord Dungannon withdrew his
motion. Christianity in India was, as we have seen, at this time a subject impressed
on the heart of Lord Shaftesbury, and at many meetings he urged the neces
sity of a constant and consistent acknowledgment of Christianity on the part
of the Government.
In March an important Conference on Missions was held in Liverpool,

1800.] CONFERENCE ON MISSIONS. 567
where Lord Shaftesbury was in the chair, and Sir Herbert Edwardes, fresh
from India, a chief speaker. Many were the lessons drawn on that occasion
from the Mutiny, its causes and its suppression, bearing on the national
responsibility to elevate and Christianise the people of India. Lord Shaftes
bury embraced the opportunity to deprecate the Government neutrality in
religion, which had already issued in such fatal results. He said : —
Well do I remember the time when the Mutiny in India had carried terror to
every man's heart. Well do I recollect how many men, who cared no more for
Christianity than for the ground they walked on, said to me, " Clear it is that
nothing is left for the saving of the Empire but that the people should be
Christianised. We must introduce the Christian religion among them." The
Mutiny subsided, and so subsided their convictions, and a greater deadness
ensued after the Mutiny than existed before it ; and soon shall we lapse into
that nondescript, that inconceivable, that wild condition called " Government
neutrality." Recollect, my friends, that Government neutrality will shortly
become national neutrality ; that Government indifference will shortly become
national indifference ; ay, and that Government sin will shortly become national
sin. After all, what is neutrality ? Neutrality is a word you may read in the
dictionary, and neutrality is a thing you may find in the grammar ; but neutrality
in tbe moral life of a man is a thing that cannot have existence. Politicians
talk of neutrality because they delight in mutual mystifications. But neutrality
in religion is impossible. A man must either believe or disbelieve. If he dis
believes, he is an infidel, and that is the end of the matter ; if he believes, he is
bound, by every consideration of heaven and earth, with all his soul, with all his
heart, with all his mind, to labour that the Word of the Lord may have free
course and be glorified. . . .
In June the Ragged School Teachers of London made a presentation to
Lord Shaftesbury at St. Martin's Hall, as a token of their affection and
gratitude, of an oil-painting illustrative of the benefits of the Shoe-Black
Movement. It was accompanied by an elegantly-bound volume, containing
an address beautifully engrossed, to which was appended the signatures of no
less than 1,700 of the subsoribers.
The signatures were those of all sorts and conditions of men, showing
how widely the Ragged School movement had extended its influence. They
included the names of clergymen, bankers, solicitors, merchants, and others
of a like station; but a much larger proportion consisted of clerks and
agents, grocers and gardeners, cooks and cow-keepers, hosiers and hatters,
plasterers and polishers, and the like, no fewer than 120 honourable mechanical
employments being represented.
In replying to the address, Lord Shaftesbury said —
I would rather be President of the Ragged School Union than have the
command of armies or wield the destiny of empires. That volume, with its
valuable collection of signatures, may go among ancient family records, and it
will show to our posterity that some have been good enough to say that I have
not been altogether useless in my generation.

568 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXV.
The painting was honoured with a position over the mantelpiece in the
dining-room at Grosvenor Square ; the volume was kept in » case in the
room, and both were shown with pride and pleasure to visitors to the very
close of his life.
On the 6th of August about 4,000 persons assembled in the Free Trade
Hall, at Manchester, to witness the presentation to the Countess of Shaftes
bury of an. address and a fine marble bust of the noble Earl, as a testimonial
of the gratitude of the Factoiy Operatives for his powerful advocacy of the
Ten Hours Bill.
Tho Countess, in acknowledging the presentation, said : " My good friends,
it will not require many words from me to express the deep and heartfelt
gratitude with which I receive the testimonial of your respect and affection.
I prize it hig-hly, as coming from a large body of my countrymen, whose
character for intelligence and morality qualifies them to estimate at their true
value any efforts made for the welfare of the community. You will believe,
I am sure, that, having watched the progress of your exertions with lively
interest, I warmly rejoiced in your success ; and it is my fervent prayer to
God that it may be blessed through many generations to you and to your
children." The bust, by Mr. M. Noble, besides being an admirable likeness, was an
exquisite work of art, and it was gratifying to know that the cost of it was
defrayed by a collection, almost entirely in pence, from the Operatives.
Sept. 17th. — St. Giles's. I wish I had recorded, at the time, when both my
feelings and my memory were fresh, the presentation of the picture and address
by the Ragged School Teachers, in St. Martin's Hall ; and of the bust, by the
Northern Operatives, in the Free Trade Hall, Manchester. Striking, important,
affecting celebrations — both of them ; perhaps without precedent in our own or
any other history. I give Thee thanks, 0 Lord.
The bust was erected on Wednesday, the 14th, in Stone Hall, of St. Giles's
House, under the eye of Noble the sculptor.
Sept. 23rd. — The Saint. Last season in London, my daughters, all four, with
Mile. Krause, their excellent governess, attended twice a week at the OrthopaBdic
Hospital, to tend the young cripples, and read to them. It was signally successful,
and blessed, by God's grace, to the teachers and the taught. Never have I felt
more joy than to see, that the more wretched the object, the more degraded and
helpless the sufferer, the greater the sympathy of my children, and the greater
their devotion. " Every good and perfect gift cometh down from above " 1
The Third Annual Social Science Congress was held at Bradford, on the
10th of October. Lord Shaftesbmy was President of the Association, and
Lord Brougham President of the Council. For the first time in his life
Lord Shaftesbury read his speech, in which he commented upon the subject
matter to be dealt with in each department and section, with a view to show
that all the subjects ran into each other towards the one end— the well-beinf
of mankind. The paper occupied an hour and a half in reading, and was
received with enthusiastic applause.

I8(50.] PREPARATION OP SPEECHES. 569
Of the hundreds and thousands of speeches that Lord Shaftesbury had
made upon every conceivable subject, he was always guided in their prepara
tion by a few simple rules, to which he remained faithf nl to the end of his
career. He did not write his speeches — and never accustomed himself to
trust to notes. He got together ffll his evidence and everything ho wished to
quote, and these he put in shape, but the connecting matter he never for
mally prepared. He thought the subject well over, made himself master of
the facts, and trusted for the rest to the inspiration of the moment. In one
or two instances, when he had to speak in the House of Lords (where, less
than anywhere else, he felt the requisite inspiration),.he committed his speech
to memory, nearly word for word, and then handed the MS., to which, how
ever, he never referred, to the reporters for publication, when he was specially
anxious for an accurate report. It was a saying of his, that, for an ordinary
speech, it was not of great consequence how it was commenced, but it was
all-important how it ended, and he almost always, therefore, prepared his
peroration, sometimes committing it to memory.
As the years advanced, certain characteristics which had been developed
in early life became more and more pronounced. " My temperament is pain
fully susceptible," he wrote in the autumn of this year ; " I am very soon
elated, and as rapidly depressed, both in extremes : at one moment in tho
highest joy, then in the deepest despair." Towards tho close of the year he
wrote : —
Dec. 20th. — A man verging upon sixty must expect disappointments. And so
I do. Yet, nevertheless, I have many moments of aspiration and hope. Though
sometimes faint and feeble almost to inanition, I am, at other times, vigorous,
lively, and forward, as in the best days of my youth ; and I feel a singular
reluctance to withdraw from the field, dark and dismal though it be, while there
appears the smallest opening to do God's service. Man must not estimate what
good can be done by his own proportion of big and little. God called me to the
relief of the factory population, and gave me strength accordingly. The work
was great and conspicuous. He may call me to some obscure, inferior, and,
humanly speaking, paltry effort. The work may be short and without honour.
Yet, at the day of final account, the last may be more than the first ; " the
gleanings of the grapes of Ephraim may be worth all the vintage of Abi-ezer."
This is why I cannot resolve to retire, though I see clouds gathering around,
and, within and without, am not what I was.

CHAPTER XXVI.
1861—1863.
On the 28th of February, 1861, the Earl of Derby brought under the notice
of the House of Lords the subject of the displacement of labourers in conse
quence of great metropolitan works and improvements.
Lord Shaftesbury welcomed the consideration of the subject, and referring
to his efforts in 1853, said, that the attempt to place the responsibility on the
parties undertaking these great works had failed, the mere reports ordered
to be made having proved utterly useless. There were at that moment seven
bills before Parliament, which, if carried, would authorise 1,145 houses to be
demolished, and this would displace 5,422 persons, while the 200 Improve
ment Bills promised for this session would cause ravages " as great as if a
foreign army had invaded the countiy, plundered the inhabitants, and dis
persed them in all directions." He drew a lively picture of the panic result
ing, in poor districts, from sudden notice to quit, of the loss of time in
seeking for new homes, and of the inevitable rush, at the last moment, into
already overcrowded localities. As to the proposal to establish suburban
villages for the poor, he contended that it was absolutely necessary that the
labouring man should be near the scene of his work, and the woman, too, who
earned small sums to supplement the husband's wages.
A short debate ensued, but no conclusion was arrived at, except that the
petitions referring to the matter should be ordered to lie on the table. On
March the 21st, however, Lord Shaftesbury returned to the charge, and
moved an addition to tho Standing Orders, for the purpose of providing that
the report, made by the promoters of railway and other bills, of the number
of houses and inhabitants displaced, should be referred to the Select Com
mittee on each Bill, who should inquire into, and report on, the same. In
supporting this proposal, he pointed out that, unless something was speedily
done, great moral, financial, and even politica], mischief would ensue. From
personal inspection he could say, that the proposed improvements would
displace a quiet, orderly, decent population, and inflict absolute ruin on many.
To arrange for cheap trains for workmen was giving a stone when they asked
for bread. The proposed suburban villages did not meet the present imme
diate need, however beneficial they might be in the future. He believed good
was done by keeping the real state of things constantly before the country,
and if the story did not rouse the nation to something like a great and
magnanimous effort, " we have come," he said, " to the time when we must
declare there is no foundation of truth whatever in the professing philanthropy
and self -glorifying language of the nineteenth century." *
* Hansard's Debates, 3 s., cLxii. 145.

186L] SELECT COMMITTEE ON LUNACY. 571
After some discussion, Lord Shaftesbury's proposal was (with a slight
modification) adopted. A fortnight afterwards he addressed the House on
the subject of cheap trains for workmen, and advocated these, not as solving
the difficulty, but as tending to mitigate the evils caused by the demolition of
labourers' homes in the metropolis. It was stated by Lord Redesdale in
reply, that, in consequence of the alteration in the Standing Orders on
March the 21st, clauses arranging for such trains to be run had been inserted
in the Railway Bills now before the House, and would serve as guides for the
future. In 1852 Lord Shaftesbury had brought before the House of Lords the
subject of criminal lunatics, and had urged that a state asylum should be
erected for this class, who proved a great hindrance to the effective working
of the asylums in which they were placed among other patients. Their
presence nullified, or at least impeded, the operation of the system of non-
restraint — " a system, the great and blessed glory of modern science, which,
by the blessing of God, had achieved miracles." *
On a promise being given by Lord Derby that the subject should not be
lost sight of, Lord Shaftesbury withdrew his motion. It was not, however,
till 1860 that the Act was passed which resulted in the erection of the State
Criminal Asylum at Broadmoor.
Meanwhile, in 1859, a panic on the subject of madhouses had arisen in
the public mind. A few distressing circumstances, which were made public,
were magnified by journalists and novelists to such an extent that an opinion
became prevalent that cruelty and ' injustice once more reigned supreme in
English asylums. The House of Commons appointed a Select Committee,
which, after hearing a large amount of evidence, came to the conclusion that
" the public asylums were well looked after and carefully attended to." They
recommended, however, that better accommodation should be provided. for a
large proportion of the 68,000 pauper lunatics still detained in the wards of
workhouses. Lord Shaftesbury was naturally the principal witness examined by the
Select Committee, and his evidence gives a succinct history of the whole
regime of lunatic asylums from the year 1828, many features of which we
have glanced at in the course of this narrative, f
In 1861 an effort was made to establish a Benevolent Asylum for the
Insane of the Middle Classes, especially for those of limited means, and to
this movement Lord Shaftesbury gave his full sympathy and practical
support. There was a fear prevalent that insanity was on the increase in this
countiy, and the startling fact had become apparent that the lower classes, in
cases of mental affliction, were in a greatly better position than the middle
classes. The fees in the first-class establishments were prohibitive, and the
pauper asylums were already inadequate to meet the demands made upon
them. It thus happened that in the great majority of cases, the sufferer
* Hansard, 3 3. cxix. 1237.
+ See Minutes of Evidence of Select Committee of the House of Commons, 1859, p. 65-

572 THE EARL OP SHAPTESBURY. [Chap. XXVI.
received no proper treatment at all till the malady became chronic, which, if
properly treated at an earlier stage, might only have been temporary.
The public journals took np the question warmly, especially the Lancet,
and the result was, that on the 19th of April a public meeting was held in
the Freemasons' Hall, under the presidency of Lord Shaftesbury, to discuss
the question, and, if possible, to found an asylum for the middle classes. In
the course of his speech he graphically pictured the effect of such a calamity
as insanity occurring in the families of poor clergymen, half-pay officers,
medical men, legal students, young men coming from a distance up to
London, with merely enough to sustain them during the period of their
studies, clerks in banking-houses, and all those who live by salaries and daily
exertions, like governesses and tutors. " What," he asked, " can be worse, or
more miserable, than the condition of thofe persons under the affliction of
insanity ? "
The whole scope of the proposal was then fully discussed, and much
enthusiasm was shown by the audience. Over £760 was subscribed in the
room towards the £5,000 required to make the first experiment, but, although
tho whole matter was much applauded at the time, nothing came of it then,
and it was apparently allowed to drop. The effort, however, was not without
its immediate results, for it aroused public sympathy in the question, and
although the sympathy was not shown in the exact manner contemplated by
the promoters of the meeting, it gave a stimulus to exertion in other direc
tions, tending to benefit the class for whom this special effort was designed.
Like much of the bread cast upon the waters by Lord Shaftesbury, it was
" found after many days." Among the audience that day was Mr. Thomas
Holloway. The scheme, as unfolded by Lord Shaftesbury, deeply impressed
him, and harmonised so completely with his desire to benefit his fellow-
citizens without pauperising them, that he resolved, there and then, that,
should his prosperity continue, he would himself establish such an institution
as had been that day foreshadowed. A quarter of a century later, that is to
say, on June the 15th, 1885, the Holloway Sanatorium, in the midst of the
beautiful heath and forest of the district of Virginia Water, was opened by
the Prince of Wales, the first of the completed institutions which will be ever
associated with Mr. Holloway's name. Up to that date he had expended
£300,000 upon that magnificent institution.
An incident in connection with this matter may be narrated here. In
1864 Lord Shaftesbury received the following letter : —
Mr. J. Bowen May to Lord Shaftesbury.
Bolton House, Russell Square,
13th April, 1864.
My Lord,— A gentleman, who is possessed of nearly a quarter of a million, is
about to make a settlement of it (after providing for his relatives) for charitable
uses. Knowing your great philanthropy and your experience in such matters, I

1861.] CIVIL WAR IN AMERICA. 573
advised him to be guided by your Lordship as te the disposal of this property, if
you would condescend to take an interest in the subject.
If your Lordship assent, might I ask the favour of an audience ?
I have the honour to be,
Your Lordship's very obedient servant,
J. Bowen May.
On the 25th of May in that year Mr. Holloway called on Lord Shaftes
bury, and the question was fully discussed. Mr. Holloway had, prior to that
visit, determined to spend the whole of his money on one object, and on one
building; but from this course he was dissuaded by Lord Shaftesbury.
Mr. Holloway died in 1883, two years before the magnificent Sanatorium at
Virginia Water was opened, and three years before the opening of the still
more magnificent Ladies' College at Egham, founded at a cost of £450,000.
Whatever mistakes Lord Shaftesbury may have made from time to time
in the course of his long career — and that he did make mistakes occasionally
no one will attempt to gainsay — it was not from lack of caution that they, as
a rule, occurred. In nine cases out of ten they arose from the misleadings of
others. The pitfalls he escaped were out of all proportion to those into which
he fell. An illustration may be cited here.
Affairs in Italy aroused great religious fervour in England, and efforts
were made to spread the knowledge of the Gospel there, by establishing a
" Society for the Evangelisation of Italy," as though the people were to be
treated as heathens.
On the 2nd of April he wrote to Mr. Haldane apropos to this : —
I have had much conversation with Azeglio. He says to me, on the part of
Cavour, that the Italian Government is most friendly to the great and complete
circulation of the Scriptures, and to religious liberty ; but that the headstrong
zeal of many English enthusiasts will compel him to become antagonistic. God
give us true wisdom and true zeal I
Only two months later and the following entry occurs in the Diary : —
June 6th. — This day news of the death of Cavour. Victor Emmanuel is
loosed from his wise, far-seeing bold, adviser. There will be joy in Vienna, joy
in Rome, joy in Berlin, joy in Russia, joy even in London among Derby's host,
but sorrow and fear in every heart that hates oppression, wishes well to mankind,
and prefers, to all his i oric al and benumbing traditions of frontiers and monarchies,
" to do justice and love mercy."
I deplore his loss personally. He was ever kind and considerate to me. We
never appealed to him in vain to repress ecclesiastical tyranny.
In the course of the summer of 1861 civil war broke out in America. It
was inevitable that the cotton supply, then almost exclusively American, must
fail, and India, which should have been able to take up the cultivation, was
being desolated by famine. On the 5th of July, Lord Shaftesbury, in the
House of Lords, moved an address to the Crown to extend in India the best

574 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXVI.
systems of irrigation and internal navigation. His speech was a masterpiece
of painstaking research. He refers to it thus : —
This evening, in House of Lords, motion on India. Perhaps few of my efforts
have cost me so much trouble, to select, cut down, prepare and arrange extracts,
statements, and facts.
Briefly, the case was this : — The north-west of India had recently been
afflicted by a famine, for the relief of which the British public subscribed
more than a hundred thousand pounds ; another such visitation was threaten
ing the Madras Presidency. In both cases the result was to be attributed, in
great measure, to the fact that rivers, irrigation streams, and canals, had
become obstructed ; the tanks and watercourses — the glory of native princes
— had become the reproach of their successors. If the Government were as
prompt as the public were liberal, such calamities might be averted throughout
the whole empire, and the benefits thus conferred on India would be abun
dantly returned to England, in the shape of an exhaustless field of cotton
supply, and a boundless market for our manufactures.
In his speech Lord Shaftesbury said : — ¦
The famine proves unmistakably tbe defect of irrigation ; and the revolution
shows the great hazard to which we are exposed, in depending almost entirely on
a single source for the supply of cotton. It is not my intention to put India in
the place of America, I indicate it only as one great source, and to say that we
might safely be dependent on India alone for our cotton supply ; but the subject
of our cotton supply is worthy of serious reflection, inasmuch as four or five
millions of mouths, in the manufacturing districts, are dependent for their daily
bread upon a constant supply of that article. While recognising West African
and Australian sources for a portion of our supply, we may, for present purposes,
confine our consideration to what may be produced by the territory of India. It
is not necessary to enter upon the inquiry whether the famine might have been
prevented, or the short supply of cotton foreseen. The fact is, the evils are
before us, and we have to consider whether we can do anything to prevent the
recurrence of such formidable mischiefs.
They were timely words, but the House would not join in the Address to
the Crown. Nevertheless, Lord Shaftesbury was the first man in Parliament
to apprehend and demonstrate that the wealth of India depended upon its
waters, that its wealth was wasted by neglecting them, and that it might be
indefinitely augmented by utilising them. He was, moreover, the pioneer of
that policy, long since adopted, of not depending only on one source of cotton
supply. A brief entry in the Diary indicates a wide field of labour, the results of
which were to be made known a few years later.
Aug. 15th. —Brocket. Obtained, in House of Lords, a renewal of my inquiry,
instituted twenty years ago, into the labour of children and young persons
No notice from many papers and only Sneers from others. Yet it is a great ques
tion, and involves much for the happiness, honour, and security ,of the kingdom.
While all the labours referred to in this and the preceding chapter were iu

1861.] A GREAT SORROW. 575
progress, a great sorrow had been gnawing the heart of Lord Shaftesbury.
His beloved daughter, Maiy, had been for a long time a great sufferer from
lung disease, and was gradually fading out of life. A few of the touching
incidents of that long and anxious period of painful suspense, we extract from
the Diary : —
Feb. 3rd, 1861. — Torquay. Sunday. Took Lord's Supper with Minny
Thankful, very thankful, to have this opportunity, as we are to be separated
tormorrow for a far longer time than has ever yet occurred in our married life.
She must remain here with poor dear Mary ; and I must go to re-commence the
work of the Session. Such will be our separation until the month of May.
should God permit us to reach that period. To surrender public life, and all the
cares of the poor and destitute — the ragged race — and all the physical and moral
sufferings of London and mankind, merely to spare ourselves a little grief and a
little anxiety, would not be right, and certainly not satisfactory. I must con
tinue my work so long as God gives me strength, while there is work to be done,
not only while it can be done in circumstances pleasant to myself.
The solitude of my once cheerful house in London will be very great.
Aug. 10th. — A year and a half has Minny nursed this heartrending malady.
Her attentions, waitings, watchings, have been incessant. Wound up and let
down again ; in joy and despair ; without intermission, repose, change. During
the last few days, under singular intensity of doubt, distress, sympathy, terror,
she held on until the doctor, last night, declared that he saw and entertained no
hope. Then all gave way ; the stream broke its banks ; and power, endurance,
almost vitality, ran over, and left her stranded in exhaustion and weakness. Was
there ever such a nurse ? Were ever judgment, tact, skill, sympathy, affection,
love, so blended, and so administered, before ?
Aug. 29th. — Torquay. Old Hooker, that blessed saint of God, lying on his
death-bed, prayed, " Since I owe Thee a death, Lord, let it not be terrible ; but
Thy will, not mine, be done." And so now I pray on her behalf.
Aug. 31st. — Minny can rest neither day nor night. Yesterday we may say
that for twenty hours she was not from her side more than twice ; and each time
not more than ten minutes. The mother's devotion to the child, and the child's
affection to the mother, are God's own gifts.
Two things have been, and are still, in my heart — a prayer and a wish ; a
prayer for a comforting sign of her acceptance in Christ her Saviour ! a wish
that she may go out, like my blessed Francis, in the bright day, and not in the
darkness and solitude of the night !
Sept. 1st. — Sunday. Requested Mr. Fayle to move his congregation to pray
for Mary, and to name her. There is power, I doubt not, in the united prayer of
assembled worshippers ; and it is a good thing to show what a leveller death is,
and how much we all stand in need of each other. I am astonished at, and bless
God for, her gentleness, meekness, goodness ; such trials I have never seen or
heard of.
Sept. 3rd. — At twenty minutes past three this morning, it pleased Almighty
God, by taking the soul of darling Mary to Himself, to close her indescribable
sufferings. I submit to the Divine decree, I confess His wisdom and goodness ; and yet a
positive horror is upon me when I think of her dreadful agonies. It will

576 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXVI.
never, it can never, be effaced ! How I wish that God would reveal to me,
before the time when all things will be known, His purpose, in such awful
severity !
After these sad and sorrowful days, and as soon as circumstances would
permit, Lord and Lady Shaftesbury went abroad. Shortly after their return,
an honour, which had been offered to Lord Shaftesbury in 1854, and declined,
was renewed by Lord Palmerston, and accepted. The circumstances, to
gether with other matters of interest, are narrated in the following corres
pondence : — • Lord Palmerston to Lord Shaftesbury.
94, Piccadilly. IOiIA. Dec, 1861.
My dear Shaptesbury, — There is one of the vacant Garters which has not
yet been allotted. I very much wish you would take it ; I am sure that its being
given to you would gratify the whole country. You declined it, I know, upon u.
former occasion, but that is no reason against your taking it now. . . .
Yours sincerely,
Palmerston.
Lord Palmerston to Lord Shaftesbury.
94, Piccadilly, 11th Dec, 1861.
My dear Shaftesbury, — There is no hurry about your decision, as nothing
can be done in the matter for some little time to come ; but I hope you will
accept, as I think such an application of the Order would be creditable to the
Crown and gratifying to the country. You may possibly anticipate a difficulty
on the subject of the fees, but I think I can see my way to overcome that. It is,
in fact, a gross abuse that honours given by the Crown as marks of approbation
should have the operation of personal taxes.
Tbe Prince, I regret to say, is seriously ill, though the Queen is anxious that
the country should not be alarmed about him. What he has, is one of those
intestinal fevers which last a given time, and require careful watching. Anxiety
about him will not cease for ten days to come, and I scarcely know how I can
go out of town during that time. There will be » bulletin in the papers to
morrow. Do not state to any one, beyond Minny, your knowledge of anything
more than the bulletin may contain.
But the fact is, he is in great danger. Watson, who has been called in, is a
skilful man, and Jenner, one of the Court physicians, is specially conversant with
fevers ; and the main thing to be done is to keep the animal functions going till
Nature can, by her own prowess, effect a cure.
I have seen Watson just now, who says there are at present no bad symptoms,
but that in some respects, such as pulse, the Prince is somewhat better. I cannot
calmly contemplate the extent of the calamity which an unfavourable issue
would produce. Yours affectionately, Palmerston.
On the evening of the same day the following entry was made in the
Diary : —

ISSI.] DEATH OP THE PRINCE CONSORT. 577
Dec. 11th. — St. Giles's. May God be gracious. The Prince Consort is danger
ously ill. Raise him up, 0 Lord, from the bed of sickness, for Christ's sake. I
shrink from contemplating the calamity. I see and feel the shock to the Queen.
She has never known sorrow, and is unprepared for it. It will leave her melan
choly, friendless, without a support, an adviser ; no one to aid her in public
affairs, no one in private.
For the Prince Consort Lord Shaftesbmy had always felt the strongest
personal regard, amounting to affection. On that terrible Sunday when the
booming of the great bell of St. Paul's, and the flashing of telegrams, spread
the intelligence of the great calamity that had befallen the nation in his
untimely death, there were few, perhaps, outside the immediate circle of the
Royal Family, to whom the sad news brought with it a keener sorrow. He
wrote : —
Dec. 16th. — London. Heard at Ringwood this morning that the Prince was
aead I Short of my own nearest and dearest, the shock could not have been
greater ! The desolation of the Queen's heart and life ! the deathblow to her
happiness on earth I God, in His mercy, sustain and comfort her ! ' The disrup
tion of domestic existence unprecedented in royal history, the painful with
drawal of a prop, the removal of a counsellor, a friend in all public, all private
affairs, the sorrows she has, the troubles that await her — all rend my heart as
though the suffering were my own. To me they, both of them, were ever kind,
and both expressed deep sympathy when it pleased the Lord to take my Francis
and Mary.
How we must pray that God's Holy Spirit be shed on her heart, and Christ
Himself be made manifest to her I
I hear, too, that my valued friend and coadjutor in efforts for the sanitary
improvements of England is gone — the learned, warm-hearted, highly-gifted
Southwood Smith.
As in the Diaries for 1859 and 1860 so in the Diary for 1862 there are but
few entries. He had, however, resumed, in 1861, after an interval of twenty
years, his " Journal of passing events," in which he recorded from day to day
a summary of principal occurrences, more especially with reference to the
American war. From this Journal, as there is little in it personal to himself,
further than the expression of his views on the events as they occurred (and
many of these views, written on the spur of the moment, were afterwards
modified or changed as further information was received), we do not propose
to quote. It is a valuable volume, however, breathing- in every line the
intense and absorbing interest he took in the progress of those mighty move
ments which were to issue in the liberation of the slaves, and indicating in
every page, as he pointed out in a letter to the Times at the commencement of
the war, that " the triumph of the South meant the consolidation of slavery,
and his sympathies were, therefore, wholly for the North."
Retm-ning to his private Diary, we find the following as the first entry
for 1862 :—
Jan. 2nd, 1862. — The observations on a new year can have no novelty ; they
L L

578 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Ohaf. XxVI
are trite, invariably the same, and yet invariably touching and full of interest.
It is like standing " in the old paths : " they are worn, but they lead to your
home — the home of body, mind, soul, and spirit.
What an obituary for the year which is gone I . . . Cavour, the Bishop of
Durham, Lady Canning, the Prince Consort, all in the prime of life.
Add to the obituary the Duchess of Kent, Lord Aberdeen, the Lord Chancellor
Campbell, Sir James Graham, Lord Herbert.
Lord Palmerston's friendly and generous proposals with regard to Lord
Shaftesbury's acceptance of the signal honour of the Order of the Garter are
referred fo thus : —
May 19th.— Strange to say I am become " a Knight of the Garter." I refused
it under Aberdeen and I accept it under Palmerston. I could not persist in
refusal, so great was his anxiety, and so many and so urgent his arguments. I
wished, on many grounds, to avoid the honour ; but obstinacy in refusal would
have been almost personal to him, and misunderstood in myself. I do not despise,
nor would I publicly depreciate, such rewards. They have their real value. And
I felt bound to Mt against my own inclinations. It has, in some respects, been
very successful, and has been thankfully taken by many as a tribute to certain
opinions, and an acknowledgment of services hitherto considered to be of no
public value. So far I rejoice, and say " that, though it is nothing, it is
something." How my precious, precious Mary would have been pleased ! But the darling
has better things to please her now.
June 29th. — I resisted very specially on the ground of expense ; fees amounting
to something not far short of a thousand pounds. P. assured me that such
demands he considered to be a shameful impost on those whom the Crown wished
to honour, and that he would make an arrangement with the Treasury. I have
reason to believe that the arrangement he made was to pay the whole expenses
himself, but to keep it secret from me. This is, indeed, truly generous and
friendly. It was in this year that the terrible cotton famine — consequent upon the
failure of the supplies of cotton from the Southern States of America' — caused
such wide-spread misery among the population of our great manufacturing
centres. In that crisis, party strife seemed to die away, and men of all
opinions were bent on co-operating in whatever policy and measures were
for the public good. Lord Shaftesbury loved the Lancashire people, with
whom the sympathies of all his life had been bound up, and in the time of
their great trial he watched their attitude with the keenest interest. Speaking
of them at the annual meeting of the Pastoral Aid Society, he said : —
There is nothing finer on earth than a Lancashire man or a Lancashire woman.
I have known these people now for a great number of years ; I have observed
the strength of their feelings, the ardour with which they pursue an object, the
deep and undying sense which they entertain of any act of kindness which has
been done to them. I really do not believe there is such another race of people
to be found on the face of the earth. . . . They are one of the most indepen
dent people on earth ; they will bear no dictation, and will listen to no advice

1862.] INSURRECTION IN POLAND. 579
unless fully assured that it comes from a sincere heart. They are a people kind
and open-hearted, a people ready to receive instruction in religion, orderly and
loyal — and they are, at the present time, exhibiting such an heroic, patient, and
Christian-like bearing, that I really believe it could scarcely be matehed amongst
the most educated, enlightened, and Christian men in the land. I confess I am
moved to tears when I think of the endurance of those people and of the mag
nanimous spirit in which their privations are borne. The letters which I receive
would, I am sure, go to the heart of any one ; and yet there is no complaint, no
demand for assistance, no desire for the interposition of Government ; they only
hope that that relief which the law allows may be extended to them, and they
trust that a good time may soon come, when trade will again revive and they
will be able to subsist by their honest industry.
It required no little self-denial for Lord Shaftesbury to refrain from going
into Lancashire to visit the people in the time of their distress. He knew,
however, that if he did so, it would unsettle many of the movements which
were working harmoniously ; and he feared it would lay himself open to the
charge that he was creating an independent movement for his own glory.
This would operate, in the long run, prejudicially to the Operatives, for whom
he had yet many schemes of amelioration in reserve.
On the first indication, however, of a turbulent spirit in Lancashire, he
wrote to counsel them and to remind them of promises made to him years
ago. That letter was distributed in every town and village in the county,
and it had an excellent effect. It is notorious that there was never a word
against the ruling powers of the day sent forth from Lancashire.
There was a lull in Lord Shaftesbury's legislative efforts during 1862.
With the exception of an " Act to amend the Law relating to Lunatics,"
which was passed this year, he does not appear to have brought forward any
new measure. This Aet made pauper lunatics chargeable to the union instead
of to the parish, instituted various safeguards against the incarceration of
sane persons, and provided for increased visitation, and further protection
for single patients.
In the course of his speech Lord Shaftesbury narrated an anecdote to show
that eminent men sometimes formed their opinions as to the sanity of a patient
on very flimsy evidence. Once when he was sitting on the Commission as
Chairman the alleged insanity of a lady was under discussion, and he took a
view of the case opposite to that of his colleagues. One of the medical men
who was there to give evidence, crept up to his chair, and, in a confidential
tone, said, " Are you aware, my lord, that she subscribes to the Society for
the Conversion of the Jews P " " Indeed ! " replied Lord Shaftesbury ; " and
are you aware that I am President of that Society ! "
In 1863, England, in common with all civilised nations, was thrilled with
horror at the cruel and ruthless manner in which Russia was engaged in
putting down an insurrection in Poland. The tyranny of the rulers of this
unhappy country had often provoked sanguinary struggles, and for years the
down-trodden people had waited for vengeance. In 1861 some 30,000 people
L l 2

580 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXVI.
were assembled near the battle-field of Grochow; they were engaged in
singing requiems and in prayer for the souls of those who had fallen, when
the Russian cavalry charged in among them, slaughtered a number of persons,
and arrested many others. An intense national feeling was kindled through
out the country. The indignant populace joined in other demonstrations of
a patriotic character, and the result was fresh massacres by the Russian
soldiery. A fierce hatred of everything Russian grew and spread, and most
of the Poles in the service of the Czar resigned or deserted. The authorities
retaliated with measures of a sternly repressive character. The Poles were
forbidden to meet together, even in the churches, and all who were mourning
for relatives killed in the massacres were severely punished. The excitement
was allayed for a time by the nominal introduction of some liberal reforms,
but the Poles knew too well that the Russian Government was not to be
trusted to carry them out, and in October of the same year fresh disturb
ances took place. Poland was declared in a state of siege, and an era of
guerrilla warfare, without any decisive conflicts, commenced. In Februaiy,
1863, the Committee of the National Insureetion issued its first proclamation,
and almost immediately afterwards the standard of revolt was raised by
Mieroslavski on the Posen frontier. District after district rose in insurrection,
and the proclamations of the Committee directed the action of the insurgents.
Britain remonstrated repeatedly (either separately or in conjunction with
other- nations) on behalf of the Poles, and France, Spain, Austria, Sweden,
Italy, Portugal, Denmark, and the Netherlands, all intervened diplomati
cally for the same object. But these remonstrances were utterly disregarded
by the Czar and his Ministers. News of one horror after another con
tinued to rouse the indignation of Europe. Everywhere in Poland blood
was flowing freely, and the midnight sky was red with the flames of burning
villages and homesteads. Fines and confiscations brought all the wealthier
inhabitants to the verge of ruin, and the whole population of suspected
villages was put to the sword. The National Committee were not slow in
making reprisals wherever possible, and the land was given up to a reign
of terror. Such was the state of affairs in Poland when, on March the 17th, 1863, a
meeting, convened in the name of tho Lord Mayor, was held in the Guild
hall, to express English sympathy with the Poles. It was an enthusiastic
gathering, and Lord Shaftesbury, in response to repeated calls, came forward
to address the meeting. The speech he made on that occasion he was wont
to consider as the greatest, he ever made ; referring to it twenty years after
wards he said, " It tore me to pieces to deliver it."
Once committed to any subject, Lord Shaftesbury always followed it up
to practical issues. Again and again in the House of Lords, by questions
addressed to the Government, he called attention to the Polish cause. An
effort on the part of England, France, and Austria to induce the other signa
tories of the Treaty of Vienna to move the Russian Government to concilia
tion having been unsuccessful, Lord Shaftesbury, on the 8th of May, when

1863.] LETTER FROM MISS FLORENCE NIGHTINGALE. 581
presenting, among- others, the petition from the great meeting at the Guild
hall, and moving that these petitions do lie upon the table, took the oppor
tunity to enter fully into the whole subject, and to express what was
undoubtedly the national sentiment. It was a speech which cost him much.
Apart from the labour in the compilation of his facts and arguments, it was
a subject which made a heavy demand upon his sympathies. There was a
passion and a pathos in his utterance which was never wrung from him more
forcibly than when pleading the cause of oppressed nationalities. As in his
memorable speech on the Ameers of Scinde, so now on behalf of the oppressed
Poles, he threw his whole mind and soul and strength into his pleading.
We cannot record the speech. It occupied between two and three hours in
delivery and was similar in character to the one made at the Mansion House.
The sequel is only too well known. It was in vain that Great Britain,
France, Austria, and other European Powers exerted their moral influence and
exhausted all the forms of diplomatic remonstrance. Russia and Prussia, in
close alliance, affected to see in the insurrection only a manifestation of the
revolutionary power in Europe. In 1864 the Czar's troops, officiously aided
by Prussia, and with the secret sympathy and support of Austria, succeeded
in trampling out the last sparks of resistance to the Russian authority.
Large numbers of men and women, and even children, who had been in some
way or other concerned in the revolt, or who were merely suspected of having
favoured it, were executed ; others were driven off in crowds to Siberia ; and
so, by perseverance in those ruthless measures, " tranquillity was restored."
Poland was deprived of the last remnant of administrative independence, and
placed under the care of eight military governors.
Miss Florence Nightingale was one of Lord Shaftesbury's correspondents,
and all her letters he carefully treasured. The following, written in the course
of this year, is characteristic of her style : — ¦

Miss Florence Nightingale to Lord Shaftes.
Hampstead, N.W., Aug. 15th, 1863.
Dear Lord Shaftesbury, — Always remembering that to you first we owe
the giving of sanitary hope to our poor army, I should have ventured to solicit
your acceptance of a copy of the complete report and evidence of our " Indian
Army Sanitary Commission." It was, however, understood by us that it was to
be of course presented to Parliament.
" By mistake," Sir C. Wood presented (so he writes) a paltry 8vo containing
only the report and a precis of evidence, simply ludicrous from its incompleteness.
"By mistake," the type of the two folio Blue Books is broken up.
" By mistake," it is not to be sold at the Parliamentary depots.
" By mistake," it is not to be published — not to be had — not to be distributed
to Parliament. A small number, however (50 only to the House of Lords, and 100 to the
House of Commons), have been sent to Parliament, to be given to those members
only who apply for them.
Would you apply for the two folio Blue Bool(s for a copy for yourself 't

582 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXVI.
We want immediate pressure made to obtain the Working Commissions :
three in India, one for each Presidency, and one at home attached to the India
and War Offices (to advise), which have been recommended in the Report.
I should be proud indeed to be called upon at any time for information by you.
Your faithful servant,
Florence Nightingale.
There was no man living for whom Lord Shaftesbury entertained a more
affectionate regard than for Lord Palmerston ; and, among all his friends,
advisers, and counsellors, there was no one on whom Lord Palmerston more
completely relied than on Lord Shaftesbury. In many respects — nay, in
most — the two men were the very opposite of each other, and yet they
constantly found themselves drawmg nearer and nearer together in heart and
purpose. There is nothing extraordinary in this. The stories of great
friendships f umish a thousand notable instances of the same thing. What
that friendship was to Lord Shaftesbury, we shall see more fully later on ;
one phase of it finds illustration here.
Lord Palmerston was a frank, outspoken man, and he ventured to speak ¦
or write to Lord Shaftesbury on subjects that no one else dared to approach.
Thus, in 1861, he wrote to him on the delicate question of money matters : —
Lord Palmerston to Lord Shaftesbury.
94, Piccadilly, 29th Nov., 1861.
My dear Shaftesbury, — Old Alava one day said to the Duke of Wellington
that he had heard that the Duke's affairs at Strathfieldsaye were not well
managed, and required more looking into ; the Duke replied, " Mind your own
affairs, and do not meddle with mine ; " and he almost cut Alava for a couple of
years afterwards ; but at the end of that time he took him into favour again, and
said that if he had attended, at the time, to what Alava had said, he should have
saved a good deal of money. Now, I have a better excuse for mentioning your
affairs to you than Alava had with the Duke ; because, besides my great regard
and friendship for you, I have duties towards Emily's children and grandchildren.
Now I, like Alava, have heard people talk, and I am afraid that from your kind
ness and generosity of feeling, and from your desire to improve every part of
your large estate, you have been led, by your local manager at St. Giles's, to
devote to local expenditure and improvements a much larger portion of your
income than would, in the usual course of things, be allotted to such purposes,
and that you have thus stinted yourself unnecessarily with regard to that part
of your income which is available for general objects. Everybody knows that
every servant and, agent would, if they could, absorb the largest possible amount
of their employer's income in their own department, and that it requires a very
watchful hand to keep them within proportional bounds. I have myself been a
sufferer in this way, for some years ago, when I was at the Foreign Office and
unable to spare a moment to look into my accounts, I found on going out of
office that my land steward had made away with three thousand pounds of my
money, while he had been urging me to sell a farm to pay debts which the
money he bad purloined would have fully satisfied.

1S63.1 LETTER PROM LORD PALMERSTON. 583
You have so much to do, with all the various occupations which absorb your
time, that it is not likely that you should have leisure to go into a minute
examination of the expenditure on your estate. Your agent may be better than
mine was, and may be perfectly honest ; though even honest agents sometimes
think themselves entitled to percentages upon their employer's expenditure, and
are tempted, therefore, to make it as large as they can. But, if report says true,
he at one time kept race-horses and brood mares, and was connected with racing
men, and, of course, was a betting man ; all these things, if they do not lead a,
man astray, infuse into his mind habits of restlessness not very suitable to
accurate economy.
Well, now, what I would wish to submit for your consideration is, whether it
would not be worth your while to follow the example of the late Duke of Rutland
and the present Emperor of the French. The Duke found his expenses at Belvoir
growing inconveniently high, and he asked Mr. Norman, his connection, to look
into them, and the result was great economy and regulated order. The Emperor
of the French has found that he was devoting to expenses in matters of great
interest to him more than ought properly to be allotted to them, and he has
called in Fould to look into his affairs and set them right.
I believe you employ Nichol and Burnett as your London solicitors ; they are
honest and honourable men, trustworthy, and men of business ; why should you
not employ one of them to go down to St. Giles's to examine, minutely, the
accounts of your local agent, and to make you a report upon them and upon the
state of your affairs, and to suggest, for your consideration, such arrangements as
might appear deserving of adoption ?
This is a measure which is often adopted, and I believe has generally been
found advantageous ; no local agent can reasonably object to such an investigation
unless there be something which he wishes to conceal. Yours sincerely, Palmerston.
This advice was not given too soon. Lord Shaftesbury found himself
becoming involved in serious financial difficulties, which, before long, grew
critical. Lord Palmerston's religion was essentially practical. We have given a
specimen of it in his reply to the Scotch Memorialists. He was not the man
to say, " Depart in peace, be ye warmed and filled," and forget to " give
those things which are needful to the body." We are not surprised, therefore,
to find the following entry in the Diary : —
July 19th, 1863.— Sunday. Happy that I was enabled to come to bless our
dear Lord at His own table for deliverance, to a great extent, from apprehensions
and fears of financial difficulty and disgrace ; for disgrace it will be to be seen
as one irregular, embarrassed, half insolvent in money matters. Deep, bitter,
exhausting, have been my efforts and anxieties for some time past. But God, in
His mercy, has blunted the edge and averted the crisis. Matters were at the
worst when Palmerston, whose liberality and kindness are not only excessive, but
invariable, sent to Minny yesterday five thousand pounds, stating that he must
be allowed to pay his half " of her son's start in the world." 0 Lord, how can

584 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXVI.
I thank liim but by imploring Thee to bless him and my equally kind and liberal
mother-in-law, with all that is best in time and in eternity.
The catastrophe prognosticated by Lord Palmerston was not long in
coming. Aug. 20th. — Spa. Have had various bothers of a grave kind. Have dismissed
Waters,* under pretence of allowing him to resign. Shall never discover my
whole loss by mismanagement, peculation, trickery, and direct fraud. It has
been a yearly and an occasional plunder. Twelve thousand pounds, during tho
twelve years I have had him, is a very low estimate. It will, I fear, be much
higher. The extent of Lord Shaftesbury's losses was never really known. They
were certainly much understated in his first caleulation.f For many years
he was to have trouble and anxiety without ceasing — lawsuits without
number, and vexations endless. It was a bitter ingredient in his cup, that, as
the years advanced, the effort to keep free from debt became more and more
difficult. It will not be necessary to dwell upon this subject, although
throughout the Diaries for many years to come, there are touching passages
to show how keenly he felt the position in which he was placed, how heartily
he loathed the necessity of legal processes, and how earnestly he prayed for
deliverance. With any man of less courage and determination, this additional
weight, added to the burden of life, would have impeded all further progress.
It was not so with Lord Shaftesbury, and, despite the accumulation of
anxieties, he set his face more steadfastly than ever towards the objects of
his life. * His steward. t Iu 1308 he estimates them at £50,000.

CHAPTER XXVII.
1864—1865.
TnE story of the sufferings of the " Climbing Boys " employed by chimney
sweepers reads rather like' a chapter from some terrible record of the Dark
Ages, than a veritable chapter from the history of this enlightened century.
Little children, from four to eight years of age, the majority of them
orphans, the rest bartered or sold by brutal parents, were trained to force
their way up the long, narrow, winding passages of chimneys to clear away
the soot. In order to do this, they had to move up and down by pressing
every joint in their bodies against the hard and often broken surface of the
chimneys ; and to prevent their hands and knees from streaming with blood,
the children were rubbed with brine before a hot fire to harden the flesh.
But the sufferings of the climbing boys did not end here. Their skin
being choked in every pore, they were liable to a frightful disorder, called
chimney sweeper's (or sooty) cancer, involving one of the most terrible forms
of physical suffering- ; they began the day's work at four, three, or even two,
in the morning ; they were half stifled by the hot sulphurous air in the flues ;
often they would get stuck in a chimney, and faint from the effects of terror,
exhaustion, and foul air, and then, if the usual remedy of lighted straw failed
to " bring them round," they were often half -killed, and sometimes killed out
right, by the very means used to extricate them.
Such was their work. For their " rest," they had low, ill-drained, ill-
ventilated, and noisome rooms or cellars, and oftentimes slept upon the soot-
heaps. For the whole week, perhaps for many weeks, they remained un
washed, and on Sundays they were generally shut up together, so that the
neighbours might not see their miserable plight.
They were morally and intellectually degraded to the lowest possible
point. Out of 384 boys examined by order of a Commission of Inquiry, so
recently as 1864, only six could write and twenty-six could read, most of
them very imperfectly.
The saddest point of all, perhaps, was that these hapless little sufferers
were the victims of the fireside comforts of others ; the " scape-goats of civili
sation," sacrifices to thoughtlessness or greed.
No one can have failed to be struck by Lord Shaftesbury's dogged and
indomitable perseverance. When once he made a cause his own, whatever
obstacles might stand in his way, he would not — " Bate a jot
Of heart or hope, but still bear up and steer
Right onward,"

586 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXVII.
Difficult as he had found it, in 1840, to procure an Act forbidding the
employment by chimney sweepers of climbing boys, it was a far more formid
able task to prevent its evasion. After the passing of the Act, it lay for some
time dormant, and when attempts were made to enforce it, the most un
scrupulous devices were resorted to, in order to nullify its operation. Efforts
were made from time to timo> to render the Act more efficacious, but without
success. In 1851 a Bill to amend the Chimney-Sweepers Regulation Act of
1840 passed the Lords and was read once in the, Commons, but was then
allowed to drop ; and so little interest was taken in it, that neither Hansard
nor the Times report a word concerning it, beyond the fact that it was read.
In 1853, when endeavouring to get a Bill passed to remedy the imperfections
of the existing Act, Lord Shaftesbury said, " he did not believe that all the
records of all the attrocities committed in this country or in any other, could
equal the records of cruelty, hardship, vice, and suffering, which, under the
sanction of the law, had been inflicted on this helpless and miserable race." *
Moderate as were the proxiosals made by Lord Shaftesbury, there was
considerable opposition to the Bill, chiefly on the ground of, what was alleged
to be, the absolute necessity, in some cases, of the employment of climbing
boys. Lord Beaumont spoke of the Bill as " a pitiful cant of pseudo-philan
thropy ; " and said of the former Bill, " that its sole effect had been that a
few more houses had been burnt, and a few more persons endangered under
its operation, than would have been if it had never been passed." To this
Lord Shaftesbury replied that, " he could only say that he trusted in God he
should ever fall under his (Lord Beaumont's) censure, and under the censure
of all those who, with him, could apply to the course he had taken, a charge
of ' cant ' and ' miserable legislation.' "
The Bill was ultimately referred to a Select Committee, and thirteen wit
nesses were examined ; but, although the cruelty of the system was fully set
forth, the Committee reported that it was inexpedient to proceed further. In
1854, therefore, Lord Shaftesbmy again returned to the charge, and pleaded
for the " four thousand wretched children who were at that time eng'aged in
this disgusting and unnecessary employment." He stated that in Manchester,
tixty master chimney-sweepers had met, and testified to the degradation,
cruelty, ignorance, and vice, inseparable from the system, and to the readiness
with which the " machines " could be effectually used instead of climbing
boys. In London, " machines " were almost exclusively used.
The Bill passed the Lords, but was thrown out in the Commons, and in
the following year a similar Bill was read once in the Lords and then aban
doned. It was clear the time was not ripe for legislation on the subject,
and for some years no better opportunity arrived, although, as occasion
offered, Lord Shaftesbury did not fail to utter a few forcible words upon it.
In 1861, when the Children's Employment Commission was appointed,
* Hansard, exxvii, 198.

1864.] CLIMBING BOYS. 587
the climbing boys were included in the Inquiry. In due course evidence
was taken, blue books were published, and, in July, 1863, Lord Shaftesbury
brought the whole matter before, the House of Lords, to be renewed again
and again, and finally to result in the " Chimney-Sweepers Regulation Act,
1864," by which it was made unlawful for a chimney-sweeper to take into a
house with him any assistant under sixteen years of age, and, in cases where
boys were sent up chimneys, it empowered magistrates to impose imprison
ment with hard labour instead of a fine. In any question that might arise
as to the age of a child, the burden of proof was to lie on the employer.
It seemed that, at last, the system of cruelty and oppression was broken
up, and that the 1st of November, 1864, might be styled " The Chimney-
Sweepers' Emancipation Day." *
But the rejoicings were premature. In 1866 the Children's Employment
Commission, in presenting their Fifth Report, gave evidence " of the failure
of the Amended Act to answer its intended purpose." '
It was not until ten years later that the abominable system of cruelty was
utterly abolished.
In order to make the stoiy of the climbing boys complete, we shall antici
pate events and finish the record here. Not until 1872 do we find a further
entry in the Diary on the subject ; it is as follows : —
Oct. 9th, 1872. — Yesterday stirred, after a long interval, by my poor climbling
boys. One suffocated in a flue in Staffordshire. The Act which forbids the
practice, intentionally made the evidence difficult. Years of oppression and
cruelty have rolled on, and now a death has given me the power of one more
appeal to the public through the Times.
The case was that of a boy, named Christopher Drummond, who was sent
up the flue of a fernery, and after the lapse of fifteen minutes was taken out
dead. As nothing came of the letter to the Times, on the 19th of March
Lord Shaftesbury drew attention to the matter in the House of Lords, but
without success. A few months later the following entry occurs : —
March 20th, 1873. — Then to House of Lords to move for report of coroner's
inquest on a poor little chimney-sweeper, seven-and-a-half years old, killed in a
flue at Washington, in county of Durham. So much for my labour on behalf of
the climbing-boys ! But, by God's mercy, good may come out of evil.
One death was insufficient to arouse public interest in the matter, and in
February, 1875, Lord Shaftesbury called the attention of the Government to
another case — it was not known how many children might not have been
sacrificed in the meantime — that of George Brewster, a boy of fourteen, who
had been suffocated in a flue at Cambridge.
The press at last took up the question vigorously, and then came the
opportunity for which Lord Shaftesbury had been waiting for years. For the
jnanslaug'liter of the boy at Cambridge the master sweep was sentenced to six
f Ragged School Union Magazine, 1864, p. 245,

588 the earl of Shaftesbury. [Chap, xxvii.
months' hard labour. Commenting upon this, in a stirring article, the Times
said : —
" The law mitigates the guilt of this monstrous crime by including it in
the category of manslaughter ; hut we are bold to say that, at this stage
in the history of civilisation, it is only to be adequately characterised by that
name of far graver significance in relation to the culpable sacrifice of human
life, beyond which human censure cannot g-o. . . . Whoever deliberately
authorised and permitted the employment of this unfortunate boy, are morally
guilty of the crime of murder. . . . The time has come for a final review
of a system under which such an offence is visited with no heavier punish
ment than six months' imprisonment." *
This article gave rise to a lengthy correspondence in the papers, in which
Lord Shaftesbury brought forward a number of cases to show how the
illegality of the cruel practice was winked at generally.
On the 20th of April, 1875, he gave notice of a new Bill on the subject,
and the announcement met with warm approval and the promise of cordial
support. He refers to the subject in his Diary thus : — ¦
April 28th, 1875. — Again on the rescue of the climbing boys. One's soul is
torn by their misery and degradation. Have prepared a Bill ; the second reading
stands for May 11th. God in His mercy, grace, and love, be with me. Shall I
have, after the manner of men, to contend with beasts ? One hundred and two
years have elapsed since the good Jonas Hanway brought the brutal iniquity
before the public, yet in many parts of England and Ireland it still prevails, with
the full knowledge and consent of thousands of all classes.
May 12th. — Last night Chimney-Sweepers Bill in House of Lords. It was,
under God, a success in its issue, though I did not think it, or feel it, at the time.
Was much disheartened at outset. House very inattentive — had twice to implore
their "condescension to hear me." At last they listened, and, so far as their
undemonstrative natures would allow, applauded me. . . . Yet by His grace
I have stirred the country. The Times, may the paper be blessed, has assisted me
gloriously. June 4th. — By God's blessing, Chimney-Sweepers Bill passed through Com
mittee of House of Lords in the twinkling of an eye — not a syllable uttered.
June 12th. — Cross, Secretary of State for Home Department, has consented to
take up the Chimney-Sweepers Bill in House of Commons.
The Bill passed into law that session, and thus, after a centuiy of inquiry
and legislation, there was rolled away one of the greatest reproaches to the
civilisation of this countiy. Lord Shaftesbury had broken the fetters of tho
most oppressed, degraded, and tortured children on the face of the earth, and
had set them for ever free.
No one can have failed to perceive that Lord Shaftesbury was, from his
youth upwards, in the habit of using very strong and forcible language.
Sometimes this habit carried him too far, and when this was the case no one
regretted it more than himself ; sometimes (when cruelty, injustice, and
* Times, March 25th, 1875,

1scl1 strong language. 589
oppression were his theme) he regretted that language was inadequate to
convey the expression of his indignation and disgust ; sometimes he used " a
Nasmyth hammer to crack a nut ; " and sometimes, in the heat and fervour
of debate, or under the excitement of great popular applause, he was led away,
as every orator more or less is led, into expressions which, had there been
time to consider the choice of words, he would have modified or have left
unsaid. He was a very rapid speaker (he had the reputation of being the
most rapid speaker in the House of Lords), and the reporters were apt to
complain that they found some difficulty in following him. Moreover, as we
have said, he never, as a rule, prepared any part of an ordinary speech except
the peroration, and it was inevitable that, occasionally, he should be betrayed
into the use of expressions stronger than the occasion justified. The only
wonder is that these betrayals were not of far more frequent occurrence.
He could say severe and pungent things in a pleasant way. For example,
on one occasion a certain Nonconformist took upon himself to make an attack
in the name of Nonconformists generally — although he was in no way their
representative — on the faith and practice of the Evangelical clergy, charging
them with being guilty of perjury and subornation. Lord Shaftesbury took
up the matter on the ground that the clergy should not be left in the forepart
of the battle to be shot at, as the cause was that of the laity as much as of
the clergy, and said : —
I, too, have signed the Articles. I, too, am a subscriber to what is contained
in the Prayer Book, just as much as the clergy are subscribers to it. I do, as a
layman, everything that the clergy do, with the exception of the administration
of the Sacraments, and I take my full share of responsibility along with them.
My notion is that the best way of dealing with these attacks would be not to
reply to them — not to take any notice of them. I think that if what we have
heard of, had been addressed to me, in my capacity of a layman, I should have
taken no notice of it whatever ; or, if I had taken any notice of it, I should have
merely said to the accuser, " Sir, I believe you are very ignorant ; to say the
truth, you are a very saucy fellow, and if you think that you represent the great
and good Nonconformists of former days — the Howes, the Bunyans, the Flavels,
and Wattses — or even that you have anything akin to the good, sound, and true
religious Nonconformists of the present day ; you are just as much mistaken as
you would be, if you thought you were well versed in history, or had even been
initiated in the first elements of good breeding or Christian charity." *
On another occasion, when justifying the use of some strong language in
which he had been indulging, he said : —
I have not that faculty for mild speech which distinguishes some persons in
this country. A story was told me by the late Earl Grey relating to himself and
Mr. Burke. Lord Grey told me that on one occasion when in the House of Com
mons, as Mr. Grey, he had been speaking with considerable force of language and
greater vehemence of tone than some persons might have thought seemly. On
resuming his seat, he said to Mr. Burke, " I hope I have not shown much
* Church Fastoral Aid Society, May 8th, 1802.

590 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXVII.
temper." " Temper 1 " replied Mr. Burke, " temper, sir, is the state of mind
suited to the occasion ! "
Towards Neology— a term to which Lord Shaftesbury gave the most
extended meaning— he felt that strong language indicated " the state of mind
suited to the occasion ; " and we find that, against its encroachments, which
at this period were rapid, various, and almost universal, his stoutest utter"
ances were directed. Hard as had been the battle he had fought with
Romanism in days gone by; determined as his opposition was to be to
Ritualism in days to come, it was against Rationalism that the whole strength
of his armoury was directed. Whatever touched, or seemed to touch,
irreverently, the Divinity of Christ, and His sacrificial atonement, or the
inspiration and authority of the Saered Scriptures, touched the apple of his
eye, and he writhed under it. Those doctrines were not to him matters of
mere theology ; they entered into eveiy fibre of his being ; and to those who
would rob him— or, rather, rob the Church— of the rest and comfort and
strength of them, he might have said, with the beggared Jew : —
" Nay, take my life and all, pardon not that :
You take my house, when you do take the prop
That does sustain my house ; you take my life
When you do take the means whereby I live."
We do not propose to enter minutely into the various theological discus
sions in which Lord Shaftesbury was engaged at this period of his life,
except in those instances in which legislation was involved, but the narrative
would be incomplete were they passed over altogether. For many years —
and especially from 1860, the date of the publication of " Essays and Re
views," to 1866, when Bishop Colenso's work on the Pentateuch and Pro
fessor Seeley's " Ecce Homo"" were given to the world — there was scarcely a
day when, either by lip or pen, Lord Shaftesbury was not protesting against
attacks on the orthodox faith.
We shall cull, therefore, from the Diaries, from letters, and from speeches,
some of his views on the theology of those years and the men who promul
gated it.
Thus, of " Essays and Reviews," he says : —
A company of seven gentlemen, conscientious, no doubt, in their own views,
but holding a belief and a faith antagonistic in the extreme from that which we
hold, have put out a volume with much pomp and circumstance. Now, I hold
that all the authors of that book are responsible for the whole and every part
United in a single publication, sharing alike the consequences, the profit, the
loss, the honour, or the disgrace, as it may be, of that publication, they are bound
together in a common effort to introduce a new Gospel, which is to be pro
pounded and circulated for the general acceptance of the British public.
After maintaining-, perhaps not very logically, that if that book were true,
the Bible must be false, and the Bible Society had, therefore, no business to

1864.J Colenso And reNaN. 591
exist, as it was circulating a great imposition, he asked why the book had
received the attention it had commanded.
" For no other reason than this," he said, " that for the first time in our
history a plan of a new Gospel and a new system of interpretation of Scripture,
has been boldly put forward by men whose names are notorious, by men who
hold high offices in the Church, by beneficed clergymen, by dignitaries. The
value is not in the writings, but in the oflices of the men ; the effect is not in the
force of the work, but in the names of the persons who have sent it forth." *
Of Bishop Colenso's book on the Pentateuch, and the ultimate effect, of
the controversies created by its publication, he said : —
I maintain that this puerile and ignorant attack on the sacred and unassail
able Word of God has been of inestimable benefit to the Word of God in this
country. It has called forth a flood of learning and piety, vigour and truthful
ness of explanation, and power of criticism, such as I did not know existed at
the present time in this realm of England. It has, if possible, made that blessed
old Book, which we circulate, to stand upon a stronger basis than ever ; and I
am sure that the admirers of that book cannot, at all events, pronounce upon the
defenders of the Bible the curse of Meroz, that " they came not to the help of the
Lord, to the help of the Lord against the mighty." My friends, the greater the
number of attacks on the Bible, the more determined and the more zealous you
should be by redoubling ithe number of your issues ; the more frequent the
assaults, the more you should strive to increase the circulation, and for that pur
pose to reduce the price of the sacred volume. The more your issues are multi
plied, the more the Book will be read ; the more the Book is read, the more it
will be bslieved, the more it will be loved ; the more it is loved, the more it will
be defended ; the more it is defended, the more it will fulfil the great and
blessed purpose for which God, in His Almighty goodness, gave it to a fallen
world, t
I Of M. Renan's " Vie de Jesus " he said : — •
You see how that book, which was written for the most iniquitous purposes,
the Life of our Lord, by Ernest Renan, has already set the Jewish mind upon
inquiry, and prompted the Jews to have recourse to the Scriptures themselves,
in order to see what kind of a person He is who has been so caricatured by
Renan ; and I believe the result will be that many will go away believers in .the
name of Him whom they had been taught to blaspheme, and will come to the
conclusion that they themselves are greater miracles than any miracle that they
venture to believe. I
To " Ecce Homo," and his never-to-be-forgotten phrase concerning it, the
following entries refer : —
May 12th, 1866. — Speaking at meeting of Church Pastoral Aid Society, I
denounced " Ecce Homo " as a " most pestilential book." This expression I well
recollect. The report adds " ever vomited from the jaws of hell." No doubt,
* Bible Society, May 1st, 1861. t Bible Society, 1863.
' X Jews' Society, May, 1864.

592 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chat-. XXVII. .
then, I used the words. They have excited a good deal of wrath. Be it so.
They were, perhaps, too strong for the world, but not too strong for the truth.
It escaped, in the heat of declamation, justifiable and yet injudicious.
The book is as much admired and bepraised in England as Ernest Renan's in
France, except that the French have not, as far as I know, found a bishop to
endorse M. Renan ; while we have found one, so I hear, to become surety for
" Eece Homo " !
May 26th.— No end of denunciations, in every form, of my opinion of " Ecce
Homo " I . . . The book can no longer be read by any one in ignorance that
its character is, at least, questioned by some.
A well-known Nonconformist minister put this question to Lord Shaftes
bury : " From which do you think there is the greater danger, the progress
of Ritualism, or the progress of Neology ? " He replied : " To the Church
of England as an Established Church I apprehend there is the greater danger
from Ritualism, but as regards the Church of Christ and the cause of religion
in the Church of England, I apprehend there is the greater danger from
Neology." Throughout these years wherever he went, in season and out of season,
Lord Shaftesbury was as " a voice crying in the wilderness," and the burden
of his exhortations may be summed up in the words he addressed to the
members of the Young Men's Christian Association : —
In this day of unspeakable importance, will this Association continue firm to
the Truth ? Will it earnestly contend for the faith once delivered to the saints !
Will it resist all the various assaults, the dexterous attacks, the insidious
approaches of that empty, specious sentimentality which, hating the real truth
and endeavouring to subvert and set aside all specific and dogmatic teaching,
approaches you and deceives you by professions that they who indulge it are so
overwhelmed by the love of God that they can see nothing else, they can touch
you upon no other doctrine, they can handle no other subject, all is submerged in
that alone ; and so His other attributes are altogether set aside, altogether
ignored, as not worth a moment's consideration, and least of all, of the considera
tion of strong-minded and intellectual men  If this is the way in which
strong-minded men are to be approached, it is not the way in which strong
hearted men are to be approached. " With the heart man believeth," and not
with the intellect. The intellect is very well in its way, but the heart is God's
especial province ; it is with the heart that men believe ; it is with the heart
that men will defy all these attacks ; it is with the heart that man will rest
secure in his convictions ; it is with the heart that men will aspire to immortality ;
it is with the heart that by God's grace they will reach that to which they aspire. *
One episode of these controversies was, that the friendship between Lord
Shaftesbury and his cousin, Dr. Pusey, which had long lain cold, was warmed
into new life. Wlien the judgment of the Judicial Committee of the Privy
Council was given in the " Essays and Reviews " case, and the charges made
against the writers broke down, Dr. Pusey wrote a, letter to the Record,
* " Exeter Hall Lectures," 1862-3, p. 396.

1S64.] CORRESPONDENCE WITH DR. PUSEY. 593
calling upon all Christians to forego minor differences in mutual resistance
of the great doctrinal errors of the day.
That letter gave rise to the following correspondence : —
Lord Shaftesbury to Dr. Pusey.
Grosvenor Square, Feb. 26th, 1864.
My dear Pusey, — You and I are fellow-collegians and old friends.
Time, space, and divergent opinions, have separated us for many years : but
circumstances have arisen which must, if we desire combined action in the cause
of our common Master, set at nought time, space, and divergent opinions.
We will fight about those another day ; in this we " must contend earnestly
for the faith once delivered to the saints ; " and it must be done together now.
Your letter to the Record shows (at least I think so) that you are of the same
mind as myself.
We have to struggle, not for Apostolical Succession or Baptismal Regeneration,
but for the very Atonement itself, for the sole hope of fallen man, the vicarious
sacrifice of the Cross. For God's sake let all who love our blessed Lord, and His
perfect word, be of one heart, one mind, one action on this great issue, and show
that, despite our wanderings, our doubts, our contentions, we yet may be one
in Him. What say you 1 Yours truly, Shaftesbury.
To this letter Dr. Pusey replied : —
Dr. Pusey to Lord Shaftesbury, Christchurch, Feb. 28th, 1864.
My dear Shaftesbury, — I thank you for your letter, and for the renewal of
old friendship. I always sought to live in friendly relations with those who love
our dear Lord and adore His redeeming mercy. Those few lines in the Record
express what has, for these thirty years, been the deep longing of my soul, that
we should understand one another, and strive together against the common enemy
of souls. This soul-destroying judgment may, with, I fear, its countless harms,
be overruled in God's mercy to good, if it binds as one man all who love our
blessed Lord, in contending for the faith assailed.
I have ever loved the (to use the term) Evang-elical party (even while they
blamed me), because I believed that they loved our Redeeming Lord with their
whole hearts. So now I am one heart and one mind with those who will contend
for our common faith against this tide of unbelief. Yours affectionately, E. B. Pusey.
P.S. — I only read to-day your letter dated Feb. 26th. I had thought to write
to you the letter which I afterwards sent to the Record, but I thought it best, in
the end, not to ask you to own me again till you should be so minded.
It seemed as if the relations between the High and Low Church parties
were to be materially altered, for among those who pleaded for conciliation,
was Bishop Wilberforce, who wrote thus to Lord Shaftesbury : —
M M

594 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXVII.
The Bishop of Oxford to Lord Shaftesbury. Banbury, Feb. 29th, 1864.
My dear Lord Shaftesbury, — It is my earnest desire that the terrible evil
of this " judgment " should become the means of healing the wound which tbe
separation of High 'and Low Church inflicts upon us, by bringing together all
who believe simply in the Bible and in the plain language of our Creeds.
I have no doubt that this is your wish, too, and I shall be heartily glad to
co-operate with you, so far as you will allow, in resisting the flood of Rationalistic
infidelity which is rising daily higher and higher. I am to be in London on
Wednesday, if you should wish to communicate with me.
I am, my dear Lord Shaftesbury, most sincerely yours, S. Oxon.
There is, unfortunately, no record of the reply that was sent to the above
letter, nor is there any reference to it in the Diary.
Decided and dogmatic as were Lord Shaftesbury's utterances on the
controversies of the times, he was not blinded by his zeal, into lending support
to actions which were conceived in the spirit of persecution, or that, to effect
a present apparent good, would result in permanent harm. Thus, while (we
use his own strong expression) he "loathed with the utmost abhorrence"
Bishop Colenso's book, he protested against Bishop Gray's illegal mode of
dealing with the offending brother. In the same spirit he replied to Arch
deacon Denison on the question of the Endowment of the Greek Chair at
Oxford in the person of Dr. Jowett, as shown in the following correspon
dence : — The Ven. Archdeacon Denison to Lord Shaftesbury.
Committee Room, 3, St. Aldates,
Oxford, Feb. 29th, 1864. '
My Lord, — The peril of the time is so great that I do not hesitate to write a
letter which may, perhaps, appear to you a strange one. But I think that, how
ever great the difference between us on some points may be, you will give me
credit for having nothing nearer to my heart than to maintain the Scriptural
Faith of the Church of England.
On Tuesday, March 8th, it will be proposed to endow the Greek Professorship
in the person of Mr. Jowett ; that is to say, to establish the rule that there is no
necessary connection between Academic endowment and truth of teaching.
The " free handlers " of Holy Scripture regard the statute as ruling this point
so completely that they are willing to accept it in the form proposed, and Dr.
Stanley publicly thanked Dr. Pusey in the Congregation for having been instru
mental in establishing the rule of neutrality in religion on the part of the
University. Pusey, I believe I may say, now regrets his move.
We are labouring to secure votes. Your Lordship will forgive me for asking
for your presence and vote. Faithfully yours, G. Denison.
To this letter Lord Shaftesbury replied : —

1864.] AT ST. M0RITZ. 595
Lord Shaftesbury to Archdeacon Denison. March ith, 1864.
Dear Mr. Archdeacon, — Be assured that I am delighted to receive a letter
from you on these matters. In this case, I venture to differ from you. I feel
confident that the right course in the first instance ; and in the second, the wise
and politic course, is to endow the Professorship notwithstanding the Professor.
Heaven knows how I loathe the theology of Dr. Jowett, but we should not
put him down by dishonouring his chair.
A hearty combination of all those who hold the fundamental Truth will
have ten times more effect if it be separated altogether from movements of this
character. I speak particularly as to the effect upon the laity.
Very faithfully yours,
Shaftesbury.
In the summer of 1864 Lord Shaftesbury found refuge for a while from
controversies with Neologians, and from the Education Commissioners, — who
had stated their opinion that, except in large cities, Ragged Schools were not
needed, as they tended to discourage the establishment of schools of a more
regular and systematic character, — and it is refreshing to hear him dis
coursing to his friend Mr. Haldane, on the glories of the Grisons : —
Lord Shaftesbury to Mr. Haldane.
St. Moritz, Canton des Grisons,
August 25th, 1864.
Dear Haldane, — Here is indeed a wonderful place I I am astonished that
such a spot, so beautiful, so bright, and so healthy, should have remained, until
the last few years, unknown even to the Swiss. The savants of Geneva, Berne,
Lausanne, either did not know, or pretended not to know, of a district worth the
whole Federation put together. It is more than 6,000 feet above the level of the
sea, so high that no cereal crop can ever be raised ; and no plain of Italy can
boast so clear, so brilliant, and so blue a sky. I can count ten glaciers from the
grass-plat, and sit writing' with the window open, enjoying a temperature like
the very finest October day in the county of Dorset. The air is as enlivening as
champagne and as strengthening as beef. Forests, mountains, lakes, make up
the scenery ; and we have as much as the imagination can wish. Add to this,
excellent accommodation (in the Kurhaus), capital food, and most obliging
people, and you will have the ne plus ultra of a watering-place.
Nature, however, imposes on every one certain custom dues as the price of
admission. You must be acclimated by certain small preliminary inflictions ; a,
general feeling of discomfort, what school-boys call " being all no-how ; " or
a violent cold, cough, and sore throat, or some bad nights, or three or four stout
indigestions. I have had them all, but I am now promised that, in a very short
time, I shall become " young and lusty as an eagle." . . .
Yours, S.
Resuming his Diary, in the winter of the year, we find him again in the
midst of old anxieties of all sorts : —

596 THE EAEL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXVII.
Deo. 12th. — St. Giles's. Fresh annoyances in lawsuits instituted by my late
steward, and my tenant, Mr. Lewer. Both, for different objects, have put me in
Chancery ; and a pretty waste there will be of time, and spirits, and money. A
successful suitor in the Court of Chancery is nearly a ruined man, always a loser
— even by a victory.
Dec. 22nd. — What is there, in Church and State, actual or rising, of wisdom,
or courage, or judgment, or constitutional knowledge, or high-mindedness, or
firmness, or patriotism ? Palmerston must soon be removed ; and his successor,
Gladstone, will bring with him the Manchester school for colleagues and sup
porters, a hot Tractarian for Chancellor, and the Bishop of Oxford for an eecle--
siastical adviser. He will succumb to every pressure, except the pressure of a
Constitutional and Conservative Policy.
Reform may be postponed ; but it is inevitable. The next Session will be one
of turbulence and mischief, every scheme being propounded, and many a one
being carried, to please constituents on the eve of a general election ; Gladstone,
probably, taking the lead, nay, even breaking up the Ministry to secure his own
elevation. Thus we have before us democracy, popery, infidelity, with no spirit of resist
ance in the country, no strong feelings, no decided principles, a great love of ease,
and a great fear of anything that may disturb that ease ; and a willingness, nay,
a forwardness, to put every apprehension aside, and say, " What does it signify 1 "
One of the pleasantest occurrences to Lord Shaftesbury in this year was
the visit to England of General Garibaldi, for whom he had a profound
admiration and regard. Garibaldi arrived in England on the 3rd of April.
Lord Shaftesbury went to Southampton to meet him, accompanied him to the
Isle of Wight, where he remained — the guest of Mr. Seely, M.P. — for some
days, -and became his constant companion the whole of the time he was in
London, never leaving him, in fact, except when Garibaldi " would go to the
Opera." One of the subjects that particularly interested Garibaldi during his
visit was Lord Shaftesbury's work in relation to the housing of the poor;
and he took away many notes, and obtained much information, with a view to
the construction of better dwelling-houses for the working-classes in Italy.
In parting, Lord Shaftesbmy presented him with a copy of the New Testa
ment in Italian. It was a book with a story, for it was the only copy of the
Scriptures that was finished printing while Garibaldi was in Rome. In giving
it, Lord Shaftesbury begged him, as a personal favour, that he would read it,
and this Garibaldi promised he would do. On his departure he pressed into
Lord Shaftesbury's hand a little note which was intended as a farewell, in
case he would not have the opportunity of speech. It ran thus : —
General Garibaldi to Lord Shaftesbury. Clipden, 24 Avril, 1864.
My Lord, — Je desire beaucoup en partant vous faire savoir que je suis bien
reconnaissant aux bontes dont vous m'avez.comble, et que je serai tier dans toute
circonstance, d'etre honore de vos ordres, et de votre amitid.
Votre devoue, G. Garibaldi.
Lord Shaftesbury,

1864.] ENGLISH LIBERALITY. 597
" Of that name," said Lord Shaftesbury, referring to Garibaldi at a
banquet given to him at the Fishmongers' Hall, " no man can speak without
emotion. He is a man that represents, in himself, the best qualities that
adorn mankind."
His portrait hung, to the last, in a conspicuous place in Lord Shaftesbury's
library in Grosvenor Square.
In a separate manuscript book, Lord Shaftesbury commenced, in Novem
ber of this year, a lengthy review of the various questions of the day as they
arose. It was an intelleetual pastime with him, and it had its practical use
in being ready to hand for reference. We extract the following on English
liberality : —
The newspapers are ever loud in their eulogies on English liberality ; that it
is ready, adequate, inexhaustible. They parade the subscriptions in answer to
sundry appeals, and ask whether any case ever is rejected without joyous and
abundant relief. It has never been so, and it is in the present day less so than
formerly, and, every year, the difficulty of raising money for charitable and
religious purposes will increase in proportion to the increase of the national
wealth. My own experience as a great mendicant for such objects, is decidedly as
stated ; but I do not quote it as authoritative, for people may be, as doubtless
they are, weary of me and my applications. But the facts admit of no evasion.
They show a vast change in the heart and spirit of the nation.
The Indian Mutiny was an event of a nature to stir the very depths of sympathy
and feeling. The sum collected for the sufferers was small in itself and inadequate
to the necessity.
The Famine in India was a special and undeniable appeal to luxury and wealth,
with less of patriotic claim than the other, but with more of human and Christian
obligation. The response was feeble.
The Crimean War might have roused (and would have roused in earlier days)
a tempest, as it were, of generosity. The effort, though greater than the two
former, was unequal to the occasion. The country could easily have spared ten
times as much ; but its private enjoyments had a stronger claim.
The Cotton Famine broke on the public like an earthquake or a thunder-bolt,
The character, circumstances, and probable issues of this calamity, were enough
to terrify the dull and the imaginative alike, the hard and the sympathetic.
About a million and a half were raised, by great exertions and unceasing appeals.
In reference to the overwhelming need, and the riches of England, it was a poor
sum. A thrill of horror and commiseration ran through the empire on behalf of the
Poles. There was no end of meetings, none of speechifyings, no change of con-
- versation. All ran on this line. Yet a few paltry sums, perhaps, in the aggregate,
not amounting to the cost of half-a-dozen equipages, were collected for the sick
and wounded, and this, too, while the Austrian Government was favourable, and
allowed the money to be received and expended in hospitals at Cracow.
On the Danish question, on the cruel invasion and plunder of that kingdom,
there was far more unanimity of feeling than in respect of Poland. Yet, after
discussions, in Parliament, sensation-meetings, and private meetings, a sum under

598 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXVIt.
twenty thousand pounds was the measure of our succour to the sick and wounded
of that gallant army. Not a syllable was urged, nay, not a syllable could be
urged, against the movement. All approved, and a miserable fraction contributed
to the effort.
Now, compare this bounty with the bounty of the country in 1813 in aid of
the Russians, whose land had been devastated by Napoleon. Above one hundred
thousand pounds were collected and remitted to St. Petersburg. But we must
observe that, in 1864 as compared with 1813, the national private income had
increased, perhaps, twenty-fold ; that the number of individual proprietors of
wealth had increased probably in the same proportion.
In 1813 we were plunged in a long and ruinous war, with war taxes, and no
hope of relaxation. We were found, nevertheless, full of fire and generosity to
any cry of distress.
Next came Garibaldi. His reception, on arrival in London, was such as no
man ever yet enjoyed, and such as, perhaps, no one will ever enjoy again. The
millions that shouted, had they given sixpence apiece, might have realised a
subsidy, which would have suited his Italian purposes, and which he would have
accepted. But the contributions were trifling, and raised with difficulty.
The project of a gift from the gentry of England was happily checked by himself,
in sufficient time to save his credit and ours. After many sittings of Committees,
myriads of letters, and private requests, we had, in two months, obtained pay
ments and promises for a sum considerably under three thousand pounds ; and,
by his providential interference, we were spared the disgrace of announcing to
the world, that such was the maximum of the sympathy, or the munificence, of
the British gentry.
All these cases must be considered in reference to the wealth and capabilities
of the nation. Our means are multiplied twenty-fold ; our religious and charitable
expenditure barely two-fold ; the love of money, and its cohesive power, increase
with its bulk. A forty-fold advance will reduce the country to a one-fold
expenditure. But then, say the eulogists of national philanthropy, " the applications are so
much increased." That is true, but so are the holders of property, both in
numbers and in amount of possession.
The truth is, that the givers are few, and those few are overtasked. The
ordinary and regular givers were always few ; they are becoming fewer every
day, as the ancient ones die off. The casual givers, those, who give only in some
" very peculiar and startling " event, such as the Cotton Famine, might be counted
in a breath. Those who have given once, and who will never give again, may be
written at full length ("names, weights, and colours of the riders," as one used
to hear at a race-ground), on a small side of note-paper. Those who never give
at all, might properly call themselves, like the devils in the New Testament,
" Legion," for they are many.
In January, 1865, the death of his old " Christian pastor and friend," the
Rev. Robert Moore, Rector of St. Giles's, Dorset, who had held the benefice
for forty -two years, was a shock to Lord Shaftesbury.
Mr. Haldane was consulted as to the vacancy.
My sole desire is to give the living to a true, tried, and meritorious (humanly
speaking) servant of our blessed Lord.

1S65-1 MALTA PROTESTANT COLLEGE. 599
I sho aid desire the joint opinions of yourself, the good Dean. * - and Lord
Midleton. A man endorsed by you three, would be an " epistle known and read
of all men." . . . Let Emilius Bayley be included in your deliberations.
The result was the appointment of Mr. Robert Harkness, who still held
the benefice at the time of Lord Shaftesbury's death.
The Diary for 1865 is much fuller than for many previous years, and a
few passages on miscellaneous subjects may be quoted. The following relate
to the illness of Lord Palmerston— a sharp attack of gout — which was a
cause of great anxiety to Lord Shaftesbury : —
April 20th. — Though somewhat abated, my uneasiness respecting Palmerston
is very great. 0 God, " spare him a little before he go hence and be no more seen."
May 1st. — P: is better, God be blessed. Nevertheless, I am very anxious. He
may, and probably will, endure a little longer. I cannot, however, dare to hope
(and to pray would be to pray for a miracle) that he will encounter another Session.
; In reviewing the political situation the following passage occurs : — ¦
July 10th. — This is considered a calm. But it is in reality no such thing. It
is simply the peg driven through the Island of Delos ; unloose the peg, and all
will be adrift.
Palmerston is that peg. Let him be drawn out by defeat, by sickness, or by
retirement, and all will be in confusion. Gladstone and the Manchester party
will ensure that issue.
July 11th. — In fearful anxiety about Palmerston. He is, the Lord be praised,
better, but he has not recovered, nor will he ever recover, at eighty years of age,
his former strength. I have long thought that he will not meet another Parlia
ment ; or, if he does, it will only be to take his leave. He is gone to Tiverton ;
his friends declared that such a step, however hazardous, was necessary to sustain
the public confidence. How ardently do I pray, day and night, that he may
return in safety. He is the only true Englishman left in public life.
One of Lord Shaftesbury's favourite schemes was the Evangelisation of
the East ; and one of the agencies intended to promote it was the Malta
Protestant College. The subject was first propounded to him in 1823, when
resident in Rome, by Lord Hastings, who had just returned from his
Governor- Generalship of India, and who, after a rest, was to assume the
Government of the Island of Malta. He proposed to found an institution
where the natives of the East should be taught gratuitously. Years passed
away, and no grand effort had been made to give effect to the conception of
Lord. Hastings, although the subject had never escaped the attention of Lord
Shaftesbury. Eventually, Dr. Adair Crawford, who had also long pondered
the matter, consulted Lord Shaftesbury on the subject, and the result was a
meeting at the Thatched House Tavern, and, in 1846, the establishment of
the Malta Protestant College. Its object was the religions and social
improvement of the populations living under Turkish rule ; and, towards the
accomplishment of this end, a certain number of native Oriental pupils were
* The Dean of Gloucester, Dr. Law,

600 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. Ohap. XXVII.
received free of expense, and educated as schoolmasters, interpreters, mis
sionaries, physicians, and merchants, while Europeans and wealthy natives
were admitted on payment, and educated.
After years of up-hill work, it was found that the plan could not be made
successful, and the following entry records the end of its existence : — ¦
Aug. 3rd.— The Malta College must, on the whole, be regarded as a complete
failure. It has been a work of much labour, much thought, much anxiety and
high anticipation, many appeals to the public, and many prayers to God. But it
has broken down ; and we must close it in debt ; and I, I fear, shall bear the
principal burthen.
For several years there are frequent records of visits to Richmond— simi
lar to the following, written in 1861 : —
Went to Richmond to see my mother. She is far less suffering, thank God,
than when I last saw her, less cough, less deafness, less depression. Her eye is
not dim, she needs no glasses, nor the aid of a stick.. What a marvel at eighty-
seven 1
The last of this long series of entries is in August, 1865 : —
Aug. 8th. — Have just received intelligence from Dr. Julius of the death of my
poor mother. She died without pain, enfeebled by age, and quite in her second
childhood. Aug. 13th. — Sunday. Yesterday consigned her to the grave in the vault at
St. Giles's, " in the sure and certain hope of a joyful resurrection." Li November
next she would have completed ninety-one years. Well does God say to Solomon
the word of praise, because he had "not desired long life."
In the autumn of this year the cattle plague was raging in England with
fearful violence. Of 80,000 cattle attacked by the disease, 40,000 had died ;
and in September, between 6,000 and 7,000 animals were dying each week,
while the sheep also were threatened. Pending the action of the Government
as to a special public prayer, the Bishop of Oxford wrote a prayer — of great
beauty and practical force — and circulated it in his own diocese. Lord
Shaftesbury obtained a copy, and pronounced it to "be one of the most ex
quisitely pious prayers he ever read." The following entry will not surprise
any one who knew him well : —
Oct. 10th. — St. Giles's. Public prayer last Sunday. Have circulated a short
form, for private use, by Bishop of Oxford. Sent it to every farmer and cottager
on all my estates ; also some to London, and remitted a sum of money to Mr.
Baring Gould for the printing of it in Wolverhampton.
While this great calamity was hanging over the nation, a. deeper and a
darker cloud was shadowing the household of Lord Shaftesbury. His friend,
Lord Palmerston, the man he trusted and loved, through whose influence he
had been able to effect so much, whose life seemed so essential to the nation,
was at the Doint of death.

CHAPTER XXYI1I.
LORD PALMERSTON AND CHURCH APPOINTMENTS.
1855—1865.
The record of Lord Palmerston's life has been fully given to the world.
Every one knows the main features of his wonderful career ; how, for sixty
years, he was a Member of Parliament, and nearly the whole of that time in
office ; how he was in the House of Commons for thirty years before the
Queen came to the throne, and how, from first to last, he was a man with the
capacity to live in the full enjoyment of life, and to work with a will for the
good of mankind and the welfare and glory of his country. There are aspects
of his life and character, however, which have not hitherto been made known ;
they relate to the inner circle and the hidden sphere, and few, if any, knew
them better than Lord Shaftesbury.
Until Lord Palmerston had entered his eighty-first year he showed none
of the ordinary signs of old age, nor any relaxing of that hold on life which
characterised his whole career. The attack of gout referred to in the pre
ceding chapter was the first indication of his approaching end.
During the elections in July, 1865, he addressed the electors at Tiverton
and then went to Brocket, where the attack of illness occurred. Before he
was sufficiently recovered, he went for a ride, took a chill, and indiscreetly
refused the remedies proposed to him.
Oct. 16th. — London. Came up with Minny to- day in consequence of a tele
gram from Evelyn. Heard, on arrival, that P. was better. She is g-one to
Brocket ; I remain here. She is enough — at such times as these a multitude,
even of the dearest friends, is burdensome.
Will the Lord spare him to us a little space before he " go hence and be no
more seen ? " I believe that it will be so.
On the 18th, Lord Shaftesbury, who, as will be seen immediately, went at
once to Brocket Hall, wrote to Mr. Haldane :—
Brocket Hall, Oct. 18th, 1865.
Dear Haldane, — Palmerston rallied wonderfully yesterday, but now he lies
on the very verge of the grave. A few hours, and he will be no more.
God have mercy on him for our Lord's sake ! I have hope, well-founded hope,
that he dies in peace. Three days ago he expressed his firm trust in Christ to
our invaluable friend and physician, Protheroe Smith ; and as we prayed ovor
him to-day I saw his eyes open, and heard low indistinct sounds of assent. Gcd
is unspeakably good. " If Thou bo extreme to nwk what is done amiss, who can
abide Thee ? "

602 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXVIII.
Thus goes the " TJltimus Romanorum," and now begins, be assured of it, the
greatest social, political, and religious revolution that England has yet endured.
What an instrument he has been in the hands of the Almighty I
Yours, S.
The Diary continues : —
Oct. 20th. — Brocket. Till now, unable to record the death of my much-loved
friend. It pleased Almighty God to take his soul on AVednesday morning, 18th,
at a quarter to eleven o'clock.
First, I thank God that I was present to watch and pray by his bedside.
Minny had, on Tuesday morning, sent me a telegram to say, " Much better " ;
and, on that word, I was preparing to return to my business in Dorsetshire ; but,
providentially, I read what she had, providentially, also added, " You were ex
pected, you may as well come for one night at all events." I determined so to do,
merely to shake hands with him and wish him joy. And right glad am I that I
was moved to take this step ; for, on my arrival, I heard that he had suffered a
sudden relapse and that the physicians had abandoned all hope. Yet I could not
quite abandon prayer ; and I clung, without sanction, to the issue, as it were, of
a miracle. Later in the night, about eleven o'clock, I went to his bed-room, and saw him
lying, apparently unconscious, and breathing hard. We all sat up the whole
night : Fanny and Minny with their mother, and I, W. Cowper, Georgiana,
Evelyn, and the doctors, occasionally in the bed-room, or the room adjoining. He
was sinking gradually, but without pain.
Some of the incidents of that anxious night are very graphically told : —
About two o'clock it might be, the doctor, Protheroe Smith, thinking that his
end was very near, proposed that all should unite in prayer, and commend his
soul to the living God. We heartily concurred ; and I went into the next room
to arouse the good Dr. Watson, then asleep on a sofa, who had expressed an
earnest wish to join the family in any act of worship.
An hour or more after this, AVilliam leaned over the bed and began to recite
some passages of the Liturgy, the short and pithy supplications, one or two of
the Collects, and the Lord's Prayer. He was, I think, in this very judicious, as
using the words and petitions with which Palmerston might be familiar. It is
manifest to me that he was heard by Palmerston, who opened his eyes and
seemed to give, by low but special sounds, expressions of assent.
William then asked me to pray over him, saying, " he knows your voice, and
he will be touched to find that you are so near him." Inwardly I implored God's
grace ; and then I did so. His eyes were opened widely, and he repeated, af ter
many of the petitions, the same sounds that had so comforted us all under
William's prayer. I spoke of sin, of forgiveness, and of sin being washed away
only by the blood of our crucified Saviour. There was no sign of repugnance, no
moving of the hand in token of denial (and he had strength to do so, for he had
moved his hands before, and he moved them afterwards), but the same soft and
peculiar sound, that seemed more like a breathing of the heart, than an effort
of the mouth. This done, he closed his eyes, and relapsed into his former
drowsiness.

1865-1 palmerston's enemies. 603
A good deal later, and just before the last gasp (I forget the precise hour),
Protheroe Smith spoke to him, and said, " Are you in pain 1 " ." Oh no," he
replied. Somewhat after that Smith (Dr. Watson standing by) asked him, " Will
you take any refreshment? " " Oh no, no," he answered, in distinct tones. Both
the doctors remarked to. me, " We are now certain that he heard your prayers and
that his consciousness remained with him."
If that be so, then am I equally certain that he acknowledged, accepted, and
embraced our petitions, joined in the confession of sins, and trusted in the merits
of the All-powerful Redeemer. Such was the character of the man that he never
would have passed in silence, still less have apparently admitted, anything that
his spirit rejected. We may joyously believe that, after a long life of absorption
in worldly affairs, God, of His free and unbounded mercy, revealed to him His
Son Jesus Christ, and has enabled all those who so truly and tenderly loved him,
to say with unhesitating confidence and joy, "We now commit our brother to the
grave, dust to dust, ashes to ashes, in the sure and certain hope of a glorious
resurrection." I was not in the chamber at the very moment of dissolution ; but I came in
time to imprint a parting kiss on his forehead yet warm, and put my hand on his
closing eyes.
It was but natural that Lord Shaftesbury should scan the political horizon
with some anxiety, and he proceeds to record Lord Palmerston's estimate of
men who were to succeed him :—
Oct. 25th. — Palmerston had but two real enemies, Bright and Gladstone.
Gladstone's language, and specially his acts, will show that the master mind
which curbed him is gone; and his resentment will appear in the political
associations he will form, and in the violence and relish with which he will
overthrow every thought and deed of his great leader.
Palmerston knew all this, but never mentioned it with asperity. Once he
said to me, though he seldom dealt in predictions, •'- Gladstone will soon have it
all his own way ; and, whenever he gets my place we shall have strange doings."
He feared his character, his views, and his temperament, greatly. He rarely
spoke severely of any one. Bright and Gladstone were the only two of whom
he used strong language. Cobden he described as a man from whom he differed
in many respects, but he never, in my hearing, applied to him any forcible
epithets. Lord Russell, from whom he had received the greatest wrongs-
personal and political — was never alluded to but with a laugh, and in a good-
humoured way, " Oh, he's a foolish fellow, but we shall go on very well now."
And he was right, for the later conduct of Lord Russell was antagonistic to his
first, and the six years of his tenure, under P., of the Foreign Secretaryship, were
years of confidence and esteem between them both.
He saw clearly, but without any strong sentiment, Gladstone's hostility. He
remarked to me one day, when we were discussing some appointment : " Well,
Gladstone has never behaved to me as a colleague in such a way as to demand
from me any consideration." And this he said With the air and tone of a man
who perceived the enmity but did not care for it. Yet he always endeavoured to
keep him safe in Oxford. When Lord Derby dissolved the Parliament, P. requested
me to do all that lay in my power to secure Gladstone's seat for the University.
When Parliament was dissolved, in July of this year, P. again applied to me ;

604 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap, xxviii.
and every effort was made. But the Conservatives and their adherents committed
the gross folly of ejecting him from Oxford, and thus sending him to Lancashire.
" He is a, dangerous man," said P. ; " keep him in Oxford, and he is partially
muzzled ; but send him elsewhere, and he will run wild."
Oct. 29th. — Yesterday Palmerston was committed to the grave in Westminster
Abbey. He had said, in his will, evidently never contemplating a public funeral,
that he " desired to be buried at Romsey." The universal wish that he should be
publicly interred prevailed with his family, and Lady Palmerston gave way
under our assurance that a place should be reserved for her at his side in the
Abbey as he had designed for her in the cemetery.
The crowds were immense, but in wonderful order ; 'silent, deeply reverential,
and apparently unwilling, even by signs, to disturb the solemnity of the proces
sion. Such a scene has seldom been seen ; and long will it be ere such another
be witnessed. The people loved the man, his open simplicity, his imperturbable
good-humour, his incapability of resentment, his readiness to stand up, at all
times, for what he thought right ; they confided in his sagacity, his experience of
affairs, his preference of the public interests to nepotism or to self ; they saw in
him, in short, everything that they desired to see in a Ruler in one aspect, in a
servant in another. Every man regarded him as a personal friend ; and every
one, in his loss, seems subjected to a sense of personal insecurity.
While I deeply mourn him as my dear, true, and private friend, and while I
tremble for the destinies of England, I acknowledge with gratitude and joy the
special mercy of Almighty God towards him, and towards his relations. He
might have lived to a second childhood ; he might have lived to exhibit mental
decrepitude in the House of Commons, and give rise to wishes that he would
resign, and to complaints that his friends did not persuade him to resign. He
went down, on the contrary, in the height of his popularity, in the peace and
prosperity of the country, in the plenitude of the public confidence, in the full
enjoyment of his faculties, in the midst of social and domestic happiness, in the
possession of power, and with the daily prayers of thousands that he might long
be spared for the honour, the welfare, and security of the Empire. " His sun
went down while it was yet day ; " and the twilight will be, to the eye at least,
as attractive and beautiful as his full blaze of splendour.
The intellect, too, left in its vigour, freshness, and elasticity, was becoming far
too active and vigorous for the body. He battled, hour by hour, with that sinking
frame, which, though still perfect in its organisation (for so the post-mortem
revealed) was qualified for long and peaceable existence, but not for rapid and
anxious exertion. His suffering, latterly, must have been extreme. With a
courage equal to his understanding, he continued to demand of his physical
system all the service it had rendered in his early days. A conscientious eager
ness to fight for his country, while he had a leg to stand on, impelled him very
far, and temporarily sustained him. But eyes, and ears, and nerves, and muscles
wore failing fast ; and one saw, with pain, the desperate efforts he made partly
to conceal and partly to overcome them. Hitherto this reflection bas comforted,
and upheld my mother-in-law. She recognises the merciful hand of God towards
both herself and him, in the many years of happiness they were permitted to enjoy
together, and his easy removal before any mental and further bodily visitations.

1865d A GAP IN MANY LIVES. 605
The death of our friend Palmerston has made a gap in many lives and in many
quarters. The first is in his wife's existence. It is a sudden change from excite
ment and activity to utter silence and repose. She revolved round the centre of
all political movements, she is checked in her orbit, and is become stationary.
Her hopes and fears and affections, so keenly roused and so tenderly exercised,
towards him, whether in strength or weakness, in anxiety, or in joy, will be
wholly extinguished, or made to burn in a lower degree, towards other objects.
It is a change, and a gap, to Minny. He tenderly loved and admired her, and
said to her, as she entered his room, not many days before his death, " Minny,
come in, come in ; you always seem to me like a sunbeam." Such affections
withdrawn are not a slight abstraction of vital warmth.
I cannot but observe a considerate Providence in the removal of the husband
before the wife. She has many things to sustain and console her. He would have
had none. She has her children and her grandchildren about her ; he would
have been alone and helpless in the extreme, with all the bitterness and keenness
of sorrow which befalls one so entirely isolated and deprived irreparably of all
the supports, alleviations, and balms, that exist only in domestic life and the
ministrations of affectionate and unpaid service.
It is a change to Evelyn,* who is discharged from an office of moderate
emolument, but one of deep interest and instruction, and this, too, without a
profession to fall back upon.
Referring to the assemblies given by Lady Palmerston, to which allusion
has been made in an earlier part of this work, Lord Shaftesbury continues : —
Oct. 30th. — These parties at Cambridge House gave golden bridges of oppor
tunities to all of different opinions, of attitudes mutually hostile, of warring
partisans, to members of the two Houses, to many of all degrees, professions,
occupations in the Commons ; to all these they furnished means of intercourse,
of social amenities, of acquaintances, and, perhaps, reciprocal satisfaction. Party
asperities were modified, and many personal errors mitigated or subdued. For
some time, at least, but possibly for ever, such gatherings will find neither place
nor patron.
The loss to Lord Shaftesbury, personally, in the death of his old and tried
friend was irreparable. He refers to it thus : —
Ah, but to none will the loss be as it is to myself. I lose a man who, I knew,
esteemed and loved me far beyond every other man living. He showed it in every
action of his heart, in every expression of his lips, in private and in public as a
man, as a relative, and as a Minister. His society was infinitely agreeable to me ;
and I admired, every day more, his patriotism, his simplicity of purpose, his
indefatigable spirit of labour, his unfailing good-humour, his kindness of heart,
and his prompt, tender, and active considerateness for others, in the midst of his
heaviest toils and anxieties. A great and mighty door for good is now closed
upon me, so far as I can see, for ever. This I may lament, while I bless God for
such grand, such frequent, such prolonged opportunities of doing good service in
my generation.
I have kept no record— I now regret the omission — of the various cases I
* The Hon. Evelyn Ashley was Lord Palmerston's private secretary.

606 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXVIII.
brought before him, and successfully, for aid from the " Bounty Money." The
applicants, in abundant instances, approached the Prime Minister through me as
their channel, and, as I never undertook any but deserving cases, so I never met
with anything but ready acquiescence.
So with honours to be bestowed. He listened at once to my earnest counsel
to give baronetcies to Baxter of Dundee, and Crossley of Halifax, in acknowledg
ment of their princely generosity to the people. I persuaded him on behalf of
McClintock and Harry Parkes, overlooked and disregarded, despite his great
services, by Lord Russell. He was ever forward, nay, delighted, to recognise and
reward merit, wherever it was found.
It was no slight interest to be so near the centre of all action in politics, the
fountain-head of all information. He was very open and explicit with me at all
times. In conversation he withheld nothing but what he could not, in honour,
divulge, and though not given to voluntary communications, he imparted to me
almost everything, if it arose in the order of our discourse.
Lord Shaftesbury next proceeds to review the whole history of Lord
Palmerston's Church appointments. It need hardly be said, that almost every
appointment gave great dissatisfaction to the High Church party, and that
every fresh appointment made to the Bench of Bishops especially excited
their anger and chagrin. The " Shaftesbury Bishops " were " as a stone of
stumbling and a rock of offence " to them, and especially to Bishop Wilber
force, who, in a letter to Mr. Gladstone on the question of a Bill to abolish
the declaration made by Mayors, that they would not use their office against
the Established Church, wrote : — " I shall be ready not to oppose the Bill if
I find it possible to bring the Church party, and especially the bishops, to act
together in that sense. I fear that this will not be easy. Lord Palmerston's
wicked appointments meet us here at every turn — to yield everything to a
Ministry, which every sound Churchman feels insults the Church almost every
time it has to recommend to the Crown for a bishopric, is exceedingly hard."*
In his biography of Lord Palmerston, Mr. Evelyn Ashley says : —
" The Church patronage which Lord Palmerston administered during his
two Premierships was so large that the principle on which he declared him
self to act, and on which, indeed, he consistently did act, is worth reading in
his own words. I can certainly of my own knowledge assert, that the one
way in which a clergyman could make it certain that he would not get prefer
ment, was to commence his letter of application by a statement of his political
principles, thus making- them a ground of claim. Lord Palmerston writes to
Lord Carlisle, then Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland : —
" ' I have never considered ecclesiastical appointments as patronage to be
given away for grace and favour, and for personal or political objects. The
choice to be made of persons to fill dignities in the Church must have a great
influence on many important matters ; and I have always endeavoured, in
making such appointments, to choose the best man I could find, without any
regard to the wishes of those who may have recommended candidates for
choice.' " * "Life of Bishop Wilberforce," vol. iii., p. 84.

1865.]

THE " SHAFTESBURY BISHOPS.

607

In the appendix to the work from which the above quotation is made
there is a remarkable letter from Lord Shaftesbury to the author, on tho
public and private character of Lord Palmerston, in which the following
passage occurs : — -
" He had much solicitude for the honour and efficiency of the episcopal
office. He ever sought for good and proper men ; and he discarded, in the
search, all considerations of mere politics or attention to personal requests
' If the man is a good man,' he often said, ' I don't care what his political
opinions are. Certainly I had rather not name a bishop who would make
party speeches and attacks on the Government in the House of Lords ; but,
short of that, let him do as he likes.' ' I am a very lucky man,' he remarked
to me ; ' luckier than most Ministers. I have no sons, grandsons, or nephews
to stuff into the Church ; and, so far as all that is concerned, I can do what
I think right.' An instance of his disinterestedness occurred to myself. I
had ventured to suggest to him the name of a very learned, but comparatively
unknown, man, for a high professorship. ' I must state,' I added, ' that he is
a person of no social account, and has no friends to endorse him.' ' What
does that signify ? ' he replied ; ' is he a proper man ? ' ' Tes, a very proper
man.' ' Then he shall be appointed.' And he was so appointed.
" I must add here, that a part of his definition of a ' good and proper man '
for the episcopal bench, was, one who would go on well with the Nonconfor
mists. He had a very spatial dislike of every form of clerical assump
tion." *
Without any consideration of the merit, or otherwise, of Lord Palmerston's
selections, the amount and variety of his cases of ecclesiastical preferment
are historically curious. Nothing has been seen like it, in the career of any
other Minister. It will be seen from the following listf that Lord Palmerston
had at his disposal twenty-five mitres and ten deaneries ; including three ap
pointments to English and two to Irish archbishoprics, sixteen English and
four Irish bishoprics, and ten English deaneries : —

English Archbishops.
Canterbury ... 1862 Dr. Longley.
York  I860 Dr. Longley.
 1862 Dr. Thomson.

Carlisle 
Gloucester ano
Bristol j> ))

1860 Canon Waldegrav
1 1856 Dr. Baring.
1861 Dr. Thomson.
1861 Dean Ellicott.

Ripon 

1856 Dr. Bickersteth.

English Bishops.

NorwichRochester

1857 Dr. Pelham.
1860 Dr. Wigram.

London  1856 Dean Tait.
Durham  1856 Bishop Longley.
 1860 Bishop Villiers.
 1861 Bishop Baring.
Carlisle^ ... 1856 Dr. Villiers.

Worcester ...
Ely 
Peterborough Chester 

1860 Dr. Philpott.
1864 { Canon Harold
t Browne.
1864 Dean Jeune.
1865 Canon Jacobson.

* "Life of Lord Palmerston," by the Hon. Evelyn Ashley, M.P., vol. ii., p.
t Extracted from the Record, Nov. 1st, 1S65.

319.

608

THE EARL OF

SHAFTESBURY.

[Chap. XXVIII

Irish Archbishops.

Westminster

.. 1857

Dr. Trench.

Armagh..

... 1862 Dr. Beresford.

,)

.. 1863

Dr. Stanley.

DubHn ..

... 1863 Dean Trench.

Canterbury

.. 1857

Dr. Alford.

Carlisle ...

.. 1856

Dr. Close.

Irish Bishops.
Ripon ...
.. 1859
Dr. Gamier.
Cork ..
... 1857 Dr. Fitzgerald.-
.. 1860
Dr. Goode.
»
... 1862 Dr. J. Gregg.
Lincoln ...
.. 1860
Dr. Gamier.
Killaloe..
... 1862 Dr. Fitzgerald.
.. 1864
Dr. Jeune.
Kilmore
... 1862 Dr. Verschoyle.
,','
.. 1864
Dr. Jeremie.
English Deans.
Gloucester
.. 1862
Dr. Henry Law.
Christ Church, 1 lg55 Dr UAde^
Oxford ... i
Exeter . . .
.. 1861
.. 1862
Professor Ellicott.
Viscount Midleton.
In addition to the above Lord Palmerston made a considerable number of
appointments to important livings in the gift of the Crown, as well as the
appointment of Dr. Shirley to the Regius Professorship of Ecclesiastical His
tory at Oxford, with a Canonry of Christchurch annexed, and of Dr. Payne
Smith to the Regius Professorship of Divinity at Oxford, also with a
Canonry of Christchurch.
We now turn to the Diary, for the statements of Lord Shaftesbury — the
"Bishop-maker," as he was not unfrequently called — with regard to these
ecclesiastical preferments.
Nov. 1st.— In the matter of Church appointments Palmerston was con
spicuous for justice, propriety, impartiality, and freedom from merely political
views. He, at once, and from the very first, gave me his confidence on these matters,
and I very early determined to look at every vacancy, not from my own, but from
his point of view. Many fit men passed before me whom I would, had I been
Prime Minister, have raised to high places in the Church ; and so I told him ;
but I added, " I do not advise you to do so, because you could not maintain them,
if questioned, on the same grounds as myself, nor allege the same reasons. I must
consider your position, the difficulties you have to contend against, the legitimate
objections, even in such matters, that beset the path of a public man, and one,
from his special office and responsibility, by no means in the attitude and powers
of a private patron. I must propose what you and I can defend, not that which
could be defended by myself alone."
The first appointments were so successful that they influenced elections
turned votes in the House of Commons, and raised around him a strong party
in the country. Some three years after the beginning of his career he visited
Lancashire and Yorkshire ; and he spoke to me, on his return, of the vast favour
he had met with ; and how he had been, everywhere, thanked for his nominations
in the Church. The effect was seen in the anger of Lord Derby, who openly
attacked them in the House of Lords, though with no response, either there or in
the kingdom ; impelled, no doubt, under the inspiration of the Bishop of Oxford,
to run amuck, in his High Church and Tractarian fury, against the Evangelical
character and truth of the earlier bishops. He was always anxious that they
should be good men, active, zealous, and sound members of the Church of
England. He regarded any approximation to Popery, Popish doctrines, and
1S85] THE "BISHOP-MAKER.'' 609
Popish practices, with special dislike and even fear. From the commencement,
I obtained his full assent that, on all occasions, men should be selected who
would be moderate and decent in their language towards Nonconformists, and
civil in their personal intercourse with them, He felt, as I did, the folly, nay,
the iniquity, of haughty sacerdotal bearing, of vituperative epithets, of clerical
despotism, towards the body of Dissenters ; he saw, too, and resolved, if he could,
to obviate the danger of such an ecclesiastical arrogance.
The Church gained, by this, an immense popularity and strength, which she
is beginning to lose from no other cause than the proud, domineering assump
tions of Convocation and Churchy Congresses.
The lists will show the great number and variety of the several appointments.
Yet not one was even questioned, and Dr. Pusey himself, in supporting Glad
stone's election against Gathorne Hardy, remarked that, " if all were not such
as he could have wished, all, at any rate, were in the interests of religion." . . .
He oftentimes thanked, me, in the warmest language, for the advice I gave ¦
him, and showed his appreciation of it by never making but one appointment, so
far as I can recollect (that of Blakesly, Canon of Canterbury), without con
sulting me on the matter.
The first bishops were decidedly of the Evangelical School ; and my recom
mendations were made with that intention. I could not foresee the duration of
his power, and I was resolved to put forward men who would preach the truth,
be active in their dioceses, be acceptable to the working people, and not offensive
to the Nonconformists. He accepted my suggestions on these very grounds, and
heartily approved them.
As his power was increased and prolonged, and a fair probability appeared of
a durable administration, I felt, and he felt, the expediency of somewhat enlarg
ing the sphere of selection ; the First Minister of the Crown standing in a
position, as I have observed before, widely different from that of a private patron.
After his junction with the Peel party he observed to me, " I should like to
be a little cautious in the selection of bishops, so as not, unnecessarily to vex
my colleagues, some of whom are very high. It is a bore to see angry looks, and
have to answer questions of affected ignorance. This must not stand in the way
of fit men, but, if we can now and then combine the two, so much the better."
This expression of feeling altered, of course, in some measure, the external
appearance of the nominations. I say " external," because the principle remained
the same ; but it was difficult, henceforward, to select worthy, qualified — nay,
even first-rate — men, if they were altogether unknown, without a ready answer
attached to their names, should a. question be asked. The range was limited.
Public opinion, represented by the public press, limited the range still more, by
perpetually calling for " learned men " to fill the sees. The Tractarians did so
in the hope of forcing the elevation of some of their mediaaval school ; the Neo-
logians, to push forward such as Colenso.
I saw this, and foresaw, also, that this new demand, sustained by almost
every paper, would eventually be serious, greatly embarrass him under the pres
sure of the business of his office, and cause him disquietude, and so lead to a
change in his mode of action.
He never gave a hint, himself, of any altered views ; but I determined to
seek, from that time forward, the best men that could be found, possessing such
qualities and attainments as might render them good though not the best, men.
N N

610 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXVIII.
Professors, tutors, and dons of colleges are by no means, on an average, men
fitted for episcopal duty. The knowledge of mankind and experience of
parochial life are not acquired in musty libraries and easy-chairs. Practical
divinity is one thing, speculative divinity another, and the accomplishments that
make an active and useful bishop, are purchased at the cost of that learning
which would make him a theological champion, armed at all points, and ready
on all occasions.
The later appointments proceeded on this principle ; and, God be praised,
some adequate men were found. Position, however, satisfied the public ; a dean,
an archdeacon, a professor, or the head of a college, was assumed by them with
out inquiry to be a " learned man." So intent were the malcontents on this point,
that when Conway, the vicar of Rochester, was appointed to the Canonry of
Westminster, he was pronounced, until it was known that he had been fifth
Wrangler at Cambridge, to be unfit to preach the Gospel to the poor of St.
Margaret's. He was sensitive, from the very first, in respect of the " feelings af Cam
bridge." After two Oxford men had been appointed to the Bench, he said to me,
" Pray look out for a Cambridge man ; they turned me out of Cambridge, and I
should not like to be thought resentful." To this end Bickersteth was appointed
Bishop of Ripon.
I suggested to him Dr. Tait for London, then Dean of Carlisle. I did so as
believing that the " Broad Church " ought to be represented (I advised as though
Prime Minister), and selected Dr. Tait as the mildest among them. It is an
appointment in some respects to be regretted, in other respects to be commended,
for, undoubtedly, we have got from him, as Bishop of London, ten times as much
as ever was obtained from one, or all, of his predecessors.
Dr. Bllicott's appointment will be good for the end to which it was made.
First, a, Cambridge man was wanted ; secondly, some one in a high theological
position ; and thirdly, my own feeling that honour should be done to every
one (whenever occasion offered) conneoted with the answers to " Essays and
Reviews." The original nomination of Dr. Trench to the Deanery of Westminster was
entirely his own. I found, when I asked it for Dr. McCaul, that he had made
up his mind for Dr. Trench. I do not know who advised him ; certainly, he
himself knew little or nothing of the Doctor.
But it was at my suggestion he made him Archbishop of Dublin.
Gamier also was his own. He was a worthy man, the son of his old friend
the Dean of Winchester ; but I suggested his two successors, Dr. Jeune and
Dr. Jeremie.
Twice under my advice he offered a bishopric to Dr. Vaughan, of Harrow, and
was, in each case, refused.
In reference to the Deanery of Ch. Ch., I had no share beyond that of joining,
with many others, to recommend Dr. Liddell.
Dr. Jacobson was proposed for my consideration in the following way :  The
see of Chester being vacant, I had suggested, and Palmerston had accepted, the
name of Archdeacon Prest, of Durham. Shortly afterwards he wrote to mo, and
enclosed a letter from Gladstone. In this a statement was made that Jacobson
was the chairman of his Election Committee ; that the nomination of this-pro-

1865.] PROSPECTIVE CHANGES. 611
fessor to the vacant see would be very encouraging, and greatly strengthen his
interests, the usual expressions being added of " fit man," " learned man," &c., &c.
Palmerston asked my opinion very seriously. " I should be glad," he said
" to aid Gladstone to keep his seat for Oxford, because, small though it may be,
it tends a little to check him, and save him from running into wild courses.
But I will not do it unless you assure me that the Dr. is a proper man." . . .
Well, this is the only nomination that had a taint of politics in it ; and there
is much to be said on its behalf. But it is, so far as I know, the only one where
the bishop has openly and speedily given offence. Departing from the excellent
precedents set by his predecessors, Bishops Sumner and Graham, he has peremp
torily refused, both to Chester and the great town of Liverpool, his sanction to
the Bible Society.
The anxiety and toil, the hopes and fears, the endless correspondence and
interviews, the care in the selection of the men to be suggested, the inquiries .
into their antecedents, the perusal of their published sentiments, the sense of
responsibility, the prayers for " light and guidance," the reproaches of the
High Church Party — these form the subject of innumerable entries in the
Diary during the years that Lord Palmerston was Premier and his Church
appointments were made under the advice of Lord Shaftesbury. He was
greatly assisted in his labours by Mr. Haldane, to whom, when a history of
the appointments was published in the Record, he wrote : —
St. Giles's, November lith, 1865.
Dear Haldane, — The document you have sent me, exhibiting the ecclesias
tical patronage bestowed by Lord Palmerston, is a document demanding gratitude
and prayer to Almighty God.
No three Prime Ministers together had attained the number ; and all in a
lump, since Prime Ministers began, cannot show the same quality of appoint
ment, or the same disinterested spirit in the several nominations. . . .
You may take to yourself very large consolation. That list may be to you, by
God's mercy, one of the " pleasures of memory." Your wide experience, sound
judgment, and Christian heart, were of signal, nay, indispensable importance ;
and now that we, like all other " dogs, have had om- day," and are shrunk again
to om- former proportions, let us bless the Lord that, in His good pleasure, He
used us, and has done so much by small instruments.
Salutem multam in Jesu Christo. Yours, S.
In closing his review of Lord Palmerston's life, and its influence on
Cliurch and State, Lord Shaftesbury writes :—
We must now be prepared for vast and irrevocable changes. Palmerston was
the grand pillar appointed, under God's Providence, to which all the vessels of
the State were linked, and so the fleet was held to its moorings. It is now east
down ; the ships are set afloat without rudder or compass, and will drift in every
direction over the broad sea.
We seem as though we were going to do everything that we most disliked.
No one wishes for reform, and yet every one will give it. The Parliament is
N n 2

612 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [CltAr. XXVIII.
called moderate, and even "liberally" Conserrative ; but it will prove decidedly
revolutionary. The period is approaching when the real effects of the Reform
Bill will begin to be felt, for many of the calmest and most thinking men fore
told, at that time, that, while many and great chang-es would take place (as they
have done), there would be no organic revolution till after the lapse of some
twenty or thirty years.
Two vast changes may be traced within the last few years, changes in the
mode of thinking, and of the estimate formerly attached to ideas and institutions.
The elective franchise is no longer considered as a means to good government,
but is, in itself, even where good government exists, a right and an enjoyment for
the people. It is treated as a principle of education, as a mode of elevating the
working classes, without any reflection how, unless properly used, it will depress
every other.
The position of the House of Lords is materially lowered ; and such must
necessarily be the issue of enlarged desires and powers in the House of Commons.
I remember that, when Lord Melbourne became Prime Minister, he lamented, and
his friends lamented also, that he had no majority in the House of Lords. It was
of importance then that the Minister should not be weak in the " Upper House,"
as it is, at present, called. But what Minister, or what man, now thinks of the
House of Lords ? What voice, or even whisper, has it in the formation, or sup
port, of an administration? None. It is allowed to debate, transact private
business, and reject a few unimportant Bills ; ¦ but its vital powers are gone, and
never will it dare to resist the House of Commons for two years on any point, as
it resisted them for twenty on the Roman Catholic question.
The long and short of our present position is, that the time has arrived
(novus scsclorum nascitur ordo) for the triumph of the Manchester School, of
which Gladstone is the disciple and the organ. And, for the nonce, they have a
great advantage ; for, though the majority of the country is against them, tbe
country has no leaders in or out of Parliament ; whereas they are well provided,
and are equally compact in purpose and action.

CHAPTER XXIX.
1866—1867.
The year 1866 opened gloomily for Lord Shaftesbury. Many of the measures
on which his heart was set were exposed to peril; Lord Palmerston, the
" man in whom he trusted," was no more ; the law-suits in which he was
engaged with Waters, his late steward, and with Mr. Lewer, one of his
tenants, had taken an unfavourable turn he had never contemplated ; a full
investigation into his own financial circumstances caused him much uneasi
ness. Ever since he began the Factory Question, he had laid out on that,
and kindred movements, large sums of money ; for charitable and religious
purposes he had been compelled to act in excess of what he was able to afford,
lest, by apparent parsimony, he should bring " outward profession" into con
tempt ; and the cottage-building and drainage works at St. Giles's — under
taken to employ labour and to elevate the people — and the whole farming
system had, by the mismanagement of his steward, proved ruinous. He had
dreamed a dream, and on awakening, he wrote : —
. . . I acted upon feeling, and trusted to the conclusions of my imagina
tion, not realising the fact that there is no promise of miracles to be wrought to
supply what might be done by common sense, and that mere warmth of heart is
a very deceptive guide in the details of life.
Notwithstanding these depressing circumstances, Lord Shaftesbury did
not for a moment relax his hold of the many things he had in progress, or of
others he had in contemplation. His only difficulty was that he could not
keep pace with his work ; to keep pace with the times he had long since
given up as a hopeless task.
A movement, which for many years had been contemplated by Lord
Shaftesbury, was inaugurated in the early part of 1866. On February the
14th, invitations were sent to the casual wards, and other similar places of
resort, inviting some of the homeless boys of London, under sixteen years of
age, to a supper at St. Giles's Refuge, Great Queen Street, Lincoln's Inn
Fields. It was a cold, wet night, and when the 150 who had given in their names
made their appearance at seven o'clock — an hour before the proper time —
they presented a miserable spectacle, with garments tattered and torn, and
rather hanging about their limbs than covering them. The majority were
quite barefooted, and all of them belonged to the most forlorn and wretched
classes of society. On being questioned, they gave ready answers concerning
themselves and their miserable history ; how they sold fusees or bogged for a

614 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXIX.
livelihood, and slept at night in casual wards or refuges, and for the most
part, knew nothing whatever of their parents.
After a good supper, an adjournment was made to another room, when
addresses were delivered to them, or rather a kind of conference was held as
to any means that might be devised for rescuing boys of this class from the
career of crime and misery which awaited them, and, by the institution of
some scheme of employment, prevent them from becoming tramps and
vagrants, and a pest to society.
Lord Shaftesbury addressed to the boys a series of direct questions,
having first enjoined a truthful and fearless response to his interrogatories.
The answers were given promptly and decisively.
" Let all those boys who have ever been in prison hold up their hands," he
said first, and immediately about twenty or thirty hands were held up.
" Let those who have been in prison twice, hold up their hands." About
ten were held up.
" How many in prison three times P " Five were held up.
" Is it the case that the greater part of you boys are running about town
all day, and sleeping where you can at night P " A general response was
made to this query.
" How do you get your livelihood ? " Some boys called out, " Holding
horses " — " Begging " — " Cleaning boots."
" Would you like to get out of your present line of life, and into one of
honest industry P " A general and enthusiastic " Tes " was the reply.
" Supposing that there were, in the Thames, a big ship, large enough to
contain a thousand boys, would you like to be placed on board to be taught
trades, or trained for the navy and merchant service P "
A forest of upraised hands settled these alternatives in the affirmative.
" Do you think that another 200 boys out of the streets would say the
same?" "We do."
With kindly words the boys were dismissed ; but a stone was set rolling
that day. The Times took up the movement warmly ; the matter was dis
cussed by the Committee of the Boys' Refug-e, and two projects were at once
under consideration : the first, to ascertain if the Lords of the Admiralty
would give one of the' useless ships of war, then lying in Her Majesty's
dockyards, to be fitted up as a training ship for homeless boys who would
wish to follow a seafaring life ; and the second, to obtain, by hire or gift, an
old-fashioned house with about fifty acres of land, a few miles from London,
where those boys not fitted for sea, could be trained to ag'ricultural pursuits,
so as to supply the labour market at home, or to qualify themselves for
colonial life.
The Government readily granted the Chichester, a fifty-gun frigate,
which had never been out of dock, and in November Lord Shaftesbury
noted in his Diary : —
Nov. 6th. — To-day to Poplar to see ship in preparation for our school. It haa
been a dream of fifteen years and more. We have dashed on and are ready for

1866.] MR. WILLIAM WILLIAMS. 615
action. If the means are supplied, the result is as certain as the movement of
the planets ; but I tremble lest the zeal of my friend Williams, and my own, may
not have plunged us into responsibilities beyond our strength. God alone can
give us of the nation's abundance, and make the rich pour their bounties into
the treasury.
The zeal of Lord Shaftesbury and his friend, Mr. William Williams —
who, for a quarter of a century, has been the life and soul of this great work
for "The Homeless and Destitute" — was a "wise indiscretion." On the
20th of December, the inauguration of the Chichester took place, and Lord
Shaftesbury, in his opening speech, asked : —
Was it not a scandal that this great country, whose sole defence, under God,
rested in her navy, could not man her ships, and had to depend, in a large degree,
upon foreigners ? It seemed absolutely necessary that everything possible should
be done to keep up the marine, and he believed, if the public supported the
present movement so that they might keep 400 boys on board, they might, from
year to year,, send forth some 200 lads to the merchant service.
Success attended these efforts. In course, of time the Arethusa was
granted for the same purpose ; the Farm and Shaftesbury Schools, at Bisley,
and Fortescue House, at Twickenham, were opened for the training of boys
for colonial life; Girls' Refuges were established at Sudbury and Ealing;
other organisations were set on foot, and " The National Refuges for Home
less and Destitute Children " have been, throughout the years that have
passed, a blessing and an honour to the country.
For Mr. William Williams Lord Shaftesbury always entertained feelings
of personal affection and profound respect, as one of the oldest of his veteran
comrades in all good work. ¦ For nearly fifty years Mr. Williams has stood in the
forefront of the battle on behalf of the neglected poor of London, and it is to
his zeal, to his singular powers of administration, and to his faith and sincerity,
as Lord Shaftesbury often testified, that the great successes enumerated above
were due.
In the spring of this year Lord Shaftesbury was feeling the beginning of
the sorrows which advancing life inevitably brings — the loss of early friends.
My old, dear, precious friend, whom I have known and loved for forty years,
Lady Ellesmere, is at the point of death. For herself I mourn not, for she loves,
and by God's grace has long loved, our blessed Lord. As far as any human being
can be fit, she is fit to die.
Many of my contemporaries are in sickness. Sturt is lying very ill at Critehel.
God comfort him, and sanctify this visitation to his inmost heart. The Speaker,
too, Denison, exhibits a. feebleness which, at his age, is alarming. My friendship
with him began at college.
March 28th. — St. Giles. On Tuesday early went over to Critehel. Sturt
desired to see me. Knelt at his bedside and talked of our blessed Lord. He is
full of faith, hating all self -merits, and looking only to a crucified Saviour. In
the presence of death and separation from a very old and true friend, this is
unshakable consolation. Here you have, as I said to him, the realisation of the

GIG THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXIX.
ancient Christian motto. " Mors janua vita;," death the gate of life. To myself
ho was tender in the extreme, said how he loved me, and desired, as we parted,
that I would kiss his forehead. It is a sad thing to lose any one that loves you.
I have lost many lately, but may I labour the more for the love of our blessed Lord !
Every fresh year the busy month of May brought an accession of new
labours, and this year a speech delivered at the annual meeting of the Jews'
Society brought upon Lord Shaftesbury some sharp criticism from friends as
well as foes. After asking how the Society, as "the great preacher and
avower of simple, pure, unmixed, Evangelical truth," stood in the midst of
growing heresies, he directed attention to two works, which he advised each
member of the Society to procure : —
The first of them is " Lectures on the Prophet Daniel," by the Rev. Dr. Pusey,
and the other is "Lectures on Isaiah," by the Rev. Dr. Payne Smith, Regius
Professor of Divinity. It may, perhaps, startle some of you, that I should recom
mend a work written by Dr. Pusey. He may have some opinions from which we
differ with respect to our views of ecclesiastical points, but I believe that a man
of greater intellect, of more profound attainments, or of a more truly pious heart
than Dr. Pusey, it would be difficult to find in any Christian nation. These
volumes completely dispose of all the figments pretended to be drawn from
reason and argument, with respect to predictions concocted after the event, or
with regard to pseudo-Isaiahs. If you read these volumes, you will find that
they have not left a single scrap of reasoning, a single shred of fact, to bring to
boar against the volume of Revelation.*
The Victoria Institute, " for prosecuting researches into true Science, and
for antagonism to anti-Christian philosophy," was founded in this year.
Lord Shaftesbury was its president from the first, and took a deep interest in
its proceedings.
May 25th.— Yesterday took chair of inaugural meeting of Victoria Institute.
I dare, as it were, to take Heaven by storm, and assume that God, for His blessed
Son's sake, will prosper and advance this institute, founded as it is, to show the
necossary, eternal, and Divine harmony between true Science and Revelation.
The great subject of political controversy in 1866 and 1867 was the Reform
Bill. We extract a few from many entries in the Diary relating to it.
March 12th, 1866.— To-day, Reform is to be proposed in House of Commons-
some thirty years after first Bill ; the next will be ten years hence ; the next
some two or three, and then ?
April 30th. — Government have carried their Reform Bill by five, and intend to
remain in. They are right, and I rejoice in their decision. The debate has been
on the whole a very fine exhibition of intellectual power ; Lowe's speech was a
masterpiece of sustained and consecutive logic, and of well-chosen and adapted
eloquence, well chosen both in character and in place. His facts were singularly
illustrative, and stated with a brevity and precision of singular effect. I doubt
* Jewish Intelligencer, June 1, 1866.

1BW-1 THE DUCHY OP LANCASTER OFFERED. 617
whether a speech better adapted to place, persons, and circumstances was ever
delivered in any country, or in any age.
June 20th. — A division on Tuesday, 18th, in which Government was beaten by
eleven. The Ministers yesterday announced that they had communicated with
Her Majesty (absent at Balmoral), and adjourned the Houses until Monday.
This threatens resignation.
June 28 th. — Derby called to make an Administration.
The next day Lord Shaftesbury received the following letter : —
The Earl of Derby to Lord Shaftesbury.
St. James's Square, June 29th, 1866.
Dear Shaftesbury, — Believing that you are not too well pleased with the
course pursued by the Government since they lost Palmerston's leadership, and
that you would not be unwilling to aid the formation of such an Administration
as I have now received authority to construct, I should be very glad of a few
minutes' conversation with you if you can name, by the messenger who will wait
for your answer, any hour to-day at which you would oblige me by calling here.
Yours sincerely, Derby.
In the interview which took place the same day, Lord Derby, in offering
to Lord Shaftesbury the Duchy of Lancaster, said that he had been anxious
to obtain his co-operation in order that he might, thereby, refute the charge
that the Conservatives were " hostile to the working classes," and that, if he
took such an office, with a seat in the Cabinet, he might have leisure for some
of his ordinary engagements. Lord Derby added that the presence of Lord
Shaftesbury would, to no small extent, represent the opinions and policy of
Lord Palmerston.
Later in the day the following letter was written : —
Lord Shaftesbury to the Earl of Derby. June 29th, 1 866.
Dear Derby, — A sense of duty, and personal regard for yourself, have
nduced me to consider your proposition with much anxiety.
Earnestly as I wish you success, I cannot believe that the addition of my name
alone, to the list of your former colleagues, would render you any effective ser
vice. You have done your best, I know, to enlarge the basis of your Adminis
tration ; but the state of men's opinions, it seems, is not favourable to such an
issue. While, however, I should bring but little aid to your Cabinet, I should, in
fact withdraw myself from the many and various pursuits which have occupied
a very large portion of my life ; and which, so far from abatement as I grow
older, appear to increase in number and force, there remaining yet fourteen
hundred thousand women, children, and young persons to be brought under the
protection of the Factory Acts. Nor is my presence in your Government in any
wise necessary to refute the unjust remarks made by Earl Russell in the House
of Lords, which I, and every one, heard with regret, for I can assert that during

618 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXIX.
my long career in the House of Commons, I received ample support, not only
from some of the Whigs and Radicals, but also from many members of the Con
servative party.
If I believed that any permanent strength might be the result of my accept
ance of the Duchy of Lancaster, which you have been so kind as to propose to me,
I should hesitate, even more than I now do, to venture on a refusal of it. But
as I foresee no benefit to you, and for'jnyself simply a necessary retirement from
the work in which I am engaged, I cordially thank you for your remembrance of
me, and entreat you to allow me to decline your offer, which I shall ever regard
as a very high honour. Yours sincerely, Shaftesbury.
Lord Derby was very loth to accept this refusal, and urged, through a
third party, its reconsideration — suggesting, at the same time, the Home
Office, or the Presidentship of the Council, if preferred to the Duchy of
Lancaster. But Lord Shaftesbury remained firm. " It would have been a
self-sacrifice without any adequate result," he says in his Diary.
This was the last time that he was invited to take part in the councils of
any Government. It was clear to Ministers that the position he occupied in
politics and in social life was unique, and that any attempt to impose upon
him the restraints of office would be useless, and' henceforth they ceased to
trouble him.
Towards the close of this year, Lord Shaftesbury, urg-ed to the step by
many friends, took an active part in the great controversy concerning
Ritualism. Still true to the practice which had been useful to him all
through his life, he determined, first of all, to go and see for himself what
were actually the proceedings in the Ritualistic churches. The following is
a description of what he witnessed at St. Alban's, Hoiborn, the scene of the
ministrations of the Rev. A. H. Mackonochie.
July 23rd.— On Sunday to St. Alban's Church, in Hoiborn, with Stephens and
Haldane. In outward form and ritual, it is the worship of Jupiter and Juno.
It may be Heaven itself in the inward sense, which none but God can penetrate.
A high altar reached by several steps, a oross over it — no end of pictures. The
chancel very large, and separated from the body of the Church by a tall iron
grille. Abundance of servitors, &c, in Romish apparel. Service intoned and
sung, except the Lessons, by priests with white surplices and green stripes.
This being ended, . a sudden clearance. All disappeared. In a few minutes,
the organ, the choristers, abundant officials, and three priests in green silk robes,
the middle priest having on his back a cross embroidered, as long as his body.
This was the beginning of the Sacramental service (quarter-past eleven), the
whole having begun at half -past ten. Then ensued such a scene of theatrical
gymnastics, of singing, screaming, genuflections, such a series of strange - move
ments of the priests, their backs almost always to the people, as I never saw
before even in a Romish Temple. Clouds upon clouds of incense, the censer
frequently refreshed by the High Priest, who kissed the spoon, as he dug out the
sacred powder, and swung it about at the end of a silver chain. The priests in

1866-1 IN MANCHESTER. 619
the chancel, and the priest when he mounted the pulpit, crossing themselves,
each time, once on the forehead, and once on the right and left breast. A quarter
of an hour, or thereabouts, sufficed to administer to about seventy Communicants,
out of perhaps six hundred present. An hour and three-quarters were given to
the histrionic part. The communicants went up to the tune of soft music, as
though it had been a melodrama, and one was astonished, at the close, that there
was no fall of the curtain.
" God is a Spirit ; and they that worship Him must worship Him in spirit
and in truth." Is our blessed Lord obeyed in such observances and ceremonials ?
Do we thus lead souls to Christ or to Baal 1
In August Lord Shaftesbury was unwell, not seriously, but sufficiently so
for him to procure the best medical advice. An exaggerated report found its
way to the newspapers ; the most alarming statements were circulated, and
leading articles — kept in reserve in editorial lockers for obituaries — were
taken out and adapted to the present circumstances. A denial from Lord
Shaftesbury of the truth of the rumours set the matter at rest. He refers to
it in the Diary thus : —
Aug. 8th. — On Wednesday, when such terrible rumours were abroad of my
illness, upwards of four hundred persons, a very large proportion of the poorer
class, called at my door. It touches me, and I bless God and pray for their
welfare. Although Lord Shaftesbury declined to become the representative of the
working classes in the Cabinet, he lost no opportunity of furthering their
interests. This was especially needful at the time that the Reform League
was in full agitation, and when monster meetings were of frequent occurrence
in the public parks. It was on the 23rd of July that the riot took place on
the occasion of the " great " Reform League procession, when the railings in
Hyde Park were thrown down, and an encounter between the police and the
mob ensued.
Aug. 9th. — Have laboured much to put the Government and Derby right with
the working classes. Effected for him several opportunities of saying conciliatory
words in House of Lords. Have spoken to D'Israeli, whom I found, as I always
found him in House of Commons, decided and true to the cause.
In October he had before him the presidency of the Social Science Con
gress at Manchester, with an inaugural address and many other things. He
had not visited the people there since the Famine, and this was his chief
inducement to accept the invitation.
Oct. 2nd (Manchester). — With my old friend in the Polygon, Fairbairn.
Immense meeting of Bible Society in evening, Free Trade Hall.
Oct. 4th.— Inaugural address last night. Sharp work. Tuesday, journey
from London and Bible Society in evening. Wednesday, interviews, meeting of
Council, service in Cathedral, and address in evening. To-day, assize court, then
to Health Section, afterwards chair of Sunday School Union and speech. Then
to Reformatory Section at half -past eight, and speech. Then soiree and home.
Oct. 5th.— Chair for Denman's address and Dudley Field's Section of Trade,

620 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Cn.u\ XXIX.
&c, for discussion on labourers' dwellings. At four o'clock, chair of Women's
Employment Commission. At eight, chair of workmen's meeting in Free Trade
Hall. Seven thousand people : a glorious sight, and most successful.
Oct. 7th.— Yesterday, chair for address by Bruce. Then Health Section,
speech on sanitary matters. Then two tedious sittings to photographers. First
stone of Ragged School, open-air speech. Meeting at Town Hall of delegates
from cotton districts of Lancashire (very, very satisfactory). In evening, " Free
Libraries," and, as usual, " a few words."
Oct. 9th. — Yesterday, attendance in Sections, chair and speeches of course.
In evening, chair of Co-operative Society. The zeal, enthusiasm, ardour of the
people is beyond expression. It is almost fabulous. Non nobis, Domine. Never
had such success in my life. Deeply regret that London papers have not noticed
the grand meeting of workmen.
Oct. 10th. — Last night grand festival, myself in chair, with a frightful cold
and cough, caught in the abbey on Sunday. Speech of course, but cut short by
extinction de roi.r.
To-day, early council, and then chair to close Congress. The day was inter
esting. Some kind words to myself, specially from Dudley Field, a very dis
tinguished American lawyer. Afterwards to see some local abominations.
Have been hurried, occupied, beset, run up, run down without a moment of
repose, scarcely one to write to Minny, and yet I am strong, lively, unwearied,
with no malady but my cold.
Oct. 12th (London). — Arrived here from Burnley, having visited Sir J.
Shuttleworth, at Gawthorpe, to distribute his prizes.
Must by-and-by make a short summary. Yet here at once record the wonder
ful results, for mind and body, of the Ten Hours Bill. It is as manifest as the
curing of the leper.
My success in Manchester was miraculous. In London the report of it is
narrow and faint. The report of the address was alone printed. The pro
digiously valuable and important meeting with the workpeople is not even men
tioned. This I deeply regret, partly because the singular truth, fidelity, and
affection of the operatives ought to be known, and partly because my power to
do good, and to force the Government to do good, depends on the belief .that
people entertain of my possessing the confidence and love of the masses. I con
sider that, so far as London is concerned, the whole thing is a failure,, and yet it
was mainly to affect the Ministers and the Legislature that I undertook the fear
ful toil. There were few of the busy years of Lord Shaftesbury's life more crowded
with important occupation than the year 1867. " The work to be done," he
says, "is greater than ever : more zeal, more energy, more knowledge, more
patience, more activity, more strength, and last, though not least, more
money." " All this," he adds, elsewhere, " drains one's mind and exhausts
one's body, and the simple issue is that many think me a fool, and some regard
me as a hypocrite." That sentence was written in weariness and depression.
The inspiration and strength of his labours lay in the assurance to which he
f requently gives utterance, " But surely this career has been ordained to me
by God, and I therein rejoice, yea, and will rejoice."

1SW-1 THE REFORM BILL. 621
The three principal labours of the year, in addition to " the repetition of
daily and nightly chairs, of wearisome speeches, of interviews, committees,
and correspondence," were the Reform Bill, the completion of his legislation
on Factories, and the Ritualistic Controversy.
Of the progress of the Reform Bill he writes : —
Feb. 25th. — • To-night D'Israeli will inaugurate Reform in great earnest.
Household suffrage is the end, as sure as destiny. It is worthy of consideration
whether it would not be better to concede it now, than have it torn from us then.
March 4th. — It seems to me monstrous that u, body of men who resisted
Mr. Gladstone's Bill as an extreme measure, with such great pertinacity, should
accept the power he retired from, and six months afterwards introduce a Bill
many degrees nearer than his to universal suffrage, and establishing, beyond all
contradiction, the principle they so fiercely combated of giving a predominant
interest to any class. Every period brings something to shake confidence in
public men, and weaken thereby all means of carrying on, under real and trying
difficulties, the National Government.
Lord Derby and his friends should have stated this to the Parliament, and
declared that, seeing the necessity, the inevitable necessity, of extreme legislation,
they, who had always opposed, surrendered their places to the men who had
always enforced Reform principles.
March 9th. — It is in vain for Gladstone to protest his desire that the present
men should remain in office. Politic though such a forbearance would seem to
be, his language and his acts, his private statements inconsistent with, and
contradictory of, his public statements, all prove him to be governed by the
greed of place and salary and power. D'Israeli is no better. Here are two
tigers over a carcase ; and each one tries to drive the other away from the tit
bits. " What was a conflict last year," said Lowe, " is a race now," a race not for
eternity of life to millions of souls, but for the pride and selfishness of a few to
issue in the destruction of an empire. I could forgive, and even admire, a
republican zeal, a. democratic fury, however mistaken I might think it, founded
on firm, though erroneous, convictions of human advancement ; but this mockery
of patriotism and truth is beyond one's endurance, and we cry out, helpless as we
are and of no avail, " Unclean, unclean." . . . Derby told his friends that if
they passed his Bill, they would "be in office for many years." Thus it is ; all
alike — all equally carnivorous. It is not the welfare of the realm, the security
of our institutions, but the certainty of place. " Throw out the Bill," says
Gladstone, " and promise my friends the same." " Voila ce que nous sommes," as
the chiffonier said over the dead cur.
On the 15th of July the Reform Bill passed through the third reading
in the House of Commons, " with vociferous cheering and clapping of hands."
Referring to this Lord Shaftesbury says :—
July 1 7th. — The gross hypocrisy ; with the exception of a very few advanced
Democrats, they all detest and fear the measure. But it is a sensual and self-
seeking age ; they hate trouble, they hate responsibility, they hate to look an evil
(though certain) in the face. " They crown their cups with roses, and their heads
with folly and forgetfulness,"

622 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXIX.
On the 16th of July the Reform Bill was read a first time in the House
of Lords, and Lord Shaftesbury was urged by many to speak on the second
reading. He felt " timid, reluctant, full of doubt and misgiving," and yet he
could not resist the conviction that he must do it ; he would not assist to
discredit the House of Lords and add one more to the many who would shun
the task. He therefore, on the 22nd, moved the adjournment of the debate,
so as to speak, the first on the following' evening. " I tremble at what I have
done," he wrote that night in his Diary, " and, like Moses, do exceedingly f ear
and quake."
The remarkable speech made by Lord Shaftesbury will never be forgotten
so long as this generation can remember that long period of controversy
when some of the finest speeches that were ever made in the Houses of
Parliament were uttered. His voice rang through the country like the voice
of John the Baptist in the palace halls of Herod; he tore down the mask
that was hiding the real features of the Bill, and he exposed, with almost
prophetic wisdom, its true issues.
"It is somewhat difficult," he said, in his opening sentence, "to argue
against a Bill which we do not wish to reject, and which it seems next to
impossible that we can amend." But that difficulty was overcome, and he
proceeded to his task.
Now, my Lords, I do not entertain any hostility to reform — very far from it.
I have long been of opinion that some reform, though not necessary for good
government, had become indispensable ; indeed, inevitable. It is not necessary to
enter into the various causes which have made it so ; but I readily admit that
some measure of reform could not much longer be postponed. I should have
wished, however, to proceed more carefully and gradually. I should have wished
to hold up the suffrage as a great object of ambition to the working man ; I should
have wished to hold it up as the reward of thrift, honesty, and industry.
He cited, in illustration of his meaning, that, in the Pottery districts, out
of 9,000 potters in receipt of good wages, 3,000 had purchased their own
freeholds and were living in their own houses. The addition of thousands of
such men, elevated by such means, would be an honour and a security to the
kingdom. To proceed, as is done by this Bill, to lift by the sudden jerk of an Act of
Parliament, the whole residuum of society up to the level of the honest, thrifty
working man, is, I am sure, perilous to the State, and, I believe, distasteful to the
working men themselves. I am sure it dishonours the suffrage, and that you are
throwing the franchise broadcast over the heads of men who will accept it, but
who will misuse it.
It had been stated that the present Bill was for the purpose of restoring
to the people their rights. This was a view Lord Shaftesbury strongly com
bated — the notion that the elective franchise was a right and not a trust. He
said : —
I shrink from openly asserting to what an extent the issues of that notion
may be pushed. That the elective franchise was a trust, was a doctrine of an

186rl SPEECH ON THE REFORM BILL. 623
elevating character ; now that you say it is a right of all, I cannot see how it is
possible for us to remain within the four corners of the Bill which you have now
propounded. . . . Well, my lords, having laid down this principle that the
suffrage is a right, and that universal satisfaction is your object, I hold that you
have also laid down the great principle of universal suffrage ; it is even clearer
when you come to the lodger franchise, for see how the enactment will work
upon the whole system. The lodger franchise assumes this principle : it con
templates the voter simply as a man, and not as a man in connection with the
duties of a citizen. . . . He is not under the necessity of paying rates ; he
has not to serve as a juror, or discharge any of the functions which fall to the
lot of the householder or ratepayer. Just see how this will operate. Take it, in
the first place, in the capital and the great towns. You can, as yet, form no
notion whatever of the numbers that will be added to the register in London, and
the great towns, by the lodger clause. You are going to build in the dark ; you
are laying down a principle of the most expansive character, so expansive that
there is no human force that will be able to control it.
Warning the House that the career upon which it had entered in adopting
the lodger franchise and household suffrage was dangerous, Lord Shaftesbury
expressed his opinion that this inevitably tended to the establishment of
democracy. Direct democratic violence, he considered, was not to be feared.
The changes would be brought about by the " stealthy progress of legislation."
Among the evils he anticipated was the spread of Socialism — ¦
I am sure that a large proportion of the working classes have a deep and
solemn conviction — and I have found it among working people of religious
views — that property is not distributed as property ought to be ; that some
checks ought to be kept upon the accumulation of property in single hands ;
that to take away, by a legislative enactment, that which is in excess, with a
view to bestow it on those who have insufficient means, is not a breach of
any law, human or Divine. It is certain that many entertain these opinions.
It is certain, also, that in times of distress and difficulty, these opinions
urged upon the people by any great demagogue, or by any person of power
or influence among them, would take possession of their minds and sink deeply
into their hearts ; and if they had power, through their representatives, to give
expression to those principles, they would do so speedily and emphatically.
Perhaps the most striking points in Lord Shaftesbury's speech were those
in which he repudiated the notion that the Bill was a " Conservative " measure,
and gave his opinion of " Conservative working men."
I have heard it said that the middle classes are not Conservative, but that if
you go deeper, you get into a vein of gold, and encounter the presence of a
highly Conservative feeling. In the first place, I ask, Is that so ? And in the
second, place, what do you mean by the term Conservative ? Do you mean to say
that this large mass that they call the " residuum," of which, am I presumptuous
if I say that, from various circumstances, few men living hjve more knowledge
than I have, is conservative of your lordships' titles and estates ? Not a bit ;
they know little about them and care less. Will you venture to say that they
are conservative of the interests of the Established Church ? Certainly they are

624 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXIX.
not. Thousands upon thousands living in this vast City of London do not know
the name of the parish in which they reside, nor the name of the minister in
charge of it. They are, however, very conservative indeed of their own sense of
right and wrong. They are living from hand to mouth, and, in consequence, they
are very conservative of what they consider to be their own interests.
The peroration was unlike any other in all Lord Shaftesbury's speeches.
It does not appear to have been prepared. He had pictured the future in
gloomy colours — old England brought suddenly and roughly into collision
with young England ; ancient and venerable institutions to be tried, without
notice or preparation, by poverty, levity, and ignorance ; and by many who,
being neither poor, nor vain, nor ignorant, were yet too full of hot blood,
effervescing youth, and burning ambition, to be calm, dispassionate, and just.
And then, in laughing sadness and with serious jest, he concluded : —
It is our duty to fight for our country into whatever hands the Government
may fall. Whether monarchical, republican, or democratic, she will be England
still ; and let us beguile our fears by indulging our imagination, and by picturing
to ourselves that which can never be realised — that out of this hecatomb of
British traditions and British institutions there will arise the great and glorious
Phoenix of a Conservative Democracy ! *
In 1861, in compliance with an Address to the Crown, moved by Lord
Shaftesbury, a second Children's Employment Commission was appointed,
and four voluminous reports were published, giving the result of an exhaus
tive inquiry into the employment of children and young persons in trade and
manufactures not already regulated by law.
While that Commission was sitting- Lord Shaftesbmy (in 1863) moved an
Address to the Queen praying- that the Commissioners should be directed to
inquire into the system of " organised labour," known by the name of " Agri
cultural Gangs." The nature of that system we have already explained, f
He refers to his great triumph in obtaining " the first statutory recog
nition of the rights of the rural children to have equal educational privileges
with the children of the towns," as follows : —
Aug. 17th. — By the two Bills about to receive the Royal assent shall have
closed thirty-four years of labour on behalf of the industrial classes of the
country. The Agricultural Bill alone remains ; and that one has received the
affirmation of House of Lords ; and so I may rejoice in the certainty of its becom
ing law in the ensuing session.
One of the two Bills referred to above was " For regulating the labour of
juveniles in workshops," based on the Factory Act promoted by Lord
Shaftesbury thirty years before. By the new Act every branch of juvenile
labour was brought under Government supervision for the first time.
It was found that the early age at which the children of the poor entered
the labour-market, in London and other great cities, was a terrible and a
growing evil ; that they were required to do the work of men when their
Hansard, clxxxviii., p. 1917. ¦(¦ See p. 3.

18c?-l the ornaments rubrici 625
physical strength was only a little above that of infants ; that in consequence
they were stunted in growth, and warped by ignorance. It was found, too,
that many of the workshops in which they were employed were mere labora
tories of poison, ill- ventilated, ill-lighted, and often reeking with abominable
odours ; and worst of all, that these workshops were, in many instances, hot
beds of immorality.
The new Act forbade the hiring of children under eight years of age, and
regulated the hours of labour of all under thirteen ; it made provision for the
education of all children under thirteen employed in workshops, and placed
all workshops employing juvenile labour under the provisions of the Sanitary
Act of 1866. Thus the crowning stroke was given to the various efforts
made, for many years past, to bring all the industrial occupations of the
young and the defenceless under the protection of the law.
Towards the end of 1866 Lord Shaftesbury was beset by increasing
clamours for the laity to take some decisive action to cheek the progress of
Ultra-Ritualism, and for him to head them. He asks : —
" But are they ready to be ' headed ' ? Are there any of zeal, truth,
courage, consistency, in the cause P Are they not divided into partisans,
sympathisers, indifferents, and cowards? Let us first be assured that the
tide will not ebb more rapidly than it flowed, and leave us on the beach, like
stranded seaweed."
Later in the year, although, in a letter to Mr. Haldane, he said he " would
rather harangue a statue-gallery than speak on Protestantism to the British
public," he entered in his Diary : —
Dec. 12th. — Wrote to-day to Times in support of S. G. 0. * May God bless the
effort ! I shall, of course, call down storms of calumny and anathemas, but my
hope is in Thee. The laity are all but lost. Hopeless though it may be, some
one must endeavour to rouse them to a sense of the many perils that beset us. A
certain number of the laity desire a movement ; but they are divided among
themselves, and, in fact, have no strong feelings and no fixed principles.
In the month of March, 1867, when, as yet, Ritual prosecutions were
almost unknown, and when no decision had been given, by the Courts, on
Clerical Vestments, Lord Shaftesbury brought forward in the House of
Lords a Bill in which he sought, by a plain, direct enactment, to settle at
least one portion of the wide question — that of the Ornaments Rubric.
As a matter of course he met with stout opposition. The Bishops took
in hand a Bill of their own, and determined to submit a measure to Parlia
ment for the repression of excessive Ritualism ; and, later on, applied to the
Government for a Royal Commission. All this, however, was subsequent to
the introduction of Lord Shaftesbury's Bill.
The legislation that he proposed was of a nature to which he could not
imagine that any objection could be raised by the members of the Episcopal
Bench, because it only proposed to make the 58th Canon of 1603 part of the
* Lord Sydney Godolphm Osborne.
O O

626 the earl of shaftesbury. [Chaf. xxix.
statute-law of the land; "that Canon having been approved by the Convoca
tions of Canterbury and York, and ratified by the Crown — a Canon that
only incorporated a usage that existed anterior to 1603, and, ever since that
period had been obeyed by the bulk of the clergy.
On the 14th of May, Lord Shaftesbmy, in moving the second reading of
the Bill, traced the whole history of the Canon in question, and said that the
object of his measure was simply to give statutory effect to the principle of
that Canon which had had the effect of governing the system of the Es
tablishment from 1604 to the present time, and of seeing peace and har
mony in the Church of England. It was true the Bill only touched one
point, but that point was the only one upon which there was really any legal
doubt. " I am censured for proceeding by law," he said. " Why, my Lords,
law, or fancied law, is the cause of the whole mischief, and by law alone it
must be removed."
Having disposed of the legal aspects of the question, he inquired into the
whole system on the brink of accepting which the Church was standing, and
which, " if extended, might lead to the subversion of the Church of England
itself, and bear along with it political evils tending to shake the existence of
the empire." He quoted some startling extracts from " The Church and the
World, or Essays upon the Questions of the Day ; " " The Chronicle of Con
vocation ; " and the " Directorium Anglicanum," to describe the various vest
ments, and the times and seasons at which they were to he worn ; the ad
vanced position of the Sacramental system ; and the tendency to " subjugate
all Christendom in body, soul, and spirit, to sacerdotal dominion."
He continued : —
. . . My Lords, I hold that this is essentially a question for the laity. I
will never cease to proclaim that it is not for the bishop and the minister to
settle between themselves the order of the service, or what vestments are to be
worn, but that it is for the great mass of the congregation to determine whether
they will go on in those usages which their fathers have practised for 300 years.
It is not for the mere majority of the congregation to determine what changes
shall be made, but for tiie congregation at large ; and even then it must be done
consistently with the law of the land.
The Bill was thrown out by 61 votes ag-ainst 46, a result not unexpected,
as the following extract from the Diary will show : —
May 9th.— Much time and trouble on Vestments Bill. It is right, and it is
hopeless, to undertake this cause. There are many open, and more secret, sym
pathisers with the Ritualists ; defeat is certain ; success would not bring much,
for tbe abomination is but a symptom of a deep and incurable disease, a disease
quite unreachable by anything short of God's Spirit. . . .
May 15th.— Last night motion for second reading of Vestments Bill, and
obtained, though defeated in the division, a wonderful success. It was a far
greater triumph than if I had carried it. . . .
The Bill would certainly have beendestroyed after a long, languid, and

1867-] the ritual commission. 627
"lowering "struggle. Meanwhile, the country would have gone to sleep. The
very victory of the Government and the Archbishop, binds them to real and
immediate activity.
The persons who have given me commendation, and courage in consequence,
were those from whom I least expected it. Ellenborough, for instance, who is
critical in the extreme.
A Royal Commission, to inquire into the practices of Ritualism generally,
was appointed, and Lord Shaftesbury was invited to become one of the
members. His reply was as follows : —
Lord Shaftesbury to the Right Hon. Spencer H. Walpole, M.P.
May 22nd, 1867.
My dear Me. Walpole, — Be assured that I am very sensible of the honour
you have done me in requesting me to become one of the members of the Ritual
Commission. But I venture to decline the office, because I feel satisfied that my presence
in it would be most distasteful to the large body of men whose opinions and
practices I have presumed to condemn, and would deprive the Commission, in
their eyes at least, of the character of entire impartiality, should the decisions be
of an adverse nature. So strong are my sentiments, that I have a considerable
misgiving as to my own unbiassed judgment. I told Lord Derby, as I now ven
ture to repeat to you, that persons so prominent and so fixed as myself and the
Bishop of Oxford must certainly fail to inspire confidence that there will be fair
play between the contending parties. Very faithfully yours, Shaftesbury.
The Bishop of Oxford did not regard the matter in the same light. He
" did not consider himself an extreme man," and he therefore not only went
on the Commission, but secured the services of others who, like himself, were
" not extreme men." There were nineteen Commissioners in all, and imme
diately on their appointment a private Committee was formed from its mem
bers, consisting of Lord Beauchamp, the Bishop of Ely, Canon Gregory, the
Right Hons. Sir R. Phillimore, J. G. Hubbard, A. J. Beresford-Hope, and
the Rev. T. W. Perry.
Their Report, it is hardly necessary to say, was not satisfactory to the
extreme Ritualists, and still less so to the Evangelicals ; and upon Lord
Shaftesbury devolved the task, as we shall see later on, of attempting further
legislation. On the 1st of April, 1867, the Paris International Exhibition was opened,
and a few days later Lord Shaftesbury opened the Salle Evangelique in that
city. M. Guizot was present, and in the course of his address said : — " When
I entered the hall and saw the gathering, and remembered its purpose, I said
to myself, 'This is the greatest triumph of religious liberty in modern
times.'" There was very little rest in Paris for Lord Shaftesbury, as his time was
taken up by " meetings, speeches, and ' a few words ' to encourage French

628 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXIX.
Protestants and stimulate sympathy." But he looked forward to repose
abroad in the summer.
A change of scene, diet, life, tongue, and nature, is necessary to produce
repose. If in England, and specially if near London, there is, notwithstanding
vacation-time, a blind, dull propensity to think of business, of letters, of things
to be done, of preparations to be made, of gaps to be filled, and every occupation
of the sort. One almost fancies that duties are left unfinished, that one's leisure
is barely permissible. It is a fretting, uneasy state. Go abroad, and this ceases,
because all is impossible.
The usual " change abroad " was not to be enjoyed that summer, however,
the health of his daughter Constance rendering it impossible for him to leave
home. He remained in England till the winter, and the following are some
of the closing entries in the Diary for the year : —
Oct. 22nd. — St. Giles's. But some little good out of evil. Have been for three
consecutive Sundays to special services in Theatres : to Victoria Theatre, to the
St. George's in Langham Place, to the Pavilion. It is a great work, a good work,
a deeply needful work, a, work, too, though in the ninth series, well sustained.
But what is it among so many ? A thousand come in, and fifty thousand remain
out, all seething with vice, profligacy, and violence. Yet we must persevere, and
throw the Name and Word of Christ broadcast among them. Maintain the Church
of England by all means. But we must not stand still in her buckram and coat
of mail, and fight only according to the rules of fence. We must strike when,
where, and how we can ; and look to the Gospel, and not to the method. The
masses will never be won by these imposing churches and coldly classical
preachers. . .
Revolution is led on as much by Conservatives as Radicals ; they hope all
things, promise all things, are elated with " confidence in the people ; " and vow
that they never doubted the necessity, right, duty, and safety of an extreme
Reform. Oct. 24th. — London. Attended funeral, this morning, of my poor old friend,
Sir James South. Many the interesting and profitable hours I have passed in his
Observatory. He was well " stricken in years." There is another gone of the
few who, I believe, were sincerely and warmly attached to me.
Dec. Sth. — Busy in founding Society for giving Dinners to Destitute Children.
Met at Canon Conway's.
Dec. 19th. Villa Liserb, Cimies, Nice. Passed one whole day in Paris that
Conty might have repose, and went at head of deputation to St. Cloud, to thank
the Emperor for his protection to the Bible Society and to religious liberty in
general at the Great Exhibition. Very well received, the Emperor having most
graciously advanced the day to suit my convenience.

CHAPTER XXX.
1868—1869.
When Parliament reassembled on the 13th of February, Lord Shaftesbury
was still at Nice. This, over a course of Parliamentary life extending to
nearly forty years, was only the second instance in which ho had not been
present at the opening ; the first occasion being when he was detained in
Nice, in 1833, in consequence of the illness of a relative,* and this year,
when once more detained in the same place through the continued illness of
his daughter, and his own indisposition. " I should greatly prefer," he said,
"the gloom and cold of London, with my accustomed duties, to the brightness
and warmth of this place without them."
His heart was still in his work, and his thoughts were busy with new
schemes. His friend Mr. A. J. Stephens, the great ecclesiastical lawyer, with
Mr. Haldane's concurrence, had suggested to him the introduction of an
" Ecclesiastical Courts Bill," and he wrote to Mr. Haldane : —
You must reflect again and again, you and Stephens, on the advice you give
me. Surely it would be impolitic, and almost impossible, for a private inember
to introduce a Bill on so wide and deep a subject as the Ecclesiastical Courts.
Such measures as these must be put forward on the authority, and with tho
responsibility, of a Government. ... I should be left at the mercy of law
lords, bishops, ritualistic peers, and a hostile Cabinet, to fight the battle alone.
The thing, if undertaken, must be preceded by a Commission. Such a motion
could hardly be denied ; certainly it could not be gainsaid.
Some weeks later he wrote : —
I shall be ready to do all that in me lies to bring forward Ecclesiastical
matters — not, however, in any spirit of hops that success will follow, nor in any
very fervent desire to prolong the existence of the Establishment as it now is.
On the 25th of February the Earl of Derby resigned the Premiershipj
and Mr. Disraeli reigned in his stead.
March 5th. — D'Israeli, Prime Minister I He is a Hebrew ; this is a good thing.
He is a man sprung from an inferior station ; another good thing in these days,
as showing the liberality of our institutions. " But he is a leper," without prin
ciple, without feeling, without regard to anything, human or divine, beyond his
own personal ambition. He has dragged, and he will continue to drag, every
thing that is good, safe, venerable, and solid through the dust and dirt of his own
objects. The debate on Mr. Maguire's motion for an inquiry into the condition of
Ireland, and the debate introduced by Mr. Gladstone on tho Disestablishment
* Lady Fanny Cowper, afterwards Lady Jocelyn,

630 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXX.
of the Irish Church, were followed by Lord Shaftesbury with painful
interest. Referring to the former, in a letter to Mr. Haldane, he says :—
Nice, March 17th, 1868.
The Irish debate . . . seems to me the quintessence of sparkling feeble
ness. It is a triumph of words and sentences over truthfulness and meaning.
Because things have been well said, they are assumed to have been well con
ceived. Sound is taken for sense, and declamation for principle.
Cairns will become a regular boxer. The Lord Chancellor, stripped to the
middle, and squaring at everybody, will make the House of Lords a place of
public resort. He is too good a man for this department of political work.
I love to hear him standing up for great truths ; but I have no sympathy with
him as the apologist of Haman the Agagite.
The following note on the Irish Church debate is taken from the
Diary : —
March 30th. — Yesterday evening Gladstone moved, in House of Commons, the
abolition of the Irish Church. It is for England the most serious day since the
Reformation. It is either the service of God, or the service of Satan. He may
be opening the way to such a revival of Papal power as may make the most
scoffing to tremble. He may be preparing such a career for the Protestant belief
as may make the Roman Catholics curse the day in which he was born.
However, Gladstone himself has none of these grandiose views for good or
for evil.
At the end of April Lord Shaftesbury was again in London, and in the
few brief intervals of the " May Meetings " was busy in preparing for publi
cation the work to which we have been greatly indebted in these volumes :
"Speeches of the Earl of Shaftesbmy (1838 — 1867) upon Subjects having
relation chiefly to the Claims and Interests of the Labouring Classes. With
a Preface." He refers to it thus : — ¦
May 5th. — Have I done wisely ? I fear not. Have I consulted my own fame 1
I fear not. Have I regarded my own comfort ? I fear not. I have been induced,
by Forster, to collect and publish a selection of my speeches, with a preface, on
subjects relating to Labour and large masses of people. I trust in God, who
knows the intention, to bless the work. I foresee and forehear the comments.
Then why did I do it ? because I was persuaded by tbe ardent kindness of Forster
and others.
The volume is remarkable for the variety of its subjects, the high and
holy principles enunciated, the abundance of interesting and varied informa
tion, the chasteness of its literary style and the quality of its eloquence.
Lord Shaftesbury does not record his gratification on reading the reviews of
his book — but that he must have felt gratified, no one will doubt.
Upon the report of the Ritual Commission being issued, Lord Shaftes
bury, availing himself, in some measure, of its recommendations, prepared
and laid upon the table of the' House of Lords the " Uniformity of Public

1868-1 THE DUCHESS HARRIET OF SUTHERLAND. 631
Worship Bill." It related to Ornaments as well as to Vestments, and met,
from the first, with strong opposition.
The second reading of the Bill was defeated in July without a division.
The following extracts from the Diary on various subjects will point the
current of events : —
July 3rd. — On Wednesday met Winthrop, once Speaker of Congress in U.S.,
and the Poet Longfellow, at dinner in Forster's house. Amazingly pleased with
both of them.
July 11th. — The Waters affair at an end ; and let me bless God for it. And
well concluded, too, in one aspect, for Mr. W.'s counsel admitted in open court
that " Mr. Waters was deeply grateful to Lord Shaftesbury " for what had been
done in the way of forbearance.
July 23rd. — To Broadlands on 20th for inauguration of statue to Palmerston
on 21st. It went off well, both at the mansion and in the market-place. Gran
ville did his work admirably ; and so did Lowe. The Bishop had a difficult task
in the sermon, but he made a masterly affair of it. There was afterwards a
" cold collation " and speechifying under a tent, where W. Cowper, Argyll, and
Cardwell, sustained the ceremony very efficiently. I was forced myself to utter a
few words ; I spoke what I felt, and felt what I spoke.
Aug. 20th. — Homburg. His Majesty the King of Prussia called on us to-day.
He was singularly kind and civil, looked in strong health, and created a vivid
feeling in his behalf. The Government is a compound of timidity and reckless
ness. D'Izzy is seeking everywhere for support. He is all things to all men and
nothing to any one. He cannot make up his mind whether to be Evangelical,
Neologian, or Ritualistic ; he is waiting for the highest bidder.
Oct. 28th. — In the paper of this morning is announced the long-expected
death of my true, dear, and constant friend, Duchess Harriet of Sutherland. In
the year 1820 I first knew her ; and, ever since she has been to me in heart, in
temper, in demeanour, the most uniformly kind, considerate, and zealous ally and
co-operator that ever lived. Such unbroken, such invariable, such thoughtful
and sincere affection few have enjoyed. At the end of forty-seven years of
acquaintance she was the same as at the beginning. She was ever ready to give
her palaces, her presence, and her ardent efforts for the promotion of everything
that was'generous and compassionate and good. There was no pride, no mean
ness ; her courtesy was not conventional, it was courtesy of feeling, of innate
dignity, of a natural regard for the social and moral rights of others. I trust
that my beloved friend has gone to her rest, there to meet my other friend, so
precious to me, Harriet Ellesmere.
Archbishop Longley is also gone : a mild, amiable, and lovable man, but
unstable as water. What a space my knowledge of him covers I He was a tutor
at Christ Church when I went up as a freshman.
Reviewing his own position in relation to the changes being made in all
things around, Lord Shaftesbury wrote : —
Nov. 7th. — What is my position now ? It is like an old tree in a forest, half-
submerged by a mighty flood : I remain where I was, while everything is passing
beyond me. New ideas, new thoughts, new views and new feelings are flowing

632 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXX.
rapidly by. I cannot go alone with the stream, and if I survive, one of two
issues awaits me : either I shall be overwhelmed and so utterly lost, or the
waters in their course will have rushed away and left me alone, stranded and
leafless, a venerable proof of consistency, as some would say, but of bigotry in
the estimation of others.
Dec. 5th. — Government out. Gladstone sent for I " Le roi est mort, vive
le roi ! "
To Mr. Gladstone, the new Premier, Lord Shaftesbury preferred a similar
request to one that he had made without effect to Mr. Disraeli when he was
Prime Minister. It was as follows : —
Lord Shaftesbury to the Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone. Dec. 22nd, 1868.
Dbar Gladstone, — The new arrangements you have made in respect of
certain young Peers in the House of Lords will prove, I doubt not, very beneficial.
But I have an impulse, which I cannot restrain, an impulse both from
opinion and feeling, to suggest another movement ; and I make it far less in the
presumption of tendering advice, than of disburdening myself of a strong desire.
The Jewish question has now been settled. The Jews can sit in both Houses of
Parliament. I, myself, resisted their admission, not because I was adverse to the
descendants of Abraham, of whom our Blessed Lord came according to the flesh ;
very far from it, but because I objected to the mode in which that admission was
to be effected.
All that is passed away, and let us now avail ourselves of the opportunity
to show regard to God's ancient people. There is a noble member of the House
of Israel, Sir Moses Montefiore, a man dignified by patriotism, charity, and self-
sacrifice, on whom her Majesty might graciously bestow the honours of the
Peerage. It would be a glorious day for the House of Lords when that grand old
Hebrew were enrolled on the lists of the hereditary legislators of England.
Truly yours, Shaftesbury.
Mr. Disraeli had replied in a " gushing " letter, expressing his great
willingness to do anything, but stating that he was, for obvious reasons, less
than any other Prime Minister in a position to grant the request. Mr. Glad
stone replied that the case should be " carefully considered," and made inquiry
as to what Sir Moses Montefiore's fortune was supposed to be, and whether
he had children, but there he allowed the matter to rest. It was a great
disappointment to Lord Shaftesbury, who had the highest admiration of the
character of the great Hebrew philanthropist. The admiration was mutual,
and lasted to the end of their lives. On one occasion Sir Moses sent to Lord
Shaftesbury a cheque for £95, to be used for the Field Lane Ragged School,
or any other purpose he might think proper. It seems a curious amount. It
was sent on the day that his wife would, had she lived, have attained her
95th year,

1868-1 SIR MOSES MONTEFIORE. 633
The last letter he ever received from Sir Moses Montefiore was written
with his own hand in his 100th year, and was as follows : —
Sir Moses Montefiore to Lord Shaftesbury.
East Clipp Lodge, Ramsgate,
July 9th, 1884.
My dear Lord Shaftesbury, — Your able appeal, in this day's Times, on
behalf of the fund to provide the means of giving the poor children of the
Ragged Schools a day's enjoyment in the country has this moment been read to
me, and, sympathising as I do with this desirable object, I enclose, with very
much pleasure, cheque for £15, with the hope that the appeal may be both
liberally and cheerfully responded to.
Believe me, my dear Lord Shaftesbury, that I am delighted with the oppor
tunity thus afforded me of evincing my heartfelt appreciation of the noble and
benevolent works in which you have for a very long period taken so beneficent an
interest. May God bless you and prosper your labours !
Hoping you are in the enjoyment of good health,
I am, my dear Lord Shaftesbury,
Very truly yours,
Moses Montefiore.
Lord Shaftesbmy sent the letter and cheque to Mr. Kirk, the Secretary
of the Ragged School Union, with the following note : — July 12th, 1884.
Dear Kirk, — You may keep the letter as a record of a man in his 100th year
who can feel and write like one of five-and-twenty. Do not suppose that I have
omitted to thank him. That grand old Hebrew is better than many Christians.
Yours, S.
In 1867, 1868, and 1869, Lord Shaftesbury wrote, in special Diaries, his
opinions on the movements of their times and their ultimate issues. They are
more in the form of essays than of diary notes, and appear to have been
written for the purpose of fixing his impressions at certain important periods
in the national history.
They are far too voluminous to quote from extensively, the subjects are
wide and various, and isolated passages would give but a poor notion of them,
as they require to be read as a whole. In the volume for 1867, for example,
the topics discussed are : Church parties, Commerce, Trades Unions, Foreign
Affairs, Fenianism, Public Revenue, British Industries, the Navy, Law and
Justice, Mercantile Morality, Politicians, Democracy, the Social System,
Hereditary Honours, Religious Creeds.
In February, 1869, the continued illness of his daughter Constance ren
dered it necessary that she should seek a warmer climate, and her departure
to Cannes, with Lady Shaftesbury, was a heavy trial.
Feb. 11th. — Minny and Conty started to-day. Accompanied them to Dover.
Oh, that God, in His mercy and goodness, for Christ's dear sake, may protect aud

634 the earl of Shaftesbury. [Chap, xxx.
bless them, bear them safely to their journey's end, prosper to them the sun and
the climate of Cannes, and restore us sound and happy to each other ! It is a sad,
sad, and anxious separation ; but the ways of the Almighty are wise, deep, and
inscrutable. . . .
In addition to the heavy losses Lord Shaftesbury had sustained from his
steward, he had incurred enormous expenses — amounting to some thousands
of pounds — in inevitable law-suits, civil and criminal, and the combination of
circumstances against him produced so much anxiety that he felt incapable
of exercising any prolonged energy. The dread of debt was " a horror of
great darkness " before him. "HI appear to fail in life and vigour, it is
not for the want of zeal," he wrote to a friend, " but from that kind of Pro
methean eagle that is ever gnawing my vitals. May God be with you, and
keep you out of debt." And in his Diary, among many expressions of sad
ness and almost despair, he writes : — " Our Blessed Lord endured all the
sorrows of humanity but that of debt. Perhaps it was to exemplify the truth,
uttered afterwards by St. Paul, ' Owe no man anything, but to serve him in
the Lord.'"
The subject was ever in his thoughts, it was " a dead weight on his back
which made him totter in every effort to go forward " ; it taunted him night
and day, and often, in his Diary, he breaks out into a wail of lamentation :
" My mind returns at every instant to the modus operandi. How meet the
demands that must speedily be made ? how satisfy the fair and righteous
claims of those who only ask for their dues ? How can I pursue the many
objects I have in view, with this anxiety at my hean? God alone can
leliver me."
Depressed and sorrowful as he was. he did not for an hear let the duties
of life, or any of his self-imposed tasks, pass unfulfilled, and the Diaries are
full of entries similar to the following -. —
Feb. 23rd. — On Saturday to Lambeth Baths to distribute prizes to working
men. Sunday, to Britannia Theatre (Special Service), Hoxton. Excellent, satis
factory, heart-stirring — I receive perpetual testimony from the poorer classes of
the benefit conferred by them. It seems, occasionally, a wearisome journey to
undertake, on dark and rainy nights, to the East of London ; but I ever rejoice
when there — all is earnest, pious, simple, and consolatory. The careworn faces,
especially of the women, become almost radiant with comfort.
March 6th. — Debate in House of Lords on Criminal Bill. I met, as usual,
from the public, with a mixture of praise and contempt. A great majority of
mankind assume that if a man be stamped as a" Philanthropist " he cannot have
common sense. Thsy hold that it betokens a softening of the brain ! Alas, poor
Yorick !
Last night, at Wellclose Square, went to a gathering of thirty thieves. What
a spectacle ! what misery ! what degradation ! and, yet, I question whether we,
fine, easy, comfortable folks, are not greater sinners in the sight of God than
are these poor wretches. .
It was when domestic anxiety, financial difficulty, and failing health, were
oppressing him, that the time came for him to commence that herculean task

1869i ecclesiastical courts bill. 635
he had, contrary to his own judgment, undertaken — the attempted reform of
the procedure in the Ecclesiastical Courts. " I shrink, though I will not
recede, from it," he said ; and, accordingly, he made preparations for the
work which, happily for him, he could not at the moment foresee, was to
occupy years of ceaseless anxiety, vexation, and toil, and to end more in dis
appointment than success.
March 17th. — Oh, that I could either get rid of my Ecclesiastical Courts Bill
altogether, or be discharged of the Second Reading I Never again will I inter
fere in Church matters. All establishments are doomed, and perhaps wisely.
They have done good in their day, but the people will not consent any longer
to receive good after that fashion. Now, let us think of nothing but the pure
Church of Christ. Could I do any service by further persistence in anti-ritual
istic legislation, I would endure any amount of toil and obloquy ; but why, for
no issue except abuse, vexation, and fruitless labour, renew a career of public
abomination and private contempt ?
April 3rd. — This Ecclesiastical Courts Bill has excited more attention than
the subject ever did before — and yet I wish I had never undertaken it. The
Bill is very long, somewhat intricate, and upon a subject with which I am not
at all conversant. I shall be opposed by all the bishops, who are masters of the
question, and who, secretly, abhor the measure as touching their dignity and
their patronage. The labour is very great, the anxiety also ; and, probably, the
fruit will be "nil," as the Bill will go to a Select Committee, where I, being
alone, without a single friend, shall find myself in the hands of bishops, lawyers,
and peers, who hate me and love the abuses. But, God helping me, I shall at
any rate exhibit the evils. Nevertheless, I wish it were over and settled, for
never again will I touch so hopeless, so thankless, so fruitless a work, as the
reform of Church abominations. . . .
As the day approached for Lord Shaftesbury to bring forward his Bill in
the House of Lords, his anxiety — which had produced perpetual headache —
increased. It absorbed every moment of his leisure. " For months," he said,
" I have not been beyond the Duke of Wellington's statue." Up to the very
hour that he left his home to go the House of Lords he was full of mis
giving, and the last entry in his book is, " Why have I been so foolish as to
undertake this Bill ? If I fail, I become ridiculous ; if I succeed, I shall
have done no good."
On the 15th of May he moved the Second Reading of the Bill before a
House, " cold, hostile, and resolved to maintain anything provided it were
Episcopal." He had to deal with a subject ." inexpressibly dry and weari
some" — so repulsive that it had " occupied and thwarted many eminent men
during the course of more than three centuries."
The interest in this, and many kindred measures, has now to a very great
extent passed away, and it would only weary the reader to enter, at length,
into the whole question of the proposed reform of the Ecclesiastical Courts.
May 15th, 11 o'clock.— The motion is over. ... I have now, thank God,
closed my Ecclesiastical career ; nothing shall again stir me to move Bills in

636

THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXX.

defence of the Establishment. The Bill was sent to a Select Committee, where I
shall not have a friend. It is, of course, according to the modern system, " a
private execution." . . .
It would have saved Lord Shaftesbury years of anxious and fruitless
toil if this decision had been adhered to. Unfortunately, he was over-
persuaded by friends to return to the charge, and, as we shall see, within a
twelvemonth he was again in the thick of the fight.
We shall now follow for a while the more quiet current of his routine and
private life.
April 27th. — Such continued occupation, no time for entries. Minny and
Conty returned on Thursday, 22nd, quite safe.
Heard this morning of the death of Mary Joy, my old dear friend,* in the
Almswalk at St. Giles's. This aged saint must have attained her ninety-second
year ; and was, by God's blessing, neither blind nor deaf, nor wandering. In
spirit she was like Anna, and " departed not from the Temple, but ever waited
for the consolation of Israel." She had it while living ; she has it in perfection,
now that she is dead, for she had realised the hopes of St. Paul, and knew
"nothing but Jesus Christ, and Him crucified." Shall I recognise St. Giles's
without her ? I trow not.
July 11th. — No end of chairs, speeches, committees. I cannot number them ;
they are like the sands of the sea ; and shall I say equally incohesive and un
profitable 1 Be it so ; God give me the consolation to feel His words, " because it
was in thine heart, to build a temple unto the Lord ; thou didst well, that it was
in thine heart." . . .
May 15th. — Bradford, Yorkshire. Here to uncover Oastler's monument. It
is a week of speeches, addresses, &c.
May 21st. — St. Giles's. Hardly a second of time at command to make entries
while in Yorkshire ; can I now collect a Diary ? On Friday, a large dinner of
Bradford notables at Mr. Semon's, very agreeable. On Saturday, an address to
me in Peel Park, and a procession of some 30,000 people. Reached the statue at
half -past three. The uncovering, and a short speech. The throng was immense ;
the estimate was of nearly 100,000 ; and I do not think that it was exaggerated.
Their enthusiasm knew no bounds.
Then a dinner at tho Victoria Hotel, given by the Mayor, a most agreeable,
gentlemanlike man, Mr. West. Afterwards, at eight o'clock, a public meeting in
St. George's Hall, and speech, of course. On Sunday to parish church. Then at
three o'clock to Sunday School at Manningham to see large numbers of teachers
and factory children, and speak to them. On Monday, to inspect hospital
and charities, and at 12.40 to London, where I arrived by God's blessing safe
and sound.
During the debates in the House of Lords on the Irish Church Bill, Lord
Shaftesbmy on several occasions was anxious to take a part. He was suffer
ing, however, from unusual depression, and other circumstances were against
him. * She was a labourer's widow living in the Almshouses founded by Sir Anthony
Ashley

1869-1 HEATH OF LADY PALMERSTON. 637
June 24th. — Have given notice of an amendment to devote surplus (seculari
sation having been decided) to a fund for small loans at moderate interest to
labouring population of Ireland. It will be opposed by Popish hierarchy and
priesthood, because they want the whole surplus for themselves ; by the Con
servatives (and probably by the Government for the same reason, though not
avowedly), because they want it for "levelling up," and by the landlords, because
they wish cheap labour — yet it will be a blessing to the people.
I should like one of my last speeches (if it be not the last) to be in aid of that
wronged and insulted people — wronged, I mean, by our ancestors. . . .
July 3rd. — Bill has been in Committee, on Tuesday, Thursday, Friday. Pre
pared some thoughts on Duke of Cleveland's proposition to give houses and glebes
to Roman Catholic priests. Had, however, no good opportunity to come forward,
and doubt much whether I should have had courage enough to rise — unpleasant
beyond description in the House of Lords, when rival speakers get up, and
struggle to be heard. No one, as in the House of Commons, has power to decide.
The matter is settled by roars of preference for one peer or the other. It was so
last night. I could not expose myself to it. Voted against the clause. . . .
July 5th. — I am so nervous, distressed, and downcast, that I almost wish him
(Lord Cairns) success, that I may be spared the necessity of introducing my
clause. Never have I, in all my life, had a period of doubt, darkness, and dis
couragement so long upon me.
July 7th. — Lord Cairns, by a successful motion to postpone 68th Clause of the
Irish Bill, submerged my amendment. So much for all the trouble and anxiety
I have had on that matter. . . .
July 24th. — Granville, throughout the whole Irish debates, has shown
remarkable judgment, ability, good temper, and good taste. Cairns, in this last
affair, has come out with singular claims to solid wisdom, penetration, and
deliberate courage. . . .
At the end of August Lord and Lady Shaftesbury and their three.
daughters arrived at Homburg. ¦ They had not been there a fortnight, how
ever, before a letter was received giving an unsatisfactory account of the
health of Lady Palmerston. Next day there followed an alarming telegram,
and preparations were made for Lady Shaftesbury to return immediately, and
Lord Shaftesbury to follow more slowly with his invalid daughter and the
rest of the party. On the eve of his departure he received a further tele
gram : " Sinking ; no hope," and he wrote in his Diary : —
Poor, dear, kind Mum. How can I ever forget — nay, how can I ever fully
remember — all her unbroken, invariable, tender, considerate goodness towards
me ? ' Turn her very inmost heart unto Thyself, 0 God, for Christ's blessed
sake I . . .
There were delays in the journey. A fierce gale prevented them from
making the passage of the Channel. Meanwhile Lady Palmerston had
passed away, and the travellers only reached England in time to be present
at the funeral.
Sept. 22nd. — The funeral was simple, but solemn, and very sad. The dear
woman was carried to Westminster Abbey, there to lie alongside her husband,

638 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXX.
whom she so truly and ardently loved, and whom she had so greatly aided in his
long career. Until I had lost her I hardly knew how much I loved her. To my
dying hour I shall remember her perpetual sunshine of expression and affec
tionate grace, the outward sign of inward sincerity, of kindness, generosity, and
love. Her pleasure was to see others pleased, and without art, or effort, or even
intention, she fascinated every one who came within her influence. Forty years
have I been her son-in-law, and during all that long time she had been to me a
well-spring of tender friendship and affectionate service.
Sept. 24th. — Few great men, and no women, except those who have sat on
thrones, have received, after death, such abundant and such sincere testimonies
of admiration, respect, and affection. The press has teemed with articles de
scriptive of her life and character, all radiant with feeling, and expressive of real
sorrow ; none surpassed the Times in delineation and eulogy. It was written by
Hayward, and it is a record worthy of her.
While Lord Shaftesbury was at Homburg enjoying " the wonderful air,
which seems to breathe strength and refreshment at every moment," he
indulged, in leisure moments, in his favourite recreation of fixing in writing
his impressions of the " times then present," and forecasts of political history.
We append one short quotation only, a very remarkable one when viewed in
the light of subsequent events : —
. . . The people, as Bright remarked to me one evening, "have no reverence.''
He is right : they had it once, but they have it no longer. They have no reverence
for men, or things, past or present. They estimate everything by its power of
instrumentality for their purposes. . . .
A vague, undefined sentiment exists that some kind of convulsion is at hand.
If asked to explain what is meant, a difficulty arises. Nevertheless, the instinct
of it remains, and people continue confused without being comforted. That Eng
land has culminated, few can doubt who examine her internal condition and the
condition of the nations around her, as well as of the United States. Within,
she is shaken to her very foundations of moral, religious, and commercial power.
The political is no safer. Without, we must see countries extending in arts and
arms, in enterprise and wealth, in skill, industry, and freedom, which are rapidly
abating her pre-eminence and reducing her in the scale of nations. England
must either be very great or very small — either so great as to defy the world, or
so small as not to excite its envy and hostility.
There are some, perhaps (and probably Gladstone and Bright are among
them), who would deny that any evil could arise from the severance of England
and Ireland. It is difficult to believe that any one could entertain such an
opinion, however he might assert it. We shall soon have the attempt, and
possibly not very remotely, the event ; and the experience will give us results
that cannot be gainsaid.
There was joy in St. Giles's House and in St. Giles's village in the
autumn of this year, in which no one shared more heartily than Lord Shaftes
bury. He refers to it, in a letter to Mr. Haldane, thus : —
My little village is all agog with the birth of a "son and heir" in the very
midst of them, the first, it is believed, since about 1600, when the first Lord

1869-1 DR. TEMPLE, BISHOP OP EXETER. 639
Shaftesbury was born. The christening yesterday was an ovation. Every
cottage had flags and flowers ; we had three triumphal arches, and all the people
were exulting. " He is one of us " — "He is a fellow-villager" — " We have now got
a lord of our own." The tenants, too, and clergy, have, in grand consultation,
resolved to present a piece of plate as an heirloom.
This is really gratifying ; I did not think that there remained so much of the
old respect and affection between peasant and proprietor, landlord and tenant,
But it is the last trace of that grand feeling.
The presentation was made shortly afterwards : —
Nov. 29th. — . . . The tenantry of this estate gave to Antony a piece of
plate, and a dinner (at which I attended, Nov. 25), in honour of his son and heir.
It was hearty, affectionate, and liberal ; I doubt whether, in many counties
there would now be found such a feeling between the owner and the occupiers of
the land. Much is due to Antony, who has lived among them, and made himself
deservedly popular.
The appointment of Professor Seeley, the author of "Ecce Homo," to
the Professorship of Modern History at Cambridge, and the elevation of
Dr. Temple, one of the writers of the " Essays and Reviews," to the See of
Exeter, were events that called forth a storm of indignation in certain
quarters. On the first issue of " Essays and Reviews," 12,000 of the clergy
uttered a protest. Not 1,200 were willing to come forward in 1869 to pro
test against the appointment of Dr. Temple ; and if a work similar to " Essays
and Reviews " were to be published to-day, it is probable that not 120 would
be found to protest against it — so rapid and so radical has been the change of
religious opinion. Nevertheless, there was a great stir over Dr. Temple's
appointment ; and as Lord Shaftesbmy was looked to as the prime mover on
all such occasions, he was besieged by angry disputants, and as often happens
to acknowledged leaders of men, he held his position in the front simply
because there was no other position possible to him. Dr. Pusey urged him
to stand forth as the representative of religious opinion generally ; others of
the High Church party urged him to take joint action with them on a Com
mittee ; and the result was his acceptance of the Presidency of the Committee,
with Dr. Pusey as Vice-President. The Evangelical party stood somewhat
aloof. Their attitude is thus described by Lord Shaftesbury : —
Oct. 23. — . . . This Temple affair has revealed many things. It has revealed
the utter indifference of the country at large ; the coldness and insincerity of
the bulk of the Evangelicals, their disunion, their iseparation in place and action.
It has shown that they have much political, and personal, and very little spiritual
Protestantism. They dislike .the appointment because Gladstone made it, and
they would not oppose it lest they should be found in concurrence with Pusey. . . .
It has revealed, too, their utter intolerance. The words, the just, true words I
wrote in praise of Pusey for that marvellous essay on Daniel, which he could not
have composed but by the special Grace of God, have condemned me for ever in
their esteem ; and I doubt whether, were the vote taken by ballot, they would not
pronounce that I was by far the more detestable of the two. . . .

640 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXX.
The following letter, written when the controversy was at its height, will
show Lord Shaftesbury's own personal views with regard to the attack upon
Dr. Temple's appointment, and also why he had come to regard the Evangelical
party, as he says, as " simply a theological expression." At the request of
the Church Association, although contrary to his own judgment, he had
presented to the Prime Minister a memorial remonstrating on the appoint
ment. The first paragraph in the letter is in allusion to this : —
Lord Shaftesbury to Mr. Haldane. November 2nd, 1869.
Dear Haldane, — I have not, as yet, had any, even official, acknowledgment
from Gladstone of the receipt of the memorial. I must wait a day or two longer.
The position of religious parties is original . and distressing. The rash,
unsustained attack on Dr. Temple, going so far beyond what oould be proved
(though not beyond what might be believed), has given Gladstone a, fund of
power to make what appointments he pleases ; and it has equally taken from the
Evangelicals a power of resistance. They stand simply naked, weak, and beneath
consideration. Here, for instance, are three Deans, all eminent in the party ! The Dean of
Gloucester joins Pusey and protests against Temple.
The Dean of Ripon protests against Temple and Pusey ; and the Dean of
Exeter joins Temple, and protests against every one who differs from him.
Who is to lead a regiment like that ? Even Falstaff would not march through
Coventry with them. . . .
They would soon throw me over, and " pity the sorrows of a poor old man."
The movement against Temple, so rash, violent, undignified, and abortive, has
done irreparable mischief to men and things. S.
One disappointment of the year that distressed Lord Shaftesbury is
referred to in the entry given below. Ever since he succeeded to the titlo
he had not spared time, trouble, or expense to improve the condition of the
labourers on his estate, by erecting suitable cottages, and by giving them
continuous work and better wages. This had been done at great persona)
sacrifice ; but it was a principle with him to strive to roll away, at least as
far as he was concerned, the reproach that had, not altogether unjustly, been
brought against the Dorsetshire landlords :—
November 29th. — I am grieved by a disingenuous report on the state of this
property by the Government Commissioner, the Hon. E. Stanhope. I had hoped,
nay, believed, that whenever a Government Commissioner came down he would
say at least that we were making progress, that our wages were better than in
former years, and our cottage accommodation vastly improved. Not u, syllable.
He gives a picture of the county as though it were the same as thirty years ago.

CHAPTER XXXI.
1870—1871.
Lord Shaftesbury was a stout opponent of the Revision of the Authorised
Version of the Bible, and although after that Revision had been published he
greatly modified his views, he was for many years distressed that such a pro
ject — " one of the most subtle dangers that beset true religion " as he then
regarded it — should have been set on foot.
It was on the ground of the uncertainty which would be created in men's
minds as to which was, and which was not, a true and reliable version, that
he apprehended the greatest danger. The great majority of the world were,
and would be to the end of time, dependent altogether on versions and trans
lations, and could never have even a moderate, and certainly not a critical,
knowledge of the original languages ; and their resource, in the perplexity
and confusion that a variety of versions would create, would be to go to some
learned pundit in whose judgment they reposed confidence, and ask him which of
the versions he would recommend ; and when he gave an opinion they would feel
obliged to abide by it, as they could not form an opinion of their own. The
result of this would be to destroy, not the right but the exercise of, private
judgment — " that grand, sacred, solemn principle, which is the right of every
man, and the great security of churches and of nations, and of the life and
soul of individuals."
On the 10th of Februaiy, 1870, the Bishop of Winchester, in the Upper
House of Convocation, carried a resolution for the appointment of a Com
mittee to report upon the desirableness of a Revision of the Authorised
Version of the Old and New Testaments. At once Lord Shaftesbury wrote
a letter to the Times stating the views we have given above. This originated
a correspondence with Professor Selwyn, which appeared in the Times, the
Record, and, subsequently, in the form of a pamphlet. One passage only
from that correspondence will we insert here. After anticipating the loss of
" the racy old language which is music to everybody's ears," he says : —
One of the newspapers, in condemning my opinion, charged me with sheer
idolatry, as a bigoted worshipper of the mere words and syllables of our present
version. The editor, of course, is at liberty to use his own phraseology, and the
public to judge of it. I admit that I love, intensely too, its rich, melodious, and
heart-moving language. It is like the music of Handel, and carries Divine truth
and comfort to the inmost soul. This language has sunk deep into the moral
constitution of our people. No one who associates with them, can doubt it. It
is the staple of their domestic intercourse, the exponent of their joys and sorrows.

642

THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXXI.

And I will maintain that a rude and sudden descent from the majestic and
touching tones of our wonderful version, to the thin Frenchified and squeaking
sentences in modern use, would be an irreparable shock to every English-speaking
man who has drunk in the old and generous language almost with his mother's
milk. Some time after the Revised Version had been published, Lord Shaftes
bury acknowledged that his fears had not been realised, and it did not appear
probable that they would be. " I wrote and spoke against it at the time," he
said to the writer, " and the result shows clearly that it was not wanted, and
is not cared for. It is of no use to the unlearned masses ; to the learned few
it is insufficient. It goes too far in many places in meddling with the grand
and simple beauty of the language in the Authorised Version ; it does not go
far enough in criticism to make it worth while giving up the other for. In
the old version I read that ' the Jews came to comfort Mary ; ' in the new,
that they came to ' console ' her ; that the disciples said, according to the old
version, ' Lord, is it IP' and in the new, ' Is it I, Lord ? ' But what good
can be effected by such alterations as these ? As a whole, the version is less
objectionable than I ever thought it would be, but it is so stiff and stilted,
and full of stones that break your shins at every turn, that I do not for a
moment think it will ever displace the Authorised Version — that precious,
inestimable, and holy gift to England ; that wondrous translation of His ever
lasting and Divine Word."
A severe loss was sustained by Lord Shaftesbury in the removal, by death,
of his old friend and associate, Joseph Payne, Deputy Assistant-Judge of
the Middlesex Sessions. For years Lord Shaftesbury and he worked together
indefatigably, speaking and taking the chair at meetings innumerable, on
every scheme that had for its object the bettering of the condition of the
poorer classes — Refuges, Bands of Hope, Sunday Rest Societies, Shoe-black
Brigades, and especially Ragged Schools. He made the first of many hundred
speeches in support of the movement at the first annual meeting of the
Ragged School Union, held in June, 1845, and the famous poetical "tail
pieces " with which he concluded his speeches — not rarely composed on the
platform — and exceeding 2,400, show how untiringly he had been at work
during the twenty-five years of his platform life. Lord Shaftesbury and he
worked together as friends and brothers ; the very opposite to one another in
character, disposition, and expression, and yet agreeing on all points. Judge
Payne was essentially a merry man, who loved a joke above all things, and
kept his audience in a constant ripple of smiles, until they surged into tem
pests of laughter, at his sallies of wit. But he possessed the neat and
dexterous faculty of bringing the most humorous of his anecdotes to an
instructive and moral issue.
" As he and I were constantly on the same platform," Lord Shaftesbury
said, " we had a mutual understanding ; I was to accept the reiteration of
his stories, he the reiteration of my speeches. I made, I think, the better
bargain ; for, to the last, his stories interested myself and others, but I cannot

1870.] JUDGE PAYNE. 643
think that he could have said, certainly he could not have thought, the same
of my speeches. He had no self-restraint in the devotion of his time, his
thoughts, his mind, his money, and everything that he possessed. Except
his conscience, there was no single thing which he considered to be his own."
The Diary records the following affectionate tribute to his memory : —
March 30th. — Last night, on return from Sunday-school meeting at Stepney,
read, in a letter to me from Miss Bodkin, that my dear, old, precious friend and
fellow-worker, Joseph Payne, was suddenly called to his rest I Most assuredly
to his rest in Heaven, for no man ever more loved the Lord Jesus and more truly
and heartily fulfilled His words, " Feed my lambs." What shall I feel without
him? Every meeting, every speech, every mention of Ragged School Affairs,
every movement or thought on behalf of sorrowing and destitute children will
recall his pious and pleasant memory. During five-and-twenty years we have
been associates in the happy toil of the poor innocents of London. . . .
The death of Judge Payne occurred at a time when Lord Shaftesbury
was in peculiar anxiety with regard to the future of Ragged Schools, owing
to the proposed establishment of Board Schools under the system of National
Education, introduced by Mr. W. E. Forster, on behalf of Mr. Gladstone's
Government. On one aspect of that question he was busily engaged at the
time of his friend's death — the exclusion or discouragement of religious
teaching in the case of schools aided by grants from the State.
Throughout the Session the debates upon the " Religious Question " were
continuous and heated, and Lord Shaftesbury, at public meetings and in
Parliament, was in the forefront of the battle. On the 8th of April a
" demonstration " of the National Education Union took place in St. James's
Hall, over which he presided, and in a vigorous speech, received with storms
of applause, vindicated the claims of the Bible and the right of the people
to religious teaching in their schools. He saw that, under this movement,
there lay " the great struggle between truth and falsehood, between belief and
infidelity," and he had determined to resist it to the death.
There were occasions when Lord Shaftesbury's speeches were brilliant
" orations," when the whole man flashed fire, and his words flowed in a rapid
torrent of eloquence ; when he felt that, as such mighty issues were at stake,
unless he threw all his heart and soul and strength into his subject with
passionate earnestness, the whole cause would be lost. " I am under a great
infirmity," he once wrote to Mr. Haldane, " an insuperable infirmity to public
life, that I_sannpt even speak unless on conviction. Now, I know that it is
as just as it is necessary that, in the long range of policy, weak points must
be defended, and, oftentimes, very questionable doings may be made to ap
pear good. But such oratory is beyond me. I can say nothing but what I
feel, and my feelings frequently get the better of me. So I should have
proved an awkward and not seldom a dangerous Minister."
On the occasion to which we now refer Lord Shaftesbmy spoke " with an
eloquence," as the Marquis of Salisbury, who was on the platform, said, " he
had never heard rivalled." He said : —
J? P 2

644 THE HAUL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chav. XXXI.
What we ask is simply this, that the Bible, and the teaching of the Bible to
the children of this vast Empire, shall be an essential and not an extra. That
religious teaching shall be carried on within school hours, not without school hours.
Take conscience clauses and time tables enough to satisfy the greatest cormorant
for things of that kind, but they will, in my opinion, be all useless, for I am
satisfied that the people of England will never require them. What ! Exclude by
Act of Parliament religious teaching from schools founded, supported, by public
rates ! Declare that the revealed Word of God and religious teaching shall be
exiled to the odds and ends of time, and that only at such periods shall any efforts
be devoted to the most important part of the education of the youth of this
Empire ! It is an outrage upon the national feelings, and, more than this, it is,
without exception, the grossest violation of the rights of religious liberty that
was ever perpetrated, or even imagined, in the worst times by the bigotry of any
Government whatever, foreign or domestic.
He made a strong point of the fact that in the Index Expurgatorius of
the promoters of this part of the educational scheme, the Bible was the only
proscribed book, and he continued : —
We have now come to a period in the history of our country when there has
just been granted to the people almost universal suffrage. Is this a time to take
from the mass of the population, in whom all power will henceforward reside,
that principle of internal self-control, without which there can be no freedom,
social or political — that principle of self-restraint which makes a man respect
himself and respect his neighbour — that principle which alone can constitute the
honour and stability and promote the dignity of democracy ? Is this a time to
take from the mass of the people the checks and restraints of religion ? Is this a
time to harden their hearts by the mere secularity of knowledge, or to withhold
from them the cultivation of all those noble and divine influences which touch
the soul ?
In conclusion, he appealed to the men and women of England to rise with
one heart and soul and say : —
By all our hopes and by all our fears, by the honour of the nation, by the
safety of the people, by all that is holy and all that is true, by everything
in time and everything in eternity, the children of Great Britain shall be brought
up in the faith and fear and nurture of the Lord.
In Parliament Lord Shaftesbury reiterated the sentiments he expressed
upon the platform, and was instrumental in contributing largely to the
defeat of the Secularists. There are frequent references to the subject
in the Diary.
May 26th. — Deputation to Gladstone about Education. The unanimity of the
Churchmen and Dissenters, that is, the vast majority of them, is striking and
consolatory. Gladstone could now settle the question by a single word. But he
! will not. He would rather, it is manifest, exclude the Bible altogether, than
have it admitted' and taught without the intervention and agency of catechisms
and formularies.

1870.] COSTERMONGERS. 645
Among the working classes there were none in whom Lord Shaftesbury
was more deeply interested than the costermongers of London.
" The pursuit of knowledge under difficulties," he wrote in the preface to
a work entitled " Byeways of Two Cities," * " has always been bepraised, and
justly so : but why should not the pursuit of an honest livelihood amid great
temptations be alike admired ? Both are great moral efforts, but I am
inclined to think that the poor painstaking costermonger, proof against
enticements to fraud and falsehood, is, on the whole, the better citizen of the
two. Literature may adorn a nation, but the uprightness of its citizens is
its bulwark." In 1861, Mr. W. J. Orsman, a Civil servant, determined to devote his
leisure time, after office hours, to the hard task of Evangelising the benighted
costermongers, itinerant street-traders and others, who herd tog'ether by
thousands, in the area circumscribed by Goswell Street, Old Street, Bunhill
Row, and Chiswell Street.
Golden Lane, in the heart of this district, was selected by Mr. Orsman as
the place to establish a mission, and, in a short time, it was placed upon a
permanent and efficient basis.
The natural history of the costermonger has been well given by Mr.
Holden Pike, who is one of the best authorities on life and work among the
poor. " These costers," he says, " are a hard-working, patient, enduring class,
accustomed to making many shifts when times are ' quiet,' or when the com
modities they deal in command prices in the open market which suit neither
the coster's capital nor the pockets of "his humble customers. Dr. Johnson
defined ' costermonger 'as 'a person who sells apples.' A more trust
worthy authority — a citizen of Mr. Orsman's territory — summarily sets aside
the lexicographer's interpretation as a popular error of the Georgian era. In
fact, he declares that ' a person who sells apples ' is ' all gammon,' and then
considerately explains that a coster is ' a cove wot works werry 'ard for a |
werry poor livin', and is always a-bein' hinterfered with, and blowed up, and
moved hon, and fined, and sent to quod by the beaks and bobbies.' "
The costers are careless and improvident, merry and thoughtless, with
little religion and less politeness.
At night the donkey, the children, the mothers and fathers — for not un
commonly there are several families in one hovel — all huddle together in the
same rooms. The stock-in-trade — fish, fruit, or vegetables — is stored, amidst
miscellaneous filth, under the press bedsteads, to be hawked afresh the next
day. They go to market very early in summer, and as soon as it is light in
winter, purchasing the cheapest stock when there is a glut, or a better com
modity when the price is reduced by its remaining on hand. They sell their
bargains in the poorer streets, at a small profit, and some make their chief
advantage by using false weights and measures.
These people are useful in their way, for it is chiefly through their agency
* " Byeways of Two CitieB." By G. Holden Pike.

646 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXXI.
that cheap fruit, fish, and vegetables, are brought to the doors of the working
classes, who in their absence would seldom be able to benefit by the bounty of
Nature in abundant seasons.
The parents of Ragged School scholars are mostly described in the lists
giving their occupations as "costermongers." As a body, the costermongers
are remarkably hard-working, if » somewhat loud-voiced and hard-mouthed
class. Street life almost necessarily generates coarseness of manners and
vehemence in dialect, whether in gamin or adult. Their calling is very pre
carious ; for, depending as it does so much on the state of the weather, they
sometimes readily realise £2 profit in one week, whilst during the next they
do not earn five shillings. Like all classes whose income is uncertain, they
are mostly improvident and reckless, and, in moments of success, indulge in
stimulants or gluttony to a fearful extent. Some, of course, are thrifty and
lay up against rainy days, as well as against those stern winter months, when
both money and vegetables are scarce.
The capital of most costermongers is very limited ; yet, small as it is, it
is not rarely borrowed at an exorbitant rate of interest. The great object of
their ambition, especially as it is an external sign of their success in life, is
the possession of a donkey and a shambling truck in which to hawk their
fruit, fish, and vegetables, in the bye-ways of London. The bulk, however,
being too poor or too improvident to manage this, they hire donkey and truck
of men who live by letting them out by the day or week.
It was a great day in the history of the Golden Lane Mission to Coster
mongers when Mr. Orsman, whose labours had been unremitting, and whose
success was already assured, received the following letter from Lord Shaftes
bury : — Lord Shaftesbury to Mr. W. J. Orsman.
Bournemouth, Nov. 18th, 1868.
Dear Sir,— You seem to be engaged in a grand work for the benefit of the
poorest classes of the metropolis. Mr. Gent, my friend, the secretary of the
Ragged School Union, called it a " noble work."
I shall be very happy to aid, so far as I can, such admirable efforts ; and, if it
can be of any use, to accept the office of President.
Your obedient servant, Shaftesbury.
From the day of Lord Shaftesbury's first acquaintance with the costers,
to the end of his career, there was hardly any society in which he took a
deeper interest than in Mr. Orsman's Golden Lane Mission. He always
delighted to call himself a " coster," and nothing would induce him to lose
an opportunity of spending a social evening with his "brethren." One
feature of the work was a Barrow and Donkey Club ; and the Earl inmiedi-
ataly enrolled himself as a member, and subscribed for a barrow and a donkey.
The barrow was a handsome one and bore upon it the Shaftesbury arms and
motto. It -was in constant use by men who were steadily saving to buy
barrows cf their own, and was always a great attraction in the streets.

LORD SHAFTESBURY INSPECTING THE COSTERS' DONKEYS.

187°] K.G. AND COSTER. 647
In a very remarkable manner Lord Shaftesbury threw himself into the
work among these strange people, and very speedily gained their entire con
fidence, and his speeches to them were marvellously adapted to their appreci
ation and capacity.
He was able to render them important services. In 1872, for example,
the vestry of St. Luke's issued an order forbidding costermongers any longer
to trade in Whitecross Street. The vestry would, undoubtedly, have carried
out its intention, had not Lord Shaftesbury interposed on behalf of the
costers : the joy of the people, when it became known that the parish magis
trates had relented, was unbounded.
One result of the excitement of that time was the establishment of " The
London Union of General Dealers." The meetings are held in the Golden
Lane Mission Room, and everything touching the general welfare of the
costermonger fraternity is there discussed.
At one of the meetings, when the threatened evil was under discussion,
Lord Shaftesbury told the men that at any time, when they had grievances
which he could assist them to get redressed, they should write to him, and
he would not fail to respond.
" But where shall we write to P " asked one of them.
" Address your letter to me at Grosvenor Square, and it will, probably,
reach me," he replied; "but if after my name you put 'K.G. and Coster,'
there will be no doubt that I shall get it."
One of the strangest ceremonials that ever took place at a public meeting
occurred in 1875 in connection with this society. Lord Shaftesbury, who
was president of the Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals, had
taken a deep interest in the costermongers' donkeys. It was proverbial, at one
time, that both the donkeys and ponies were shamefully ill-used; but by
education, and exhortation, by the institution of donkey shows and prizes, and
a variety of other means, the men of Golden Lane had come to take a pride
in their animals, and had found that kind and just treatment was the wisest
policy. With twenty-four hours' rest on Sunday, they would do thirty miles
a day without exhaustion ; whereas, without it, they did not do an average of
more than fifteen.
In recognition of his kind services the costers invited Lord Shaftesbmy to
meet them in their Hall to receive a presentation. Over a thousand costers,
with their friends, were there, and the platform was graced by many ladies
and gentlemen, when a handsome donkey, profusely decorated with ribbons,
was led on to the platform and presented as a token of esteem to the chair
man. Lord Shaftesbury good-humouredly vacated the chair and made way
for the new arrival, and then, putting his arm round the animal's neck,
returned thanks in a short speech, in which, however, there was a ring of
pathos, as he said, " When I have passed away from this life I desire to have
no more said of me than that I have done my duty, as the poor donkey has
done his, with patience and unmurmuring resignation." The donkey was
then led down the steps of the platform, and Lord Shaftesbury remarked, " I

648 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXXL
hope the reporters of the press will state that, the donkey having vacated the
chair, the place was taken by Lord Shaftesbury."
The donkey was sent to St. Giles's, where he was made much of, and lived
for some years. His end is thus recorded : —
Lord Shaftesbury to Mr. Orsman.
Castle Wemyss, Wemyss Bay, N.B.,
Sept. 26th, 1878.
Dear ORSMAN, — I am grieved to tell you that Coster is no more. He broke away
one day from the stable and made a dash for the paddock. In so doing he fell
and smashed his thigh. The veterinary surgeon was sent for, who pronounced
him incurable, and advised that he should be put out of his pain.
The friendly and useful creature was buried, with all honours, in a place I
have within a thick plantation, where the pet dogs, horses, etc., that have served
the family, and deserved our gratitude, are gathered together.
Remember me very warmly to my brother costermongers, their wives, and
their children. Yours S.
The costers, however, soon sent another to supply his place. Oct. 13th, 1882.
Dear Orsman, — It will not be in my power, I regret to say, to attend the
anniversary. I cannot be in London at that time. Give my love to the costers,
and say how happy I should have been to meet them again.
The brown donkey has won the affection of every one. My grandchildren
were in Dorset this summer ; they had it always with them ; and they declare it
is the most attractive, amiable creature they ever knew. It followed them like a
spaniel. . . .
What day will suit my brother costers for the show ? Yours, S.
Throughout the Diaries there are frequent references to life and work
among the costers.
May 18th. — A wonderful meeting in Golden Lane last night. A spectacle to
gladden angels — comfort, decency, education, and spiritual life, in the midst of
filth, destitution, vice, and misery. This, the work of the Gospel, administered
by a clerk in the Post Office, who gives all his spare time and the most of his
money, to advance the knowledge of Christ, and the earthly and heavenly
interests of man. It was enough to humble me. God be blessed, there are two
or three men like him ; and few things are more marvellous than to see what
can be done by one man, whatever his social position, if he have but the love of
Christ in his heart, and the Grace of our Lord to lead him on.
After twenty years' controversy, and numerous and decisive divisions in
favour of the Bill to Legalise Marriage with a Deceased Wife's Sister, in the
Lower House, it this year passed the three readings without a division.
Two days afterwards, Mr. Thomas Chambers, whose Bill it was, wrote to

1870.] GREEK BRIGANDS. 649
Lord Shaftesbury to endeavour " to secure neutrality, if he could not win his
approval," in face of " such indubitable and emphatic expression of the popular
will in a matter not political but social." Lord Shaftesbury replied that he
should oppose the second reading in this instance, but on no future occasion,
and concluded, " The people can have what they wish, and they, probably,
will have it. I, for one, shall henceforward think it my duty to accept the
measure and submit to the deliberate decision of the country."
Lord Shaftesbury's persistently strong personal feeling against the Bill
never became, in the least degree, modified. Although his public action had
changed, he wrote to a friend, as late as June 28th, 1883, that his sentiment
had " remained the same ever since 1842, when he spoke against it in the
House of Commons."
The following extracts relate to a variety of subjects engaging the
thought of Lord Shaftesbury during this year : —
April 25th. — Three English gentlemen, among whom was Fred. Vyner, the
son of my old friend, Lady Mary, have been captured and slain by brigands near
Athens. Cecil had intended to join the party to Marathon. A special providence.
God's interposing mercy, saved him from it. Had not the steamer to Italy been
ordered to sail the next day, he would have gone with the rest, and have shared
their fate.
April 27th. — This very dreadful event has seized hold of my imagination, and
haunts me day and night. " 0 God, to whom vengeance belongeth, show Thyself."
The cruelty, the cowardice, the bloodthirstiness of the deed I Poor boy, poor
dear boy, Fred. Vyner, so young, so gentle, and so handsome I . . .
June 11th. — Had tea with dear, good, old Mrs. Smithies, the mother of the
admirable, unrivalled servant of our Lord.* Chunder Sen there — had some
interesting conversation with him.
June 27th. — Clarendon died this morning. He was a kind and true friend to
me on all occasions. .
July 16th. — France has declared war against Prussia ; the Papal champion
against the Protestant in Continental Europe.
July 23rd. — On 21st, forced Ecclesiastical Courts Bill to a second reading ;
aided strongly Married Women's Property Bill ; and to-day went to Ealing tc
open Girls' Industrial Refuge. The " speaking " part of all these duties detestable
and, I fear, inefficient. . . . Anxious about these Refuges for training deserted
and destitute girls for domestic life, servants, wives, and mothers. Humani;
speaking, we have no hope for the country but in the improvement of om
women. My old and admirable coadjutor, Williams, a very choice servant indeed
of our blessed Lord, as usual, the principal mover. . . .
We do not propose to quote from the voluminous notes of Lord Shaftes
bury on the Franco-Prussian war further than to show how it brought to him
an increase of labour and anxiety. On the 5th of August a meeting was
held in Willis's Rooms for the purpose of aiding the sick and wounded in
the war. Lord Shaftesbury moved the first resolution, and in words " wary
l * Mr. T. B. Smithies, who originated the British Workman.

650 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXXX
and few " set forth the duty of Christian people to endeavour to alleviate the
horrors of the fearful conflict by relieving the pressure of suffering, by dis
tributing their contributions equally between Germans and French. The
result of the meeting was the establishment of the " National Society for
Aiding the Sick and Wounded in time of War," of which Lord Shaftesbury
became President, and took a very active part and much interest in its opera
tions. A Church Congress was to be held in Southampton in October, and Lord
Shaftesbury was urgently entreated to attend. He persistently refused,
however, and his reasons were given to Mr. Haldane thus : —
Could I g,o to a meeting called by a Congress on Church principles, and omit
to say a single syllable on Church matters ? And could I, in sense and principle,
omit to point out the great dangers of the Church : and first and foremost among
them, the apathy or connivance of our Bishops ?
I have, besides, a strong conviction that among the working men themselves
must be found the grand agency, in their vigorous, but ecclesiastically abnormal,
action. To tell them this, and enlist their sympathies, and summon the clergy to
command them, would raise a storm of discord and hatred.
To leave out this point would be to leave the Hamlet out of my speech.
Lord Shaftesbury never overcame his objections to Church Congresses,
and never attended one, although frequently urged to do so.
Oct. 16th. — The Church Congress at Southampton is over. So far as can be
judged by the reports of it in the papers, it came to no conclusions, made no
suggestions, promised no action, and exhibited no unanimity. The clergy, as
usual, expressed the warmest desire for the co-operation of the laity, and a wish
that they should share in the government of the Church. But one and all of
them seemed to maintain that to " Convocation " their admission was impossible.
I heartily rejoice that I did not attend it. . . .
Nov. 9th. — Professor Huxley, in a correspondence with the Rev. W. Freemantle
on School Boards, has this definition of morality and religion : " Teach a child
what is wise, that is morality. Teach him what is wise and beautiful, that is
religion ! " Let no one henceforward despair of making things clear, and of
giving explanations ! . . ,
Nov. 21st.— I have one ambition left, a strong ambition — the ambition to make
a powerful speech against the Ballot. Hopeless, I know, to turn the hateful
system aside ; but I wish to denounce it, as everything that is dangerous in
politics, mean in morals, and cowardly in the discharge of duty.
The state of his daughter Constance's health made wintering abroad a
necessity. The resting-places were Heidelberg, Innspruck, Milan, Genoa,
and then came a long and enforced detention at Pegli, » little shipbuilding
town, held, however, in great esteem by the Italians for its sea.-bathiivg, and
a further detention at Finale, a small, uninteresting sea-port.
Dec. 21st.— Pegli. Came here yesterday ; glad to leave Genoa, for the air, so
close to the port, is not refreshing, nor, indeed, healthy. This is a pretty place,

1S"L] women's suffrage. 651
a lively, dirty, and dilapidated fishing village. There seems to be no privacy,
no cleanliness, no decency; and yet all is cheerful, well fed, and well
clad. . . .
" To me," says Mackonochie (in his letter to the Record of Dec. 12th, 1870),
" the Church of England is, in God's providence, the only channel ordained of
Him, through which His grace can reach my soul." That is his plea for not
leaving it. The decisions of the Judicial Committee of Privy Council are his plea
for not obeying it. It is lamentable to see a high, self-denying, and self-sacrificing
spirit in such a quandary of conflicting duties. But he could leave the Establish
ment without leaving the Church of England. Unless civil laws and temporalities
are essential to his notion of a Church, the channel of grace would be as open to
him after, as before, his severance from the external fabric. . . .
Almost the only diversion for Lord Shaftesbury during this wearisome
time was the reception of a deputation to offer him the post of " Honorary
Member of the Operative Mutual Aid Society of Finale," an offer he
accepted " at a cost of fifty francs and a quantity of bad Italian." On the
14th of January the health of Lady Constance was restored sufficiently
to allow her removal by easy stages to San Remo. There were pressing
duties awaiting Lord Shaftesbury in England, and therefore, as soon as his
daughter was convalescent, he left her with Lady Shaftesbury at St. Remo,
and set his face homewards.
March 18th. — London. Chair of Workmen's meeting, Lambeth Baths. I
feel no energy now in these gatherings. The very thought of any public effort
distresses me. Afterwards to Speaker's Levee. The peers have given up the
wholesome and politic practice of attending these Levees, and I cannot persuade
a single one of them to go. They dislike the trouble ; and prefer to throw away
an opportunity of doing service. It was, as it would be again, pleasing to the
Democracy of the House of Commons ; it brought the two Houses into contact,
and induced a reciprocity of courteous feeling and courteous action.
On night of 16th opened a Lodging House for Newsboys in Gray's Inn Road.
What a rough, unwashed, uncombed lot I But there is good material in them ;
and, by God's blessing, we can work it into shape.
May 1st. — Last night to Westminster Abbey (Sunday) to sermon by Bishop
Ryan in aid of Bible Society. It was a grand sermon, and singularly adapted to
its purpose. How glorious and impressive, the ancient edifice, with light in its
centre, and darkness all around ; typical of God's Truth amidst iniquity and
unbelief I . . .
May 6th. — Last year Mr. Gladstone, speaking on Female Suffrage, said : " This
Bill will disturb, nay, uproot, the very foundations of social life I " This year he
says : " We had better defer it until we shall have got the Ballot, then it will be
quite safe." A man has a right to either opinion, but not to both within so short
a time. . . .
Upon the question of Female Suffrage Lord Shaftesbmy held a decided
opinion. That opinion was often asked, and it was generally given
guardedly, as in the following letter : —

652 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. tCnAP. XXXI.
Lord Shaftesbury to Mrs.  . Dee. 28th, 1871.
Madam, — The question of Women's Suffrage, on which you do me the honour
to ask my opinion, is one, I take it, already decided either by consideration or
indifference, in the public mind. It is manifestly a question which requires only
perseverance on the part of its promoters, and that not a long perseverance, to
attain success.
In the days in which we live there is little use in any sustained opposition to
the popular will. The masses of the people hold the power, and they are, more
over, considered to be the best judges of social and political proprieties ; and,
except in cases where the principle of a change might be so strong as deeply to
affect the conscience, their fiat must be obeyed.
The grant of Women's Suffrage cannot be confined to spinsters. In the alter
ations at hand in respect to women's property, it must be extended to wives ; and
this, conjoined with certain changes in the laws of marriage, now apparently
inevitable, will remodel, as it were, the entire system of domestic life.
It is possible that good may come out of the whole process ; but it is equally
possible that evil may be the result. The matter, however, rests with the holders
of the suffrage, from whose repeated determination there is no appeal.
You have, no doubt, on your side a concession, to a great extent, of the
principle, in the grant already made to women, of the municipal and other suf
frages. You have it also in the right that women enjoy to sit and speechify on
School Boards. Here we may see an easy transition to the House of Commons.
I shall . feel myself bound to conform to the national will. But I am not
prepared to stimulate it. It is fast enough and strong enough already ; and I
must, therefore, with all respect, decline to be enrolled on the list of honourable
persons you have been so good as to send me.
I am, Madam, Your obedient Servant, Shaftesbury.
Lord Shaftesbury entered upon his May Meeting work this year with a
sorrowful spirit. The anniversary of his seventieth birthday had passed ;
he had begun to feel the weig'ht of years, and the question had arisen in his
mind whether he should persevere or forbear in his "platform career." It
was immediately after he had been discussing this question with himself in
the Diary that he made the following entry : —
May 10th. — To-day, Willis's Rooms, to move a resolution in aid of St. George's
Hospital. The first thing that struck my ears in the Committee room was " a
regular damper." "What," said Lord Penrhyn, "are we not to have any new
speakers, none but the old ones ? " He blurted out, not at all in an intentionally
offensive spirit, a great fact, a sad truth. The guilt and punishment of thirty
years of platform work rushed upon my conscience. But was obliged to pro
ceed. Towards the end of May the members of his family who had been sojourn
ing in the Riviera returned safely ; and once more united under the family
roof at " The Saint," hope revived, and he wrote :—

187L] MURDER OF ARCHBISHOP OF PARIS. 653
June 8th. — God grant that I may have strength and leisure to do a few things
this Session. There are the wretched Sweeps of Nottingham, the Brickfields, the
Truck System, and "Juvenile Literature." Much occupied by this hopeless Bill
to amend the Ecclesiastical Courts. A vain effort 1 What would it then be to
"amend" the Church? . . .
June 10th. — To-day my wedding day, now thirty-nine years ago. Blessed be
God for His precious gift in my dear, true, and affectionate wife. What a term
of life to have enjoyed, by His mercy, such unalloyed happiness, so far, at least,
as our union is concerned. May the rest of our lives be devoted to thankfulness
and service ! Would not her children say the same and abound in gratitude for
so tender and so good a mother ? . . .
The atrocious murder of the Archbishop of Paris by the Communists,
during their horrible reign of terror, gave occasion to Lord Shaftesbury to
write to Archbishop Manning. For some time there had been very friendly
relations between them. In the previous year, for example, the Archbishop
having quoted Lord Shaftesbury freely in a sermon on the poor of London,
sent him a copy, and at the same time requested an interview to " converse
freely on this matter, which is of life and death." In acknowledging the
letter and sermon, Lord Shaftesbury believed they had " a common desire to
keep the name of our Blessed Lord afloat upon the waters ; " and expressed
the wish to discuss with the Archbishop " very many social questions of high
interest." A strong mutual regard sprung up between them, and in many
important works we shall find them working side by side with zeal and
fervour. Lord Shaftesbury to Archbishop Manning. May 31st, 1871.
My DEAR Archbishop, — One line to express my deep sympathy with you,
and my intense horror in respect of the murder of that good, excellent, and pious
prelate, the Archbishop of Paris. I know well, from the best sources, the purity
of his love and his zeal and Christian love for all the people of his diocese.
But it is of no use to dwell just now on this satanical event. Hell is let
loose. Can there be no combination among those who differ on many, and,
indeed, important points, to withstand the torrent of blasphemy and crime ? You
and I have oftentimes discussed these things. Can we not go thus far together,
to press, by every legitimate means, on the minds of all our people in London
that there is a Creator, a Redeemer, and a judgment to come ?
Truly yours,
Shaftesbury.

Archbishop Manning to Lord Shaftesbury.
8, York Place, W.,
June 2nd, 1871.
My DEAR Lord, — I thank you very sincerely for your letter of generous
sympathy. You have truly appreciated the character of the Archbishop of Parisi
who has died nobly, as a pastor ought, in the midst of his flock.

654 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXXI.
With all my heart I respond to the appeal of your letter. There is a broad,
deep, and solid foundation on which we all rest, and we are all alike bound to
stand together in its defence: The belief in God, and in our Lord Jesus Christ,
in Christianity as a Divine Revelation, and in Holy Scripture as the Written
Word of God, are four first principles and Divine truths which we all are ready
to die for. Let us live for them, and endeavour to sustain them where they yet
exist, and to revive them where they are declining. In this endeavour I shall,
with all joy, work with you in every way possible to us respectively. I feel that
we are all bound for our Master's sake, for the Truth's sake, and for the sake of
our people, to make this common effort.
What I would propose is that we should consider of the possibility of holding
a conference of *a few men on whom responsibility rests, to ascertain what can be
done. I shall be glad to come to you, or to see you here on the subject, whenso
ever it may be convenient. Believe me, always,
Faithfully yours, Henry E. Manning.
The month of July brought with it little of summer gladness. The
physicians had pronounced that a sojourn in the Riviera for the winter was
absolutely necessary to the health of Lady Constance ; it was, in fact, her
only human chance of life. This dashed to the ground all the plans that Lord
Shaftesbury had made " to organise a general Christian movement," and to
make up for the inactivity of the previous winter. But this was not all.
His youngest son, Cecil, was seized with an alarming illness, and for many
days and nights lay hovering between life and death ; and, from constant
watching and intense anxiety, Lady Shaftesbury also fell ill. On the day
when two physicians had given the first decided words of encouragement, the
following characteristic entry occurs in his Diary : —
July 28th. — Ran to Whitechapel to-day to see the little piece of stranded sea
weed — a small, poor, parentless girl of eight years old, whom God, in His good
ness, has manifestly entrusted to my care. Sent her in emigration to Canada
with a religious family. May the Lord preserve her, and bless her in body and in
soul !
As the result of the inquiries instituted by the Children's Employment
Commission, remedial measures were passed to benefit children and young
persons in various departments of trade ; but, by a technical difficulty,
children employed in brickfields were excluded from the protection of these
measures, while those employed in pottery and porcelain works were included.
Of course Lord Shaftesbury could not rest until this manifest injustice
was set right, and on the 11th of July he moved an Address on the subject in
the House of Lords. He stated that there were about 3,000 brickyards in
this country, and that the number of children and young persons employed in
them amounted to nearly 30,000, their ages varying from 31 to 17. A large
proportion of these were females, and the hours during which they were kep(
to their monstrous toil were from fourteen to sixteen per day.

1871.] THE BALLOT. 655
His efforts were successful, and children in brickfields at length came
under the beneficent protection of the law.
There was probably no subject that had engaged the attention of Parlia
mentary leaders more frequently than the Ballot. Radicals had persistently
put it forward as an imperatively-needed reform ; Conservatives had as
strenuously opposed it as unconstitutional and un-English. In a letter dated
February 2, 1708, Addison states that the House of Commons were then
engaged over a proposal to decide elections by the Ballot. It was not, how
ever, till 1832, the era of the first Reform Bill, that vote by Ballot came
much into favour with the general public. In the first Session of the
Reformed Parliament, Mr. Grote, the historian of Greece, who was one of
the members for the City of London, brought in a Bill to provide for secret
voting at Parliamentary elections ; but the measure was rejected by 211
votes to 106, and thirty-nine years elapsed before the question was settled.
Mr. Grote espoused it as his peculiar charge, and brought it, again and
again, before the House. He was succeeded, as the annual mover of the
Ballot resolution, by Mr. Henry Berkeley, who, in 1851, by a majority of 37,
carried bis motion, in spite of the opposition of Lord John Russell and the
Government. Influenced by the continued recurrence of electoral corruption,
Lord J. Russell was gradually induced to avow himseK as almost a convert
to the expediency of adopting secret voting. Another great opponent, who
saw reason to alter his views, was Mr. Gladstone. In 1868, a Committee of
the House of Commons, presided over by Lord Hartington, elicited such
startling evidence of widespread corruption, that Mr. Gladstone, like many
others, conceived that the time had arrived when practical legislation on this
subject was absolutely necessary.
In July, 1869, the Select Committee on Electoral Practices reported in
favour of the Ballot as a measure likely to put an end to many gross evils.
and to mitigate others. The Queen's Speech of 187 1 called the attention of
Parliament to the subject of secret voting, and accordingly a measure was
introduced by Mr. Forster, and passed by the Commons. It was, however,
late in the Session, thrown out by the Lords. The Bill made its appearance
in the Upper House on August the 8th, and was read a first time, whereupon
Lord Shaftesbury gave notice that, on the motion for the second reading of
the Bill, he should move that it be read a second time that day six months.
For many years his mind had been made up on the subject. In 1839,
Daniel Webster, on the evening of the day before he quitted England,
called on him in his London house, and had a long talk with him in the
library. He expressed his deep sympathy with the honour and happiness of
this country, and the satisfaction his visit to it had given him. And then —
with a warmth and earnestness which so startled his hearer, that . forty-five
years afterwards, when recountmg to the writer the circumstances, he depicted
the manner and gestures, and recalled the actual words spoken on that
occasion — " Above all things," said Daniel Webster, " resist to the very last
the introduction of the Ballot ; for as a republican I tell you that the Ballot

656 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXXI.
can never co-exist with monarchical institutions. You have a monarchy," he
continued, " and we a republic, both good in their way, if adapted to the.
genius and feelings of the people. America has the deepest interest in the
welfare of England ; and I tell you that it would be the greatest blow to
real freedom were anything done to degrade your ancient monarchy from its
present position."
These words were never forgotten ; and it had long been the ambition of
Lord Shaftesbmy to speak on the subject in the House of Lords.
On the 18th of August the second reading of the Bill was moved by the
Marquis of Ripon, and Lord Shaftesbury rose to make the motion of which
he had given notice. He protested against a subject of such magnitude
being brought before them at that advanced period of the Session. It had
been said that no discussion was necessary in the House of Lords — that it
was purely a House of Commons' question. To this Lord Shaftesbury
replied : —
I know of no question in the whole history of legislation which is so com
pletely an imperial one. Almost any question hitherto submitted to your House
would sink in comparison with it. If carried, it may be for good or for evil, but
it will, at all events, produce serious and permanent effects on the constitutional
habits, on the minds, thoughts, and feelings of the people of this country.*
After pointing out a series of defects in the measure, and denouncing it
as unworkable with its " incoherent, confused, and contradictory details," he
appealed to the House to set it aside until the next Session, simply and solely
on the ground that it might then have full, free, fair, and deliberate discussion-
A debate followed, and in the end 97 supported Lord Shaftesbury's amend
ment, and 48 voted for the second reading, and so the Ballot was staved off
for another year.
On the reintroduction of the Bill in June, 1872, Lord Shaftesbury spoke
in the debate on the second reading, and clearly set forth the position he had
taken up, which was, briefly, as follows : — The Bill was thrown out in the
previous year on account of its novelty and its great danger, and in order
that the countiy might have time to fully consider it. Now that the House
had expressed its views, and those views expressed the feeling of the country,
he did not feel at liberty to offer further opposition to the Bill.
There was no reason, however, why the attention of the countiy should
not be called to the principles involved in the Bill, and Lord Shaftesbury
proceeded to adduce a formidable array of arguments ag-ainst the present
expediency of those principles. We will only give one quotation, to show
the tenor of the speech : —
My lords, I object to the Ballot, because it gives absolute and irresponsible
power into the hands of those who, as yet at least, are most unfitted to use it. If
given at all, it should be confided only to the highest order of political virtue.
Again, I object to it because you are taking away from the great mass of the
* Hansard's Debates, coviii. 1264,

tfTl.] THE BALLOT. 657
voters, and all the working people, the noble sentiment of public responsibility.
I have gone among the working people for some forty years ; and the sentiment
which I always found most elevating, and to which they responded most heartily
was when I told them that they were responsible beings — responsible to God and
man, and that they ought to be proud to discharge that responsibility in the eye
of day and in the face of the whole community. That generous sense of responsi
bility you are now going to take away — you are going to do that which will
enable a man, and indeed, by your compulsory system, f oroe a man, to slink away
like a creeping animal ; and just at a time when men are rising to a sense of
their dignity, you are going to insist that they shall not dare to -declare their
sentiments, nor discharge their duty in the face of their fellow-citizens. I object
to the Bill, again, because — many people are not aware — that there is no middle
place in England between Monarchy and a Republic. There are many men who
by a Republic mean a Government consisting of the best men known, and of all
that is great and good. But under the Ballot you will have nothing of the kind.
When you go away from Monarchy — and from Monarchy you must go away
under the Ballot — it is not to a Republic of that kind you will come, but to a
Democracy, and that too when you will have upset the moral sense of half your
people by your system of secrecy. Then the social objections to the Ballot are
very great. Many men will pass their lives under suspicion, for the honestest
can never prove that he has acted up to his declaration — -and you will thus keep
back from the poll the best of the electors, who will rather lose their vote than
be subject to doubt and misrepresentation.
Eventually, when the Bill was in Committee, and it was useless for Lord
Shaftesbury to protest further against its principle, he devoted himself
arduously to the work of improving it. He met with considerable opposition,
and the debate became so personal that the Order of the House as to
"Asperity of Speech" had to be read. One proposal of his — that the hours
of polling should be extended to 8 p.m. instead of 4 p.m. — was carried;
another, that all public-houses should be closed during polling hours, was
rejected.* The Bill ultimately became law, and thus " a great constitutional change
was completed, after a controversy of forty years." f
Returning now to the Diary for 1871, we find the following entries
shortly after the record of the debate on the Ballot : —
Aug. 15th. — A great many abusive anonymous letters. The Daily News of
Saturday last calls me "an obtrusive professor of street-corner piety," and adds
that " the Pharisaism of Lord S. is unimpeached and unimpeachable I " " Such
honours Ilion to her hero paid 1 "
. . . The few papers that attack me strike all of them on the same key
"his Pharisaism " 1 Be it so. I appeal unto Caesar, the Great Caasar of all.
At the end of August, health having been partially re-established in his
household, Lord Shaftesbury started for Scotland. His headquarters were,
as usual, with his friends at Castle Wemyss, but some time was spent in
* Hansard, coxi. 1822, 1831, 1843; ocxii. 16, 18. + Annual Reg'ater, 1872.

658 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY.. [CnAr. XXXI.
Glasgow, where a series of events occurred, which are summarised in three
or four lines in the Diary. They form, however, the subject of a little book
of 111 pages, published in Glasgow, and include the presentation of the
Freedom of the city to Lord Shaftesbury ; the laying by him of the founda
tion-stones of the Convalescent Home and Stonefield Church ; a " demonstra
tion " in favour of Sabbath observance, meetings, conferences, conversaziones,
and distribution of prizes (by the Princess Louise) on H.M.S. Cumberland.
On returning from Scotland, a few days were spent at St. Giles's and in
London, in making- preparations prior to departure from the Continent ; and,
soon after, the entries in the Diary were made at Cannes : —
Nov. 6th. — To-day Minny 's birthday. May God bless her in body and in
soul, and yet give her many anniversaries I She has been, and is, a most
precious wife to me.
Dec. 20th. — Forster has sent me his "Life of Dickens." The man was a
phenomenon, an exception, a special production. Nothing like him ever pre
ceded. Nature isn't such a tautologist as to make another to follow him. He
was set, I doubt not, to rouse attention to many evils and many woes ; and
though not putting it on Christian principle (which would have rendered it
unacceptable), he may have been, in God's singular and unfathomable goodness
as much a servant of the Most High as the pagan Naaman, " by whom the Lord
had given deliverance to Syria " I God gave him, as I wrote to Forster, a general
retainer against all suffering and oppression. . . .
The old habit of self-analysis — a habit injurious to some but helpful to
others — was never abandoned by Lord Shaftesbury, and at seventy, as at
twenty-seven, we find him closing the year with a remarkable review of his
past life, and an examination into his present state.
Dec. 22nd. — I am seventy years of age and six months. My eyesight is very
good, requiring glasses only for reading ; I am somewhat deaf. I sleep well,
walk easily, though not very far without fatigue. Am tolerably erect, and have
very few grey hairs. Whatever mind I ever had, I think that I retain. Memory
may be — I am not quite sure — a little weakened. Doubtless it is so in respect of
getting things by heart. Am generally calm and collected, though oftentimes
in high spirits, and oftentimes exceedingly low. Yet in neither extreme do I
alter the opinions I have formed. I do not, of course, as I used to do, look for
ward constantly to some fresh thing to be achieved. I estimate obstacles more
accurately, and confess the very short time at command. I have nevertheless
projects, and it is pleasant to indulge them, though I may never be able to
execute them. My feelings are as vivid and as keen as in my youth — on all
subjects, I may say, except in cases of neglect or affront. Here, of course, I am
not pleased ; but I accept the matter, as the French say, a "fait accompli," and
there the question ends. . . .
Dec. 31st. — Have been thinking lately of past career and present position ; and
am astonished how I went through one, and now stand in the other. In know
ledge of all kinds behind my chief cotemporaries, without pretence to literary
attainments (though with an immense fondness for them) ; intellectually, not

1871J THOUGHTS AT SEVENTY. 659
strong ; over-anxious for success, over-fearful of failure, easily exalted, as easily
depressed ; with a good deal of ambition, and no real self-confidence. Weak in
debate, and incapable of any effort, without some preparation ; a poor and
ineffective orator, though foolishly desirous of being a great one. Yet I have
had successes — great successes — successes for a time, the memory of which has
passed away. How were they attained ? I know not. The only qualities I can
claim for myself are feeling, perseverance, and conviction. These, I suppose,
have, under God, brought me to the position I now hold — a position of notoriety
and even of reputation. I am greatly indebted, generally speaking, to the Press.
Throughout my career much assailed, reviled, calumniated by every one without
exception at times ; but the great preponderance is on the side of support,
specially the Times, to whose aid I attribute many a prosperous issue. . . .
But feeling, perseverance, and conviction, which would be very useful to a young
man at the outset of his career, would be of small avail to an old one at the close
of it. What, then, is my stock-in-trade for the duties of the next Session, which
is nearly as much as I dare hope for — I must not say "calculate" on? Well, so
far as I can estimate, they are remnants of intellectual power, remnants of
influence, remnants of doings considered as past services, remnants of zeal, all
backed by a certain amount of public forbearance. . . .

<4 4 2

CHAPTER XXXII.
1872.
THE SHADOW OF DEATH.
It is a commonplace saying that the veil which covers the face of Futurity is
woven by the hand of Mercy. But the saying is true universally, and it was
specially true in the case of Lord Shaftesbury as he entered vigorously upon
a new year in a foreign land — little dreaming that it was to be the saddest
year of his long, eventful life. In his exile his heart was in his old haunts,
and we find him laying his plans for abundant work whenever he should be
able to return and take it up again. Thus he writes :—
Jan. 6th. — Mentone. The Ragged Schools are sinking rapidly. To attempt
their prolonged existence will be a waste of time, health, and strength. Must
labour, with a few chosen friends, to catch the waifs and strays, and bring them
to Christ. Must do all that I can — and how little that is I — for the several
missions in the most desperate of London localities. Must take, for the
last time, chairs of certain societies, and concentrate my powers for a few
things. . . .
Jan. 28th. — How sad, how painfully sad, this annual exile from home 1 What
duties are neglected — what opportunities lost ! The return to Parliament is
equally sad,, for I leave many behind me ; but I lie under obligations to give
some portion of my time to God and man. No part of the Session may be lost.
It is the time for activity. The Session ended, all is broken up, and with the
return of autumn, when useful service would recommence, I renew my exile. 0
God, have mercy upon me I I am wrenched to the very core.
Jan. 30th. — Yesterday Lome and Princess Louise came here to luncheon. . . .
Feb. 1st. — Must, and will, do much under God's blessing, to resist disestablish
ment, and secure the parochial system. Would admit any wide reforms, certainly
to the extent of excluding the Bishops from the House of Lords.
Feb. 7th. — Parliament met yesterday. It will be a Session of results, far more
than either the Government or the Opposition desire. . . .
The next entry in the Diary was written in London, where he arrived on
the 17th of February. Two days later he once more introduced into the
House of Lords his Ecclesiastical Courts Bill, and an Ecclesiastical Courts
Bill No. 2, or Procedure Bill. The second reading of the former was
carried without a division, and passed successfully through all its stages in
the House of Lords, but was thrown out in the Commons. The fate of the
latter is told in the following entry : —
Feb 20th. — Beaten in House of Lords last night, by 24 to 14, on Bill 2,
Ecclesiastical Courts, for admitting laity to prosecute without intervention of

1872-] THANKSGIVING DAY. 661
the Bishop. Every one, except the Archbishop of Canterbury, deserted me. The
Bill was the enactment of one clause, moved in Committee by Lord Cairns, arid
supported by Lord Westbury ; neither of these was there to vote. Romilly,
Master of the Rolls, a great " professor of aid," went away ; and every Bishop
saving the Primate, was in the majority.
Feb. 24th. — Romilly has written me a kind explanation. Bishop of Peter
borough, who moved the rejection of the Bill, had a great victory. . . . Matter
was pre-arranged as a party move between the Conservatives and Bishop of
Winchester. The 27th of Februaiy was memorable. It was the day of National
Thanksgiving for the recovery of the Prince of Wales from the illness which
had seriously threatened his life.
On the morning of the day Lord Shaftesbury wrote to the Countess as
follows : — Lord Shaftesbury to Lady Shaftesbury. February 27th, 1872.
Half -past seven.
Dearest Min, — The day has opened well, blessed be God. No rain, no special
fog, and even a faint burst of blue in the sky. If we have a dry day let us be
thankful. I shall start from here at half-past nine, as the steamboat will leave the
Stairs at half -past ten. The Peers and House of Commons may go in "plain
clothes " like detectives. We shall have to walk from St. Paul's Wharf to the
Cathedral, and back again ; but it will be short, easy, and safe.
Sydney gave me a ticket for Vea.* She was indisposed to go. But she might
have accompanied me by water and back again.
Tell Sisseyf that her brougham has been of mighty use to me. I have
not yet been able to hire horses ; and when I sent to Jay's yesterday, for a
carriage to take me this morning, I learned, to my horror, that every vehicle had
been pre-engaged for some weeks. Providentially old Edy % dined here ; and
with all the grace of condescension, and the due sense of the oligation that
property confers, offered his conveyance. He himself, like St. Paul, " is minded
to go afoot." And he is right, for woe to the " riders in carriages " who do not
start at least four or five hours before the procession. Why, even yesterday I
was kept a long while in St. James's Street, though pressed to get to the House
of Lords. "What's all this?" I said to the cab-driver. "Oh! it's to see them
preparations." I rejoice in this manifestation of feeling. It is something gathered out of
the wreck of all hereditary attachments ; and, may-be (God may be merciful to
us !) the seed-plot of better things in this ancient kingdom.
There is something, too, in the spectacle of a whole nation not ashamed, in
these days, to join in a great national act of religion. In the vast majority there
may be no sentiment of the kind, but, at any rate, there is a willing acceptance
of it, and not, as there would be in Paris, a satanical rejection of it.
But I must be off. God, in His goodness, protect you all 1 S.
* His eldest daughter, Lady Templemore.
t His daughter-in-law, wife of the Hon. Evelyn Ashley.
X His son, the Hon. Evelyn A.shley.

662 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXXII.
The " religious clauses '' of the Education Bill brought Lord Shaftes
bury an enormous amount of work in the spring of this year. On the 1st
of March he presided over an enthusiastic meeting in St. James's Hall, to
protest against the proposed exclusion of the Bible from schools. At the
May meetings the Education Act formed the principal topic of his addresses,
some of which, from their vehemence, and the divided opinions on the sub
ject, brought him into conflict with friends almost as much as with foes.
The effect of the Act on the operations of the Ragged Schools was the
special " sore point."
It was his natural temperament to take a dark view of things, and, as we
shall see by-and-by, the fears he entertained were, to a certain extent, ground
less. The old system, to which he was attached, was materially altered, but
new developments of the same work took place, and the operations of the
Ragged School Union were as successful in the future, although in different
ways, as they had been heretofore.
Despite his gloomy apprehensions, he had, even then, many cheering
hopes, and we find him writing: —
March 14th. — Ragged School prizes last night. . . . Talk of the "Real
Presence " 1 Our Lord was as much there last night as at any time or any
place. . . .
On the day the entry quoted above was written, he sent the following
letter to Lady Shaftesbury :—
Lord Shaftesbury to Lady Shaftesbury. March Uth, 1872.
Dearest Min, — I have just had time to dine on my return from the House
of Lords, where I enjoyed four hours on the Ecclesiastical Courts Bill, and I try
to write you a short note for to-morrow's post.
Vea has gone to dine with Anne. I, myself, went to the Levee at Buckingham
Palace. The Queen received us in person, and was gracious. She asked after
you, and then I passed on. It was very full, very uninteresting, and the rooms
contrasted unfavourably with the Palace at St. James's.
Gigas * was delightful. He came rushing into my room : " Gran'pa, I want
to see you dressed." " Very well, so you shall, when my fine things are on."
" Why do you dress so early ? " " Because the Queen tells us to come early." Then
a thousand questions.
The Dwarf * was very gracious when I went up-stairs to see her, and allowed
me to kiss both cheeks. You perceive that I have got into the fogrammic period
and am passing rapidly into the regions of twaddle.
It is sadly correct: "Many a true word is spoken in jest." However, people
cannot abuse me much more in my old age than they did in my youth. I am
making enemies on all sides ; and God, as ever, is my only Friend. Nevertheless,
I have the prayers of all the children of poverty and sorrow, and I value them,
I cannot find language to say how much, beyond the opinion of all the literary,
scientific, political, and social magnates that the world possesses. Love to all.
God be with you. S.
* Nicknames he gave to two of his grandchildren, aged five and three respectively.

W3-5 LETTERS TO LADY SHAFTESBURY. 663
_ Nearly every day Lord Shaftesbmy wrote to the Countess, and, as the
Diary suffered in consequence, we insert a few of the letters here : —
Lord Shaftesbury to Lady Shaftesbury. March 19th, 1872.
Dearest Min,— Your letter filled me with terror. God be praised for the
better intelligence you have sent to-day.
Sir H. Holland has just been to see me, and ask a question. He is an astounding
man for eighty-four years of age. Northbrook called on me to take leave. He
had mentioned many Indian subjects a few days ago. He resumed them to-day,
and seemed deeply impressed with the weight and greatness of the duties he was
about to discharge.
People began their oalls, this morning, at ten o'clock. At half -past one I had
not had time to shave. I write this hurried note and must go off to Chancery
Lane. May God be with you. S.

Lord Shaftesbury to Lady Shaftesbury. March 21st, 1872.
Dearest Min, — . . . God be praised that Conty is better, as you tell me
in your letter of 19th. I entirely approve your precautions, though I trust that
they were not quite necessary. Never mind causing me any distress. Tell me
the whole truth, and leave me to supplicate Almighty God.
It is now beginning to snow very hard. I am writing, at one o'clock, by the
light of a candle, grateful that I have a roof over my head and a fire to sit by.
I had a very favourable meeting last night at the Artisans' Dwellings Company.
There was neither unbelief nor disloyalty manifested ; but the reverse. We
began with " Bless the Prince of Wales," and ended with " God save the Queen."
But we had such a piece of music — a sonata, a capriccio, a wild dream — on
the pianoforte, by a young lady I I thought that it would hever end ; so great
was its variety of roaring and mewing, enormous thumps on the keys, and then
almost silence, that we applauded in joy, several times before it was over.
Gigas would insist on seeing my hair cut to-day ; but he would not allow his
own to be touched. He is wonderfully systematic, and hates change. At break
fast, I gave Sybil her sugar on my right hand, and offered some to Gigas on my
left, " No," he said, " on the other side." He was accustomed to the right ; he
would not alter, and so round he went.
I am going to have here, to-morrow, a regular tea-fight. I have invited sixty
heads of missions, in the lower parts of London, to come and give me information
respecting the progress of Christianity under those forms. Lots of sandwiches,
tea, coffee, cakes, bread-and-butter, and plenty of speeches. The " Invites " have
made quite a stir : and Spurgeon has written for cards to be sent to two of his
friends. " All seek their own, not the things that are Jesus Christ's." We are getting
worse and worse. It is hazardous to mention the Bible on a platform, lest we
should be suspected of aiming at the School-question. I, at least, do not mince
matters ; and I stand up for God's Word, as the basis of education, wherever I go
I shall soon be " burked." Meanwhile, God bless you all. S.

664

THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXXII.

There were more than ordinary applications to Lord Shaftesbury for
" chairs and donations " this year, and people seemed to think he was " the
least occupied and the richest man in London." The Factory Acts, the
Workshop Acts, the Brickfield Acts, were all being violated. Evidence
could only be obtained by agency, and agency required time and money.
Ecclesiastical questions were growing in number and importance, and in
each fresh controversy he was called upon to take a leading part. To some
of these things reference is made in the following extracts from the Diaiy : —
May 4th. — To-day, meeting at my house, of clergy and one or two laity, to
consider Church Reform. Some thirty present, and the whole was in a wise,
pious, Christian spirit. Struck amazingly by the testimony of the vicars of
great parishes to the aversion of the laity to the public recital of the Creed of
St. Athanasius. . . . All, indeed, gave evidence alike. Convocation, however,
representing, in fact, neither clergy nor laity, has decided the other way.
May 17th. — St. Giles. . . . Deep in Church Reform ; deep in an endea
vour to make the Athanasian Creed no longer an offence. The world is rising
against it. And, doubtless, many desire a change in our service because they
hate the Creed itself. But a document, however sublime and true, yet human,
must not be forced on unwilling ears. Our Lord Himself gives us a rule, " I
have many things to tell you of, but you cannot bear them now." So it is with
His servants. I have undertaken a, daring scheme. Delane has promised me
full support. I shall be fiercely assailed.
May 25th. — To-day will appear in Times my letter on the Athanasian Creed.
I shall need a skin like a rhinoceros to withstand the fury of my enemies, and the
" candour " of my friends. . . .
Among the miscellaneous efforts of the Session were the seconding of an
address of sympathy and condolence to Lady Mayo, in which he paid a grace
ful tribute to the memory of the Governor-General of India, who was cruelly
assassinated on the 6th of Februaiy; an able speech in support of Lord
Buckhurst's Bill for the Protection of Acrobats and Small Children from the
cruelties practised upon them by their employers ; as well as incessant work
on the Ecclesiastical Courts Bill and the Ballot Bill, to which we have
already referred.
Some of the pleasant incidents of the year are thus referred to : —
Aug. 26th. — The autumn manoeuvres in Dorset very successful. Went on
Friday to Portman's, who took me to headquarters and the camp. Saw fifteen
thousand men in line on Blandford Downs ; and heard from Quirk, the rector,
that their conduct in a moral point of view had been most excellent. On Satur
day, a division nearly ten thousand strong took possession of Bottle-Bush, close
by the Saint : everything was order, discipline, and good-humour.
27th. — Troops move from St. Giles's to-day. Another corps takes their place.
I managed to meet them. Had my poor dear wife been well, we might have
shown the officers hospitality. As for the men, I have done my best, giving
them the free use of the woods for shelter, the gardens for amusement, and the
whole river for bathing. I must run down directly to give them greeting.
31st. — Saw the second army, under Gen. Brownrigg, encamped on my downs ;

1872.] FORESHADOWING OP EVIL. 665
every one in raptures with the country for all purposes. Took tho General and
his Staff a long ride over Pentridge Hill. He gave me afterwards a parade, sham
fight, and march past. Truly magnificent. The second army as noble in every
respect as the first.
Sept. 2nd. — Went over to sham fight at Blandford, and other manoeuvres —
the Duke of Cambridge and Prince of Wales being present. The scene was very-
grand. . . . Letter that I had written to the Times, and which appeared on
Saturday, seems to have given great satisfaction.
Although in some respects Lord Shaftesbmy was a proud man, in other
respects he had not a particle of pride in him. On the grand occasion of the
army encamping on his estate, he set forth in his little open carriage to meet
the General and his Staff. On the road he met an old woman hobbling
along ; he at once stopped, gave her his place in the carriage, and himself
mounted the box ! In this way he drove up to the spot where he was to be
received with all military honours, as Lord-Lieutenant of the county, in
absolute unconsciousness that there was anything singular in the manner of
his arrival !
There is evidence in the Diary that a great weight was upon the spirit of
Lord Shaftesbury. He was depressed and dejected ; an undefined fore
shadowing of evil rose " vaporous, like the night mist over meadow lands."
He gives no expression to any presentiment ; he utters no word of foreboding;
and yet, for many months, there are traces of a shrinking from some unknown
cup of sorrow awaiting him. As the sun,
Ere it is arisen, sometimes paints its image
In the atmosphere, so, often, do the spirits
Of great events, stride on before the events,
And in to-day already walks to-morrow.
It was so in Lord Shaftesbury's case, and in nothing was it more plainly
expressed than in the exquisite tenderness with which he clung to the warm
glowing love of the one who had made his home bright and beautiful for so
many years, who had entered with affectionate zeal into all his plans and
purposes, and especially those which lay nearest his own heart for the welfare
of neglected and desolate little ones ; who had stimulated his faith by her own
piety ; who had smoothed the ruggedness of his path by her own self-sacrifice
and self-devotion ; and who had been, as he often said, " God's best gift to
him." Thus, when he visits Panshanger, her early home, he writes -. —
May 28th. — Panshanger. The place is beautiful, but it makes me very
melancholy. What changes ! how many have passed from the face of the earth !
Not only those who were dear to me, but so many notorious in politics, literature,
society. Forty years have passed since I first knew it. The seven first, I lived
here, when in the country, almost exclusively. They were happy years, and God
knows that my dear and precious wife has done her best to make the end as)
joyous as the beginning.'

666 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. lOHAP. XXXII.
On the anniversary of his wedding-day his whole heart is poured out in
tender affection, in the following passage : —
June 10th. — To-day my wedding-day 1 Forty-one years ago was I united to
that dear, beautiful, true, and affectionate darling, my blessed Minny. What a
faithful, devoted, simple-hearted, and captivating wife she has been, and is, to
me I And what a mother I Ah, Lord, give me grace to thank Thee evermore,
and rejoice in Thy goodness. Send forth Thy Holy Spirit on us, and lead us yet
in the way of service, obedience, and of love ! But she is still absent I God, in
Thy mercy, bring her home speedily and safely, and with her, my poor, precious,
suffering Conty I . . .
That prayer was answered. The mother and daughter returned speedily
and safely, but in the face of the invalid the sentence of death was written-
It was necessary for her to go almost immediately to Malvern. While there,
overstrung by excessive watchfulness and nursing, the health of Lady
Shaftesbury gave way. As soon as she was able to bear the journey, she
returned to London, where, with her constitutional strength and the change
of air, it was thought she would soon be restored to health.
The progress, however, was very slow, and it was advisable that the best
medical skill should be sought : —
Sept. 30th.— London. Arrived on Saturday night. To-day Gull has spoken
ominously, and talks of hers as «• " grave case." I am terrified ; and yet I think
he has spoken beyond his knowledge. Our only hope now, as ever, is in God.
He can bless the art of the physician.
On the 1st of October Dr. Andrew Clarke was called in, and on the
following day Sir Spencer Wells.
Sometimes a man's character is best revealed by what he says and does in
the midst of great crises which touch the very centre of his life. Lord
Shaftesbury believed in the power of prayer, and in the affectionate sympathy
of the poor ; and in the hour of his crushing anxiety he wrote to Mr. Orsman,
of the Golden Lane Costers' Mission, thus : —
Lord Shaftesbury to Mr. W. J. Orsman. September 30th, 1872.
Dear Orsman, — I am writing to you with the very pen my costermonger
friends gave me ; it has been, and it will be, I doubt not, of great use to me on
many occasions. But now I must ask my excellent brothers and sisters in Golden
Lane to aid me by their prayers. My wife and daughter have been very ill ; and
there is still danger.
I believe much in the prayers of Christian people ; and I know that there are
many among you — so do not forget me. Om- Lord teaches us that there is mighty
power in the fervent supplications of the poor. The children, too, must remember
me, as I have often remembered them.
May God be with you. Shaftesbury.

1872.] DEATH OF LADY SHAFTESBURY. 667
For some days after this Lady Shaftesbury appeared to be rapidly
regaining health, and on the 14th of October she was able to take the air in
a short carriage drive. But in the evening there was a serious relapse, and
on the following day — while his heart was breaking — Lord Shaftesbury
turned to his Diary, with that strange instinct which had, all his life, made it
to him as a safety-valve for pouring out the pent-up fires of his soul, and
wrote : —
Oct. 15th. — Minny, my own Minny, is gone. God took her soul to Himself at
about twelve o'clock this morning. She has entered into her rest, and has left us
to feel the loss of the purest, gentlest, kindest, sweetest, and most confiding spirit
that ever lived. Oh, my God, what a blow ! But we bow before Thee in resig
nation and sorrow. Almost her last words were, "None but Christ, none but
Christ." . . . What a placable spirit 1 what a power to forgive ! and what a
sublime power to forget ! Somehow or other her heart could not retain .the
impression of an affront or a harshness. What do I not owe to her, and to Thee,
0 God, for the gift of her ? But now to-night will be a terrible event. For the
first time I must omit in my prayers the name of my precious Minny.
On the 19th of October the remains of Lady Shaftesbury were committed
to the grave in the little village church of Wimborne St. Giles. A simple
tablet near the family pew bears a tribute " To the Memory of a wife, as
good, as true, and as deeply beloved, as God, in His undeserved mercy, ever
gave to man."
From Her Majesty the Queen, who wrote a most kind and touching
autograph letter, to the humble Ragged School teacher and the illiterate
coster, expressions of sympathy poured in upon Lord Shaftesbury.
When the devoted mother, who had watched her suffering child with
unwearying solicitude, was called away, it seemed impossible that Lady
Constance Ashley could survive the shock. But she rallied, and then her
only hope of recovery, the physicians said, was on the shores of the Mediter
ranean, beneath the shelter of those rocks that shut out the northern blasts,
and where, on former occasions, she had found the bright sunshine of summer
in the time of winter.
It would be irreverent to add a single word to the simple and touching
beauty of the following narrative : —
Oct. 26th. — Mentone, Mentone, say the doctors ; but how get her there ? How
find her strength for the long and fatiguing journey ? How get her across the
water in wind and rain ? We are painfully harassed. God be gracious to us,
and shine upon us, and open a way for our escape. 0 Christ, hear me i . . . .
Nov. 1st. — To St. Giles on 1st for business, sad, solitary, and silent. . . .
When dark, crept into the church, and prayed to God in peace, though not in
happiness, near her dear resting place. . . .
Nov. 13th. — Mentone. Journey very tedious and very sorrowful. Arrived
here still more sorrowful. I could admire nothing, enjoy nothing, for she was
not here to share it with me. Conty well, and not tired. If the Lord will, I
must live for her sake. How sad, how forlorn, how isolated, in her sick

668 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap, xxxii.
state I No attention, no kindness, no sympathy of any relative can approach
that of a mother — and such a mother. But let us give God true and everlasting
praise that He has so touched her heart by His holy spirit as to make her
resigned, meek, patient in tribulation, rejoicing in hope, and full of faith. She
looks to heaven and sees her blessed mother there, and not in the cold and silent
grave. Dec. 1st. — Sunday. More than a week to-day of deep anxiety. Conty, my
blessed Conty, attacked by inflammation of the liver. The fever now gone, by
God's mercy, but the weakness is terrible. The precious child is ripe for heaven
— resigned, meek, patient, loving, and full of faith in her adorable Saviour. And
yet my flesh cries, Stay, stay, stay. Not so she ; she is ready, nay almost
desirous to be gone.
Dec. 6th. — At no time so deep the sensation of being left alone as at sunset.
But the promise of our Lord, and the enjoined prayer, " Come, Lord Jesus,
come quickly," reunite us. How do I bless His holy name that He had put it
into her dear heart thus to pray !
Dec. 12th. — How wonderful, and how solitary, as I look at the setting sun,
and remember that my Min, my precious Min, has gone from me — never to
return 1 But may I not say, and hope, with David, " I shall go to her, though
she will not return to me " ? Blessed, dearest, truest, tenderest of women I
God's precious and most merciful gift to me.
Dec. 16th. — At half -past one this day God took the soul of my blessed Conty
to Himself. Never was a death so joyous, so peaceful. Heaven itself seemed
opened before her eyes. " Christ is very near me," she said, and when I reminded
her of her mother's favourite line, " Simply to Thy Cross I cling," she expanded
her hands, her whole face beamed with the liveliest, happiest smile I ever saw,
and she inclined her head towards me in assent quite exulting. What an end 1
How certain her eternal bliss. How certain the wish of her heart to join her
precious mother I It is almost impossible to weep even for ourselves, when we
think of it ; so truly blessed is her state, so wonderful her departure from this
world. But, 0 God, to us, what a loss ! and specially to Hilda and Cecil ; what
a loss ! my God, have mercy upon them ! They are young, and I am old.
Dec. 18th. — Preparing for departure as soon as possible. God grant to-morrow.
It is a beautiful place, and I wish the people every blessing. But I return with
joy. And yet it is endeared to me because Minny and Conty loved it. . . .
Half an hour or more before her death, she became suddenly quite herself, as
in days of strength and of joy. She sat up in bed, her face was radiant with
inward pleasure, she spoke to every one around. "Dearest papa," said the
blessed child, " do not give way." " I want to bless you now for all that you
have taught me." Darling girl, she taught me, in one half-hour, more than I had
imparted in her whole life. Cecil, not knowing it to be a text of special charm to
her, said, " To me to live is Christ, and to die is gain." " Oh yes, oh yes," she re
plied, all beaming with delight, " thank you, thank you." Then it was that I quoted
her mother's song, "Simply to Thy Cross I cling," and then it was that she seemed
to be already an angel. Soon after she exclaimed, " I know that I am going to die,
for I feel so happy." With these words she fell into a soft sleep. In a' short time
she was gone ; and no one could mark the moment of departure. " I have seen
many death-beds of holy Christian people." said the nurse ; " but I have never

1872.) DEATH OF LADY CONSTANCE ASHLEY. 669
seen anything approaching to this. I can only call it angelic." And so it was.
And were there not angels present ? Might they not have waited to carry her, as
they carried Lazarus ? Was her blessed mother there ? Was our own most dear
Lord far off ? She said " Christ is very near ; " she must, I think, have perceived
something that we did not.
I will ever maintain that this was a striking and special mercy vouchsafed by
Almighty God, not only to mitigate our sorrow, but positively to raise us into
joy. Neither speech nor writing can adequately describe what it was. The
sudden change was like a resurrection ; she seemed, as it were, inspired, and it is
no exaggeration to say that, with the calmness of Heaven around her, her face
actually shone. 0 merciful and Heavenly Father, may our souls, washed and
purified by the all-atoning blood of Thy dear Son our Saviour, myself and my
children who yet survive, be found at last in Thy adorable presence with my
beloved wife and beloved daughter, Thine own inestimable gifts, to dwell with
Thee in safety and in peace for ever and for ever. And, 0 God, may I pray that
our other blessed and pious children, gone before us, Francis, Maurice, and Mary,
may be with us, for truly did they love Thee and Thy blessed Son.
Dec. 28th. — London. Yesterday consigned to the grave, in the vault at St.
Giles, the remains of my precious beloved angelic daughter. The day dark and
gloomy ; but as we started on the procession the sun came out, like a smile from
Heaven, and retired again when all was over. Whether Special or not, I bless
God for the cheerful sign.

CHAPTER XXXIII.
J 873— 1875.
" Nothing can happen to a man — no loss, no tribulation — which may not
leave him stronger, better, more full of spiritual resources than it found him,
if only he has made sure of God, and of the perfect ends towards which, alone
and for ever, God conducts His own."* Such was the effect of the discipline
of suffering on Lord Shaftesbury. He was cast down, but not destroyed;
and within three months of the time when the grave closed over his beloved
ones he was again in the midst of his old work, toiling with a vigour that had
never been surpassed. " Tribulation worketh experience," and to the poor,
the suffering, and the sad, he went forth from his own grief with a heart
overflowing with sympathy, and powers wakened into fresh activity, conse
crated afresh by sorrow. For the next few years his energy was little short
of marvellous ; there seemed to be no limit to his endurance ; every hour of
every day, and almost every minute of every hour, had its pre-arranged duty.
The sense that the night was coming, when no man can work, made vivid to
him constantly by the memory of his bereavements, spurred him on to new
endeavours. The mere bodily fatigue involved in constant jonrneyings, in
monotonous " chairs " for three, five, or six hours a day ; the perambulations
among the dwellings of the poor ; the consequent irregularity in his hours for
meals and rest ; the early mornings and late nights ; all these things would have
taxed the vigour of a young man in the early prime of life, but in a man who
had passed the allotted threescore years and ten, whose health was shattered,
and whose nervous system was overstrained, such labours were truly
marvellous. If we only glance at some of them in passing, it is because they were
continuations and extensions of earlier efforts, or new schemes closely allied
to old ones. It will only be to those which broke up fresh ground that we
shall particularly refer.
One of his first efforts, after his bereavement, was to establish in con
nection with the " Watercress and Flower Girls Mission " a fund, named, in
memory of his wife, the " Emily Loan Fund," to enable this strange race of
beings, of whose existence every one is aware, hut of whose hard battle with
life very few know anything, to earn their living when watercress and flowers
are out of season. No description can convey an idea of the dire distress
experienced by these poor creatures when the cold weather sets in and the
sources of their incomes fail. The question how to help them in their
* "The Discipline of Suffering." Rev. Jas. Durran, M.A

1873-1 WATERCRESS AND FLOWER GIRLS. 671
necessity was decided by this Fund. Lord Shaftesbury placed in the hands
of the Committee of the Mission a sum of money from which deserving
applicants might draw, to enable them to purchase stock-in-trade for the
winter. Thus, one poor woman would make application for the loan of a
baked-potato oven, a coffee-stall, a barrow and board for the sale of whelks,
or any other article by which she might see a reasonable prospect of earning
a living. The condition upon which the loans were granted was, that
borrowers must find security for the full value of the article borrowed,
thereby protecting the Fund from loss, and giving the best guarantee of the
honesty and industry of the borrower. When the actual value of the article
was repaid it became the property of the hirer. During the period this fund
has been in operation the rule as to security has been strictly enforced, and
«' it has not debarred half-a-dozen deserving cases from the advantage of the
Fund." It has been of constant occurrence that ladies and gentlemen of good
position, who have observed the industry and perseverance of the deserving
poor for many years in the same locality, and who would not have hesitated
to have lent the money themselves, have preferred to let it come through the
Society, and have stood security for the sums required.
Lord Shaftesbury took a deep interest in the working of this scheme, and
many a touching story he could tell of the lives of the poor creatures it had
benefited. This is how he spoke of the Mission and the "Emily Loan Fund"
to the writer : — ¦
" I believe that among these watercress girls there are many as honest and
as pure as are to be found, in all London. Those who are successful go into
business ; often buy a coffee-stall, the outfit for which costs as much as £10.
" I was one day at the office with Groom* A nice-looking girl came in.
' I want a loan, please, of a very large sum.' ' What for, my dear p '
' For flowers and basket.' ' Have you anything in the world p ' ' Not a
sixpence.' ' Can you give security P ' ' Oh yes ! the shoemaker's wife
will go bail forme.' 'How much do you want?' 'Well, I don't think I
can do with a penny less than £1.' It was given, and every farthing repaid.
Of all the movements I have ever been connected with, I look upon this
Watercress Girl Movement as the most successful. The girls appear in
different forms at different seasons. Fruit girls in summer, flower girls in
spring, coffee-stall keepers iu winter. The whole is established on a system
of loans, and is the most successful system I have ever known. It was
begun in 1872, and we have had out 800 to 1,000 loans, and have not lost £50
during the whole period. Not in one solitary instance have we had to recover
by legal means. Amounts are lent, up to £2, generally about £1, and they
repay weekly, from 6d. to Is. a week, and most precise and punctual are they
in their repayments. What has been lost, and it has been very little in the
circumstances, has been by reason of death or sickness, and not by fraud."
The first public labours referred to in the Diary for this year are the
following : —
* Mr. J. A. Groom, the Honorary Superintendent of the Mission.

672 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. iCHAr. XXXI.
March 4th.— Went on Feb. 14th to Stepney, for great meeting of working men,
and opening of a temperance public-house. And also, at earnest request of the
Lord Mayor, to move Resolution at Mansion House fixing day of Hospital Sunday.
On 28th, went with Orsman, through Golden Lane, to visit my costermongers.
Well do these poor people put us all to shame. Piety, resignation, faith, in the
depths of penury, and seemingly without hope.
In the extract given above Lord Shaftesbury refers to his first direct effort
on behalf of the Teetotal movement, if taking the chair at one of Mr. J. B.
Gough's orations in 1860 be excepted. Although he never lost an opportunity
of enforcing temperance, and spoke strongly upon the effects of drunkenness,
he was not himself, at any period of his life, a total abstainer. " I am worse
than a drunkard," he would say, playfully, "lama moderate drinker." On
one occasion, speaking at a banquet, he said : —
I have seen much of these public festivals, and I know the unanimity and
good feeling which they create ; I know the harmony they produce ; I know
how many prejudices have been removed, and how many quarrels and animosities
have been made up by meeting at the convivial dinner-table. And I know a very
old custom, which seems to have been going out of late, but which I am glad to
see is being revived — the custom of drinking a glass of wine with your fellow-
man. It is one of the wisest institutions which appears to have been framed for
conviviality, and for promoting good feeling one towards another ; it is framed
in the highest system of policy. I have known many a quarrel made up between
men who had not exchanged words for years, but who, meeting at the dinner-
table, and one asking the other to take a glass of wine with him, they had become
friends to the hour of their death. Therefore, I say, never give up this convivial
system, only take it, like you should every other means of enjoyment, in mode
ration* On the other hand, he often spoke emphatically on the evils of intemper
ance. Thus he says : —
I remember being examined before a Committee of the House of Commons,
as chairman of the Lunacy Commissioners, as to the progress or non-progress of
insanity in these realms. I told them that I believed that seven-tenths of the
insanity that prevails in this country, that seven-tenths of the insanity that
prevails in the United States of America, and no doubt also in other countries,
are attributable, either in the persons themselves or in their parents, to habits
of intoxication. If the Temperance Associations had not arisen some years since,
I believe the amount of insanity in this country would be five-fold greater than
it is. On the 20th of March there is an entry in the Diary, "Moved first
resolution at Anniversary of the Charity Organisation Society." This was
another " first work" on behalf of a Society which Lord Shaftesbury assisted
in many ways in subsequent years, and with which, although not agreeing
with some of its operations, he was never in any way broug-ht into conflict
or antagonism at any time. He admired the vigilance with which they
* Dorset County Friendly Society, June 11th, 1868.

1S?3.] MR. PLIMSOLL. 673
prosecuted inquiries and " ferreted out " fraud and imposture ; their success
in abolishing abuses, and in setting up useful institutions; but he feared
that the Society would never be popular, inasmuch as it acted, in his opinion,
with too great severity, and arrogated to itself the function of being able to
do everything. He had taken a deep interest in the old Mendicity Society,
and was wont to say that the success of the Charity Organisation Society
would be greater than it has been, if, with its vaster machinery, it would
work more upon the basis of its predecessor.
Public feeling was much agitated in the early part of this year by the
revelations made by Mr. Plimsoll, M.P. for Derby, as to the perils of British
seamen, consequent upon the overloading of ships and the use of unseaworthy
vessels. It was a cause which at once enlisted the sympathies of Lord
Shaftesbury, who was desirous to extend to seamen the protection enjoyed
by miners, colliers, factory children, and emigrants. He became Chairman
of the Committee for supporting Mr. Plimsoll to obtain, at once, a Protection
Act, pending the Inquiry of the Royal Commission, and presided at a great
public meeting held at Exeter Hall, on March 22nd, to protest against the
iniquitous system Mr. Plimsoll had exposed. Referring to it he says : —
•March 24th. — On Saturday evening, meeting in Exeter Hall, of London work
men to support Plimsoll in his glorious defence of the wretched, oppressed sea
men of the Mercantile Marine. Very full, singularly enthusiastic, and yet prudent
and judicious. Myself in chair. . . .
Like other men smarting under a burning sense of cruelty and injustice
unredressed, Mr. Plimsoll was hurried into saying injudicious things, and
doing injudicious acts. As chairman of his Committee, Lord Shaftesbury
found himself involved in many difficulties, but in the midst of good and evil
report, he stood by him to the end. Thus he writes : —
April 22nd. — I find him bold, earnest, and rash. He will ruin himself and the
cause by his violence. He says what he believes, and believes what he says, and
he will take no man's advice. He is proud of his own impetuosity, and seems to
think that no one can be weary of it. His great and true facts will all be
neutralised by his small and inaccurate statements. . . .
April 25th. — Plimsoll, worthy man, is growing wiser— but it is too late. The
explanation that would have satisfied Norwood, the prosecutor, before the matter
went into Court, must now be a public retractation, and, probably, with payment
of costs. This is very sad. . . .
Eventually the Merchant Shipping Bill was brought forward, but, on July
22nd, 1875, Mr. Disraeli intimated that it was not the intention of the
Government to proceed further with the measure that year. This was more
than Mr. Plimsoll, whose whole heart and soul were in the movement he had
so enthusiastically espoused, could bear. Addressing the Prime Minister, he
implored him not to send thousands of men to certain death by withdrawing
the measure. Then, carried away by excitement, he walked up the floor to
the table of the House, and, pointing to the Opposition benches, cried, "I will
R R

674 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXXIII.
unmask the villains who have sent brave men to death." A week was given
to Mr. Plimsoll to express his regret for " having transgressed the orders of
the House."
On the following day Lord Shaftesbury wrote to him as follows : —
Lord Shaftesbury to Mr. S. Plimsoll, M.P. July 23rd, 1875.
My dear Mr. Plimsoll, — As Chairman of your Committee.froin.the com
mencement, I may express my deep and heartfelt sympathy with you. I can
enter into all your indignation and your fears. Language would fail me to
describe the wickedness and folly of giving preference to the Agricultural
Holdings Bill over yours — for yours it is— that affects the lives of so many men
and the happiness of so many families. But, as you have often listened to me
before, pray listen to me now.
I earnestly counsel you to appeal in the presence of the House and maintain
your statements to the full, but express regret that, under the great excitement
into which you fell, you offended against the rules and orders laid down for the
government of debate. Such a course will prove a real benefit to yourself and to
tbe cause you have in hand. You know how truly I share all your hopes and
fears in this matter, and how earnestly I pray God to bless and sustain one who
has urged it with so much nobleness and sincerity. Yours truly, Shaftesbury.
Mr. Plimsoll accepted the advice, and, at the expiration of a week, appeared
in the House, and in " no grudging spirit, but frankly and sincerely," apolo
gised to the Speaker and the House.
In 1876, the Merchant Shipping Bill, designed "to mitigate avoidable
dangers without unnecessarily hampering commercial enterprise," passed into
law. Death was busy among Lord Shaftesbury's friends in the spring of this
year, and we find him on a day in April acting as pall-bearer, at the pre-
funeral service, in Westminster Abbey, of his invaluable and sympathetic
friend of over thirty years' standing, Dr. McHvaine, Bishop of Ohio, one of
the pillars of the American Episcopal Church ; and, on a day in May, at a
funeral service at St. Jude's, Islington, of the Rev. W. Pennefather, "one of
the best men God ever sent on earth."
As the May Meetings approached, there was none to which Lord Shaftes
bury looked forward with greater anxiety this year than that of the Church
Pastoral Aid Society. In a letter to Mr. Haldane, he says : — ¦-
Previously to passing into the regions of twaddle not far distant, I long to
deliver my soul on Church Reform.
But my views are very broad, very unpalatable, and without 'support from'
any one.
They will give great offence. Yet I cannot remain at the head of Church
Societies, and conceal them; I propose to speak out openly at the P.A.S., and
then retire from the Presidentship, saying that, with such opinions, I ought not

1873.] CHURCH REFORM. 675
to occupy a post which ought to be filled by a person in harmony with those he
represents. The important speech of Lord Shaftesbury at the meeting of the Pastoral
Aid Society was exactly what he had intended it to be, a plain statement of
the Church Reforms he considered indispensable. It provoked much contro
versy, as he anticipated. The following- is an extract from his speech : —
It would, I believe, be very difficult to bring any three persons to agree as to
the expediency of Church Reform ; and still more difficult to get them to agree
as to what that Reform should be. And yet nothing can be more necessary. If
the Church is to be saved, she must be adapted to the temper and wants of the
people. And this must be done in a very effectual way — it must be done in
accordance with what Lord Strafford said to Archbishop Laud, when he wrote,
" My Lord, it must be thorough." . . .
We must contend for a careful, but efficient, reform of the Liturgy of the
Prayer Book. There are many things in the Liturgy which seem almost inspired.
The Liturgy breathes, in the main, something Divine ; it goes to the very hearts
of the people ; a very few eliminations would remove what is objectionable, and,
if these were made, there would not be a religious man in tbe country who,
whatever might be his denomination, could not take the Prayer Book to his
inmost heart.
The patronage of livings. — A reform, or an attempt at reform, of that, must
likewise follow. That system is faulty, no doubt, nevertheless I am quite sure
that any attempt to substitute some other system for that which exists, would
only tend to make matters worse. Yet it must not be passed over. For' my own
part I am prepared to go into the whole question, and, having a certain number
of livings at my disposal, I am prepared to submit them to any arrangement
that might be likely to do good ; but there are two changes to which I should
strongly object — first, that appointments to livings should be made a matter for
popular election ; and secondly — tell it not in Gath I — that they should be given
to the bishops.
The next thing which I would say is— I hope the clergy present will not take
alarm, as I have on my side the authority of Archbishop Usher and Archbishop
Leighton*  that I am satisfied that if you desire to accommodate your action to
the feelings and wants of the country,'you must alter the basis of Ordination,
the system of administering Ordination, and admitting men to Holy Orders : in
other words, you must take this power away from the bishops exclusively, and
call in the co-operation of the presbytery. Such a course was recommended by
Archbishops Hsher and Leighton, and, I am sure, nothing would tend more to
induce great numbers of people to join our Church than the putting an end
to a state of things under which Ordination is left in the hands of a single
individual. ...
Then there is another question— the increase of the Episcopate. Now I, once
for all protest against the increase of the Episcopate without some other and
very material changes. I am not such a lover of Episcopacy as to think it
necessary to salvation. If, however, people desire an increase of the Episcopate,
*See also the Rubric on " The Form and Manner of Ordering Priests," where "the
priests present " are associated with the Bishop in the imposition of hands.
B B 2

676 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. IUhap. XXXIII.
it is to be had by the sub-division of dioceses and the revenues into two, so that
there would be forty-eight bishops instead of twenty-four. The carrying such a
proposal into effect might involve — I will not deny it — a great and mighty
change ; it might involve as much as the removal of the bishops from the House
of Lords, a respect being had, of course, to life interests. I know perfectly well
the danger that would attend such a movement as that ; I know perfectly well
the danger to which the House of Lords itself would be exposed. You cannot
attempt to repair an old edifice without endangering the whole fabric, and
therefore this is, of course, a matter which requires to be contemplated very
seriously. But our duty at the present moment is to consider the safety of the
Church of England, and not how to perpetuate the House of Lords. The House
may not stand ; but if it does stand, it will stand on its own merits, and not
necessarily through its connection with the Episcopal Bench.
There are many other reforms. I have indicated only a few, but I have said
enough to show my great object, that the Church should be made acceptable to
the great body of the people. I have no doubt that many of you will look upon
me as a most revolutionary man ; but such changes as I have suggested are
things which prevent revolutions, and learned writers maintain that half the
revolutions which have occurred in the world, have occurred i because those who
foresaw them could not make up their minds to meet them by necessary changes.
Referring in his Diary to this speech, Lord Shaftesbmy says : —
May 9th. — Such expressions from the President of a Society tend to compro
mise that Society and make it incur the peril of a great loss of moral and
financial succour. Wrote, therefore, instantly, and gave in my resignation of the
office, thus sparing the Committee a thousand disagreeables of various kinds.
It is hardly necessary to say that the Committee of the Society did not
accept the resignation.
One of the most pleasing of the many side-efforts of the Ragged School
movement was the cultivation of plants and flowers, under given regulations,
by the scholars ; and, at a fixed time, the whole being gathered into a Show,
tested, and prizes awarded.
The advantages of these Flower Shows in a social aspect were many.
They provided a source of simple recreation, and gave a new interest in
home, by adding unwonted cheerfulness to the comfortless rooms of the poor.
They became the means of drawing- attention to some of the social wants of
the working classes, such as the need of fresh air and ventilation and more
space. They taught them simple habits of forethought and prudence, for if
they would win the prizes, they must purchase their plants long beforehand,
and expend money and time on what might only be a probability of success.
Their chief good was, that in watching the growth and progress of the,
flowers under their care, the children and their parents were brought into
close contact with something pure and innocent and beautiful, — some'thing
that should speak to the better part of their natures, and tell them of Him
who has made the earth beautiful and fair.
It seemed almost incredible that many of the plants and flowers exhibited

1878-l dean's YARD FLOWER SHOW. 677
at these Shows were reared and watched and tended in some close garret, or
cellar, by the little ragged urchins who, a short time before, were whining in
the streets for alms.
Prom the first Lord Shaftesbury took the warmest interest in this branch
of work. " I believe there is nothing among the secondary means of instruc
tion," he said, " to surpass window gardening and flower culture. It has
called out all the various qualities of attention and care, and it has improved
their knowledge of sacred and holy things."
For many years Lord Shaftesbury had given away the prizes at the animal
Flower Show in Dean's Yard, Westminster, under the auspices of the Society
for Promoting Window Gardening, of which Dean Stanley was President.
The flowers, humble and 'simple enough, breathed whispers of strange his
tories. Some were reared, in furtive hours, in crowded slums ; some were
tended by the poor sufferers in Westminster Hospital ; some came from the
workhouse, and many from the parochial, national, infant, Sunday, and ragged
schools ; some from the kitchens of domestic servants and the quiet homes
of working people.
Those Flower Show days in Dean's Yard were always happy days to
Lord Shaftesbury, who entered into the spirit of the festival just as heartily
as did his good friend Dean Stanley.
Another of the great benefits of these Shows was, that they brought
together those who, from social distinction, rarely met, and so knew little of
each other, and the sympathy thus shown by the rich to the poor evoked a very
kindly spirit. Lord Shaftesbury frequently related, with infinite pleasure, a
little incident that occurred on one occasion at the distribution of prizes in
Dean's Yard, illustrating the love and confidence thus generated. "As I
was mixing among the people, I felt a little hand playing with mine, and
a little girl looked up in my face and said, ' Please, sir, may I give you a
kiss ? ' I said, ' I am sure you may, my dear, and I'll give you one too.' Do
you think then I did not say, ' What would London be without her child
ren P ' "
This sorrowful year, Lord Shaftesbury wrote to Canon Conway, with
whom the arrangements rested, saying that he had better find some new and
younger Chairman for the Annual Flower Show in Dean's Yard, and adding
that he was in the condition of a tree which, as Lucan says, " casts a shadow,
no longer with its leaves, but only by its stem." He sent the note to Dean
Stanley, who returned it with thelfollowing verses :—
"Trunco, Non Frondibus, Efpicit Umbram."
Well said old Lucan — Often have I seen
A stripling tree, all foliage and all green ;
But not a hope of grateful, soothing shade,
Its empty strength in fluttering leaves displayed.
Give me the solid trunk, the aged stem,
That rears its scant, but glorious, diadem ;
That thro' long years of battle or of storm,

678 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXXIII.
Has striven whole forests round it to reform ;
That plants its roots too deep for man to shake ;
That lifts its head too high for grief to break ;
That still, thro' lightning-flash and thunder-stroke,
Retains its vital sap and heart of oak ;
Such gallant tree for me shall ever stand,
A great rock's shadow in a weary land.
May, 1873. A V S.
Against the original Lord Shaftesbury wrote, "I knew that the Dean
was very kindly disposed towards me. But I did not know how kindly. S."
Lord Shaftesbury withdrew his appeal, and attended the Show. In con
cluding his speech, he made use of the beautiful expression that " The great
and final Garden of Paradise was only to be approached through the Garden
of Gethsemane." When he had uttered these words, a voice cried out from the crowd,
" That is the best thing you have said." Whose voice it was, or what
influence the words spoken had upon the man, we do not know, but there
was probably a story attaching- to the utterance, for Lord Shaftesbury pasted
the report of the affair in a book, and against the words, in his own hand
writing-, is this note : " I thank God that He permitted me to say it."
" The Facilities of Worship Bill," promoted by Mr. Thomas Salt, proposed
in the House of Lords by Lord Carnarvon, and supported by the Episcopal
vote, was defeated by Lord Shaftesbury. It proposed that a bishop, on the
request of twenty-five parishioners, was to have authority to license buildings
for public worship without the consent of the rector. Lord Shaftesbury's
objection was, that this was placing too much power in the hands of the bishops.
27th.— Last night a' great success in House of Lords ; God gave it to feeble
efforts — praised be His holy name — in answer to prayer. Defeated Lord
Carnarvon on second reading of Facilities of Worship Bill. Twelve bishops
voted with him. . . .
This was Lord Shaftesbury's principal movement in Ecclesiastical matters
in Parliament this year. Out of doors, however, there were many allied
subjects pressing upon his attention, and especially that of the Confessional.
A petition, signed by 400 clergymen, had been presented to the Upper
House of Convocation, praying — ¦
" That in view of the wide-spreading and increasing use of sacramental
confession, your Venerable House may consider the advisability of providing
for the education, selection, and licensing of duly qualified confessors, in
accordance with the provisions of canon law."
The matter was discussed, and referred to a Committee.
But the fact of the presentation of such a petition roused the indignation
of all good Protestants, and, of course, an appeal was made to Lord Shaftes
bury to take the lead in the agitation. He wrote to the Archbishop of
Canterbury saying that the laity were in great alarm ; that thev turned iu

18731 THE CONFESSIONAL. 679
the first instance to their natural protectors, the Bishops of the Established
Church ; and requested His Grace to be good enough to tell him what was
the intention of the Episcopal Bench before taking any forward step. The
Archbishop replied courteously that the matter had been considered by the
bishops, who had since gone to their dioceses, and would not meet again until
early in the month of July. To this Lord Shaftesbmy rejoined that it was
not for him to canvass the conduct of the bishops, who had doubtless excellent
reasons, for deferring the question till July, but that the laity and the clergy
could not accept that as a comfortable assurance, and he must not consider
them precipitate if they proceeded at once to action, and took the matter into
their own hands.
Aecof dingly a " public meeting of Churchmen, loyal to the principles of
the Reformation," was called for the 30th of June, at which Lord Shaftes
bury presided. It was a crowded and enthusiastic meeting, and he spoke
with a warmth and energy which aroused a perfect furore, and was interrupted
from time to time by loud ahd ringing cheers.
He condemned, in no measured terms, the Upper House of Convocation,
a professedly Protestant body of bishops, for ever receiving. such a petition
— it should have been sent back as an insult to God's Holy Word and the
truth of the Divine sacraments ; instead of which, it was read and discussed
in " soft, delicate, and apathetic language." He then proceeded to show the
nature of the Confessional, and to give some startling descriptions of the
system, as narrated by M. Michelet in a work entitled " Priests, Women, and
Families." It was one of the strongest speeches Lord Shaftesbury ever uttered, and
it was received with extraordinary enthusiasm, the whole audience rising and
cheering vociferously for a prolonged period as he concluded his peroration
with the words, " Perish all things, so that Christ be magnified."
The sad and sudden death of Samuel Wilberforce, Bishop of. Winchester,
with whom for many years Lord Shaftesbury had been brought, in a variety
of ways, into opposition, is thus referred to in the Diary -. —
July 20th. — Sunday. Just received intelligence of the death of the Bishop
of Winchester ; absolutely thunder-struck with amazement and terror. " So
teach us, Lord, to number our days, that we may apply our hearts unto wisdom."
Thrown from his horse yesterday, he broke his neck. God be with us. " We
know not what an hour may bring forth."

" Betwixt the stirrup and the ground,
He mercy asked, he mercy found,"

In a letter to Mr. Haldane, written on the same day, he says : —
" This event came on me like an earthquake. I was all but horror-struck.
Every kind feeling I ever had towards the Bishop is again alive. He was
neither covetous nor hard, and he oftentimes stood forward in the defence of
the oppressed."
Throughout the year — and for many years afterwards — there are, in the

680 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXXIII.
midst of the record of ceaseless activities, some very touching passages,
which show how keen was the struggle against abandoning himseK to his
sorrows, and how vividly, at all times and in every place, he was alive to the
tremendous loss he had sustained.
April 1st. — They are never out of my mind, hardly out of sight ; as the days
lengthen the solitude seems to increase. Even in my youth, a fine summer's
evening had ever the effect of melancholy over my heart. It has continued
through manhood, but not a sorrowful melancholy, rather the occasion to a
prayer for the Second Advent. But now the setting sun and the long twilight
will make me feel their absence still more. Quicken it, 0 Lord, into a warmer
supplication for Thy blessed Coming ! . . .
April 10th. — St. Giles's. The place is solitary and sad ; the charm of one to
share it with me is gone. But God is wise and good. . . . Blessed, precious
wife, some of thy last words, spoken in health and happiness, while the shadow
of death was not even before thine eyes, spoken in sorrow of some infidel and
cruel expressions, " And this, too, when He died for us 1 " They rejoiced me then
— they now ring like music in my ears. " The name of Jesus," said old Leighton,
" is fragrant."
April 14th. — Her loss is more and more keen every day. God alone knows
what I feel and suffer. May He watch over and subdue me.
Oct. 12th. — Sunday. . . . Shall I never see her again, 0 Lord, that
sweetest, dearest, most precious of women 1 Surely there will be recognition ;
surely a reunion of love. God knows, and He is both wise and good, and tenderly
considerate. Perhaps she and my darling Conty are much nearer than I suppose-
Perhaps they see me, watch over me, and pray for me. We cannot pray to saints in
heaven. Both Scripture and reason forbid it. But neither one nor the other forbids
me to believe that the blessed in heaven may pray for the struggling on earth 
nay, they rather bid us to do so. The highest duty and the richest enjoyment is
in the imitation of our Lord. He is ever interceding for those that He loves ;
and why not, in a far lower degree, the departed spirits for those they have left
on earth ? . . .
May 25th. — Sunday. Last night, as I went to bed, the recollection of my
precious Minny's words rose in my mind : " 0 Lamb of God, I come " — and then,
like lightning, the words of our Blessed Lord : " Him that cometh to Me I will in
no wise cast out." The joy and comfort unspeakable. I thank Thee, 0 Lord.
In August a tour in Scotland was most beneficial to the health and spirits
of Lord Shaftesbury. He visited Iona and Staffa; landed in the Isle of
Rum, and from thence proceeded to Stomoway, along the whole eastern side
of Lewis and Harris, " wild and inhospitable, and without a trace of life ; "
then driven by wind and rain to Portree, and when fine weather came, along
the coasts of Skye, Inverness, and Argyleshire, back to his favourite' head
quarters, Wemyss Castle, the home of his old friends, Mr. and Mrs. Burns'
with whom so many happy days of his life were associated. " May every
blessing of time and of eternity descend on this family, on them, on theirs, on
old Abraham and Sarah,* and on all they love in Christ Jesus."
* Familiar names given to the father and mother of Mr. John Burns, both of them
patriarchal in age.

1874-' LEGISLATION ON RITUALISM. 681
From Wemyss Castle he proceeded to Belfast, making his first sojourn in
Ireland, and, after a few brief visits, went ou to Dunbrody, the home of his
daughter and Lord Templemore. " It is a comfort to be here, and talk over
' the blessed ones ' now gone to their rest." On the 19th of September he
left Dublin — " Of all the uninteresting places in the world, Dublin is to me
the most so ; there is nothing in it " — and arrived in London with health and
vigour renewed for the work that stood before him in the ensuing winter.
Instinctively he turned, in these dark days, to the loving sympathy of his
children. With his eldest daughter, Lady Templemore, he corresponded
more intimately than with any one, and very touching are some of the
references in his letters to their mutual loss.
The great subject that now, more than ever, was pressing upon the
thought of Lord Shaftesbury was the state of the Church. A long and
persistent warfare against Ritualistic and Romanising practices had been
carried on by him. For nearly seven years he had continued the contest,
almost without intermission, but in none of his Parliamentary efforts had he
met with great success. In 1867 his Clerical Vestments Bill was set aside
by the appointment of the Ritual Commission ; his further Bill, founded on
the recommendations of that Commission, was arrested on the ground that it
exceeded the recommendations ; for four Sessions he had persistently laboured
on his Ecclesiastical Courts Reform Bills, which he had been unable to
carry. Success, however, is not always to be reckoned by results that can be
tabulated, and his success lay rather in this — that he had dragged abuses into
the light, had sown broadcast the seeds of principles which were to take root
and cheek the overwhelming- spread of error ; had provoked discussion, and
had broken up the soil in which others were to sow and reap.
He was one of the first to discern, with a prophetic eye, the evils that
were coming upon the Church ; he was one of the first to draw public
attention to the fact that reform in the constitution and procedure of the
Ecclesiastical Courts was a pressing necessity. He saw that the times were
pregnant with mighty issues, and in the early part of the year 1874 it seemed
that the crisis of the times had come. Referring to that period, a writer in
the Quarterly Review* in an article on "The State of the Church" observed,
when speaking of the Ecclesiastical Courts Bills : —
" We are not using stilted language, or falling into the error of magnifying
contemporary events, when we say that the action now going forward claims
our best attention, because it is of the last importance. It is a turning-point
in the fortunes of the Cliurch in England ; it is a turning-point in the history
of the Church of England — that Church which has maintained relations with
the realm of England through every change of dynasty and fortune, and been
faithful to the realm through all. It is the turning-point in the history of a
Church whose sees are older than the Monarchy ; whose charters were
confirmed by Knut, the Dane ; thousands of whose parishes are still as they
* Quarterly Review, July, 1874, No, 273, p. 247,

682 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXXIII.
were settled under the Norman kings; and whose fabrics are the handiwork
of more than twenty generations of Englishmen. It is a turning-point, too,
in the history of a Church whose bishops have been an integral part of the
national legislature, and whose courts and convocations have formed part of
the national constitution through all the changes and revolutions of which our
history has to tell. To a man who can look before and after, who can see in a
given crisis the many forces of which it is the single resultant, and who can
also forecast the diverse issues which must follow — according- as it is wisely
dealt with, or the reverse — the situation is full of the. deepest interest."
Lord Shaftesbury was " a man who could look before and after," and he
watched the progress of the Public Worship Bill, introduced into the House
of Lords by the Archbishop of Canterbury on the 28th of .April, with the
most profound interest. The design of Archbishop Tart's Bill, was in
fact to do, though not so effectually, what had been proposed by Lord
Shaftesbury's Ecclesiastical Courts Bills, upon which he had expended the
labour of four years. In those labours he had received very little encourage
ment from the Right Reverend Prelates ; but now, the Church Establishment
was threatened by so many perils that the Archbishops of York and Canter
bury took the lead in proposing remedial measures, and thus the bishops were
roused to attempt the removal of the wrongs and the abuses which were
admitted on all hands to exist.
It would be tedious, as well as foreign to our purpose, to give the whole
history of the measure or to analyse its provisions. Initiated at Addington,
it was submitted by the Primate at large meetings of the bishops at Lambeth,
where it was twice changed and modified. It still had many faults, which
Lord Shaftesbury exposed when the Bill was introduced, and yet more
forcibly on the Second Reading on the 11th of May. One of his principal
objections was that, according to the new measure, the proposed Court was to
consist of ecclesiastics, with one exception nominated by the bishop, and all
subject to his authority. The Bishop's discretion was to be paramount,' and,
as if to exclude the control of public opinion, they were to be empowered to
sit in camera. In pointing out the perils of this proposal, Lord Shaftesbury
quoted the words of Lord Chancellor Camden as to "judicial discretion."
" The discretion of a judge," said the famous Chancellor, " is the law of
tyrants. It is different in different men ; it is always unknown ; it is
casual, and depends upon constitution, temper, and passion. In the best, it
is oftentimes caprice; in the worst, it is every vice and passion to. which
human nature is liable."
The following extracts are from the Diary : —
May 26th, 1874. — St. Giles's. . . . Shall not have much repose here — had
resolved to abandon Bishop's Bill altogether. But Cairns besought me — pro
mising me, privately, the whole support of the Government — to bring forward,
as an amendment, a large portion of my former Eccles. Courts Bill. Agreed, as
he wished it ; but, I fear, to my vast trouble and even confusion, for Lord Selborne,

1874-1 PUBLIC WORSHIP BILL. 683
the ex-Chancellor, has taken the lead in a volume of amendments ; and I cannot
comprehend that he and I should ever be of one mind. . . .
June 13th.— Long and. anxious nights on the Public Worship Bill I Carried
my amendments, by God's blessing. Majority 113 to. 12, and after much abuse
from the papers, a vast amount of praise ! . . . But the circumstances of the
whole affair have been very peculiar. I was forced, in conscience, to expose,
though I did not oppose, the Bishop's Bill. I was reviled by them and by others.
Nevertheless they amended their Bill, and left out much to which I had objected.
I had made up my mind to do no more after my speech. But Cairns (Lord
Chancellor) called me to him on the woolsack, and urged me to reproduce the
clauses of my Eccles. Bill of 1869-71-72, relating to the institution of a provincial
judge. "We shall make a good bill," said he, " and the amendments, as coming
from you, will have great weight." . . .
The Bill left the House of Lords on the 26th of June. During- the
month of July, " through a road encumbered with lagging Bills, amongst
which the ablest charioteer might find the measure he was guiding clogged
and overthrown, an independent member- of the House undertook the task of
directing to a successful issue a Bill that must excite, at every step as it
passed along, passions and animosities of every kind, a Bill that would find
its wheels spoked with ' amendments ' intended to be fatal."
The subsequent history of the Bill is told concisely in the Diary : —
July 18th.— Have had no time to record some marvels of God's Providence
and care, for so they are, in the matter of the Public Worship Bill. The Recorder
of London, Russell Gurney, took the Bill in charge : D'Israeli had the f oresig-ht
and wisdom to give him a day — Thursday, 9th. The debate was adjourned,
apparently a delay, really an advance. The following Wednesday was assigned,
the debate to begin at twelve. The standing orders to be suspended so that it
might go on, if necessary, for twelve consecutive hours.
In this way, by degrees, the favour of the Government came out, overruling
manifestly two of their colleagues, Cardinal Hardy and Monsignor Salisbury.
Gladstone, in a florid and fallacious speech, had prepared the way for DTzzy's
strategy. He concluded his ultramontane address by six resolutions, so Romish,
revolutionary, and yet feeble, that DTzzy, who was seeking a ground on which to
grant a day for the Committee, saw his opportunity, and seized it. " The right
hbn. gentleman," said he, "has propounded resolutions so subversive of the
religious system under which we have lived for 300 years, and so revolutionary
in every aspect, that I cannot allow the Houses to separate without obtaining
from them a declaration of opinion." The day was won. The second reading —
nearly six hundred members being present — was carried without a division.
Gladstone himself having slunk out of the House, not daring to have, according
to his own favourite phrase, " the courage of his opinions," and he told Lord
Ernest Bruce,- from whom I heard it, as he went down the stairs, that he did not
intend to vote.
Last night Bill got through in several clauses, especially the crux, the appoint
ment of the judge. Sorry that it did not get through the whole : fixed for
Tuesday. The finger of God has been manifest all through. It struck even

684 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXXIII.
common minds. Of all the clever men I know, or ever have known, D'Izzy is
the chief. What a head he has for policy and practice I Yet the battle is not
yet won. As at the first, so now, 0 God, watch over us 1
Aug. 5th. — Was to have left early for Chillingham this morning. Put off
journey to negotiate with M.P.'s, so Cairns wished, and see whether Bill could be
saved. It would have been comparatively easy had not Salisbury, by his violent
language, exasperated the Commons. Yet there are hopes of safety, debate is
going on. Shall go again to House of Lords at five o'clock to receive answer.
Seven o'clock. The Bill is safe. I bless Thee, 0 Lord. The Commons gave way,
and all is peace and harmony.
The Bill received the Royal Assent on the 7th of August. It has been
justly said that Lord Shaftesbury " is but very partially responsible for the
faults of its construction, and not at all responsible for the errors of its
administration. The latter have had at least as much to do with its failure
as the former." *
We now turn to the Diary, to gather extracts indicating the drift of
Lord Shaftesbury's thoug'ht and speech and action during this year.
Mr. Gladstone had appealed to the country, and was unsuccessful. The
Conservatives triumphed, and Mr. Disraeli resumed office.
Feb. 11th. . . . It is observable that each Minister has fallen under his
own Frankenstein. D'Izzy brought in Household Suffrage, dissolved the Parlia
ment, and was demolished by his own constituencies. Gladstone carried the
Ballot a year ago ; dissolved, and is sent to the right about. However clear the
proofs of what the Ballot can and will do, however formidable its working to the
morality of the country, neither party dares to say a word on the subject. The
Liberals cannot revile their favourite measure. The Conservatives cannot praise,
however hollow that praise might be, what they so furiously denounced. But
the pendulum will soon swing the other way ; and the Conservatives will curse
it, while the Liberals will not bless it, when they see the uncertainty, the
constant change, the instability of everything, moral, social, and political, that it
will introduce into our system. D'Izzy — and it is justifiable, though fearfully
fallacious — boasts of his measure of Household Suffrage, and says, " Did not I
assert that the people of England are attached to all our institutions 1 " He did,
and he is in error. The present vote is no more a proof that the people are
attached to things as they are, than that the present fashion of chignons will be
the head-dress of the women of England for several generations. It is a caprice,
a fancy, a taste, a burst of individualism as against the old habits and bonds
perhaps of party, employment, private obligations, and what not. A weariness,
a fickleness, a love of change without any reason for it. The dissolution takes
place at a time of vast prosperity, of high wages, of conflicts won by the holders
of suffrage, and of consequent good-humour. Reverse all this. Let Parliament
be dissolved on a " special cry " by some reckless and designing Minister, or in
some period of deep distress, or of furious conflict between labour and capital 
assume it to occur during heated and active notions of the acquisition and tenure
of property of every kind— assume it to occur in a time when the people are
* Supplement to the Record, Oct. 2, 1885.

l874-l COSTERMONGERS. 685
thinking of a " free breakfast," of the freedom of toil from any taxation what
ever, and the imposition of it on "realised" property alone. Contemplate it
under the suffrage of the peasantry, concealed by the Ballot. Let the cry be
Disestablishment of the Church, or division of the land, provisions being dear,
labour scanty, and wages very low. All these Conditions are not only probable,
but certain. Add, what is equally probable and equally certain, that the revolu
tionary leaders not taken by surprise, as now, but practised in the manipulations
and facilities of the Ballot, and furnished alike with measures and with candi
dates, compete for the representation I Can any one doubt the issue ? Imagine,
moreover, a time, a time certainly not far distant, when the men now advanced
in years, bordering on tbe " threescore and ten," the men bred up in the ancient
traditions of the Realm, having a smack, however weak, of the " old flavour,"
are either dead or incapacitated ! Who is to succeed Gladstone among the
Liberals ? Who, D'Izzy amongst the Conservatives 1 There may be men whom
we do not now see.
Feb. 16th. — London. ... In the Times of three days ago I saw an
nounced the death of Strauss ! "We shall soon know the grand secret," said tbe
murderer Thistlewood, of Cato Street — so the chaplain of Newgate, who was
near him, told me — just before he was executed. Strauss knows it now. The
thought is awful beyond expression. . . .
Feb. 28th. — Last night Haydn's " Creation " at Exeter Hall— had never heard
it before, but in piecemeal. Delighted — delighted. Such music leads to religion,
as, in truth, coming from it. Haydn and Handel both gave thanks to God as
the source of their inspirations.
March 3rd. — Yesterday to Clapton to attend the funeral of Dr. Binney, the
well-known Congregationalist minister. It was a "grievous mourning," as
was said of old Jacob, for there were some three or four hundred in procession,
besides the multitudes who thronged to see the ceremony. Doubtless, he was a
" master in Israel," and was "gathered to his fathers " in a good old age, three
score years and sixteen 1
In the time of his great trouble a bond of union was established between
Lord Shaftesbury and the costermongers, which was never to be broken.
His first visit after his bereavement had been to them.
We have said elsewhere that Lord Shaftesbury was no ordinary visitor to
the poor. A few extracts from some of the letters he was constantly sending
to Mr. Orsman, will give illustrations of the truth of the assertion.
Feb. 26th, 1873. — Do you ever perambulate your district " by day ? " If so, I
should like to accompany you.
March 3rd. — Do not forget the woman who made the braces. We promised
her something. I have sent two copies of the " Faithful Promiser " for the two
wives of the cabinet-maker and the old paralysed man.
March 7th. — Your missionaries must talk to the poor cabinet-maker, and
pray with him. He is not hardened. Let him have what he wants in his
necessity. March 8th. — I have sent you a book for the two sons of the woman
(spectacles) and the paralytic husband. Also picture cards, as I promised,

686 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXXIII.
to the little girl, daughter of the shoemaker's wife who was " the
Security." *
He frequently refers to his " brother costers " in his Diary. They were
rarely out of his thoughts for long.
March 7th, 1874. — On 5th to Orsman's tea-party of aged costers in Golden
Lane — poor old dears — had to give them a " Hortation," as Hobbes translates
Thucydides. The next quotations are characteristic : —
March 11th, 1874. — On Monday a prayer meeting in the Chapel, f Many of
the congregation called on " to lead." Extempore prayer, except for special
occasions, seems more adapted to the closet than to public worship. Very few,
indeed, have the gift ; I could find fifty men to make a good speech, for one who
could deliver an extempore prayer. . . .
March 20th. — Attended House of Lords, that " vast aquarium," full of cold
blooded life, before going to Whitechapel. . . .
The most important of the religious meetings attended by Lord Shaftes
bury in the May of this year was held in connection with the opening of the
new London City Mission house. He spoke on " Mission Work in London."
His speech, subsequently issued in pamphlet form, gave an interesting
account of the state of spiritual destitution and neglect in the early days of
his career, and traced the progress made in the cause of evangelisation.
May 2nd. — Yesterday, Chair of opening of new house for London Gity Mission.
It was an interesting affair— this silent, useful Christian Association, rising out
of its obscurity and narrow bounds, to take its place among the best, in fruitf ul-
ness though not in splendour, of the institutions of the metropolis I God grant
it humility in proportion to its success ; and the mighty grace of trembling
while it rejoices. Did my best on its behalf, but what was that ? Why, just so
much as God gave me to speak, and no more. . . .
May 27th. — St. Giles's. . . . Evelyn is come here safe and sound. The
bells are ringing joyfully,! but she, my beloved one, who lies beneath them,
hears them not. How glad would her dear heart have been in the success of her
sympathising son I But she is listening to other sounds, the sounds of ever
lasting praise and love to her precious Lord and Saviour.
Sept. 18th. . . . Northampton is vacant ; Bradlaugh is a candidate ; will
he be returned 1 Such an issue would be nearly impossible under open voting.
It is, I suspect, nearly certain under the ballot.
Sometimes, in the pauses of his busy life, Lord Shaftesbmy asked him
self whether it was worth while to persevere in his labours. He was begin-
* It was impossible for Lord Shaftesbury to remember the names of the many
people he visited. He was in the habit, therefore, of describing them in some way by
which they would be easily recognised. Thus the shoemaker's wife was one who had
stood " security " for a water-cress girl when borrowing money from the " Emily Loan
Fund." t Portman Chapel (Rev. Canon Reeve), where Lord Shaftesbury, for many years,
attended public worship.
J To celebrate the return of the Hon. Evelyn Ashley as M.P. for Poole.

1875-1 " THE GREAT PIS-ALLER." 687
nmg to be sensible of the weight of years ; and, more than this, he was made
to feel that the generation to which he belonged was passing away, that he
was no longer required, and that he should make room, therefore, for other
and younger men. These were but the casual thoughts and feelings of tired
hours, but they pressed) upon him occasionally with great force. There is a
ring of melancholy in the following entry -. —
Jan. 11th, 1875. — Sanitary questions, of which I saw the dawn, and had all
the early labours, are passed into " Imperial " subjects. Boards are everywhere,
laws have been enacted, public attention roused, and Ministers have declared
themselves willing to bring to bear on them the whole force of Government.
Not only am I not wanted, but my interference would be superfluous and an in
cumbrance. Social questions are in the same position. They have advanced into the
regions of " Imperialism." All questions of labour are idecided by combinations
or by statute. The working classes have become patrons instead of clients ; and
they both can and do fight their own battles. It was not so forty years ago,
when I began the struggle. The matter of their dwellings is still one of interest,
but here, again, the movement has passed from individuals to companies, specu
lators, Acts of Parliament, and now at last, so Mr. Cross has promised, to the
hands of the Secretary of State. How completely my aid is of little esteem at
present may be seen in the fact that neither on the Factory Bill nor on the
forthcoming measure for Industrial Dwellings have I been consulted to the
extent of a single inquiry. Have often called myself " The Great Pis-Aller,"
and so events have proved it. People took me because they could get no other.
There is nothing to complain of. I saw it all along, and I conformed, because I
saw a duty in submission.
Time had not laid his hand upon Lord Shaftesbury's heart —
 as a harper lays his open palm
Upon his harp, to deaden its vibrations.
He still had his aspirations and his hopes ; there still uprose in him that
strong, proud, resolute will that, in days long past, had made him persevere
in schemes which to the eyes of others seemed predestined to end in failure ;
it was only occasionally that he " stood beside the stream of Time to gaze
upon its waters rushing past' him ; " only in hours of depression that he
felt he must " unbuckle the armour and retire from the fight." And it is
curious that whenever, in the Diaries, we meet with such an entry as we
have quoted above, we find that it is followed by passage after passage,
showing that, although by the relentless law of change old things were
passing away, yet by another law, as inevitable, all things were becoming-
new, and the aged man's sigh of regret over the past gives place to the
strong man's fervour as he launches himself out into the resistless stream of
practical effort.
Thus, in the extract last given, he sighs that the matter of the dwellings
of the working classes had passed from individuals to companies; and
that even his opinion, much more his aid, is disregarded. A page or two

'\J

688 THE EARL OP SHAPTESBURY. [Chap. XXXIII.
further on in the Diary we find him working with all his old vigour in the
cause, fostering old schemes and planning fresh ones. One day he writes : —
I am weary of controversy, of perpetual dispute, of assault and defence on the
question of Romanism ; of assault and defence on the score of Neology. My
head swims with the unceasing variety of charges, of refutations, of sermons,
books, articles, pamphlets ; I cannot embrace them, follow them, comprehend
them. Life, in body and mind, is «¦ whirlpool, and I, for one, feel perpetually
giddy. I feel incompetent to give a reason " of the hopes that are in me," and yet,
by the blessing of Almighty God, I have them. I cannot answer any one, " one
of a thousand," and yet, through the grace of Christ, I have the satisfactory
answer within my own heart. I see all the dangers that beset us, but I cannot
find any who regard my opinions. . . .
Almost the next entry finds him hotly battling in a paper war in
defence of the truth in the early part of the day, and in the evening " At
Birkbeck Institution. Had opportunity of maintaining — and well received
— that, the farther science advanced, the greater was its harmony with
revealed religion."
It was his frequent prayer that it would please God to give him a sign
when he must desist from work and no longer endeavour to make himseK
heard on platform or in Parliament : " Yes, a sign or a sound that
shall make known, as in Num. xiv. 42, ' Go not up, for the Lord is not with
you.' " Patiently he waited for the sign, but it did not come, and meanwhile
he laboured on.
Feb. 16th. — On 9th to Cripples' Home at Kensington. Called on Forster and
found him better, thank God. Froude, the historian, was there. 11th. — Dipso
maniacs' chair, Willis's Rooms. 12th. — Mansion House, for London City Mission.
13th. — In evening, Bethnal Green, for my brother William, whose mission is,
under God, doing a great work in these solitary parts. 15th. — Commission in
Lunacy. Omitted — on Friday, 12th, to Ragged School Union, to arrange plans
for a, fresh aggression, nay, a new form of one, on the very lowest of London ;
be we driven by the School Board from our present ground, we must seek another
standpoint. God be with us. " Christo in pauperibus."
On fhe 9th of March, Messrs. Moody and Sankey, the American Evan
gelists, commenced a series of " Revival Gatherings " in the Agricultural
Hall at Islington. From the first their success seemed guaranteed, but Lord
Shaftesbury, althoug'h he contributed to the funds, did not co-operate in the
work. He regarded the arrival of Mr. Moody as that of " the right man at
the. right hour," " at a time when the masses are lying in indifference, and are
nevertheless impressible." On the first opportunity he paid a visit to the
Agricultural Hall, and his description, written while the impressions were all
fresh in his mind, is as follows : —
March 31st. — On Good Friday to hear Moody and Sankey ; deeply impressed,
and the more impressed because of the imperfection of the whole thing. " Imper
fect," I speak as a man. " The things that are highly esteemed among men are

1875-1 MESSRS. MOODY AND SANKEY. G8D
abomination in the sight of God I " The music was tne voice of one singer ; the ,
air, the simplest possible ; the words adapted te the poorest and least taught f
mind. And yet it went to the inmost soul, and seemed to empty it of everything '
but the thought of the good, tender, and lowly Shepherd. The instrument was .
no more than an accordion, and the singer and the performer were the same.
The preacher was clad in ordinary dress ; his language was colloquial, free, easy,
and like common talk. The voice is bad and ill-managed ; he abounds in illustra
tions, and most effective ones ; in stories, anecdotes, very appropriate, oftentimes
bordering on the " humorous," almost to the extent of provoking a laugh I
There is volubility, but no eloquence. There is nothing, in short, to win,
externally at least ; perhaps something to repel, even those who might not be
unfavourably disposed. And yet the result is striking, effective, touching, and
leading to much thought. St. Paul said of himself as » preacher, " his bodily
presence is weak and his speech contemptible." It was the statement, at least,
of his enemies. Nevertheless, the 17th and the 20th of Acts show what issues
the Holy Spirit can work out of feeble materials. Is it not so here ? We are
just at this time founding associations to teach the " art of preaching." Bishops
and others are lecturing right and left upon Homiletics. Here come two simple,
unlettered men from the other side of the Atlantic. They have had no theological
training, and never read the Fathers ; they refuse to belong to any denomination ;
they are totally without skill in delivery, and have no pretensions to the highest
order of rhetoric. They are calm, without an approach to the fanatical or even
the enthusiastic. They seek neither to terrify nor to puff up ; eschew contro
versy, and flatter no passions. So it is, nevertheless, thousands of all degrees in
station and mental culture bow before them. Are we not right in believing —
time will show — that God has chosen the " foolish things of the world to confound
the wise " ? Moody will do more in an hour than Canon Liddon in a century.
Of secondary-xauses, cannot but attribute avast deal to his manifest convic
tion : it impresses the auditory. In his intense earnestness they go along with
him : the simplicity of his message — Christ crucified — the evident fact that he
has no special Church purposes, nor, on the surface at least, any interested
considerations. All seems natural, easy, almost necessary to him. It appears
the dictate of the moment, without previous thought, or any form of preparation !
Yet how account for the effect on every station and degree? Workpeople, shop
keepers, merchants, lawyers, clergy and laity, alike, confess the power and cannot
explain it.
I agree with Gamaliel ; " If this thing be of men, it will soon come to
nought ; but if it be of God, ye cannot fight against it." To my own mind there
is something in it superhuman. In what mode, to what extent, for how long,
and with what issue, our Lord alone knows. If it be His work, may He
prosper it ! . . .
The important questions of the Housing of the Poor, and the Improve
ment of Artisans' Dwellings, on which Lord Shaftesbury had been engaged
ever since 1843, were growing in urgency every year. Metropolitan improve
ments were being made in all directions ; the poor were being displaced in
greater numbers than ever ; population was increasing with gigantic strides ;
and little or no provision was being made for the reasonable accommodation
of the labouring classes.
S S

690 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. CCbap. XXXIII.
In 1872 he had laid the first memorial stone of a workman's city, called
by his own name, the " Shaftesbury Park," and situated at Lavender Hill, in
the Wandsworth Road. It introduced a new era in the progress of working
men. It was a town, on all the modern principles of sanitary arrangements,
with recreation grounds, clubs, schools, libraries, baths, and no public-houses.
Shops, too, were to be ignored, and the whole to proceed on the co-operative
system. His comment, in the Diary, on the day he laid the stone, was this : —
Aug. 5th. 1872. — It is a great experiment, and a doubtful one. Yet, after
thirty years of thought and trial, see no other mode of improving, on a large
scale, the domiciliary condition of the people. Charity cannot do it. The
capitalists will not do it. The people themselves must do it — and here, they have
attempted it. . . .
The scheme was undertaken by the Artisans', Labourers', and General
Dwellings Company (Limited) — an organisation which took its rise in 1867
in consequence of the extensive demolition of houses caused by various
metropolitan improvements. Although Lord Shaftesbury was only nominally
associated with the scheme, he took a deep interest in its working, and lent
what aid was in his power to advance its prosperity.
On the 11th of May, 1875, when the Government brought in the Artisans'
Dwellings Bill, Lord Shaftesbury supported it in an able speech, in which he
pointed out the overwhelming- difficulties to be overcome in finding suitable
accommodation for populations displaced by improvements. In his opening
sentence he said : " The Government have done their best to master the
difficulty ; but they have not mastered it, nor will they do so, until after wide
and protracted experience." The prophecy was true, and it was not until ten
years later, when the Royal Commission, with the Prince of Wales as its
most active member, was appointed, that the problem drew near its solution.
Returning- again to the Diary we select the following miscellaneous

Jan. 6th, 1875. — Mr. Auberon Herbert has blessed the world with his notions
of prayer ; he has set this forth in a letter to the Times of the 4th. The conclu
sion, so far as I can understand it, is that, " There is a certain sort of God, to
whom may be offered a certain kind of prayer." The definitions are not yet
vouchsafed. . . .
Jan. 8th.— . . . One thing remains — a Bill for the Relief of the Clergy
in the matter of Fees^an Augean stable of singular filth. Have moved for the
returns, but will not undertake a Bill. God helping me, I may state the case ;
but the remedy of such an extensive abuse is the duty of Government. . . .
April 22nd. — On Saturday, 17th, dined with D'Israeli. I admire the abilities
of the man, but not his use of them. There is nothing really to admire in him,
beyond the possession of talents. . . .
At an evening party, given by Sir Henry Rawlinson to the members of
the Arctic Expedition under Captain Nares, at which Lord Shaftesbury was
present, Sir Bartle Frere took the opportunity to urge upon him, on many

1875'f HOUSEHOLD SERVANTS. 691
grounds, that he should pay a visit to the United States. Referring to this
he says : —
April 30th.— It is what I had long and often wished, but, as St. Paul says
"Was let hitherto." Now I am too near the sensible decay of physical and
mental power for such an effort as that would be. The demands on my strength,
in every form, would far surpass what I could have endured, even in my younger
days. Besides, for an enterprise like that, I must have very clear indications
indeed that it is not only permitted, but commanded, by God ; otherwise I could
not go, even in possible comfort— I should doubt and tremble.
Lord Shaftesbury was the patron of many institutions for the welfare of
domestic servants, and he never lost an opportunity of saying a good word for
that, oftentimes, long-suffering and ill-rewarded class. As he never preached
what he did not practise, he revived in his own household Those times
When lords were styled fathers of families,
And not imperious masters I when they numbered
Their servants almost equal with their sons,
Or one degree beneath them I When their labours
Were cherished and rewarded, and a period
Set to their sufferings I When they did not press
Their duties or their wills beyond the power
And strength of their performance ; all things ordered
With such decorum, as wise law-makers.
Thus in 1883, when speaking on behalf of an admirable institution in
which he took a great interest; — the Aged Pilgrim's Friend Society — he was
able to refer to the fact that his housekeeper had been fifty-two years in his
service ; that, as nurse, she had brought up all his children ; that not one of
them would ever think of retiring to rest in his house without bidding good
night to that " female patriarch ! " and that she was held in reverence by
all the household. He did not, of course, say what was, nevertheless, the
fact, that every morning after prayers it was his habit to shake hands with
the aged housekeeper, and inquire after her health and of things that were of
interest in her little world. He had exemplified the saying of old Philip
Quarles, "If thou wouldst have a good servant, let the servant find a
good master." To another old friend and servant the following entry
relates : —
July 9th. — . . . Yesterday poor King died, the attached and faithful
maid of my most blessed wife. She joined my precious Minny when that
beloved woman was only ten years old, and, fifty-three years afterwards, was still
in the family, and died among us. True, kind, honest, affectionate, and- having
no hope but in Christ, she is gone to her rest, and so breaks another worldly link
between me and the parted ones. . . .
The well-being of Factory Operatives, wherever they might be, was
always near to the heart of Lord Shaftesbury. It was a grief to him to find
s s 2

692 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXXIII.
that there existed in India many of the evils that had once attended the
Factory system at home ; and on the publication of the Report of the
Inspector of Factories as to the regulation of labour in the cotton mills in
the Presidency of Bengal, he drew the attention of the Secretary of State for
India to the proved evils of many parts of the system, and pleaded that there
might be given to the natives the boon of healthy work, reasonable hours,
wholesome homes, and good education.
July 30th. — Statement in House of Lords respecting progress of the Factory
system in India, with all its accompanying cruelties, when unrestricted. Salis-*
bury, in reply, was civil, kind, and encouraging. I myself felt, more than
ever, the atmosphere of that House ; although on my old and my own question, I
was oblivious, unsteady, downcast. But God be praised for the little I was
enabled to do do.
The year that had opened with the regret that he was stranded while the
stream of life rushed past, found him towards its close in the full rush and
roar of the torrent. "Intense correspondence of all sorts, on every subject
under the sun :" on Church matters ; on the revival of Rubrics; on Ragged
Schools ; by a public correspondence in the Times with the chairman of the
Metropolitan School Board ; on trade ; the adulteration of British goods for
the Colonial markets ; and on dwellings for the poor. In addition to which
he was "much harassed by letters and business on Artisans' Dwellings
Company." There were vet many more years before the labourer's task should end.

CHAPTER XXXIV.
1876—1878.
For many years the Diary had been occasionally noted: — "Dined with
Forster." " Some excellent talk to-day with Forster." " Forster has been
of gTeat assistance to me."
John Forster, the historian, essayist, and journalist, the biographer of
Charles Dickens, Sir John Eliot, Goldsmith, and Landor, had hardly a friend
for whom he entertained a more reverential regard than for Lord Shaftesbmy.
What Lord Shaftesbury's feelings were towards him, are shown in the follow
ing extract from the Diary : —
Feb. 1st, seven o'clock. — Have, this instant, received a telegram from Cleator
to say that Forster died this morning at eleven o'clock. Much shocked and
surprised ; for, though he had long been ill, no one apprehended danger. God's
will be done 1 I have lost now almost the last friend I had, on whose heart and
affection I could rely. He was, I believe, sincerely and truly attached to me-
Little did I think that he would be the next to fall out of the list of those for
whom I pray day and night. Many social hours of friendship, amusement, and
literary instruction, have I passed in his company. Only three days a!go he wrote
in warm kindness to hail my return to London. . . .
The loss was keenly felt, and long afterwards, when perplexed and anxious
about some pending question, he would write, " Forster often gave me a kind,
encouraging word, but he is gone, and I miss my ' tonic' "
The next entry records a circumstance which had a material influence
upon Lord Shaftesbury's happiness : —
Feb. 18th. — By hook and by crook, by dodges and devices, by small sales of
outlying property, and disposal of tithes to the Ecclesiastical Commissioners,
paid off, at last, the ruinous mortgage on the St. Giles's estate. Heartily do I
thank God for this deliverance.
On the 17th of February Mr. Disraeli obtained leave to bring in a Bill
enabling Her Majesty to make an addition to her style and title, but without
stating the exact form of the addition proposed. Mr. Lowe, assuming that
the contemplated title would be that of " Empress," objected emphatically to
the proposal. On the 9th of March, Mr. Disraeli, in moving the second
reading of the Royal Titles Bill, announced that the title Her Majesty would
assume, if the Bill were passed, would be that of " Empress," and that the
style of the new title would run thus : " Victoria, by the grace of God, of

694 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [CnAP. XXXIV.
the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, Queen, Defender of the
Faith, and Empress of India."
Two days later (March 11th) Lord Shaftesbury received a telegram, com
manding him to attend at Windsor Castle on the following Monday, and to
remain until the next day.
It was twenty years since he had been the guest of Her Majesty, and it
was with no little surprise that he received the command. He was satisfied
that it must be for some special object, and he had little doubt that it related
to the question then uppermost in men's minds, the Royal Titles Bill.
Although the weather was inclement, Lord Shaftesbury went to Windsor.
" I dread it," he wrote on the previous day, " the cold, the evening dress, the
solitude, for I am old, and dislike being far away from assistance should I be
ill at night. . . . She sent for me in 1848 to consult me on a very impor
tant matter. Can it be so now ? "
March 14th. — Returned from Windsor. I am sure it was so, though not
distinctly avowed. Her Majesty personally said nothing. . . .
The views that Lord Shaftesbury had expressed at Windsor he was
requested by the Lord-in- Waiting to communicate to Mr. Disraeli, and this
was accordingly done.
Those views were in every way opposed to the proposed title. To the
style " Queen of England and India " he had no objection, but from every
point of view, and especially from the Indian, he regarded the title of
" Empress " as objectionable. He felt satisfied that the chiefs of India, when
the matter was explained to them, would prefer to be governed by the same
name as are the people of England, and that the distinction would be offensive,
rather than pleasing. These views were soon to take more definite shape and
expression. March 29th. — Took a bold step the other day, and gave notice of address to
the Crown, praying Her Majesty not to take the title of "Empress." It seemed
almost a duty, as no one in the House of Lords, but myself, stood quite alone and
apart from every political connection. Two or three in the House thanked me
for it ; many more in the House of Commons. I shall be left with, perhaps,
twenty votes, or perhaps alone.
On the 3rd of April, in the presence of an audience unusually brilliant
and crowded, Lord Shaftesbury moved his amendment on the Royal Titles
Bill, to the effect that an Address should be presented to the Queen, praying
that Her Majesty might be pleased to assume " a title more in accordance
than the title of 'Empress' with the history of the nation, and with the
loyalty and feelings of Her Majesty's most faithful subjects."
In his opening words he said that it was " with the greatest grief, and yet
with the deepest conviction, he brought forward his resolution," but that as,
in " another place," it had been asserted that the resistance to the measure
proceeded from factions, from political and not from constitutional motives,

1876d THE ROYAL TITLES BILL. 695
he felt that " the first note of resistance in this House should be sounded by
some one wholly disconnected from either of the two great divisions that
agitate and adorn it." Throughout his speech he made use of the word
"Emperor," and he did so intentionally, " because," he said, " we shall in the
course of time have many more sovereign Emperors than sovereign Empresses.
It would be held first by an illustrious Lady, who has reigned for nearly
forty years, known and beloved: it bears, too, an impression of feminine
softness ; but as soon as it shall have assumed the masculine gender, and have
become an Emperor, the whole aspect will be changed. It will have an air
military, despotic, offensive, and intolerable, alike in the East and West of
the dominions of England."
In the course of his speech Lord Shaftesbury made one of his strongest
points when giving his opinion with regard to the feeling of the people,
especially of the working classes, on the subject. He had taken pains to
obtain information, and was prepared to assert that from the small tradesman
upwards, the universal feeling was one of repugnance. He was not fearful
of the result in happy and prosperous times, but he foresaw evil consequences
in days of distress, low wages, high prices, and general discontent. When
the traditions, and almost the compacts, of a thousand years were broken, it
would not be surprising if these people should turn round and say, " You are
trying to turn your King into an Emperor ; we also [shall make an effort to
turn him into a President."
Referring to the assertion of the Prime Minister that the repugnance,
wherever it existed among the people, was "a mere sentiment," Lord Shaftes
bury said : —
Sentiment, my Lords, to be sure it is, and a sentiment of the kind that ought
to be cherished, and not to be despised. Now that the principle of Divine right
to the Throne has departed from the people — now that they are in possession of
almost universal suffrage— your Lordships' House and the Throne itself are
upheld by sentiment alone, and not by force or superstition. Loyalty is a senti
ment, and the same sentiment that attaches the people to the word " Queen,"
averts them from that of " Empress."
He concluded his speech thus : —
A time may come when, after a long course of happy rule, we may surrender
India to natives, grown into a capability of self-government. Our posterity may
then see an enlargement of the glorious spectacle we now witness, when India
3hall be added to the roll of free and independent Powers that wait on the Mother
Country, and daily rise up and call her blessed. But; to attain this end, we must
train them to British sentiments, infuse into them British principles, imbue them
with British feeling, and rising from the vulgar notion of an Emperor, teach
them that the deepest thought and the noblest expression of a genuine Briton is
to fear God and honour the King.
Lord Shaftesbury's prognostication that on a division he should be
" left with perhaps twenty votes, or perhaps alone," was^ not realised. After

696 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXXIV.
considerable discussion the proposal was, of course, rejected, but, as the Satur
day Review observed, " the division on Lord Shaftesbury's motion was more
significant than the debate. Eight dukes and many habitual courtiers voted
in the minority of 91, which protested against the vulgar and impolitic inno
vation supported by 137."
Although the fears and forebodings of Lord Shaftesbury, and those who
thought with him, may appear now to have been groundless, or at least exag
gerated, it must be borne in mind that most probably the protest entered by
those who loved the simple title of " Queen," contributed largely to the result
of " Empress " remaining a mere official and exotic addition to the ancient
title. There was, at the moment, great danger, which would have been far
greater had no protest been made, of "Empress Victoria" taking the place
of " Queen Victoria" in daily conversation and use.
The first references in the Diary to a subject in which he was to take an
absorbing interest are these : —
Jan. 18th, 1876. — Times has an article, ingenious, hollow, and cruel, in favour
of Vivisection. It is the worship of science, and science must have its victims,
like Moloch or Chemosh. The system, it is manifest, will be legitimised by
statute, actually, and restricted by the same, apparently. It is a fearful issue
before us. The animals have no hope. Against them stand science and logic ;
in their favour impulse, under the influence of morbid tenderness and morbid
morality, so the Times says. . . .
Feb. 16th. — Thinking of Vivisection, on which I can abundantly feel, but how
shall I be able to speak ? Here, too, I seek, where alone it can be found, " counsel,
wisdom, and understanding."
Although these are the first entries in the Diary on the subject of Vivisec
tion, Lord Shaftesbury had for some time past revolved it in his mind.
Thoughts and actions were inseparable with him, and he had already assisted
in the formation of the "Victoria Street Society for the Protection of
Animals from Vivisection," of which Society the accomplished Miss Franees
Power Cobbe was the honorary secretary. " Lord Shaftesbury never joined
the Victoria Street Society," she says ; * " it was the Society which joined
Lord Shaftesbmy. There was a day in November, 1875, when, having
telegraphed his readiness to support the project of Dr. Hoggan and Miss
Cobbe, he, in fact, founded the Society. It was around him, and attracted in
great part by his name, that the whole body eventually gathered."
He presided at a meeting of the Executive Committee on the 18th of
February, 1876, and thenceforth he practically directed all the public action
of the Society. His first important speech in behalf of the cause was made
in the House of Lords on the 22nd of May, in support of Lord Carnarvon's
Bill for Restricting Cruelty to Animals. The speech was published by the
Victoria Street Society, and it occupied twenty-two pages of a large-sized
pamphlet. It was hoped that Lord Carnarvon's Bill would be passed by the House of
* The Zoophilist, Nov. 5th, 1882, p. 114.

1876-1 VIVISECTION BILL. 697
Commons, practically unaltered from the shape in which it left the House of
Lords. But, in July, an important medical deputation waited upon the Home
Secretary (Mr. Cross), and put such pressure upon him " as to cause him to
eviscerate the Bill (then in his hands for presentation to the House of
Commons), and leave it the mangled and illogical measure which became, on
the 15th of August, by royal signature, the Vivisection Act, 39 & 40 Vict.
c. 77."* The following extracts refer to Lord Shaftesbury's labours in the
matter : —
May 23rd. — Last night Vivisection debate. I spoke. I "went up like a
rocket, and came down like a stick." The House received me with favour, and
then grew weary of my details. . . .
June 3rd. . . . Huxley, the Professor, has written me a very civil, nay
kind, letter. I replied in the same spirit. Nevertheless, two of the three black
Graces, Law, Physic, and Divinity, are furious with me, because I have fought
for these unhappy animals. ...
June 10th. ... It will either be "burked" under pretence of want of
time, or, which is more probable, made a Bill for general deception, and, under
the cloak of " restriction," be a, measure to legalise and protect vivisectors,
without a particle of law or protection for the vivisected. Foresee much
trouble, and, what is worse, the necessity of many speeches. . . .
June 16th. . . . Endeavouring to keep up feeling on vivisection by circu
lating speech, printed with corrections. . . .
June 21st. . . . Last night got the Vivisection Bill in Committee. No
division, and no changes, but those which I had previously concurred in with
Carnarvon and Cardwell. Seven bishops appeared ; one of them, Peterborough,
made a single observation ; but all the seven went away at dinner-time, leaving
undefended, so far as they were concerned, the most important clauses of the
Bill, which were in jeopardy through the hostility of several peers. The Arch
bishop of York, the most noisy of all the Bench in favour of the Bill, had gone
abroad. Gloucester and Bristol, more pretentious even than York, could not stay.
Canterbury the same. Winchester the same. Of what use are the Bishops in
the House of Lords ? . . .
Aug. 12th. — Cross called me to Council on Vivisection Bill. He is earnest,
true, anxious ; but he is beset by endless difficulties, and, principally, by lack of
time. Reverted to my old position that something was better than nothing,
specially if that something gives a foundation on which amendments may
hereafter be built. The thought of this diabolical system disturbs me night and
day. God, remember Thy poor, humble, useful creatures. . . .
The Eastern Question assumed a new phase in 1876, when some of the
provinces of Turkey rose in revolt against the tyranny under which they had
long groaned. The ruthless manner in which the Ottoman authorities strove
to suppress the rebellion — more especially in Bulgaria — alienated from
Turkey a large number of those who had hitherto stood by her, aud looked
forward to her ultimate regeneration. * The Zoophilist.

698 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXXIV.
The horrible story of the " Bulgarian Atrocities " roused an intense
excitement in this countiy. On the 27th of July an influential meeting,
including a large number of Members of Parliament, was held at Willis's
Rooms, under the presidency of Lord Shaftesbury, to take steps towards
giving due expression to the national sentiment ; to declare that no moral or
material support ought to be given to the Turkish Government as against the
insurgent provinces ; to express its deep abhorrence of the cruelties com
mitted by the Turkish irregular troops upon the women and children and
unarmed inhabitants of Bulgaria, and to " record its opinion that the
notorious abuses of the Turkish rule in Europe, and the repeated failures of
the Sublime Porte to fulfil its solemn obligations, render it hopeless to expect
that any settlement of the Eastern Question will prove permanent which
does not confer upon the inhabitants of the insurgent provinces the full
rights of self-government."
When, in September, the official Report of the Atrocities committed on
the Christians in Bulgaria was published, it roused to intensity the wide
spread feeling- of abhorrence. " The month of September, 1876," says a
writer in the Quarterly Review, " will long be remembered in our history for
an outburst of righteous indignation, for a parallel to which we must look
back over the range of a long life to September, 1792."* It is thus referred
to in the Diary : — ¦
Sept. 6th. — The anger — I rejoice in it — against the Turks is a universal fever
at blood heat I Meetings everywhere. " Gladstone's vehemence," such is Delane's
private language to me, " is even greater than yours." . . .
Sept. 18th. . . . Urged, pressed, almost commanded, by Mansion House
Committee, to attend meeting in London. In vain I urged 400 miles of distance,
the hour of two, to be followed by a journey the same night (making 800 miles)
to keep an engagement at Glasgow the next evening. . . .
Sept. 20th. — Last night meeting at Glasgow to protest against the Turkish
Atrocities — immense gathering — closely, uncomfortably packed ; yet their furious
enthusiasm kept them patient and attentive. Duke of Argyll opened, in a
speech of an hour and three-quarters, a strong and vigorous indictment against
Lord Derby. . . .
In a letter to Mr. Haldane, Lord Shaftesbury says, " I little thought when
I tapped the Turkish question in Willis's Rooms the cask would run so
freely." It brought him an enormous amount of work, and a corresponding
ainount of anxiety, for popular feeling, which at one time was at fever heat,
soon cooled down, and eventually opinion turned round altogether.
It was from no party spirit or interested motive of any kind that Lord
Shaftesbury took so prominent a part in rousing the indignation of England,
but simply from his love of humanity and hatred of oppression. Two years
later, when atrocities in Bulgaria were committed upon the Turks by the
Christian conquerors, he protested with equal indignation against "the
inhuman conduct of the conquerors and those who were benefiting by the
conquest." * Quarterly Review, October, 187G.

l877-l MR. GEORGE MOORE. 699
One of the losses of the year is thus referred to : —
Nov. 22nd. — If wealth and liberality constitute a great man, a great one has
fallen in our Israel. Two runaway horses dashed George Moore to the ground
in the streets of Carlisle, and death has ensued. Our loss is very severe. He
loved and maintained Christian men and Christian doings. Learn from this
that " one event happeneth to them all." The good and the bad suffer alike.
It is in. the kingdom of ottr Lord alone that the difference will be manifested
and felt. . . . Cannot but think much of George Moore, he was ever so kind
to me in manner and language.
That George Moore thought much of Lord Shaftesbury is clear from his
own words : " Experiencee has convinced me," he says, " that Lord Shaftes
bury is the .most zealous and persevering philanthropist of the day. He is
always ready for every good work, and I never knew any man who could get
through so much. He never tires of doing good. He has extraordinary tact
and ability as a chairman ; and he has, perhaps, had more experience in
that position than any living man. His kind and courteous manner, his
large-heartedness, and his zeal in every good movement, will give him an
imperishable renown, and an everlasting inheritance with his Heavenly
Master."* An amusing incident, a propos of Mr. Moore's tribute to the good chair
manship of Lord Shaftesbury, may be related here. At a hospital dinner,
when time was very precious, a prosy speaker, when replying to a toast,
would continue talking, in spite of the growing impatience of the audience,
of which he was quite unconscious. In the midst of a long and uninteresting
speech he chanced, when alluding to the hospital staff, to fall into the inter
rogative form, and after asking, "But what shall we say of Dr. M  P"
paused for a moment. In an instant Lord Shaftesbury, seizing the oppor
tunity, rose and called for " Three times three for Dr. M  ." The audi
ence saw the drift, rose, and cheered to the echo. Overwhelmed with the
unexpected interruption, the orator resumed his seat, unable, in fact, to con
tinue. " It was very kind of you," he said afterwards to Lord Shaftesbury,
"very kind, but it was really a pity, for I was just coming to the best part
of my speech I "
From the year 1828 Lord Shaftesbury had continued to fulfil his duties
as a Commissioner in Lunacy, and the reports, issued from year to year, had
testified to the persistent and thorough services of the Board, in all of which
he zealously and actively co-operated.
There had recently arisen in the public mind a fear that patients were
placed in asylums too readily, ahd that the task of obtaining their discharge
was too difficult. On the 12th of February Mr. Dillwyn moved, " That a
Select Committee be appointed to inquire into the operation of the Lunacy
Laws so far as regards the security afforded by it against violation of per
sonal liberty."
The Select Committee was duly appointed, and proceeded to institute a
* " George Moore, Merchant and Philanthropist." By Samuel Smiles, LL.D.

700 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. tCHAF. XXXIV.
general inquiry into the alleged abuses. It was to some extent an attack on
the Commissioners, whose office Mr. Dillwyn sought to abolish.
Feb. 13th. — Mr. Dillwyn has obtained a Committee of Inquiry into the
operation of the Lunacy Laws. As in 1859, so now, I shall be summoned, as
chairman, to give evidence.
March 11th. — My hour of trial is near; cannot, I should think, be delayed
beyond the coming week. Half a century, all but one year, has been devoted to
this cause of the lunatics ; and through the wonderful mercy and power of God,
the state now, as compared with the state then, would baffle, if description were
attempted, any voice and any pen that were ever employed in spoken or written
eloquence. Non nobis Domine.
Lord Shaftesbury was, at this time, in a very nervous, sensitive, and de
pressed state, and it is no exaggeration to say that his health was materially
injured by anxiety as to whether, in his examination upon Mr. Dillwyn's
Committee, he could fully justify the acts of the Lunacy Commission extend
ing over many years, and support their procedure throughout. The worn
look of Sir John Millais' portrait of him, painted about this time, sufficiently
attests the state of his nerves.* The following year his countenance wore
quite another expression, by the testimony of Sir John Millais himself.
July 22nd. — Sunday. Appeared again on Tuesday, 17th, before the Com
mittee. . . . Beyond the circle of my own Commissioners and the lunatics
that I visit, not a soul, in great or small life, not even my associates in my works
of philanthropy, as the expression is, had any notion of the years of toil and care
that, under God, I have bestowed on this melancholy and awful question. . . .
Mr. Dillwyn's Select Committee arrived at the conclusion that, " although
the present system was not free from risks, which might be lessened, though
not wholly removed, by amendments in the existing law and practice, yet,
assuming that the strongest eases against the present system were brought
before them, allegations of mala fides or of serious abuses were not substan
tiated." In his evidence before the Committee, Lord Shaftesbury said, with
respect to illegal detention, " I am ready enough to believe that when tempta
tion gets hold of a man's heart, he is capable of doing anything. But I am
happy to say Providence throws so many difficulties in the way of these con
spiracies, that I believe conspiracies, in ninety -nine cases out of a hundred,
to be altogether impossible."
So remarkable and so excellent was the evidence given by Lord Shaftes
bury, that it was commented upon as something unique, regarded merely as
an effort of memory. We quote from one source only, The Journal of
Mental Science .- " We must heartily congratulate his lordship on the way in
which the Act of 1845, his own handiwork, has passed through this examina
tion. His lordship spoke with such a thorough mastery of every lunacy
question about which he was asked, that his replies are the admiration of all
* The Times in its art critique said, "These lines in the face of the great philan
thropist would be painful were they not pathetic."

1ST".] THE HON. ANTONY WILLIAM ASHLEY. 701
his younger fellow-countrymen who are in any way interested in the welfare
of the insane."
When Lord Shaftesbury was in the greatest anxiety with regard to the
inquiry of the Select Committee, he received intelligence of the death of his
only surviving brother, the Hon. Antony William Ashley, Master of St.
Catherine's Hospital, to whom he had always been tenderly attached. He
died at Mentone, but was buried at Kensal Green, where, among the chief
mourners, were many of the poor of Bethnal Green, who belonged to a
mission which he had successfully carried on for many years, and in con
nection with which he had himself conducted a class for working men.
July 22nd, Sunday. — On night of 18th he entered into his rest, full of peace,
so the letters say, in our Blessed Lord : there is the consolation, there can be
none without it. Every one who knew him has a kind word for him, and many
a strong feeling of affection. One more is now gone who loved me tenderly and
truly. It is a sad loss : but God's will be done. I do not suppose that a day
will henceforward pass in which I shall not think of him.
July 26th. — This day he was consigned to the grave in the cemetery at
Kensal Green. It was no mere form to say, " In the sure and certain hope of a
joyful resurrection." Maria* was there. She told me again and again of his
last words, that he died in the " unbounded assurance of his Blessed Lord." Such
words as these are enough ; they are messages from Heaven, like my precious
wife's not many seconds before her final gasp: "None but Christ." "My poor,
dear old brother," said he, " will miss me, for he knows how truly and tenderly I
loved him." I do know it, dear William; and I returned it. "We took sweet
counsel together, and we walked in the House of God as friends."
Among the "miscellaneous " labours of Lord Shaftesbury in this year was
an appeal on behalf of the suffering Bosnian and Herzegovinian refugees in
Austria. On the 17th of July he presided at a meeting in Willis's Rooms to
discuss the case, " not for controversy, but for compassion and generosity."
Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Shaw Lefevre eloquently supported Lord ' Shaftes
bury's appeal, and the immediate result of the meeting was an addition of
£900 to the funds.
The following extracts relate to divers matters : —
Feb. 6th, 1877. — Vaocinated, for at least the fifth time, a few days ago. The
doctor, after due inspection, pronounced that, without this last vaccination,
should not have been safe.
May 5th. . . . This evening the great treat of the year to me, the dinner
at the Royal Academy, but I do not go.
July 27th. . . . Dined on 25th at Fishmongers' Hall. There was one
little episode which greatly pleased me. It came from Lord Hartington, the hero
of the evening, as we had met to honour his admission to the freedom of the
Company. I did not expect it, I did not know that he cared anything for me
personally, or had watched my career.
The part of the speech of Lord Hartington that had so " greatly pleased "
* The widow of the Hon. Antony William Ashley.

702 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXXIV.
Lord Shaftesbury was as follows : " I find upon the roll the names of Lord
Grey, Lord Holland, Lord Lansdowne, Lord Brougham, Lord John Russell,
Lord Althorp, and Mr. Hume ; and, coming down a little further, I find the
names of Lord Palmerston, Lord Clarendon, and of Mr. Cobden; and
descending to our own time, I find the name of Mr. Gladstone ; and last, but
not least, upon the roll, I find the name of one who has been admitted, not for
political services, but for services purer, nobler, and more illustrious than any
which we politicians can hope to render ; I mean that of my noble friend who
sits beside me — Lord Shaftesbury."
Oct. 30th. — Urged, some time ago, by editor of the Nineteenth Century, to
write an article on the Progress of Remedial Science and Remedial Action during
last Forty Years ; after mature reflection, declined, because I found that I must
be perpetually talking of myself. Engaged to-day in writing a preface for Miss
Cotton's " Our Coffee-Room."
. . . . I pass my time in writing- " Prefaces " by request — Thomas Wright's
" Life of Luther ; " "Uncle Tom's Biography" — and to what purpose? Is it of
any service ? I know not. God prosper what I have done.
Dec. 8th. . . . Wrote to the Archbishop of Canterbury to denounce the
book just published by the S. P. C. K, "Arguments from Prophecy," and to
withdraw my name from the Society. Wrote also to Canon Garbett, who, as a
member of the Special Committee, is responsible for the issue of the work. All
zeal for Christ seems to have passed away.
Into the merits of this, and similar controversies, we do not propose to
enter. At no period in the history of the world have there been such
marked, rapid, and almost universal changes in religious beliefs as in the past
quarter of a century. In the midst of them all Lord Shaftesbury " stood in
the old paths." The progress of Biblical criticism, the revelations of science,
the march of intellect, the growth of new and original theories never for a
moment altered his view of any doctrine of Scripture by one hair's-breadth.
Despite all the changes of religious beliefs in others, he, in 1878, not only
stood fast to every opinion he held in 1838, but he held every shade or phase
of those opinions. It is obvious, therefore, that there would be very few who
would endorse his advocacy of any vexed question in theology or modern
Christian philosophy, seeing that he regarded such questions from a stand
point which, it is his constant lament, even the Evangelical party had
abandoned. Two books were published by the Society for Promoting Christian
Knowledge, to both of which Lord Shaftesbury took exception. One was a
" Manual of Geology," by the Rev. T. G. Bonney ; the other, referred to in
the extract quoted above, was " The Argument from Prophecy," by the
Rev. Brownlow Maitland. A long paper warfare ensued, which was pub
lished at length in the Record and other religious journals.
Lord Shaftesbmy was keenly alive to the estimate that would be formed
of him from the attitude he had taken in this controversy. He knew that the
authors of the books would, in most of the journals, " appear as men of true

1878.] ISOLATION. 703
science, who had been assailed by Ignorance and Bigotry ; " he knew that,
except in one or two quarters, he would be denounced as "narrow and
prejudiced," and that neither in public nor in private could he expect effectual
support. It was, however, with him a matter of conscience, and, whether
right or wrong as regards the position he had taken up, as it was a position
in which he was placed by his conscience, he could not do otherwise than
defend it.
"The slightest concession in respect of the Revealed Word," he said,
" opens a door which can never be shut, and through which everything may

Referring, in his Diary, to the isolation in which this controversy placed
him, he wrote : —
Feb. 16th, 1878.— Who is with me? Who? Positively, I know not. Here
and there an individual, perhaps ; but nothing of note — nothing of moral
courage among those who secretly believe (if there are any), has appeared on
my side.
According to all human estimate, all human judgment, all human calculation,
I must be wrong. I must be wilful, self-sufficient, ignorant, and stubborn.
I should, I suspect, say it of another in a similar position — and why, then, not
of myself ?
Simply because I cannot. God, in the good pleasure of His will (so I dare to
think), has impressed the conviction, and the belief, irrevocably on my soul. It
would be easier for me to give up Revelation altogether, and reject the whole
Scriptures, than accept it on the terms, with the conditions, and the immediate
and future limitations of it, imposed and exercised by "high criticism."
It was when this sense of isolation pressed heavily upon him, that the loss
of his wife — whose life had been so bound up with his, and whose wealth of
affection had made "rough places plain" — was realised in all its crushing
weight. Very touching and tender are the " strong cryings " of his soul, as
he dwells on the memory of the past.
March 2nd. — The day before her death, even in her old age, she seemed to me
as beautiful as the day on which I married her ; and to that beauty was added
the intense love of her affectionate heart and her pious spirit. Such as I had
entreated of God, such had He given her to me.
Why was she taken away ? God, in His wisdom, alone can know. The loss
(I speak as a man) is beyond all power of language to express. 0 God ! Thou
only knowest the severity of the stroke ; and how she was to me a security and
a refuse. Oftentimes had we formed plans of life and happiness for our
declininf years. We imagined that our children might be, all of them, settled
in marriage or the engagements of duty ; and that we might retire to a small
house and pass the remainder of our time in serving our most blessed Lord, and
comforting each other.
But His wisdom and His mercy decreed otherwise.
The year 1878 was memorable for seeing the completion of Lord Shaftes
bury's life-long battle on behalf of factory operatives. In 1874, when the

704 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [CHAr. XXXIV.
Factories Bill (Health of Women) was brought in, ho was able to state that
" the Protective Acts in the statute-book now cover a, population of nearly
2,500,000 persons." Little remained, then, to be done, except in the way of
consolidation, and this was effected by the legislation of 1878.
April 10th. — Last night Factory Consolidation Bill in House of Lords.
Beauchamp spoke for nearly an hour ; I, perhaps, for twenty -five minutes ; the
report of the whole in the Times would be read in five. Nothing could exceed
Beauchamp's kind and laudatory language of the measure, and of myself in the
long course of forty-five years. He said everything that could please both
principle and vanity.
The filial sanction of Parliament to these measures for consolidation was
given in the Factories and Workshops Act of Sir Richard Cross, the Home
Secretary, who had to deal with forty-five Acts extending- over a. period of
fifty years, and by his Bill succeeded in bringing the scattered legislation
into one lucid and harmonious whole. On the Second Reading of this Bill
in the House of Lords, Lord Shaftesbury said : —
I presume to thank Her Majesty's Government (Lord Beaconsfield's) for the
bold and manly way in which they have come forward and settled a dispute
which might have become serious. It has been reserved for the present Govern
ment to give a reduction of the number of hours, and we find ourselves at last,
after forty-one years of exertion, in possession of what we prayed for at the first
—a Ten Hours Bill.
Many were the glowing tributes paid in both Houses of Parliament to
Lord Shaftesbury as the chief and most indefatigable promoter of Factory
Legislation from its struggling origin to its successful triumph. He was
congratulated on his having survived, after nearly half a century of conflict,
to see at last the topstone placed on the great work to which, " from his youth
up he had devoted so much personal sacrifice, so much patient toil, and so
much well-directed energy."
In the spring of this year Lord Shaftesbmy's course was very meteoric.
On the 13th of April we find him in the midst of a brilliant gathering in the
Free Church Assembly Hall, Edinburgh, receiving the freedom of that
ancient city. In the early part of May he was in Paris, opening the Salle
Evangelique at the Exliibition, and Miss Leigh's House of Refuge and
Instruction for young English women, and then back again to London and its
never-ceasing work.
May 19th, Sunday.— London. May I, by His grace, die in harness ; and may
I, before I die, know when to desist from active share in public talking !
"From Marlborough's eyes the streams of dotage flow;
And Swift expires a driveller and a show ! "
May 24th.— To-day to open a Congregational Chapel at Willesden, supposing,
until yesterday morning (when too late to recede), that I was going to open a
Workman's Hall. But it ended well. A stupendous sermon, for power and appeal
on the Bible, by Dr. Parker of the City Temple.

1STS.] ROSENEATH. 705
The death of Earl Russell could not but affect Lord Shaftesbury, whose
public life had been, in many ways, so closely associated with his. He refers
to it thus : —
May 30th. — The night before last Lord Russell departed this life at the age of
eighty-six. Though removed from the public gaze for the last few years, he has
been, it may be said, a conspicuous person for more than half a century. The
Times has six columns of history and eulogy of his character and career. It
seems to me just and discriminating. Those who knew him well will hardly
think that it places him too low, though he himself (for doubtless he was
ambitious) might think that he was not placed sufficiently high. But to have
begun with disapprobation, to have fought through many difficulties, to have
announced, and acted on, principles new to the day in which he lived ; to have
filled many important offices, to have made many speeches, and written many
books ; and in his whole course to have done much with credit, and nothing
with dishonour, and so to have sustained and advanced his reputation to the very
end, is a mighty commendation.
During the Session there were many diverse subjects taken up by Lord
Shaftesbury, among them the welfare of the Christians of Armenia formed
the subject of a question, a speech in the House of Lords, and a letter to the
Times; while the charge of a Poor Law Amendment Bill involved him in
another long speech in the House, and " heavy anxious work in various places
and ways."
There were frequent relaxations, however, and in July we find him again
on the Continent. From Cologne he wrote to Lord Granville, to " unburden
his spirit on Foreign affairs," and to the Times to " express his horror of
Russian and Bulgarian atrocities on Mussulmans and Christians."
In his Diary he notes : —
Aug. 8th. — Homburg. Two days ago luncheon at the Schloss with the
Crown Prince and Princess. They are truly amiable, simple, and full of good
sense, and very right feeling. Sat next to her, and had much conversation on all
subjects — civil and religious. She pleased me mightily.
At the end of August Lord Shaftesbury was again in Scotland, " received,
as ever, with hearty, true, and unaffected kindness" at Castle Wemyss.
After a visit of a fortnight, he proceeded to Roseneath, the Duke of Argyll's
place, at that time a house of mourning. In May Lord Shaftesbury had
written in his Diary : —
May 25th. — And now my dear friend, Elizabeth Argyll, one of the dearest'
truest, steadiest of all those who loved me, is gone to her rest. She has for three
or four years been a sufferer. I loved her, treated her, regarded her, as my
daughter ; and she was indeed an affectionate one to me.
Lord God, comfort the Duke. He tenderly loved her. I know well how to
mourn with him. Turn his heart more and more to Christ, and that blessed
atonement in the precious blood shed for us upon the Cross.
Every public discussion in which Lord Shaftesbury engaged cost him a

706 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXXIV.
world of suffering. His sensitiveness was extreme, and now there was added
to it the fears that come with old age. He thought that when he came
forward to vindicate great principles there were fewer to support him, and,
when attacked, fewer to defend.
Dec. 18th. — St. Giles's. The moment a man is said to be " a fine man for his
age " he is simply enjoying an euphonious term for a demi-twaddler. If he does
anything well, people admire with a species of patronising compassion ; if he
does it ill, they ascribe it to actual, or approaching, imbecility.
After a sorrowful reference to his general isolation, the Diary thus pro
ceeds : —
In religious matters I know but Reeve and Spurgeon, and they are seldom
or never within reach. In politics not a soul. In social matters, for the tem
poral and eternal welfare of the weak and needy, I have, by the love, mercy, and
tenderness of our most dear Lord, a host of noble, ardent, trustworthy, precious,
inestimable friends — George Holland, Gent, Smithies, Williams, Weylland, Miss
Rye, Mrs. Ranyard, and many more. Here I can disburden my heart ; but no
where else. Well, I can to dear Lionel,* that staff of my old age. I bless thee,
0 Lord. For those whose names are " entered on this list of friends," Lord Shaftes
bury had a deep and tender regard. Over and over again he refers to them
in his Diaries and correspondence. " Nature and Religion are the bands of
friendship," says old Jeremy Taylor ; " excellency and usefulness are its
great endearments." Lord Shaftesbury had proved the saying, and might
have echoed it in the words of Ben Jonson : —
True happiness
Consists not in the multitude of friends,
But in their worth and choice. Nor would I have
Virtue a popular regard pursue ;
Let them be good that love me, though but few.
Let us see Lord Shaftesbury, for a while, in the midst of these "noble,
ardent, trustworthy, precious, inestimable friends."
The Rev. J. W. Reeve was the Incumbent of Portman Chapel, Baker
Street. In 1876 he accepted a Canonry at Bristol offered him by his friend,
Lord Cairns, who was a member of his congregation. For many years Lord
Shaftesbury, when in town, attended his church, and enjoyed his ministry
with a keen relish which increased, rather than diminished, as the years went
on. In September, 1882, Canon Reeve was " gathered to his fathers," and
Lord Shaftesbury paid a glowing tribute to his memory in these words : —
Sept. 29th. — A dear, good man is gone to his rest, having, by his life and
preaching during some forty years, taught thousands the way to heaven. The
* He lived in the house with him.

,87S-] THE REV. C. H. SPURGEON. 707
splendid sunset under which I am writing these few words is a sign and emblem
of his departure. To listen to, week by week, he was the most instructive and
comforting (healthy comforting) of all preachers. I rejoice that I told him the
truth when he retired from Portman Chapel, and said, " You have ever preached
Christ in His glorious simplicity."
Perhaps no one watched and prayed over the early career of Mr. Spur
geon, the well-known Baptist minister of the Metropolitan Tabernacle, moro
constantly than Lord Shaftesbury. He saw, from the first, that there was a
mighty mission in fife before the young preacher, and despite certain eccen
tricities which characterised his early days and alarmed not a few, Lord
Shaftesbury, looking below the surface, was satisfied that his great gifts
would become the inheritance of the whole Church of Christ. As the years
passed by, these two hearts were drawn very closely together. It was signi
ficant that in 1872, when the Angel of Death was overshadowing his house
hold, Lord Shaftesbury stole an hour or two one Sunday, when his heart was
torn with sorrow, to hear that " blessed servant of God," and be comforted.
In the Riviera, whither Mr. Spurgeon went from year to year, Lord Shaftes
bury found his society wonderfully " stimulating and refreshing." Speaking
of him one day at a meeting of ,the Church Pastoral Aid Society, he said,
" He is a truly good man, and all must acknowledge that he is a wonderful
preacher ; and I will further say, that he has trained a body of men who
manifest in their preaching that they possess, to a great extent, his great
secret of going right to the hearts of his audience. And what is his great
secret ? It is simply and solely that he preaches from the heart ' Jesus
Christ, and Him crucified.' "
On another occasion, when Lord Shaftesbury was prevented by illness
from being present at a Ragged School meeting, at which Mr. Spurgeon was
to give a special address, he wrote to the Secretary of the Ragged School
Union : —
Dear Kirk, — I am much grieved that I am unable to be present. I am
grieved because there is no man in the country whose opinion and support in
such matters I prize more highly than those of my friend, Mr. Spurgeon. It
would give me singular pleasure, after nearly forty years of work in the Ragged
School cause, to hear the testimony and counsel of so valuable a man. Few men
have preached so much and so well, and few men have combined so practically
their words and their actions. I deeply admire and love him, because I do not
believe that there lives anywhere a more sincere and simple servant of our
blessed Lord. Great talents have been rightly used, and, under God's grace,
have led to great issues. Yours, Shaptesbury.
The Diaries abound with references to Mr. Spurgeon, similar to the
following : —
June 12th, 1875. — At eleven o'clock yesterday to Spurgeon's Tabernacle, to go
with him over all his various institutions, School, College, Almshouse, Orphanage.
T T 2

708 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXXIV-
All sound, good, true, Christianlike. He is a wonderful man, full of zeal, affection,
faith, abounding in reputation and authority, and yet perfectly humble, with the
openness and simplicity of a child.
July 10th, 1881. — Drove to Norwood to see my friend Spurgeon. He is well,
thank God, and admirably lodged. His place is lovely. His wife's health, too,is
improved by change of residence. Pleasant and encouraging to visit such men
and find them still full of perseverance, faith, and joy, in the service of our
blessed Lord.
Friends are not always seen to the best advantage when they are in the
most perfect accord. It is when a difference of opinion arises and they are
obliged to take opposite courses, and yet do not waver by a hair's-breadth in
their love and confidence, that their friendship shines with the strongest
lustre. It was so here. At one time there was a book published which
Mr. Spurgeon approved, but Lord Shaftesbury condemned. Each maintained
his own position, and, in doing so, each increased his love and esteem for the
other. The Rev. C. H. Spurgeon to Lord Shaftesbury.
Westwood, Beulah Hill, Upper Norwood.
My DEAR Friend, — I agree with you in heart and soul and faith, and so also
does  . His expressions may not be clear, but his meaning is identical with
( ur o vn. There is, however, little hope of my leading you to think so, now that
Mr.  has cast his lurid light upon the words ; and therefore I will not enter
into a discussion. Your action is wise, namely, to refrain from endorsing that
which you do not approve of. But, I pray you, believe that, as I know 
and am as sure of his orthodoxy as I am of my own, I cannot, desert him, or-
retract the commendations which I am sure that he deserves ; but'I am none, the"
less one with you. If you would only see •  ¦, you would form; a different"
estimate of him ; but anyhow, I shall not love or admire you one atom' the less
whatever you do. I am, perhaps, more lenient than you are, because I, never was
able to be quite so guarded a speaker as you are. I think no man spe&ks so much
as you do with so few blunders ; but impetuous people get into muddles. I quite
agree with Mr. Forster's estimate of you as certain to have been Premier had you
been ambitious in that direction, for you very seldom allow your speech to get
cloudy or to run over to the other side when emphasising this ; but pray do not
expect such accuracy of us all. Here is a man who, with tears, denies the slightest
complicity with heterodoxy, and says that he lives and feeds on the old-fashioned
truth so dear to us — well — -I believe what he says, and wish that half the orthodox
were as orthodox as he. The Lord ever bless and sustain you, my dear friend,
and spare you to us for many years to come.
I wish, when these meetings are over, you would come and see
Your Lordship's most hearty friend,
 C. H. Spurgeon.
Lord Shaftesbury to the Rev. C. H. Spurgeon.
My dear Friend, — If  stands high in your esteem, it is, I am confident,
because you decidedly and conscientiously believe that he holds, in all truth and
earnestness, the grand vital doctrines of the Christian faith, those doctrines

ls"S.l MR. GEORGE HOLLAND. 709
indispensably necessary to salvation, and which have been the life and rule of
your ministerial services.
In these have been your joy and your strength. Signal as are the talents that
God has bestowed upon you, they would, without preaching Christ in all His
majestic simplicity, have availed you nothing to comfort and instruct the hearts
of thousands. Such being the case, who would expect you to recede, by one
hair's-breadth, unless you carried your convictions with you ?
Certainly not I.
Do not suppose that Mr.  has formed my opinions for me. The book had
fallen into my hands long before I had read Mr.  's treatise.
I am deeply gratified by your kind letter, and all its candid and friendly
expressions. You must not admit any abatement of your regard and love for me.
Mine towards you can never be lessened while you stand up so vigorously, so
devotedly, so exclusively, for our blessed Lord. Yours very truly,
Shaptesbury.
I will pay you a visit as soon as possible.
" George Yard, Whitechapel," does not sound attractive, but it was a
place to which Lord Shaftesbury was drawn by many enduring ties; for
there lived and laboured his friend, George Holland, one of the great fathers
of mission work amongst the poorest and most degraded. Por many years
Lord Shaftesbury was a frequent visitor to the Mission, and what he did and
said there will be told hereafter. Here we must briefly record the grounds
of the friendship referred to, and we cannot do so better than in one or two
extracts from the Diary : —
May 31st, 1878.— Went in evening to Whitechapel. Anniversary of George
Holland's work in the locality. . What a miracle of labour and God's goodness in
that terrible district, which, nevertheless, terrible as it is, produces many instances
of truth and virtue.
In August, 1878, when recording in his Diary the return of Lord Beacons-
field from the Conference at Berlin, and the ovation given to him at the
Mansion House, Lord Shaftesbury says :—
The steps of this mighty man, to glory and greatness, are strides as rapid as
they are broad. And yet I had rather, by far, be George Holland, of White
chapel, than Benjamin D'Israeli, Earl of Beaconsfield.
Nov. 5th, 1880.— St. Giles's. Went on Wednesday evening to Whitechapel for
Service for Ragged Children. Deeply touched. Blessed God for the sight, and
that He has raised up and sustained such a genuine, ardent, lovable, and Christ-
hearted man as that dear and beloved George Holland.
March Hth, 1881.— This afternoon to George Yard Ragged School. It is
touching to see the smile of those small outcasts when one pats their cheeks,
with words of praise and affection. It does one good, heart and mind. And so
it does to see that inestimable man, George Holland, and converse with him. I
had rather be George than ninety-nine-hundredths of the great living and dead,
What a servant of our beloved and precious Lord !

710 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXXTV.
. March 17th, 1882. — Hear that George Holland is not well. What shall I do if
the dear, blessed man be taken away, or incapacitated ? God, in Thy goodness,
forbid it !
One day, when speaking to the writer of Mr. George Holland, Lord
Shaftesbury said : — " I know of nothing like his zeal ; he has laboured for tho
last twenty years nig'ht and day ; he has given all his time, all his talents, all
his life, to his work ; and he is just as fresh, as earnest, and as enthusiastic
as he was twenty years ago. I never saw his like. He seems to live in the
full light of God. And did you ever see such a face as his ? It is always
radiant. It does me as much good to see George Holland's- face as to hear a
sermon." To Mr. Gent and his life-long services in the cause of Ragged Schools we
have already referred. Lord Shaftesbury said on one occasion, when pre
senting him with a testimonial from the ragged scholars and teachers : —
No man living, my friends, has a greater right to speak of Joseph Gent than
I have. I have been associated with him for nearly forty years. We have not
been on ordinary terms. I have known him intimately ; I have acted with him
frequently by day and by night ; I have visited with him the dens of human
misery and wickedness ; and I have ever found him active, zealous, intelligent,
honourable, and sympathetic. He feared no responsibility. Having one object
before him, which was so great and so good, he felt that to be quite sufficient.
He was always ready to devote his time, his talents, and everything he possessed
to the accomplishment of the immediate object before him, though it may,
perhaps, have been no more than the rescue of the most wretched creature to be
found in this vast metropolis.
On a wall in Lord Shaftesbury's library in Grosvenor Square there hung
two portraits— one, that of a motherly lady surrounded .by her dogs ; the
other, that of an earnest-looking man wearing a skull-cap. He always spoke
of them as " Eunice " and " Timothy." They were portraits of Mrs. Smithies
and her son, Mr. T. B. Smithies, the Editor of the British Workman, aud the
originator of innumerable good things for the welfare of men and the
" inferior animals." For him Lord Shaftesbury had a profound regard, and
went heart and soul with him in his labours— not only to prevent cruelty to
animals, but to encourage kindness and affection for them.
Those were sad days to Lord Shaftesbury in which he made the following
entries in his Diary : —
July 20th, 1883.— Six o'clock. Just heard by telegram from Miss Smithies
that her brother is at the point of death. God in His mercy has seldom given a
better man to refresh and comfort this earth ; and he is now taking him to
Heaven. I loved the man ; I highly esteemed him. He has been invaluable in
his generation. I know that I enjoyed his respect and love ; and now another of
my dear and precious friends will be gathered to his rest in the arms of that
blessed and only Saviour, the Lord Jesus Christ, whom he so faithfully served, and
so humbly and tenderly adored. His sister, dear woman, is worthy of him.
July 27th.— Went yesterday to Abney Park Cemetery, to attend the funeral of

1878-1 A HOST OP FRIENDS. 711
that dear and true saint of our blessed Lord, T. B. Smithies. To whom, better
than to him, can the text be applied, "Blessed are the dead that die in the
Lord " ?
Time would fail to teU of Mr. William Williams, of the Refuges and
Training Ships ; of Mr. Weylland, of the London City Mission ; of Miss
Rye and her Canadian Emigration schemes; of Mrs. Ranyard, her Bible
Women and Bible Houses, and " her directing and controlling administrative
powers, such as few statesmen have possessed ; " and the " many more " who
made up Lord Shaftesbury's list of friends. To these all he gave no mean
gift when, as to the others we have mentioned more particularly, he gave
ungrudgingly his confidence and affection ; from these he received not a little
when they supported him, as they did, loyally and nobly in his great work,
upbearing him in their prayers, and stimulating him by their zeal.
When, in the far-off times, " an host compassed the city both with horses
and chariots," in a fit of despondency the servant of Elisha cried, "Alas,
master, how shall we do P Then his eyes were opened ; and he saw ; and
behold the mountain was full of horses and chariots of fire round about
Elisha." It was only when Lord Shaftesbury was compassed about with labours
enough to tax the strength of half a dozen men that he grew depressed, and
nervous, and morbidly sensitive, and exclaimed, " I have not a friend to whom
I can open my heart and hope for sympathy." But " when his eyes were
opened," and he sought to name the host of "noble, ardent, trustworthy,
precious, inestimable friends," he was not equal to the task. He names but
half a dozen, and adds " and many more." The " mountain was full " of
noble men and honourable women of every rank, of every sphere of labour, of
almost every land and clime, who loved him and whom he loved.

CHAPTER XXXV.
1879—1882.
The first important work to which Lord Shaftesbury turned his attention
this year related to a field on which he had expended his earliest public
labours — the welfare of India.
A year had scarcely elapsed since the passing of the Act to amend and
consolidate the law relating to Factories and Workshops, when a, cry from
India compelled him to " resume the weapons he had long ceased to handle,"
and stand forth as the champion of the women and children of India, who
were suffering under a grinding oppression, even worse than that from which
the women and children of England had been delivered. Under successive
Governments Lord Shaftesbury called attention to the cruel system in
operation in the Bombay factories, but without effect — a system as barbarous
as that which once existed in this countiy, but aggravated, in a fourfold
degree, by the heat of an Indian climate, and the disregard of a weekly day
of rest. The time had come when he must make one final effort on their behalf.
March 29th. — Heavily pressed and heavily oppressed. Have lost all my
former buoyancy, and contemplate effort with something akin to terror. Lie
down very much for short intervals ; and so get strength and a whiff of
courage. Heartily pray to God, hour by hour, that I may have power to
discharge the " few things that remain ; " but feel, in some measure, like Saul.
Surely, as of old, the doubt and sorrow will pass away on the day of trial. Indian
children must be pleaded for before a hostile Ministry and an unsympathising
House. On the 4th of April he moved that an address be presented to Her
Majesty, " praying that Her Majesty will be graciously pleased to instruct
the Viceroy of India to take into immediate consideration the necessity of
passing a law for regulating the labour of women and children in the mills
and factories throughout her dominions in India."
In a speech of commanding eloquence, which occupied an hour in delivery,
he set forth a mass of evidence and a series of convincing arguments founded
upon it ; and then the old Lancashire days of half a century ago flashed
across his memory, and he exclaimed : —
Why, my lords, what more do you require ? The whole evidence of 1833 rises
up as a witness against them. Creed and colour, latitude and longitude, make no
difference in the essential nature of man. No climate can enable infants to
do the work of adults, or turn suffering women into mere steam-engines.

1879-1 MILLS AND FACTORIES IN INDIA. 713
In meeting the argument, if argument it might be called, urged in pallia
tion of the labour, that it was light, he said no doubt much of it was light if
measured by the endurance of three or four minutes : —
But what say you, my lords, to a continuity of toil, in a standing posture, in
a poisonous atmosphere, during thirteen hours, with fifteen minutes of rest?
Why, the stoutest man in England, were he made, in such a condition of things,
to do nothing during the whole of that time but be erect on his feet and stick
pins in a pincushion, would sink under the burden. What say you, then, of
children — children of the tenderest years ? Why, they become stunted, crippled,
deformed, useless. I speak what I know ; I state what I have seen.
Again there arose the vision of the past. He was living once more amid
the old horrors of earlier years ; and there passed before his eyes a scene at
Bradford in 1838, when Mr. John Hardy, " the worthy father of the noble
Secretary of State for India, was Member for that borough, and one of his
most hearty supporters." He thus recalled it : —
I asked for a collection of cripples and deformities. In a short time more
than eighty were gathered in a large courtyard. They were mere samples of the
entire mass. I assert without exaggeration that no power of language could
describe the varieties, and I may say the cruelties, in all these degradations of
the human form. They stood or squatted before me in the shapes of the letters
of the alphabet. This was the effect of prolonged toil on the tender frames of
children at early ages. When I visited Bradford under the limitation of hours,
some years afterwards, I called for » similar exhibition of cripples ; but, God be
praised, there was not one to be found in that vast city. Yet the work of these
poor sufferers had been light, if measured by minutes, but terrific when measured
by hours. It was a remarkable speech. The old theme brought back the youthful
energy, and it was impossible to realise that the speaker was fast approaching
his fourscore years.
The movement was a, success as far as Lord Shaftesbury was concerned.
A Bill on the subject was passed in India for the regulation of labour in the
factories. In many respects, however, it has failed to accomplish the purpose
it was designed to effect, as there is no public opinion in India to demand
that its provisions shall be strictly enforced.
More successful, in some respects, was another measure, which, in the
same Session, Lord Shaftesbury carried through the House of Lords— Tho
Habitual Drunkards Bill. It had come up from the House of Commons,
where Mr. Dalrymple, " a gentleman, of whose labours, intelligence, and zeal,
it was impossible to speak too highly," had watched over it with infinite
pains. It passed into law, and Lord Shaftesbury became the President of
the Society for the Establishment of the Dalrymple Homes or Retreats for
Inebriates. On the 16th of July he delivered his second important speech, in the
House of Lords, against Vivisection, when supporting Lord Truro's Bill for
its total abolition. His argument was to the effect that whether Vivisection

714 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXXV.
were conducive to the advance of science, or the reverse, there was one great
preliminary consideration : on what authority of Scripture, or any other form
of Revelation, did his opponents rest their right to subject God's creatures
to unspeakable sufferings P The animals were His creatures, as we were His
creatures, and " His tender mercies," we are told in the Bible, " are over all
His works."
Excellent as was the pleading, it was unavailing, and the Bill was lost.
The shadows of evening were lengthening, and, in the pauses of his still
busy life, we find Lord Shaftesbury looking back on the long journey he had
travelled, and dwelling in memory amidst the scenes in which his youth had
been passed. But the ruling passion of turning thought into action was as
strong within him as ever, and we find him not only reviewing the past, but
visiting the places with which its memories were connected. Thus he seeks
out the old school-house at Chiswick, where his early childhood was embittered,
but where he first learnt to sympathise with the sorrowful and the oppressed ;
and he visits Wales, where the " floating impressions of a life of service "
became fixed and rooted.
July 31st. — Went yesterday to Chiswick to see the place where I was at school
now sixty-seven years ago. It was a horrible time I spent there — the Manor
House, and now a Lunatic Asylum. The two fronts almost unchanged ; every
thing else completely transformed.
Oct. 10th. — Carnarvon. Ran down here to take chair of Anniversary of Bible
Society. Had never before visited the Principality as President — and yet well
do they deserve such a mark of respect, for their zeal in love of the Bible is
unbounded ; and their liberality vast, according to their means. It was a duty ;
and it became a pleasure. These Welsh people are lively, ardent, earnest,
exuberant, and yet honest, in feeling. A magnificent meeting — at least five
thousand persons, and all of one mind. God Almighty, for Christ's sake,' look
down on this " small and feeble folk " struggling to serve Thee, and advance Thy
precious Name in this world of iniquity. As for myself, it was an " ovation,"
not a reception. The children of the Sunday Schools first came to meet me ;
God and His Christ bless their souls throughout the ages of eternity.
Referring to this ovation, which gave him unqualified pleasure, he says in
a note, written to Mr. Haldane on the following day : —
I have seldom seen such sustained and real enthusiasm. It is wonderful that
God so supported me that my voice never faltered, and I was heard (so I was
informed by persons at the very end of the hall) to the extent of every syllable.
Strange to say (I thank God for it), I never was less fatigued in my life ; and I
rejoice, beyond measure, that I undertook the duty and discharged it.
In the early part of this year Mr. Petter (of the firm of Cassell, Petter,
and Galpin) began to urge Lord Shaftesbury to allow his biography to be
written during his lifetime and with his co-operation. Although Mr. Petter
used every argument that he thought would have weight, he was unable at
that time to induce Lord Shaftesbury to entertain the proposition. Owing

18TO-1 CORRESPONDENCE WITH MR. PETTER. 715
to his state of health, the matter was allowed f o drop for a while, but towards
the close of the year Mr. Petter returned to the charge, fortifying himself
with fresh arguments, having enlisted on his side the assistance of Mr. Hal
dane and Mr. Stevenson A. Blackwood. To the former he wrote : " It (the
biography) would, in my judgment, be a starting-point for the re-awakeniug
of sound religious effort."
In a lengthy letter to Mr. Petter, Lord Shaftesbury set forth his views
on the subject. " I feel very deeply the honour of the proposition," he wrote,
" and I am much gratified that it should have come from the representative
of the, distinguished firm which still bears, among others, the name of my
valued friend, the late Mr. Cassell." After examining the difficulties
attending the "writing of a biography fully and impartially during the
lifetime of the subject of it," he proceeded to consider the various classes
of the world of readers who, with his characteristic self-depreciation, he
thought unlikely to take any interest in a memoir of himself. In the event,
however, of a demand, for a memoir, he said : " I am quite content to rest
on things as they are, and leave to posterity to judge me according to the
information they may have, or forget me altogether ; but if a life is to be
written, and in great measure under my correction, I should strongly urge
the introduction of much to show the principles on which I acted, the diffi
culties I had to contend with, the motives which pTompted me, the multi
farious labours I undertook, and'the success or failure which attended them.
The whole of that, so far" as my notoriety is concerned, may go to ' the tomb
of all the Capulets,' but if I am to be shown up alive or dead, I should desire
to be shown up as I am, or as I was, and not in a picture drawn by well-
disposed or ill-disposed ignorance."
At that time Lord Shaftesbury had in his mind the fixed intention of
destroying his journals and other documents ; and as it seemed to him im
possible that the conditions indicated in the foregoing passage could be ful
filled, he concludes : " Is it not better to leave the world to judge me as I
stand before them ? What they see they believe ; what they do not see they
would not believe, though I assured them of it. If their judgment be
favourable, it will be pleasant to my family ; if it be the reverse, it would do
no harm to myself whether I be dead or among the living."
Mr. Petter felt impelled to urge Lord Shaftesbury to reconsider the ques
tion and a voluminous correspondence ensued. At length, as shown in the
preface, Lord Shaftesbury felt that a biography was " inevitable," and he
made arrangements for the preparation of the present work.
The close of 1879 and the beginning of 1880 found him in the midst of a
congeries of troubles — a long and painful illness, which at length reached an
alarniin0' crisis; serious financial difficulties, arising from failure of trade
and harvest ; and a second dangerous illness of his son Cecil. Notwith
standing these things, with the first return of comparatively good health he
was ao-ain at work on things new and. old. Among them was an effort in aid
0f the Armenian Church, within whose borders a remarkable movement

716 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXXV.
towards Protestant Reformation was taking place. It was their desire to
establish in Armenia a form of Church government similar to that of the
Church of England. Archbishop Migherditch came to this country to obtain
assistance in the movement, and a meeting was held at Lambeth Palace on
behalf of the cause, at which Lord Shaftesbury was the principal speaker.
It was not possible for him to take any more active part than this, for,
as he noted in his Diary : — •
Personally now I must shape my action according to my power of mind and
body. Though strong physically, all things considered, for one at my time of
life, I must moderate exertion and keep within due limits. Suffer frequently a
great deal of discomfort, but not much from sheer weakness, though certainly
could not stand any very prolonged effort of voice or body. Seek, far more than
formerly, the relief of a sofa or an arm-chair. Mentally, reluctant to exertion ;
shrink from any thought when making a speech ; and when driven to it, find
that the imagination is not lively ; and whatever is produced less easily clothed
in words than in former days. Shall give up all thought of anything in House
of Lords or on eminent platforms. . . . Can take, then, no part in the
coming struggles, brief and useless, between the Radicalism of the Commons
and the Conservatism of the Lords, but still shall have strength, by God's mercy,
to look after Ragged Schools, and rescue a few poor creatures from misery and
sin. For his invalid daughter-in-law, the Hon. Mrs. Evelyn Ashley, Lord
Shaftesbury had the most tender affection, and during her enforced residence
abroad, in search of health, he was wont to send her frequent long and
cheery letters, full of the details which he knew would please and interest
her. Lord Shaftesbury to the Hon. Mrs. Evelyn Ashley.
The Saint, Jan. 1880.
Dearest Sissey, — Not one happy New Year, but many, to you all, Edy,
Lilian, Dovey, Wilfrid, not forgetting Sandy,* and say the same to my old and
dear friend, Lady Mary, to Charlotte, Blanche, to Minnie when she arrives, and
any one I may have left out.
I had a letter from you dated the 27th of December, and I can assure you
that my anxieties for Sandy were equal to your own ; and as Solomon, the
fruiterer, could not sleep because of thinking how in the world he should supply
Palmerston with oranges, so I had restless nights in turning over schemes for
the cure and treatment of that precious animal. . . .
I have just received Edy's letter. I am so glad that he has given up his
pilgrimage to Crete and Algeria. He will be wanted in Ireland ; and the time
now is very short before we recommence our tedious and necessary nonsense in
Parliamentary things. ... .
Now, how are you, my dear ? Better, I trust, and full of hope. You must
not answer my letters ; a message through Hilda, to whom you disburden your
mind, will be enough. . . .
I have had the agitators here ; they came to stir the people to a sense of
their wrongs aud an assertion of their rights. They earnestly requested the use
* A favourite dog,

1879-1 CENTENARY OP SUNDAY SCHOOLS. 717
of the schoolroom, which I gave them, and, " to do the thing handsome," paid for
the lights. The Chairman, Mr. Chadwick, of Manchester, G.P.L.U, and a
hundred other letters, desired that I should be informed that he had frequently
sat near me in the factory districts when I was fighting the battle of the women
and children I I dare say in his " hortation " to the labourers he " served me out "
famously. Nevertheless, it is right to treat these chaps with courtesy, and
" snooks," as the phrase is, what they say or do.
Now, Sissey, mind that you take proper care of yourself. Dr. Edy in his
letter to me has well described the climate. It is fine, but treacherous, and will
play you ten times more tricks than Old England in twenty- years. Do not be
over-hasty to take drives ; and if you take one, let it be before two o'clock, that
is for the present and the next month. . . .
God bless you, my dear. We think of you at the rising and setting of the
sun, by day and by night. " Heaviness may endure for a night, but joy cometh
in the morning." So will it be, by God's grace, with you. Yours affectionately, S.
The General Election in the spring of 1880 had excited his apprehensions,
and the result filled him with anxiety.
May 19th. — The issue of the present state of things as clear as though it were
the past. Should this Government continue to hold power, the changes towards
Democracy, or what is equivalent thereto, American institutions, will be sharp,
rapid, and many.
Indeed, so qualified and diluted are the sentiments and feelings of the country,
that a strong Conservative Government could now only retard the fulfilment of
the hopes and efforts of the Schools of Birmingham and Manchester.
In 1880 the Centenary of Sunday Schools was celebrated ; nowhere with
greater enthusiasm than in the ancient city of Gloucester, where Robert
Raikes was born, where he founded the noble institution which has been a
blessing throughout Christendom, and where he died and was buried. To
commemorate the Centenary, it was decided to raise a monument in the
cathedral church to its famous citizen, and on a certain day to unveil the
model of the statue in the Shire Hall. By universal consent, Lord Shaftes
bury was the only man who should perform that duty.
With crowds lining the streets, flags and banners flying, cliurch bells
pealin"-, and lusty voices shouting, it was little thought, as the venerable peer
passed through the town, accompanied by his old friend, Mr. Haldane, that
his heart was sinking within him in a very paroxysm of nervous anxiety — the
state of mind aptly described, as he says, by the familiar saying, " not know
ing what may happen next."
June 27th. — Sunday. Day opens brightly. To-morrow must start for
Gloucester to celebration of Centenary of Raikes and Sunday Schools ; and
returning on Wednesday, with a pause of only two hours, go to Isle of Wight f or
same purpose.
June 28th. — About to start for Gloucester ; heavily oppressed by a cold, and
in low spirits. Anything but fit for this work. God be with me.

718 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXXV.
The prayer was answered. He received the Mayor and Corporation, the
Centenary Committee, the inevitable " address," and he successfully accom
plished the speeches in reply, the " great " speech at the unveiling, and
another in the Shire Hall in the evening.
Two hours after his return from Gloucester he was on his way to the
Isle of Wight, whither he went at the request of his son Evelyn, who was
member for the island. The Centenary took place in the open air within the
picturesque enclosure of the ruins of Carisbrooke Castle.
July 1st, 1880. — Landguard Manor, the residence of the very kind and hospit
able Col. and Lady Isabel Atherley. Returned from Carisbrooke ; meeting very
good ; many clergy ; the principal Wesleyan Minister and an army of teachers ;
did my best ; not wearied.
On his return he took part in a monster celebration in London, at the
unveiling of the statue of Raikes on the Thames Embankment.
Very little was done by Lord Shaftesbury in the House of Lords this
year. He spoke, however, on the Employers' Liability Bill, the Hares and
Rabbits Bill, and the Irish Registration Bill. But although he took a less
active part than usual, his interest in politics was even more keenly alive, and
he recommenced his " Diary of Political Observations," after an interval of
nearly twenty years. The events referred to are of too recent occurrence to
be dwelt upon here. To him they were full of significance : the return of
Mr. Bradlaugh for Northampton ; the democratic spirit in the Cabinet ; the
agitated state of Ireland ; the vehemence of the demand for Home Rule ; —
these and many other " signs of the times " convinced him that a conflict was
approaching " speedy, clear, and sharp." The spirit of change was every
where at work, and it seemed to him as though the decree had gone forth,
" Overturn, overturn, overturn ! " The thought of this " democratic, socialistic,
revolutionary" principle, working and spreading, filled him with the gloomiest
apprehensions. Thus, when at St. Giles's among his tenantry, he writes : —
Oct. 20th. — We may benefit a little the rising generation, but we can do
nothing for posterity, as the whole system of things is about to be broken up.
The relations between the peasantry and the proprietor, the tenant and the land
lord, have already a new complexion. The commercial principle has taken the
place, to a vast extent, of the mitigated feudal principle ; and the forthcoming
Land Laws will speedily demolish the great estates, and scatter the old families
to the winds, with all the traditions, feelings, habits, and affections of many
generations. There will be no inheritance among his people to a man's prayers and
labours on their behalf. There will be no more a farmer to say, " I have lived
for 200 years on the same farm under the same family," as the Shepards here can
say ; no more a cottager, as at Purton, " I, and mine, have lived in this cottage,
under you and yours, for 250 years."
Such are the changes in social life, decided, remorseless, inevitable. May the
issue be for the general benefit of the human race.

1879-1 HOME RULE. 719
The state of Ireland was so constantly in the thoughts of Lord Shaftes
bmy that, for some time, it formed the principal subject of the entries in the
Diaries as well as of his correspondence. Thus he notes : " Have written to
Gladstone and Duke of Argyll to mark that a social revolution is begun, for,
whatever they do in respect of Land Laws in Ireland they must do in Great
Britain." It was the burden of his daily prayer, " Raise us some true men,
and come among us. ' Prevent us, O Lord, in all our doings with Thy most
gracious favour.' May our rulers be taught what is Thy will in the matter of
Ireland." Lord Shaftesbury to the Hon. Evelyn Ashley.
St. Giles's, Dec. 28th, 1880.
Dear Evelyn, — Your letter arrived yesterday. The state of things in Ireland
is altogether anti-sooial. It is no longer a question of politics, religion, or
remediable grievance. It strikes at the very foundation of property, morals, and
all the habits and laws that govern and maintain the existence of civilised life.
No land scheme to be proposed by the Government can have even a temporary
effect ; and Separation, with a Local Parliament, the real object they have in
view, will be the utter ruin of Ireland, and an immense danger to Great Britain.
No doubt we have entered on an era in the history of mankind when changes
in the order of things are inevitable. But the policy of such men as Beaconsfield
and Gladstone turn these movements, which should, and which might, be gra
dual, into sudden and violent Revolutions. The Act of 1867 tore up our political
system, and Gladstone's rule, at the present day, is uprooting, and irrevocably, our
social system.
Albert Grey writes word, " There will be a very angry meeting of the House
of Commons." Possibly ; but to what use ?
The Ministers have lost, it is true,' the confidence of the several classes above
that which holds the bulk of the suffrage. Among these they are as powerful as
ever ; not because the voters admire them as men ; but because they look to them
as their allies and leaders in a, new and better arrangement and distribution of
property. Love to dear Sissey, with endless prayers for her health and her return
here. Our Christmas was very meagre compared with the gatherings I have
enjoyed. But God's will be done. Affectionately yours, S.
In his " Diary of Political Events," which he still occasionally used, he
epitomises the progress of the discussion on Mr. Gladstone's Irish Bills, and
prophesies the issue thus : —
January 18th, 1881.— The report of debates in this morning's papers, specially
Times discloses, at once and unmistakably, the intentions of the Home Rulers, as
explained by Messrs. Parnell and Dillon. It is separation and dismemberment of
the Empire, as soon as the Irish are strong enough to " fight for it." Well did
Sir Stafford Northcote observe that it was a "defiant" speech, in which he placed
himself as alone equal to the whole House of Commons, both willing and able to
treat it as a co-ordinate power.

720 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXXV.
One of the saddest things in connection with old age is the constant
snapping of the ties that bind a man to his generation. The wide social
circle that once surrounded Lord Shaftesbury was narrowing daily ; one after
another of his contemporaries was passing away, and he was almost able to
count upon his fingers the remaining friends of his early life who were left.
For some years past the entries of deaths in the Diary had become very
numerous, and strangely felicitous were the epitaphs he wrote. Thus in
1879 he mourns the death of Lord Lawrence : "Gentle as a woman in
sentiment and action, he was harder than iron under a sense of duty ; he was
never so happy as when exercising power in love." Of Lady Charlotte
Sturt, he says : " My dear, ancient, and aged friend, another of my true,
long-tried, and beloved friends, is gone. She rejoiced in works of mercy,
piety, and love." In 1880 Dean Hugh McNeile died : " He was more than a
star when in his prime. He was a burning and a shining light, bold, true,
unflinching — a magnificent specimen of eloquence, feeling, and argumen
tation ; a grand, true, and blessed servant of our Lord." Of Lady Jocelyn :
" Another link is severed. She was the only sister of my beloved wife." Of
Miss Waldegrave : " Dear old Harriet Waldegrave is gone, aged eighty-
seven, A better woman, more sensible, more true, more pious, has seldom
lived." The deaths of public men, whether personal friends or not, are also
frequently recorded. Thus : —
April 19th, 1881. — Beaconsfield departed this life at five o'clock this morning.
Few careers have been so remarkable, exhibiting such power of perseverance, such
a singleness of purpose from the very commencement, such daring ambition at
the outset, and such complete success at the end. Vast abilities, great penetra
tion and self-command, made every one subservient to him. He was aided, no
doubt, by the total want of men to compete with him on the Conservative side.
But, making every allowance, weighing every peculiar advantage, he was a
wonderful man in his generation ! But was he a useful one ?
Lord Beaconsfield had a high appreciation of Lord Shaftesbury, and,
under his banner, contributed to the success of the later Factory Legislation.
He paid a noble tribute to Lord Shaftesbury in 1877 : " All the honour and
the glory belong to him. . . . The name of Lord Shaftesbury will descend
to posterity as one who has, in his generation, worked more than any other
individual to elevate the condition and to raise the character of his
countrymen." On the 28th of April, 1881, Lord Shaftesbmy attained his eightieth
year. It was celebrated as a national event. Under the auspices of the Lord
Mayor (The Right Hon. William McArthur, M.P.), the committee of the
Ragged School Union took the initiative to do honour to their President, and
a great meeting in the Guildhall was arranged to celebrate the day, to do
honour to his lifelong work, and to present him with a portrait of himself,
painted by Mr. B. S. Marks.
Rarely, if ever, was there such a meeting held in that historic Hall.

18S1.] EIGHTIETH BIRTHDAY. 721
Every part of the great building was crowded long before the commencement
of the proceedings, while on the platform was assembled a distinguished
company, including members of both Houses of Parliament, ministers of the
Gospel, notable merchants, ladies and gentlemen of all shades of opinion and
of all stations, representing every estimable phase of political, religious, and
social life, all with one common object in view, to do honour to the man who
had proved himself the greatest benefactor of his generation. It was a
singularly impressive scene, that vast and brilliant assembly. But not one whit
less impressive, nay, it may be said that far more impressive, was the scene
outside the building, where flower-girls with their well-filled baskets of
spring flowers, costermongers with their gaily-dressed donkeys and barrows,
and Ragged School children, thronged around the hero of the day, scattering
flowers in his path, and pouring upon him " the blessing of the poor and of
him that was ready to perish."
The Earl of Aberdeen, Mr. W. E. Forster, Mr. H. R. Williams, and the
Lord Mayor, were the principal speakers, and singularly appropriate and
admirable were the addresses delivered. When Lord Shaftesbury rose to
reply to the address and to acknowledge the presentation, he was greeted
with an overwhelming ovation — a perfect tempest of applause. Lord
Shaftesbury was calm, self-possessed, and thoughtful, and in his speech, amid
all the excitement and fatigue, he did not omit one essential point, one
tribute of gratitude to the many who had supported him in his lifelong
labours, one point of interest in the review of that part of his career on which*
he touched. There were many incidents in this magnificent celebration which deeply
affected him ; but nothing did so more than the manly and generous speech
of Mr. W. E. Forster. He valued it, not because Mr. Forster was a member
of the Government, nor because of his high official position and personal
character, but because he was himself a millowner in Yorkshire, who knew
the evils which had existed in the factoiy districts, and who had been one of
the first to speak a kind word to him on his earliest visit to the town of
Bradford. Mr. Forster's personal reminiscences went back for half a century
— to the time when, as a boy, he saw Lord Ashley on horseback " coming to
contest a Dorsetshire constituency in the Tory interest, followed by a Tory
mob." We cannot quote the speech, but there was one expression in it
relating to Lord Shaftesbury's conduct of the Factoiy Movement, which
particularly gratified him, inasmuch that over and over again his injunctions
were : " If anything is told of my life after I am gone, let those words of
Forster's be recorded — I don't think, in the whole course of my life any
words ever gratified me more." The words were these : " The good conduct
on the part of the population was in a great measure due to the moderating
influences which were brought to bear on them by Lord Asliley. How I
do wish that all agitators, when they are advocating the removal of great and
real grievances, would take an example from the way in which Lord Ashley
conducted that agitation, aud remember with what care they should consider
u u

722 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXXV.
both the immediate and the ultimate effect of what they say upon those who
are suffering."
A record of the proceedings at the Guildhall, and of the speeches that
were delivered, was issued in book form, and presented, by the committee of
the Ragged School Union and the children and teachers of the Ragged
Schools, to Lord Shaftesbury. In the fly-leaf of his special copy he wrote :
" Deep and lively is my gratitude to the men who conceived, organised, and
executed this celebration, and much do I feel the sympathy of those who
honoured it by their presence."
Gratifying as the public recognition of the day was, the private cele
bration of it was not less so. Letters of congratulation poured in from high
and low, rich and poor ; addresses from corporate bodies were sent, telegrams
were flashed from different places, and presents were lavished, none of them
more highly prized than some paper flowers made and presented by the little
children of the One Tun Ragged School.
The letters received that day lie on the table before the writer. Never
was there stronger testimony to a man's worth ; never better proof of the
affectionate regard in which he was held by old and young, and by men and
women of all shades of opinion. It is impossible to enumerate them. But
there were letters from the Archbishop of Canterbury, Cardinal Manning,
Dean Stanley, the Bishop of Gloucester and Bristol, Lord Carnarvon, Lord
Lytton, Lord Portman, Lord Radstock, Lady Elcho, Lady Portsmouth,
'Lady Stratford de Redcliffe, Miss F. P. Cobbe, Mr. W. E. Forster, Mr.
Braithwaite, Mr. Alexander Redgrave, Mr. H. R. Williams, a " Converted
Infidel," Sunday and Ragged School Teachers and Scholars, a Ragged
School Prize- Winner, Tenants on the St. Giles's estates, and Working Men.
Among them all, perhaps, none is more touehingly beautiful than the
following simple lines from his aged sister, Lady Charlotte Lyster : —
Tunbridge Wells, April 28th.
I have thought much of you to-day, you dear, blessed darling. May God
continue to watch over your most precious life. Your devoted sister, Char.
The following lines were written by Miss F. P. Cobbe : —
A Birthday Address to Antony Ashley Cooper, 7th Earl of
Shaftesbury, K.G., April 28th, 1881.
For eighty years ! Many will count them over,
But none save He who knoweth all may guess
What those long years have held of high endeavour,
Of world-wide blessing and of blessedness.
For eighty years the champion of the right ;
Of hapless child neglected and forlorn ;
Of maniac dungeoned in his double night ;
Of woman overtasked and labour- worn ;

1881-1 LINES by miss f. P. COBBE. 723
Of homeless boy in streets with peril rife ;
Of workmen sickening in his airless den ;
Of Indian parching for the streams of life ;
Of Negro slave in bonds of cruel men.
0 Friend of all the friendless 'neath the sun,
Whose hand hath wiped away a thousand tears,
Whose fervent lips and clear strong brain have done
God's holy service, lo ! these eighty years —
How meet it seems thy grand and vigorous age
Should find, beyond man's race, fresh pangs to spare,
And for the wronged and tortured brutes engage
In yet fresh labours and ungrudging care I
Oh, tarry long amongst us I Live, we pray ;
Hasten not yet to hear thy Lord's " Well done 1 "
Let this world still seem better, while it may
Contain one soul like thine amid its throng.
Whilst thou art here our inmost hearts confess,
Truth spake the kingly Seer of old who said —
" Found in the way of God and righteousness,
A crown of glory is the hoary head."
During this year the " chairs " were " exceptionally heavy," and, although
in almost constant suffering, Lord Shaftesbury succeeded in fulfilling nearly
every engagement, and continuing the same amount of arduous labour which
had taxed his strength even when a much younger man.
May 26th. — Several chairs and several speeches. In very bad heart. Feel no
elasticity ; see no light. Must make speeches, but, strange to say, hate it more
and more every day, for every day it becomes more difficult.
July 1st. — At Harrow,* heard one of the boys recite the peroration of a,
speech I delivered in the House of Commons on 15th March, 1844, in propounding
a Factory Bill. I wonder what people thought of it. In my own reflections I
Baid, " Age has effaced a great deal of what I once was. I could not make such
a speech now"
July 2nd. — Went to Mile End, beyond Whitechapel, to see the crowds of those
swarming districts on Fairlop Fair Day. Met the whole band of open-air
preachers, who go out to " speak the word in season." The harvest is scanty, but
some are rescued ! and who can tell the value of those few in the sight of Gcd '!
Lord Shaftesbury was a warm advocate of open-air preaching, and, on the
occasion referred to above, was himself an Open- Air Preacher, for when he
was asked to say a few words to the assembly on the Mile End Waste he
immediately responded. Two years later, at the annual meeting of tho
Open-Air Mission, held in the Mansion House, he said : — ¦
* At the annual speech-day, the head-master, Dr. Butler, had arranged that Hood's
" Song of the Shirt " should on the programme immediately precede Lord Ashley's
Factory Speech. The "surprise " was very effective.
TT U 2

724 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXXV.
I look upon these open-air services as perfectly normal ; they are certainly
primitive ; the very earliest preaching of the Gospel was in the open air, on the "
shores of the Lake of Galilee, by our blessed Lord Himself. And they are
unquestionably ecclesiastical. In the earliest times of the Reformation there
was open-air preaching at Paul's Cross.' All the worthiest of the bishops
preached there ; there, too, the bishop of glorious memory, Bishop Latimer,
preached the Gospel of the Kingdom of God, and hundreds heard those words of
truth which went right home to their hearts, and brought forth good fruit in
after-days. The Diary continues : —
July 19th. — Dean Stanley died last night. I deeply regret him. He was
kind, friendly, genial, affectionate. He was full of love and interest for the
poor, and rejoiced in every thought and act of generosity. His abilities and
acquirements were brilliant. I trembled at the contemplation of his theology ;
but I loved the man. Another who showed me attachment, and who always did
me more than justice, is now gone !
July 27th. — To Shaftesbury training-ship, under the Metropolitan School
Board. Distributed the prizes. The ship is a success — a great success. The
hymns and songs had much of religion in them ; and what I ventured to say in
my "few words " was well received.
In the late summer, while staying at Castle Wemyss, Lord Shaftesbury
heard of the death of General Garfield. " Excepting Palmerston," he says,
" I have never so felt the death of any public man." His first impulse was
to write and express his heartfelt sympathy with the widow. Later he wrote,
" Were it not presumptuous I would telegraph to her and say what I feel."
Finally, he sent the following letter to the American Minister : —
Lord Shaftesbury to the Hon. Russell Lowell.
Castle Wemyss. Wemyss Bay, N.B., Sept. 26th, 1881.
Sir, — I cannot refrain from taking the liberty to address you on the subject
of General Garfield.
I deeply longed to send a telegram of respect, I might almost say of affection,
to his admirable widow, but I feared, and indeed felt, that it would be pre
sumptuous. I desire simply to express (you will, I doubt not, pardon it) my profound
sorrow for the loss of that noble-minded and able-hearted man.
It is a loss to all the human race, not only to America and to the British
Empire. It is a sad thing that, in our fallen state, such men are meteoric; they are
bright, glorious, astounding ; but they appear and disappear rapidly.
All my life long I have wished and prayed for peace and friendship with the
United States.
All seemed to be concentrated in this man of singular gifts. God grant that
some one may be raised up in his stead. " Liberavi animam meam"
Any other mode than the one I have adopted — that of privately speaking to

18sld THE OPIUM TRADE. 725
you my heartfelt sentiments— would have been impertinent and egotistical ;
perhaps you will say that, even thus, I have gone too far.
Your obedient servant,
 Shaftesbury.
The Hon. Russell Lowell to Lord Shaftesbury.
Legation op the United States, London, 3rd Oct., 1881.
My Lord, — I beg you to accept my most sincere thanks for your in every way
excellent letter. Coming from anybody such an expression of sympathy would
be welcome, but from you, who by a long life of good works have added lustre to
a name already famous, it will be doubly precious.
I shall have great pleasure in forwarding your letter to Mrs. Garfield, who, I
am sure, will set great store by it. I remain, your obedient servant, J. R. Lowell.
In 1874 a Committee was formed, which developed into the Anglo-
Oriental Society for the Suppression of the Opium Trade, and in 1880 Lord
Shaftesbmy became its president. Both in and out of Parliament he used
every endeavour to influence public opinion on the question, and to this end
he spoke at a great meeting at the Mansion House on the 21st of October,
1881, under the presidency of the Lord Mayor, and it was lamentable that, in
1881, he had to use the same arguments he had brought forward in 1843.
He did not live to see the evil abated ; but to the end of his life he did not
cease to declare that it was " the duty of all religious societies, and the duty
of every missionary society, the duty of every man who cares for the faith of
Christianity, and the duty of every one who cares for the honour of his
country, to combine in protesting, in memorialising, in giving no rest to tho
authorities of this country, until such time as they shall have wiped out this
foul reproach from tke forehead of the British Empire."
In October Mr. Orsman wrote to Lord Shaftesbury to ask him to preside
at the opening of the Costers' Hall, in connection with the Golden Lane
Mission. To this he replied : — October 17th, 1881.
Dear Orsman, — Three cheers, and one cheer more, for the costers I My best
love to them at your next meeting. I cannot fix a day just now. I must learn
on what days there will be Board meetings of my Commission. Pray write to
me again. Yours truly, S.
In the closing entries in the Diary for the year the following passages
occur : —
Nov. 28th.— St. Giles's. Wonderfully well this morning, God be praised— a
providence — as I am going on a journey to London for three days and nights of
work for costers and Ragged Schools. Grant, 0 Lord, that I may accomplish my
work and return in peace I

726 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. xxxv.
Nov. 30th. — K. Edward's Ragged School on Monday was a blessed sight. Our
Lord is manifestly- with them. And so was, last night, the Costers' Hall. They
met me with flags and a fine band of music about a mile from the Hall ; the inhabi
tants, many of them, joined the procession ; and we went, perhaps 20,000 people,
"in state " to the meeting. Speeches of course, but no doubt the speeches of an
old man ; yet they were such as God enabled me to deliver for His service. I
am not exempt from the natural and necessary decline in power which attends
old age.
On the following day Lord Shaf tesbury's health rendered it necessary that
he should consult Sir William Gull, who peremptorily forbade him to attend
a meeting for distribution of prizes at Stoke Newington. A telegram to
his friend Mr. H. R. Williams was sent accordingly, and an exaggerated
report as to the state of his health created great alarm among his friends.
Dec. 3rd. — Very kind inquiries by Edwin Arnold, Editor of Daily Telegraph,
and a most kind article in his paper.
Dec. 5th. — That grand old Hebrew patriarch, Moses Montefiore, aged ninety-
eight, sent his card, with earnest inquiries after my health. He is worthy of
the best days of the Jewish polity ; a noble and fit representative, also, of that
illustrious patriarch, Judas Maccabeus.
Dec. 26th. — Catherine Marsh is ill. Let every one who cares for Christ's
kingdom over the hearts of the human race pray that she may be restored, and
speedily, to her career and power of love and service ! She has comforted the
souls of many in the name of our Saviour and Redeemer.
Wide as were Lord Shaftesbury's sympathies with the many efforts made
for the spread of the Gospel, and active as were his labours to promote the
circulation of the Truth among the poor and neglected, he never would, or
could, countenance any movement dealing with the awful verities of religion,
unless such movement were founded on a sense of the reverence due to
sacred things. Religion in an irreligious spirit was hateful to him ; there
must be, as the Alpha and Omega of every endeavour, a spirit of reverence.
Wherever the eternal truths of revelation were to be proclaimed ; wherever
the minds of men were to be turned to thoughts of God, the first essential,
in his mind, was that " reverence and godly fear " should have their proper
place. It did not matter where the place of assembly might be — whether
the bam or the cottage, the theatre or the open air — the injunction, " Take
off thy shoes from off thy feet, for the place whereon thou standest is holy
ground," was a binding obligation. An awe unspeakable must rest upon the
souls of men who would be " co-workers with God," or that work is un
intelligible. In the autumn of 1881, Lord Shaftesbury received a long letter from
Admiral Fishbourne, inviting him to join the so-called " Salvation Army,"
and to give to that movement his countenance and support. Without a
moment's hesitation he stoutly refused, and, as unhesitatingly, gave his
reasons for doing so. This involved him in a long paper controversy with
A.dmiral Fishboume and Mr. (or " General ") and Mrs. Booth, some portions

!881.] THE "SALVATION ARMY." 727
of which we will presently quote. The correspondence was not published,
although Lord Shaftesbury was anxious that it should have been, and the
matter was allowed to drop. In the summer of 1882, however, the following
passage occurs in the Diary : —
June 25th. — Sunday. For the first time publicly broke out against the
" Army " of Mr. Booth.* Could not resist it, hearing the eulogy of it pronounced
by a clergyman, and a good clergyman too, of the Church of England, the
Rev. Burnam Cassin. In the Times of yesterday the Archbishop of Canterbury
appears as a patron of Mr. and Mrs. Booth, and as a donor of five pounds to
their funds.
These, then, are our pastors, who are to feed us "in green pastures, and lead
us beside still waters."
In the speech referred to above, Lord Shaftesbury, in expressing his
surprise that so many were found to encourage Mr. Booth and his
'• myrmidons," protested against the haughty title, " The Salvation Army,"
and that the only plea urged in their behoof was that they were in earnest.
" In earnest ! " he exclaimed, " was not Mr. Bradlaugh in earnest? Were not
the Nihilists and the Fenians in earnest ? Was not the Devil himself in earnest ?
And, if they supported all that was in earnest, to what extremes would they not
be driven ? The excesses of the " Army " were producing great irreverence of
thought, of expression, of action, turning religion into a play, and making it
grotesque and familiar.
Now, if religion was made easy and jocular, hundreds would join it, and
swell the number of conversions, but that was not the way to carry on the work
of the Gospel. There was no need of gymnastics to enforce Christianity. It
must be preached with simplicity and fervour to reach the hearts of the people,
and if they departed from that, they would see a decline of all religion in the
country, and the excesses of one body, like the "Army" under the orders of
" General " and Mrs. Booth, would terminate in the distrust and annihilation of
all the humble and holy missions now so rife, and so fruitful in the instruction
and comfort of the masses of the people.
Lord Shaftesbury felt it to be a duty to speak out thus, and he never
shrank from duty ; it was a grief to him, however, to do so, for it brought
him into opposition with friends whose opinions, on most points, he honoured,
and whose religious zeal, in many respects, he admired. Nevertheless, he
had his reward, for he had expressed what large numbers were waiting to
hear expressed, and many letters of gratitude for what he had said were sent
to him. The following extracts from Lord Shaftesbury's letters to Admiral Fish-
bourne fully set forth his views on the " Salvation Army."
Lord Shaftesbury to Admiral Fishbourne.
St. Giles's House, Nov. 7th, 1881.
Dear Admiral Fishbourne,— .... I was requested, nearly a year
ago to give what support I could to the Salvation Army. I have not, at hand,
* At a meeting on behalf of Special Religious Services in Theatres, held at
Blackheath.

728 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. IChap. XXXV.
the letter I wrote in reply, so I cannot send you a copy, but I retain all the
feelings I then expressed — feelings of deep and sincere objection.
It is not that I have any repugnance to novel and abnormal modes of proceed
ing. My whole life has been spent in breaking down barriers and prejudices ; and, in
efforts to reach, religiously, the vast masses of the people, I have for years
disregarded every mere form of external Church government, and have laboured
to bring into action all the hearts and minds of the high and low, rich and
poor, among the laity, for ardent and vigorous ministerial services.
But I endeavoured, and I hope that I have succeeded, to keep within the
limits of the New Testament and primitive Christianity. When, however, I look
at the constitution, framework, and organisation of the Salvation Army, its
military arrangements, its Hallelujah Lasses, its banners, their mottoes, and a
thousand other original accompaniments, I ask what authority we have in
Scripture for such a system and such a discipline ! Can any man conscien
tiously believe, after due reflection, that things like these would have
been formerly, or that they can be now, in accordance with the mind of our
Lord and His apostles ? Have we any trace that afterwards, when abuses crept
in, the primitive Christians resorted to such sensational practices, even in secret ?
There is none whatever.
The earliest authority for the Salvation Army is Mr. Booth himself, and it
dates from only a year or so ago.
But matters do not improve when we pass from the organisation to the
language and conduct of the members of the body. I have before me, at this
moment, a long list of doings which (so far from being " decent and in order ")
aro in action as extravagant, and in expression as offensive, as any that ever
disgraced the wildest fanaticism. I will not give any details, because you and
Mr. Booth must, frequently, have heard the various charges.
Now you may, perhaps, reply that, while Mr. Booth regrets these things, he
cannot control them. To that I must rejoin that, in such a case, he is bound to
surrender his post, and separate himself from adherents whose excesses and
violence he is unable to restrain.
I cannot but regret the sad and perilous step Mr. Booth has taken, because it
has greatly abated the benefit that might have been derived from a, religious
movement, headed and expanded by Mrs. Booth. That lady, with profound
earnestness and great intellectual gifts, has also vast powers of persuasion, which
might have operated, not only on the classes already addressed, but on many who
are now, both from feeling- and principle, very antagonistic to the name and
achievements of the Army.
You will tell me, no doubt, that the work has prospered, and that happy
results have ensued.
Assuming, though by no means admitting, that you are right, I cannot accept
the argument. I must consider, and weigh solemnly, the mode, manner, and
character of the proceedings whereby you seek to reach your object. If they are
founded on Scripture, I will go along with you ; if they are not so, I must do
just the reverse. I cannot consent " to do evil that good may come." It is a
rule, I know, much bepraised, often quoted, and perpetually violated ; but, in
matters of this kind, it is too serious to be trifled with.
You have sent me a paper containing artioles of approval from various
newspapers. Strange to say, they have given me more distrust of the movement

1881.] THE "SALVATION ARMY." 729
than I had before. They rejoice, and fairly enough, in the Army's exercise of
religious liberty ; but there is perceptible, also, a certain satisfaction in the
proof, as they think, to their minds, that religion to be effective must be more or
less fanatical.
I cannot refrain from calling your attention to a passage in a pastoral charge
by that wise and blessed man, the late Bishop McHvaine. You will find it in
page 82 of his life by Canon Cams.
What says the Bishop? "Remember that the time of revival, however
genuine the work, is especially the time for watchfulness . . . beware of all
efforts to kindle excitement. Be animated, be diligent, be filled with the spirit
of prayer, but b3 sober-minded. Let all noise, and all endeavours to promote
mere animal feeling, be shunned. You can no more advance the growth of
religion in the soul by excitement than you can promote health in the body by
throwing it into fever."
These are the sentiments of a profound and pious man, who, as an American
clergyman, had seen the rise and fall of many revivals.
Now, without reference to the particular objections to the methods adopted by
Mr. Booth, the system itself cannot be justified by the plea of necessity for the
introduction of anything new, special, and distinctive, in ithe mode of addressing
the people. We have, at least, one hundred lay missions in London ; and there
are many elsewhere — I wish that they were tenfold in number — which conduct
their operations with abundant zeal, and yet with modesty and sobriety. Not a
f°w consist of working-people, who become missionaries to their own class — just
a= it should be — and no one, who is at all acquainted with the moral state of our
large cities, can hesitate to affirm, that these energetic but unpretending eff or* i
have been singularly blessed in the diffusion of revealed truth. . . .
It is the multiplication of such agencies as these, and their wider extensicn,
that we now stand in need of ; and, while I acknowledge the good intentions of
Mr. Booth, and agree with him that special efforts must be made, I cannot
applaud his judgment, nor can I, in any way, share with him the responsibility
of maintaining and extending the movement called the Salvation Army.
Yours very truly,
 Shaftesbury.
Lord Shaftesbury to Admiral Fishbourne.
St. Giles's House, Nov. 22nd, 1881.
Dear Admiral Fishbourne,— Allow me to thank you for your reply to my
letter. It does not, however, meet the grounds of my objections. You merely repeat
that o-reat good has been done by the Salvation Army ; but you do not adduce an
argument to remove my repugnance to the mode and character of your proceed
ings which I venture to regard as being wholly unwarranted by Scripture.
I cannot enter into a controversy with you about the doctrine you inculcate,
on ite peculiar acceptability with the masses, and its wide distinction from
general evangelical preaching. Seriously as I question some of the views you
have stated in your letter, I will not attempt to controvert them. They were not
the point at issue in my first reply, nor shall they be so now. I will only remark

730 the earl of Shaftesbury. [Chap, xxxv.
that your comparison of the members of the Salvation Army, " with the disciples
at the day of Pentecost," is alike original and untrue. The Salvation Army you
say " is doubtless noisy and irregular " (an important admission), " and this," you
add, " was the condition of Pentecost, as they were charged with being drunk
with new wine."
Whenever you and Mr. Booth can give to the charge against his followers as
stout and clear a reply as St. Peter gave on that eventful day, I will lay aside all
my objections, and join your ranks with the utmost cordiality.
But Mrs. Booth takes a very bold line, and broadly maintains, as I read in her
letter to you, and which you have enclosed to me, " that, in bringing the Gospel
to bear on men, there is no law laid down in the Scriptures, except the law of
adaptation." Nay, but there is a law, I reply, and that law is, " Let all things be
done decently and in order."
The texts she adduces are nothing to the point — they touch in no way the
discipline, the apparatus, the military titles, the regimental action of young
women, towards which such repugnance is felt. And, as for the remainder of
the illustrations drawn from the Old Testament, I must first say that to put the
inventions of man on the same footing with the directions of the Almighty
Himself, shows an audacity which makes me tremble ; and the more so when the
whole is summed up with a passage unprecedented, I think, in the writings of
any believer : " We have never," so states Mrs. Booth, " done anything half as
outrageous and extravagant as God set His prophets to do at that time."
Was there ever such language applied before to the commands of God ? Does
not the tendency of the movement break out in all this unhallowed freedom
of speech and action? But let Mrs. Booth remember that when she handle,
after this fashion, the mysterious injunctions of the Almighty, she endorses the
language of every infidel who has presumed to measure, by his own weak and
corrupt judgment, the inscrutable decrees of Heavenly Wisdom.
As for her further observations, that St. Paul was " always in a row," and that
an " aggressive Christianity must, of necessity, be a rowdy Christianity," I deeply
regret that a lady of her intelligence and piety should have allowed herself to
indulge in such childish and irreverent expressions, which show, I must be
excused for saying it, as much unacquaintance with human nature as with the
Bible itself.
Mrs. Booth asserts, and conscientiously believes, that the whole is marked by
" the finger of God." I will not presume to give to that good and sincere lady a
flat contradiction.
If Mrs. Booth, when citing the examples of Ezekiel and Jeremiah, claims to
be like those prophets, and to act under the dictates of Inspiration, I cannot of
course continue to argue with her, and I must stop, and so must every one, to ask
convincing proofs of that asserted Inspiration. ,
But if she does not assert the enjoyment of suoh an influence, she must call
to mind that Jeremiah and Ezekiel did so ; and so did every servant of God
throughout the Old Testament, when ordered to perform some striking and
abnormal work. For men to proceed on any other basis, and to assume that
everything in the Old Testament is a precedent to be followed, at will, by each
one according to his own judgment or impulse, would throw all religious and
social life into utter confusion. The Anabaptists of Munster and Leyden, and

18sl-3 PERSECUTION OF JEWS IN RUSSIA. 731
all the enormities of the wildest fanaticism, would be revived and, as it were,
justified by such a principle.
Mrs. Booth's plain and unhesitating assertion, that such stimulating appliances
are necessary to render the Gospel acceptable to the masses, is simply to declare
that the Gospel, in itself, is weak and spiritless, unless presented to them with
the grotesque and heathenish accompaniments of man's invention — an assertion
in direct contravention of Scripture itself, and refuted, moreover, by tbe results
of the numerous Lay Missions that so providentially and happily are moving,
day and night, with silent, though sure, effect, in London and all our great cities.
Strong and deep as my impressions are, I am prepared to wait for further and
unmistakable proof, obeying, meanwhile, with all my heart, the exhortation of
Gamaliel, " If this counsel or this work be of man it will come to nought ; but
if it be of God, ye cannot overthrow it, lest, haply, ye be found to fight even
against God." Yours very truly, Shaftesbury.
The views expressed in the foregoing letters Lord Shaftesbury never saw
occasion to abandon or. modify. In conversation with the writer in 1885 he
said, "I have no sympathy with that movement in the remotest degree; not
so much as I have with that other extreme, Ritualism. Extremes meet, and
I am disposed to think that, eventually, there will be an open alliance between
the Ritualists and the Salvation Army. Both delight in show, both are
dependent upon their leaders, both are busy with externals. Take away
Mr. Booth and the movement collapses ; take away the priests and Ritualism
falls. The only strong point of the Salvation Army is the Temperance
movement allied to it ; not in its travesty of religion."
The number and variety of subjects that Lord Shaftesbury undertook in
1882, the firmness of his grasp, and tlie energy with which he dealt with
them, was "as a marvel unto many." Thus his old friend Dean Law,
writing to his still older friend Mr. Haldane, said: "January 28th, 1882.
Yesterday I was honoured and gladdened by a visit from our beloved Earl.
To my extreme delight he appeared as if no interval of time had done
weakening work since last we met. The figure was erect, the gait vigorous,
and the mind as powerful as in former times. He conversed on all the
matters which now engross attention with a power of conception and expres
sion quite unimpaired by his many years. Perhaps his view of matters
mio-ht betray a little too much of his characteristic gloom in foreboding.
But his fears were all brightened by the richness of heavenly hope. As a
statesman, as a patriot, as a philanthropist, as a Christian, he still appeared
as &vai b.v*pa>v, wearing an unrivalled crown."
A case may be cited here to illustrate Lord Shaftesbury's power of dealing
with a question at this advanced period of his life. Early in 1882 intelligence
was received in this country of cruel persecutions of the Jews in Russia.
Strong articles appeared in the newspapers on tho subject, but no action
was taken, until a body of Hebrews in London addressed a letter to Lord

732 the earl op Shaftesbury. [Chap. xxxv.
Shaftesbury, urging him to intercede on behalf of their suffering brethren, and
wondering that " no Christian had come forward to assert the principle and
practice of true Christianity." The appeal was irresistible ; instantly he
wrote a vigorous letter to the Times, and "sent it" (from St. Giles's) "by
special hand to avoid delay." His letter was at once responded to, and a
meeting called forthwith at the Mansion House to take action in the matter.
It followed naturally that Lord Shaftesbury, having taken the initiative,
should move the first resolution.
Jan. 30th. — Hence falls on me the weight, the duty, the responsibility of
stating the case and giving the tone to the audience. It is full of difficulty and
danger ; for if I say very little, I should " show cause ; " if I state a great deal, I
may go too far. My memory, my judgment, my courage, may, all of them, fail,
and not only I, but the question itself, may suffer.
Jan. 31st. — Well or ill, sad or rejoicing, must start for London to attend, God
willing, the meeting to-morrow. Never did I go anywhere with a heavier heart.
Mr. Serjeant Simon can get no speakers, certainly none of weight, to support the
Jewish cause on the cause of justice and humanity. Possibly there will be
scarcely an audience.
It turned out to be " a grand meeting, full, hearty, and enthusiastic," and
although " suffering much from moral and physical depression," Lord
Shaftesbury got through his task.
Feb. 2nd. — Ah, Lord, prosper it all to the honour of Thine ancient people ;
but specially to the honour of Thy dear Son Jesus Christ, whose professing
followers have come forward to pray and fight for those who crucified Him i
And did He not teach us to do this in his own words upon the Cross, " Father,
forgive them, for they know not what they do " ?
Lord Shaftesbury was not content to allow the matter to rest here. On
the 9th of February the question was discussed in the House of Lords, in
which, it is needless to say, he took a principal part. " We had," he says in
a note to Mr. Haldane, " a very short, hut very satisfactory, flare up on the
Jews in the House of Lords. The Hebrews were iu ecstasies." At many
other meetings he brought the matter forward in the month of May, nor did
he " cease from his intercession till the plague was stayed."
The " scenes " in the House of Commons, consequent upon the refusal to
allow Mr. Bradlaugh, one of the members for Northampton, to take his seat,
were important features of the session. In 1882 the controversy on the
question of the Oath was still in progress, when Lord Redesdale, in the
House of Lords, made a proposal to add "stringency to the Oath of
Allegiance by adding to it a categorical statement* of belief in the Deity."
Lord Shaftesbury " moved the previous question," was successful in cheeking
the Bill, and " rescued the peers from a position of no little embarrassment."
A characteristic passage in the Diaiy refers to the attendance of the
bishops on the discussion of this important question : —
April 8th.— Last year, when movement was made in Lords for Opening of

18S2.] BIBLICAL STUDIES. 733
Museums only eight bishops were present. This year, when Redesdale's Bill was
propounded — to which they all objected — only two. Of what use are they there
on truly serious matters ?
The study of the sacred Scriptures was always a delight to Lord Shaftes
bury, and never more so than in these last years of his life. A Bible was
always at hand in his library, and nothing more remarkably exemplified the
retention of his faculties than the manner in which, whenever a reference to
the Scriptures was necessary, he could, in a moment, turn to chapter and
verse. On one occasion, when speaking tp the writer about the Revised
Version of the New Testament, and the rumours as to alterations in the text
of the Revised Version of the Old Testament, in the course of a few minutes
he turned to from fifteen to twenty passages as if by magic ; it seemed as if
he had every syllable of the inspired volume at his fingers' ends.
There are many references in the Diary to his Biblical studies at this
period, a few of which we quote : —
April 1st. — Good Friday. Let om- first thought be that of St. Paul: "I
determined to know nothing but Jesus Christ, and Him crucified." It is very
remarkable ; he says not " no one," but " no thing." He excludes thus every
possible adjunct of man's hope or invention ; every shadow of good deeds and
self -righteousness ; every notion, however small, of something besides Christ.
A.ug. 27th. — Sunday. Reading " Romans." There are certain passages in
that wonderful and glorious epistle which will divide, in translation and inter
pretation, critics and commentators to the end of time. Be it so ; however
desirable to know the exact meaning of every word and every expression, such a
minute acquaintance with his writings is not necessary to salvation, or even to a
clear, bright, and full understanding of his Divinely-inspired letter. If there
are half a dozen passages obscure, there are thousands as brilliant as day ; and
let us rest satisfied, as St. Peter was satisfied, though there are some things
" hard to be understood."
Aug. 31st. — Day opens beautifully ; rose at half -past five, with every promise
of comfort for the day. Psalms and Proverbs. How deeply evangelical is that
Book of Proverbs ! How plainly one may see and feel Christ speaking under the
Old as under the New Testament !
In the following extracts from the Diary, Lord Shaftesbmy describes
some of the events in which he was most interested during the year : —
May 7th, 1882. — News arrived— heard it as going to early sacrament — of
assassination of Fred. Cavendish in Dublin within a few horns of his reaching
it. The crime is shocking and cruel beyond all power of expression. He had
never said a word, or done a deed, in reference to Ireland ; he had gone, more
over, " ostensibly," on a mission of concession. Is not Hell let loose in that
country ? What ought we not to feel for his father, his brother, but specially
his widow ! Gracious God, have compassion on them ! Any one who knew the
wife must admire and love her. He was gentle, true, pious, and singularly
attractive. Their mutual attachment to each other was, I am told, very touching

734 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXXV.
and very deep. Here is a trial of faith. Why one so good, so affectionate,
so zealous for her Lord and Master, Jesus Christ, should be thus afflicted !
June 14th. — Last night to Anniversary of One Tun Ragged School. The
spectacle is deeply touching ; the mass of little things go there from the recesses
of vice, misery, and filth, physically and morally cleansed, in order, discipline,
true knowledge (the knowledge of Christ), and joy — joy so long as their child
hood lasts. It makes me reflect and feel and bless God for a pause, if no more,
in the activity of human suffering and degradation. What will befall it if the
income fails — it has often been that issue — or when Mrs. Barker Harrison, that
inestimable woman, be taken to Heaven ? Let us pray that He will raise up a
due succession of such agents for His own glory and the comfort of these poor
children. June 29th. — Accomplished almost a prodigy in the business of the day.
Early to Greenhithe for Chichester and Arethusa ; returned in haste for meeting
of Cairns, Beauchamp, Coleridge, and others, in Grosvenor Square, to decide how
best to oppose, in next Session, Deceased Wife's Sister Bill. Then to public
dinner in honour of Sir Ashley Eden, my godson ; and afterwards, in a hurry,
in obedience to Her Majesty's commands, to a concert at Buckingham Palace.
Swift says of a poor curate —
" All this was done by Thomas Hewett ;
What other mortal could go through it ? "
July 6th. — Much rain yesterday ; some fine intervals ; but my poor little
children of the One Tun Ragged School must have been sadly disappointed ; they
could not roll on the wet grass. Poor little things ; no doubt they bore it well •
better than we higher folks should have done.
July 30th. — Yesterday to Margate, to preside at Dedication (for such it is)
of George Williams' House of Health and Repose for Young Men, a Bethesda, a
House of Mercy. . . He is a dear, noble, and generous man ; and in the
whole range of all whom I know, whether relatives or friends, the only one from
whom I could with comfort, or even with hope, request a great kindness.
Dec. 26th. — Returned to Saint on 22nd. Christmas Day, very damp and
gloomy. Nevertheless, a day of rejoicing ; first, because Christmas Day ;
secondly, because for first time during many years, and probably for the last
time, nearly all the family were assembled together. I had around me at the
Lord's Table, and at home, Evelyn, Lionel, Cecil, Vea, Hilda ; Antony absent, but
represented by Margaret ; dear Sissey away at Davos. In the house, Wilfrid,
little Hilda, and Maria, William's widow ; Pinkie, as almost one of the family,
and Augusta Chichester.
Death was busy among the friends of Lord Shaftesbury in. this year and
those that followed. Dean Law, the Dean of Gloucester, of whom he always
spoke as " The Good Dean," was " gathered like a shock of splendid corn in
full season into the Heavenly Garner, there to remain among God's precious
stores for ever and ever." His " dear old friend, Harrowby, a good man both
towards God and towards His house," was another to " drop from his
morning and evening prayers." Of Dr. Pusey, who closed his long life in
this year (1882), he writes -.—

1882.] MR. HALDANE. 735
Sept. 23rd. — My friend, Pusey, dead and buried. Intensely and fearfully as I
differed from him in many points of unspeakable importance, I could not but
love the man. Had known him for sixty years I Was at college with him. We
read Aristotle to each other ; but while I formed a correct opinion of his diligence,
I had not formed, at that time, a correct one of his powers. He has had a
prodigious effect on his generation. I greatly admired his talents, fully
acknowledged and wondered at his immense learning, and reverenced his
profound piety. His work on Daniel exhibits all the three ; and surely he was
called and supported by our Lord in that illustrious effort of wisdom, labour, and
courage. But the "great loss" of all was the removal by death of his old and
valued friend, Mr. Haldane — the man on whom he had depended more than
on any one else, with whom his intercourse had been almost unbroken for
more than thirty years, and to whom he had opened his heart at all times and
under all circumstances. The friendship between them had been fostered by
the strongest mutual attraction and sympathy on almost every point.
July 9th. — Called on Haldane yesterday. Saw him in bed, but only for two
minutes ; he is ill. I am in anxiety about him. His daughter, Mrs. Corsbie,
pronounces him much improved ; but attacks at eighty-one years of age are very
alarming. God, in His mercy, raise him up from the couch of sickness and give
him yet a few years of service ! I, myself, should deeply feel his loss ; he is the
only one left to whom I can speak of many things.
July 18th. — Haldane is fearfully ill. God, in His mercy and goodness, spare
him yet a little while ?
Half -past twelve. Have been to see him ; he was fast asleep, but surely the
sentence of Death was on his face. He may yet recover, but it would be almost a
miracle. It would be a real comfort to myself, but would it be so to him ? God
only knows. And when we pray, as in this case, we must remember that there
are two parties to the question. We pray for ourselves, but we do not sufiiciently
consider that we may not be praying for the true welfare of the patient. Our
blessed Lord is wise and good.
July 20th.  My old, long-proved, and trusty friend, Haldane, having been
unconscious for two days, died yesterday evening at half-past six, evidently
without suffering. Sat by his bedside for an hour, and, along with his son and
daughters, joined in prayer. We cannot but have full assurance of his salvation.
He believed intensely in the Lord Jesus, His power, His office, His work. He
intensely loved Him, and ever talked with a holy relish and a full desire for the
Second Advent. A long life, one less of personal activity than of religious
intellectualism, was devoted to the advancement of Christ's Kingdom and to the
temporal and eternal welfare of the human race. His sole hope was in the
all-atoning blood of our blessed Saviour ; any approach to a doctrine of works
was his abhorrence, and once he quoted to me, with approval and favour, the
saying of Dr. Doddridge, " The very best thing that man ever did is worthy of
condemnation." To me it is for the remainder of my days, whatever that be, a complete
blank. We have lived in friendship for five-and-thirty years ; and in intimacy
for at least twenty ! When in London scarcely a day passed that I did not see
him ' and when absent, I heard from him oftentimes in the week.

736 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXXV.
On the 24th of July Lord Shaftesbury followed the remains of his
beloved friend to their last resting-place in Willesden Cemetery. It was a
wet and stormy day, and thunder was pealing heavily, but Lord Shaftesbury
would remain uncovered, and almost impatiently resisted the efforts of Mr.
Haldane's son to protect him from the weather, saying, in the bitterness of
his grief, " it did not matter what happened to him now."
Sir William Herschel, who was one of the friends assembled at the grave,
gives the following graphic picture of the scene in a letter to Mrs. Corsbie,
the eldest daughter of Mr. Haldane : " I had never seen Lord Shaftesbury,
but knowing his unremitting intercourse with your father, I was prepared
to see strong traces of grief on a face which I knew showed habitual melan
choly. But when I raised my eyes across the open grave, and for the first
time saw the thin figure opposite me, I was startled by the picture of
misery that met my sig'ht. I could look at nothing but the living face of
sorrow for the dead, the deep down-out lines, the hair blowing about the bare
broad head, and the eyes hard closed at times. The meaning of it, more than
the features which conveyed the meaning, was what startled me so ; to see
such sharp pain for a personal loss in spite of such mature faith. I never
saw anything like it in any human face. What a contrast to the genial
smile of which he was thinking ! "
Had not Lord Shaftesbury left such, copious Diaries, his letters to Mr.
Haldane would have been invaluable, as, from them, a biography of thirty
years of his life could, in some measure, have been constructed. As it is,
those letters have only been occasionally quoted when they supplied informa
tion not to be found in the Diaries.
Although dealing principally with current topics of the day, they contain,
scattered throughout the series, many gems of thought and expression, a few
of which, without reference to the occasions that called them forth, may be
given here. They are selected to show, in Lord Shaftesbury's correspond
ence, his versatility of style, his flashes of humour, his sympathies and
antipathies, and his Christian philosophy.
I want to pin every discussion down to the one thing needful — the one perfect
and sufficient sacrifice.
The verifying faculty is simply a clumsy makeshift to get rid of the Holy
Spirit. 
Scientific despotism exceeds sacerdotal tyranny.

When Gladstone runs down a steep place, his immense majority, like the pigs
m Scripture, but hoping for. a better issue, will go with him, roaring in grunts
of exultation. 
The story of the effort as a sturdy beggar was this. Rambling in the lowest
parts of Westminster, I found a Ragged School, held in a deserted stable, cold,

1882.] GEMS OF THOUGHT AND EXPRESSION. 737
ruinous, and stinking. I went back to the House of Commons, stood at the
entrance into the House, and asked of every one whom I thought well'disposed
to the cause to give me a sovereign. Having got £28, I went back and ordered
the place to be put into repair. I was very proud of the act then, and I am
proud of it now.
D'Israeli is a Hebrew, and that to my mind always imparts a certain sense of
reverence. I can never forget that of this race our blessed Lord came according
to the flesh. . . . DTzzy's ambition to be the first Hebrew Peer is quite con
sistent with his pride — just pride — in the pedigree in Nehemiah. His desire has
been to show that the Jews are becoming the dominant race, and that they can,
by force of character, command, however inferior they may think them, every
thing in the possession of the Gentiles.

Ritualism is the Colorado beetle of ecclesiasticism — you cannot keep it out.

Fine writing is the pest of all true theology. People will be brilliant
startling, original ; and, in that spirit, they sacrifice everything to a " pregnant
expression." God will work out His own purpose according to His own wisdom. God will
not prevent my being called a fool, but He will prevent my being one.

I would rather deny Revelation than . . . eliminate Christ.

Retrospect must be fearful to every reflecting soul. All time past is filled
with negligences, lost or spoiled opportunities, shortcomings, and abundant sins.
Retrospects ought to bring nothing but confession and repentance ; and then the
prospect — the only thing to be cared for — will be peace and joy.

Doctrine is everywhere set aside. It is like silver in the days of Solomon,
it is "nothing accounted of." 
Inspiration is no more to be understood than the secret of life. It exists, and
let believers be satisfied ; and, certainly, one thing is true that, if Inspiration
does not exist and prevail, the Bible is not worth a straw. . . . Newman's
words speak the truth of our version : It is " interwoven with the moral com
position of our people." 
Education may be, instead of a great blessing, a great curse. We are training
boys and girls too rapidly. We have a thousand candidates for one place. The
999 live then, by their wits, and the wits are turned to fraud and sensationalism.
This is not an argument against education, but a warning. " Make it healthy
and safe." v v

738 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXXV.
Practically, and in the sight of God, there is no real difference between
denying and ignoring Him.
I was reading this morning Mark xii. 1 — 8. Surely our Lord must have been
foretelling an Irish estate ! We are far nearer to the end of the British Empire
than we thought six months ago. Three years (or six ?) hence will see, after
Household' Suffrage in the Counties, and Redistribution of Seats, the coarsest,
vulgarest House of Commons that England can produce. I consider the extinc
tion of the House of Lords in fact, if not in terms, a foregone conclusion now.
The thing was settled in the short conflict on the Registration Bill. We then
learned publicly, what privately every thinking man has long known, that we
are living on ""sufferance." And what kind of sufferance ? Why, that of the
boa constrictor in the Zoological Gardens, who has his rabbit in the cage, but is
not quite ready for it.
I see that the revision of the Scriptures is to impoverish our language. We
ought, instead of driving out words by the substitution of modern ones, to force
the older ones into more common use. We shall lose the pure Saxon for terms
drawn from the French or lower Latin. Pray remember Hudibras, describing
the innovations of his day — ¦
" 'Twas English, out on Greek or Latin
Like fustian, heretofore on satin."
All is in keeping. These fellows are enfeebling our doctrine ; and it is quite in
harmony to enfeeble the language in which it is expressed.

The  had a notice which was amusing beyond most farces I Fearful of
allowing me the possession of understanding, the Editor spoke of nothing, in
three several passages, but my "instincts," as though I were a St. Bernard's dog
or a tabby cat.
If, for political and public purposes, there can be in the Bible one book more
valuable than another, to throw light on the days in which we live, it is
Jeremiah. He was not always " looking to the sun," but he was looking to the
earth, entreating, preaching, warning, threatening, promising ; and he was, in
consequence, regarded as a bore, a blockhead, and a blunderer. Yet if he had
been attended to, Jerusalem might have survived for many centuries ; and
certainly she would have been spared the indescribable sufferings of soul and
body that followed her destruction by Nebuchadnezzar.

To the question, " What have the Evangelicals to fear ? " I reply, " Themselves."

I know what constituted an Evangelical in former times ; I have no clear
notion what constitutes one now.

Jan. 2nd, 1882. — " I will never leave thee nor forsake thee." Let me return
you, and " with usury," all your kind expressions and prayers for my temporal
and eternal welfare.

A NEW YEAR'S TEXT. 739
That text is a marvellous text (Deut. xxxi. 6), and has long been a banner to
me in the house of my pilgrimage.
Observe the frequent repetition of it. We read it first in Deuteronomy
(xxxi. 6), just before Moses departed this life. Then it appears in Joshua (i. 5),
just as he begins his independent career. David, dying (1 Chronicles xxviii. 20),
passes it on to his son Solomon ; and St. Paul winds it up, as a kt?j/*b th tov a\Zva,
a possession for ever, to every generation of mankind.
No text is so frequently repeated in Scripture ; and it has, moreover, a singular
significance. Moses, the type of our Lord, utters it as he quits this earth. Our
Lord says, almost as He was ascending to Heaven, " Lo, I am with you alway —
even to the end of the world."
The words are marvellously akin.

V V 2

CHAPTER XXXVI.
WORD AND WORK. 1874 — 1884.
Between the years 1874 and 1884 Lord Shaftesbury's attendance at public
meotings knew no cessation. There was scarcely a social, political, or
religious movement set on foot in which his co-operation was not solicited,
and, if practicable, obtained. The effect was not in the least degree to
diminish his affection for the old societies ; on the contrary, his love for
them, instead of waxing colder, increased as the years went on.
The mere physical strain in attending these ever-increasing meetings was
very great. " This is the ninth hour I have been in the chair to-day," he
said, at one of the meetings of the Ragged School Union.* " Moreover,
having taken the chair for two-and-thirty years consecutively, and having
made two-and-thirty speeches, I hardly know in what form to address you."
It is to be regretted that so many of Lord Shaftesbury's speeches were
merely delivered and done with, and that they take no permanent place in the
literature of the country. They are interesting, if regarded merely as the
utterances of a man intensely in earnest, but they are interesting, also, on
account of their literary value, and of the thorough and practical mastery of
every subject discussed upon.
We propose to group together in this place a few selected passages from
some of his speeches on behalf of the Societies with which he was most
closely identified.
In the Church Pastoral Aid Society he took a profound interest. Year
by year, since its formation in 1836, he made the anniversary meeting the
occasion of a speech, in which he sought to give a survey of the state of the
Church, the bearings of religious controversy, and the dangers that were
threatening, in consequence of the growth of new doctrines and new eccle
siastical practices. Many of these speeches, it must be confessed, were
gloomy in the extreme. " I know I am apt to croak," he said, on one
occasion, " and I know I am regarded as one who takes a dark view of the
future. But is there not a cause ? " It will not he with those gloomy views
that we shall concern ourselves in the following quotations : our object is
rather to reproduce Lord Shaftesbury's style as a speaker, and his sentiments
on various subjects.
On one occasion, speaking of Church reform, he said : —
I have talked a great deal, always with a view to the safety of the Establish
ment, about Ecclesiastical Reforms. Ecclesiastical Reforms seem just as remote
* May 12th, 1876.

1874-54.] EXTRACTS FROM SPEECHES. 741
as they were before anything was said on the subject. I am not going to speak
about such things any more, and I will tell you why. Two hundred years ago,
an ancestor of mine, the Lord Shaftesbury of that day, was one day making a
speech in the House of Lords. Behind him sat the Bishops, and one of them,
whose name I find recorded in history, and who disliked the Lord Shaftesbury
of that day, perhaps nearly as much as the Bishops now dislike the Lord
Shaftesbury of the present day, exclaimed, "When will that Lord have done
preaching ? " My ancestor turned round to him, and said, " Whenever your
Lordships begin." Well, I will not go on preaching any more about Ecclesiastical
Reform, because it would be utterly useless, because I know their Lordships the
Bishops will never begin.
Although he had to listen to endless reports of Societies, he never grew
weary of them. They were not dry figures to him, but startling facts ; he
saw, beyond the mere tabulated statements, harvest-fields of Christian
labour, and listened eagerly when the majority of hearers were listless. He
said, playfully : —
I think it would be of the greatest value if the reports of the various
Religious and Charitable Societies were at once, by Act of Parliament, elevated
into the dignity of Blue Books. If every Member of Parliament, under the
most severe penalty — and more particularly the Ministers of the day — were com
pelled to study them accurately, and then undergo a competitive examination, I
am satisfied that great good would accrue to themselves and benefit to their
country ; their enlarged notions, and probably improved hearts, would be felt in
the legislation of the country.
A good deal of controversy had arisen as to the state of the pulpit in the
Church of England, and strong assertions had been made that the style and
manner of preaching were not adapted to the exigencies of the people.
¦ Referring to this controversy, Lord Shaftesbury said :
We want a plainer style of speaking, but not plain in the sense of vapid,
unmeaning words. It is a great mistake to talk of coming down to the level of
the people. I recollect a great demagogue once saying in the House of Commons,
" I have had much experience in haranguing the people, and always made it a
rule, whatever audience I addressed, to speak my very best, and then I found I
was always best understood." Use plain language, not vapid, thin, unmeaning-
language, but use language directed to their apprehensions, being drawn from
thoughts and circumstances with which they are conversant ; the deeper your
thoughts, and the more metaphorical your language, the more easily you will
convey your meaning to the people.
Deploring the falling away of some from the steadfastness of the faith,
he says : —
When I turn to the right and to the left to seek for sympathy and help in
these oircumstances, I am met by language of this kind, "Did you ever
know a time when there was so much building of new churches? or, did
you ever know a time when there was so much done for the restoration of old

742 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXXVI.
churches ? " I answer. " I never knew such a time." I admit that the contri
butions for the building of new churches appear almost unbounded, and that
the prevalent disposition to restore old churches seems almost equally remark
able. I wish I could see the same desire for the restoration of the old
doctrine. Speaking with reference to the question of religious services at the burial
of Nonconformists, he says : —
I determined to make an effort to effect a compromise. I did devise a com
promise. Of course I entered upon the inheritance that usually falls to the lot
of those who mediate. I became obnoxious to both sides. I know it is said in
Scripture, " Blessed are the peacemakers." Spiritually, that is no doubt true,
but terrestrially, it is the very reverse. I have generally found that those who
interpose in such cases, though they do so with the best intentions, come off very
badly in the effort which they make.
Lord Shaftesbury had the happy art of enlivening his speeches with
anecdotes of his contemporaries. Thus, when a speaker had expressed some
thing like contempt for those who desired to see Convocation abolished, and
remarked that they did not know what Convocation really was, because they
were never there, Lord Shaftesbury replied : —
It may be perfectly true that we have not been in Convocation, but there is
an old saying, " By their fruits ye shall know them." During my early life, I
happened one day to be sitting in a Committee of the House of Commons by the
side of the late Alderman Waithman. He was a man who had a rough kind of
eloquence, in which he was very fond of indulging, and which certainly did not
charm the Members of that House as much as it charmed people elsewhere.
The preceding evening he had made a speech in the House. He said to me,
"Did you hear me make my speech?" I replied that I did. "What did you
think of it ? " he said. " Well," I replied, " I thought it was a speech." " Ah ! "
he rejoined, " if you want to hear me well, you must go to the Common Council."
I did not see the necessity in that case, nor do I in this. It has been remarked
that Convocation is a somnolent body. It may be so, but it is a somnolent body
that talks in its sleep. It talks, too, to the great disturbance of people who desire
repose while lying on their beds.
On another occasion he said : —
I well recollect that after Sir Francis Burdett had changed his political
opinions, and gone over to the Conservative side of the House of Commons, he
made a speech, in which he said, " I hate the cant of patriotism ; " and on the
same occasion Lord John Russell, who was then the leader of the Whig party,
with great readiness and wit, remarked, " The cant of patriotism is, no doubt, a
bad thing, but what I hate more is the re-cant of patriotism." I may apply this
to dignitaries who go across the water commissioned to represent evangelical
religion, and, as soon as they have come back, publish a paper with a view to
upset a great part of the Book of Genesis, and a great part of the Book of
Exodus, and I know net what. I tell such men that, while our enemies hate the

1874-84.] EVENING COMMUNION. 743
cant, as they call it, of evangelical religion, I hate, quite as much, the recanting
of evangelical truth.
It was a habit of Lord Shaftesbury's mind to look at almost every ques
tion from the standpoint of the poor. Thus, when the question of Evening
Communion was under the consideration of the Evangelical clergy, he said : —
We must consider what has long been the condition of these people, and have
some regard to their wants, habits, customs, and feelings, and we must remember
that vast numbers of them, especially the women, have not a moment's leisure
from domestic duties till the evening, and the rectors and vicars of large parishes
tell me that, for one poor man or woman who has attended morning Communion,
fourteen or fifteen have attended evening Communion ; and it is the testimony of
those who have witnessed such scenes, that it is quite refreshing to observe the
earnest, humble, and devout manner in which these poor creatures assemble round
the table of their blessed Lord.
Again, on the same subject : —
The people are calling out for the Lord's Supper in the Mission Rooms. Now,
if it were given out by a large body of the ministers of the Church that they
would administer the Communion in tbe evening, many of the poor with whom
we have to deal would be likely to attend ; but if it is to be given out that the
ministers of the Church of England will never consider their convenience and
necessities, they will certainly stay away from the churches altogether.
And how, I ask you, in such a refusal, can the Church of England call herself
the " Church of the people " ?
In protesting against the use which certain Bishops and leading High
Churchmen were making of the word " Schism," he said : —
A schismatic, with them, is any person who differs ecclesiastically from the
externals of the Established Church ; a schismatic, according to the Bible and
Gospel, is a heretic, one who denies all, or -any^ofthe doctrines which Christ
taught. But to use the word to any one because he differrfeSJS. tin^jframework
of the Establishment, because he cannot conform to all the decrees of the bisKops--
and every form of priestly assumption, is, I hold it, a great profanation of the
word, and a want of principle in the man who dares so to use it. That word harf
been applied so often to me that if I had really been guilty of schism I should
have been in limbo long ago. They call me a Dissenter and the greatest
schismatic who was ever produced. I am no schismatic. So long as a man
holds to the Church of Christ he is not guilty, in a, Scriptural sense, of any
schism whatever.
During a period of great conflict in Ecclesiastical matters, some of the
combatants were wont to apply to the Church of England the term " Apos
tate." This term Lord Shaftesbury indignantly repudiated.
This dear old Mother Church is vexed on all sides by her recreant sons. Here
she is torn by heresies and schisms ; she is vexed by new projects which are sug
gested every day, wild and crude ; without are fightings, within are fears ; she
is denounced by her enemies and harassed by her children ; and yet she is crying

744 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXXVI.
with the loudest and tenderest voice to all her children, "I am no apostate
Church ; as yet I have done nothing to betray my trust ; hundreds and thousands
of my children are apostate, but I myself am not an apostate Church." So long
as the Church of England stands firmly by her Formularies, her Articles, and her
Homilies, and so long as she crowns all by declaring that the Bible is the sole
ground of her faith, rejecting tradition and every argument of human invention,
so long may she confidently assert that she is a true Church in the sight of God.
It is on account of some of these excrescences, some of these follies, some of these
abominations, that we are called upon to leave the embrace of our dear old
mother. Leave her I Who has a right to probe my conscience and tell me what
I ought to do here ? Leave her 1 Why, I should just as soon have expected that
Paul would call upon Timothy to renounce his grandmother Lois and his mother
Eunice I
Lord Shaftesbury's speeches at the Annual Meetings of the British and
Foreign Bible Society were, as a rule, very brief, and related, in a great
measure, to the business of the meeting. Por many years his speeches con
sisted in an acknowledgment of his cordial reception (it was always enthusi
astic), and an intimation that as the platform was full of notable speakers, he
would not stand between them and the audience. Occasionally, however, and
especially when any remarkable attacks had been made upon the Bible, he
would utter one of his most rousing appeals — of which the following may be
taken as a characteristic specimen. To his view there was one, and only one,
way out of every difficulty — the spread of that Book in which he believed a
solution was to be found to every problem in life : —
The Bible, God's holy Word, will do its own work, and therefore it is that I
urge the Bible Society to put forth its best energies ; to relax no effort in carrying
on the work they have undertaken. Our strength lies in that old, effete Book —
that Book so full of "old wives' fables" — that Book which they say is so unsuited
to the present generation— that _Book which is not equal to the present intelli
gence of. man, -Ay;"that old Book, that shall be the source of rour safety and of
--^=T5uri greatness. Amid all the conflicts of the nations that are coming upon the
earth, that Book shall be our life, our light, our security, our joy, our pillar of
cloud by day, our pillar of fire by night, our guide through all our perils ; and it
will be found in that great day that none but those who are engaged in this work,
none but those who have the Bible in their hands and in their hearts, will be able
to meet the great conflict, and stand in their lot at the end of the days.
For the Young Men's Christian Association Lord Shaftesbmy entertained
an almost parental affection, and was wont to speak of its members as his
"sons." "I have always looked upon this association," he said, "and all
kindred associations in all parts of the United Kingdom and in America, as
grand cities of refuge from the commercial life, individually and collectively,
of the several nations — places where young men, coming from a distance, and
removed from all parental influence, and all the influence of domestic life,
may find shelter, and where they may learn the way of Salvation, and obtain
courage and confidence to walk in it."

1S?4-S4-1 YOUNG MEN'S CHRISTIAN ASSOCIATION. 745
In giving a few illustrations of his stimulating and inspiring speeches, it
13 hardly necessary to point out the facility with which he adapted himself to
the tastes and feelings of young men ; garnishing his remarks with an occa
sional dash of politics, or humorous anecdote, or touch of personal history.
Thus, speaking of the prospects open to young men, he said : —
We see before us many, I have no doubt, who may shine in the House of
Commons ; I do not think we shall see many of you shine in the House of Lords,
for I fear that venerable assembly will hardly be allowed to subsist much longer.
But, if it does, I think I shall move an address to the Queen — as there is now a
question of having life peers — that two of the most prominent gentlemen in the
discussion of this point shall be created Earl of Trafalgar Square and Baron of
Hyde Park !
In addressing a meeting of the delegates from Foreign Associations in
connection with the Young Men's Christian Association at the Mansion
House, he said he regarded this large assembly of representatives from the
various nationalities of the earth as a great (Ecumenical Council convened to
consider the highest welfare of the human race. He hoped and believed
that the present (Ecumenical Council would not resemble those of which
Fuller in his " Ecclesiastical History " had written, " When I come to think
of these Councils, I am constrained to say, ' There is none that doeth good —
no, not one.' "
His happy method of drawmg lessons from the current topics of the day
is illustrated in the following quotation from a speech made during the
Franco-Prussian war. He had been pointing out that temptations and
dangers surrounded young men in this metropolis on every hand ; that they
could not turn to the right or the left without being exposed to seductions
and perils that did not beset their forefathers.
Now, the delusions are tenfold more attractive, and the amusements infinitely
more deceptive ; and hundreds and thousands of young men and women enter
into a career of vice in utter ignorance of the nature and end of such a career.
Not till they have drunk in the poison that has been instilled by small doses,
not till they feel it rankling in their veins, do they see and feel that career to be
one which it is difficult to retire from. One of the greatest difficulties to be
considered in the present day is the recreation and amusements that are fit for
youno- men and adapted to them. I must admit that some recreation is neces
sary ¦ that some diversion of spirit is requisite, and that there must be some
relief to anxiety and change from the dulness and regularity of business. How,
and what is this to be ? Observe the peculiar character of a nation that has
lately come before us in so prominent a manner. Take the German people. Look
at the moral character of the men — taking a serious view of everything, and
findin"- in their hours of recreation the opportunity of advancing their intel
lectual knowledge and moral character. Mark the invincible power of their
arms being thoroughly united. Contrast them with the leaders of the French
armies - they seemed to care for nothing but amusements, and never heartily
associated with their troops, consequently never were sustained by their troops

746 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXXVI.
in the bom- of danger. Now I have never been amongst those who object to
recreation. I thoroughly admit of its necessity, but then, I say, take care of the
character of the recreation. Even in your amusements there may be something
tending to your moral improvement, and you should enter upon nothing which
does not tend to this. By your moral, determined character and self-control, it
is in your power to add dignity and force to your characters. Look again at
that nation of France resolved into its original element, without any principle of
cohesion. If our people approximate, in any degree whatever, to the condition
of things at present existing in unhappy France, all honour, peace, and security
will be gone from this now happy and richly-blessed island. . . The French,
who have devoted themselves to amusements, have been found in the hour of
trial to have no mutual sympathy, no steady pursuits, no definite aims, and have
now fallen into the most complete disorganisation, having previously as the
Military Envoy to the Court at Berlin declared "long lost the faculty of
respecting anything in heaven or earth." If you would add dignity and force and
security to the times in which you live, you will remember this, politically,
socially, morally, and religiously : that those three words which seem to exercise
so mighty a charm on the other side of the water, but which, as applied by them,
have no meaning whatever, will have very much meaning with you when under
stood in this sense, that there is no Liberty but in the Gospel, no Equality but in
the Truth, and no Fraternity but in Jesus Christ.
On the transfer of the headquarters of the Association to Exeter Hall,
an impetus was given to all its operations, and Lord Shaftesbury became
more intimately associated than ever with this admirable institution.
It is somewhat a curious coincidence, that Exeter Hall stands almost
close to the site of Exeter House, where dwelt, in troublous times, Anthony
Ashley, the first Earl of Shaftesbmy ; and that the City branch of the
Young Men's Christian Association in Aldersgate Street stands opposite
'' Shaftesbury Hall," once Thanet House, the residence of the first Earl at
the time of his arrest and committal to the Tower.
In Lord Shaftesbury's addresses to the members of the Young Men's
Christian Association he frequently gave them little snatches of auto
biography. Thus, when referring to the gymnasium, he said : —
When I see the vast number of young men before me who are engaged the
whole day long in heated rooms, some never sitting down, some never standing
up, occupied in businesses which are not conducive to physical health, I feel
that it is absolutely necessary that the body should be regarded ; that you should
be able to develop your muscular and physical faculties, and get them into
order and shape ; and that the body should be cherished in an honourable,
noble, and becoming way, and made more adapted and suitable to the great
intellectual purposes of which it is only the depository. I hope you will use the
gymnasium well. I speak as an old practitioner, for though, when I was a young
man, we had no gymnastics of this sort, we learned the noble art of self-
defence, which is called boxing. And I can tell you I was a very good boxer. I
never fought with anybody, but I found it developed the strength, gave play to
the respiratory organs, and that I was a better man for all the other purposes
before me.

ls74-84.] REMINISCENCES. 747
In the following year, when distributing the prizes after a gymnastic
display, he stated that, during the past fifty years of his life he had scarcely
let a morning pass without indulging in a little of the fine exercises which
they had witnessed that evening, and to this fact he attributed, in no small
degree, his present enjoyment of health,
One of the subjects on which Lord Shaftesbury was wont to speak with
great force and earnestness, when advocating the claims of pure literature,
was the pernicious, impure, and sensational works for the young constantly
issuing from the press. He regarded it as an abominable and fearful plague
that was ravaging the whole of our juvenile population. He said :—
Some time ago I was led to look into works like those to which I allude, very
seriously, and I was struck by the beauty of the composition, and by the artful
way in which the most wicked and foul ideas were conveyed. I observed,
particularly, the manner in which they were especially addressed to the minds of
young men and young women ; how the most pure-minded young man, or the
most modest young woman, might read one of these works twice or thrice
without discerning the object of the composition, and perhaps would never
discern it until the poison had entered the soul.
In fact, these things had been written with so much astuteness and with so
much care, that I would defy any writer that ever was, or any writer that ever
will be, to draw an Act of ParHament containing clauses that would suffice to
put down such literature as that.
Exhaustless as are the speeches of Lord Shaftesbury, his reminiscences of
scenes and incidents in connection with his philanthropic labours are not less
so. It was very pleasant to listen to him, as in the lastf ew years of his life he
loved to dwell on the memories of the past, and fight his battles o'er again.
Excellent as he was on the platform, he was inimitable by the fireside, where,
as he recounted his experiences, he would suit the action to the word much
more than in his public addresses.
Few things delighted him more than to tell the story of Ragged School
work and Ragged School workers. Some of his reminiscences, narrated to
the writer, who jotted them down as they were spoken, will be read with
interest. I could tell you some wonderful tales about these rescued lives. The story of
the Ragged School is the story of the greatest triumph of modern times. I have
seen the most startling development of heroic virtue, the most cheering evidences
of the grace of God, in these poor creatures struggling into the light. They make
the best of all converts, and it seems to me the Lord interposes with more grace
in behalf of the utterly destitute and hopeless than He does with any .others.
I remember one night at the George Yard Ragged School. A magic lantern
had been purchased to interest the poor things, and I went down to have a talk
with them, as a series of slides, representing the Crucifixion of our Lord and the
attendant circumstances, was to be exhibited. There were about four hundred
people in the room, and the police told me that between four and five hundred
were turned away. The interest in the pictures was intense, and I shall never
forget their earnest, excited faces, as the scenes in the sacred drama passed before

748 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap XXXVI.
them. The last picture represented our Lord standing beside a closed door, and
the text at the foot of the picture was, " Behold I stand at the door and knock.'
The effect was startling — it seemed to bring the story home to every heart, and
when I said, " What you see there, is going on at the door of every house in
Whitechapel," they were moved to tears (and the eyes of the old Earl filled and
his voice faltered as the scene came back to him again). It was a revelation to
them, and when I told them that, if they would throw open the door, He would
"come and sup with them," there was something so cosy and comfortable to
them in the idea of it that they came pouring round me and thanking me. Poor
dear souls ! they do not care much for churches and chapels and the outward
forms ; they like their religion to be cosy ; it fills them with hope of what may
some day be their lot, for now they have no comforts in their lives. I wonder
how it is they do not die of despair !
On another occasion he was sitting in the library at G-rosvenor Square,
with two portraits before him. One was that of a poor, puny, destitute child
in rags and tatters ; the other of a handsome woman in fashionable attire. He
said : —
Just look at these portraits — they have rejoiced my heart more than I can
ever tell. I am more delighted than if I had become possessed of half the
kingdom. There is a strange story connected with these portraits. Years
ago, late at night, there was a knock at the door. There was nothing very
unusual about that, but, somehow, it attracted my attention more than usual, and
I remember wondering who it could be, and what the business could be about.
Presently, I heard the loud and angry voice of a man in altercation with my
servant. I felt then — and I recall the feeling vividly at this moment — a strange
inward prompting that it was my duty to go and see what was the matter. There
was a man with a little child in his arms which he was endeavouring to thrust
into the arms of my servant, who of course would not take it. " What is this all
about ? " I asked. The man turned to me and said, " Lord Shaftesbury, I have
brought this child to you — I don't know what else to do with it. I cannot trust
myself to be its father, and I cannot abandon it altogether."
The man's importunity would brook no denial ; his appeal was very touching,
and I felt I could not dismiss the case. I let the man come in, and took down
from him all particulars, and the end of it was that the child was left with me. I
did not know very well what to do with the poor little thing, so I had her sent
to an inn close by for the night, and the next day, when the landlady of the inn
brought her back, Miss Rye happened to be here. She undertook to find a home
for the child, and, sure enough, before very long, a lady, who visited the Home
in which she was, took such a fancy to her that she adopted her. And that
portrait of the fine lady is the portrait of what that little ragged destitute child
has developed into. I shall never forget that night when she was left at this
house. I feel as convinced that I was moved to do what I did by our blessed
Lord as if I had seen Him in person and heard His voice.
Few things irritated Lord Shaftesbury more than to hear the poor spoken
of as " outcasts," or work for the poor as " hopeless " work.
Hopeless, indeed I Why, look at my friend " Punch "—as we called him.
Tunch had been a source of annoyance to almost the whole of the workhouses of

1874-84.] A WOMAN'S INFLUENCE. 7-19
the metropolis. He went from casual ward to casual ward, "prigging" the
clothes — that is the right word — and showing himself altogether one of the most
abandoned scamps in London. At last he came to the Refuge in Great Queen
Street. Seeing him there, I said to him, " Punch, how oan you go on in such a
way as this ? You have got some good about you ; you have good abilities and
you have strength ; shall we make a man of you, Punch ? " Punch replied :
"Well, I don't mind if you do." Well, we set about trying, and, by God's
blessing, we did make a man of him. Having been made a first-rate shoemaker,
he went out to Natal, to carry on business there, and he is, I hope, carrying on
business successfully, and maintaining the honourable character which he had
when he left the Refuge.
For Ragged School teachers Lord Shaftesbury never lost an opportunity
of saying a kind and encouraging word. He admired their self-denying zeal
and Christian courage — and many a time he thrilled his audiences at public
meetings by narrating incidents in connection with their work. Speaking, in
the country, of the Field Lane School, which afforded the most extraordinary
exhibitions of human nature that the world ever saw, he paid the following
tribute to a woman's influence : —
I have there seen men of forty years of age and children of three in the same
room — men the wildest and most uncouth, whom it was considered dangerous to
meet, and perhaps it would be dangerous to meet them in the dark alone, but in
that room they were perfectly safe. I saw there thirty or forty men, none of
them with shoes or stockings on, and some without shirts— the wildest and most
awful looking men you can imagine. They all sat in a ring, and the only other
human being in the room was a young woman of twenty-six or twenty-seven
years of age, and, allow me to add, one of the prettiest women I ever saw. She
was teaching all these wild, rough, uncouth creatures, who never bowed the head
to any constable or any form of civil authority, yet they looked on her with a,
degree of reverence and affection that amounted almost to adoration. I was
greatly alarmed, and, going down-stairs and meeting the superintendent, I said,
" My good fellow, I don't like this ; there she is among all those roughs. I am
very much alarmed." " So am I," he said. " Then why do you leave her there ? "
I asked. He replied : " I am not alarmed from the same reason that you are.
You are alarmed lest they should offer some insult to her, but what I am afraid
of is this, that some day a man might drop in who, not knowing the habits of
the place, might lift a finger against her, and if he did so, he would never leave
the room alive ; he would be torn limb from limb." So great was the reverence
that these lawless and apparently ungovernable creatures paid to the grace and
modesty of that young woman.
Stories of Lord Shaftesbury's affection for little children— and the more
ragged and helpless and hopeless they were, the greater seemed to be his leve
for them— could be multiplied without end.
A little child, rejoicing in the name of " Tiny," hearing that in the Refuge
where her lot was cast there was to be a new dormitory, to be furnished by
subscriptions, took upon herself to write to him and ask him for a subscripiiou

750 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXXVI.
The Girls' Refuge, Andrew's Road,
Cambridge Heath, Feb.. 7th, 1876.
Dear Lord Shaftesbury, — You will see by the address that I have changed
my home from Albert Street, where, I remember, you spoke to me, and told me
about your dog. I am still called " Tiny," although there is a little girl less
than I am.
If you please, Lord Shaftesbury, I want to ask you if you will give a bed to
our new home. Fifty of the girls of the highest division have been sent from
Albert Street here, and we have contributed the cost of one (&2 14s. 4d.) ourselves
out of our little store. You will come, I hope, and see our new home. Mr. Gent
will tell you where it is. I am sure you will like it, for I do, and my sister is
with me. Please come and see us and the pictures a gentleman gave us.
I remain, yours respectfully, "Tiny."
His considerate and characteristic reply gives a glimpse of that wealth
of tenderness which won the hearts of all, but especially of the young, and
made them think of him more as a father than a friend, and speak of him as
" our Earl." Feb. 11th, 1876.
My dear small Tiny, — I must thank you for your nice letter, and say that,
God willing, I will certainly call and see your new home, and you too, little woman.
You ask me to give " a bed " to the new home. To be sure I will. I will give
two, if you wish it, and they shall be called " Tiny's petitions."
I am glad to see how well you write ; and I shall be more glad to hear from
Gent, and your other friends, that you are a good girl, that you read your Bible,
say your prayers, and love the blessed Lord Jesus Christ. May He ever be with
youl Your affectionate friend, Shaftesbury.
To Tiny, at King Edward's School.
The London shoeblacks, to a boy, knew Lord Shaftesbury, and felt that
he was a personal friend. One day a friend of his Lordship's was having his
boots cleaned, and he said to the lad, " I've seen Lord Shaftesbury." " Have
you, indeed ? I shall see him myself on Friday." (That was the day for the
annual meeting- at Exeter Hall.)
A student, anxious to test what was the real feeling of these Ragged
School shoeblacks for their patron, spoke disparagingly of Lord Shaftesbmy
to one of them, and denounced him for assisting juvenile thieves and roughs,
all of whom, he said, ought to be in prison, rather than at school. The poor
boy fired up at this, and said, " Don't you speak against Lord Shaftesbmy,
sir ; if you do, God Almighty will never bless you."
"What the poor want is not patronage, but sympathy," was his own
axiom, and when the poor saw him driving into their " slums '; with his car
riage full of toys for the neglected little ones ; when, on the great day of the
year — " the day in the country " — they saw him moving about among them,

1874-84.1 KNOWN BY THE POOR. 751
with a kind word here, and a little pleasantry there, and a smile for all ;
when, in their times of sickness, he sat by their bedsides, and read to them
from the Scriptures ; wheu he promised to see them again, or send them
books, or interest himself in other ways for them, and, notwithstanding the
many promises of this kind he made, was never known to leave one unfulfilled ;
when they found that he could trust them, finding tools for one to get employ
ment ; advancing money to another till his first wages fell due ; when they were
confident that if a poor flower-girl, or little children in distress, called at
Grosvenor Square to tell their trouble-; to " the good Earl," they would never
be turned away ; when they knew that, by day and by night, he went to the
common lodging-houses, and sought out men and women, tenderly reared,
who were hiding away from family and friends, and would not give up a
case until he had seen them reconciled, and, perchance, brought home again ;
when the bare walls of those miserable lodging-houses, on the day after his
visit, were made gay with bright pictures to produce the semblance of a
home-like look ; when, as some of them told him of cruel wrong or heart
breaking sorrow, they saw the tears pour down his face, and heard his falter
ing exclamation, " God help you, poor dear ! " — it is no wonder that they
almost worshipped the ground upon which he trod, and that his name was
held in veneration in every hovel of Whitechapel and Westminster.
How widely that name was known among the poorest of the poor few
ever imagined.
At a large gathering of costermongers, labourers, tramps, and others, held
in Westminster, a gentleman was anxious to test what knowledge people of
this class had of great public men. He ref erred to one who, though well
advanced in life, and pressed with a thousand engagements, could yet find
time to write hymns in Latin and translate them into Italian ; but there was
no recognition of the person from the description ; nor again when half a
dozen of the leading men of the day were referred to in a similar manner ;
but when the speaker only hinted at "the labours of one whose name is
revered in the factoiy districts as the friend of the poor and the oppressed,"
there was immediately a loud clapping of hands ; and when the speaker, to
make sure that they understood, asked them, " I suppose, by that applause,
you know to whom I refer ? " there was a ready response—" Lord Shaftesbury."
Another gentleman, in another place, having indirectly referred to the
work of Lord Shaftesbury without mentioning his name, was surprised to
find himself interrupted by a storm of applause. It was clear the applause
was not for what he had said, but for the man of whom he had spoken.
Pausing in his address, he said, " And what do you know of Lord Shaf tes-
buryp" " Know of him ! " answered a man standing up in the audience ; " why,
sir, I'm a sweep, and what did he do for me ? Didn't he pass the Bill ?
Why, when I was a little 'un, I had to go up the ohimbleys, aud many a time
I've come down with bleeding feet and knees, and a'most choking. And he
passed the Bill as saved us from all that. That's what I know of him."

t<)2 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBUKY. [Chap. XXXVI.
But what could the poor, generally, know of him P it may be asked. Let
one illustration, from a hundred that might be quoted, suffice to answer.
" When visiting the Day School, which he frequently did," says Mr. George
Holland, of the George Yard Ragged School, Whitechapel, in a letter to the
writer, " he would go the round of each section, would notice the lessons the
children were learning, and kindly encourage them to persevere. He fre
quently noticed the pallid faces of many of the scholars. Speaking to a poor
boy one winter's day, he asked, ' My man, what is the matter with you P '
The boy replied, ' I have had no food for some time.' 'How long have you
been without?' 'About twenty-six hours.' 'Twenty-six hours!' said the
Earl, ' why, you must be fainting ; no wonder you look ill.' ' Oh, that's
nothing,' said the boy ; ' I have gone without two days afore now.' That day
the Earl spoke to all the children, and many were without necessary food.
Going to a little girl, he asked, ' And are you not well, my dear P ' ' Ise
hungry — Ise cold,' she replied. ' And when you have food, what does mother
give you P ' ' We has the same as mother ; we has bread and water, and
sometimes a little tea ; but mother can't always afford that.' ' Poor child,'
said the Earl, ' why, yon have hardly any clothing to cover you.' He left
the schoolroom and entered into one of the small rooms. Presently I
followed. I observed tears trickling down his face. ' My Lord,' I said,
' what is the matter ? ' ' George, those poor children. Poor dear children,
how will you get on with them ? ' I replied, ' My God shall supply all their
need.' ' Yes,' he said, ' He will ; they must have some food directly.' He
left the building, and, entering his brougham, ordered the coachman to drive
home. A few hours after two large churns of soup were sent down, enough
to feed four hundred. This continued, and that winter 10,000 basins of soup
and bread were distributed to hungry children and their parents — soup made
in his own mansion in Grosvenor Square."
If the poor had many memorials of Lord Shaftesbury, he certainly had
many of them. Over his bed, in Grosvenor Square, hung a handsome " sam
pler " worked by factory girls, the first-fruits of their leisure hours ; the
clock in his dining-room was presented to him by flower and watercress
girls ; his bed coverlet under which at St. Giles's he always slept was made
out of little bits of material, with a figure in the middle, and a large
letter " S," the work of a number of ragged children. Speaking, one day,
at the Annual Meeting of the Reformatory and Refuge Union, he tried
to tell how much he was indebted to these children, and said : 
I believe I have been pretty well clothed by day and by night by them. I
have had all sorts of things made and given to me ; I have had slippers and
stockings ; I have had shoes and waistcoats, and bed linen too ; coverlets, coun
terpanes—well, everything but a coat ; I have had desks, I have had arm-chairs,
and they gave me such a quantity of writing paper, all well stamped, that I
assure you it was enough for all my own correspondence for six months. I love
it, however, because it has been all called forth from their dear little hearts,
and I prize it all far more than the noblest present that oould be given me.

lsT4-s'l RAGGED SCHOOL WORK. 753
They were words of truth and soberness he spoke when he said : —
I thank God for the day when I was called, by His grace, to participate in
this holy work. Of all the things to which I have been called by His good and
all-wise Providence, there is not one like it, not one that has brought me so
much comfort, not one that I can look back upon with so much consolation, that
rests with so much joy upon my heart, and there is not one I look forward to
with so much hope.
Not less true and not less sober were these words, spoken in 1880 : —
If my life should be prolonged for another year, and. if, during that year, tho
Ragged School system wore to fall, I should not die in the course of nature, I
should die of a broken heart.

W W

CHAPTER XXXVII.
1883—1885. LAST YEARS.
The evening of life takes its character from the day which has preceded it,
and Lord Shaftesbury, in the closing years of his long career, exemplified all
those excellences of character which had marked his prime, and enjoyed those
comforts of religious hope which result from communion with God and ser
vice to man. As the outward man began to perish, the inward man was
renewed day by day, and though the suppleness and strength and activity of
the body began to fail, the well-exercised soul grew stronger, its vision was
wider, its rest more perfect. Beautiful it is, on a calm summer's evening,
when the work of the day is nearly done, to watch the sun lingering in the
heavens and transforming everything by its golden rays, and not less beauti
ful is it to gaze upon a saintly life when " at evening-tide it is light."
It had long been his prayer that he " might die in harness," and at his
advanced age it could not be but that every act should be clothed with an
air of saeredness — it might be his last." And still he laboured on, his facul
ties keenly alive, his heart tender as ever, his sympathies just as fresh, and
his plans as numerous as at any period of his life.
There is nothing more curious, in the whole of the Diaries of Lord
Shaftesbury, than the record of his old age. He contemplates it in a hun
dred unexpected ways, and from very original standpoints ; he speculates
upon it, as if he were a disinterested person ; he naively describes and dis
cusses feelings and sensations common to old age, but as if he had not the
least conception that they proceeded from that cause. Thus, in 1883, when
visiting his friends at Castle Wemyss, where his health hitherto had always
been benefited, he begins to think " the air is relaxing. Soon get tired. I
should like to try a very bracing climate." It does not seem to occur to him
that the difference in feeling is due to age. But he has frequent reminders,
for, although he would not let go one of the occupations or amusements of
former days, he finds that they are not to him what they were. Yachting
and voyaging were once his delight. He still seeks enjoyment from them,
but adds : —
Sept. 18th, 1883. — Living on board, and sleeping on board, to me very un
pleasant. The day-time is tolerable, the night-time horrible. The cribs — the
places intended as places of repose, but, as such, utter failures — may suit young
ones, but they are cramps, fetters, leg-racks, body-racks, existence-racks, to old
ones. Perhaps strong, elastic, bounding health might give other views and
sensations ; but in my present state I wish, so far as I am concerned, my yacht at
the bottom of the Red Sea.

188S-J A CURIOUS STUDY. 755
Although, to the very last his memory was remarkably clear, it was but
natural that there should, at his great age, be occasional failures, especially in
respect of passing things. If there was one thing that he prided himself
upon, it was the exact and literal accuracy of his public statements, and it is
remarkable how few errors in this respect he made in the course of his long
life, and of the unprecedented number of speeches which he made. The
following entries furnish curious material for a study of the peculiarities of
old age, besides giving an illustration of Lord Shaftesbury's painstaking
diligence even in minute things : —
March 9th, 1881.— On Tuesday, 7th, went in evening with Lionel to Bethnal
Green " Ashley Mission." There recited a story by way of illustration of benefit
of Bands of Mercy ; told them that I had, that very morning, received a letter
from a gentleman, who informed me that he was one of the boys whom I had,
some years before, given a prize at a great school in Lancashire, for an essay on
"Humanity to Animals." I quoted this as an instance of a boy "reformed"
from cruelty to kindness.
The detail was clear, minute, personal, specific ; had I been called on to make
an oath, I should have sworn readily to the very words. When I returned I
looked at the letter for confirmation of what I had said. I found nothing of the
kind I How was . this ? Was it a delusion ? If so, never was one so pointed,
systematic, so like reality before. It fills me with terror. What might I not
have said or done under such deep convictions in more serious matters ? God, in
His mercy, preserve me ! If true, where is the document ? Had I a second
letter, and did I confound it with the first ? If so, the second is lost. I could
not swear that the thing was as I stated, for I find tbe evidence to be defective ;
but most conscientiously could I swear that I fully believed it. God alone in
His goodness and compassion can relieve my mind. Heartily do I beseech Him.
July 26th, 1882. — In a terrible dilemma 1 Quoted, in a speech I made in the
House of Lords in 1876, a passage from Letters of Sir C. Bell, in which he
expresses his doubt " whether Vivisection is permitted by God's law." Referred
to it again, in a speech in 1879. It has never been challenged. Two days ago,
wishing to verify quotation with a view to a letter to Profeisor Owen, could not
find anywhere the book from which I made it. Searched through and through,
backwards and forwards, a copy of the Letters, dated 1870, the year of publication.
Could find it nowhere. Showed the quotation to Miss Cobbe and Miss Coleridge.
who, both of them, attested its veracity, though neither could furnish me with
the volume. I could swear, was I called upon to do so, that the extract was word
for word as I stated it in speech and in print. How came the book into my
hands ? Was it lent to me ? Or was it hired from a circulating library ? Have
a recollection that I sent it back to some one, and purchased a copy for myself,
but one of a later edition (though not so stated on the title-page), with the
passage struck out. It is a terrible grief to me ; for, if summoned to give the
evidence on which I founded my assertion, I could not do it. Yet I am as
certain of my truth in the matter as I am of my own existence.
A miracle was wrought by Elisha to recover the axe-head of a poor labourer,
So do I pray that one, by God's mercy, may be wrought for me, and that I may
discover, to my justification and comfort, the proof of my accuracy and sincerity.
W W 2

756 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [CnAiv XXXVII.
July 27th. — No discovery as yet ; tried the publisher Murray, and Sharpe the
bookseller. Sometimes he was painfully conscious of declining physical strength, and
he describes his feelings with singular minuteness. Thus : —
August 21th, 1881. — Wonderfully well, thank God, for my time of life. Yet
full of distressing sensations ; but how much worse, were it not for His mercy,
would all things be. Oftentimes feel as though my heart would never have
another pulsation. Nerves of the head seem to be made of leather, with
occasional tendencies of giddiness. When I speak, my voice appears to me — but
not, so they say, to others — as though I were speaking through all the cotton in
Lancashire. Never quite free from pain. Sometimes very severe in the region
of the stomach. I eat very little, quite enough, I think, for support, but in most
instances without relish. These things come upon me, now singly — now all at
once. God's will be done. This state, modified more or less, has been my state
for the last two years.
At other times the advance of old age was borne in upon him by the
memory of what he had survived. Thus, when visiting Holland House in
the summer of 1883, he felt " like a mere cypher to the society around him.
There was not one in five hundred of the guests" he could "put a name to."
What a grand, memorable, and beautiful place it is I It recalls to my
memory the society, political, intellectual, convivial, and genial, of sixty years
ago. It recalls the memory of some estimable and some non-estimable persons —
all dead and gone ; perhaps at the grand garden-party of yesterday not one
besides myself had ever seen this Palace in its prime, under the famous
proprietors, Lord and Lady Holland ; and soon, no doubt, the glorious mansion
itself, and the noble, ancient park around it, will be consigned to the erection of
some thousand edifices.; to the domain of brick and mortar. The price it would
fetch for building purposes, perhaps half-a-million, will overcome reverence for
antiquity, sense of beauty, and all ennobling contemplations. It brought a
feeling of sadness over me. But such is progress I And, perhaps, the Prose of
the Future may be equal, if not superior, to the Poetry of the Past.
It is the spirit in which he resolutely set his face to arduous and grinding
duty that shows the lustre of Lord Shaftesbury's latter days in their full
brightness. The night was coming when he could no longer work. And
under fits of unspeakable depression, in states of health in which other men
would never have dreamed of facing any exhausting labour, he persevered in
his old career. " While I have a little strength, and a little time," he wrote,
" I cannot, though I shrink from exertion, endure to he idle or silent." And
then, to fortify himself for the task from which he shrank, he breathes the
prayer, " O Lord, let me die ' in harness,' as it were, with a true heart and
adequate faculties about me."
We can but summarise a few of the many public labours in which he was
engaged during the year 1883. In January, he presided at a meeting at the
Mansion House, to do honour to the memory of Archbishop Tait — " a good
man," as he says, " worthy of all honour." In March he spoke in the House

1883-J ACROBAT CHILDREN. 757
of Lords in defence of Lord Stanhope's Bill for Prohibition of Payment of
Wages in Public-Houses, and attended a conference of working men on the
closing of public-houses on Sunday. In April he gave notice of opposition to
Lord Dunraven's motion " to desecrate and vulgarise the Lord's Day," a
motion that was defeated, in May, by a majority of twenty -four. In June he
presided at public meetings — one a combined meeting of Church of England,
Presbyterians, Roman Catholics, and others, convened by the English Church
Union (the High Ritualistic Society) — against the Deceased Wife's Sister
Bill. In July he went to Manchester, accompanied by his friend Mr. Hind
Smith, to lay the eorner-stone of a Refuge for Boys and Girls, and to receive
an ovation from all classes of the community, but especially from his old
clients, the operatives. It had been a cherished hope that he might " be able
to do a little good, and have a real and touching farewell in that city, the
scene of so many successful labours." And his expectations were more than
realised, it was " a miracle of God's mercy, love, and goodness."
In July Lord Shaftesbury received a letter which distressed him greatly.
It was from a man who had been for more than twenty years connected with
gymnasts, acrobats, circus-riders, and the like, giving a harrowing description
of the tortures to which children were subjected in the " education for their
professional career." Although the Parliamentary Session was drawing to a
close, Lord Shaftesbury would not let it pass without an effort on behalf of
the " hundreds, nay, thousands, of children who are constantly being immo
lated on the altar of public amusement." It was not the first time that he
had called the attention of the legislature to "exhibitions disgusting to every
sense of humanity," but this did not prevent him from a further effort. On
the 4th of August, therefore, he brought the matter forward again, in order
to show that the Children's Dangerous Performance Act of 1879 was almost
futile in its operation, and that barbarities were still committed which were a
disgrace to a Christian nation. "If your lordships," he said, "had seen and
knew, as I have seen and know, during an experience of twenty years, the
floggings and cruelties practised in the so-called tuition of those little ones,
and the hardships they have to endure, I am sure your lordships would not
lose an instant in trying to stop those cruelties at once and for ever."
He pointed ont how School Board Inspectors might intervene, as schooling
and gymnast training could never go together, and how magistrates might
institute inquiries. But laws, though good and necessary, were ineffective,
unless backed up by public opinion, and one of his ends was gained by the
publicity given to the question and a correspondence that arose thereon in the
public press. A year later, in the preface to a little book on the subject,*
he set forth his views on the whole matter, and spoke in no measured terms
of those who " have almost fainted under a sensation novel, and will pass the
same evening to witness the torture and danger of infantine gymnasts and
acrobats." His only hope from legislation was, that some day an enactment,
strictly enforced, should prohibit any one to appear in these exhibitions until
* "Pantomime Waifs ; or, a Plea for our City Children.'' By Miss Barloe.

758 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXXVII.
he, or she, had attained the age of seventeen years. The long delay before
profits could be realised would then cut off the hope of repayment for the
cost of training and maintenance.
In August there came a pause, and he once more paid his annual visit to
Scotland, to the hospitable home of Mr. J. Burns, at Castle Wemyss. But
in November the round of labour was recommenced, of which the following
extract gives a specimen : —
Nov. 11th, Sunday. — London. To be sure, a day of rest is a blessing. God
grant that while I have life and strength, I may labour more and more to secure
it for others ! Yesterday, a day of singular activity. Interviews in the morning,
and letters ; at 2.30, Inaugural Meeting, in Large Room, Exeter Hall, of Luther
Commemoration ; at 3.30. to Whitechapel. to lay f xind^tion-stone of Charring-
ton's new place of worship, for such it is — return home ; and then again to
Whitechapel, at seven o'clock, for great meeting in the evening. All got through
without let or hindrance, without pain or fatigue, I bless Thee, 0 Lord ! Speeches,
of course, at each. He can, and He does, oftentimes, make an iron pillar out of
a bulrush. None of the thousands who heard Lord Shaftesbury's remarkable speech
at the Luther Commemoration will ever forget it. It was a supreme effort
for an octogenarian. In a letter to a friend, referring to the admirable
report of his speech in the Times, he said, " I was convinced that the move
ment was religious or nothing. I spent two days in thinking, not what I
should say, but what I should not say."
In this speech he set forth vividly the state of things from which Luther
delivered the Church, the manner in which he did it, and the great issues
and results enjoyed in consequence. It was a magnificent eulogium of " one
of the most signal servants of Almighty God — the man, chosen by God
Himself, to deliver us from the most terrible and degrading thraldom of
mind and spirit that ever fell upon the human race."
The following passages from the Diary relate to a variety of subjects : 
April 7th.— Last night to King Edward's School to present testimonial to
Charles Montague, formerly a Ragged School boy, now a well-conditioned and
respectable tradesman, and superintendent also of the very school where he was
trained — a noble example. God give us many such.
April 23rd.— On Friday, received, at the public meeting of the Young
Women's Christian Association, a silver inkstand and pencil-case from the penny
contributions of many of tbe girls. It was gracious and pleasing. I hardly
deserve the acknowledgment, for though I have secretly and silently, and for
very long, earnestly prayed for their temporal and eternal welfare (this they will
not know), I have done but little outwardly, having had but limited time and no
appreciable money to use on their behalf.
June 27th.— Went last night to meeting of Flower and Watercress Girls. 'It
is deeply touching and interesting. They gave me, as a token of their grati.
tude for the institution of the " Emily Loan Fund " (founded in honour of my
blessed wife in 1872), a clock. May God in His mercy be with tbem all !

1888-1 THE HOUSING OF THE POOR. 759
July 3rd. — To Costermongers' Donkey and Pony Show in evening, and after
wards Anniversary Meeting. It is one of the happiest successes in all our
London movements. Forgot (and I deeply regret it), when I spoke, two main
points : one, to exhibit Orsman's merits, as giving, and as having given for
twenty years, all his time to this grand work after the weariness of his office
hours ; the other, that the example of the Costers of " Golden Lane " (their
original designation) in their treatment of the animals that belonged to them,
had led to a universal improvement all over London.
Sept. 2nd. — Sunday. Evelyn and Sissey sailed last night to the Mediterranean
Sea in search of health. May God preserve them in the hollow of His hand,
give them what is sought on her behalf, and bring them back in safety 1 May
this be their last exile ! Gracious Lord, after this present trial, in Thy mercy
restore to them their home, and all the domestic duties and joys, of which they
have been so long deprived !
Sept. 10th. — Gladstone has been hammering at his trees, as, during the
Session, he hammers at the Constitution, and with the same effect in both
instances. Towards the close of 1883 the subject of the Housing of the Poor became
the question of the hour. Lord Shaftesbury was urged to take part in the
discussion, his wide experience, ranging over upwards of forty years, placing
him as one of the first authorities on the subject. He contributed an article
to the Pall Mall Gazette and another to the Nineteenth Century.
Nov. 5th. — A few days after my promise to do so, a letter from my old friend,
Edwin Arnold, editor of the Daily Telegrapli, to same effect ; sorry to be obliged
to answer that " I was engaged." Forty-one years ago I started the question,
and my small Society built my model houses ; but all that is now forgotten.
Others have come forward and have effaced the memory of the first movers.
But this is the natural and necessary issue of all such efforts ; the last who
come are the first served.
We do not quote from these articles, because we have already given, at
some length, Lord Shaftesbury's views on the Housing of the Poor. In
reviewing what had been done in the past, and the difficulties that beset the
question in the present, he expressed his hope of a satisfactory issue, and his
belief that it was a question capable of solution. He strongly deprecated any
effort, Governmental or otherwise, that should destroy the moral energy of
the people by pauperising them. He held that the State was bound to give
every facility by law and by enabling statutes, but that the enterprise should
be founded on voluntary effort, for which there was in the country abundant
wealth, zeal, and intelligence. He suggested that the work should be accom
plished by a Central Committee in London, with Branch Committees in
different districts ; that a public appeal should be made for funds ; that
fresh legislation should be obtained if necessary ; that the powers already
provided by existing statutes should be put into full force ; and that all
tenements should be under police inspection. Should a low class still remain
unprovided for, the State might step in and supply houses at eleemosynary
rates.

760 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXXVII.
In the following year the Housing of the Poor was still the leading social
subject, and a Royal Commission was appointed, on which the Prince of
Wales was one of the most active members. The investigations of the
Commissioners culminated in Lord Salisbury's Act of 1885 — -the Housing of
the Working Classes Act.
When Lord Salisbury brought forward his motion, on the 22nd of Feb
ruary, 1885, for the appointment of a Commission, Lord Shaftesbury sup
ported it in an able speech, which, as he records, was " received with singular
attention, much cheering, and abundant congratulations." When the Com
mission sat, he was the first witness examined, and although at his time of
life, and in his state of health, he " dreaded being summoned before sueh a
tribunal," lest his memory should fail in points of detail, and he should be
unable to do justice to the cause he had so much at heart, his evidence was a
masterpiece of exhaustive argument, enriched by the experience of sixty
years' earnest consideration of the subject. It was invaluable to the Com
missioners to have, at the outset of their inquiry, the aid of " the first living
authority on the Housing of the Poor."
In due course the Report of the Commissioners was published ; and
therein (for we cannot refer further to the subject) the reader may find, in
the evidence of Lord Shaftesbury, a concise description of the state of the
dwellings of the poor more than half a century ago, and the various steps
that had been taken, chiefly at his instigation, to roll away the reproach
caused by the existence of such hotbeds of vice and disease in the heart of
the most civilised city in the world. And that Report also furnishes a full
insight into the estimation in which Lord Shaftesbury's labours were held.
It was a cause of no little rejoicing to him that at last the problem
involved in this great question was approaching its solution; that Lord
Salisbury's Act was founded in great measure upon his own " Labouring
Classes Tenements Houses Act," and that his labours, as the pioneer and
chief mover in every effort up to that time, were cordially and gratefully
recognised. Many honours were publicly accorded to Lord Shaftesbury in these closing
years of his life. On the 5th of March a banquet was given at the Mansion
House, at which he was the guest of the evening. It was a splendid ovation,
300 persons, representing all the great social, religious, and political interests,
responding to the invitation. On the 15th of May a banquet was given to
him in Salters' Hall, on the occasion of his being admitted to the Company,
and on the 26th of June, amid much pomp and circumstance, he received,
somewhat tardily, the Freedom of the City of London. In acknowledging
the honour, he said, that if he could not add any lustre to the citizenship, the
time for him was so short that there would be little opportunity for him to
tarnish it, and added that, if any one should ever undertake the task of
writing his biography, he begged him to " have the . goodness to record that
he died a citizen of London."
To many who read these pages there will be a special interest attaching

18s*-l ABUNDANT LABOURS. 761
to the utterances of Lord Shaftesbury at the public gatherings of this and
the following year. If reference is only made to a few of the more conspi
cuous ones, it is because they were almost innumerable.
April 1st. — Journey to Brighton to-morrow, and a speech at opening of the
Young Men's Christian Association.
April 3rd. — Returned last night. Went in company with that dear man
George Williams, and came back with him. He insisted on my accepting a
saloon carriage. A day of pressure, but, I hope — nay, I believe — of success.
Arrived at one. Necessary gossip till 2.30. Then a luncheon in state at the
Pavilion. Two hundred guests and speeches. Then a pause, without repose, till
five, at which hour ceremonial of declaring house open ; hymn, prayer, Bible
reading, and a few oratorical sentences from myself. At quarter to six to Mr.
Barclay's for dinner at half -past six. Half-an-hour's repose. Then to grand
meeting under the dome at eight o'clock, where, being under the necessity of
catching train at 8.10, I began without the ordinary preliminaries. Even then
was stopped in midst by announcement, "Time is up ; you must go." So I left
out much that was individual and important and dashed to the conclusion !
. . . This valuable institution, set for the glory of God and the good of man,
has been opened with many signs of grace and acceptance.
April 28th. — My birthday, and I have now struck the figure of eighty-three.
It is wonderful, it is miraculous, with my infirmities, and even sufferings, of
body, with sensible decline of mental application and vigour, I yet retain, by
God's mercy, some power to think and to act. May He grant, for Christ's sake,
that,. to my last hour, I may be engaged in His service, and in the full know
ledge of all that is around and before me ! Cobden used to say of D'Israeli — I
have heard him more than once — " What a retrospect that man will have ! "
Retrospects must be terrible to every one who measures and estimates his hopes
by the discharge of his duties here on earth. Unless he be overwhelmed with
self -righteousness, he must see that, when weighed in the balance he will be,
found wanting. But what are the prospects ? They may be bright, joyous
certain, in tbe faith and fear of the Lord Jesus.
May 3rd. — Yesterday headed a deputation to the magnates of the Great
Northern Railway to beseech them so to arrange their trains and the third-class
return tickets that the working people might go easily and cheaply te the
suburban villages prepared for them !
May 8th. — Yesterday chair of Bible Society. Then uncovering of Tyndale's
statue on Embankment, and dinner with Mr. Alcrof t, to meet the speakers at the
meeting and committee. Grand announcement at the meeting that a penny
edition of the New Testament, in a legible type and a double form, was to be
forthwith issued. What a work I What an enterprise ! What a prospect I
England shall be filled with the knowledge of the Word of God as the waters
cover the sea !
May 10th. — Yesterday chair of Jews' Society. Then to Mansion House in aid
of Mrs. Meredith's Home, and afterwards to House of Lords to support Bill for
prohibition of the pigeon abomination — beaten by 78 to 48 !
May 17th. — Another burden off my mind. Jubilee London City Mission
meeting over. Made the opening speech, twenty minutes long I
May 22nd.— It is over. The Wycliffe Commemoration is over, God be praised.

762 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXXVII.
The meeting in the large room of Exeter Hall was small, but cordial. The
speeches were good, but confined' — a great mistake — to clergy or dissenting
ministers. On all such occasions the laity should predominate !
So the record continues ; day by day full of arduous and exciting work,
and, in the intervals, of nervous depression and great physical suffering.
Nothing grieved him more than having- to break an engagement, and mauy
times, in direct opposition to the advice of his medical men, he preferred to
take the chance of breaking down than of disappointing his friends. He was
specially anxious to keep " body and mind from falling to pieces " as the 19th
of June drew near, it having been a long-- standing promise to his friend Mr.
Spurgeon, whose fiftieth birthday was to be celebrated on that day, to be
present if possible.
Many a man, and many a minister, will remember the words of counsel
and wisdom spoken by the aged peer on that occasion. Strange to say, his
speech almost gave satisfaction to himself.
June 20th. — Yesterday to Metropolitan Tabernacle, to preside over grand
meeting in honour of Spurgeon's fiftieth birthday. A wonderful sight ; nearly, if
not quite, seven thousand adult, enthusiastic souls, crammed even to suffocation
by way of audience. Felt, at first, quite appalled. Had to make opening speech-
Here, again, a " non nobis " must be " said or sung." By the blessing of .our Lord,
I was, as every one said, equal to the occasion.
Canon Wilberforce observed, " You ought to bless God for having enabled you
to make such a speech." And so I did, and so I do, and so I will.
In August Lord Shaftesbury paid his final visit to Scotland, in full hope
that he might recover " some, if not all, his strength." But it was a season
of great weariness and depression. He succeeded in reaching Edinburgh,
proceeded to North Berwick, and afterwards paid another visit to his old
Scotch " home at Castle Wemyss." In some respects the change did him
good, but it was manifest that the strength he hoped to regain could last but
a little while. " I cannot fix my mind steadfastly on anything," he writes,
" but I feel improvement, and wait God's goodness in faith and fear."
Towards the end of September he was once more a guest at Inverary.
" Found the people, as ever, true, kind, amiable, loving, and beloved." But it
was a time of great trial — a time, as he says, of " pain, depression, faintness,
and feeling as if I were falling to pieces. Scarcely strong enough to write a
letter. Great exertion to make this entry."
There is no further entry in the Diary until the end of October, when he
was again in London.
The following characteristic letter, written after the commencement of
what proved to be his last illness, refers, in the first instance, to a tract
forwarded to him by Canon Wilberforce. The second portion of the letter
refers to a public meeting on behalf of the Young Men's Christian Associa
tion at Southampton, over which Lord Shaftesbury had promised to preside,
his place upon the occasion being filled by Lord Mount-Temple. Canon

!884.] LETTER TO CANON WILBERFORCE. 763
Wilberforce, in the course of his speech at this meeting, pointed out that
Lord Shaftesbury had solved, by his life of devotion to the interests of
others, a problem, somewhat freely discussed at the time, namely, "What
was the value to the nation of an hereditary aristocracy?" Manifestly, it
was of the greatest advantage that there should be a class of men in the
nation, lifted, by virtue of their birth and position, above the fear, favour, or
prejudice of their fellows, who should be ever ready to take their places by
the side of the working classes in all times of oppression, tyranny, and
wrong. Such a life, pre-eminently, had Lord Shaftesbury's been ; throughout
it he had realised that his position was a talent entrusted to him for the
advantage of others, and wherever men, women, or children of the working
classes were suffering wrong, they had found in him a courageous, determined
champion : — Lord Shaftesbury to Canon Basil Wilberforce. St. Giles's House,
Nov. 10th, 1884.
Dear Canon Wilberforce, — Your little tract is the very thing for my
small, sorrowing, abject children in the Ragged Schools. I shall sow it broadcast.
What is wanted, and, when obtained, relished by all that class, and especially
these poor dear creatures, is the notion and feeling of a personal Saviour, of one
who can understand them, enter into all their sorrows, be, as it were, near them,
almost sensible, almost visible. Make religion cosy and comfortable to them,
and thousands will accept and embrace it.
I am deeply obliged by your kind and most friendly mention of me at the
Southampton meeting. I intensely regretted, and I continue to regret, the
necessity of my absence. I could not have attended it. I had not then, nor
have I now, physical and moral power for such a duty. I am somewhat better,
no doubt, God be praised, as to pain ; but as to lassitude and nervous affection of
the head, I am reduced nearly to incapacity.
In your speech you seem to have fathomed my very thoughts and known my
intentions. I undertook the movements of my public life on this ground, and
such was my belief then, now confirmed, though fifty years ago, of the highest
duty ; but I had, I confess it, » secondary object ; a desire to show that indepen
dence in position and fortune, possessing, as they do, social privileges, bring with
them corresponding Christian obligations. And I remember saying, at a very
early period, to my bitter opponents, " I am not much more than thirty years of
age ; I may, by God's blessing, live to seventy, but of this you may be sure, that
under His mercy, I will not desist from my efforts until they shall be closed either
by death or by success." Of course I had much to go through in private and in
public. Not at my own domestic hearth, for I had, as you have, a blessed wife,
who exhorted me to the work ; and as for successive Governments, there was
not one, excepting Lord J. Russell's, which did not endeavom, by every form of
argument, to entrap me into office.
Here is a short notice of myself, which I refer to only as exhibiting, to my
great comfort, your true and sagacious judgment.
My life is now drawing to a close. My days may be, perhaps, somewhat
prolonged, but my working days, I fear, are over. Take no notice of this letter.

764 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [CflAr. XXXVII.
You have other things to do. If we ever meet again we will discuss all such
matters, but not on paper. May I say to you, as a spiritual friend, that I very
sincerely and conscientiously declare that in my long career my highest conso
lation has been to know that I was the servant of our Lord, and my highest
honour that I was believed to be such.
May He prosper you in all your efforts for His kingdom and glory.
Yours most truly, Shaftesbury.
It was not unusual for Lord Shaftesbury, when forecasting events, to go
so far as to fix a probable date for their accomplishment. The last entry in
his Diary for 1884, relating to political events, is an illustration : — •
Nov. 24th. — In a year or so we shall have " Home Rule " disposed of (at all .
hazards), to save us from daily and hourly bores.
In 1885 the political references are few, but they are as keen, sharp, and
incisive as in the days of his youth.
Feb. 25th. — Can never understand " Conservative Policy." Sir S. Northcote
moved a vote of censure in House of Commons, which is milk and water. Simul
taneously, Lord Salisbury moves one in House of Lords, which is all of it "gin
and bitters."
Feb. 28th. — Government, last night, defeated vote of censure by a majority of
fourteen only ! Will Gladstone resign ? If so, who will come in ? Salisbury
has openly announced that he is ready to assume the duties and responsibilities of
administration ! - Well, how long would he hold them ? Ay, and how would he
use them ? I have heard it said that the Conservatives are prepared to go beyond
Gladstone in Radicalism, and ruin the country themselves, rather than let it be
ruined by Gladstone. But the Conservatives have carried the position by storm,
it was not forced upon them ; they have assaulted and taken it ! It is an evil
state of things. The Conservatives will come into power, not because the country
at large has the smallest respect for them, morally or politically, but because, for
the moment, their adversaries stand a little lower in those aspects than they do.
The last reference in the Diary to politics is on the 9th of June, but a few
weeks before he left London, never to return. It is a remarkable passage,
inasmuch as there is in it the spirit that characterised all his public career — ¦
u spirit directly in antagonism to that which, to his grief, he saw was making
fearful encroachments on public morality.
June 9th. — Have just seen defeat of Government on the Budget by Conserva
tives and Parnellites united ; an act of folly amounting to wickedness. God is
not in all their thoughts, nor the country either. All seek their own, and their
own is party-spirit, momentary triumph, political hatred, and the indulgence of
low, personal, and unpatriotic passion.
With the particular event to which the foregoing extract refers we have
nothing to do here. But we cannot proceed without calling attention to this
fact, namely, that from the year 1826 when, as Lord Ashley, he entered

1S86-1 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE MORALITY. 765
Parliament, until these last days of his long career, he never ceased to
protest against the evils of political party-spirit; of being one thing in
Government and another in Opposition; of sacrificing personal truth and
righteousness for political triumphs. He never ceased to inculcate this great
moral lesson — never more needed than in the present day — that public life
should be not less based on principle than private life. If he had taught the
world no other lesson, his life would not have been lived in vain.
It has been said, in the course of this narrative, that one of the most
striking characteristics of Lord Shaftesbury was the unchangeableness of his
opinions, and that a page might be taken from any of his Diaries, at any
time, to illustrate any principle he advocated. As an example, we quote in
this place an extract from a manuscript book written in 1847, from which it
will be seen that on this question of public and private morality there had, in
the space of forty years, been no shadow of turning in his views : —
The world has drawn a distinction (though I know not by what right or on
what ground) between the principles which regulate our public, and those which
regulate our private, life. A man, it seems, by their admissions, may be
treacherous politically, and yet faithful socially ; selfish, ambitious, and dis
honest towards the State, and yet disinterested, [moderate, and upright towards
his friends. Undoubtedly for this there is no sanction in the Divine law ; and
it is difficult to ascertain the precise fallacy by which it is permitted in the
human. Assuredly the Almighty gave us a different rule when he said (Gen. xviii. 17,
&c), " Shall I hide from Abraham that thing which I do ? for I know him, that
he will command his children and his household after him, and they shall keep
the way of the Lord, to do justice and judgment ; that the Lord may bring upon
Abraham that which He hath spoken of him." Here the private excellence of
the Patriarch is taken by the Almighty as the ground of a public trust, of the
revelation of the future, the skilful conjecture of which is regarded among men
as political wisdom. The good rule of a family is held to be an earnest of the
good rule of a State ; and God then invested him with power and wealth and
command, and great responsibility.
We, however, while we affix a stain to moral turpitude, only censure or rebuke
political dishonour (and it is a great thing if we do even that). The most fiery
votaries of the "code of honour," however jealous and ready and sensitive on all
occasions, are amply satisfied when, after some charge or reflection on their charac
ters, they receive an assurance that the remark was not personal. "I spoke
politically," says the explainant, and then all goes well ! Now wherefore ?— no,
I see the wherefore, but by what authority do they make such distinctions I Do
selfishness, truth, honour, ambition, pride, and disinterestedness, change their
nature ; or do we change our language on them ? Are the vices and the virtues
of the human mind less so when they concern the universal interests of a people
than when applied to affairs of a family or a circle ? Do the principles of
morality in a public business flow from a different source and into another
receptacle ? Were the law of Mount Sinai and the sermons of our Saviour for
the instruction of householders and private persons only, the rule of public life
being left to arbitrary deduction and single interpretation ? No, as surely as

766 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXXVII.
there is but " one Lord, one faith, one baptism," so is there for the government of
om- actions but one truth, one law, and one responsibility.
In April, 1884, chiefly in consequence of certain notorious trials, in which
it was alleged that there were still defects and abuses in the administration
of the Lunacy Laws, a motion was made in the House of Lords by Lord
Milltown for an inquiry into the whole question. This was a source of great
anxiety to Lord Shaftesbury. Although " he had everything on his side but
self-confidence in his own power to meet the charge," and was satisfied that
"the defence would be perfect in any other hands," he dreaded, naturally
enough, his ability to vindicate the Commissioners in Lunacy, fearing lest his
memory and strength should fail him. Very pathetic are the outpourings of
his heart as he contemplates the possibility of " the labour, the toils, the
anxieties, the prayers of more than fifty years being in one moment brought
to nought," and cries, " Cast me not off in the time of old age ; forsake me
not, 0 Lord, when my strength faileth." He felt that God had " manifestly
blessed the efforts of this Commission," and it was a grievous disappoint
ment to him when Lord Milltown's motion was carried.
This led to the introduction, in 1885, of the Lord Chancellor's (Selborne)
Lunacy Amendment Bill, and from the moment when, in the midst of great
bodily and mental suffering, Lord Shaftesbury was summoned to London tc
consider it, until the last day of his life, it was the source of almost constant
anxiety. It involved a long correspondence with the Lord Chancellor on certain
provisions of the Bill, which Lord Shaftesbmy so strongly disapproved that
he felt compelled to tender his resignation of the office of Chairman of the
Board of Commissioners in Lunacy. His reasons were these : —
May 5th. — My conclusions were — I could not go down to the Lords and
sit through the passing of such a measure, and be thus a party to its enactment ;
I could not, while holding an office under the Chancellor, oppose him by speech
and division. He offered me permission to do so, but he knew, as well as I did,
the indecency of such a course.
The anxiety and suspense, the regret and disappointment, experienced by
Lord Shaftesbury while the Lord Chancellor persevered with his Bill, in
spite of the remonstrances based upon an experience of nearly sixty years,
greatly embittered his last days. In June, however, the Bill was shelved ;
Lord Shaftesbury consented to resume his office, and so it came to pass that his
connection with the Lunacy Commission, from its foundation, was practically
unbroken. It is seldom that an evil is unmitigated, and it was not so in this case.
The anxieties with which he was surrounded called forth, in even larger
measure, the support of his friends. Among those whose cordial sympathy
on this and similar occasions, the Diaries recognise, was Miss Marsh, the
biographer of her revered father the Rev. Dr. Marsh, of Captain Hedley
Vicars, and others, but even better known, perhaps, in connection with early
pioneer work among the navvies who built the Crystal Palace, as the author

1885.] FRIENDS. 767
of " English Hearts and English Hands." Frequently in the Diaries there
are records of this friendship— such as these : —
Aug. 20th, 1880.— On the 18th ran down for the day to Feltwell Rectory in
Norfolk to see Miss Marsh and the O'Rorkes. A pleasant time ; had, what I
ever desire but seldom get, some sympathetic talk — some talk of this world, some
of the next.
Feb. 2nd, 1884.— St. Giles's. Miss Marsh and the O'Rorkes gone to-day. It is
a comfort to have such true and profound sympathisers with me in so many
good things.
For Mr. Weylland, of the London City Mission,* Lord Shaftesbury enter
tained no ordinary regard. The following note— the first in the Diary for
the year — tells its own story : —
Jan. 2nd, 1885.— A letter yesterday from Weylland. It filled me at the
moment with terror and gratitude ; terror, that he had been so ill, and gratitude
to God, who had given him good hopes of recovery. No language of mine
could convey a notion of the loss to myself and (more than that) to the
Christian community, that would result from his removal. 0 Lord, forbid it !
Happily Mr. Weylland's life was spared, and it was his privilege to give
important assistance to Lord Shaftesbury in a labour that occupied much of
his last working days. For many years he had been made the recipient of
large sums of money, to be devoted in whatever maimer he pleased for the
welfare of the poor. One lady, Miss Portal, had given him year after year a
cheque for a thousand pounds to be thus applied ; frequently large sums were
sent to him anonymously. On one occasion a gentleman who was just
leaving the country, probably never to return, called at his house and placed
in his hands a note for £500, begging him to use it for " Ragged Schools and
other things," his only other request being that nothing save the initials
" T. H." should appear in connection with the gift. In April, 1885, a lady,
Mrs. Douglas, died ; but it was not until the 9th of June that Lord Shaftes
bury received the astounding intelligence that in her will she had left to him,
for distribution among the charities of London, the sum of £60,000 ! The toil
and anxiety entailed by this bequest can only be understood by those who
knew how scrupulously conscientious and exact Lord Shaftesbury was in
dealing with every farthing of money of which he was the trustee. In this
distribution Mr. Weylland gave invaluable assistance, and made possible a
task which Lord Shaftesbury could not have performed alone, while Mr.
Bevan, the banker, guaranteed him against all law expenses that might arise.
From a special note-book — written in a firm, bold, clear hand, although his
eighty-fifth year had begun — the following passages will be read with
interest : —
July 4th. — First I determined to keep the distribution of the fund or residue
within London and the immediate vicinity. To go beyond that limit would have
* Author of " These Fifty Years," and many other works, to most, if not to all of
which, Lord Shaftesbury wrote the preface.

708 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [CnAP. XXXVII,
involved me in grants to evjry town in England ; if to Birmingham, for instance,
why not to Manchester, &c, &c. ?
Next, to receive all applications, but to answer none of them. The labour
would be intolerable ; resolved to take, privately, the best advice and act for
myself. Next, to make no grants purely religious. It would not be right to make it a
Church affair alone ; and to assign portions to the various denominations of
Dissenters, whose name is legion, would be impossible.
To be more precise and careful in the distribution of entrusted money (for
such is this) than I would be in my own. I have (though absolute power is
given me) to bear and exercise a certain responsibility. The public will certainly,
without any right, criticise severely all my decisions.
In the midst of London misery and want a demand is made for assistance to
the Young Men's Christian Associations and similar institutions. Grants to them
would take about half the residue, and leave many, though small, yet most
valuable institutions, hampered and nearly without any aid whatever. Have
power to assist such, no doubt, but their admission would involve the admission
of many more, such as the Victoria Institute and the like, and the poor would
be left out in the cold.
To avoid all controversial matter, send no grants to Anti-Vivisection Societies
and Homoaopatliic Hospitals and Working Men's Lord's Day Association. I have
no notion of tbe lady's opinion on these subjects, and I desire to avoid, as well as
I can, doing anything that she might not have approved.
To keep as closely as possible to those associations connected with charity.
To omit all the Missionary Societies — they are able to take care of themselves :
to include them would take up nearly one-half of the legacy, and very little would
be left for the English poor.
One last effort for securing inviolate the sanctity of the Sabbath Day
Lord Shaftesbury determined he would make, if it came within the range of
possibility ; and when Lord Thurlow gave notice, in March, of a motion in
favour of opening the Natural History Museum at South Kensington on
Sunday afternoons, Lord Shaftesbury at once made up his mind to move an
amendment. But, as the time drew near his health was in such a state that
he was " nervous, depressed, distrustful of the possession of power enough to
encounter him," and, with great reluctance, he was obliged to abandon the
hope of moving the amendment. Earl Cairns, however, came to the rescue,
and, in an able and eloquent speech, performed the duty for him. It was the
last speech that eminent politician, and still more eminent lawyer, ever made
in the House of Lords. A few weeks later he was numbered with the dead,
while Lord Shaftesbury, more than twenty years his senior, survived to do
honour to the " great man " departed, holding up his Christian character for
the imitation of all young men at the opening of a Memorial Institute at
Bournemouth, at which Lord Shaftesbury presided.
Among the many engagements which he had to forego during this year
was the occupancy of the chair at the Parkes Museum of Hygiene, on the
occasion of an address by Sir Spencer Wells on Cremation. In a letter

1885-1 EIGHTY-FOURTH BIRTHDAY. 769
expressing regret at being unable to attend, the following passage
occurs : —
There is another argument, urged on religious grounds, that it (cremation)
will annihilate all hope of a resurrection. I have never heard the question dis
cussed theologically, but surely it may be met by the interrogation, What, then,
will become of the thousands of blessed martyrs who have died at the stake in
ancient and modern persecutions ?
On the 28th of April Lord Shaftesbury celebrated his eighty-fourth
birthday. Two pleasant episodes marked the season ; they are thus referred
to in the Diary : —
April 24th. — On Monday evening, 20th, received a letter from Joseph Hoare
(not the banker), enclosing a draft for £4,500, the contributions of himself and
eleven others for the honour of my approaching birthday, and praying me to
accept it for the relief of my pressing necessities in any way I thought best. The
letter was a model of kindness, good feeling, and good taste.
April 28th. — My birthday — this day I am eighty-four ! God be merciful to
me a sinner. A most terrible day to me for pain and irritation. But got, the
Lord be praised, a birthday present. Some ladies, knowing how this Jewish
affair* pressed upon my mind, collected £640 to clear off the incumbrances and
difficulties that arose from our Cyprus colonisation, and presented it to me at
Lady Eastlake's, whither I had strength to go to receive it. The Lord be praised,
and may His blessing descend on the contributors.
The month of May was at hand, the month during which Lord Shaftes
bury, more often than any man in England, or any dozen men put together,
had stood in the forefront of every religious and philanthropic movement.
But his strength was failing, and though he had a spirit as willing to take
up the work as in days of old, and speak on behalf of every Society, the flesh
was weak, and it became daily more imperative that he should husband the
little strength that remained.
A painful interest attaches to the visits made by him in this year to his
old haunts and his old friends. Mr. George Holland writes : —
" I shall never forget his last visit ; he went the round of the rooms,
interested in the poor children and people as much as ever, speaking tenderly
and sympathi singly to sorrowing ones, and telling them of Jesus, an un
changing friend, an ever-present Saviour. . . . Then he said, ' I don't
think I shall ever see you in the flesh again in this place. I am ill, and at my
time of life I cannot expect to be long here.' Pulling his coat-sleeve tightly
over his arm, he said, ' Look how I have fallen away. If I should be laid
quite aside, if I send to you, you will come to me P ' I replied, ' I will eome
at any horn, whenever you may send for me.' Then he said, ' What a comfort
* After the persecutions of the Jews in Russia, many fled to England. Lord Shaftes
bury joined with others in helping them in their destitution by trying to found a colony
in Palestine. When that failed, they obtained permission to land and settle them in
Cyprus. But their maintenance cost a good deal of money and much anxiety to the
promoters, of whom Lord Shaftesbury, as President, had the most responsibility.
X X

770 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXXVII.
it is to know Christ as a personal Saviour ; ' and after a pause he added,
' My Saviour.' "
It was his very earnest desire that he might be able to preside at one or
two of the great representative meetings, and .especially that of the Bible
Society. " I am living and praying in. hopes of being able to take the chair
of the Bible Society," he wrote on the day before the meeting. " Were I as
well to-day as yesterday, could have done it comfortably, but to-day is very
trying, very doubtful, and the like to-morrow would make the moments very
hazardous." How hazardous may be gathered from the fact that, though
late in the afternoon of that day, when the writer called upon him and asked
how he felt, he answered briskly, drawing himself up and throwing open his
chest, " Feel P I feel at the present moment as if I could fight the Devil and
all his angels ! " yet, half an hour afterwards, the old haggard look had re
turned, the form was bent, and it was with difficulty he could retire to his
couch. It seemed utterly impossible that he could brave the fatigue and ex
citement of such an ovation as awaited him on the following day : nevertheless,
he was there.
May 6th. — Well, positively, though things were menacing, dared to go to
Exeter Hall, at eleven o'clock, and take chair of Bible Society. Quite safe ; no
mischief ; stayed there till half -past one, and came away rejoicing. I bless thee,
0 Lord, I bless thee.
May 7th. — This morning suddenly struck down by return of malady of two
months ago. Can see no cause, no reason whatever. It is heart-breaking, sad,
but God's will be done !
May 13th. — Got to Miss Haldane's Drawing-room Meeting for Eastern
Female Education,* spent an hour and » half ; none the worse, perhaps the
better. Thank God, I say, that I got there — delighted, nay, more than delighted,
to be in the house of my departed and valued friend, and testify to the enormous
importance to me of his counsel, wisdom, and understanding, and friendship of
thirty years.
May 19th. — Ragged School Union to do me honour to-night I Shall I be able
to go for an hour only ? God in His mercy grant it I
May 20th. — " Bless the Lord, 0 my soul, and all that is within me, bless His
holy name." Got through it, well, happily, easily, not tired, not agitated, not
alarmed. And to-day, so far from being worse, am certainly the better for the
exertion. Four o'clock. — Another mercy : have been able to go to Grosvenor House, and
speak on behalf of Ragged Schools.
On the 22nd of May he reached St. Giles's, and on the following Sunday
attended the little church he loved so well, read the lessons, and received the
Communion there for the last time. On the 4th of June he returned to
London in an invalid carriage, and on the following evening, " took chair in
Exeter Hall of Williams' Refuge, quite safe and happy." A few days later,
" essayed to go to Grosvenor House, but turned back (feeling so ill) when
* The Society for Promoting Female Education in the East.

1885.] PROTECTION OF YOUNG GIRLS. 771
near the door." It was a great joy to him that, on the 24th of June, he was
able to get to the tea and meeting of the Flower Girls' Mission without
harm ; " deep, deep disappointment had I not gone there, for my interest
in their welfare is very warm." One cause of deep regret was : " obliged
to send excuse to my costermongers — was very severely depressed."
July 10th. — On Wednesday to Joseph Hoare's at Hampstead, to meet London
City Missionaries : thankful, very thankful, that 1 was able to go. On Thursday,
to Dean's Yard, Westminster, to distribute flower prizes ; and to-day to Mansion
House, for first Anniversary of a Society for protection of children against
cruelty. What a succession of mercies 1
The last working days of Lord Shaftesbury were spent in labour and
prayer for young children. In a London evening paper there had appeared
a series of terrible articles, purporting to give an exact account of horrible
cruelties and shameful wrongs perpetrated on young and innocent girls-
For years past the subject, in one form and another, had been laid upon his
heart, and had cost him many days and nights of anxious thought. Thus on
July the 30th, 1880, he had supported " a strong Bill, almost a fearful Bill,
and capable, no doubt, of enormous abuse," to prohibit little girls under
fourteen from living in houses of ill-fame. In 1881 he was actively engaged
in dealing with " an abomination, one beyond the power of description for
atrocity, or of sentiment to feel it — the trade with Brussels in English and
Irish girls." In 1883 he spoke in the House of Lords on the Bill for
Protection of Young Girls, " from the organised habitual conspiracy, so to
speak, against them by the men who nightly watch the factories and work
shops, and lay their snares for the poor young things as they return home
long after dark." Later in the same year he was " defeated upon an amend
ment to protect helpless women and defenceless girls from insults and
dangers in the streets." Again, in 1884 he made a speech at the Mansion
House " in aid Of a new society for protection of children against cruelty."
When the latest phase of the subject was revealed, he was almost heart
broken that he had not strength to stand forth as the champion of these poor
children. It was not long before that, in conversation with a friend, he had
said : " When I feel age creeping on me and know I must soon die — I hope it
is not wrong to say it — but I cannot bear to leave the world with all the
misery in it."
But the set time had come. A troublesome complaint, which had pro
duced great weakness, made rest and change of air indispensable, and towards
the end of July he left London for ever.
The following are the final entries in the Diary:—
July 25th. — No entries — great anxiety of state of health. In some instances
dejection terrible, overwhelmed by anxiety and labour on the matter of this
Lunacy business, which, coming on me in midst of this horrible depression, was
almost too much for me. Got through it at last, by God's mercy and goodness.
x x 2

772 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXXVII.
Went to Home Office te see Cross on those fearful revelations in Pall Mall
Gazette; out last night to House of Lords, for half an hour, to see Salisbury on
the same subject. Last night very good, and this morning things look well.
We propose, God willing, to go to Folkestone to-day. Oh, may the air of the
place be blessed to my recovery !
July 28th. — Folkestone, 12, Clifton Gardens. Arrived here on Saturday, 25th.
Most favourable journey, God be praised. Sunday : the heat excessive, strong
wind from east; suffered terribly the whole day; depression extreme. To-day
somewhat better. I am very thankful for it. Now I suffer from cold, so
changeable is the weather 
At first it seemed as if a reasonable hope might he entertained that his
life would he spared for some years to come. For a fortnight after his
arrival he was able to get out in » Bath chair, but his increasing weakness,
first of all evidenced by a heavy fall in his room while crossing it, compelled
him to remain much indoors. With the least sign, however, of returning
health came returning energy, and he had been so long accustomed to running
risks from exposure that he did not pay sufficient heed to the changes of the
weather which, in the autumn of this year, were sudden and treacherous.
He took a chill, which brought on inflammation of the left lung. Then it
became morally certain that the end was not far off.
Free from great distressing pain; with consciousness perfectly clear,
surrounded by his sons and daughters, whom he loved with an untold and
untellable love ; undisturbed by any fear of death, unshaken in faith, and in
full assurance of hope, he calmly waited the end.
In a cheerful room on the ground floor, looking out on a pleasant lawn
shaded with trees, and with the great wide sea beyond it, the small bed he
had brought with him was placed, and here his last days were spent. He
could step from his room to the balcony and drink in the life-giving air
which he so much enjoyed, and on bright days could look across the sea to
the white cfiffs of sunny France. Very solemn and very beautiful was the
calm of the evening tide, and very sacred was that chamber, in which the
prayer was constantly breathed, " Come, Lord Jesus, come quickly."
During the interval which elapsed, he used to ask his daughters and his
valet — whichever happened to be present — to read to him portions of the
Bible he named to them. Every morning he begged that the twenty-third
Psalm — that short cry of hope, beginning, " The Lord is my Shepherd : I
shall not want " — might be read to him.
He was to the last very anxious that the letters which still came to him
should be answered, and he used to dictate to his daughter, Lady Templemore,
the replies he wished to be sent.
The very last matter of actual business which he attended to, was the
filling up of the living of Shaftesbury (of which he was patron), and much
care and thought were bestowed by him on the appointment.
One natural source of regret, and the only earthly matter which seemed
to trouble him, was that he should die away from home : "in a lodging--

1885.] THE BENEDICTIONS OP THE POOR. 773
house," as he termed it. Had it been possible, he would have cheerfully
borne the discomfort of removal, in order that he might pass away in the
midst of his own people in the ancestral home he loved so well, made sacred
by so many associations. But this wish could not be gratified ; the sickness
had taken too strong a hold upon him. It was, however, a source of gratifica
tion for him to know that his last wishes would be faithfully respected, and
that his remains would rest at St. Giles's beside those of his beloved wife
and daug'hters, in the burial-place of his fathers.
When a letter from the Dean of Westminster was read to him, in which
a, resting-place in Westminster Abbey was proposed, he said, in a low but
firm voice, " No— St. Giles's— St. Giles's ! "
In the sacred chamber where he lay, fully conscious that the end was
near, one of his sons, come from Switzerland, where he was tending a loved
one in her sickness to whom he had to return, knelt before him at his
bidding-, and received his parting blessing, as the old patriarch laid his hand
upon his head, bade him " good-bye," and breathed a prayer ; there other of
his sons and daughters saw, day by day, the beauty of holiness, the grandeur
of the triumph of faith. There one who came ^to bid him farewell, heard
words like these : " I am in the hands of God ; the ever-blessed Jehovah ; in'
His hands alone. Yes, in His keeping, with Him alone."
Then earne a day, the first day of October, when the sun was shining in
meridian splendour, flooding his chamber with the light he loved so well.
His faithful valet, Goldsmith, handed him something, which he received
with the words, " Thank you." These were his last words. And then a few
minutes later, fully conscious to the last moment, he passed, without pain or
sigh or struggle, into the ineffable light.
A week later a plain, closed hearse, devoid of all the shows of grief,
moved away from the door of his house in Grosvenor Square, followed by five
mourning coaches and a few private carriages and hack cabs — as simple a
funeral procession as ever marked the public obsequies of a great man. It
needed not the pomp of any earthly pageant to do him honour. Flowers —
sent by poor and rich alike, completely filling the large room from which the
body had been removed— formed the only and the most fitting display.
There were thousands assembled in Grosvenor Square, whose hearts were
heavy, and whose eyes were red with weeping for the best friend the poor
ever had, and thousands more were lining the streets through which the
procession was to pass. It was touching to see the blinds drawn close in the
club-houses and mansions of St. James's Street and Pall Mall, but it was far
more touching to see groups upon groups of artisans, sempstresses, labourers,'
factory hands, flower girls— the poor and the destitute from all quarters of
London — gathered there to pay their last mark of respect and affection. It
was no crowding together of sight-seers. Even the poorest of the poor had
managed to procure some little fragment of black to wear upon the coat-
sleeve or in the bonnet ; the stillness was solemn and impressive ; and as the
simple procession passed, eveiy head was uncovered, and bowed as with a

774 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXXVII
personal sorrow. He had " clothed a people with spontaneous mourning
and was going down to the grave amid the benedictions of the poor."
As the funeral cortege passed into Parliament Street a sight was seen
which will never be forgotten while this generation lasts. Grouped on the
east, or river side of the street, were deputations from the Homes and.
Refuges and Training-ships, from the Costermongers' Society, from Missions
and Charities, each with their craped banners emblazoned with such words
as these : " Naked and ye clothed Me," " A stranger and ye took Me in."
Bands of music, playing " The Dead March " in Saul, were ranged at
intervals, and as the procession passed, these, heading the deputations, fell
in and marched towards the Abbey.
Rarely, if ever, had there been such a company assembled in Westminster
Abbey as on that day. Royalty was represented ; the Church, both Houses
of Parliament, diplomacy, municipal power, society, were represented; but
the real significance of that enormous gathering, filling every inch of space,
lay in the spontaneous homage of the thousands of men and women repre
senting all that was powerful for good in the whole land. The Abbey was
full of mourners. Never before, in the memory of living men, had there
been brought together, at one time, in one place, and with one accord, so
many workers for the common good, impelled by a deep and tender sympathy
in a common loss. For no other man in England, or in the world, could such
an assembly have been gathered together.
While the coffin stood under the lantern of the church, buried beneath
masses of exquisite wreaths — the offering of the Crown Princess of Germany
resting beside the " Loving tribute from the Flower Girls of London," — strong
men wept, as they gazed on the sea of upturned faces, and every face bearing
traces of sorrow.
At no moment was the solemnity deeper than when, after the grand old
music of Purcell and Croft had ceased, and the sweet words of Christian
joy and the strong words of Christian confidence in the Burial Service had
been uttered, that vast congregation joined in singing Charles Wesley's
hymn — " Let all the saints terrestrial sing
With those to glory gone,
For all the servants of our King
In earth and heaven are one."
Tears were in the trembling voices; and the faltering notes told how
profound was the sorrow.
Then, when the Dean had pronounced the Benediction, the coffin was
slowly borne away, to be taken to its final resting-place in St. Giles's Church.
As the hearse moved from the Abbey, the band of the Costermongers'
Temperance Society playing the hymn, " Safe in the arms of Jesus," a poor
labouring man with tattered garments, but with a piece of crape sewed on
to his sleeve, turned to one who stood beside him, and with a choking voice

1885-1 CONCLUSION. 775
said, " Our Earl's gone ! God A'mighty knows he loved us, and we loved
him. We shan't see his likes again ! "
It was but one tribute of ten thousand paid that day to the friend of the
poor. Next day in the little church of St. Giles's, in the presence of sons and
daughters and personal friends, the Dorset and Wiltshire tenantry, and the
servants of the household, the " good Earl " was laid to rest in the ancestral
burying-place, beside the faithful and loving wife and the gentle daughters
he loved so tenderly.
Very touching and impressive was the singing- of the final hymn that
closed the simple service : —
"Now the labourer's task is o'er,
Now the battle-day is past ;
Now upon the farther shore
Lands the voyager at last.
Father, in Thy gracious keeping
Leave we now Thy servant sleeping.''
The plain tablet, as delineated at the end of this book, has since been
placed in the village church where he sleeps. The shape, the inscription, and
the texts, all comply with directions which he left behind him in a private
note. 
" My Lords," said the Duke of Argyll in a memorable speech in 1885
upon the political situation, " the social reforms of the last century have not
been mainly due to the Liberal party. They have been due mainly to the
influence, character, and perseverance of one man — Lord Shaftesbury."
" That," said Lord Salisbury, in endorsing this eloquent tribute, " is, I
believe, a very true representation of the facts." How true, this story of
Lord Shaftesbury's life, as told in his Diaries, will to some extent prove.
It was a life for which the nation must ever remain grateful — a life which
has left an indelible mark on the history of the countiy. He was the founder
of a new order of men who, inspired by his example, and infected by his
enthusiasm, followed and still follow in his footsteps. His life moved
steadily along in one undeviating course, everything being brought into sub
jection to the self-imposed work he had undertaken, and nothing attempted
but in an earnest and religious spirit. There was never any halting or
hesitation in his opinions or purposes. Once satisfied that a cause needed
help and that it filled a place unoccupied, he went " straight onward " with
it never turning to the right hand or the left. He was intensely practical,
and, above all things, an honest worker and a setter of others to work ; he
did not say to them " Go," but " Come with me," laying it down as a principle
that abundant mutual intercourse is the very life of practical unity. Thus he
became the ordained counsellor of others, the inspirer of their activity, their

776 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXXVII
referee in every difficulty, tho suggestor of new movements. He never stood
aloof from any good work, by whomsoever proposed, nor from any fellow-
worker, however humble ; and he was as ready to lead an mipopular as a
popular cause. A man of singular unselfishness, of rare determination, per
severance, and courage, with an unfailing perception of right and wrong, and
a wise and far-reaching sagacity, he had one single aim and purpose— to do
good. That undaunted courage, that burning zeal, that tender sympathy, all
sprang from deep-rooted convictions of the duties and responsibilities of life
as revealed in tho Holy Scriptures. His name was the password of a cause
among all the Christians of Europe ; he inspired universal confidence by the
purity of his personal character, the dignity of his bearing, the accuracy and
accumulation of his knowledge ; and he won affection everywhere by tones,
by looks, by gestures ; by little acts of kindness recurring daily and hourly.
From first to last he was a reliable man ; it was known where he was to be
found on every moral, social, and religious question, and that he could never
be entrapped into the advocacy of anything that was not good, to gratify the
claims of friends or the interests of party. His whole life was a call to
others to stand fast, to quit themselves like men, and to be strong. He
laid his hand on the heart of his countiy and caused it to beat with reviving
life. " When the ear heard him it blessed him, and when the eye saw him it
gave witness to him, because he delivered the poor that cried, and the father
less and him that had none to help him. The blessing of him that was ready
to perish came upon him, and he caused the widow's heart to sing for joy. He
was eyes to the blind and feet was he to the lame. He was a father to the
poor." His work lives on in its fruits, and it will live for ever, and he, being
dead, yet speaks in lives inspired by his example, and made bright and
beautiful and useful and happy by his toil. A whole generation of children
has risen up to call him blessed, aud a generation is rising, among whom,
influenced by his life, will be found many to adopt, as the motto of their
lives, the motto of his family —
Love, Serve.

APPENDIX.

The following is a list of Religious and Philanthropic Institutions representee?
by Deputations at the Memorial Service, in Westminster Abbey, on Thursday,
October 8th, 1885, with all of which Lord Shaftesbury was more or less
directly connected.
Pall Bearers.

John Macgregor,
British and Foreign Bible Society.
Shoeblacks Brigades.
H. R. Williams,
Religious Tract Society.
King Edward Industrial Schools.
George Williams,
Young Men's Christian Associations.
W. J. Orsman,
Costermongers' Mission.

Joseph G. Gent,
Ragged School Union.
William Williams,
National Refuges and Training
Ships.
George Holland,
George Yard Ragged School.
J. M. Weylland,
London City Mission.

Representative Committee.

Mr. George Williams, Chairman.
Baroness Burdett-Coutts.
Mr. Joseph G. Gent.
Mr. H. R. Williams.
Mr. Wm. Williams.
Mr. E. J. Kennedy.
Mr. J. P. Gent.

General Davidson.
Rev. John Sharp, M.A.
Mr. W. J. Orsman.
Mr. J. M. Weylland.
Rev. Prebendary Billing, B.A.
Mr. Richard Turner.
Mr. R. J. Cdrtis.

Mr. John Kirk, Hon. Secretary.

British and Foreign Bible Society.
Ragged School Union.
London City Mission.
Religious Tract Society.
National Refuges and Training Ships.
Young Men's Christian Association.
Church Missionary Society.
Church Pastoral Aid Society.
London Missionary Society.
Baptist Missionary Society.
Wesleyan Missionary Society.
Reformatory and Refuge Union.
Field Lane Ragged Schools and Refuges.
Dr. Barnardo's Homes.
Sunday School Union.
Church of England Sunday School In
stitute.

Hoxton Costers' Mission.
Factory Workers of Bradford.
Manchester City Mission and Ragged
Schools.
Colonial and Continental Church
Society.
London Society for Promoting Chris
tianity amongst the Jews.
Society for the Propagation of the
Gospel in Foreign Parts.
Society for Promoting Christian Know
ledge.
Band of Hope Union.
Theatre and Special Ser vices Committee.
Pure Literature Society.
Society for the Prevention of Cruelty
to Children.

778

THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY.

Army Scripture Readers' Society.
Ragged Church and Chapel Union.
Open- Air Mission.
Christian Vernacular Society for India.
King Edward Ragged School.
Indigent Blind Visiting Society.
St. Giles's Prison Mission.
One Tun Ragged School.
Monthly Tract Society.
Female Preventive Institution.
Gravesend Ragged School.
Cab Drivers' Benevolent Association.
Tower Hamlets Mission.
Church of England Young Men's
Society.
Mildmay Missions.
Cabmen's Shelter Fund.
Dove Row Ragged School.
Waldensian Missions.
George Yard Ragged School.
Saffron Hill Italian Missions.
Gifford Hall Mission.
St. James's Home for Female Inebriates.
Christian Community.
Exeter Buildings Ragged School.
Rescue Society.
Society for Suppression of the Opium
Trade.
Royal Hospital for Diseases of the
Chest.
Surgical Aid Society.
Thames Church Mission.
Holloway Ragged School.
London Anti-Vivisection Society.
Shoeblack Societies and Brigades.
Miss Rye's Homes.
Miss Macpherson's Refuges.
Aged Pilgrims' Friend Society.
British Orphan Asylum.
Young Men's Christian Association,
Aldersgate Street.
Homes for Working Boys.
Mrs. Meredith's Institutions.
Destitute Children's Dinner Society.
Lambeth Ragged School.
China Inland Mission.
Richmond Street Mission and Ragged
Schools.
Fox Court Ragged School.
Home for Little Boys.
London Bible Women's Mission.
Lamb and Flag Ragged School.
Lord's Day Observance Society.
Protestant Alliance.
Church of England Scripture Readers'
Association.
Church of England Young Men's
Society.

Young Men's Christian Association,
Priory, Islington.
Christian Evidence Society.
Society for the Improvement of the
Condition of the Labouring Classes.
Working Men's Lord's Day Rest Asso
ciation.
Flower Girls' Mission.
United Kingdom Alliance.
Hospital Sunday Fund.
Hospital Saturday Fund.
Columbia Market and other Costers'
Clubs.
Hospital for Women.
Samaritan Hospital for Women.
Anti-Slavery Society.
Evangelisation Society.
Social Science Association.
Horsef erry Road Ragged School.
Orphan Working School.
Boys' Home, Wandsworth.
London Aged Christians' Society.
Webber Row Ragged School.
East London Protestant Defence Asso
ciation.
Homes for Inebriates.
Curates' Augmentation Fund.
Latymer Road Mission.
Stephen the Yeoman Ragged School.
Rosemary Hall Mission.
Polytechnic Institution.
Richmond Street Refuge, Notting
Hill.
Nichol Street Ragged School.
Indian Female Normal School Society.
Turkish Missions' Aid Society.
North London Home for Blind Christian
Women.
Church Association.
Nelson Street Ragged School and
Mission.
Cripples' Home.
Children's Special Service Mission.
Copenhagen Street Industrial School.
Infant Orphan Asylum.
Royal Hospital for Incurables.
Reedham Asylum.
Young Men's Christian Association,
Burlington Hall.
Watford Orphan Asylum.
London Female Penitentiary.
Normal College for the Blind.
Royal National Life-Boat Institution.
Dreadnought Hospital for Seamen.
Missions to Seamen.
Soldiers' Daughters' Home.
Book Society.
Evangelistic Mission.

APPENDIX.

779

International Peace Association.
St. George the Martyr Mission.
King Edward Industrial Schools.
Mr. Peache's Church Training College,
Highbury.
Paris City Mission.
Tonic Sol-Fa College.
Dean Close's Memorial School, Chel
tenham.
South London Association for Assist
ing the Blind.
London Presbytery Church of Eng
land.
Earlswood Asylum.
Friend of Clergy Corporation.
Corporation of Sons of Clergy.
Young Men's Christian Association,
Stafford Rooms.
Congregational School at Caterham.
Stockwell Orphanage.
British Asylum for Deaf and Dumb.
Royal Association in Aid of Deaf and
Dumb.
Female Orphan Home.
Society for Widows of Medical Men.
Discharged Prisoners' Aid Society.
Sailors' Welcome Home.
Provident Surgical Appliance Society.
National Cripple Boys' Home.
Boys' Industrial Home, Forest Hill.
Home for Consumptive Girls.
•Ashley Mission, Bethnal Green.
Newport Market Industrial School.
Gordon Memorial Fund for the Benefit
of Poor Children.
The Gordon Boys' Home.
Missions to French in London.
Metropolitan Drinking Fountain Asso
ciation.
Royal Society for the Prevention of
Cruelty to Animals.

Westminster Flower Show,
Gray's Yard Ragged School.
Ogle Mews Ragged School.
National Temperance League.
Irish Church Missions.
Irish Scripture Readers' Society.
Irish Society.
Railway Mission.
Blue Ribbon Gospel Temperance Move
ment.
Freedmen's Missions Aid Society.
Birmingham Town Mission.
Victoria Street ^Society for the Sup
pression of Vivisection.
Wesleyan Methodist Lord's Day Ob
servance Society.
Female Mission to the Fallen.
Artisans, Labourers, and General
Dwellings Company.
Society for Promoting Female Educa
tion in the East.
Young Women's Christian Association.
South American Missionary Society.
Early Closing Association.
Saturday Half -Holiday Movement.
The Needle- Women's Society.
Society for Promoting the Employment
of Women.
Romsey Corporation Charity.
Society for the Relief of Persecuted
Jews.
Home Teaching Society for the Blind.
Railway Officers' and Servants' Asso
ciation.
" Bruey " Association of " Irish So
ciety."
Juvenile Sunday Union..
Young Men's Christian Association,
Gracechurch Street.
&o. &c. &c.

Deputations of Children and Young Persons Representing
the following Institutions :

Chichester and Arethusa Training
Ships.
Girls' Home ; Ealing and Sudbury
National Homes.
Shoeblacks : Central Reds.
King Edward Industrial Schools.
Field Lane Industrial Schools.

Flower Girls' Mission.
Cripples' Home.
Home for Little Boys.
George Yard Ragged Schools.
King Edward Ragged Schools.
One Tun Ragged School.
Costermongers' Societies and Clubs.

INDEX.

Aberdeen, Lord, 201 ; on Nestorians, 283 ; ap
pealed to "by Queen of Tahiti, 289 ; Premier,
465 ; offers Blue Ribbon, 491, 492 ; death
of, 578
Abolition of Protection, 337
Achnacarry and its fascinations, 385
Acre, Capture of, 166
Acrobats and Small Children, Bill for the
Protection of, 757
Additional Curates Society, 113
Advice to teachers, 467
Affairs in the East, 493
Afghanistan and its affairs, 236
Agar-Ellis, Mr., 44
Aged Pilgrims' Friend Society, 691
Agricultural gangs, 3, 624
Agricultural knowledge in India, 46
Agricultural labourers, Defence of, 280 ; in
Dorsetshire, 293 ; rewards to, 484
Agriculture and women and children, 236
Aix-la-Chapelle, 267
Alexander, Dr., first Bishop of Jerupalem, 199 ;
consecration of, 202 ; first benediction of,
202 ; sails for Jaffa, 203 ; entry into Jeru
salem, 219 ; sends a ring to Lord Ashley,
270 ; death of, 329, 358
Alison, Sir Archibald, 144
Almshouses at Wimborne St. Giles, 18
Alnwick Castle, 147
Alpine and Italian scenery, 96
Alsace, 361
Althorp, Lord, 89
Ameers of Scinde, The, 285, 286
America and Slavery, 460 : future of the States,
454
American CivU "War, The, 573, 577
American Evangelists, The, 688
Amusements of the people, 73
Ancestry and home, 8—18
Anglican Bishopric of Jerusalem, 166, 197, 198
Anti-Corn-Law League, 304, 334; Lord John
Russell a convert to, 336
Antinomianism, 529
Anti-Papal agitation, 434
Anti-Slavery agitation, 476 ; meeting at Exeter
Hall, 476; Mrs. Beecher-Stowe in Eng
land, 476; address to the women of
America, 476
Antwerp, 267
Appendix, 777
Apprentice system, The, 76—80
Archbishop of Paris, Murder of, 653
Arethusa training-ship, The, 615
Arguments of prophecy, The, 702
Argyll, The Duke of, 705, 719, 775
Aristocracy in Europe, Life of the, 481
Armenian Church, The, 716
Arnold, Dr. 174
Arnold, Mr. Edwin, 726, 759
Art of speaking to children, 353
Artizans' and Labourers' Dwellings Company,
690 J'
Ascot races, 55, 181

Ashley, Lord (see Shaftesbury, Seventh Earl of)
Ashley Mission, 755
Ashley, Sir Anthony, 8 ; daughter of, 8 ; her
marriage, 8
Ashley, The Hon. Evelvn, 498, 506, 507, 534,
600—604, 605, 686, 716, 718, 719
Ashleys and Coopers, 8, 17
Assassination of Mr. E. Drummond, 241 ; of
Lord Frederick Cavendish, 733
Astronomy as a study, 49, 62
Asylums (see Lunacy)
Athanasian Creed, The, 664
Attempts on the Queen's life, 157, 411
Auberon Herbert, The Hon., on prayer, 690
Audit dinners at St. Giles's, 450
Auricular confession, 464
Austro-Sardinian "War, 557
Autumn manceuvres in Dorset, 664
Avenue of beeches at Brockington, 16
Baden, 360
Balaklava and official stupidity, 498
Ballot, The, 70 ; in America, 151, 655—657
Bankes, Mr. Geo., 39, 317, 468
Baptist Missionary Society, The, 253
Baptist Society for Foreign Missions, Tbe, 551
Barnum, Mr., the American showman, 459
Barrow and Donkey Club, The, 646
Bartle Frere, Sir, 690
Basle, 361
Bates, Mr., and French finance, 454
Baths of surprise, 50
Bathurst, Lord and Lady, 42 ; letter from
Lord Bathurst, 53
Beaconsfield, Lord (see Disraeli)
Beaufort, Duchess of, 234, 385
Bedchamber question, The, 129, 130
Bedlam, 50 ; horrors of, 50, 52
Beecher-Stowe, Mrs., 476
Belbaven, Lord, at Wishaw, 385
Bentinck, Lord Wm., 63
Bible, Revision of, 640, 733, 738 ; study of, 733 ;
defence of, 744
Bible Society, Translations of, at tbe Great
Exhibition of 1851, 437: agents of, in
China, 477, 478
Bickersteth, Rev. E., 209, 421, 422, 461
Binney, Dr. Thomas, 685
Birmingham and London Railway, 125
" Bishop Maker," The, on his defence, 606 —612
Bishopric of Jerusalem, The, 198
Bishops, Opposition of, to the Religious Wor
ship Bill, 513, 514
Black Boy Alley, 260
Bleaching and Dye-Works Bill, 375
Blind, Indigent, 145
Blue Books, "Value of, 741
Board of Education, 132, 135
Board of Health, 417; its work, 417—419;
Lord Ashley resigns Chairmanship of,
426 ; sanitation, 478 ; antagonism to, 479 ;
a newmaster,479; old Board extinguished,

INDEX.

781

Board Schools, 643, 644
" Bobby," Derivation of, 74
Bokhara " Burnes, 236
Bologna, 95
Books for students, 71
Booth, Mr. and Mrs., 726
Bosnian refugees, 701
Bowles' opinion of Cranborne, 24
Bradlaugh, Mr., at Northampton, 686, 718,
727, 732
Brahminism, A dying effort of, 544
Brewster, Sir David, 386
Bribery at elections, 472
Brickfield children, 654
Brieg, Switzerland, 93
Bright, Eight Hon. John, 265 ; opposes Ten
Hours Bill, 291 ; millowners' advocate, 293 ;
apology of, 291 ; factory legislation, 302,
333, 378 ; relays and shifts, 372, 373 ;
mills at Eoehdale, 340—342 ; subdivision
of parishes, 409 ; Ecclesiastical Titles Bill,
431 ; India Bill, 550 ; Palmerston's esti
mate of, 603
British and Foreign Bible Society, 358, 437—
British Orphan School in Paris, 392
Broadlands, 172
Broadmoor Asylum, 571
Broadwall Infant Bagged School, 350; its
founder, 383
Brockington Avenue, 16
Brougham, Lord, 32, 36, 304, 368, 378, 514
Broughton, Lord, 79
Bulgarian atrocities, The, 698, 705
Bull Ring, Birmingham, 136
Buller, Charles, Death of, 407
Bunsen, Baron, and his mission, 198, 199, 203,
563
Burdett, Sir Francis, 47, 742
Burglars and emigration, 405
Burgundy, Plains of, 91
Burial of Nonconformists, 742
" Burking " system of the newspapers, 485
Burnes, " Bokhara," 236
Burning questions of the day, 188
Busby, Dr., 20
Butler, Dr., at Harrow, 22, 25
Cabal, Sir A. Ashley and the, 9
Cabul, Affairs at, 240
Calico print-works, Children in, 320 ; Bill in
troduced, 320, 332
California and the gold diggings, 450
Calvin's Commentaries, 528
Cambrian Qjtoi-terly, 40
Cambridge House parties, 605
Cannes, 103
Canning, Lord, Indian Proclamation of, 548 —
550
Canning, Mr., 30, 32, 33 ; provision for his
family, 30 ; illness and death of, 39
Canon Law, 432
Capital punishment, 411
Cardinal Wiseman, 429 ; his manifesto, 430
Cardwell, Mr. (Viscount Cardwell), 208
Carisbrooke Castle, 718
Carlsbad, Visit to, 266, 269
Carlsruhe, 360
Carlyle, Thomas, 391
Carnival of Nice, The, 102
Carolina, 349
Carse of Gowrie, The, 113
Castle Howard, 149
Catacombs at Eome, The, 99
Catholic Church in England, The, 206

Catholic emancipation, 47, 60, 325
Catholic Switzerland, 92
Catholics, A friend of the, 30, 32
Cattle plague in Britain, The, 600
Cattle, Wild white, 146
Cavour, Count, 475 ; on Italian freedom, 556,
561
Centenary of Sunday Schools, 415
Central Board of Health, 398
Chalmers (Dr.), in Tron Church, 28
Chambers, Mr. Thomas, 648
Chancellorship of Oxford University, 455
Changarnier, General, 424
" Characteristics," The, 14 ; the controversy
it occasioned, 14
Charity Organisation Society, The, 672
Charleston, 349
Chartist movement, The, 162, 163, 173, 232,
390, 393
Chatsworth, 149
Cheap bread, 181
Cheap trains for workmen, 571
Chidiester training-ship, The, 614
Child labour in 1833, 76, 77 ; in mines and
collieries, 164, 221—224; in calico print
works, 320 ; half-time, 339, 310, 654
Children, Cruelty to, 223, 242
Children in slavery, 161
Children's Dangerous Performances Act, 757
Children's Employment Commission, 175, 242,
320—322, 586, 621, 654
Chillingham Castle, 146
Chimney-Sweepers' Bill, Hostility to, 158 ;
apprentices, 160, 494, 516, 585—588
China and Christianity, 477 ; mission to, 478
China War, The, 236
Chinese difficulties, 537—540
Chisholm, Mrs., and colonisation, 436
Cholera, Outbreak of, 417, 418, 485; Scotch
memorialists, 485
Cholmondeley Castle, 234
Christ, Second Coming of, 237, 271, 385, 422,
523, 529
Christian heroes in India, 548 — 549
Christian Sabbath, Defence of, 419 et passim
Christianity in Eussia, 487 ; in India, 566 —
567
Christians in Turkey, 486, 487
Christmas at St. Giles's, 205
Church appointments, 606 — 612
Church Congresses, Objections to, 650
Church extension, 158
Church Missionary Society, 198
Church nominations, 500
Church of St. Agostino, 99
Church Pastoral Aid Society, 113, 114, 124,
522, 578, 674, 740
Church patronage under Lord Palmerston,
606—612
Church reforms, 112, 664, 674—676, 740
Cistercian Nunnery, 235
Citizenship of Tain, 429
City Arabs, 347
City of the Plague, The, 417
Civil War in America, The, 573
Clanricarde, Lord, and Sunday postal labour,
419
Clarendon, Lord, on the return of the Jews,
493 ; death of, 619
Clergy and people, 263
Clergy, The, and spiritual destitution, 410
Clerical vestments, 625
Climbing boys, 583— 588 ; death of a boy, 587
Clouds in the East, 486
Coal bearing, 222

782

INDEX.

Cobbe, Miss P. P., Birthday address of, 722
Cobden, Mr. Richard, 117, 227 ; Factory Bill,
227 ; exposure of factory districts, 291 ;
children in print-works, 321 ; reduction of
hours of labour, 339, 378; the Chinese
difficulty, 537; Palmerston's opinion of,
603
Coercion Bill, Irish, of Sir Robert Peel, 343
Coincidence of names, A, 349
Colenso, Dr., 591
Coliseum at Rome, 97
Collieries and female labour, 443
Colliery Bill, The, 224 ; opposed by Cobden,
227 ; supported by Palmerston, 230 ; he-
comes law, 231 ; the Press on the, 234 ;
repeal of, 238, 263
Cologne Cathedral, 268
Colonisation of Palestine, 168
Combination Laws repealed, 73
Commemoration Day at Oxford, 181
Common Lodging Houses Bill, 469
Confessional in the Church of England, The,
464, 678,679
Conservative working men, 623
Continental Sunday, A, 274
"Conversation " Sharpe, 32
Converts to Rome, 324
Convocation, Revival of, 463
Cooper, John, 8 ; marriage of, 9 ; son of, 9
Cora Linn, 146
Corn-Law agitation, 179 — 183 ; Col. Napier on,
196; Sir R. Peel, 220, 318; George Bankes,
317 ; ohange of opinion concerning, 331 ;
Lord Ashley on, 335, 338, 339 ; Melbourne
on, 335 ; Free-traders and protection, 335 ;
a prophecy, 335 ; Peel's conversion to Free-
trade, 338 ; Royal assent to Corn and Cus
toms Bill, 343 ; repeal of Corn Laws, 380
Corporation and Test Acts, Repeal of, 30
Costermongers' movement, History of, 645 —
648, 666, 672, 065
Costers' Hall, Opening of, 725
Cottage accommodation, 448, 449, 640
Cotton famine in England, 578
Cotton mill near Pottendorf,. 273
Cotton supply, 573, 574
Cotton trade, The, 75
Council on Education constituted, 135
County Lunatic Asylums, 308
Coursing at Oxford, 9
Cowper, fifth Earl, 65, 91 ; death of, 536, 537
Cowper, Lady [see Palmerston, Lady)
Cowper, Mr. W,, 299, 316, 385, 602
Cowper, the poet, 333
Coventry, Lord Keeper, 9
Crabtree, Mr. Mark, 182, 191, 194
Cranborne Chase, 24
Cremation, 361, 456, 768
Crichton Castle, 140
Cricket Clubs for Cottagers, 450
Crimean War, 486—489 ; mismanagement in
the commissariat department, 498 ; the
Coalition Government resign, 499 ; Sani
tary Commission, 503, 505 ; death of the
Czar, 505; peace declared, 535
Criminal Lunatics, 571, 572
Crippled children, 568
Cropley Ashley, sixth Earl of Shaftesbury,
14,15
Cropley, Sir John, 13
Cruelty in asylums, 53
Cruelty to animals, 72, 96
Cruelty to children in schools, 411
"Cry of the children," The, 77
Crystal Palace on Sundays, The, 532

Cumberland, Duke of, 69
Cumloden, 406, 407
Curious episode, A, 472
Customs at Oxfordj 9
Danish question, 597
Day of humiliation, 503
Dean Law, 731, 734
Dean Stanley, 677 ; death of, 724
Dean's Yard flower show, 677
Debt, Fear of, 634
Deceased Wife's Sister Bill, 648, 757
Deer at Cranborne, 24
Defenders of Religion and its enemies, 527
Democracy, Progress of, 481
Denison, Archdeacon, 594, 595
Denison, Mr. Evelyn, 41, 272
Depression in trade, 232
Derby, Lord, Ministry of, 452, 453 ; on Cbnvo-
cation, 463 ; defeat of, 465
Desanctis, a presbyter, 474
Devonshire, Duke of, 149
Dickens, Charles, Letter from, 120 ; on Ragged
Schools, 260, 658
Dillwyn, Mr., Lunacy Commission of, 700
Discipline of suffering, 670
Disraeli, The Right Hon. Benjamin, 152, 325 ;
(Lord Beaconsfield) 453, 464, 619, 621, 627,
631, 673, 690, 691, 709, 720
Disruption in Scotland, 264
Dissenters' Chapels Bill, 306
Distress in Ireland, 409
Divided parties, 36
Divine authorship of the Bible, 521, 522, 526,
527
Divine Providence, Operations of, 523
Dog, Death of a favourite, 39
Dogmatic truth, 522
Donkey, Presentation of a, 647
Donkeys and ponies of costers, 647, 759
Drainage Bill, 196
Dressmakers and milliners, 285, 516
Drummond, Mr., Assassination of, 241
Drunkards Bill, 713
Druses and Maronites in Syria, 563
Dryden on the first Earl, 10; on the second
Earl, 12
Dublin Mansion House Relief Committee, 334
Duchy of Lancaster, 500
" Duck puddle " at Harrow, 23
Dudley, Lord, 44
Duel, Challenge to a, 472, 473
Dugdale's mill, 313
Dunkeld, 143
Durham Letter, The famous, 430
Dutch fair, A, 363
Duty on imported, food, 453
Dwelling-houses of the poor, 347, 352, 353, 354'.
687
Dying gift, A, 21
Early closing movement, 534
Early factory legislation, 78
Early reformers, Fanaticism of, 143
East India Company, 57, 24S ; opium traffic
encouraged by, 249; opium monopoly
questioned, 250; debate in Parliament,
253 ; the Ameers of Scinde and the, 286 ;
indictment of the, 287, 549
"Ecce Homo," 591
Ecclesiastical appointments, 538, 544, 605
Ecclesiastical Courts Bill, 628, 660, 681 682
Ecclesiastical Titles Bill, 435
Edinburgh, 141
Education and Bible reading, 33

INDEX.

783

Education and ignorance in England, 71, 73.
104, 242, 381
Education and local rates, 515
Education Bill, The, 643, 644, 662
Election expenses in 1830, 66, 67
Elementary education, 132, 135
Elgin, Lady, 668
Ellenborough, Lord, 239 ; on Scinde. 286. 549.
550
Ellice, Et. Hon. Edward, 170, 171
Emigration of ragged scholars, 399 — 401; grant
made, 401 ; farewell address, 401 ; scheme
before Parliament, 415 ; grant withdrawn,
416 ; a letter on the, 416, 417 ; Miss Por
tal's bequest, 421 ; donation from the
Queen, 421, 422 ; progress of, 468
Emperor of France, 506
Emperor of Eussia in England, 311
Employment Commission, 516
England and Russia, 486, 487
English influence abroad, 507
English liberality, 597
English workmen in France, Plight of, 391
Eselbach, Steamboats at, 269
" Essays and Reviews," 590, 639, 686
Esterhazy, Prince, 273
Evangelical Alliance, The, 365
Evangelical party, 519 et passim
Evangelisation of Italy, The, 573
Evangelisation of the East, The, 599
Evening classes for young men, 450
Evening communion, 743
Exeter Hall Special Services, 542 ; inhibition
issued, 543 ; action of the Nonconformists,
543 ; of the Bishops, 543 ; the Services
legalised, 544
Exhibition of 1851, 437
Extra-mural Interment Bill, 426, 478
Facilities of Worship Bill, 678
Factories and mills in India, 692, 712
Factories, Mr. Grant on, 194 ; Col. Napier on,
196 ; Education Bill, 245 ; debate on regu
lation of labour in, 290 — 298; reports of
inspectors of, 290
Factory Bills, 194, 196, 215, 219, 226, 228 ; Pal
merston's support, 228 ; approved by
Queen and Prince Albert, 229 ; tbe Ten
Hours Bill passes, 368 ; its advantages, 374
Factory labour, Evils of, 292
Factory legislation, 49, 54, 75, 76—80, 163 ;
opening of schools, 73, 84 ; apprentice
system, 76 ; white slaves, 78 ; Mr. Sadler's
Bill, 80, 83; a Royal Commission, 86;
report issued, 88 ; education of children,
104 ; Act of 1833, 104 ; found inoperative,
114 ; amendment thereof, 116 ; Cobden's
opinion, 117 ; Regulation Act, 118 ; inquiry
into Mills and Factories Act, 163 ; report
of Commission, 177 ; Lord Ashley's Bill,
215 ; opposed by Peel, 215 ; approved by
Queen, 229; Extension Act of 1864, 242;
Education Bill, 245 ; progress of legisla
tion, 313, 367—369; retrospect, 378;
Mends and foes, 378, 379 ; the Bill of 1874,
703; Factory Consolidation Bill, 704;
Factories and Workshops Act, 704
Factory operatives and the Countess of
Shaftesbury, 568
Factory tour in Lancashire and Yorkshire,
186, 313, 341
Fairbairn, Mr., the engineer, 451
Fallen among thieves, 405
Famine in England, Threatened, 334 ; in Ire
land, 380

Fanaticism of early reformers, 143
Farm schools, 615
Feargus O'Connor, 233, 390
Female education in the East, 770
Female suffrage, 651
Field Lane Ragged School, 259, 261, 437, 468
Fielden, Mr. John, M.P., 367-369, 371
Fighting men in the House of Lords, 472, 473
Fire insurance offices and climbing boys, 162
Fishbourne, Admiral, 726, 727—731
Flax mill at Pottendorf, 273
Fleet ditch, 260
Flower Girls' Mission, 670, 758, 774
Flower shows, 677
Foreign taste, 476
Forster, Mr. John, 693
Forster, Mr. W. E., Education scheme of,
643, 644, 721
Forum at Eome, The, 97
Fountains in Swiss villages, 362
Fox Maule, Mr. (Lord Panmure), 120
France and her resources, 454
France, England, aud Eussia, 486, 487
Franco-Prussian War, 649
Frankfort, Free city of, 269, 277
Fraudulent bailiff, A, 584
Frederick William of Prussia, 197 ; godfather
to the Prince of Wales, 203 ; in England,
214
Free industries, 242
Freethinking Germans, 361
Free-trade (see Corn- Law agitation)
French aggressions in Tahiti, 289
French and English Sundays, 532
' French Emperor visits England, 506
Frere, Sir Bartle, 690
Freshmen at Oxford, 9
Friend (The) of the friendless, 52
Friendly Societies, 73
Friends and foes, 336
Fry, Mr., 248, 249
Fry, Mr. Wm. Storrs, 312
Fry, Mrs. Elizabeth, Illness of, 311, 384
Fugitive notes, 28, 104
Fugitive slave law, 459
Funeral reform, 361
Future judgment, 525
Gaelic life, 143
Galloway House, 385, 406
Garbett, Eev. James, 208—213
Garden allotments, 450
Garfield, General, Death of, 724
Garibaldi, General, and Italian freedom, 556,
560 ; invited to visit England, 561 ; in
England, 596
Garter, Order of the, declined, 492 : accepted,
576-578
Gates of Somnauth, 239
Geneva Eed Cross Association, 499
Geneva, Visit to, 92, 484
Genoa, 474
Gent, Mr. Joseph, 349, 350, 706, 710, 750
George IV., 155
George Yard, Whitechapel, 709, 747
German life, 360
German philosophy, 361
Ghent, City of, 359
Gifts and Legacies, 769
Girls' refuges, 615, 649, 704
Gladstone, The Eight Hon. Wm. Ewart, 113,
201 ; favours Puseyism, 210 ; Colliery Bill,
230 ; Collegiate institutions, 238 ; on Dis
sent, 307 ; non-placet at Oxford, 323 ; Vice-
President of the Board of Trade, 321 j

784

Maynooth grant, 326; Ten Hours Bill,
376—379 ; Ministerial aspirations, 500 ;
resigns office, 508 ; the Manchester school,
596, 599 ; Palmerston's estimate of, 603,
612 ; love of power, 621 ; Irish Church,
627 ; Premier, 632 ; Dr. Temple's appoint
ment, 639 ; Education scheme, 644 ; female
suffrage, 651 ; Public Worship Bill, 683,
684 ;, on " the stump," 684, 736 ; Bulgarian
atrocities, 698, 705 ; Irish Land Laws, 719 ;
Home Rule, 764
Glasgow Blind School, 145
Glasgow, freedom of the city, 658
Glasgow Home for Incurables, 141
Glasgow Registration Court, 145
Glasgow riots in 1848, 390
Gleaning in tbe cornfields, 144
Gobat, Dr., Bishop of Jerusalem, 358
Goderich, Lord, as Premier, 39
Golden Lane Mission, 645 — 648
Gordon, Mr. Robert, 52
Gougb, Mr. J. B., 496, 672
Gould, Mr. Nathaniel, 79
Graham, Sir James, 245 ; Education Bill 245 ;
as a peacemaker, 245 ; on teaching of Scrip
ture, 245, 2i7 ; the opium monopoly, 250,
257 ; Twelve Hours Bill, 290 ; advice to
Lord Ashley, 291—296 ; unpopular, 298 ;
character, 257, 298 ; Vice-royalty of Ire
land, 300 ; Lunacy Laws, 309, 316 ; Irish
Secretaryship, 319 ; supports Lunacy Bills,
332 ; resigns office, 508 ; death of, 578
Grant, Mr. Philip, 194, 367, 378
Grant, Mr. R., on the Jews' Disabilities, 387
Granville, Lord, 65
Great Exhibition of 1851, The, 437
" Great Unwashed," The, 181 et passim
Greek brigandage, 649
Greek chair at Oxford and Dr. Jowett, 594
Greville, Mr. Charles, 303, 304
(irey, Sir George, 373, 379, 388, 395, 444
Grindelwald glacier, 362
Grotto of shells at Cranborne, 17
Guildhall meeting of Ragged School "Union,
720-722
Guizot, M., 166, 170; on the appeal of the
Queen of Tahiti, 289
Gurney, Mr. Samuel, 249
Guthrie, Dr., 383
Gutter children, 466
Habeas Corpus Act, Introduction of, 10; sus
pended in Ireland, 408
Habitual Drunkards Bill, 713
Haldane, Mr. Alexander, 462, 497, 499, 517,
5i6, 573, 595, 598, 611, 63S, 6i3, 650, 674. 679,
698, 714, 731 ; death of, 7o5
Hampden, Rev. Dr., 388
Handel, the composer, 14
Hanway, Jonas, 159
Hardinge, Lord, 315, 346, 419
Hargreaves, Mr. J., and the spinning jenny, 75
Harrow and its associations, 22, 25
Harrow Churchyard, 414
Harrow Hill and philanthropy, 25
Hartington, Marquis of, 558, 701
Harvest home at St. Giles, 537
Havelock, Sir Henry, 548, 552
Health of Towns Act, 398
Heber, Bisl op, Death of, 55, 61
Heidelberg, Palace of, 276
Herbert, Mr. Sidney, 508
Herschel, Sir Wm., 736
High Church party, The, 113
•' High morality" at Court, 193

Highland hamlets and Hottentot kraals, 143
Hindley's Factory BiU, 116
Hoare, Mr. Joseph, 769
Hobhouse, Sir John, 79
Hoffman, Prof., 361
Hoiborn Hill and its alleys, 1
Holland House, 756
Holland, Mr. George, 709, 769
Holloway, Mr. Thomas, 572, 573
Holloway Sanatorium, The, 572
Holy Land, Interest in the, 126, 197
Holy places in Palestine, 486
Holyrood House, 141
Homburg, Visit to, 638
Home of the Ashleys, 15
Home Rule, 764
Homeless boys, 613
Homes for the insane, 308
Honours to worthy men, 606
Home, the Rev. Dr., 20
Horner, Mr. Leonard, 73
Horrors of Bedlam, 50 — 52; of the factory
system, 76
Horticulture in India, 46
Hours of labour, Restriction of, in factories, 79
House of Lords a Register Office, 484
Household Suffrage Act of 1867, The, 70, 623
Houses of Detention, 471
Housing the poor, 352, 440, 759
Hudson, Mr., at Turin, 475
Hume, Mr. Joseph, 32, 250, 368, 410
Humanising the working classes, 424
Humanity and the name of Ashley, 310
Husbandry in India, 46
Huxley, Prof., on religion, 650
Hyde Park riot, 619
Ibraham Pasha, 165
Idle ecclesiastics, 410
Immorality in France, 424
Improvement Building Companies, Metro
politan, 469
Impure literature, 747
Incarnation, The, 525
Indigent Blind Visiting Society, The, 145
Industrial classes and emigration, 415; refuges.
467
Industrial Exhibition of 1851, The, 437
Industrial legislation, Necessity for, 3, 4
Industrial schools in counties, 473
Inglis, Sir Robert, 227, 318, 445, 515
Inherited estates and new difficulties, 448, 449
India, 45, 54 ; work for, 54 ; conversion of, 57 ;
agriculture in, 46 ; mills and factories in,
712
India Bill, 550
Indian cotton, 573, 574
Indian famine, 574
Indian Mutiny, The, 544 — 550; subject of
special prayer, 545 ; fund for relief of the
sufferers, 545 ; origin of the insurrection,
546, 547 ; Lady Canning on the mutila
tions, 547
Insane, The (see Lunacy)
Insanity of the poet Cowper, 333 '
Inspiration of the Scriptures, 521, 522. 526.
527, 744
Insurance Offices and climbing boys, 158 — 163
Insurrections at Berlin and Vienna, 393
Intemperance, Evils of, 672
Interlaken, 363
Interment Bill, 426
Inventions, Progress of, 75
Inverary Castle, 403
Inverness. 113

INDEX.

785

Iona and Staffa, 680
Ireland and England, Severance of, 633
Ireland and famine, 364 j in distress, 408
Ireland and the Irish, 326
Irish Church, The, 105 ; temporalities of, 112,
306, 630—637
Irish Coercion Bill, The, 343
Irish Eegistration Bill, The, 177
Italian freedom and the Papacy, 556 ; events
leading to war, 556 ; war declared, 557 ;
opinions of Persigny, Cavour, and Gari-
haldi, 558—561 ; annexation of Savoy and
Nice, 561
Italian honour, 651
Italian scenery. 96
Italy, 91, 573
"Jack Cade" legislation, 298, 304
" Jack Ketch's " warren, 259
Jackson, T;, City missionary, 404
Jerusalem and Jewish people, 123, 167
Jerusalem Bishopric, 198, 200 ; first Bishop,
199 ; his death, 329 ; second Bishop, 358
Jews at Carlsbad, 270
Jews in Parliament, 126, 167, 170, 177, 200, 388,
447, 501, 553
Jews in Eussia, 731
Jews, Return of the, 48, 328, 493
Jews' Society.The, 215, 328, 616, 761
Jocelyn, Lord, 182, 495, 537
John Bull and Lord Ashley, 30
Jones, Mr. Ernest, 390
Jowett, Dr., and Greek chair, 594
Joy, Mary, Death of, 636
Jubilee of London City Mission, 761
Jura Mountains, The, 91
Jurston Street Eagged School, 350
Jury question in India, The, 59
Justification by faith, 521
Juvenile delinquency, 471
Juvenile mendicancy and crime, 471
Juveniles in workshops, 624, 625
Kay, Mr. J,, and tbe fly shuttle, 75
Keble, Eev. John, 206, 207, 213, 323
Kingdom of Italy, 103
King's College, 56
Kinnaird family, The, 142
Kossuth in England, 450; reception, 450
Labourers' Friend Society, 347, 384, 394
Labourers' holiday at St. Giles, 484
Labouring classes, 174, 393, 570, 630
Labouring Classes' Tenements Houses Act,
760
Laity and the Church, The, 365
Lamartine, M., 425
Lancashire Cotton Famine, The, 578
Lancashire operatives, Conditi6n of, 75 — 77
Land of Promise and the Jews, 493
Landed proprietary, Opposition to the, 314
Lansdowne, Lord, 507
Law, Dean, 677 .
Law, Value of, 187
Lawrence, Sir Henry, 548
Lawsuits, 596, 631
Lawyers and their practices, 483
Leigh, Miss, House of Eefuge of, in Paris, 704
Letters to Lord Ashley from Lord Aberdeen,
283, 491 ; Mr. Barnum's agent, 459 ; Lord
Bathurst, 43, 53; Eev. E. Bickersteth,
209; Mrs. Canning, 30, 34; Charlotte
Elizabeth, 209; Hon. William Cowper,
209; H.E.H. the Duke of Cumberland,
69; Archdeacon Denison, 594; Earl of
Y T

Derby, 617 ; Mrs. Fry, 265 ; General Gari
baldi, 560, 596 ; Mr. W. Greg.cn, 213 ; Sir
Henry Hardinge, 345; Hon. Russell
Lowell, 724; Lady Charlotte Lyster, 722 ;
Lord Macaulay, 552 ; Mr. J. Bowen May,
572 ; J. E. McCulloch, 85 ; Lord Morning
ton, 473 ; Sir Moses Montefiore, 633 ; Col.
Napier, 196 ; Miss Nightingale, 505, 581 ;
Bishop of Oxford, 594 ; Lady Palmerston,
502, 509, 510 ; Lord Palmerston, 500, 576,
582 ; Sh- E. Peel, 109, 128, 187, 215, 238, 241,
246 ; H.E.H. Prince Consort, 229, 395, 396,
457; Dr. Pusey, 593; Mr. Boebuck, 375;
Lord J. Russell, 381, 418 ; Mrs. Southey,
J 39 ; Mr. Robert Southey, 64, 85, 90 ; Eev.
C. H. Spurgeon, 708 ; " Tiny," 750 ; Caro
line Walker, 416 ; Daniel Webster, 151,
156 ; Duke of Wellington, 31, 38, 39, 42,
45, 65, 68, 133; Archdeacon Wilberforce,
212
Letters from Lord Ashley to Lord Aberdeen,
283 ; Hon. Evelyn Ashley, 489, 506, 517,
518, 719 ; Hon. Mrs. Evelyn Ashley, 716 ;
Mrs. Canning, 35 ; Count Cavour, 561 ;
Mr. Crabtree, 194 ; H.R.H. the Duke of
Cumberland, 69 ; Archdeacon Denison,
595 ; Earl of Derby, 617 ; Admiral Fish
bourne, 729 ; General Garibaldi, 560 ; Mr.
Gladstone, 632; Mr. Haldane, 463, 497,
519, 595, 601, 611, 640 ; Mr. Kirk, 633 ; Mr.
Wm. Locke, 349; Hon. Eussell Lowell,
724 ; Archbishop Manning, 653 ; Lord
Mornington, 478 ; Emperor Napoleon III.,
489, 490 ; Mr. Eichard Oastler, 83 ; Mr. W.
J. Orsman, 646, 648, 666, 725 ; Mr. Eoun-
dell Palmer, 207 ; Lord Palmerston, 16S,
489, 490 ; Lord Panmure, 504; Sir Robert
Peel, 110, 184, 215, 241, 247 ; Mr. S. Plim
soll, M.P., 674 ; Dr. Pusey, 211, 593 ; Lord
John Eussell, 418 ; Lady Shaftesbury, 661,
662, 663; Short-Time Committee, 216,369,
370; Mr. Robert Southey, 63 ; Eev. C. H.
Spurgeon, 709 ; "Tiny," 750; Et. Hon. S.
H. Walpole, 627; Duke of Wellington, 67;
Canon Wilberforce, 763
Levees of Mr. Speaker, 651
Library at St. Giles's House, The, 16
Life peerages, 518, 536
Lindsay, Lord, Travels of, 123
Linlithgow, 142
Literature, Efforts in, 54
Liverpool, 136
Liverpool, Lord, 32, 34
Livingstone, Dr., at Wimborne St. Giles, 18
Local rates for the education of the poor, 515
Lock, Mr., Memorandum to, 46, 59
Locke, John, and the Shaftesbury family, 12 ;
as tutor of the third Earl, 13 ; choosing a
wife for his master, 13 ; the Earl's friend
ship for, 13
Locke, Mr. Wm., 349, 428
Lockhart, "Life of Scott," 123
Lodger franchise, The, 623
Lodging-house for newsboys, 651
Lodging-houses for the working classes, 384,
440 ; inspection of, 440, 446 ; Cha<-les
Dickens on, 446 ; the new Bill on, 469
London City Mission, 348, 351 et passim
London Missionary Society, 478
London poor. The, 466
London Society for the Improvement of Fac
tory Children, 83
London Thieves, 404
Londonderry, Lord, 238, 263
Longford Election Committee, 220

786

INDEX.

Lord's Supper in mission rooms, 743
Loretto, An incident at, 96
Louis Napoleon (see Napoleon III.)
Louis Philippe, 166, 389—391
Lowe, the Eight Hon. Robert (Lord Sher-
brooke), 616, 621
Lucca, Duke of, 102
Lunacy Question, 49 ; treatment of lunatics,
50, 309, 310 ; the asylums, 51 ; retreat at
York, 51 ; Lunacy Board, 52 ; neglect of
lunatics, 52 ; Gordon's report, 52 ; Lord
Ashley's speech, 52; Lunacy Act, 56, 57 ;
Commission iniLunacy, 124, 220 ; working
of the, 235; report of, 307—310; Irish
criminal and pauppr lunatics, 309 ; new
Government Bill, 316 ; regulation of asy
lums, 330, 331 ; better treatment of the
insane, 331 ; efforts of Pinel, Tuke, and
the Society of Friends, 332 ; a lunacy case,
386; Hoxton Asylum, 411; a work of
seventeen years, 442; criminal lunatics,
571 ; asylum for middle classes, 571, 572 ;
an Amendment Act, 579; Mr. Dillwyn's
Committee, 700 ; alleged abuses of the
law, 765, 766
Luther Commemoration, 758

Macaulay, Mr. T. B. (Lord Macaulay), 302,
379, 391, 551, 552
Macgregor, Mr. John, 437
Macsregor, The, 28
Mackonochie, Eev. A. H., 618, 651
Macleod, Dr., 144
Madhouses (see Lunacy)
Madiai, Persecution of, 457; mission from
England, 457
Malmaynes, Burial-place of the, 17
Malta College, 443, 599, 600
Mammiani, M., 475
Manifesto of the Czar, 487
Manning, Archdeacon, joins the Eoman
Church, 435
Manor House at Cranborne, 24
Manual of Geology, The, 702
Maoris, The, 344
Maria Millis, a faithful nurse, 20, 24, 26
Marlborough, Duke of, 45
Maronites and Druses, The, 563
Marriage with a Deceased Wife's Sister, 648
Marsh, Miss Catherine, 524, 726, 767
Martineau, Miss Harriett, 279, 378
Maule, Mr. Fox, 120
Maurice, Mr. F. D., and the Oxford Address,
272
" May Chairs," 438 et passim
May Meetings, 453 et passim
May, Mr. J. Bowen, 572
Maynooth College, 324; Endowments Bill,
325 ; the Grant, 325, 501
Mayo, Lady, 664
Mazzinglia, Mr., pardoned, 475
M'Caul, Eev. Alex., 128, 499
M'Culloch, John Eamsay, 85
McHvaine, Dr., 674
M'Naughten, Daniel, 241
Medici, Grand Duke of, 101
Mehemet Ali, 165—170
Melbourne, Lord, 105, 108, 112, 123, 128, 235,
264, 335, 407
Memorials of the Ashley-Coopers, 17
Mendicancy Bill, The, 473
Merchant Shipping Bill, The, 673
Metropolitan Drapers' Association for Early
Closing, 358

Metropolitan Improvement Building Com
panies, 469
Metropolitan Improvements, 570
Metropolitan Police Force, The, 74
Metropolitan Eagged Schools, 351 et passim,
Metternich, Prince and Princess, 273, 392
Middle-class patients at private asylums, 309
Milan Cathedral, 93
Military bands in the parks on Sundays, 533
Militia Bill, The, 452
Miller, Roger, of Broadwall, 383, 884
Millhand injured at Stockport, 187
Milliners' and dressmakers' hours, 516
Milliners, Protection of, I
Millowners' Commission of Inquiry, 87; report
of, 88
Millowners" Manifesto, 299
Mills and factories in India, 712
Milton, Genius of, 455
Mines, Children in, 76, 77, 78, 164 ; report of
Commission, 221; disclosures, 221 — 242;
repeal of Colliery Bill, 238, 263; "trap
pers " in, 221 ; female and child labour in,
443 ; Consolidation Act, 704
Mismanagement in the Crimea, 498
Mission to China, 477, 478
Mission work in London, 686
Model lodging-houses, 355, 440, 446, 469
Moderate drinking, 672
Monmouth, Duke of, taken at Cranborne, 24
Monod, Eev. A, in Paris, 423
Montefiore, Sir Moses, 493, 632, 633, 726
Montgomery, Eev. Robert, 145
Moody and Sankey, Messrs., in London, 688
Moore, Mr. George, 699
Moore, Eev. R., 45, 202, 598
Morality, Political, 36
More, Mrs. Hannah, 108
Mornington, Lord, and the care of children,
472; challenges Lord Shaftesbury to a
duel, 472, 473
Morpeth, Lord, 79, 112, 240
Moses, Song of, 530
Mothers' meetings, 494
Napier, Col. W., 196
Napier, Sir Charles, 286 ; Ameers of Scinde,
287
Napoleon IH., 489, 506, 628
Nasmith, David, and the City Mission, 351
National Defences Bill, 452
National education, Scheme of, 242
National prayer and national thanksgiving.
497, 661
National School Society, 107
Navarino, Battle of, 42
Needlewomen, Distressed, 285, 315, 316
Negro slavery, 460; proposed address to the
women of America, 460
Neology, 590, 688 ; its creed, 592
Nestorian Christians, Massacre of, 283—284
New Zealand, Reverses in, 344
Newbattle Abbey, 140
Newby, 148
Newcastle, Duke of, and the Crimean fiasco,
499
Newman, Dr. J. H., 100, 207
Newspapers, " Burking " system of, 485
Nice, Carnival at, 102
Night Refuge for the Destitute, 261, 467
Nightingale, Miss Florence, and her nurses,
in the Crimea, 503 ; return of, 536 ; the
Sanitary Commission, 503—505; the In
dian Commission, 581
Nissards, The, 102

787

Normanby, Lord, 196
Northumberland, Duke and Duchess of, 147
Novel practice, A, 262
Nuisances Removal Act, The, 398
Nuremberg, 275
Oastler, Mr. B., 115, 163, 367, 379, 636
Oath of aUegiance, 387, 732
Oban, 144
O'Connell, Daniel, 84, 120, 239, 326, 378, 379
O'Connor, Feargus, 233, 390
(Ecumenical Council, 745
Ohio, Bishop of, 674
"Oliver-Twist," 120
Open-air preaching, 723
Opening of Museums on Sundays, 732, 768
Operatives of England, Address to the, 87,
194; presentation to the Countess of
Shaftesbury, 568
Operatives of Lancashire, 186, 333
Opium trade, The, 238 • with China, 248 ; as a
revenue for India, 249 ; debate in Parlia
ment, 251 ; and the Bible, 252 ; effect on
the Chinese, 255 ; death of an able ally,
312; further debates in Parliament on,
538—540, 541, 725
Orsman, Mr. W. J., 645, 666, 685, 686, 725
Ostend, Port of, 277
Outcasts' resting-place, 2
Overloaded ships, 673, 674
Oxford and the Tractarians, 206
Oxford, his attempted murder of the Queen,
158
Paget, Mr., defends needlewomen, 285
Pakington, Sir John, 515
Palestine, Colonisation of, 168, 197
Palmerston, Lady, 152, 502, 509, 605, 637
Palmerston, Lord, 122, 139, 152, 167, 171 ; de
fends tbe Jews, 279 j opposes the Ameers,
288 ; defences of the coast, 322 ; resigns,
452 ; Board of Health, 480 ; famous reply
to Scotch memorialists, 485 ; Sweeps Bill,
494 ; forms a Cabinet, 500, 531, 558 ; offers
Shaftesbury a seat, 500 ; Sanitary Com
mission, 505; Church appointments, 507,
606 — 612 ; life peerages, 518 ; popularity
of, 540; offers the Garter, 576; illness
of Prince Consort, 577 ; friendship for
Shaftesbury, -582 ; illness, 599 ; career,
600 ; closing scenes and death, 602 — 604 ;
enemies, 603; funeral at Westminster,
604 ; reflections, 605 ; statue to, 631
Panmure, Lord, 120, 503—504
Papal aggression, Peeling against, 430, 435 ;
action of Catholics and Puseyites, 432 —
435
Papal Bull, A, 429
Paper Duty Bills, 562
Papists and. Positivists, 436
Paris International Exhibition, 627
Parish church of Wimborne St. Giles, 17 ;
register of, 17
Parishes, Sub-division of, 409
Parisian Sundays, 532
Parke's funeral, 43
Parley, Peter, 156
Pastoral Aid Society (see Church Pastoral Aid
Society)
Patriotism and the Gospel, 41
Patronage, First bit of, 63
Pauper lunatics, 51—54, 579
Payne, Mr., Assistant- Judge, 642, 643
Peace of Villafranca, 561
Peace rejoicings in 1856, 535

Peckham Asylum, 315
Peel, Sir Robert, 35 ; forms a Cabinet, 108 ;
resignation, 112; again Premier, 128 — 131;
a misunderstanding, 189 ; appointments,
189—191; the new Cabinet, 195; Irish
difficulty, 239, 306, 307, 343; attempted
assassination of, 241 ; a Cabinet of dolls,
319; Corn Laws, 334; resignation, 337 \
abolition or protection, 337 ; a convert to
Free-trade, 338 ; defence of the change,
342 ; accident to and death of, 427 ; eulogy
on, 428; funeral of, 428
" Peeler," Derivation of, 74
Peerages to mercantile men, 536
Peers for life, 507, 536
People's Park at Halifax, 551
Peripatetic schoolmasters, 475
Permanent refuges, 467
Perponcher, M. , 475
Persecution of Jews in Eussia, 731
Persecution of the Madiai, 457 ; mission from
England, 457
Persigny, Count, on Italian unity, 558
Peter Parley, 156
Petter, Mr. G.W., 714, 715
Philanthropy and Harrow Hill, 25
Philistines in the Cabinet, 36
Philosophy, Fanciful errors of, 41
Piracy in Chinese waters, Alleged, 537
Pisa, 102
Place-hunters, Political, 507
Plains of Sharon, 168
Plecys, Burial-place of the, 17
Plimsoll, Mr. Samuel, and British seamen,
673, 674
Police Acts, The, 73
Polish insurrection, The, 579—581
Polish refugee, A, 483
Ponsonby, Lord, 200
Poor Laws, 74
Poor man's friend, The, 26
Poor, The, 347; their sufferings, 454; dis
placement of, by building improvements,
469 ; in Paris, 423, 424 ; in London, 466
Pope Pius IX. and the Papacy, 365
Popery, Progress of, 127
Poppy, Cultivation of, 252
Popularity of Bagged Schools, 355
Portal, Miss, and Ragged Schools, 421, 767
Portrait by Sir John Millais, 700
Portraits and their story, 748
Potato blight, 334, 380
Poulet-Thompson, Mr. (Lord Sydenham),
115, 116
Poulett, Lord W., 504
Practical Christianity, 174
Prague, 271
Prayer, 418; its efficacy, 525; for the dead,
495
Preaching, English, 476 ; in simplicity, 522 ;
manner and style of, 741
Preaching smooth things, 529
Precious letter, A, 416 ; a comment thereon,
417
Press, " Burking" system of the, 485
Prince Consort, 154 ; Collieries Bill, 229 ; the
poor, 352, 394 ; Labourers.' Friend Society,
394—397, 411; Industrial Exhibition of
1851, 423, 437; the Madiai, 457; illness
and death, 576—578
Prince of Wales, 203 ; national thanksgiving
for recovery of, 661
Print-Works Bill and women and children,
420
Private lunatic asylums (see Lunacy)

788

Privy Council, Committee of, 132
Progress of inventions, 75
Prophecies of the Bible, 178, 328, 455
Protection in 1851, 453
Protection of the poor, 3 ; of girls, 771
Protestant Alliance, 458
Protestant Defence Committee and its work,
464
Protestantism and Beligious Liberty, 520
Protestantism, in Turkey, 198 ; in Switzer
land^; on the Continent, 476; inFrance,
489—491
Protheroe Smith, Dr., 602,603
Public Health Act, 397 ; benefits of, 554
Public Worship Bill, Uniformity of, 630, 631,
681—684
Punch, Eidicule of, 383 ; " No Popery," 434
Pusey, Dr., 99 ; doctrines, 201, 206 ; corre
spondence, 210, 211, 242; the Thirty-nine
Articles, 323 ; non-placet at Oxford, 323 ;
supporters or, 324 ; reconciliation with,
592, 593 ; in harness, 639, 640 ; death, 735
Quaker letters, 491
Quakers, The, and Lord Ashley, 333
Queen of Society, The, 152
Queen Pomare, of Tahiti, 288, 289
Queen Victoria, Her Majesty, 125; bedchamber
question, 129 ; the household, 130 ; coro
nation, 154, 155 ; marriage, 155 ; attempts
upon her hfe, 158, 230, 411; visits to, 125,
130, 315, 394, 407 ; death of the Prince
Consort, 576—578 ; death of Lady Shaftes
bury, 667
Radicalism in England, 32, 112, 156
Ragged Schools, 259 ; Charles Dickens on,
120, 360 ; the Union, 261, 347 ; Mr. S. E.
Starey, its founder, 348 ; first President,
349 ; Mr. Locke, Hon. Secretary, 349 ;
school meetings, 350, 351 ; additional
schools, 356 : Eoger Miller at Broadwall,
383, 384 ; voluntary emigration, 397, 415 ;
hospital system, 399 ; Government grant,
401, 415 ; address to emigrants, 401 ; boys
in the colonies, 402 ; young thieves, 403 ;
anecdotes of the hoys, 403; a precious
letter, 416 ; bequests, 419 ; donation from
the Queen, 419 ; French Protestants, 424 ;
Great Exhibition and the, 437 ; progress
of the, 466 ; gutter childreD, 466; zeal of
teachers, 466 ; a presentation, 567 ; Sir
Moses Montefiore and the, 633; Board
Schools and, 643 ; death of an old friend
of, 642, 643 ; comment on the, 660 ; flower
shows in connection with the, 676, 677 ;
Eev. C. H. Spurgeon and the, 707—709 ;
George Yard, 709 ; presentation to the
President, 720 ; the One Tun School, 734 ;
school workers, 747, 749 ; girls and their
patron, 752
Raglan, Lord, 496, 499, 504, 535
Eaikes, Robert, 159 ; statue of, 718
Railway mania in England, 15, 330
Eailway, Opening of London and Birming
ham, 125
Raleigh, Sir Walter, 356
Eanyard, Mrs., 711
nationalism in England, 206
Ratishon, Visit to, 275
Ravtnswortu Castle, 147
Red deer, 146
Reeve, Canon J. W., 706
Reform Bill, The, 66, 70, 80, 557, 616—618,
621

Reform League procession, 619
Eeformation, the battle of, 2 )6
Reformatory and Refuge Union, 752
Eeformatory work in London, 469
Eeforms at Wimborne St. Giles, 418—450
Eefuge for the Homeless, 2, 615
Refuges and industrial classes, 467
Eegulation of mills and factories in India, 712
Belief of the Clergy Bill, 690
Eeligion the basis of Government, 33 ; in prac
tice, 39, 56; in China, 477, 478; of the
future, 526
Religious activity in 1846, 358
Religious and Philanthropic Societies repre
sented at Westminster, 777—780
Religious liberty in France, 489 ; in England,
510
Religious question in schools, 644, 662
Religious Services in theatres, 563 — 566
Religious views, Unpopular, 5i9 — 520
Religious Worship Bill, 511, 512 ; opposed by
the Bishops, 512 — 515, 544 ; Archbishop
Tait's Bill, 544
Reminiscences of Harrow, 22, 25
Eenan's " Vie de Je'sus," 591
Eepeal of the Corn Laws, 335
" Eepeal Tear," The, 239, 264
Eepublic of San Marino, 96
Republicanism, Progress of, 481
Reschid Pasha, 167
Rescuers at work, 2
Reverence and true religion, 726
Revised Version of the Bible, 641, 642, 733
Revival gatherings, 688
Revival of Convocation, 463
Eevolution in France, 389 ; in China, 477
Eewards to agricultural labourers, 484
Eiots in 1829, 73
Eipon Cathedral, 148
Ritualism, and its votaries, 618 — 619 ; clerical
vestments, 625, 626 ; Royal Commission
appointed, 627
" Eob Roy " and the Shoeblacks, 437
Eockborne, Village of, 8
Roebuck, Mr., on affairs of Scinde, 287; Ten
Hours Bill, 300, 340, 367 ; violent speech,
302 ; an apology, 374 ; defeated at Bath,
382 ; foreign policy, 427; Anti-papal Titles
Bill, 434 ; Crimean War motion, 499
Eoman Catholicism, 30, 47, 60, 428 — 430, 434,
501
Eoman profligacy, 59
Eome, a visit to, 96—99
Eookery of St. Giles, 348
Eoseneath, on tbe Clyde, 428, 705
Eossie Priory, 266, 386
Eosslyn Castle, 140
Round table at St. Giles's House, 16
Roundell Palmer, Mr., 207
Rous, Admiral, 183, 300
Rotatory chair in asylums, 50
Rotterdam and its fair, 363
Rowland Hill, the Eev., 235
Eowton Castle, 40, 126
Eoyal Titles BiU, The, 693
Eugby and Eton, 315
Eussell, Lord John (Earl Eussell), 112, 116 ;
opium trade, 256; theAmeersofScinde,288,
379 ; Irish Church, 306 ; defenceless state
of the coast, 322 ; a convert to abolition
of Corn LawB, 335 ; supports the Ten
Hours Bill, 295, 340-342, 378 ; laity and
Church, 365; education, 381; the Prince
and the poor, 395 ; subdivision of parishes,
409; Sunday labour, 419; Board of Health,

INDEX.

789

426 ; eulogy on Sir Robert Peel, 428 ; the
Durham letter, 430 ; Minister for Foreign
Affairs, 465 ; resignation, 499 ; at Social
Science Congress, 553 ; Palmerston's opin
ion of, 603 ; death, 705
Russell, Lord Wm., 156
Russia and Turkey, 486
Russian tyranny, 487
Rye, Miss, 711
Ryots and opium, The, 252
Sabbath, The, 72 ; defence of, 419; labour in
Government offices, 420 ; observance of,
531 — 534. (See also Sunday) -
Sadler, Mr. M. T., M.P. for Newark, 79 ; loses
his seat, 80 ; his Factory Bill, 80
Saffron Hill Ragged School, 260
St. Alban's, Hoiborn, 618
St.Giles's House, Cranborne, 8,15; architecture
of, 16 ; library, 16 ; great hall, 16 ; an his
toric round table, 16 ; avenue of beeches,
16 ; remarkable grotto, 17 ; yew-trees, 17 ;
parish church, 17 ; monuments, 17 ; regis
try, 17 ; mortgage paid off, 693
St. Giles's Refuge, 613
St. Peter's at Rome, 97
Salisbury, Lord, Act of, for dwellings of the
poor, 760
Salt monopoly of India, 62
Salvation Army, The, 726—731
San Lorenzo, Church of, 101
San Marino, the Republic of, 96
San Remo, 102
Sanitary. Commission for the Crimea, 503,
504 ; instructions to the, 505
Sanitary reform in London, 478
Sardinia and English sympathy, 557
Savings Banks, 73
Savoy and Nice, 561—563
Saxe, Marshal, Tomb of, 361
Scenes in the House of Commons, 293, 673
Seamstresses, Distressing condition of, 316
Second Advent, 237, 271, 385, 422, 493, 523, 524,
545, 680, 735
Secularists, Defeat of, 644
Seeley, Mr., M.P., 286, 494, 499, 596
Seeley, Mr., the publisher, 342
Seeley, Professor, 639
Sensus Communis, 14
Servants' Provident Institution, 411
Schism in England, 743
School Board and Ragged Schools, 179
Schools of thought, 526
Science and Revelation, 526
Scientific studies, 48
Scinde, Affairs in, 286 ; treatment of the
Ameers of, 286; East India Company,
286 ; motion concerning, 288
Scotch memorialists and cholera, 485
Scotland and the Scots, 141
Scott, Sir Walter, 142
Scouring the lanes and alleys, 353
Scutari, Hospitals of, 498 ; Miss F. Nightin
gale at, 499
Shaftesbury, First Earl of :— Birth, 9 ; parent
age, 9 ; boyhood, 9 ; lawsuit by a boy, 9 ;
Oxford, 9; physical strength, 9; mar
riage, 9 ; M.P. for Tewkesbury, 9 ; many-
sidedness, 9 ; the Cabal, 9 ; raised to the
peerage, 10; Lord High Chancellor, 10;
Dryden's opinion of, 10; committtd to
the Tower, 10 ; Habeas Corpus Act, 10 ;
indicts the Duke of York, 11 ; charge of
high treason, and result, 11; flight to
Holland, 11; death, 11; estimates of his

character by Hallam, Macaulay, and
Hume, 11 ; John Locke's opinion of, 12 ;
anecdote of, 204
Shaftesbury, Second Earl of :— Early mar
riage, 12 ; tutor, 13 ; a wife chosen for
him, 13 ; Dryden's lines, 12 : family, 13
Shaftesbury, Third Earl of :— Author of the
'* Characteristics," 13 ; nature of his
philosophy, 13, 14; M.P. for Poole, 13;
visits Holland, 13 ; as an author, 14 ; con
troversial works, 14 ; style, 14 ; ethics,
14 ; articles of religion, 14 ; critics, 14 ;
Voltaire and the "bold philosopher," 14
Shaftesbury, Fourth Earl of :— Taste for lite
rature, 14 ; his marriage, 14
Shaftesbury, Fifth Earl of :— Succeeded by his
brother, 15; his life and work, 15
Shaftesbury, Sixth Earl of :— Cropley Ashley,
brother of the Fifth Earl, 15 ; M.P. for
Dorchester, 441; Chairman of Commit
tees, 15, 441 ; character, 15, 441 ; manner
and habits, 441 ; railway mania, 441 ;
Chairmanship of Committees, 441 ; death
of, 440—442
Shaftesbury, Seventh Earl of:— His birth,
19 ; home influence, 19 ; Maria Millis, the
housekeeper, 19 ; first prayer, 20 ; reli
gious training, 20; school at Chiswick,
20 ; harsh treatment, 20, 714 ; young life
crushed, 20 ; death of Maria Millis, 21—
26 ; mistaken ideas of education, 21 ;
graduating for work, 22 ; Harrow, 22, 27 ;
new influences, 22 ; religious questions,
23; St. Giles's House, 23 ; natural history
and science, 24 ; a young philanthropist,
25 ; drunken undertakers, 25 ; fragments
of autobiography, 26 ; Oxford, 27 ; first-
class in classics, 27; an old student
friend, 27 j an early Diary, 28; birthday
thoughts, 29; a jotting, 28; M.P. for
"Woodstock, 30; refuses office, 34; at
Boyle Farm, 39 ; at Lord Bathurst's, 39 ;
in Wales, 40 ; studies Welsh, 40 ; facing
the future, 43 ; Commissioner of the India
Board of Control, 45 ; schemes for India,
45; Catholic Emancipation, 47, 48 ; studies
Hebrew, 48; affection for the Jews, 48;
science, 48, 61 ; treatment of lunatics, 50 ;
Committee of Inquiry, 50 ; first speech in
Parliament, 52 ; Commissioner in Lunacy,
53; literary aspirations, 54; factory legis
lation, 54, 77 ; his motto, 55 ; debate on
lunacy, 56 ; early friendship, 56 ; chooses
politics, 58 ; pecuniary affairs, 58, 68, 366,
482, 483, 582, 583, 596, 631, 634 ; restless
ness and despondency, 62 ; M.P. for Dor
chester, 64 ; marriage, 65 ; returned for
Dorset, 66 ; Reform Bill, 70 ; books for
the people, 71 ; the working man's friend,
72 — 74; education of factory children,
104 ; love for Alma Mater, 106 ; joins
National School Society, 107 ; note-book
of passing events, 106 — 108; a Lord of
Admiralty, 109 ; a letter of sympathy,
120; word-portrait, 121; begins a Diary,
122 ; declines a good post, 131 ; Board of
Education, 132 ; visits Scotland, 136 •
with the blind, 145; estranged from and
reconciled to his father, 151 ; a magistrate,
154 ; rescues a climbing boy, 162; a social
reformer, 165, 182 ; Oastler in Fleet
Prison, 184 ; tour in Lancashire, 186 ;
post in Royal Household declined, 192,
193; addreastothe Short-Time Committee,
194; office in Prince Albert's Household

790

declined, 195 ; an ecclesiastical commis
sioner, 195 ; a new ally, 196 ; the King
of Prustia, 197, 199, 2U0, 214 ; Chevalier
Bunsen, 198, 201 ; power of reading men,
204; Cripple Dodd, 204; Tractarians, 206,
207 ; correspondence with Pusey, Keble,
Wilberforce, 210—213; a Socialist ally,
£18 ; the great Jacobin, 225 ; the Afghan
speech, 235 ; assassinatiou of Mr. Drum
mond, 241 ; condoles with Peel on his
escape, 241; "pious" slaveholders, 211;
education of the working classes, 242 ;
opium trade in Parliament, 248—257;
Ragged School Question, 258 ; Dickens on
his labours, 260; a novel practice, 262;
Continental tour, 267—278 ; present from
Jerusalem, 271 ; perilous speech at Stur
minster, 280, 317 ; affairs in Scinde, 286,
288 ; Queen Pomare of Tahiti, 288—290 ;
Government Factory Bill, 290—298; a
notable speech, 292, 293 ; a remarkable
scene, 294 ; attacks on Lord Ashley, 301 ;
places Antony at School, 311 ; visits Park-
hurst, 311 ; tour in factory districts, 313 ;
an address to Lady Ashley, 314; visits
Rugby, 315 ; bulls of Bashan, 317 ; Irish
Secretaryship, 319 ; Print- Works Act,
321 ; defenceless state of the coast, 322,
323 ; Tractarian movement, 323 ; May
nooth, 326—328 ; May meetings, 328 ;
railway mania, 330; the Lunacy Bills car
ried, 330—332; Chairman of the per
manent commission, 332 ; overcoming
Moloch and Mammon, 333; Society of
Friends, 333 ; resigns his seat on the
Corn Law Question, 338 — 340 ; " slum
ming" in London, 347; Ragged School
Union, 347; becomes President, 348; a
coincidence, 349, 350 ; London City Mis
sion, 351 ; housing the poor, 352 ; Society
for the Improvement of the Labouring
Classes, 352 ; Prince Consort, first Pre
sident, 352 ; the art of speaking to child
ren, 353 ; an amusing colloquy, 355 ; beg
ging circulars, 356; Switzerland, 359 —
361 ; German philosophy, 361 ; illness of
his son Maurice, 363; agitation to repeal
Ten Hours Bill, 371 ; vilified by former
friends, 371 ; accepts Government pro
posal, 372—374 ; effects of the Bill, 374 ;
friends and foes, 378, 379 ; famine in Ire
land, 380 ; day of humiliation, 380 ; sup
ports Lord John Russell's education
scheme, 381 ; contests Bath, 381 ; opposed
by Mr. Roebuck, 382 ; returned as M. P.
for Bath, 382 ; lodging-houses, 384 ;
Sheriff Watson and Ragged Schools, 386 ;
portrait presented by Short-Time Com
mittee, 386 ; a lunacy case, 386 ; oath of
allegiance, 387 ; French Revolution, 389
—391 ; revolutions and pop-guns, 393 ;
Sanitary Bill, 393 ; Prince Consort pre
sides at Labourers' Friend Society, 396,
397 ; Board of Health, 397 ; accepts chair
manship, 398; emigration scheme, 394 —
404; lazy ecclesiastics, 402; a strange
experience, 4 03— 404; fallen among thieves,
405; his- son Antony enters the navy,
406; schemes of labour, 408 ; sickness and
overwork, 409; in palaces and hovels,
411 ; illness and death of his son Francis,
411,412; grant for emigration, 415; out
break of cholera, 417, 418 ; the citizenship
of Tain, 429 ; replies to Dr. Wiseman,
432; Popery in England, 433; supports

the Government Bill against titles of
Roman Catholics, 435 ; secession of Arch
deacon Manning, 435; Mrs. Chisholm's
colonisation scheme, 436 ; voluntary
schools, 436 ; " no fellowship with Roman
Catholics," 436 ; origin of the Shoeblack
Brigade, 437 ; President of the British
and Foreign Bible Society, 438—439 ;
death of his father, 440 ; new career, 442 ;
review of past achievements, 442—444;
farewell to the House of Commons, 415 ;
takes his seat in the Lords, 445 ; inspec
tion of lodging-houses, 446 ; wanning
"Nova Zembla,"447; at St. Giles's, 447;
sweeping reforms, 448 — 450; leaves Brook
Street for Grosvenor Square, 453 ; the.
American showman, 459 ; visits the
Madiai, 459 ; negro slavery, 459—461 ; a
new ally, 462 ; poor of London, 466 ; stop
ping crime in the seed, 467, 468; new
enterprises, 469—472 ; challenged to fight
a duel, 472 ; declines the invitation, 473 ;
Youthful Offenders Bill, 473 ; on a Con
tinental tour, 474 ; with the Waldenses,
474; Count Cavour, 475; Foreign and
English preaching, 476 ; Anti - Slavery
agitation, 476 ; reply from the women of
America, 476 ; Mrs. Beecher - Stowe,
476 ; an address to the women of
America, 476 ; a good joke, 477 ; sanitary
reform, 478; Board of Health extin
guished, 481 ; upon private charity, 482 ;
touching incident, 483 ; among lawyers
483 ; register ofBce, 484; rewards to agri
cultural labourers, 484 ; religious liberty
in France, 489; freedom of Tain, 491;
Order of the Garter declined, 492; ac
cepted, 576—578 ; bereavements, 494—
499; war in a Christian spirit, 498;
offered a seat in the Cabinet, 500 ; de
clines, 502 ; mismanagement in the
Crimea, 503 ; organises a Sanitary Com
mission, 503 ; members of the Commis
sion, 503 ; instructions, 505 ; offered a
seat in the Cabinet, 508, 510, 617; Reli
gious Worship Bill, 510, 543, 544; death
of his son Maurice, 517 ; religious views,
519, 520 ; religious themes, 523—530 ; moves
a vote of censure on the Indian Govern
ment, 544—550 ; presentation to, 567 ; pre
paration of speeches, 569 ; death of his
daughter, Lady Mary, 571 ; Church and
State, 596 ; with Garibaldi, 596 ; death of
Dowager Lady Shaftesbury, 600; death
of Lord Palmerston, 602—604; career,
604—612 ; furnishing training-ships, 613
—615; on the loss of early friends, 615,
616 ; Reform Bill, 616—621 ; speech there
on, 622-624 ; Ritualism, 618, 625, 627,
630 ; Paris Exhibition, 627 ; received by
Napoleon, 628 ; Ecclesiastical Courts Bill
629, 635, 636 ; Irish Church, 630 ; Public
Worship Bill, 631, 681—684; peerage for
Sir M. Montefiore, 632 ; state of society,
633; rejoicings on the birth of Lord
Ashley's son and heir, 638 ; Bible revision,
641—642; Board Schools, 643—644- cos
termongers, 6-15- 648; Deceased Wife's
Sister Bill, 648; Italian honours, 651*
female suffrage, 651; wedding day, 653-
self-analysis, 658 ; illness and death of the
Countess, 666, 667 ; death of Lady Con
stance, 668; the "Emily" Loan Fund
. 670; temperance, 672; flower shows, 676
677; mission work in London, 686;

791

Shaftesbury Park Estate, 690; urged to
visit America, 691 j Royal Titles Bill, 692 ;
sent for by the Queen, 694 ; Mr. Dillwyn's
Lunacy Commission, 699, 700; death of
his brother, 701; Factory Consolidation
Bill, 704; his friends, 706—711; Mr. G.
W. Better's proposal, 714, 715; Sunday
School Centenary, 717, 718 ; snapping of
old ties, 720, 734 ; his eightieth birthday,
720 ; a bitter trial, 734—736 ; anecdotes of
contemporaries, 742 ; defence of the Bible,
743, 744 ; Toung Men's Christian Asso
ciation, 744 — 746 ; reminiscences, 747—
753; summary of labours, 754 — 760; free
dom of the City of London, 760; Home
Rule, 764; inflexibility, 765; closing
scenes, 771—773 ; his death, 773 ; his
funeral, 773 ; service at Westminster
Abbey, 774; interred at St. Giles's, 775;
conclusion, 776
" Shaftesbury Bishops," The, 606
Shaftesbury Park Dwellings, 690
Shaftesbury training-ship, 724
Sharon, Plain of, 168
Sharpe, Mr., M.P. for Ilchester, 32
Shekinah of Governments, The, 28
Shelleys at Florence, 101
Shoeblack Brigade, Origin of, 437; a presen
tation, 567
Short, Bishop, of Adelaide, 27
Short-Time Committees, 80, 87, 89, 194, 313,
339—342, 369
Siena, 101
" Sir Bablrins," 91
Slave Trade, 25,136,167,240; " pious " dealers,
241; in America, 454, 460, 461; Stafford
House meeting, 476; Exeter Hall, 476;
address to American women, 460, 476
Smith, Dr. Southwood, 195, 577
Smithies, Mr. T. B. 649, 706, 710
Smoke Abatement Act, 478
Social Science Congress at Liverpool, 553 — 555 ;
at Bradford, 568; ai Manchester, 619
Socialism in England, 173, 623 ; in France, 455
Socialist doctrines in 1851, 454
Socialistic ally, A, 218
Society for Improvimg the Condition of the
Labouring Classes, 352 ; Prince Consort as
first President, 352, 394
Society for Promoting Christianity among
the Jews, 198
Society of Friends, opposition of, 333
" Soliloquy, or Advice to an Author," 14
Song of Moses, The, 530
South, Sir James, 48, 62, 628
Southey, Robert, 63, 64, 71, 85, 90, 105, 137,
138 139
Southwood Smith, Dr., 195, 577
Special prayers, 497
Speech, First, in Parliament, 52
Speeches, Preparation of, 569
Spurgeon, Rev. C. H., 707—709, 762
Stagnation of trade in 1829, 73
Stanley, Dean, 677, 678, 724
Stanmore Priory, 407
Starey, Mr. S. R., 348
Steamships on the Atlantic, 125
Steephill Nunnery, Camford, 235
Stilhngfleet, Bishop, 24
Stowe, Mrs. Beecher-, 459—461, 476
Strand, The, and Exeter Hall, 4
Strange scene at Harrow, 25
Strasburg, 361
Stratford de Redcliffe, Lord, 504
Strathfieldsaye and its recollections, 37, 39

Strauss, Death of, 685
Street Arabs under examination, 399; habits,
400 ; emigration, 400 ; benefits of the
scheme, 402
Strickland, Miss, 385
Striking incident, A, 25
Studley Royal, 148
Studying the Scriptures, 733
Sturminster speech, The, 280 ; effect at home,
317
Sturt, Mr. H., 526
Sub-division of Parishes Bill, 409
Sugar Duties Bill, 305
Sunday, Postal deliveries on, 420 ; closing of
public-houses on, 531 • bands in the parks
on, 533 ; trading on, 533 : services in thea
tres on, 563—566, 628 (See also Sabbath)
Sunday Schools, 73, 85, 159 ; centenary of, 717
Sutherland, Duchess of, 461, 476, 631
Sutteeism in India, 46
Sweeping chimneys, 158, 160
Sweeps Act, 493, 494, 585—588
Swiss Catholics and Protestants, 92
Syria, Christians in, 563 ; successes in, 165, 171
Tahiti, Island of, 288 ; Queen Pomare appeals
for English aid, 288; imprisonment of
the missionary Pritehard, 289
Talookdars of Oude, 548
Tankerville, Earl and Countess of, 146
Teetotal movement, The, 672
Telegraph messages, First experiment with,
Temple, Dr., 639
Templemore, Lord, 681
Ten Hours struggle, 79—90, 115 ; Government
Bill, 290; opposition of Cobden, 291;
Mr. Bright, 293 ; Graham, 293 ; a scene in
the House, 293, 294 ; Peel's famous query
and popular answer, 295 ; tactics of the
Ministry, 296 ; millowners* manifesto, 299 ;
Bill viewed commercially, 301 ; Macaulay
in favour, 302, 343 ; opposed by Peel, Rous,
and Roebuck, 302, 343 ; amendment de
feated, 302, 343 ; female labour restricted,
305 ; operatives of Lancashire, 333 ; free
traders, 339 ; Bill reintroduced, 339 ; feel
ing in factory districts, 341—343, 366 ; Mr,
Fielden, 366 ; assistance of the Ten Sours
Advocate, 366; Bill becomes law, 369;
benefits of the Act of 1847, 369 ; system of
"relays," 371; petitions to abolish the
Act, 371 ; test case, 372 ; summary of
legislation, 376—379 ; sowing and reaping,
388, 620 ; operatives and the Countess of
Shaftesbury, 568
Terrier " Paste," The, 39
Test and Corporation Acts, 30
Testimonial— to Francis, 414, 481 ; to Lord and
Lady Shaftesbury, 567
Theatres and reHgious services, 563 ; Lord
Dungannon's opposition, 565, 566
Theological themes, 590—595
Thiers, MM 166
Thieves' missionary, 404
Thomson's " Seasons," and where written, 16
Tractarian movement, 206—208, 264, 322, 323,
429-435, 463
Trade depression and riots, 232
Traffic in children of the poor, 76
Training-ships for boys, 614, 615
Trees (Old) at St. Giles's House, 17
Troncnin, Col., at Geneva, 508
Trossachs, Visit to the, 142
Troubled state of the country, 241

792

INDEX.

Truck system at Wimborne St. Giles, 449
True religion, 525, 527
Trusteeship, 421
Tukes, Family of, 332 ; build retreat at York
for lunatics, 332
Turin, City of, 474
Turkey, A defence of, 487, 489
Tuscany, Grand Duke of, 457
Tyndale's statue, 761
Ultramontane policy in England, 432 — 434
" Uncle Tom's Cabin," 459, 460
Underground workers, 220
Undertakers, The, and Tlie Times', 479
United States of America, 454
Universal suffrage in France, 452
Unseaworthy vessels, 673, 674
Useful Knowledge Club, 32
Vagrant Act, 471
Vagrant's hidiug-place, 1
Valhalla, The, 275
Van Mildert, Bishop, 147
Varna, Stores at, 498
Vaudois Church. The, 475
Vaughan, Dr., 412
Venice, and its gondolas, 95
Ventilation Bill, 196
Verney, Sir Henry, at Harrow, 22
Verwood. near Wimborne, 15
Vestments Bill, 626
Vice-Koyalty of Ireland, 300
Victoria (see Queen)
Victoria arches in Hoiborn, 1
Victoria Institute, 616
VIeuua, 272
V illafranea, Peace of, 561
Village of Wimborne St. Giles, 17
Vischerhorn, Peaks of, 363
Viterbo, 101
Vivisection and cruelty to animals, 696, 713,
755
Voluntary Schools, Defence of, 436
Vyner, Mr. and Lady Mary, 148
Vyner, Death of Mr. P., 649
Wages in public-houses, 757
Waldenses, Visit to the, 47 J-, 475 ; and Sardinia,
515
War in a Christian spirit, 496
Water supply for the metropolis, 426, 478
Watercress and Flower Girls' Mission, 670.
671, 758
Watson, Sheriff, of Edinburgh, 387
Webster, Daniel, 150, 151
Wellington, Duke of, 31, 36, 45, 178 ; recollec
tions of, 31, 36 ; advice, 38 ; a minister, 44 ;
Chancellor of Oxford University, 106 ; an-
ecdotes of, 179 ; in charge of London, 393 ;
the death of Sir E. Peel, 428 ; death and
funeral of the, 455, 456

Welsh language and people, 40
Wemyss Castle. 680, 705, 754, 758, 762
Wengern Alp, 363
Westminster Eeading-Eoom; 402
Weylland, Mr., 711, 767
Whig opposition, 502
Whigs, and Canning, 36 ; and Prince Albert,
181 ; motions of, 240
White slaves, 217
Wirberforce, Archdeacon, 213
Wilberforce, Bishop, 431 ; High Church party,
544 ; conciliation, 593 ; death, 679
Wilberforce, Canon Basil, 762—764
WUberforce, Wm., 25, 378
Wild white cattle, 146
William IV., 155
Williams, '* Missionary Enterprises," 385
Williams, Mr. George, 761
Williams, Mr. H. E., 706, 726
Williams, Mr. Wm., 615, 711
Williams, Eev. Isaac, 207
Wilton, Salisbury, 235
Wimborne Minster, 545
Wimborne St. Giles, 8, 15 — 18 ; its church,
17 ; its register, 17 ; its monuments, 17 ;
its almhouses, 18 ; the village of, 18 ; the
schoolhonse, 18
Window Gardening Society, 677
Windsor Castle, 125, 181
Wiseman, Dr., and the perverts, 324 ; made a
Cardinal, 429
Woburn Abbey, 518
Woman's influence, A, 749
Women iu Factories, Protection of, 89
Women's suffrage, 651
Word-portrait of Lord Ashley in 1838, 121
Working-classes, Condition of, 72; interests
of, 182 ; education of, 242 ; hours of labour,
290, 296 j and Bible reading, 333; lodging-
houses for, 440
" Working-man's friend," The, 72
Worldly honours, 491
Worship of intellect, 592
Wright, Mr. Thos., the prison philanthropist,
451, 452
Wnrtemburg, 276
Wycliffe Commemoration, 761
Tew Trees at St. Giles's House, 17
York Minster, 148
Yorkshire Central Short -Time Committee,
194
Young Men's Christian Association, 358, 741 ;
benefits of, 745 ; address to the, 745 ; the
gymnasium, 746, 747
Young thieves in the slums, 403
Young Women's Christian Association, 758
Youthful Offenders' BiU, 473
Zion, Site on Mount, 198

THE END.

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