ILHSl&smr DIVINrTY SCHOOL TROWBRIDGE LIBRARY COMMENTARY THE APOCALYPSE. MOSES STUART, PROFESSOR OF SACRED LITERATURE IN THE THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY AT ANDOVER, MASS. VOLUME II. ANDOVER: ALLEN, MORRILL AND WARD WELL. (/ - NEW YORK : M. H. NEWMAN. Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1845, by ALLEN, MORRILL AND WARDWEII, in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of Massachusetts. ANDOVER : ALLEN, MORRILL AND WARDWELL, PRINTERS. CONTENTS OF VOL. II. 112— MATTERS SPECIALLY DISCUSSED IN THIS VOLUME. On the word Jehovah, and the corresponding ocavbr)v xal b igxofisvog On the seven spirits before the throne . On the quotation of Zech. 12: 10 in Rev. 1: 7 The seven cities in Asia to which the seven churches belonged Analysis of the seven Epistles to the seven churches On the Nicolaitans of Rev. 2: 6 The hidden manna and the white stone In what sense is Christ ag%ij of the creation of God ? The theophany in chap. iv. ..... The four living creatures ...... How could the Lamb take the sealed book ? Are the seven predicates, in the doxology of 5: 12, Cabbalistic? Fundamental principles in the exegesis of the first catastrophe, vi — xii. ......... 138- Sealing of the servants of God How are the twelve tribes made out in Rev. 7; The seven trumpets .... The locusts under the first woe-trumpet The horsemen under the second The httle open book of 10: 2 The temple that is measured, 11: 1, 2 The two witnesses of 11: 3 The beast in 11: 7 On the second catastrophe, xii — xix. Woman clothed with the sun Who is the beast from the sea ? 13: 1 seq. Blasphemous names and worship of the Roman emperors 5—8 Page 15 17 30 42 5662 76 97 106119127 135 -151 168 172 180186 195 205 213 219 231 245 249 264 274 IV CONTENTS OF VOL. II. The second beast from the land 283 The 144,000 on mount Zion, and symbols of victory 291 Answer to Neander on the same 293 The seven vials ; comparison between them and the trumpets 308 Design and nature of chap. xvii. 318 Concluding remarks on chap, xii — xix. 351 Third catastrophe ; Gog and Magog 353 Resurrection of the martyrs 356 Historico-exegetical inquiry respecting Gog and Magog 364 General judgment; Death and Hades cast into the lake of fire 370 New Jerusalem compared with Ezekiel's new city 378 Exc. I. Angelology of the Scriptures 397 Exc. II. Symbolical use of numbers 409 Exc. in. The wounded head of the beast (13: 3), and the sixth king (17: 3, 10) 434 Exc. IV. The number of the beast, 13: 18 452 Exc. V. Designations of time in the Apocalypse 459 Exc. VI. Millennial resurrection 474 Appendix : Herder on the Apocalypse 491 N COMMENTARY. INSCRIPTION.— CHAP. 1. 1—3. (1, 2.) The Revelation of Jesus Christ, which God gave him, to show his servants what must speedily come to pass; and sending by his angel he signified to his servant John, who proclaimed the word of God and the testimony of Jesus Christ, whatsoever he saw. This apparently simple and intelligible sentence has been regarded by many as replete, in the original, with real difficulties. It has there fore been the subject of much controversy among critics ; nor, down to the present hour, has all doubt respecting its true meaning been removed. The manner in which I have translated and pointed it, will probably be called in question by some, and may be wholly rejected by others. Amidst the multitude of discrepant opinions and criticisms respecting the passage, it would be difficult to select any one which appears to my mind as deserving of unqualified approbation. After an attentive ex amination of most of them, I have felt compelled to choose a meaning that seems appropriate to the true grammatical construction of the text ; and I must now present to the reader the grounds and reasons of my choice. A critical examination of the words, and then of the apparent mean ing of each clause, comes first in order, before we can arrive at any general conclusion in respect to the meaning of the whole. J4noy.d\v\t>iq has often been said not to be a word of pure Greek idiom. " Proprie Scripturarum est," says Jerome, commenting on it as it occurs in Gal. 1:12; and he then adds : A nuUo sapientum saeculi apud Graecos usurpatur. But he is mistaken ; for Plutarch uses it (see Rob. Lex. sub. v.), and Porphyry employs it, Vita Plot. c. 16. Julius Pollux also, in his Onomast., ranks together as synonymes Siaxulvipai, ixxakvipcu, dnoxalvip ai, drfl.coaai, etc. The verb dva.y.akvntco is of the same meaning substantially as dnoicaXvntca, i. e. it literally sig nifies to uncover, to disclose, and so (secondarily) to bring to light, to reveal, etc. Avaxdh>\pig may therefore be well translated revelation. VOL. II. 1 2 Chai>. I. 1. It is here employed as the title of the book at the head of which it stands, and of course it lacks the article rj, which, if prefixed, might convey a wrong sense, i. e. it might mean the revelation in a monadic sense, ex cluding otlier books from the like claim ; or else it might imply some previous mention of the book, or previous knowledge of it in the read er's mind ; all of which would be incongruous. Tii English, however, there lies not the same objection against employing the definite article in this case, as our usage does not altogether accord with the Greek. Accordingly, we find the definite article the commonly employed before the word Revelation ; and I have conformed to this usage in the version above. That the word u7ioxdlv\l>ii, as here employed, means a revelation of an extraordinary nature, a disclosure of things to come made by special divine arrangement and aid, is plain from the context itself, which de velops the extraordinary means by which it was made, and then calls it (v. 3) by the name of npncprjzeiu, which, by sacred usage, imports what has been stated. The same thing is manifest from a comparison of the word dizoxdlvil'ig, as employed in the like sense, in 2 Cor. 12: 1. Gal. 1: 12. 2: 2. Eph. 3: 3. These passages cast light on that part of the meaning which indicates special divine interposition ; while the idea of developing or disclosing something secret, hidden, mysterious, or inac cessible to common minds, is at the same time specially brought to view by the use of unoxdlvipii; in such passages as Rom. 16: 25. 1 Cor. 14: 6, 26. Sirach 22: 22. 42: 1. The context abundantly confirms such a sense here ; for it affirms two things, viz. first, that this dTioy.dlvipig has respect to what is to take place in future, and secondly, that God and Christ and his angel all cooperate in making the disclosure to John. — There is indeed a possible sense of the word unoxciXvifus which is dif ferent from this, viz. when it means manifestation or exhibition of any thing or person ; in which case it is nearly equivalent to imrpdveia, e. g. in 1 Cor. 1: 7. 2 Thess. 1: 7. 1 Pet. 1: 7, 13. 4: 13 ; and this sense Heinrichs (strangely enough) adopts here. But what then must become of the obvious sense of rjv sdcoxev avrcp 6 dsbg, dei<-ui ¦/.. r. X. ? JlaoxukvWis 'Jr/aov Xqigtov — Is Christ subject or object? That is, is he the personage who is in possession of the revelation and discloses it according to his will ; or is he the individual to whom the revela tion has respect, and in regard to whom it makes disclosures ? The Genitive case, 'Irjaov Xqigtov, would in itself bear either construction ; and both constructions are common throughout the Scriptures ; but here the sequel — ijv idtoxev b d-eog renders it quite certain that the first sense is the only one which the passage will bear. Hv ... o dsog, an important declaration in respect to its bearing on the person and office of Christ ; but one, I may add, altogether in unison Chap. LI. 3 with other Scriptures, specially with the Gospel of John.— -Edco-/.ev, im parted, communicated, which is the appropriate shade of meaning in this case, inasmuch as information, instruction is concerned with it. See the same shade of sense in John 17: 7, 8, thrice, and also Acts 7: 38. With the particular meaning of this verb there is indeed no difficulty ; but the sentiment of the whole passage is a question of diffi culty, if there be any; for this appears to represent the Redeemer, even in his glorified state, (for such it was when the Apocalypse was written), as dependent on the Father for revelations of such a nature. But let the reader now compare John 5: 19, 20. 7: 16. 8: 28 (where sdida^e is said of the Father in respect to the Son, which well explains IScuxw in our text). 12: 49. 14: 10. 17: 7, 8. Matt. 11: 27. Mark 13: 32. Acts 1: 7 (in connection with Mark 13: 32). Most fully does Paul exhibit his behef in the sentiment of mediatorial dependence in 1 Cor. 15: 24 — 28. By this last passage it appears, that Christ remains in the state of Vicegerent merely until the consummation of all things, when his delegated dominion will be given up. The texts in Mark 13: 32 and Acts 1: 7 (comp. Luke 2: 52) show, that Christ as to his human nature was progressive in knowledge, and of course that there were some things not yet known to him in this nature before his ascension to glory ; and among these things was the particular and exact time of his coming. The edcoxev of our text would seem however to imply, that even after his exaltation the Mediator received those disclosures from the Father, which are made in the Apocalypse. This is perfectly con gruous with the view given by Paul in 1 Cor. 15: 24 — 28, which ne cessarily implies the dependent state of the Mediator until the final con summation of all things, aud that his dominion as Mediator is only a delegated one. I may add, that the sentiment of our text is truly Jo hannean, whoever the author of it may be. Au\ai v.. t. X. Nothing could be more appropriate to the nature of the book before us, than the choice of the verb dei^cu here, which nat urally and usually means to show or exhibit anything to the evidence of the senses, i. e. to present to view, to submit to inspection. The verb has here a palpable reference to the nature of the sequel, in which John is taught « fin ¦yevsG&at. by sensible tokens and symbols. The meta phorical sense, teach, disclose, is very unfrequent, even in the New Tes tament ; and of the four instances arranged under this head in Rob. Lex., two at least do not properly belong there, but refer to sensible ex hibitions. The composite idea, however, of disclosing by the use of signs and symbols, belongs to deiiia. in the case before us. Toi? SovXoi? avrov. The critical editions differ as to the reading avrov, which Griesbach, Knapp, Vater, and Hahn adopt ; while Wet stein, Bengel, Matthai, and Lachmann read avrov. The latter reading 4 Chap. I. 1. would refer the pronoun to God, while avrov refers it to Christ. The sense is not materially different in either case ; for the servants of God are the servants of Christ, and vice versa. That Chris* is the subject (implied) of the Infinitive del^ai seems to be clear from the tenor of the sentiment ; for the sequel shows that Christ, or his angel, appears and makes all the disclosures of the book. — But who are the SovXoi? ? Are they prophets, apostles, teachers ? Or does this word here desig nate the worshippers of God, the servants of Christ in general ? For the former sense one might contend, so far as the usus loquendi in re spect to dovXo? is concerned ; see Rom. 1: 1. Gal. 1: 10. Phil. 1: 1. Col. 4: 12. Tit. 1: 1. James 1: 1. 2 Pet. 1: 1. Jude v. 1. Rev. 22: 9 (gvvSovXo?). So the well known usage in Hebrew of riirT? igsj, in a multitude of instances ; see Ges. Lex. sub. v. But then it is equally true, that dovXo? (and "D5>) is sometimes applied to the mass of the people of God, to the community of his worshippers ; even in the Apoc alypse itself is this the case, Rev. 2: 20. 7: 3. 11: 18 (where it is ex pressly used as comprehending dyioi and nQOcpijrai). 19: 2,5. 22: 3. Still, the other sense of dovXog, viz. prophet, teacher, is also common to the Apocalypse ; e. g. 1: 1 (povXcg . . . 'Icodwrj), 10: 7 where nqocprjia? is added as epexegetical, 15: 3. In 22: 6 it may designate either the prophets, or the pious in general ; for the sense is good if taken in either way. In Hebrew, r-nn^ 133 is altogether a common appellation for a true worshipper of Jehovah, and the whole Jewish nation are often ad dressed as being the servants of God, because they are his professed worshippers. — In such a case then as the one before us, the context must decide ; and this evidently favours the sense of the word in Rev. 2: 20, viz. the mass of the Christian community or Christians. Accordingly the seven churches of Asia are immediately addressed in the sequel, and to them the book before us is dedicated (so to speak) and sent, plainly in order to be published or circulated by them. It is then to the churches that the things in the Apocalypse are shown. td del yEvia&ai, what must take place, i. e. by an arrangement of an overruling and all-controlling providence. In other words ; what is pre dicted in the Apocalypse will certainly come to pass. Such things are not left to chance, they are not fortuitous, for dsi ysvia&ai, they must needs happen. In other words still ; God, who gave a revelation of future things to Christ, has ordained them and will bring them to pass. 'Ev rd%Ei, a controverted expression, on which much has been made to depend. Some commentators, recognizing the evident fact that the apocalyptic predictions cover much ground and require a long series of years for their accomplishment (see Rev. 20: 4, 7), have zealously en deavoured to show that rd%ei designates only the maturity of things for any particular event, and, as connected with this, the certainty of the Chap. I. 1. 5 event itself. So Eichhorn ; and after him, Heinrichs and others. But the texts appealed to by them do not show this ; nor is there any neces sary affinity between the certainty of a thing and its speedy accomplish ment. E. g. a general judgment is certain ; but it is not therefore speed ily to take place. The plain and obvious sense of iv rdi?.i is speedily, quickly, shortly ; so 6 xaigbg iyyv?, in v. 3, plainly interprets it. See also Rev. 2: 16. 3: 11. 11: 14. 22: 7, 12, 20. If now anything clear can be made out from the Apocalypse, it is at least clear that chap, iv — xi. have special reference to Jerusalem and Judea. Equally clear is it that chap, xii — xix. have reference to persecuting and heathen Rome. In both cases persecution was urgent and raging, when the Apocalypse was written ; which, as we have seen (Vol. I. § 16), was before the de struction of Jerusalem. Now, although the closing part of the Revela tion relates beyond all doubt to a distant period, and some of it to a fu ture eternity, yet the portion of the book which contains this is so small, and that part of the book which was speedily fulfilled is so large, that no reasonable difficulty can be made concerning the declaration before us. Ev rdyei, i. e. speedily, did the things, on account of which the book was principally written, in fact take place. And although the Romish persecutions were afterwards repeated, yet it is enough to vindicate the expression before us, that the overthrow of the then persecuting power was very speedy, and that this overthrow was an earnest of the fate of all future persecutors. Kai iarjfiavev, lit. showed or indicated by signs or symbols. The verb orftictlvco evidently comes from aij/ia = Grjfiuov, sign, token, symbol. The word is exquisitely chosen in reference to the sequel of the book, almost all of which consists of symbolic representation. In the like way is the verb crrjualvco employed in John 12: 33. 18: 32, (referring to what Jesus had said on a former occasion, see in 12: 31 — 33). 21: 19. In a similar sense it occurs in Acts 11: 28. 25: 27 ; yet less exactly accord ing to the natural and original meaning of the word, for in Acts it sig nifies to indicate in a generic sense. Plutarch (De Orac. Delph. p. 104) represents Heraclitus as saying, in respect to the oracle : 'Ovre Xsyei ov re xqvjztbi, dXXd Gijfidvei, i. e. it neither speaks out plainly, nor wholly conceals, but indicates by symbols or in an enigmatical way.' — But with what is this verb to be constructed ? Who is agent, and what is object ? In all instances above referred to, in John and in Acts, the verb has an object after it, although a compound one. Is it so here ? Dr. Robin son, in his Lexicon, has put it down as absolute, i. e. without an object. Most critics have represented rjv (at the beginning of the second clause and referring to dnoxdXvWi?) as the object or Ace. case after iarj/iavsv. But this is a hard construction. My own view of the case is, as the trans lation above indicates, that oo"« side is the object, which, according to 6 Chap. I. 1. the usual law of brachylogy in the Greek language, stands for ixsiva oaa stSs. In this case all is plain and easy, specially when we regard o? iuapTVQTjoe . . . 'Irjaov Xqigtov as a parenthetic and epexegetical clause ; which it plainly is. Then, moreover, we have this simple sen timent : ' Christ, employing an angel as his messenger, by symbols dis closed to his servant John whatsoever things he saw in prophetic vision.' At all events, this interpretation accords well with the state of facts. It should be remarked, also, that although the word b'eiiai is finely chosen, sar/fiavs is evidently a still more exquisitely select designation of what was done in order to make a revelation to John. But who is the agent for iaijjjavE ? Most interpreters say that it is Jesus Christ; and they appeal to Rev. 22: 16, "I, Jesus, have sent mine angel to testify to you these things respecting the churches.'' This would be conclusive, were it not that there is another passage which seems, with equal or greater force, to plead for another construc tion ; i. e. Rev. 22: 6, " The Lord God of the spirits of the prophets hath sent his angel on^ai roi? dovXoig avrov c'i del yevsad-ai iv rdyu." Can this be anything less than a direct appeal to the very words of Rev. 1:1, which have already been considered ? Moreover as {reog is the undoubted agent to the verb tdcoxev, and iGrjfiai'tv stands connected with that verb by y.ul, without any intimation of a change of agent, so this would seem to be sufficient to settle the question upon fair grounds. Had Liicke noted the passage in Rev. 22: 6, he might have saved him self the trouble he has taken (Stud, und Kritiken, IX. p. 655) to ac count for a change of agent in the case of iaijfiave. ' Such changes,' he says, ' are not a matter of doubt in the Apocalypse ; and here dsiiai zoi? dovXoig v.'. r. X. which precedes, shows beyond a question that Christ is the agent, and therefore he is to be regarded as the agent to iafjfjave.' But as nothing important is gained for the sense of the pas sage by such a change of agents, and as such changes (I venture to say) are not so frequent in the Apocalypse as Liicke seems to intimate, so we may construe the whole in the regular grammatical order, mak ing o {reo? the agent. Still, I do not think any violence is done, if Christ he made the agent. JlnoarslXag makes a difficulty, not as to subject or agent, for this must be the same which is connected with iaiffiuvf,, but as to object. Sending what, by the angel? Anoy.dXvxluv is the common answer. But this, as a book, he did not send ; nor as a communication did he send it by an angel, for John saw the symbols with his own prophetic eye, and the angel was merely his companion, helper, or interpreter. In this strait, if we turn now to Rev. 22: 6, we shall find the matter thus stated : dniarsiXe rbv dyyf.Xov avzov bsi^ai roig dovXoig avrov. In the passage before us, then, dnoGrdXag x. r. X. stands connected with Chap. 1. 2. • 7 dei^ai x. r. X. implied, and the thought in the writer's mind, if filled out, would seem to be, xa), dnoazeiXag did tov dyyiXov avrov \_elg rb dsi^ai x. z. X.~}, iai)p.ave rep dovXqi x. z. X. Instead of this, Ewald takes anoazeiXag in the absolute sense, like Y?3 rbS in Ex. 4: 13. The whole clause might indeed be understood in a kind of absolute way, as being equivalent to the following expression — making use of his angel as an agent, he signified, etc. But the mode of solving it suggested by 22: 6, is more grammatical and more facile. The present form of the clause is plainly brachylogical. AovXq), as designating prophets, apostles, and special messengers of God, has already been explained above. — Avzov is the right reading here, and not avzov as some editions have it, and even Lachmann ; for whether God or Christ be the agent to iGrjp.cj.ve and dnoazeiXag, avzov would be the more regular reading; see N. Test. Gramm. § 110. 5. Note 2. Icoavvy is in apposition with dovXqi, and is designed as an explanato ry adjunct. But as there were doubtless many Johns at that time, this proper name itself would seem to need some further explanation. Ac cordingly we have it in the sequel. 0? suaQivQrjGS . . . I. Xqigzov, also an epexegetical clause which has been itself more discussed and controverted, than almost anything in the whole Apocalypse. The reason of this is, that the sentiment of the clause stands connected with the great critical inquiry : Who was the author of the Revelation ? A large class of critics find here de scribed the Gospel of John (zbv Xoyov rov {reov), the Epistles of John (irjv paorvQiav I. Xqigzov), and finally the Apocalypse itself baa side, (or as they generally read baa zs side). Others find in the first two expressions only the Gospel and Epistles taken as a whole, and in the latter expression they find a declaration that John was an eye-witness of all which he had written ; and they appeal to 1 John 1: 1 — 3 for a de claration of similar import. But in this last passage John declares, that he discloses not only what he had seen, but also what he had heard ; and this very appropriately, for the greater part of his Gospel and of his first Epistle, consists of doctrines which he had heard, or which had been taught him by Jesus Christ. "Oaa side would seem, then, to be altogether too limited to express the subject matter of the Gospel and Epistles ; while it is entirely appropriate when referred to the visions of the Apocalypse. Liicke, in order to avoid a reference to the Gospel and Epistles here, represents Xoyov -0-eov and fiaqivqlav Xqigtov as merely descriptive of the Apocalypse itself, and then regards 'baa side as only an adjunct explanatory clause, intended to designate the manner in which the Apocalypse was made known to its author. Which of these two parties is in the right ? Or is either of them ? These ques- 8 Chap. I. 2. tions must be answered by resorting, first of all, to the meaning of each subordinate part of the clause before us. 'EuaQzvQtjae has oftentimes, in the New Testament, its usual sense of testifying, i. e. of bearing witness, of giving testimony respecting any thing. This is plainly the natural and usual import of the word. But the corresponding Hebrew verb with its correlative noun, and uagrvQe'co with its correlative noun, not unfrequently convey a meaning specifically di verse from this. Thus the Hebrew Tij'ri (from ic) signifies he affirm ed, he solemnly affirmed or declared, he solemnly enjoined, etc ; and its correlate noun rTO means not only testimony, but also precept, solemn declaration, etc. The word p.aqzvQeco is a favorite one in the writings of John ; e. g. John 3: 11, " o oidauev XaXovpev, xal b ecoqaxapev uaQ- zvQoiifiev, i. e. what we know we speak of, and what we have seen we declare ;" for so the parallelism obliges us to interpret ftaQzvQovuev. So 3: 32, " What he has seen and heard, zovzo puQzvQei, this he de clares or publishes to the world." So in 1 John 1: 2. 1 Cor. 15: 15. Acts 23: 11. John 21: 24, where d jxaqrvQcov designates the evangelist as a historian, declaring to the world the words and deeds of Jesus. So in Rev. 22: 16, " I, Jesus, have sent mine angel fiaQzvQijaai, to declare these things respecting the churches." So also in the verse before us paQZVQiav is plainly a parallelism of Xoyov, which means declaration, or what is spoken or declared ; also in Rev. 1: 9. 6: 9. 12: 11 where we have Xoyov fiaQzvQia? avrcov, i. e. the word or doctrine which they published or declared ; 12: 17, where paQZvqiav parallelizes with iv- zoXd? ; 20: 4. — The plain result is, that ifiaQzvqtjae means declared, pub lished, openly and solemnly affirmed or proclaimed. If any one chooses still, in conformity to the Greek mode of expression here, to translate the word by testified, there is no objection to this ; for one of our best English lexicographers has defined testify as sometimes meaning to de clare or publish freely. Usage sanctions such an explanation of the English word. But what is it which John published or declared ? Tov Xoyov rov ¦&eov xai zrjv pagrvQiav 'Irjaov Xgiazov. Is &eov and XQiazov here sub ject or object ? That is, does the author speak of the word which has respect to God, and the testimony which has respect to Christ ? Or does he mean the word of which God is the author and communicator, and the testimony which Christ discloses ? Beyond all reasonable doubt the latter ; for so a comparison with the former part of v. 1 would plainly imply, and so the nature of the case seems plainly to demand. John testified whatever God and Christ had communicated to him for this purpose. So in v. 5, Jesus Christ is accordingly called d uaqrvg- b ma ze?, not the faithful martyr, but the witness whose declarations are worthy of all credit. Liicke (Stud, and Krit. IX. p. 654 seq.) has - Chap. I. 2. 9 strenuously contended that Xbyov and uagrvQiav here are = dnoxd- Xvipw, 1. e. the Apocalypse. It is certainly a possible sense ; for Xbyog Veov = rnrri is*, may be predicated of any oracle, prediction, declara tion, disclosure of any kind whatever, whether by visions, symbols, or otherwise ; as the lexicons abundantly show, and as every attentive reader of the Scriptures must have observed. And the same may be said of the Johannean usage of fiaQzvQtav. So in Is. 8: 16, 20, rvron parallelizes with rrnn, precept, instruction, something taught. So, in the passages cited above, fiaQzvQia is for substance parallel with Xbyog and with ivzoXij. But it is manifest, at the same time, that Xbyov -d-eov and paQTvgla Xqwzov are equally well fitted to designate what John had done, or was doing, as a preacher of the Gospel, or as a writer of evan gelical narrative. It is not then the nature of the phraesology here which can determine the question before us ; for this would apply equally well to christian preaching, to a christian writing, or to the composition of the Apocalypse itself. An appeal for decision must therefore be made to other circumstances than the nature of the phraseology. Such an appeal, I think, may be made with confidence to Rev. 1: 9, where John says, in addressing the churches : " I . . . your brother, and companion in the affliction and kingdom and patience of Jesus Christ, was in the isle called Patmos, dia rbv Xoyov rov fteov, xal did zijv \iao- zvqiav 'Irjaov." Now he could not be there because of having written and published the Apocalypse ; for this was written after he went there, possibly, even after he had left there. Liicke, in order to avoid the dif ficulty which this throws in his way, suggests that did does not mark here, as usual, a preceding cause or ground of being sent to Patmos, but a subsequent and ultimate end to be obtained by going thither. But Winer, in the latest edition of his New Testament Grammar (§ 53. c), strenuously denies that such a meaning can be given to did before the Accusative case ; yet Liicke appeals to its use in Rom. 4: 25 and Phil. 2: 30, not only as deciding the possibility of such a meaning, but rather as decisive of such an one in point of fact. But these examples may be solved on a different ground. At any rate, since they are the only ones in the New Testament to which Liicke ventures to make an appeal, and as they are against the usual tenor of Greek usage, one cannot feel en tire confidence in the appeal ; see Vol. I. p. 259 seq. Aid is a word which occurs too often not to be well-known as to its usual meanings ; and in the Apocalypse itself the instances of it, as construed with the Accusative case, are somewhat numerous, e. g. 2: 3. 4: 11. 7: 15. 12: 12. 13: 14. 18: 8, 10, 15 ; all with the usual meaning. In addition to these are several cases exactly correspondent with the one in chap. 1:9, which admit of no reasonable controversy. In Rev. 6: 9, John speaks of souls seen by him under the altar slain, did rbv Xbyov rov d-eov xal VOL, II, 2 10 Chap. I. 2. did zijv uaQzvQi'av rjv elypv, by which clause the antecedent and moving cause or ground of their sufferings and death is designated, viz. their perseverance in professing and declaring the Christian faith and doc trine. In Rev. 12: 11, of the victorious host of the redeemed in hea ven it is said : These have come off conquerors did zb aipa zov aoviov xal di:d zov Xbyov zijg uaQZVQi'ag avrcov, i. e. 'through, or by means of, the blood of the Lamb, "and through the influence of that word which they have testified.' So again in Rev. 20: 4, the Apocalyptist sees, on thrones in heaven, " the souls of those who had been beheaded did z\v uaQivQiav 'hjaov xal did rbv Xbyov zov {rsov ; where the meaning, on account of the testimony, etc., cannot possibly be mistaken. These in stances, and the relation of them all to one and the same subject, render did in Rev. 1: 9 so clear, that doubt seems to be out of place. And this further objection may be made to Liicke's exegesis, viz. that it re presents John as going to Patmos either for the sake of publishing the gospel there, or for the sake of writing the Apocalypse ; both of which designs are wholly improbable. That bleak and desolate spot, which is scarcely noticed by any geographer of antiquity, and never could have had anything but a few fishermen's huts upon it, was not a very attrac tive place to go for the sake of preaching, compared with Asia Minor and the adjacent islands swarming with a population which could hardly be numbered. And to go there for the sake of writing the Apocalypse ! It is surely one of the last places which au author could think of, at least on the score of comfort or convenience. Besides this, John states in the beginning of the same verse (v. 9), that he was a companion of other Christians iv {rXixpei . . . xat. vnojiovrj, which stands so connected with his being in Patmos, as to show that he was there iv -Q-Xiipei, or as an exile, on account of the gospel. This, it cannot well be denied, is the plain and natural implication of the passage. From these considerations taken together we naturally come to the conclusion, that the clause di' ifiaQziiQijaev . . . I. Xqigzov is epexegeti- cal, descriptive of the particular John just mentioned, and intended to distinguish him from others of the same name. We may also note, that inasmuch as Xbyov deov is in itself only a kind of generic declaration, so fiuQZVQi'av I. Xqiazov is here added, in order to show that Christian doctrine is what the writer particularly intends to designate. That John, then, who had been a preacher of the Gospel, that John who had declared and openly published the Gospel, was the servant of Christ to whom the symbols of the revelation that follows were disclosed. Nothing more can be drawn with certainty from the text, than this gene ric sense ; for if we refer to Rev. 20: 4, '¦ The souls of those, who had been beheaded did zijv jiaQzvQiav 'Irjaov, xal did rbv Xbyov zov -&eov," surely we cannot say that none had been beheaded except such as had Chap. I. 2. 11 written Gospels or Epistles ; nor can the expression there be limited even to teachers and preachers. But then there is some difference be tween that case and the one in Rev. 1: 2 ; for in this latter we have the verb iuaQzvQiiaev, which of course designates publication, declaration, open proclamation of the divine word, and can be applied only to preach ing, teaching, or writing. But to which of these the writer means to apply it, cannot be determined by anything that he here says. Of the fact, however, ' that John wrote the Apocalypse before he wrote his Gospel, (in case he was the author of both), there can now, I think, be no reasonable ground of doubt. Evangelium postea scripsit, says Vic- torinus (f 302) in the earliest Commentary on the Apocalypse that we have, i. e. after his ., residence at Patmos, as the context shows ; Bib. Max. Patrum, III. p. 418, C. And although the little book of Victo- rinus comes to us probably in a somewhat mutilated and garbled state, yet the expression quoted seems in all probability to be a part of the genuine work. At all events, it agrees well with what the laws of criti cism would seem to decide or to require. Putting all these considerations together it appears to be sufficiently plain, that John is here described as a teacher or preacher of the divine word, and of that word as disclosed by the Gospel = the testimony of Jesus Christ. But whether it was the apostle John — the same who was the author of the Gospel and the Epistles — seems not to be decided by the declarations under consideration. There is, indeed, nothing in them which contradicts this, or is incongruous with it; but still, it must be confessed, there is nothing which decides with certainty in favour of it. If now the Gospel and Epistles were subsequent works, (of which I can not doubt), how could they be referred to in this passage as being al ready extant ? "Oaa elde, and not baa re elde as the Vulgate text reads, and as many critics have also read. For their purpose this was a convenient read ing ; for some of them made three distinct declarations of this and the two preceding clauses ; viz. first, John wrote the Gospel ; secondly, he wrote the Epistles ; and thirdly, he wrote the Apocalypse, which last, they say, is here appropriately described as containing baa elde, i. e. the visions and symbols disclosed to John. But the ze, on which this dis tinction is mainly built, was long ago rejected even by Bengel ; and since that time, by all the critical editions. The Mss. leave us no good room to doubt as to the reading baa side; for A. B. C. 7. 8. 9. 12. 14. 25. 20. 30. 32. 33. 42, all the Mss. of Matthaei, one of Alter, six of Birch, and the Vulgate, Syriac, Arabic (Erp.), Coptic, Aethiopic, and Armenian versions all omit it. Ewald contends for ze ; but it is because he construes the preceding declarations as amounting merely to an as- 12 Chap. I. 2. sertion, that John was a public and open professor of the Christian reli gion, and then baa ze elde means, that [he declared^ whatever he saw, i. e. what he had been an eye-witness of. This is a forced construction, to say the least ; and inasmuch as the whole book of the Apocalypse no where else offers us a single ze, with any good evidence of its genuine ness, (ze in Rev. 21: 12 is generally rejected), so it would be acting against the laws of evidence and of internal probability to admit it here. I have joined baa elde with iarjuave as object ; but if the reader pre fers to make it merely an explanatory clause, in apposition with Xbyov d-eov and uaQzvQiav 1. Xqigzov, then the whole clause will designate John as testifying the divine word, even the gospel of Christ, in all the extent to which it was disclosed to him. In this case eldov would pa rallelize exactly with the Hebrew nm , when applied to a prophet (the old designation of whom was nth, a seer), which nm stands connected at times with IS* , e. g. Is. 2: 1 ; so that 1S1 ntn , and elde Xbyov d-eov would be exactly parallel expressions. The possibility of this con struction I would not be understood to deny. But the other one which I have given, inasmuch as it assigns a definite object to tGrjfiave, and therefore makes the whole sense of the passage run smoothly and con gruously, I must prefer. One remark more should be added in reference to the Aor. ifiaQtv- Qrjae. Why does John here employ this indefinite Praeterite, if by Xb yov d-eov and fiagzvQiav I. Xqigzov he means to designate the book it self of the Apocalypse, or at any rate the revelation contained in it which was yet to be written ? Liicke, who supposes this to be the case (Stud. und Krit. IX. p. 658), accounts for it by saying, that to the dvuyivoia- xcov and the dxovovzeg (v. 3),, the act of writing the book was past, and so John could employ ifiaQtvQijae. Yet the writer of John's Gospel, even after he had completed his whole work, speaking of himself in the last clause of it as having performed this labour, calls himself d uaQzvQcov he who testifies, thus using the present tense. So, plainly, would the writer have done in Rev. 1: 2, had he referred there to the written Apocalypse which follows in the sequel ; for how could he say, in the very outset of the work, that he had written it ? Even if we suppose the preface to have been last written (as is usually the case), yet it must not wear that appearance when written ; otherwise it would be no pre face to the book. Besides this, John himself, near the close of this very book, speaks of himself as ' d dxovcov xai fiXeTZcov the things contained in it,' 22: 8. It would be unnatural, therefore, for the writer to employ the Aorist in v. 2, in case his meaning were such a one as Liicke ad vocates. But the Aorist, in reference to his past preaching and teach ing, is quite in its proper place here ; for that the Aorist frequently de- Chap. I. 3. 13 signates actions in the past time that were accustomed to be done, or were often repeated, is now acknowledged by all leading grammarians, and is indeed easily established by reference to frequent usage.* (3) Blessed is he who readeth, and they who hear, the words of this prophecy, and keep in mind the things written therein, for the time is near. The manner of the declaration will at once be understood by advert ing simply to the custom in ancient times, when very few private copies of the Scriptures existed, of reading them in public, and thus making them known to the mass of the people. Avayivcbaxcov here refers to a public reader ; ol dxovovzeg to those who listened to him, i. e. to the mass of the people. Sentiment : ' Happy are all who possess a knowledge of what is revealed in this prophetical book !' Abyovg, the things said. Trjg nQocprjzelag, of this prophecy, where zrj? is emphatic, and therefore equivalent to our demonstrative this ; and TZQOcprjzela? is the same as anoxdXvipiv above, for %rj? has an evident reference to it. It is also equivalent to d'o"« elde. TrjQovvze?, keeping in mind, i. e. remembering and pondering upon. So the Hebrew ieib, which is often rendered diazeQe'co by the Septua- gint, e. g. in Gen. 17: 9. 37: 11. Num. 28: 2 al. See Ges. Lex. No. 2. It is also true, that zrjQeco may mean keep in the sense of observing and obeying, for such is the case with TDe5 ; but this sense is not altogether apposite here, inasmuch as the nQocprjzeia before us consists mainly of predictions and not of precepts. 0 yuQ xatQog iyyvg, for the time, i. e. the appropriate and ordained pe- * Winer (Gramm. § 41, 5. b. 1, 4th ed.) seems to deny such a sense of the Ao rist in the New Testament, viz. that of marking customary or often repeated action in the past time, and manifests an inclination to limit the Aorist in the New Tes tament to marking only brief, temporary, and soon completed action. But we may open the New Testament almost anywhere, and find reason to call such an opinion in question; e. g. John 4: 12, tiris, i.e. Jacob habitually drunk and so his children, and his flocks; 4; 20, " Our fathers irooosxvvijoav, were accustomed to rcorship, or habitually worshipped in this mountain, etc. ;" 5: 29, ol ironjaavrat, they who have persevered in doing good; ib. ol Se rd tpaiika iroal^dvTis, they who haze persevered in doing evil ; 6: 31, tSuixtv, often and for a long time he gave them bread ; and so in many cases. Rost (Gramm. § 166. Anm. 4) very forcibly illustrates this from the classics: "Most critics enjoin upon the citizens not to steal, etc. . . but if any one transgress, iiri&eoav, they were accustomed to inflict a penalty upon him;" " Socrates edtSaj-ej was accustomed to leach his disciples with out any reward;" " The Persians iiroXifirjoav, usually made war with readiness and boldness ;" " Many things insos, have often happened to men beyond their expectation." Indeed this principle is generally recognized by all distinguished grammarians at the present time ; see Kuhner, Gramm. 11. § 442. And such be ing the case, ifiaoriorjatv , in Rev. 1: S2 is altogether in place, as designating the past habitude of John in publishing or teaching the Gospel. 14 Chap. I. 4. riod, isis, is near at hand. In what sense this is to be understood, has already been discussed under iv zdyei of v. 1. SALUTATION AND INTRODUCTION. I. 3—20. To the seven churches of pioconsular Asia is the work which the writer has undertaken inscribed. The names of these (1: 11) is a pledge for the importance of the churches addressed. Whether the churches of that day in Asia were limi ted to this number, is a question easily solved; for in Col. 4: 13 the church at Hi erapolis is mentioned in connection with that at Laodicea, and the former is in the near neighbourhood of the latter. Colossae, also,_was in the immediate neighbour hood of Laodicea. All three were on the confines of Phrygia and Lydia, and be longed, no doubt, to the circle of proconsular Asia. So, a few years later than when the Apocalypse was written, we know there were large and flourishing churches in Tralles where Ignatius lived, and at Magnesia in its near neighbour hood, both in Lydia and but a moderate distance from Ephesus. Whether the Apocalyptist was conversant with these, and with many other churches of Asia besides those mentioned in the Revelation, cannot be decided by express evidence ; but the probability surely is, that such a man as John, (whether apostle or other preacher of the gospel), would not have founded, or formed acquaintance with, seven churches only in Asia, when the whole region was filled with cities and an immense population. There must be other reasons, then, why only seven church es are here addressed ; and these will be the subject of discussion in the sequel when we come to v. 11. Asia is a name to which very different meanings are attached, by different writers and at different periods of time. It means, (1) The whole eastern Con tinent. (2) Hither Asia or Asia Minor, from the Sinus Issicus and Armenia Mi nor to the Aegean Sea. (3) That part of Asia which Attalus III , king of Perga- mus, gave by testament to the Romans, i. e. Mysia, Phrygia, Lycaonia, Lydia, Caria, Pisidia, and the southern coast, i. e. all the western, south-western, and southern parts of Asia Minor. (4) In the New Testament, the western coast from Mysia downwards, with the inland country to a considerable distance back, comprehending the western part of Phrygia, appears to be named Asia ; and this tract constituted proconsular Asia, in the narrow meaning of that appellation. The last is possibly the meaning in the text. See Usher, Diatribe De Asia Pro- consulari. To the churches addressed, John gives the usual Christian salutation so common in the epistles of Paul, and elsewhere : (4) John, to the seven churches which are in Asia : Grace be unto you, and peace, from Him who is, and was, and is to come. XaQig, favour, benevolence or beneficence, viz. on the part of God, who bestows blessings. The sense is optative or precative. Then el- ryrjvrj = taibiB, i. e. peaceful security and enjoyment, tranquil happiness ; and both of these in the full sense, (for such doubtless was the writer's mind), that is, in a sense which respects things temporal and spiritual. Only this enlarged meaning can answer the demands of the passage. Chap. I. 4. 15 Anb b mv xal b rjv xal b eQ^buevog. In the vulgate text roi; is in serted after anb ; but it is supported by no adequate authority, and is evidently a gloss of some coypist, who sought for a palpable index of the Genitive case after the preposition anb. The peculiar construction of the whole clause is manifest at first sight. The words following ano are all taken together as one indeclinable noun, corresponding to and expressive of the Hebrew word mm , Jehovah, which is indeclina ble, i. e. admits of no variation of form. Whatever may have been the origin of this Hebrew appellation, i. e. whether it be purely of Hebrew etymology, or, as some have maintained, a foreign word expressive of supreme Godhead, and adopted by the Hebrews (with some slight va riation which conforms it to the genius of their language), still it is cer tain, that at a very early period mm was considered as expressive of the God which exists always, and was regarded as connected with the verb mri or mn, to be. So in Ex. 3': 14; Moses had inquired (v. 13) ' by what name he should announce the God of the Hebrews to his na tion,' and. he is answered: " mrix lbs ;mnx, lam that lam . . . tell them. that mns has sent you to them." Here, as Jehovah himself speaks, he employs the first person of the future tense of mil instead of the third, which would be rTTH or (from mil = m-n ) mm . The man- ner of this address seems therefore to take it for granted, that mri or mn is the root of the word mm . Theodoret (Quaest. 15 in Ex.) tes tifies that the Samaritans pronouuced the name nirn as I ABE, i. e. mm yahve, (B being soft, as he read it, like our English V) ; while he says (ibid.) that the Hebrews called it I Ail (Tao). How he came by such a 'knowledge of the bvopa. dvexcpmvijzov, dqiQaazov, unooQijzov, as he himself and Eusebius call it, it would be difficult to say ; but he speaks confidently, and would seem to know what he affirms. But let the pro nunciation be as it may, the word mm is indeclinable ; and John has imitated this, in the expression before us. 0 cov, is he who now exists ; b rjv, is he who has existed, the verb itself (in the Praeterite) being here employed, because there is no form of a participle praeterite which could be joined with the article ; while d tQ^bfievo? = X3H , means qui futurus est, he who is to come or is to be. The Greek verb elui affords indeed a future participle, viz. tGopevog ; but then the Hebrew verb mn has properly none such, and therefore NSrj is used in the place of it, which our text imitates. So, often in the New Testament, where we find, in order to signify that which is future or that which will be, the word come (eQ-fopai) employed ; e. g. days to come, world to come, king dom of God to come, good and evil to come, wrath to come, etc. etc. John then wishes that grace and peace from Jehovah, i. e. the self-ex istent and eternal God, may be given to the churches whom he addresses. Evidently his periphrastic designation of the word Jehovah implies thus 16 Chap. I. 4. much ; nor can there be any good reason to doubt, that in the time when the Apocalypse was written, it was customary among the Jews to regard such a meaning as connected with the word fiiff . Early Jew ish writings confirm this view. Thus Targ. Jon. on Deut. 32: 39, Ego ille qui est, et qui fuit, et qui erit . . . Annon pater unus ? Et ipse fuit. et ipse est, et ipse erit. Targ. Hieros. in Ex. 3: 14, Qui fuit, est, et erit, dixit mundo. More of the same nature from the later Rabbins may be found in Schoettgenii Hor. Heb. in loc. Even among the hea then we find some striking descriptions of the Godhead, which are of a similar nature. Plutarch (De Is. et Osir. p. 354), speaking of a temple of Isis at Sais in Egypt, says : " It bore this inscription : 'Eycb eljii ndv zb yeyovbg, xat ov, xat iabfievov • xat zov iuov nenXov ovdetg nco dvijzcbv dnexdXvipev. So Orpheus (in auctor. Lib. de Mundo) : Zevg xecpaXr], Zevg fit'aaa, dibg d' ix ndvza zezvxzai. More striking still is the resemblance in Pausanias (Phocic. 12) : Zevg vv, Zev? iari, Zevg eaaezai, co ue'yaXe Zev ! Striking as this is, however, we are not obliged to suppose, that the Hebrews borrowed the name Jehovah from the heathen, nor their modes of reasoning in re gard to its significance. The thought is natural to a reflecting mind, that an eternal Being must have existed in time past, that he now exists, and will con tinue to exist. No wonder then that nim , der Seyende (as the Germans say), i. e. the Exister (if I may so express it), was used as a most significant name of the eternal and self-existent God. That the Hebrews sometimes formed proper names from the future tense of a verb, is well known; and in the present case, if mm , as Ewald and Hitzig confidently suppose, was the true pronunciation of the word, all is plain; for this form is a Hiph. Future, and means He who causes existence. That the vowels which are connected with this name at present, in the Hebrew Scriptures, are not the original and proper ones, seems to be quite certain ; for the present vowels aie always the appropriate ones to la^Tss or OTiVs*; and in one of these ways, that is by using one of these appellations', the Jews always read or pronounce the name mm. From time immemorial they have done so; for the Septuagint version almost always renders mn1 by Ki'qios = ":inN, and Philo, Josephus, Theodoret, and Eusebius, with the Rabbins, all bear testimo ny that the true sound of the name was never uttered, except in the temple ; Bib. Repos. I. p. 739. This gives us a ground why John has adopted the peri phrasis in Rev. 1: 4. The direct name mm he did not choose to pronounce, even if he had ever heard it. He was unwilling thus to shock the feelings of his Jew ish readers. The name xvows he did not select, in this case, because it fell below the significancy which he wished to exhibit. Consequently he employed a peri phrasis for mm , that was common among his readers, and would be perfectly understood by them. The reader who wishes to see properly exposed the attempts of several recent writers, to show that the name mm was borrowed by the Hebrews from some of the heathen nations, is referred to an Essay of Tholuck on this subject, translated and printed in the Bib. Repos. IV. p. 89 seq. ; where the author has not only made out his own position in a triumphant manner, but reduced his opponents to straits which will alternately excite the indignation and perhaps the contempt of some readers. That the Hebrews might coin such an expressive name as Jehovah, Chap. I. 5. 17 is sufficiently evident from the fact, that other nations have done things of the like nature ; e. g. the Zend language calls God Kuaddta, i. e. a se datus, or self-exis tent; and the Sanscrit employs Svayumduta, i. e. the originator of his own exis tence. Did the Hebrews know less of God than the old Parsees, or the authors of the antiquated Sanscrit? (5) And from the seven spirits which are before his throne; and from Jesus Christ, the faithful witness, the first-born of the dead, and the ruler of the kino-s of the earth; — to him who loved us, and washed us from our sins in his blood. Kai ano zcov enra nvevpazcov . . . -Q-qovov avzov. Three opinions respecting this passage deserve consideration; (1) It means God, a most perfect Spirit. (2) It means the Holy Spirit, endowed with a most perfect nature. (3) It means the seven archangels, or presence- angels, who stand near the throne of God, and are (so to speak) prime ministers in the execution of his will. (1) God. Eichhorn paraphrases the verse thus : "A Jehova, natura perfectissima." His basis of argument is, that ' God is called nvev\ia ; and then, in reference to the various and different powers or influences which he exerts, he is " sine ullo discrimine" called nvev/iaza ; Comm. p. 16 seq. As to the first affirmation, it is true that God is called nvev- ua, John 4: 24 ; but this is only in reference to his pneumatic or imma terial nature. The Spirit of God, as the third person in the Trinity, does not here come into consideration ; inasmuch as Eichhorn's position is a generic, and not a specific one. — As to the other position, that ' God is called nvevjiuza sine ullo discrimine,' I know of no passage in the Bible to justify such an assertion. His second ground of proof is, that 'the Jews so construed Is. 11: 2 as to make seven spirits out of it, all of which belong to the divine na ture.' But there the spirits mentioned are expressly affirmed to belong to the Messiah. Whence the proof is to come, that the Jews formed out of this passage the notion that God consists of seven spirits, I know not. I have searched in vain for it. The oldest evidence of the Cab balistic interpretation of the Jews, is generally admitted to be the Zo- har ; certainly Cabbalism rests mainly on this work. Whether this work is in fact as old as the Mishna, as some have supposed, or even older, must be regarded as very doubtful, when any one reads the Mish na and finds it so full of superstitions and hair-splitting conceits, and yet partaking little or nothing of the spirit of Cabbalism. As the Zohar now is, there are parts of it, beyond all question, of modern date ; see Nordheimer in Bib. Repos. of 1839. No. IV. p. 14 (for 272). But conceding the antiquity of the great mass of it, we shall still look to it in vain for the doctrine which Eichhorn asserts. Schoettgen, deeply versed in literature of this kind and not a mere gleaner like Eichhorn, in his Horae Heb. (H, p, 262), has produced four different passages VOL. ii, 3 18 Chap. I. 5. from the Zohar, all of which assert, that four spirits belong to the Mes siah (not to God), founding this opinion on Is. 11: 2, where the word mi, spirit, occurs only four times. Again, a solitary passage he pro duces from the same work, which ascribes seven spirits to the Messiah. But how all this can prove that the Jews of John's time were accus tomed to ascribe seven spirits to God, one cannot well see. Beyond all reasonable'question, the Zohar and all the Cabbalistic books are much later than the Apocalypse ; and there is certainly no evidence in this latter book of speculations resembling those of the Cabbalists. There is nothing which at first view seems apparently to be of this nature, that cannot be accounted for on a different ground. And of the same opin ion is Ewald, Comm. p. 90. Should the appeal be made here (as it has often been), to the Cab balistic doctrine of the Sephiroth (rnmSD), i. e. the personification of the divine attributes, this will answer no purpose on the present occa sion ; for the Sephiroth were not seven but tex ; all of which stand on the ground of equality in respect to rank, although not exactly so as to order. The fiction of the Sephiroth is briefly this. To the divine Be ing, simply considered, the generic appellation tjio "ps , without end, i. e. the Infinite One, is given. Then to him are ascribed parts or attributes, which are arranged so as to make out a kind 'of figure or form like to that of a man. First comes IPS , crovjn, representing the head ; then rrasrt wisdom and itJ^a intelligence, the two eyes ; then PibilSi great ness and i-jl*aa might, i. e. the shoulders and arms ; then riXBFi or nament, girdle magnificently adorned ; then ns3 splendour and iirl majesty, i. e. the loins bedecked with glittering weapons ; then lio? foundation, i. e. feet, and nisi'a kingdom, which is the footstool, i. e. under his feet or subject to him. Such are the Sephiroth ; but that all this is entirely remote from the passage under consideration, is plain enough. Compare Note in Dr. Laurence's Book of Enoch, p. 44, edit. 2. By what then are we to be persuaded, that John meant to describe the Godhead here, when he employed the phrase seven angels before his throne ? The very nature of the case decides against such a sup position ; for how would the text then run ? In substance thus : Grace and peace . . .from God, and from God. I will not say that repetition of a nature somewhat similar to this never occurs ; but I would say, that I know of no instance hke to this in all the salutations of the New Testament. It would be incongruous. But if this is not enough, then we may at least be permitted to ask one question more : What means the adjunct clause — which are before his throne ? Are God's attributes, then, not in himself, but standing before his throne ? If there is any thing in all the Zohar that exceeds the incongruity of such a supposi- Chap. I. 5. 19 tion, let it be produced. And this adjunct clause seems to make a final decision of this question. The seven spirits are at least something di verse from d cov xal b rjv xal b ig^butvog. It is a matter of some surprise, therefore, to find a writer so sharp- sighted and independent of masters as Ewald, leaning here, as he does, to the views of Eichhorn. More still, to find him laying down the like positions about the early views of the Jews, in regard to God as a Spiritus septiformis, (to which Liicke also assents Einl. p. 386), with out a single appeal to testimony in order to establish ft ; excepting that he refers us to the seven eyes of Jehovah which run to and fro through the whole earth, Zech. 3: 9. 4: 10. But this is entirely of a different nature ; the seven eyes are obviously a designation of the navorpia of Jehovah, and the running to and fro through the whole earth designates his universal inspection. So in the Apocalypse (5: 6), the Lamb has seven eyes and seven horns, emblematic of the seven spirits of God which he sends forth into all the earth ; which representation, although it has for its basis the passage in Zechariah, is still employed in a man ner specifically different. So also the beast has seven heads, Rev. 13: 1 ; and in a like way seven is employed often in the Apocalypse, and (I may add) throughout the Scriptures. But in all these cases the seven eyes, or heads, or horns, belong to the individual being who is named in connection with them ; they do not stand before his throne. More to Ewald's purpose would have been an appeal to Prov. 8: 30, where eternal Wisdom is personified, and represented as ftas , near to him, i. e. to Jehovah, and always rejoicing before him. But here, again, simply participation and aid in the counsels and doings of Jehovah are designated by the phraseology in question. Less than what is said could not be said, if the personification is to be carried through. In the case before us, if the writer had meant to designate Jehovah as pos sessing seven spirits, i. e. attributes, it is obvious he would have said, even from Him who hath the seven spirits, i. e. possesses all perfect spiritual attributes ; in which case, too, the anb must have been left out, for this discriminates and marks separate objects. We may dis miss this exegesis then with the conviction, that it is incongruous and altogether unsupported. (2) The Holy Spirit. This interpretation is defended by Vitringa and many others. It has at least a better claim than the preceding one, inasmuch as it would free the passage from tautology, and would si^rar5s0i, ^ 34 Chap. I. 9. heaven arrests him, and commands him to abstain. In 14: 13. 1-9: 9, and 21: 5, sentiments of peculiar importance are specially required to be written. In regard to all of the epistles to the seven Churches, the command in each case has every appearance of an injunction to write down, upon the spot, what is dictated to John at that time and in that place. At all events, Rev. 10: 4 shows that a process of writing was in operation, during the visions themselves. Whatever may be said about the incongruities of this process during an ecstasy, or rather, a series of ecstasies ; whatever of difficulty there may be in supposing John to be furnished with materials for writing in such a place as Pat mos ; it cannot do away, or even obscure, the plain and obvious import of these passages. How can we decide exactly what constitutes the physiological condition of a state of prophetic ecstasy, how long it may continue, or what an individual who is in it may accomplish, even during the vision ? At all events, what difficulty is there in supposing, that John may have recorded the whole disclosures made by his visions, as they were at intervals presented in succession to his mind ; just as we may suppose Isaiah, or any other prophet, to have written at inter vals between visions, or even during or under prophetic inspiration or influence ? A short period would suffice for the entire composition of the Apocalypse, in such a glowing state of mind. As to materials for writing, even if John were prohibited from carrying them with him into his exile, how easy and natural was it for his numerous friends, at Ephesus and the neighboring coast, to supply them at Patmos, which is but a few hours' sail from Ephesus ! Besides, that this island was en tirely destitute of inhabitants, is not certain, nor even probable. That there were at least fishermen's huts in such a place, one cannot well re frain from believing. Such is the case at present, desolate and barren as it is ; such was probably the case when John wrote. As to the argument derived from iyevbprjv iv nvevuazi, i. e. the Aor. iyevbuijv, which, it is said, indicates a, former period, and therefore must have been penned after the return of John to Ephesus, I cannot perceive that much if any weight can be justly attached to it ; although Liicke (Einl. p. 143) expressly says, that it decides this point unstreitig, i. e. beyond controversy. What other tense than this of the verb ylvouiu, could John employ, in a narration such as this of successive phenomena like those in his vision ? 'Eyevbur/v—" I was in the spirit on the Lord's day," declares the occurrence of an event which preceded the commu nications that were made to him and are related in the sequel. How could he relate these things in order, and not speak in the Praeterite tense (as he has done) of those which first happened ? Besides, the fact that he addresses an epistle to the church at Ephesus, favours the idea that he was absent from them when it was written. I do not say Chap. I. 9. 35 that it is decisive, but that it increases the probability that the Apoca lypse was composed while he was at Patmos. Last of all ; there are intervals between the visions, noted in the book itself, durino- which we may very naturally suppose that to be written which had preceded ; e. g. 4: 1 begins a new ecstasy, with a pezd zavza in regard to the former one which concerned the seven churches. So again in 7: 1. 7: 9. 15: 5. 18: 1. 19: 1, successive periods are distinctly marked. With equal or with even greater distinctness does the nature of the case, in such a transition as that in 12: 1 seq., mark succession and interval. So in 20: 1 seq. 20: 11 seq. 21: 1 seq. It is indeed most natural to suppose, that visions, so overpowering as those of John must have been, would be experienced rather at intervals than continuously ; and if so, what valid objection is there against the supposition, that some of the intermediate time was employed in writing down what had already been communicated ? That the John named in this verse was the apostle John, I must on the whole believe ; but not merely or principally from what is here said. There is plainly nothing inconsistent with this opinion in the matter of the verse ; but still, there is nothing here said, which might not have been predicated of some other individual.* * It is not mere conjecture, for the sake of aiding my own views, when I sug gest, that the bodily exhaustion which attended sucli visions was very great. This may be seen by comparing Ezek. 1: 28. 3: 14, ].">, 23, which exhibits the state of body and mind that followed the rapture of that prophet. See the same in Dan. 8: 17, 18 10: 9, 16, 17. These passages exhibit the manner in which a prophet may be, and usually was, affected during his ecstasy; while Dan. 7: 15, 28. 8: 27 show that severe indisposition of body and mind may be consequent up on prophetic ecstasies. In perfect accordance with these texts is Rev. 1: 17, show ing that John was wholly overpowered by a vision of the Saviour. Comp. Zech. 4: 1. No other instance of any vision, or series of visions, so long as those of the Apocalypse, and all within a short period of time, can be found in the Scriptures; and the nature of the case, as well as the manner of the book itself which marks so many intervals, serves to show that a series of successive visions, connected as to their general object, were not only seen, but successively recorded, by the Apocalyptist. Lacke, in order to avoid the force of the argument derived from the epistles to the churches in favour of the position that John must have been at some foreign place, suggests that the epistolary form arises merely from the ordinary usage of the apostles in addressing the churches, and amounts to nothing more than a kind of rhetorical fiction. 1 will not say that this is incongruous with the nature of the case, or very improbable in itself; for any apostle, or pastor of a church, residing with them, might address the churches, or a particular church, in this way. But nothino- obliges us, in this case, to resort to such a method of explanation. Why then should we do so? John is at Patmos. There he sees a series of divine vi sions. He undertakes to communicate to the churches, in whose welfare he feels a peculiar interest, an account of them. He states where he was when they com menced; and relates successively the events that occurred and the disclosures which were made. What could he do, more or less, than Use the Praeterite tense 36 Chap. I. 9< AdeXcfbg vutov, your brother, a frequent appellation by which Chris tians called each other, as indicating not only a strong feeling of friend ship but also a sameness of faith; so Acts 9: 30. 11: 29. 1 Cor. 5: 11. Rev. 12: 10, et al. saepe. The apostles named themselves the brethren of other Christians, and called others their own brethren. The same was done by private individuals, in respect to other Christians. So nothing definite as to the rank or office of John, can with any certainty be argued from the appellation which he here gives himself. Zvyxoivcovbg . . . I. Xqiazov, a co-partner, a fellow-partaker in the affliction. The article before dliyei is not without emphasis here, in asmuch as it seems to mark a persecution or affliction then existing on account of the Christian religion, zrj dXltyei I. Xqiazov. It might be construed as meaning affliction like to that of Christ, for so the Geni tive relation of Xqiazov would permit us to explain it ; but the other method of interpretation is most consonant with the tenor of the book, and clearly it is equally allowable ; see N. Test. Gramm. § 99. The article also belongs (in sense) to fiaaiXeia and iinofiovrj, but it is omitted in these last cases by a very common usage ; N. Test. Gramm. § 89. 9. The relation of fiaaiXefa here to I. Xqiazov is, from the ne cessity of the case, somewhat different from that of dXlipei. The wri ter means to say, that he and those whom he addressed were fellow-part ners in the kingdom of Christ, or fellow-citizens (to speak in a political in such a case? And how can the use of this tense prove that he had migrated to some other place, before be wrote to the churches? And why may we not suppose that he actually designed, that the seven epistles should be regarded as realities? In what way could he instruct the churches, or .publish his book of vi sions, more effectually than in this? We ought not to admit artificial explanations, when natural ones suffice. Let it be that John was an apostle, or a mere presbyter, the nature of the case (as to the fads before us) is not changed. The very numerous references in the book to the process of writing, and more especially 10: 4, are explained most easily and naturally in the manner which I have indicated. Nothing decisive or very satis factory can be alleged against this explanation. The proximity of Patmos to the continent of Asia must have always enabled the friends of John to hold some communication with him during his exile. It is not only possible, then, but alto gether probable, that the book was written at Patmos, as it naturally purports to be. The critical reader, who is aware how many theories have been spun out of the words under consideration, and how much influence they have had on the higher criticism of the book, will not regard with disapprobation an attempt to elucidate this matter, although it may have occupied more time and space than he would willingly spare. Even Ewald, in his recent work on the Apocalypse, says that the use of iyevofirjv (which he names the Imperfect, p. 96), decides that John had returned from Patmos before he wrote his book ; which, he adds, also appears from the whole tenor of the book. Is not this deducing too much, and deducing it with a great deal too much confidence, from the premises in question ? Chap. I. 9. 37 way) of the new spiritual empire or kingdom of Christ; so that he and they sustained one common relation to it. 'Tno/iovrj has been differently construed by different interpreters. It appears most naturally to designate patient endurance of the dXlxpig al ready mentioned ; and in its relation to /. Xqiazov it is in the same pre dicament as dliipig, inasmuch as the sentiment is, ' patient endurance on account of Christ, or for Christ's sake.' Both the writer and the churches addressed had been persecuted in common, because of their Christianity ; to one and the same kingdom did they in fact belong ; patient endurance in suffering for Christ's sake, they had both exhibited. Others explain it thus : Patience like that of Clirist (Heinrichs). Oth ers still : Patient waiting (mpFi or nbniti ) for Christ, or constancy in expecting his coming (Ewald). This latter sentiment would involve the idea, that those addressed by John were already possessed of such views in respect to Christ's coming as are exhibited in the Apocalypse ; which, arguing from the manner of address in this book, does not seem altogether probable. I prefer the other and more simple explanation ; merely adding that the Christian maxim quoted by Paul (2 Tim. 2: 12) : " If we suffer we shall also reign with him," evidently conveys in sub stance the same sentiment as the passage before us : for, first, we have the dXiwig ; then the {SaaiXela ; and then, very naturally, in view of such a reward which is to be consequent upon suffering, comes the vno- fiovrj, the patient endurance of all the evils that might be inflicted. 'Eyivofirjv iv . . . Hdzficp. In relating this occurrence, as has been re marked above, a Praeterite would of course be employed ; for the being there took place before what is related in the sequel happened. Patmos is a small island some six or eight miles in length, and but little more than a mile in breadth. It is merely mentioned by the ancients; Plin. Hist. nat. 4: 23. Strabo, 10: 488. Eustath. ad Dionys. Perieg. 530. It is now called Patino or Patmosa (not Palmosa or Patmo, as Winer has it in his Bib. Lex.). It has nei ther trees, nor rivers, nor any land for cultivation, exeept some little nooks among the ledges of rocks. Here the banished, from the Roman provinces of Asia, as it would seem, were sent in ancient times; as those from the Grecian provinces in Europe were sent to Gyarus or Gyara, which is in the midst of the Cyclades and of the same character as Patmos. So Juven. Sat. X. 170, Gyarae clausus scopu- lis, (respecting an exile). Patmos has now a village of fishermen's huts ; and so had Gyarus, in ancient times. No island among all the Sporades (Patmos belongs to that cluster) was so appropriate for a place of exile as this; and hither the text represents John as being sent. /lid tbv Xoyov . . . 'Ljaov. On the meaning of this remarks have al ready been made, under Rev. 1: 2. That did, with the nouns which follow, here designates the cause or occasion of John's being in Patmos, seems to be certain from the use of this same formula in Rev. 6: 9. 12: 11, and specially 20: 4 ; cases about which there can be no well-ground- 38 Chap. I. 9. ed doubt. The natural, not to say the necessary, meaning of did (with the Ace.) indicates cause or occasion. Aid necessarily designates here something which preceded, in the order of time, the main event that was brought about, or, in other words, the cause or ground (marked by did) of an event must precede the event itself which was the consequence. Winer even insists, that did with the Ace, in the New Testament, al ways marks the reason or ground of a thing, or else the means, and nev er an ultimate design or intention to be accomplished ; N. Test. Gramm. § 53. c. ed. 4. At all events, in the Apocalypse, such is the usage in every case, as it seems to me, if the present be excepted. To say then, (as some have done), that John went to Patmos in order to preach there, or in order to write the Apocalypse, is virtually renouncing the ascer tained meaning of language in such cases, and cannot therefore have any good claim to credit. The Apocalypse has explained itself in regard to the manner in which this phraseology is employed and is to be interpret ed ; as the references above most clearly show. It was, then, because John had been a preacher of the word of God, and had proclaimed the testimony of Jesus Christ, that he was exiled to Patmos. In fact, the suggestion that John went to Patmos in order to write the Apoca lypse, is so improbable upon the very face of it, as not to deserve any serious refutation. Eichhorn (Einl. ins N. Test. II. p. 367), and Bleek (Schleiermach., etc., Zeitschrift. II. p. 151), have thrown out the suggestion, that John states his being at Patmos only as a visionary matter, i. e. he was trans ported there merely in prophetic ecstasy ; and there, because it was an appropriate place for visions ; and we are referred to Ezek. 3: 14, 15. 8: 3. 40: 2. Dan. 8: 2, and the like, for examples of a similar nature. But such examples these are not ; for these prophets expressly state, that they were brought to this place or to that, in vision, or by the power of the Spirit of God, and therefore leave no room for misapprehension. Yet John, in the case before us, has not at all suggested the idea, that he was in the Spirit before he came to Patmos, but simply states that he was residing there when the Spirit came upon him. Why should we confound cases so entirely discrepant ? No one can well mistake Ezekiel or Daniel ; yet it would seem that the whole Christian world must have mistaken John, except. Eichhorn, Bleek, and the very few who accede to their interpretation. At least, if the views of these cri tics are correct, such is the case. Were it a matter which concerned an obscure or difficult text of Scripture, such a mistake might have taken place. But in so plain a matter as the present apparently is, it would seem to be at least zl dzonov. If we must suppose a fiction in this case, is it not strange that John did not prefer Sinai, or Carmel, or Ta bor, (all sacred places), as the scene. The Apocalyptist, we cannot Chap. I. 10. 89 reasonably doubt it, means to be understood as stating a fact ; and whe ther it be supposed that this fact took place under Nero, or under Domi- tian, both of whom persecuted and banished Christians, everything wears the air of plain probability. Why should the author, who has not concealed his name, conceal the place where he was when his ec stasy came upon him ? And why should not the statement be credited on the same ground that we credit that of Ezekiel (Ezek. 1: 2), who says that he was by the river Chebar, when the first vision of God was disclosed to him? Liicke (Einl. p. 242), and Ewald (Comm. p. 96), ¦admit the reality of the writer's residence at Patmos ; as do nearly all the older critics. (10) 1 was in the spirit on the Lord's day ; and I heard behind me a loud voice, as of a trumpet. 'Eytvourjv iv nvev/iazi means that John was under spiritual influence ; and in a case like the present, that he was under the special and extra ordinary influence of the Spirit; for such is the usage of the Scriptures in respect to this phraseology. The same idea is elsewhere expressed, by being iv ixardaei, Acts 10: 10. 11: 5. 22: 17, i. e. transported as it were out of one's self, put into a condition different from that which be longs to the ordinary development of one's own powers and faculties. Ezekiel names this state a seeing of the visions of God, i. e. seeing vi sions disclosed by divine influence, Ezek. 1: 1. 8: 3. 40: 2. Such vi sions are habitually ascribed by the prophets to divine influence ; Jer. 24: 1. Ezek. 11: 25. Amos 7: 1, 4, 7. 8: 1. Zech. 3: 1. Specially are such visions caused by the Spirit of God; or by the hand of the Lord (i. e. divinepower or influence), which is an equivalent expres sion ; Ezek. 1: 3. 8: 1. 37: 1. 40: 1. In Ezek. 11: 24, theprophet speaks of being brought in vision into the land of Chaldea Sirftx mia , i. e. by the Spirit of God. Paul, in 2 Cor. 12: 1 — 4, has given a vivid description of such a state of supernatural ecstasy. That John means to assert, in the case before us, that he was in a pneumatic state, i. e. under peculiar and extraordinary divine influence, seems at least to be philologically certain ; and that the nature of the disclosures, which follow throughout the book, import the same thing, is equally plain. Our idiom obliges us to translate in the spirit ; but the Greek employs no article and is therefore more exactly represented by the phrase in a pneumatic state. 'Ev zrj xvqiaxrj ij^eqa, on the Lord's day ; elsewhere called pia auffid- zcov, the first of the week, Acts 20: 7. 1 Cor. 16: 2. These two passages show, that this first day was one of public social worship among Chris tians, in the apostolic age. The appellation, Lord's day, occurs nowhere in the New Testament, save in the passage before us. But it occurs twice in the Epistle of Ignatius to the Magnesians (about A. D. 101), who 40 Chap. I. 10. calls the Lord's day, the queen and prince of all days. Chrysostom (on Ps. 119) says: "It was called the Lord's day, because the Lord arose from the dead on this day." Whether such was the case, or whether it was so named because the Lord was worshipped on that day by Chris tians, is of no moment as to the fact itself that such a day was set apart and specially regarded by the primitive Christians. Later fathers make a marked distinction between the Sabbath and the Lord's day ; meaning by the former, the Jewish seventh-day sabbath, by the latter, the first day of the week kept as holy by Christians. So Theodoret (Fab. Haeret. II. 1), speaking of the Ebionites, says: " They keep the Sabbath according to the Jewish law, and sanctify the Lord's day in like manner as we do." A party in the Christian church adhered to this usage so long and so tenaciously, that finally the Council of Laodicea (about A. D. 350) made a decree, that ' Christians should no longer keep the seventh day by refraining from labour ;' see Bingham's Ecc. Antiq. V. p. 286. Viewed in this light, it is easy to see that what Paul says (Rom. 14: 5. Gal. 4: 10. Col. 2: 16) concerning the unimportance of observing- spe cial days, i. e. new moons and sabbaths, is said of the Jewish days of this nature ; and so the context in all these places plainly indicates, for he is discussing matters insisted on by Judaizers. No Christian, as he avers, is bound to observe the Jewish holidays ; although the man who does observe them should not be dealt hardly with on this account. What he thus says, has of course no application to the proper Lord's day.* * As to the question, whether Christians were accustomed to observe the Lord's day with any good degree of strictness, I know of no testimony more credible, or more to the purpose, than that of Euseb. Comm. on Ps. 21: 30 (22: 29 in our En glish version) ; Ps. 45: 6' (46: 5) ; Ps. 58: 17 (59: 16) ; and above all (which is the locus classicus) on Ps. xci. (xcii.). Here he says: " The Word [Christ], by the new covenant, translated and transferred the feast of the Sabbath to the morning light, and gave us the symbol of true rest, viz. the saving Lord's day, the first [day] of the light, in which the Saviour . . . obtained the victory over death, etc. . . . On this day, which is the first [day] of the light and of the true Sun, we assem ble, after an interval of six days, and celebrate holy and spiritual Sabbath; even all nations [assemble] redeemed by him throughout the world, and do those things according to the spiritual law, which were decreed for the priests to do on the Sabbath. . . . Ml things whatever that it was duty to do on the Sabbath [i. e. the Jewish seventh day], these wc have transferred to the Lord's day, as more appro priately belonging to it, because it has a precedence, and is first in rank, and more honourable than the Jewish Sabbath. ... It is delivered to us [iraoaSiSozai, it is handed down by tradition], that we should meet together on this day; and it is ordered that we should do those things announced in this Psalm," [Ps. xcii.]. Comp. Justin Martyr, Apol. I. u. 89. Why this decisive passage, as 'to the usages of early Christians, should have been hitherto overlooked by commentators and theologians, (so far as I know, such has been the fact), one might find it difficult to say. It certainly testifies strongly against the usages, now unhappily so com- Chap. I. 11. 41 It should be noticed, perhaps, that some commentators (e. g. Eich horn) regard xvqiaxfj r]jj,iqct here as designating the paschal day, on the evening of which the early Christians were wont to assemble, and wait and worship until very late, with the hope and expectation of Christ's coming ; see Jerome on Matt. xxiv. But this usage is plainly one of later origin ; for no early writing mentions this day as having any special preeminence. MeydXrjv, applied to voice, of course means loud. — cog adXmyyog heightens the description. It was not merely an ordinary loud human voice, but loud as that of a trumpet. It is almost needless to remark, that the loudness only is the point of comparison here, not the quality of the trumpet's voice, much less the inarticulate nature of it ; as the sequel shows. — Aeyovarjg in grammatical construction agrees with adX myyog. Nor is the meaning difficult ; for a loud voice as of a trumpet speaking, is a voice speaking trumpet-like. Eichhorn (as usual) has here corrected the author's Greek, and substituted Xiyovaav. It does not need the critic's aid. One reason why a trumpet is here designated as the object of comparison, is the frequent use made of this instrument on occasions of great moment; see in Ex. 19: 19. 20: 18. Ps. 47: 5. Zech. 9: 14. 1 Cor. 15: 52. 1 Thess. 4: 16. (11) Saying : What thou seest write in a book, and send to the seven churches, to Ephesus, and to Smyrna, and to Pergamus, and to Thyatira, and to Sardis, and to Philadelphia, and to Laodicea. "0 (IXtneig does not mean simply, what thou at the present moment seest ; for the present tense, both participle and verb, is often employed in a diffusive sense (if I may so speak), and comprehends what is to come, as being connected with the present. So we may here translate : Quod visurus es ; for so the sense of the passage, in connection with the sequel, clearly demands it to be understood. Elg (ItfiXlov — we say copied into a book, but written in a book ; and in accordance with the latter phrase, is the usual idiom of the Greek yeyqafifievov iv zcp fiifiXicp. But in John 8: 6, 8, (if the genuineness be allowed), we have two cases of 'iyqacpev elg ; showing at least, a resem blance in minutiae between the Gospel and the Apocalypse, for the idiom is found nowhere else in the New Testament. Inscribe in librum, we might translate the phrase, i. e. engrave it upon a roll or parchment. mon on and over the continent of Europe, in respect to the observance of the Lord's day. I have only to add, that such a day, commemorative of the resurrection of Christ from the dead, and set apart for holy spiritual exercises, was peculiarly ap propriate to the visions of God. The Saviour appears to John in his glory, as risen from the dead, (comp. Rev. 1: 5, 18). The day and the vision both proclaim the fact of his resurrection. VOL. II. 6 42 Chap. I. 11. —After Xeyovaa, at the beginning of the verse, the vulgate text inserts iyco etui zb A xal zb ii, b nqcbzog xal b eayazog ¦ xal ; which, for good reason, has been omitted in the critical editions. The weight of au thority is plainly against it. Tc.ig enzd ixxXijai'aig — The vulgate here omits enzd; as Ewald thinks, with good reason. But he has founded his argument on the sup position, that John wrote the Apocalypse for all the churches in Asia. Yet, while I allow the correctness of such a supposition in a qualified sense, I still do not see why he might not dedicate the whole work to the seven churches, and by sending it to them, publish it in this way to the world. The sending it to the seven churches does not denote that the book was not a matter of general concern, but only that some thing3 in it were specially appropriate to them ; and this consists well with the admission of enzd into the text. Again, the vulgate inserts zaig iv A a let after ixxX^alaig, which is not sustained by the Codices, and is not here necessary to the sense. Ephesus was the capital of proconsular Asia, and was then the largest and most magnificent city in all that region. It lay upon the river Cayster, at the head of a large bay, and about half-way between Miletus on the south and Smyrna on the north. In ancient times it had an immense trade; and the splendid temple of Diana there (Acts 19: 34 — 36) was one of the wonders of the world. It was burnt down by Herostratus ; but soon it was still more superbly rebuilt. Many Jews resided there ; and there Paul laboured more than two years, Acts 18: 18 seq. 19: 10 seq. A great and flourishing church was founded there by this apostle ; and with that church the apostle John, according to the voice of all antiquity, had a most intimate connection. At Ephesus, it would seem, was his home, after lie left Palestine. There are, at the present time, but some half a dozen miserable huts on the spot of the ancient city, belonging to squalid Greek peasants ; and the Turks name the place Ayasaluc. Such is the end of the most strenuous efforts of man to establish and render perpetual worldly splendour and magnifi cence. It is even difficult now to ascertain with certainty, where the temple of Diana stood ; a building 425 feet long, 200 broad, 70 feet high, and with 127 marble pillars. The candlestick has indeed been removed out of its place (Rev. 2: 5), and all the glory of the splendid metropolis extinguished. Smyrna lies at the head of a bay that puts far up into the main land, and is a very ancient city, situated near the river Meles, and one of the reputed birth places of Homer, thence sometimes named Melesigenes. Its excellent harbour has rendered it, from time immemorial, one of the most commercial places in hither Asia. Its population is now variously estimated, from 120,000 to 160,000, consisting of Greeks, Turks, Ar- Chap. I. 11. 43 menians, Jews, and Europeans. The rigid system of supervision and oppression, established by the Turks, has almost extinguished the de velopment of any religion there except the Mohammedan. The Turk ish name of the place is Ismir, i. e. the old name abridged. Pergamus is in the southern part of Mysia ; which also constituted a part of Aeolis, so named from the settlement of the Aeolian Greeks there after the fall of Troy. It was on the banks of the river Caicus, and at the time when the Apocalypse was written was the metropolis of that part of Asia which was held by the Romans. When Antiochus the Great, king of Syria, was defeated by the Romish power in Asia, Eumenes, a king of the region in and around Pergamus, (in which city he dwelt), aided them in their contest, and was rewarded by them with an enlargement of his dominions. Here Eumenes established a famous library, as a kind of rival to that of Ptolemy at Alexandria. It consis ted of some 200,000 volumes. The last of the Attalian race of kings (Attalus III.), being childless, left this kingdom, by his last will, to the Romans (B. C. 133). It is an old tradition, that when Ptolemy refused Eumenes the privilege of exporting papyrus from Egypt for the use of his library, the latter invented parchment (called neqyajirjvq from the place of its invention) as a substitute. Pompey (some sixty years B. C.) gave the whole of the library at Pergamus to Cleopatra of Egypt, and it was transported thither, and perished with the library at Alexan dria, by order of the Mohammedan Caliph. The kingdom of which Pergamus was the capital, lasted about 152 years. This city is still a considerable one, inhabited principally by Turks, but containing also about 3000 nominal Christians. Its present name is Bergamo. Thyatira lies near the borders of Lydia and Mysia, but more usually it is reckoned to the former. It is about a day's journey south of Perga mus, and about the same distance east of Elaea on the sea-coast. It is now called Akhisar (White Castle), and contains a population of nearly 30,000, of wdiom 3000 are said to be nominal Christians. In the Apoc alypse the name is neuter plural (dvdzeiqa), and so in many Greek writers ; but the Latins and some of the Greeks employed the feminine singular to designate it. That it was a considerable place in the time of John, there can be no room to doubt. Sardis (plur. 2idqdeig, sometimes Jidqdig in Greek authors), now Sart, was the capital of Lydia, and stood at the foot of mount Tmolus, on the banks of the river Pactolus famous for it golden sands. Here the celebrated Croesus lived and reigned, who was proverbially so rich, and who was captured by Cyrus A. C. 548. It was a very large and rich city under the Romans. In the reign of Tiberius, however, it suffered greatly by an earthquake ; but it appears to have been speedily rebuilt . Tiberius himself contributed liberally for this purpose. It is now a 44 Chap. L 11. scene of ruins, there being only a few mud huts there, inhabited by Turks and Greeks.* Philadelphia is south-east of Sardis in Lydia, and on the small river Cogamus. Once it was a large and powerful city. At the time when the Ottomans overran all the region around, this city held out for more than eighty years against them. Finally Bajazet obliged it to yield. It is still a considerable place ; and there are more than twenty church es here, although not Christians enough now to fill more than two or three of them. A recent traveller (Emerson ut supra) gives a glowing account of the scenery in and around the city. It is at present called Allah Shehr. Laodicea, in the south-west part of Phrygia, at a small distance from Colossae and Hierapolis, is situated near the junction of the two small rivers Asopus and Caprus (which soon fall into the Lycus), on a plain washed at its edges by each. The ruins now extant of many k A recent traveller, who lodged there for a night, has given a description of the scene by moonlight at a midnight hour, which I cannot forbear to transcribe. " Every object was as distinct as in a northern twilight; the snowy summit of the mountain [Tmolus],the long sweep of the valley, and the flashing current' of the river [Pactolus]. 1 strolled along towards the banks of the Pactolus, and seated myself by the side of the half exhausted stream. " There are few individuals, who cannot trace on the map of their memory some moments of overpowering emotion, and some scene, which, once dwelt upon, has become its own painter, and left behind it a memorial that time could not efface. I can readily sympathize with the feelings of him who wept at the base of the py ramids ; nor were my own less powerful, on that night, when 1 sat beneath the sky of Asia to gaze upon the ruins of Sardis, from the banks of the golden sanded Pactolus. Beside me were the cliffs of the Acropolis, which, centuries before, the hardy Median scaled, while leading on the conquering Persians, whose tents had covered the very spot on which I was reclining. Before me were the vestiges of what had been the palace of the gorgeous Croesus ; within its walls were once congregated the wisest of mankind, Thales, Cleobulus, and Solon. It was here that the wretched father mourned alone the mangled corse of his beloved Atys ; it was here that the same humiliated monarch wept at the feet of the Persian boy, who wrung from him his kingdom. Far in the distance were the gigantic tumuli of the Lydian monarchs, Candaules, Halyattys, and Gyges; and around them were spread those very plains, once trodden by the countless hosts of Xerxes when hurrying on to find a sepulchre at Marathon. "There were more varied and more vivid remembrances associated with the sight of Sardis, than could possibly be attached to any other spot of earth; but all were mingled with a feeling of disgust at the littleness of human glory; all— all had passed away ! There were before me the fanes of a dead religion, the tombs of forgotten monarchs, and the palm-tree that waved in the banquet-hall of kings; while the feeling of desolation was doubly heightened by the calm sweet sky above me, which, in its unfading brightness, shone as purely now as when it beamed upon the golden dreams of Croesus."-Emerson's Letters from the Aege an, p. 113 seq. Chap. I. 12. 45 theatres, temples, etc., show that it was once a large city. The whole rising ground on which the city stood, is one vast tumulus of ruins, abandoned entirely to the owl and the fox. This city was so situated, as to become the battle-ground of contending parties in Asia Minor, first under the Romans, and then under the Turks. It has doubtless suffered also from earthquakes. For centuries, we know not how many, it has been a perfect mass of ruins. In its neighbourhood is a village named Eski-hissar, which has been built up from its ruins, and contains some fifty or sixty people, among whom, (on the visit of a recent traveller there), there were but two nominal Christians. " The name of Christianity," says Emerson (ut sup. p. 101), "is forgotten, and the only sounds that disturb the silence of its desertion, are the tones of the Muezzin, whose voice from the distant village [Eski-hissar] proclaims the ascendaney of Mohammed. Laodicea is even more solitary than Ephesus ; for the latter has the prospect of the rolling sea, or of a whitening sail, to enliven its decay ; while the former sits in widowed loneliness, its walls are grass-grown, its temples desolate, its very name has perished." A thunder storm gathered on the mountains at a dis tance, while this traveller was examining the ruins of Laodicea. He retreated to Eski-hissar and waited until the fury of the storm was abated, but set off on his journey again before it had entirely ceased to blow and to rain. "We preferred," says he (p. 102), "hastening on, to a farther delay in that melancholy spot, where everything whispered desolation, and where the very wind that swept impetuously through the valley, sounded like the fiendish laugh of time exulting over the destruction of man and his proudest monuments." Such has been and are the situation and circumstances of the seven churches of Asia, who are addressed by the Apocalyptist. I have already remarked, that John was probably acquainted with other churches in this region besides those named. The particular reason why he addresses but seven churches, and no more, I have also endea voured to give in another place ; Vol. I. § 13. p. 219 seq. The exe getical problems which have been raised in regard to this matter of seven, by Vitringa and others, are also examined in the same section to which the reader has just been referred. (12) And 1 turned to see the voice which spake with me ; and when I had turned, 1 beheld seven golden lamps ; BXeneiv means primarily to see with one's eyes objects visible to the sense of sight. But it is also employed to denote the perception or notice of the mind ; and then it means, as here, to discern, to descry, to perceive, to observe. So in Matt. 15: 31. John 5: 19. 2 Cor. 12: 6. Rom. 7: 23. Heb. 10: 25 al. 46 Chap. I. 13. 'EXdXet per iaob, so, with the Genitive, when a writer means to rep resent an address as it were dialogistieally, colloquens ; but with the Dative following, when an address is made in the way of discourse ad dressed to an assembly ; yet sometimes with nqog and the Accusative, in this latter way. 'Enzd Xvjiviag, seven lamps, i. e. seven splendid radiant lights. In v. 20 these are said to be symbols of the seven (Asiatic) churches. The imagery is neither novel nor strange. In Dan. 8: 10, the Jewish wor shippers are named the host of heaven, and Antiochus is represented as casting down this host, and also some of the stars, i. e. some who were conspicuous among this host, viz. the priests officiating in the temple. So in Rev. 1: 20, the stars in the hand of the Saviour are said to be the dyyeXoi of the churches. In our text, the imagery of lamps is specifi cally different from that in Daniel, but generically it is the same, viz. that of a brightly shining light. Paul, speaking of the Philippian Christians, says : Among whom [the wicked], i. e. surrounded by whom, ye shine as epeoazijofg in the world, Phil. 2: 15. Jesus says of himself: " I am the light of the world," John 8: 12 ; and he says of his disciples : " Te are the light of the world," Matt. 5: 14. In Rev. 2: 28 the Saviour says respecting him who is victorious in the Christian contest : " I will give him the morning star," i. e. I will make him all bright and glorious, like the morning star. Such is the imagery common in the Old Testament and in the New ; so that the sources of it in the verse before us are obvious. But the writer doubtless had in his mind the passage in Zech. 4: 2, where the prophet sees a candelabra of gold, with seven lamps thereon ; which plainly indicate, as there represented, that the light of the temple, i. e. its ritual and services, shall be complete, and not remain in the unfinished and imperfect state in which it then was. Here the application is different ; but the costume resembles that o'f Zechariah. (13) And in the midst of the seven lamps, one like to a son of man, clothed with a long robe, and girt about the breast with a golden o-irdle. 'Ev ue'ocp \zbncp~] indicates that he was in a position, where he was surrounded by the seven lights.— "Ouoiov vlqj dvdqcbnov, one like to a son of man, i. e. one having a human form, like that of man. It would be incongruous to say : One like to the Son of Man ; for, inasmuch as he who now makes his appearance is himself the Son of Man i. e. the Messiah, so it would be merely saying that he was like himself. This . is, to say the least, a very improbable affirmation for such a writer as John, and in such a connection as the present. Ewald, however, ren ders the phrase : Similis aliquis homini ; and he understands by it the Son of Man as designated in Daniel 7: 13. But how the article could Chap. I. 13. 47 be omitted in such a case of well known and specific reference as this (so understood) would be, it is difficult to explain. There can be no good ground to doubt, that the appellation Son of Man, so often applied by the Saviour to himself, (never applied to him but once by any of his disciples, Acts 7: 56), was grounded upon Dan. 7: 13, where it is plain ly given to the expected Messiah, and has reference to the human nature which he would assume ; comp. John 1: 14. Rom. 9: 5. 1: 3. 1 Tim. 3: 16. The Saviour appears to have habitually employed this designation of himself in the way of humility, (iraneivcoaev iavzbv, Phil. 2: 8) ; and his disciples appear to have refrained from employing it through fear of degrading him by it, inasmuch as dis -a and the Chaldee x± -a were usually mere designations of common men as descendants of other men. In the case before us, I cannot well doubt that the meaning is conformed to the Hebrew idiom, which, specially the later Hebrew idiom, employs son of man so often as a simple designation of man, or at least in the way of compellation addressed to him as such ; e. g. Ezek. 2: 1, 3, 6, 8. 3: 1, 3, 4, 10, 17, 25. 4: 1 al. saepe. So Beza, Vitringa, and many others. The majesty and sublimity of the personage who makes his appearance in the present case, are described in the sequel, and nothing more is here designated by bjioiov vicp dv&qcbncp, than that the form was human. I may remark, in addition to what has been said, that the Jewish people were prone to call the Messiah by the name Son of God, rather than to name him Son of Man ; see and comp. Luke 22: 69, 70. John 1: 49—51. 12: 34. Matt. 16: 13, 16. The book of Enoch, how ever, shows that some of the Jews, or rather, some of the Jewish Chris tians of that period not unfrequently gave the appellation Son of Man to the Messiah ; e.g. chap. 46: 1—3. 48: 2. 61: 10, 13, 17. 62: 15. 68: 38—41. 69: 1. Son of God it also virtually calls him, 102: 4 (No. 2). Also once, Son of woman, 61: 9. nodrjqq is an adjective from nodijqrjg, and is a brachylogical expression for nobrjqrj ytzcbva. It means a garment or robe which reaches down to the feet, i. e. a long, full, flowing robe, (the h^"-Q of the Hebrews, 1 Sam. 15: 27, and so in Sirach 27:, 8. 45: 8), which was worn by kings and nobles and priests; comp. Is. 6: 1. Enoch 14: 22. The Accusative case after ivdedv/itvov and neQiet,coap.ivov is easily explained, as the verbs in the active voice have the sense oi putting on, girding on, and of course may govern two Accusatives, viz. one of the person and one of the thing ; while the passive voice, (here pass, part.), retains the latter Accusative ; N. Test. Gramm. § 105. 1. — Ileqi.t^coGfievov, from neqi- rcovvvpi, (old root rcoco or rc6vco).- The nodqqq, being a loose flowing robe, required a girdle to confine it about the person. See Dan. 10: 5 as the prototype. 48 Chap. I. 14. (14) And his head and his hair were white as white wool, as snow; and his eyes like a flame of fire. In Dan. 7: 9, the Ancient of days is represented as clothed in a gar ment white as snow, and the hair of his head is like pure wool. In Dan. 10: 6, the angel who makes his appearance is represented as having " a face like the appearance of lightning." In the Apocalypse Xevxb? is, for the most part, predicated of garments; e. g. 3: 4, 5, 18. 6: 11. 7: 9, 13. 19: 14, in which case it means a glistening white. Once it is predi cated of a gem or precious stone (2: 17), and once of a cloud (14: 14) ; in which cases there can be scarcely a doubt that it means radiant, splendid, quasi silvery, i. e. of a pure splendour approaching to white, like silver, or rather like that of iron or other metals heated to what is named a white heat. So in Matt. 17: 2, the raiment of Jesus, during his transfiguration, is said to be Xevxa coff zo cpcog, i. e. all luminous and ex ceedingly bright. In Luke 9: 29 his garment, on that occasion, is said to be Xevxb? i^aazqdnzcov, radiantly white. From a comparison of these various passages it seems to be clear, that in the clause before us Xevxal designates pure white splendour. Ensis candens, says Virgil (Aen. XII. 91) of a glittering polished sword ; and Pliny (Hist. Nat. II. 25) speaks of a comet argenteo crine. Storr (Diss, on Apoc. p. 4) thinks that gray hairs, as the insignia of a venerable old man, are here intend ed ; which imagery, if at all employed, would seem to be more appro priate to the Ancient of days in Dan. 7: 9, than to him who had re cently risen from the dead, clothed with immortal youth and vigour. Besides, what would rj xecfaXrj mean, in this case, since this, as well as al zqi'xeg, is said to be Xevxrj ? In a word, there can be no doubt that the purest splendour, like that of the lightning (so it is expressly described in Dan. 10: 6), or like that of metals heated to the highest point, is in tended by the writer. White hair, considered in any other light, would be wholly inappropriate here. The comparison with wool and snow, two of the whitest natural objects, is not unfrequent in the Scriptures ; comp. Is. 1: 18. We meet with the same imagery in the Book of Enoch, 46: 1. 14: 22, coupled with the expression "brighter than the sun." In a somewhat different sense in 105: 2, 10, although perhaps even here it means resplendent, comp. 105: 4. Hesychius : Xevxbv, Xaanqbv. Ol bcpdaXfiol . . . nvqbg, an image common elsewhere ; Dan. 10: 6, eyes as lamps of fire ; Enoch 105: 2, 4. II. XIII. 474, et saepe. Poetry is full of the like expressions, e. g. fiery look, lightning glance, etc. To no member of the body is this imagery so appropriate, as to the eye. Chap. I. 15. 49 (15) And his feet were like polished brass, glowing as in the furnace; and his voice like a voice of many waters. XaXxoXifidvop — There can be no doubt here, that the writer means to employ the same imagery which is employed by Ezekiel respecting the theophanies, where the prophet represents the splendour as like to baiun, 1: 4, 27. 8: 2. Probably "this word is compounded of lana brass, and ba smooth or polished ; for Vbg rniina, polished brass (Ezek. 1: 7), seems to be its equivalent or synonyme. Like to this would be %aXxoX!fiavov, from yaXxbg Xmaqbg, polished brass. The exchange of f? and n, also of q and v, is too well known in Greek to need any special explanation. Dan. 10: 6 also exhibits Vbfj nan?, in the same connection as the above passages. This polished brass, so called, was doubtless of a peculiar kind, and very splendid. — Other derivations the reader may find, in abundance. Eichhorn : " From the Greek %aXxbg, brass, and the He brew 'ab white . . . ut insolentius quid [auctor] proderet ;" and surely the author accomplished his object, if he did compound the word in this way. Others : %aXxb? Xifiavb?, i. e. aes Libaniticim or Lebanon-brass. Sept. (in Ezech.) ?jXexzqov,Yu\g. aurichalchum, i. e. a mixture of gold and brass. Much is said by the ancients of the splendour of this electrum; some making it to consist of a mixture of gold and brass, others of silver and gold, etc. See Wetstein in loc, who produces many passages, of various tenor, from both Greek and Latin writers. Comp. also Ges. Heb. Lex. voc. b-q^n. Salmasius (Exercitt. in Sol. p. 810) produces an example of the word yaXxoXlfiavov from an old Greek author, in which it means a species of frankincense, of a fiery resplendent colour ; and this inter pretation Ewald prefers. But the evident reference of our author to Ezekiel and Daniel, in his description, shows that the !="?pr] of these writers is meant ; and therefore, that polished brass is the most probable meaning. Still, the derivation of the Hebrew word, by some of the older critics, from ans brass and sbba gold, is not an impossible nor even an improbable one ; and then the word would mean ijXexTqov, elec trum or aurochalcum ; wdiich would give a good sense. To my own mind, bbfj n&ra, in Ezek. 1: 7 and Dan. 10: 6, speaks decisively in fa vour of the first interpretation. Uenvqcojiivoi — Several versions appear to have read nenvqco/ievcp ; and so also some two or three manuscripts. Eichhorn patronizes this as the preferable reading, making it agree with '^aXxoXiQavcp ; "non enim," says he, " pedes erant in fornace igniti, sed aes." Lachmann, on the authority of Codd. A. C, reads nenvqcojievq? ; with what sense, I am not aware. The weight of authority, as well as the sense, speaks in favour of nenvqcouevoi, glowing. Having compared the feet to a splendid metal, the writer pursues and heightens the comparison by VOL. II. 7 50 Chap. I. 16. supposing that they resemble the metal when subjected to a vehement heat, in which case its radiance is greatly increased. Kal ij cpcovlj avzov . . . noXXcbv. This simile is common in the Old Testament; e. g. Ezek. 1: 24. 43: 2. So in Rev. 14: 2. 19: 6. Also in 4 Ezra 6: 17. Comp. Dan. 10: 6. The roaring of the ocean, i. e. of the waves of the sea, is meant by the voice of many waters; and a more truly sublime comparison could not be made, by adverting to any thing else in the whole compass of natural objects. (16) And he held in his right hand seven stars ; and out of his mouth Issued a sharp two-edged sword ; and his aspect was like the sun shining in his strength. "Eymv is brachylogy for eyav rjv, and is an idiom very common in this book, in which the author imitates the later Hebrew of Daniel, which is filled with participles used in the room of verbs ; an idiom, moreover, which is somewhat common everywhere in the Hebrew, although pecu liarly prevalent in the book of Daniel. This book is specially a proto type of the Apocalypse. See Vol. I. § 15, p. 243 seq. Aaziqag enzd. The question, how these are to be disposed of by our minds in a congruous manner, is attended with some difficulty. The hand of an apparently human form, (o/ioiov vkp dvdqconov), seems hardly appropriate to hold seven stars. Eichhorn represents the expres sion as meaning, that on the hand or fingers was a ring, or rings, in which were set seven diamonds or precious stones glittering hke stars. So Heinrichs. But Ewald justly rejects this interpretation. Wolfius, Vitringa, and many others, are silent on the subject. There are two ways, however, in which it maybe interpreted. (1) 'Ev means not only in but also at, by, near, with, see Rob. Lex. iv, I.e.; so that to suppose the seven stars were near to his right hand, i. e. within hjs grasp, is one mode of solution which the diction admits of. (2) Another is, that the right hand was displayed open, and the seven small stars rested on'\t; iv often means on or upon in the like cases ; Lex. ut sup. 1. b. On the supposition (altogether consonant with Scripture and the popular views), that the form apparent in this case was larger than that of usual life, in order that it might be specially imposing, there can be no particu lar difficulty in the position, that the stars were seen as resting upon the hand. Small stars indeed they must be ; and so they might be, in asmuch as they represented only individual uyyeXoi of the seven church es, v. 20. The idea conveyed by this symbol is, that those who were represented by the stars, were altogether at the disposal of him in whose hand they were held. As to the nature of the imagery, see on Xvpla? under v. 12. 'Bopfala . , . ixnoqevouevn — The participle here is used for the Chap. I. 16. 51 Imperfect of the verb ; see on lycov above. The nature of the imagery, however, presents some difficulties. Are we to suppose, (as some pic tures represent the case), that to the mind of John the Saviour appeared with a sword (in re vera) issuing from his mouth ? This would at least make a representation very unusual, and (may we not add ?) some what unnatural. In order to avoid this, it has been usual to refer to the power of the divine word to destroy the wicked, or to' accomplish anything that is requisite to be done. This word is sometimes called the breath of Jehovah's mouth, and represented as omnipotent, either to create or destroy; so in Is. 11: 4. 2 Thess. 2: 8. Ps. 33: 6. Perhaps Job 26: 13. Hosea 6: 5, " slain them by the words of my mouth, . . . hewed them by the prophets," i. e. by their denunciations. See also Wisdom of Solomon 11: 20. In 4 Ezra, (a book of the primitive age), the imagery of this nature approaches so near to what may be regarded as the view of John in the present case, that it is worth recital. Chap. xiii. 4, speaking probably of the Messiah as coming "cum minibus coeli," he says of him : " Exibat vox de ore ejus, ardescebant omnes." Again (v. 10) : " Emisit de ore suo sicut flatum ignis, et de labiis ejus spiritus flammae . . . et succendit omnes." In v. 38 he says, that the Messiah will destroy his enemies " per legem, quae igni assimilata est," i. e. by the denunciations of the divine law. The foundation being thus laid by representing the divine word or communication as endowed with an irresistible power of excision, it was easy to take another step, and call this word a sword, which is the usual emblem of a destroying power. So in Heb. 4: 12. Wisd. 18: 15, 16, b navzobvvap.bg gov Xbyog . . . <*l(pog b^ii xr)v dvvnbxqtzov inizayqv aov cpiqcov, xal azug inXrjqcoae zd ndvza davuzov ; a very vivid representation. So in Enoch 61: 4, comp. with 61: 15. And in conformity with this, the Rabbins are wont to speak ; see quotations to this purpose in Wetstein on 2 Thess. 2: 8, and in Schoettg. Hor. Heb. on the same passage. In conformity with this idiom, the tongue or language of men is often represented as a sharp destroying sword ; Ps. 57: 4. 59: 7. Job 5: 15. In Prov. 14: 3 it is called a rod ; in Jer. 9: 8 it is represented as an arrow. If now the writer had said, that the word or tongue, i. e. language, of the Sa viour was like a sharp two-edged sword, there would have been no diffi culty ; the idiom on all sides supports and illustrates this. But he seems plainly to present an object visible to the eye of his mind, which object is the symbol of a destroying power. And as to this, Eichhorn says : " Si quid judico, forma alioquin augusta deturpatur." Heinrichs makes it merely a figurative expression, and not descriptive of an ap parent symbol ; and so does Ewald, although he adds much good illus tration. But as all else here is symbol, so must this also be, in order to be congruous. We have then simply to suppose (as in 4 Ez. 13: 4, 52 Chap. I. 17. 10), that the breath which issues from the mouth of the heavenly per sonage assumes, in the view of the Apocalyptist, the form of a sharp two-edged sword ; and we may compare this phenomenon, in some re spects, with the cloven tongues of fire in Acts 2: 3. In this latter case, indeed, the object in view is different, inasmuch as the symbol is indica tive of ability to speak in many languages. But there is no incongruity (as Eichhorn avers) in the present case, when we suppose the breath to assume an ensi-form shape or development, not as remaining in the mouth, but after it has issued from the mouth. This would be a most terrific symbol of the power of destruction. No painter, indeed, even of the most glowing fancy, could do anything more than caricature such a tremendous image ; and because he could not, the representation is declared by some to be incongruous. But could a painter draw on canvas the scene in Ps. 18: 7 — 16? Not even a distant actual resem blance of it. And yet this Psalm will not be charged, I trust, with in congruities. Neither should John be so charged, in the present case. Kai rj bipig . . . dvvdfiei avzov. The question here is : What verb must be supplied after )/ bxpig ? Usually rjv is supposed to be the comple ment necessary to the sense. But if rjv were to be inserted, the verb cpalvet in the next clause must naturally be changed to a Participle, viz. cpatvmv, as is evident from the nature of the sentence. We must there fore supply icfdvij, or (in conformity with the preceding constructions) cpaivovaa, i. e. cpaivovoa rjv, and so literally translate : And his counte nance [slwne~\, as the sun shineth in his strength. The present brachylogy saves the repetition of the verb cpai'vco : and this, not at the expense of perspicuity, for the sense is quite plain. — 'The sun iv zrj dvvduei avzov, is the sun at mid-day, when his beams are most powerful ; see Judg. 5: 31, for the source of the image. Meaning : ' His aspect was resplen dent, like the mid-day sun.' (17) And when I saw him, I fell at his feet as one dead ; and he laid his right hand upon me, saying: Be not afraid; 1 am the first, and the last, even he who liveth. "Eneaa, Aor. 1 from the old root nezco = m'nzco which is a syncopate of nlnerw; see Gramm. § 83. l.—Qg vey.qbg— Such was the usual effect of a theophany on those who were the subjects of ecstatic vision ; comp. Ex. 33: 20. Is. 6: 5. Ezek. 1: 28. 43: 3. Dan. 8- 17 18 27 10- 7—9 17. Enoch 58: 1-3. 70: 3, 4. 4 Ez. 10: 30. 12: 5, L-'Edvxe zrjv de{- mv x. z. X., and the like is said in most of the cases to which reference is here made. The right hand is stretched out, in order to raise up him who is fallen. ^ The reason why he should not fear is now suggested. His helper is o nqcozo? xat o iaXarog. These are certain predicates of the eternal Chap. I. 18. 53 God ; see Is. 41: 4. 43: 10. 44: 6. 48: 12. To these the writer adds xal b Icbv = in bit, , Josh. 3: 10, i. e. the living God. The distinction of verses, as made in our vulgate editions, interrupts and mars the sense here ; for o rcov is evidently connected closely with b nqcbzog xal b ea yazog. The sequel stands distinctly by itself. The living One, or the living God, was an epithet among the Hebrews, which distinguished the true God from all false ones, and represented him as ever energetic and potent to do whatever might be pleasing in his sight. So Ewald ; al though Eichhorn and Heinrichs place a colon after iyco elfii, and make it to mean : " I am he who was formerly your beloved Master, etc. ;" evidently in order to avoid the ascription to Christ of the attributes which follow. But in vain ; for Rev. 22: 13 makes the same claim in behalf of the Redeemer, the force of which cannot be fairly avoided. Mean ing : ' I am the eternal and unchangeable Being, who always lives ; and therefore I am able to perform all that I promise, either in respect to the rewarding of my friends, or the punishing of mine enemies.' (18) I was dead indeed, yet behold ! 1 live forever and ever, and 1 have the keys of Death and Hades. 'Eyivourjv . . . zcov alcbvcov, i. e. I was indeed subject to the power of death, yet only for a little time, for behold ! I live forever and ever, I have risen to a life which can never be interrupted, never cease. Eym zag xXel? . . . adov — mine are the keys of Death and Hades ; i.e. mine is the power to open the gates of the under-world or region of the dead, and to rescue whenever I please, from the power of Death and Hades. I regard ddvazo? and adrjg here as personifications of the world of the dead, i. e. Death is the king, and Hades his subjects, or (so to speak) his executive ministers. So Rev. 6: 8. 20: 13, 14 would seem to compel us to interpret the passage ; for there personification is altogether evident and necessary. As to keys and the associated idea of unlocking, one need but compare Ps. 9: 13. Is. 38: 10. Matt. 16: 18, in order to see that the Hebrews ascribed to the under-world or region of the dead, doors or gates — imagery borrowed from the doors of sepulchres. In like man ner the great Abyss has doors to be unlocked ; Eev. 9: 1. 20: 1 — 3. The Rabbins say, that God has reserved four keys to himself, which he has not committed to any of the angels, viz., the key of rain, of aliment, of the sepulchre, and of parturiency. Wetstein (in loc.) has many cita tions which show how common this sentiment was among them. If it were prevalent when the Apocalypse was written, and John had any respect to it in the passage before us, it would furnish another particu lar in which he ascribes to the Saviour the prerogatives of the Godhead. In the case before us, the speaker means to refer to his own resurrection, as a proof of the fact asserted in regard to his power over the world of 54 Chap I. 19, 20. the dead ; and he who has such power, can send his enemies to Hades, or recall his friends from there, at his pleasure. Therefore : Mr) cpo^ov. (19) Write now what things thou hast seen, and what they signify, and also those things which will take place hereafter : Ovv, continuative or transitive particle here ; which seems to be its primary and original design = now then, hereupon, i. e. in addition to what has already been said ; see Rob. Lex. — "A eldeg refers to the vi sion of the Saviour, related in vs. 10 — 18. — Kal a elol, and what they signify. In regard to such a meaning of tlal, times almost without num ber in the Scriptures, there can be no doubt ; see Matt. 13: 37 — 39 where this verb occurs seven times with such a meaning. See also Rev. 1: 20, and comp. Rev. 17: 9, 15, 18. Gen. 41: 26, 27. Ezek. 37: 11, et passim. The sequel in v. 20, zb jjvazrjqtov x. z. X., appears to be in apposition with « dot here, and exegetical of it ; so that special re gard seems to be had, in the phrase a et'at, to the symbols of the seven golden lamps and the seven stars. V. 20 explains these symbols. — The matter being thus understood, it appears that what John is commanded to write, has respect not only to the seven churches of Asia, but also to future events ; so that d elde? respects the first, and a fis'XXsi ylveG&ai the last, i. e. the latter clause looks forward to the rest of the book. Construed in the other way, viz., " Write what thou hast seen, and what things are, and what is to take place," makes the second clause unmeaning; for the a elal, in this sense, differ not from the a eldeg. In the interpretation which I have given, Vitringa, Eich., Heinrichs, and Ewald, all unite. V. 20 seems to render this interpretation quite ne cessary. (29) The mystery of the seven stars which thou hast seen upon my right hand and the seven golden lamps. The seven stars are angels of the seven churches ; and the seven lamps are seven churches. The first part of this verse, (as I have already intimated), appears to be in apposition with a eldeg and epexegetical of it. If any one prefers it, he may repeat yqa^ov (mentally) before it ; which will give it the same meaning as apposition ; or he may regard it as the Ace. absolute ; see like examples in N. Test. Gramm. § 115. 4. Mvazrjqwv means something secret, unknown, hidden, or obscure to common minds; see Matt. 13: 11. Mark 4: 11. Luke 8: 10. 1 Cor. 14: 2. Eph. 5: 32. Rev. 10: 7. 17: 5, 7. There is evident reference here, in the word uvazrjqwv, to the symbols of the lamps and of the stars, which, in themselves and without any explanation, would be of uncertain signification, i. e. the meaning of them would be beyond the reach of the ordinary powers of the human mind. But this apparent mystery is dis closed in the sequel. Chap. I. 20. 55 *£iv eldeg. Knapp retains coj> ; and with him agree Matthaei, Vater, Wetstein, Titmann, Griesbach, Hahn, and the Vulgate text. Clearly the evidence preponderates very much in favour of this ; for only four or five Mss. have ovg, and Lachmann alone has adopted it. Liicke, and probably Ewald, consent to Lachmann, because they assume the posi tion, that the Apocalypse in no case exhibits an example of the attrac tion of the pronoun. But see the like attraction in 18: 6, about the genuineness of which there is no controversy. Ent zijg deiidg pov. If we compare the inl here with the iv before the same expression in v. 16, the inference would rather seem to be that they are equivalent to each other. Such is the fact as to the substance of the meaning. But the shades of expression differ ; iv means in, within, designating the palm or inside of the hand ; while inl means on or upon, i. e. upon the palm of the hand, for any other position would be unnatural. Ol inza dazt'qeg . . . elai ¦ I have translated dyye7.oi here, and ixxXrj- aiai in the next clause, without the article ; as they are in the original. As predicates they are more naturally anarthrous ; while the adjuncts here still render them definite, and the article is not needed. We might insert the article, however, in the English version, and still render the text ad sensum. The seven angels here mentioned, have given occasion to much specu lation and diversity of opinion. Are they teachers, bishops, overseers ? or is some other office designated by the word dyyeXo? here ? (a) Old Testament usage, viz. the later Hebrew, employs the word T^b-o (= dyyeXo?) to designate a prophet, Hag. 1: 13 ; also a priest, Mai. 2: 7, and probably Ecc. 5: 6. As priests, in the appropriate sense of this word, did not exist in the Christian churches, (for these had no Mosaic ritual of sacrifices and oblations), so we must compare dyyeXo? here with 7]St!?B (prophet) in Hag. 1: 13. LTqocpijzai there were in the Christian church; see 1 Cor. 12: 28. Acts 13: 1. 1 Cor. 14: 29, 32, 37. Eph. 2: 20. 3: 5. 4: 11. Taken in this sense, the word designates here the leading teacher or religious instructor in the Asiatic churches. The nature of the case would seem to indicate a leader here ; else why should he be specially addressed as the representative of the whole body, in each of the churches ? But, (b) Another exposition has been given. Vitringa (De Vet. Synag. pp. 910 seq.) has compared the dyyeXog of the Apocalypse with the mbiij lias of the Jewish synagogues, which means legatus or delegatus eccle siae, and compares well with dyyeXog ixxXijaiag as to the form of the phrase. The office of the individual thus named was, to superintend and conduct the worship of the synagogue ; i. e. he recited prayers and read the Scriptures, or invited others to perform these duties ; he called 56 Introduction to Chap. n. III. on the priests to pronounce the final benediction, in case he himself was not a priest ; he proclaimed the sacred feasts ; and, in a word, he super intended the whole concerns of religious worship, and ordinarily took the lead in them himself. He was a nqoeazcig, or an iniaxonog, and also a diddaxaXog in a greater or less degree ; comp. John 3: 10, o dtdaaxaXog. The best account of this office is in Schoettgen, Horae Heb. pp. 1089 seq., who has pointed out some errors and deficiencies of Vitringa. See also Buxtorf, Lex. Chald. under the two Hebrew words above named respectively, pp. 1885, 2411. But he is too brief to give much satis faction. — From the views contained in these writers, Ewald has made out the office of dyyeXo? (-Wax rpbc) to be a kind of clerk, secretary, and sexton to the churches, and concludes that didxovo? is much better fitted to express the meaning of dyyeXo? here, than inlaxono?. But of this mere secondary office I find nothing in the sources named ; and the na ture of the case shows, that the superior officer is in this instance, and should be, addressed. He is probably called dyyeXo? ixy.Xrjalag in con formity to the Hebrew Chaldee, lias rpV:3, (possibly in reference to Hag. 1: 13 or Mai. 2: 7) ; and may be named legatus ecclesiae, because he is delegatus ab ecclesia, in order that he may offer their public devo tions to God, and superintend their social worship. Exactly the limits of the office and its specific duties, neither the word dyyeXog explains, nor does the context give us any particular information. THE EPISTLES TO THE SEVEN CHURCHES OF ASIA. [The preparation being thus made, by the majestic appearance of the Saviour and his condescending kindness, for John to receive communications; and he being enjoined by Christ to commit to writing both the explanation of what he had already seen, and what was about to be disclosed ; the seven epistles to the seven churches are first dictated to him, that he might write them down, and send them to those churches in order that they might be read. When I say dictated, I do not mean to affirm, that John heard with his outward ear all the contents of these epistles spoken audibly to him ; for, as he was in a state of ecstasy (1: 10), so it would be difficult for us to determine how much belonged to the outward, and how much to the inward man. But being in the spirit, he seems to himself, at all events, to hear the words of the epistles, i. e. the contents of them, or the ideas which they comprise, are deeply impressed upon his mind and memory,' so that he could easily commit them to writing. It is not necessary in this case, any more than in others, to suppose a mechanical and verbal dictation of all the words; as a king, for example, might dictate to his amanuensis verbo tenus. It is enough, that the inner man becomes so thoroughly imbued, in vision, with the subject matter to be contained in the epistles, that John is altogether furnished for the work of writing them, and of sending them to the churches. He receives his commission to do this from the Lord Jesus Christ ; and is instructed so as to introduction to Chap. II. TH. 57 make an official communication from him. That the writing was done at succes sive intervals between parts of the vision— is the first and natural impression de rived from a continuous reading of the whole. Rev. 10: 4 tends much to confirm this impression ; and as there are no urgent reasons against this view of the sub ject, it seems to me quite proper and congruous to adopt it. At the same time, we need not attach much importance to our opinion with respect to this particu lar matter ; which, as all must confess, is not explicitly disclosed to us. Enough that John was under divine influence and guidance (iv irvtiifiari) when he wrote the epistles before us, and that the Lord Jesus commissioned him to disclose to the churches the things which they contain. The epistles in themselves seem to wear the appearance of having, as it were, been dictated to the writer ; and that they are even more than ordinarily the result of special divine influence as to manner, as well as matter, I should cheerfully concede, or rather, I am quite dis posed to believe. They certainly in some respects do differ in manner from the remainder of the book ; they differ from the simple style of John in his Gospel and in his general epistles. But, on account of the peculiar influences that op erated on the writer when they were composed, this difference is not strange ; nor can much be made of it in criticism, (the attempt has often been made), if these positions are substantially correct. But still the manner in which these epistles are composed, deserves special attention. (1) The reader should not fail to note, that in each of the seven epistles, the address to the churches is prefaced by some of the characteristics ascribed to the Saviour in chap. i. ; either by such as were displayed in his personal appearance, or by such as the writer had himself already explicitly ascribed to him. This might serve to make an impression on those who would read the epistles, like to that made upon John by the vision itself. The regularity with which this is done in all the epistles, deserves to be specially noted ; e. g. Rev. 2: 1 comp. with Rev. 1: 16, 13.— 2: 8. comp. with 1: IS.— 2: 12 comp. with 1: 16, second clause.— 2: 18 comp. with 1: 14, 15. — 3: 1 comp. with 1: 20, and 1: 4, 6, which, when taken in connection, seem to imply the dominion of Christ over the seven spirits. — 3: 7 comp. with 1: 5 (o fidorvg 6 moras), and 1: 18. From the latter the figure of the key may be taken, (or perhaps from Is. 21: 22), while the substantial meaning of the clause is comprised in 6 aqywv rSv fiaodicuv zije yrji in 1: 5. — 3: 14 comp. with 1: 5 (clause just quoted), only that in 3: 14 the scope of the expression is enlarged, and it becomes aoyrj rrjs xtiosojg rov &sov. From all this it is plain, that the writer in composing the epistles, had his mind filled with the vision as related in chap. i. ; and that the same hand is plainly employed in both. Throughout, the plan is uniform ; while the manner of executing it is constantly, and, one might almost say, sedulously varied. (2) After the salutation, and mention of attributes which characterize him who addresses the churches, next in order comes olSa rd ioya oov or aov ro\ loya. With this declaration, which means that all their demeanor (for i'oya comprises internal as well as external developments) is known to the Lord Jesus Christ, is associated a specification of the various characteristics of each church, as well what is matter of praise as what is matter of blame. To two of the churches, viz. that of Smyrna and Philadelphia, he gives his unqualified approbation; 2: 9. 3: 8, To the churches of Sardis and Laodicea he administers sharp rebuke ; 3: 1 3. 3; 15, 16. To the churches of Ephesus, Pergamos, and Thyatira, he gives praise, and also administers rebuke, inasmuch as in some respects they deserved the one, and in some the other. But here the approbation in all cases precedes VOL. II. 8 58 introduction to Chap. H. HI. the blame, thus showing, as Paul in his epistles was wont to show, that it was more grateful to commend than to reprove. (3) Encouragement, admonition, exhortation, or warning, then follows, accord ing to what the nature of the case respectively demands. Particulars, are stated wherein reformation is needed ; and grounds of hope and encouragement are placed before those, who are making vigourous efforts in the way of duty. All are admonished that Christ is at hand, and that he will punish or reward, as their respective conduct and character may require. (4) The closing part of all the epistles exhibits a remarkable uniformity, which still is mingled with variety. Each close exhibits the admonition: biymv ovs, axovodzoj zi %6 nvivjia Uyu rats ixxlrjolais , in the very same words. In connec tion with this, o vixmv or zo> vixavrv appears, and to each person thus character ized, promises are made, all of which vary in costume and manner, but convey substantially the same ideas. To one church it is said: They shall eat of the tree of life, which is in the paradise of God, 2: 7 ; to another : They shall not be harmed by the second death, 2: 11 ; to another : They shall eat of the hidden manna, and wear a mitre, adorned with a pellucid and precious stone in front, on which the incommunicable name [Jehovah] is engraved, 2: 17 ; to a fourth : They shall have kingly power, and be made splendid as the morning star, 2. 27—29; to a fifth : They shall be clothed in white, and their names be kept in the Lamb's book of life, 3: 5 ; to a sixth : They shall have a permanent place in the temple of God, and be enrolled as citizens belonging to the heavenly city, 3: 12 ; to a seventh : They shall sit down as kings, with the Redeemer, on his throne of ex altation in the heavenly world, 3: 21. Thus, while all the epistles are exactly alike as to the admonition which urges them to hearken unto him who addresses the churches, yet all at the same time vary in regard to the costume and tenor of the promises which are made, in case of final victory over spiritual enemies. Has not a writer, now, who exhibits so much grave uniformity in one case, and so pleasing a variety in another, the first adapted to solemn admonition, and the last to relieve the mind from all approach to dullness occasioned by repetition — has not such a writer, to say the least, a tact of no ordinary character? One other circumstance should be noted here, This is, that the monition : 0 tyoiv ovs, dxovodroi r£ to nvcvfia Xiyei zals ixxlvotais, in the first three epistles, precedes the promises connected with o vixav x. <.. k. ; while in the last four of the epistles, 6 I'yojv ovs x. z. X. follows such promises, and stands at the very close of the epistles. There is doubtless a designed and significant division into classes of three and four. Nor should it escape the reader's observation, that in nearly all these epistles, the manner of the threat or the promise, near the close of the epistle, is intimately connected with the attributes of the Redeemer described at the commencement of it. Let the comparison be attentively made of the following passages, viz., 2: 1 with 2: 5.-2: 8 with 2: 10, 11.-2: 12 with 2: 16.— 2: 18 with 2: 28.-3: 1 with 3: 5. — 3: 7 with 3: 12. — 3: 14 with 3: 21. Let these comparisons be carefully, made, and the result must be a conviction, that more closely interwoven composition cannot well be imagined. It is surely no ordinary hand, that can perform such a task with so much skill. From the view given above it results, that in conformity with the trichotomy of the book throughout, each of these epistles is divided into three parts, viz., (a) A reference to some of the attributes of him who addresses the church, (b) Disclosure of the characteristics of the church, with appropriate admonition, en couragement, or reproof, (c) Promises of reward to all who persevere in their ephesian church : Chap. n. 1, 2. 59 Christian course, and overcome the spiritual enemies who assault them ; see at the close of No. 4 above. This trichotomy has no special influence on the inter pretation of these epistles ; but it is worthy of special note as it regards the rhe torical characteristics of the book. CHAPTER H. (1) To the angel of the church at Ephesus write : Thus saith he who holdeth the seven stars in his right hand, who walketh in the midst of the seven golden lamps. Tdde, i. e. zd (from b, r), rb, used as a demonstrative) and the enclitic de, of which particle some of the lexicons take no specific notice ; see Kiihner's Gramm. § 349. c. Used adverbially here for thus, so. If we translate it these things, the sense is the same. Kqazcov, holding, i. e. exercising dominion over, having power over, holding as it were within one's grasp. The metaphorical sense is here aimed at, although the literal grasping of the stars in the hand is the imagery employed. See on v. 20 and v. 16 of chap. i. Christ's pow er over the churches is thus significantly expressed. (2) 1 know thy works, and thy toil, and thy patience, and that thou canst not bear with those who are evil ; and hast tried those who say they are apostles and yet are not, and hast found them to be dissemblers. "Eqya aov is here generic, embracing all developments of character, whether internal or external. The two nouns that follow are specifica tions of particular parts of egya, which, among the Ephesian Chris tians, stood out most prominently to view. — Kbnov (from xbnzco) would seem to mean lamentation, beating one's self, i. e. through grief. But here it designates toil, wearisome effort, labour adapted to fatigue and discourage those who perform it ; a sense which is not frequent in the classics, but is sometimes found there. The corresponding Hebrew is b~os, which the Septuagint translate by xonog. — Tnouovrjv gov, patient endurance, i. e. of the evils brought upon them by their xonog, or by the circumstances of trial in which they then were. Avvrj, for bvvaaai the more usual form : see N. Test Gramm. § 69. II. 5. — ftaazdaai, literally to bear or carry a burden, etc. ; figuratively, to bear with, to endure as a matter of toleration. — Kaxovg, which might designate evil or wicked men at large, has here a more limited sense, inasmuch as it refers to those heretical dissemblers Who were then troubling the Ephesian church ; see xpevdetg in the next clause, and comp. v. 6. 'Ensiqctaag, tried, sifted, thoroughly examined ; in what way, it is not said ; but as the action is commended, some lawful and proper method 60 EPHESIAN church : Chap. II. 3. of trial is quite plainly implied.— -AnoazbXovg elvai indicates of course, that the evil doers in question made high claims to authority and quali fications to teach. But who they were, i. e. to what particular sect of heretics they belonged, is not certain. The name of Nicolaitans (v. 6) seems to be symbolical; as do the corresponding names in 2: 14 and 2: 20. Eichhorn conjectures, that they were disciples of John the Baptist, because Paul found some of these at Ephesus, Acts 19: 1 — 5. More probable is the conjecture that they were Judaizers, and (if we may compare 2: 14 and 2: 20 for the sake of illustration) of the anti- nomian cast, or perhaps of the Gnostic party. It may throw some light on the efforts and claims of these false apostles, should we compare 2 Cor. 2: 17. 3: 1. 11: 4, 5, 13. 12: 11. Gal. 1: 7. 2: 4. Phil. 3: 2, 3. In 2 Cor. 11: 13 these teachers are called ipevdanbazoXoi, as in the text before us they are named tpevdeig. Perhaps they may have been like those mentioned in 1 John 2: 18 seq. 4: 1 seq. 2 John v. 10. That some of the false teachers of that day assumed the name of dnba- zoXoi, is clear from the texts referred to, as well as from the passage before us. But as we have no specific history, on which we can rely, of the minute differences of the earliest heretical sects, so we must leave particulars in a state of some uncertainty. At the time when the Apoca lypse was written, no doubt all was clear to the readers. Wevdeig here seems to mean false as to the pretences which they made of being apostles. Of course the implication is, that they were teachers of false things, in other words, that they taught error. Had they taught nothing but truth, they would not have been thus severely reprimanded. (3) And still thou hast patience, and hast borne with [evils] for my name's sake, and art not wearied out. Kal vnouovrjv ejteig repeats the idea before expressed in order to give intensity to the description. Notwithstanding all the trouble which the Nicolaitans had given them, in spite of all the persecutions which they had endured, they still continued to exhibit a highly commendable ex ample of patient endurance. The two words iBdazaaag and xexonla- xa?, as employed in this verse, constitute what grammarians call an antanaclasis with the words Baazdaai and xbnov in the preceding verse, i. e. the former are a repetition or echo (for so dvzavdxXaai? literally means) of the latter, and at the same time they are employed in a dif ferent sense. In v. 2, fiaazdaai has reference to a state of mind, i. e. to mental toleration or endurance ; in v. 3, iBdazaaa? refers to the ac tual endurance of sufferings or vexations ; in v. 2, xbnov means weari some toil; in v. 3, xexonlaxa? (from the same root as xbno?) means to EPHESIAN church : Chap. II. 4, 5. 61 be wearied out. The force of the expression may be thus represented : ' Thou canst not bear with false teachers, but thou canst bear with troubles and perplexities on account of me ; thou hast undergone weari some toil, but thou art not wearied out thereby.' (4) Nevertheless I have [somewhat] against thee, because thou hast forsaken thy first love. "E%cq, i. e. e^ui zi. Kazd with the Genitive here implies an accusa tion or charge, for it means against. — Ayanrjv nqcbzrjv — first fervour of love to Christ ? Or does it designate their former spirit of benevolence and kindness toward all men ? Either would make good sense ; but as v. 5 exhibits the course opposite to forsaking the first love, and enjoins such an opposite course upon the Ephesian churches (noitjaai zd. nqcoza sqya) as a remedy of the alleged evil, the more congruous interpreta tion would seem to be : ' Thou hast made defection from thy former benevolent and beneficent course of conduct, and hast need of repen tance and reformation in this respect ;' for so the sequel seems to speak, comp. v. 19. Eichhorn construes ayanrjv as meaning lenity toward the false teachers ; but where in all the New Testament is such lenity commended, still less commanded? On the contrary, the Ephesian church are commended because they hate the deeds of the Nicolaitans, v. 6. — Acpijxa?, irregular Aor. I. of dcplrjfii ; the Perfect is dcpeixa. Some of the lexicons state the Perfect erroneously, i. e. making it the same as Aor. I. It would seem probable that the church at Ephesus, vexed with troubles from without and within, had somewhat declined from that universal kindness and good will of which they had once afforded a conspicuous example. How strongly this spirit was inculcated by the primitive teachers of true Christianity, is everywhere apparent. Comp. as specimens, Eom. 13: 9, 10. 1 Cor. 13: 13. Acts 20: 35. (5) Remember, then, whence thou hast fallen, and repent, and do thy former works ; but if not, I will come to thee quickly, and will remove thy candlestick out of its place, except thou repent. Ilinzcoxa?, thou hast fallen, old root nizco, Perf. nenezcoxa, by syn cope ninzcoxa. A state of exalted Christian attainments in holiness may well be deemed the height or perfection of our nature ; and decline from this may aptly be named falling. — Mezavbrjaov means to change one's mind or purposes, and along with this, a corresponding change of demeanor. — In rd nqcoza eqya nolrjaov, the word nqcoza plainly stands for ngbzeqa. The Hebrew has no gradations of comparison formally made out; hence in Hebrew-Greek the superlative and comparative forms often intermingle their sense, the superlative sometimes being 62 EPHESIAN CHURCH : CHAP. II. 6. comparative (as here), and sometimes conveying its appropriate mean ing. El de prj, lit. but if not, or (which is here an equivalent) otherwise, Filled out the phrase would be : el de pi) noirjGrjg.—Eqxopai, venturus sum, like the Pres. part, in Hebrew (xa i?x), it has a future sense, specially a proximate future ; see N. Test. Gramm. § 136. c. — Hoi, Dat. after a verb of approach ; N. Test. Gramm. § 106. 8. b. Kal xivrjaco . . . uezavorjarjg should be all conjoined in sense. The latter half of v. 5 contains two clauses, (1) I will speedily come upon thee, i. e. for retribution. (2) I will make retribution, in case thou shalt remain impenitent, by removing thy candlestick out of its place, i. e. by extinguishing its light. The phraseology here is plainly borrowed from the phenomena of the preceding vision in chap. i. The Lord Jesus ap pears walking in the midst of seven golden lamps, 1: 13, i. e. surround ed by them. These lamps are symbols of the seven Asiatic churches. To remove one of them from its place, would be to withdraw it from the special and immediate presence and care of the Saviour, and thus to cut off its privileges and take away its precedence. How effectually this has been done, the present state of Ephesus fully testifies ; see under 1: 11. 'Eav fir), i. e. ft dv pr], el = if, states a supposition ; fir) is a subjective qualified negative, adapted to a case of supposition like this, and also to the Subjunctive mode. Av makes more prominent the conditionality of the clause. "We may translate thus : Except thou shalt repent, or in case thou shouldest not repent. (6) But still thou hast this, that thou hatest the deeds of the Nicolaitans ; which I also hate. AXXa, yet, i. e. notwithstanding what I have said in the way of accu sation, thou hast this which is matter of approbation, viz. that (for so bzi imports here) thou hatest, etc. ; where the latter clause stands in apposi tion with zovzo, and is explanatory of it. Such a use of the demonstra tive (ovzog, zovzo), where the clause added is intended to be made em phatic, is very common in the New Testament, and is also found in classic authors. It may be followed by ozi or 'iva before the emphatic clause; N. Test. Gramm. § 123. 4. See a large mass of examples in Winer's N. Test. Gramm. § 23. 4. John and Paul abound most in this idiom. NixoXaizcbv, a designation which has given rise to much discussion and conjecture, both in ancient and in modern times. Irenaeus is the first of the Christian fathers who mentions this sect, Adv. Haeres. I. 26. ed. Massuet. He traces its origin to Nicolaus, one of the seven deacons, mentioned in Acts 6: 5 ; and he states, that their characteristic tenets EPHESIAN church : Chap. H. 6. 63 were, the lawfulness of promiscuous intercourse with women, and of eat ing things offered to idols. So Eusebius, Hist. Ecc. III. 29 ; who also quotes a passage from Clem. Alex. Strom. II. (pp. 490, 552), the substance of which is, that Nicolaus, having a beautiful wife, was jealous of her, and being reproached with this, renounced all intercourse with her, and in duced his children to live in a state of perpetual celibacy. The tradi tion was, in Clemens' time, that Nicolaus had said : naqaxqdodai zy aaqxl dei. This some interpreted as enjoining illicit pleasure ; but Clemens, as renouncing it and commanding to mortify carnal desires. Hence he vindicates Nicolaus, while he still supposes the sect to have arisen under his name, and by a perversion of what he had said. To the same purpose Epiphanius (Haeres. XXV.), who has made additions, which assert the dissolute hfe of Nicolaus, after the occurrence above related respecting his wife. Tertullian (De Prescript. Haeret. c. 33) speaks of Nicolaitans as a branch of the Gnostic family ; and also as extinct ; for his words are : " Sunt et nunc alii Nicolaitae ; Gaiana [i. e. Caiana of Cairi] haeresis dicitur." See also ibid. c. 46, ad finem. In this latter passage, he names Nicolaus as one of the seven deacons men tioned in Acts 6: 5. In like manner, respecting this last particular, do Philastrius and Augustine speak, in their treatises respecting heretics. Eusebius (in Ecc. Hist. III. 29) also speaks of the heresy of the Nico laitans as then for a long time extinct : 'Em ofitxqbzazov avviazrj %qb- vov, i. e. it lasted but a very little period. Yet Irenaeus, Epiphanius, Andreas (Comm.), and others, seem to speak of the Nicolaitans as a sect still in existence, and of a proselyting spirit. How shall these con flicting opinions be reconciled ? They cannot be ; and the aspect of the whole matter is such as to show, that various floating reports gave rise to these patristical traditions respecting the Nicolaitans. Vitringa re jects the whole with scorn (Comm. in loc), so far as Nicolaus, one of the seven deacons, is concerned. Mosheim, instead of strenuously de fending the origin of the sect from Nicolaus, (as Ewald affirms, Comm. in loc), in his Ecc. Hist. (P. II. V. 15), considers the matter a doubt ful one ; and in his Commentt. de Rebus Christ. (§ 69), he says expli citly : " Habent res factionis hujus [sc. Nicolaitarum] plurimum obscu- ritatis, quam frustra ingenio fugare conamur." He thinks it most pro bable, that the Nicolaitans of Epiphanius and the later fathers were a branch of the Gnostics, so named from some leader among them called Nicolaus. However this may be, (improbable I cannot deem it), it seems to be quite clear, that nothing definite can be gathered from ec clesiastical history, respecting the existence and character of a sect in reality bearing the appellation of Nicolaitans, during the primitive age of Christianity. Most commentators, therefore, since the days of Vitringa, have pre- 64 EPHESIAN CHURCH : CHAP. H. 6. ferred another method of solving the difficulty before us. This is, to consider the name Nicolaitans as symbolical ; like that of Balaam in Eev. 2: 14, 15, and Jezebel in 2: 20. In this case it compares well with the Hebrew ssia , Balaam = bS bsz , dorninus vel tyrannus populi ; for NixbXaog is compounded of vlxog victoria and Xaog populus. An other explanation may be given of the Hebrew word dsba , which re sults in the like conclusion, viz. bs sfca, he destroyed the people, or (using the verb in the common Syriac sense) he prevailed over or con quered the people. If the Nicolaitans were like those who are mentioned in v. 14, 15, (and this likeness the latter verse asserts) ; and if they taught (like Balaam), that it was lawful to eat things offered to idols and to commit fornication ; they might well be named Balaamites, i. e. NixoXatzai. It was common among the early Hebrew Christians, to give persons of Hebrew origin a Greek name corresponding in sense with their Hebrew one ; e. g. NS^a , TIezqog ; xn^aa , Aoqxdg, etc. So here, NixoXatzai = bS bsa or bsl?a. The position of most commenta tors belonging to this class is, that merely the writer of the epistle ap plies such a name, in a symbolical or figurative way, to the party who are stigmatized in the present case. So Janus, de Nicolaitis ; Heu- mann, Poecile, II. p. 391 ; Vitringa in loc, and in Observ. Sac. IV. 9; Storr, Apologie der Offenb. p. 260 ; Miinscher, Ueber die Nicolaiten, in Gabl. Journal, V. pp. 17 — 29. So also in the Commentaries of Lange, Eichhorn, Matthaei, and others. As I cannot fully accede to this opinion, it will be proper briefly to subjoin my reasons. The manner in which the appellation (Nicolaitans) is used here and in v. 15, would seem to import that the name was current in the church es at Ephesus and Pergamus. That there were some persons in these churches, who practised the vices named in v. 14, there can be no good ground of doubt ; comp. v. 20, which shows that the same immoralities were practised also at Thyatira. Now as these were the very same vices into which the Israelites of old fell (Num. 25: 1 3. 1 Cor. 10: 7, 8) ; and into which they fell, as it would seem, through the devices of Balaam (v. 14) ; so those who practised them were called Balaamites = NixoXatzai in Greek as above stated. Whether some person by the name of Nicolaus was actually their leader, as Wolfius supposes (Curae in loc.) ; or whether mere popular impulse, guided by the nature of the case, invented and bestowed the appellation ; must remain an uncertainty. Nor can it be of any importance to determine this. It was a character istic and significant appellation, a lucky hit (as we say) in the applica tion of epithets. The whole aspect of the various cases, in vs. 6, 15, and 20, seems to my mind, plainly to denote, that the name was actual ly current at the time, and that the practices intended to be designated by the use and application of it were then well known, so that no doubt EPHESIAN CHURCH: CHAP. n. 7. 65 could exist in the mind of the reader with regard to the meaning of John's words. As to the rise of such a sect among Christians, one would indeed naturally think it to be strange. Yet the abuse of such declara tions as Paul makes in 1 Cor. 8: 4. 10: 25, and specially in 1 Cor. 6: 12, might easily give rise, among the ignorant and viciously inclined, to the indiscriminate eating of meats, and to the indulgence of carnal de sires. Still these very things had been expressly forbidden by the apostles, Acts 15: 29. 21: 25 ; and therefore such vices are mentioned here, as we might well expect, with an expression of severe displeasure against them. Such a view of the case seems to afford the most natural and easy solution of the difficulty in regard to the passage before us ; and by taking this course, we are unembarrassed with the obstacles that lie in the way of tracing the heresy in question to Nicolaus one of the seven deacons ; while we educe from the passage a very significant meaning.* (7) He who hath an ear, let him hear what the Spirit saith to the churches. To him who overcometh will I give to eat of the tree of life, which is in the para dise of my God. But who, or what is zb nvevpa in this case ? Is it the Spirit who dwelt in Christ (John 3: 34), and which " God gave him not by measure," i. e. without measure ? Or is it the Spirit who was in John during his prophetic ecstasy ? Comp. 1: 10. The first inquiry to be made, in order to answer these questions, seems naturally to be : Who is it that now speaks, i. e. who utters the words of v.. 7 ? It is manifestly the Saviour who speaks ; but he addresses the churches through John, his disciple and servant. Just before his departure, Jesus made to his disciples a promise of sending them the Holy Spirit (John 15: 26), who was to teach them all things (John 14: 26). Now whether we consider this Spirit as being given to John, and so, through him, addressing the churches ; or whether we regard the Spirit as manifesting his will, through the Saviour, unto the churches who were to be warned and in structed ; the difference of signification in the passage will not be very important. The Saviour possessed a human nature, as well as a divine ; and to this human nature the Spirit was imparted without measure, John 3: 24. Ewald says-: "Haud dubie spiritus prophetiae est, quo * For the older literature in regard to this question, the student should consult Wolfius, Curae in loc. For the more recent literature, besides the sources al ready named, he may consult Walch, Hist, der Ketzereien, I. p. 167 seq. SchefF- ler-Tiburtius, de Nicolaitis, 1825. These writers advocate the old opinion. In Constitutt. Apostol. VI. 8, Ignat. Ep. ad Trail, c. 11, the heretics in question are called wivSiovviioi NixoXa'kai ; which would appear to favour the idea, that the authors of these compositions rejected the notion that these heretics originated from the Nicolaus mentioned in Acts 6: 5. VOL. II. 9 66 EPHESIAN CHURCH : CHAP. II. 7. correptus (Rev. 1: 10) Johannes omnia haec praescribit." In Rev. 19: 10 we are told, that " The testimony of, Jesus is the Spirit of prophecy," i. e. it is a prophetic Spirit which gives testimony respecting Jesus ; so that the testimony here considered as given by Jesus himself, or by John his servant, proceeds, in either case, from the same prophetic Spirit who addresses the churches. As to the formula b excov ovg, dxovadzco x. r. X., Jesus was accustomed to repeat the same after the addresses which he made to those who sur rounded him; see Matt. 11: 15. 13: 9. Luke 8: 8. It seems to have been a not unusual caution given by teachers to hearers, and to mean : ' Let him who heareth what is said, well consider it.' Tcp nxcovzi — not homini puro, as Eichhorn, who compares the Sy- riac Vsl = rwir purus, but — vincenti, i. e. to him who overcomes, viz. the world, and particularly to him who perseveres in his christian course, and rises superior to all obstacles and all opposition made by persecu tors — to him will be given, etc. Throughout all the epistles here, and indeed throughout the whole book, it is perfectly plain that the writer is composing his work ingruente persecutione. In fact, the great design of the book originally was, to comfort and encourage those who were in circumstances of distress, specially on account of persecution. The op posite of b vixcov is given in Eev. 21: 8, viz. ot betlol xal ot dntazot, i. e. the timid and those who confide not in the divine promises. As to the repetition of the pronoun avzco, see Vol. I. p. 248, as to general usage. I may remark, however, that it is here superfluous as to the essential meaning, but is added to give intensity, (comp. 2: 17. 6: 4) ; and the usage, moreover, of repeating the pronoun together with the noun or sub ject to which it refers is very common in Hebrew. Heb. Gramm. § 543, comp. also § 545. § 546. Constructions like this are very common in the New Testament ; see Mark 5: 2. 9:28. Matt. 26:71. They are not uncommon even in the Classics ; see N. Test. Gramm., § 121. n. 4. (Payelv ix zov IbXov zrjg ^coijg is the object of the verb dcbaco, accord ing to a very frequent usage of the Infinitive mode, which may be sub ject or object. The imagery here is drawn from the garden of Eden, in which was the tree of life, adapted to make the natural life of man perpetual, Gen. 3: 22. The tree of life is here spoken of, beyond all doubt, in reference to a celestial paradise ; comp. Eev. 22: 2, where it is spoken of as belonging to the yij xatvij, as an appendage of the abode of the blessed. Meaning : ' To him who perseveres in his fidelity to me, and triumphs over all opposition and persecution, will I give an abun dance in the future world, with life everlasting.' — cpayeiv ix makes the expression more specific. The Genitive after cpayeiv might be used without the preposition, inasmuch as the verb has a partitive sense, and CHURCH AT SMYRNA : CHAP. n. 8. 67 cpayeh zivog is normal.— $vXov ^coijg = life-giving tree, or life-preserv ing tree. ¦; naqctSelGap, a word of oriental derivation. Thus in Sanscrit, para- desha or paradisha ; in Armenian, pardes. The Sept. employ it for )i in Gen. 2: 8 seq. Xenophon, Diodorus Siculus, and Josephus, also'.use it ; see Rob. Lex. In the New Testament, we find it in Luke 23: 43. 2 Cor. 12: 4, in each place, as here, designating the abode of blessed spirits. It is a frequent word among the Rabbins in the like sense. See many quotations from them in Schoettgen, Horae Heb. in loc. By the heathen writers, both oriental and Greek, it is employed to desig nate a pleasure-garden, particularly a royal one which surrounded the king's palace or citadel. The tropicaLsense of it here is evident; and the imagery is certainly vivid. Ev zip naqadetacp zov deov pov — in the vulgate text: iv fieocp zov naqadeiaov zov deov. But the weight of authority seems rather against the vulgate reading. Some have felt a difficulty here on account of the pov after deov. But why should they ? Does not the newly risen Sa viour speak of my God, in John 20: 17 ? And does he not say the same in Rev. 3: 2, and four times repeated in 3: 12 ? Why might he not say my God, as well as say my Father ? For the Father is God. Besides ; had he not a human nature, as well as a divine ? And could he not truly say, in respect to this, my Bather, or my God ? Those who make such objections seem to forget that Christ is dedvdqconog, and that what he says, at any time, is to be applied to the one nature or to the other pro re nata. All serious difficulty vanishes, when the matter is viewed in this light. We may add, also, that so long as the human nature remains in union with the divine, such language will never be inappropriate. Whether this will be always, perhaps the Bible has not expressly said ; yet it is difficult for us even to entertain a supposition which would deny this. See what Paul has said, 1 Cor. 15: 24 — 28 ; which, however, goes absolutely and positively no farther than to de clare the delivering up to the Father of all delegated and mediatorial au thority. (8) And to the angel of the church in Smyrna write : Thus saith the First and the Last, who was dead and revived. IIqcozo? xal ea%azog, see remarks on 1: 17, and comp. 1: 17, 18. — "EXrjaev here= dvityaev, i. e. came to life, revived; see Rev. 13: 14. 20: 4, 5. Comp. also £«<» in Matt. 9: 18. John 5: 25. 11: 25. Acts I: 3. "25: 19. Rom. 6: 10, 13. 2 Cor. 13: 4. Our English version renders errjae, is alive. The version is not untrue as to the material sense ; but the shade of meaning as well as the expression, in our text, assigns both the death and the return to life to the past time ; strictly in accor- 68 CHURCH AT SMYRNA : CHAP. II. 8. dance with fact. Appropriately does the speaker claim to be a living Saviour in the most extensive sense of the word, for how else could he perform the promises which he makes, or execute the threatenings which he utters ? (9) I know thy works, and thine affliction, and thy poverty (although thou art rich), and the blasphemy of those who say they are Jews, and are not, but the synagogue of Satan. QXtyiv may be understood as having reference to the sufferings con nected with nrcoyeiav and (SXaacprjfilav ; or it may have a more generic sense, and mean all the sufferings and straits to which the profession of Christianity reduced the church of Smyrna at that period. I prefer the latter as being much more expressive, more characteristic of the times, and agreeing better with the order of the words. — Tlzcoyelav is doubt less here to be understood in its literal and usual acceptation. The article before it, and also before dXiiptv, supplies the place of aov , and is so translated above. The converse of nzcojeiav, viz. nXovaiog el, is clearly to be understood in a secondary or spiritual sense ; for the object of the speaker is to show, that while they are poor in one sense, i. e. literally, they are rich in another, i. e. spiritually ._ BXaacprjfilav ix . . . eavzovg. Here ix marks definitely and emphati cally the agents from whom the defamatory accusations proceeded, and is therefore more specific than (IXaccprjfiiuv zcov Xeybvzcov x. z. X., which might possibly be taken in an active or in a passive sense. 'Ex makes the expression so definite, that the meaning is certain. 'Iovdalovg — in the figurative sense, i. e. the true Israel ? comp. Rom. 9: 6 — 8. According to this mode of exposition, the speaker means to say, that those who slandered the church at Smyrna, and occasioned trouble to them, professed to be true converts to Christianity, but were not in fact so ; in other words, they did not belong to the spiritual Israel, i. e. the seed of Abraham by faith (comp. Gal. 3: 7), but in reality he- longed to the synagogue of Satan, i. e. to that synagogue in which Sa tan held a predominance, or to those professed worshippers whose tem per and conduct Satan influenced. If this be the meaning, then there seems to be evident reference to the conduct of Jewish zealots, who went so far, when engaged in warm dispute, as to make accusations of Christians before the heathen magistrates, in order to have vengeance inflicted upon them; comp. 2 Thess. 1: 3—6. See also the spirit of the Judaizers as represented in the epistle to the Galatians. It may be, however, that the meaning of the passage before us is, that the Jews, who were not professed Christians, but who cherished a fiery zeal in favour of the Mosaic rites and forms, and consequently felt not a httle enmity against Christians, were the persecutors here alluded to. Almost all of CHURCH AT SMYRNA : CHAP. n. 9. 69 the persecutors of Christians, in the primitive age, were first excited to persecution by this class of men. Construed in this way, the speaker means to say, that they are not even so much as true Jews, which they profess to be, but of the synagogue of Satan. The extreme bitterness of spirit which these defamers exhibited, would seem to incline us to this latter interpretation; indeed. I can scarcely doubt that it is the right one. We can find a touching narrative of what was actually done to the church at Smyrna, at a later period, under the reign of Aurelius and Lucius Verus, when Polycarp suffered martyrdom ; which may serve as a comment on the conduct of the Jews in the present case. Eusebius (Hist. Ecc. IV. 15) has told the story at length, with appeal to ancient documents ; and by this it appears, that when Polycarp was apprehended and brought before the Proconsul at Smyrna, the Jews were the most furious of all the multitude in demanding his condemna tion. When the mob, after he was sentenced to death, set about gather ing fuel to burn him, " the Jews, pdXiaza nqo&vpcog, cog eO-og avzoig, ran to procure the fuel." And when, inasmuch as the burning failed, the blessed martyr had been transfixed with weapons, the Jews besought and urged the magistrate, that his body might not be given up to Chris tians. Possibly, at the very time when the epistle before us was writ ten, Polycarp might have belonged to the church at Smyrna — as he lived to extreme old age, and history represents him as saying before the Proconsul, that he had served Christ eighty-five years ; yet, if the Apocalypse was written (as I doubt not it was) before the destruction of Jerusalem, this cannot well be made out. Be this as it may, the temper of those who belonged to the synagogue of Satan is sufficiently exhibited in the narration of Eusebius, and also of the church at Smyrna in their epistle respecting the death of Polycarp ; from which epistle Eusebius has largely quoted. The boasting of the Jews (comp. 3: 9), in this case, with regard to their name, in which they were wont to glory, may be well illustrated by comparing 2 Cor. 11: 22. Rom. 2: 17. Phil. 3: 5. Another appella tion of honour was rrjiii. bfip, Num. 16: 3. 20: 4, saepe al. Instead of this, cvvaycoyrj zov Hazavd is the appellation here given, which at once characterizes and condemns them. (10) Fear not at all the things which thou art about to suffer. Behold the devil will cast some of you into prison, that ye may be tempted ; and ye shall have af fliction ten days. Be faithful unto death, and I will give thee the crown of life. '0 didfioXog. He had just said, that the persecutors belonged to the synagogue of Satan, i. e. they were under the influence of that malignant being. As the primary agent, that being is here designated. Men were his instruments, (voluntary ones indeed), in the present case. 70 CHURCH AT PERGAMOS : CHAP. II. 11, 12. Prison was the first degree of punishment, when supposed malefactors were arrested, Acts 12: 3, 4. 16: 23. "Iva neiqaadijze. The turn of this phrase depends on the meaning given to 'iva. If a telic sense be given, viz. in order that, then the de sign of Satan is signified, which was to tempt them, by subjecting them to suffering, to recant their Christian profession. If an ecbatic sense be given to 'iva, viz. so that, then the rendering should be : So that ye must undergo trial, i. e. trial will be the consequence of your imprisonment. I prefer the former, because the exBaaig, in this case, is given in a sub sequent clause. But if any prefer the second mode of interpretation, they may compare Gen. 22: 1. Ex. 16: 4. James 1: 2, 3, in which they may see that trial is not only compatible with the divine government of the church, but an ordinary part of its discipline. 'Hpeqcov de'xa, i. e. a short time, a few days, or a moderate space of time; comp. Gen. 24: 55. Dan. 1: 12, 14. 1 Sam. 25: 38. Neh. 5: 18. Jer. 42: 7. Acts 25: 6. Let the reader mark well the symbolic use of number, in this case ; for the exact literal one will be insisted on, I trust, by no one. Qavdzov refers here, probably, to a violent death. Christians were not to shrink even from this. In case they remained faithful, a crown of life would be given to them, i. e. a crown of glory in that world where immortal life is to be enjoyed ; comp. 1 Pet. 5: 4. James 1: 12, and spe cially Rev. 4: 4. The main idea is like that in Rev. 2: 7, cpayeiv ix zov %vXov zrj? l^corjg ; but the difference between the two cases is, that here the exalted and glorious state of the martyrs is more distinctly marked by the nature of the imagery employed. (11) He who hath an ear, let him hear what the Spirit saith to the churches. He who overcometh, shall not be harmed by the second death. Adixrjdrj, lit. to suffer injustice ; but secondarily, as here, to suffer harm or injury. The second death is that which follows the general resur rection and judgment, Eev. 20: 14. 21: 8. This is here opposed to the crown of life. On the use of ov pr) see Gramm. § 148. 4. Meaning: ' TJie faithful martyr shall receive a crown of unfading glory (1 Pet. 5: 4), and never experience any other death than that of the body.' The promise to the faithful is, as often in the writings of John, announced both in the affirmative and negative form. (12) And to the angel of the church in Pergamos write : Thus saith he who hath the sharp two-edged sword ; 'Poficpatav dtazouov, b&Tav, see 1: 16, with the remarks there made. The manner in which the idea of such a sword issuino- from the mouth came into the mind of the writer, seems to have been as stated in those remarks. We may suppose that when the Saviour, in the vision related CHURCH AT PERGAMOS : CHAP. H. 13^ 71 in chap, i, uttered words, as they proceeded from his mouth the halitus which accompanied them assumed, in the view of John, the form of an igneous two-edged sword ; thus indicating the awful power of his dec larations, and specially of his condemning sentence. Here he is about to reprove, in part ; and they who are addressed, are warned of the pow er of his reproof by the writer's employing this imagery. — "Ejrcov, in this case, of course does not mean to possess as an attribute, but (as often elsewhere) to have or hold at one's disposal. Meaning : < He, who has power by a single word to chastise, or even to destroy, addresses you ; hearken then to his warnings !' (13) I know thy works and where thou dwellest, even where Satan's throne is ;. and thou holdest fast my name, and hast not denied my faith,' even in the days in which Antipas [was] my faithful martyr, who was slain among you, where Satan dwelleth. TIov xazoixeig, i. e. I know well in what an impious and cruel place thou dwellest. — "Onov . . . auzavd, even where the very metropolis of Satan is, or where he sits enthroned, i. e. where he exercises his power of stirring up hatred and persecution in a peculiar and successful man ner. This is explained by the context, which states that Antipas had been actually slain there, on account of the Christian faith ; an allega tion the like of which is not made in respect to any of the other cities where the churches addressed had their abode. Ewald refers to An dreas as maintaining, that the city of Pergamos was distinguished above all the Asiatic cities for idolatry. He represents it, indeed, as xazeidco- Xog, but particularly as distinguished for its bitter enmity to Christians. Here Aesculapius was worshipped with much zeal ; and Wetstein has accumulated passages from the classics in order to prove this ; — to what purpose, as it regards the plain and simple interpretation of our text, it would be difficult to show. He has done the same, in order to illustrate vexqbg xal Hgrjae in v. 8 ; which surely is labour lost. Who will sup pose, that the fabled power of Aesculapius to restore life, is alluded to in these cases, when there are other plainer and more appropriate sources to which the language may be referred ? It is not the heathen mythology which here comes into view, but the Hebrew demonology, so far as Satan is concerned. Kqazeig zb bvopd pov. They had professed to be Christians ; they had taken the name of Christ upon them ; and to this profession and name they steadfastly adhered, amidst all the terrors of persecution. — Kal ovx . . . nlariv pov, the same sentiment again, for substance, in the way of negation, i. e. a Xizbzrjg, as the grammarians call it. See exam ples of this usage in heathen writers, in Kuinoel on John 1: 3, 20. To deny the Christian faith would also involve the act of letting go or of 72 CHURCH AT PERGAMOS : CHAP. LT. 13. renouncing the Christian name. The church at Pergamos had done neither the one nor the other. 'Ev taig rjpeqaig . . . b mazbg. " Notabilis est," says Ewald, " hoc versu constructionis negligentia, quam alibi frustra in Apocalypsi quae- ras." This negligentia some have attempted to remedy, by omitting ev alg and writing Avzmd (Gen.) ; others, by throwing out og ; but the Codices, so far as yet known, will not allow us to do either. Can we choose, then, an easier method of solution, which is by supposing rjv to be implied after Avzlnag ? The omission of the verb elfii in cases with out number, every intelligent reader must be acquainted with ; see Eom. 11: 11. 1 Cor. 15: 21. Matt. 27: 4. Mark 5: 9. Heb. 10: 18. Eom. 4: 13, et al. saepe. If any one should say, that in all these cases the noun connected with iazt implied, is the subject of the proposition ; or that the predicate could not have the article, in case we insert rjv after Av zlnag; let him compare 1 Cor. 15: 56. Phil. 3: 19. 1 Cor. 11: 3. The difficulty with the supposition does not lie in this ; for the article, in this case, would be demanded in order properly to specify pdqzvg emphati cally. It lies merely in the fact, that ellipses of the verb elpl are mostly of the third person singular of the present tense, (a few in the third plu ral) ; see Winer's Gramm. § 66. 2. But it is also true, that in the Apocalypse we have a large number of instances in which the Imper fect of elpl (rjv) is omitted, and must be mentally supplied ; e. g. Eev 1: 16 twice. In 4: 1, 5 — 7 are repeated cases where rjv seems to be omitted, both with a participle and without it ; also in 4: 5, xawpevai, 6: 2, 5. 7: 9. 10: 2, 8 (bis). 19: 11, 12, 13. 21: 14, etc. All these lat ter cases, however, are somewhat different from the one before us, inas much as a participle is expressed, which must be joined with the implied past tense of elpl. In this way, i. e. by supplying rjv, Vitringa, Daubuz, and others unhesitatingly explain the clause before us. But if we hesi tate to adopt this method, we may resort to the context, in order to de termine what verb we must suppose to be implied. This will afford us either oi'x rjqvrjaazo avzrjv, sc. niaztv, or else ixqdzrjaev avzb, sc. bvopct. I should prefer the latter, because it is the more leading and prominent idea. It is indeed rather an uncommon ellipsis ; and Ewald, as we have already seen, says that the like of it is nowhere else to be found in the Apocalypse. Yet if we concede this, there are many cases of ellip sis in the Greek classics not less striking, nor less unexpected by the reader, than this ; as any one may see by consulting a full exemplifica tion of them in the grammars. I can, after all, scarcely refrain from believing, that o mazbg, b? dnex- tdvdrj was originally written b mazb? dmxzdvOrj ; for thus all is plain and facile. It is easy to see how the intruder fig came in, i. e. in con sequence of the ending of the preceding word. The Syriac version CHURCH AT PERGAMOS : CHAP. n. 14. 73 here does not aid us ; for it reads thus : " My witness, who was my faithful one, who was killed among you." It is evident that the trans lator found some difficulty in the text ; for this must have led him thus to paraphrase it. Of the Antipas here named we know nothing further ; excepting that Andreas (Comm. written near the close of Cent. V.) mentions, that he had read a martyrology of him. Eusebius (Ecc. Hist. IV. 15) mentions the names of several persons at Pergamos, who suffered martyrdom about the same time as Polycarp ; which, however, was long after the death of Antipas. In the Acta Sanctorum (II. pp. 3, 4) is a martyr ology of Antipas from a Greek Ms.; but it is full of fable and fiction, which a later age had added to the original story. Onov o oazavag xazotxet, a repetition of what is said in the first part of the verse ; which shows the intensity of the writer's feelings in regard to the malice and devices of Satan, as exhibited at Pergamos. (14) But 1 have a few things against thee, that thou hast there some who hold the doctrine of Balaam, who taught Balak to cast a stumbling block before the children of lsmel, to eat things offered to idols and to commit fornication. "E%co xaza aov bXlya, a little different in form from iyco xazd aov in v. 4, but substantially of the same meaning. There zl is implied, i. e. somewhat ; here bXlya, a few things, is expressed. There, the complaint is that their first love had become cold, while still it is conceded that they are zealously opposed to the Nicolaitans ; here, the church tole rates these heretics with lenity, or at least with a kind of indifference ; but in respect to other things, they are not complained of. "Eyeig implies that the church has, within its own body, the Balaam ites or Nicolaitans. Otherwise they would not be responsible for the toleration of them. — Aidayfjv BaXadp. What this was, may be learned from Num. 25: 1, 2 comp. with Num. 31: 16, from which it appears, that, through the counsel of Balaam, the Moabites and Midianites com bined to tempt the children of Israel by idol worship connected with fe male devotees to it ; so that the Jewish people committed fornication and ate of the idol sacrifices ; for such must be the meaning of Num. 25: 2 : " And the people ate, and bowed down to their gods," viz. to those of Moab. Ewald is in an error, when he says that eidcoXbdvza are not mentioned in the history of Balaam, for they are plainly implied in the phrase quoted. The reference, however, in this passage, is not merely to the example of Balaam, so far as criminality is alleged, but also to a principle established by the apostolic decree in Acts 15: 28 seq., where all the churches are required dniyeadai eidcoXodvzcav . . . xal noqvelag. Balaam was an odious name among the Hebrews, and vol. n. 1° 74 CHURCH AT PERGAMOS : CHAP. II. 14. for good reasons ; to refer then to vices which he taught, was to stigma tize them as peculiarly odious. 'Edibaaxe zip BaXdx is an offence to the critics, because verbs of teaching govern two Accusatives, the one of the thing taught, and the other of the person who is taught. Here fiaXeiv x. r. X. is the thing taught, and the person is put in the Dative. But the Hebrews, with whom, in such a case, the same idiom as that of the Greeks is the usual one, do not always follow it ; e.g.b Tab , i. e. with b before the person, Job 21: 22. So b rnin, Deut. 33: 10. Hos. 10: 12 (bis). Besides this, however, there is another method of explanation, viz. by transla ting thus : ' Who taught, by Balak, to cast, etc,' i. e. who used Balak as his instrument, in thus enticing the children of Israel. The persons that were taught in this case would be, by implication, the Moabites and Midianites, who were directed by Balak to entice the Hebrews ; and that they did so, the sacred history relates. But after all, the reading zcp is very doubtfully supported, having only A. C. and 11. in its favour. Wetstein, Vater, and Tittmann, all read zbv; Griesbach, Knapp, and Lachmann, zcp. Mill, iv zcp BaXdx, i. e. in the history of Balak. Tbv is normal and is to be preferred, if supported by better authority; but as to the question, whether it is better in this case, the critics are divi ded. That rule of criticism, (here applied), which prefers the reading that is not normal, in a case of tolerable support, is to be received with much caution at the best. If a writer shows that he is well acquainted with a particular idiom, and if he usually follows it, the presumption is certainly in favour of it, when other things are equal. But if zcp is to be admitted here, it may, as a last resort, be regarded as the Dativus commodi, which would make a good sense ; just as, in the history of Ba laam, Num. 22: 6, Balak says to the prophet, Aqaaal p o i zbv Xabv zovzov, curse for me this people. So Bengel ; and certainly it is not a strained exegesis. BaXelv axdvdaXov is a Hebraistic expression, and has its origin in the idiomatic expressions, " way of the righteous, way of the Lord, way of wisdom, etc.," in which way all good men are said to walk. Now a stumbling block either occasions a fall, or impedes one's progress, when placed on a way. So temptation to sin is a stumbling block in the way of the righteous, or in the path of duty. The temptations which through the counsel of Balaam were placed before the Hebrews, occasioned the sin of many, and the destruction of 24,000 by the plague, Num. 25 : 9. — Hoqvevaai is often used as a generic word, in which case it designates pollution in general, without reference to the state of parties as married or unmarried. (iJayeiv elbcoXbdvza. A feast upon the viands which had been offered to an idol, where gluttony and rioting were common, which feast was CHURCH AT PERGAMOS : CHAP. II. 15. 16. 75 attended by numerous prostitutes devoted to the impure rites of idola try, would almost necessarily lead those who joined in it to idolatry and impurity. Hence the apostolic decree in Acts 15: 28 seq. ; and hence an abhorrence of sharing in such a feast is here expressed. (15) So thou also hast those who hold the doctrine of the Nicolaitans, in like manner. 'Oftoicog, at the close, is best supported, and seems entitled to recep tion. Other readings are o piaco (Text. Eecept.) ; b fiiaco bpolcog; rjv piaco ; bpolcog rjv fiiaco. Mill and Vater prefer the vulgate text. Ovzcog, so, i. e. in like manner as Balak retained a false prophet who misled the Hebrews, so thou retainest Balaamites, i. e. those who teach the things like to those which Balaam taught. — Tijv didayijv zcov Nixo- Xaizcov I take to mean the same as the preceding zrjv dida-jfrjv BaXadp. At least the Nicolaitans here are plainly the same as in v. 6 above ; so that the heresy in question, as it would seem, pervaded the churches at Ephesus, Pergamus, and also Thyatira, comp. v. 20, where the same vices are mentioned^ 'Opolcog, in like manner, i. e. the heretics among you hold and teach the doctrine of the Nicolaitans in like manner as Balaam held and taught his doctrine ; in other words, they teach so as to lead some to eat things sacrificed to idols and to commit fornication. How any bearing the name of Christians could teach thus, it is difficult at first to imagine ; but see the remarks on this subject, under v. 6. above. I do not feel quite sure, after all, that the speaker in this case does not mean to aver, that there are two classes of heretics, in the bosom of the church at Pergamos. If so, then we have nothing, either in v. 6. or v. 15, which defines the errors of the Nicolaitans. Moreover, on this ground they would seem to be distinguished from the Balaamites — how distinguished, we have only uncertain tradition to determine. On the whole, however, a comparison of vs. 6, 13, 14, and 20, leaves the impression on my mind, that the same pestilential heresy existed in each of the three respective churches, and that it was a matter of indif ference, whether it was named the doctrine of Balaam, or the doctrine of the Nicolaitans, inasmuch as the Hebrew, and Greek appellatives (Balaam and Nicolaus) have one and the same meaning. The suppo sition of two heretical sects, makes our text at first view more facile of interpretation ; but the other exegesis given above, seems to be capa- pable of a good defence. (16) Repent therefore ; and if thou dost not, 1 will come to thee quickly, and make war with them by the sword of my mouth. Hoi, to thee, i. e. the Saviour announces his intention to visit that church. 76 CHURCH AT PERGAMOS : CHAP. IL 17. Yet extreme punishment is not designed for the whole ; for he says noXeprjaco jiez' avzcbv, i. e. with the Nicolaitans. I have retained the manner of the original in my version, because it may be retained consistently with our idiom. But we should more readily express the sentiment thus : I will war against them with the sword of my mouth. 'Popcpaiav zov azbpazog is the sword before mentioned in v. 12 above, and also in 1: 16. Here the application is such, that we recognize at once the nature and design of the imagery. " He said, and it was done ; he commanded, and it stood fast." The sentence by him of condemna tion and excision is fatal. His sword can neither be resisted nor warded off; comp. Heb. 4: 12. On the nature of the imagery, see under 1: 16. I cannot think, with Wetstein and Herder, that there is any reference here to the sword of the angel who resisted Balaam, Num. 22: 23. The two cases are of a tenor quite different. (17) He who hath an ear, let him hear what the Spirit saith unto the churches. To him who overcometh — to him will I give of the hidden manna; and I will give him a white stone, and upon the stone a new name engraved, which no one knoweth except he that receiveth it. On zcp vixcbvzi x. z. X., see above on v. 7. — Tov udvva rov xexqvppi- vov, a vivid image of sustenance, or rather of enjoyment, in a future world. It is easy to trace its source. In Ex. 16: 32 — 34, God com mands that a pot of the manna rained down upon the Israelites should be gathered, and deposited in the ark of the testimony, for a memorial to all future generations of what the Lord had done. Comp. Heb. 9: 4. In Ps. 78: 24, 25, manna is called D?aiBn )tt and D^iax arte , i. e. the corn of heaven and the bread of the mighty ones, i. e. (probably) of an gels, as in our English version. So in Ps. 105: 40, it is called Drii trau, the bread of heaven. The excellence of this nourishment is thus strongly characterized. Then, in the next place, the joys of the blessed in a future world are often represented in the Scriptures under the image of a feast; see Eev. 3: 20. 19: 9. Now as manna was rained down from heaven, and manna is angel's food, it is very easy and nat ural for the mind to think of the manna laid up in heaven (so to speak) as being in store for the saints, when they shall be admitted to asso ciate with the angels. Kexqvppivov is to be taken in the sense of the Hebrew ^ss , laid up, stored in a safe and secret place'. Still, the form of the expression has reference probably to Ex. 16: 32 34. The manna, which was deposited by divine command in the ark of the cove nant, the Jews regarded as a specimen of heavenly food. Hence they invented many fictions concerning it. One was, that Jeremiah the prophet, just before the destruction of Jerusalem, commanded the tab ernacle [which the author of this fiction, as it would seem, supposed was CHURCH AT PERGAMOS : CHAP. II. 17. 77 deposited in the most Holy Place], and the ark of the testimony, and the altar of incense, to follow him to mount Sinai ; and there he hid them in a cave, to be brought out again only in the days of the Mes siah ; see 2 Mace. 2: 4 — 7. Comp. with this the apocryphal story of Jeremiah, in Fabr. Cod. Apoc. V. Test. p. 1112 seq. Abulfar. Hist. Dynast, p. 57. The reader will find an abundance of Eabbinical pas sages, designed to illustrate and confirm this tradition, in Eisenmenger's Entdeckt. Judenthum, II. p. 856 seq., and in Wetstein in loc, and Sehoettgen Hor. Heb. in loc. In the times of the Messiah, as it would seem, the Jews expected that the manna thus hidden would be discov ered, and distributed to his followers, as well as laid up again in the temple. That John however had any reference to this fabulous tra dition, there is no satisfactory evidence. Eichhorn, as is usual with him, traces the expression in the text to this fable ; but there is enough in the Scriptures, independently of this, to account for the figurative ex pression here employed. Why should we suppose the writer to go elsewhere for his sources, when he shows throughout his book a mind most thoroughly imbued with the Hebrew Scriptures, and that of all sources they are the most favourite one, and most frequently resorted to by him ? As the manna was laid up in the ark, no one could even ap proach it but the high-priest, who, once in each year, went into the most holy place iii order to make atonement. Yet even he could not taste of it. But under the new dispensation, where all are to be made "kings and priests unto God," Christians may enter for themselves into the most holy place, (for the veil is rent), and may even partake of the manna deposited there. Yet all this, it will be remembered, is but imagery employed in order to portray the ample and delightful enjoy ments of the faithful in the world to come. 'Em zrjv ipfjcpov .... Xapfidvcov has been, as it would seem, a real crux interpretum. The reason of this does not appear to be so much in the difficulty of the passage itself, as in the sources to which resort has be«n had in order to explain it. Greek sources of imagery have been sought for, while only Hebrew ones can satisfactorily solve the difficulty. (1) Vitringa, Lange, and many others, have referred to the Greek usage of absolving those who were tried on the ground of any accusa tion, by white balls or stones, and condemning by black ones. But this does not well compare with the case before us. There, the balls were thrown into an urn ; here the white stone is given to the victor him self. There, was no inscription on the balls ; here, is a new and secret name inscribed. We may also add, that such imagery would naturally convey the idea of an accusation made on the part of some one against the victor ; whereas it may well be supposed, that the writer here would have been disposed to say, with Paul : Tig iyxaXe'oei xaxd ixXexzcov dsov? 78 CHURCH AT PERGAMOS : CHAP. II. 17. (2) Grotius, Eichhorn, and others, refer to the tessera given to the victor in the Olympic games, on which was inscribed the reward to be received from his native city, viz. a sum of money, public support, etc. ; and this gave him a title to the same. The like custom also existed at Rome, although somewhat modified ; for the Roman emperors scattered tesserae of a similar nature among the populace, on distinguished occa sions. — But in these cases the white stone is wanting; and moreover, the mystic inscription which no one but the recipient could read. Vi tringa thinks, upon the whole, that both of these sources are to be united on the present occasion. Let us see if something more satisfactory cannot be adduced. (3) It is a frequent and favourite idea with the Apocalyptist, that Christians will be made kings and priests unto God ; see Rev. 1: 6. 5: 10. 20: 6 ; comp. also Is. 61: 6. 1 Pet. 2: 5. In Ex. 28: 36 seq., the mitre or turban of the high-priest is described. On its front was to be put a plate of gold, inscribed Fiim^ S'lp, sacred to Jehovah. The name Jehovah was the incommunicable and secret name, (see on Rev. 1: 4 above), which could be pronounced only by the high-priest, and was known, as the Jews say, only to him. Here then are all the materials for the explanation of the passage before us. Victors in the Christian struggle are to be made priests, yea exalted as it were to the dignity of high-priests ; for this only would parallelize with the declaration, that they are to be made kings. Instead of a plate of gold in their mitre they are to have a white stone, xpijcpov Xevxrjv, i. e. a pellucid or resplendent diamond, (for iliijcpo? is often used in the sense of a precious stone), on wdiich should be an inscription equivalent to nimb Eh'p, sacred to Jehovah. That Xevxbv in the Apocalypse has such a mean ing, i. e. resplendent or pellucid, as is here ascribed to it, is clear ; see Comm. on Xevxbv, 1: 14. Under the new order of things, i. e. since the Messiah's coming, the ancient inscription nvrb dip is not, as formerly, to be engraved. The name Abyog (John 1: 1. Rev. 19: 13) is to be written in its room, in order to denote that the victor is a follower of the Lamb. Perhaps the expression does not mean, that this identical word shall be the one which is to be employed, but it seems at least to mean, that some secret and sacred appellation equivalent to Abyog shall be inscribed. Yet it seems safe to abide by Xbyog, because, when applied to Christ, it has a secret or mystical sense. Thus all which has been said above respecting the secret name, b cov xal b rjv xal. b iq^bpevog, has a direct bearing upon this passage. The new name is doubtless some name of the Saviour. Thus understood, all is perfectly plain and easy. Christian victors will wear, on the frontlets of their victory- mitres, the name of their great Leader, the Captain of their salvation. To him is ascribed an incommunicable and secret name, just as it is CHURCH AT THYATIRA : CHAP. n. 18, 19. 79 given to Jehovah in Rev. 1: 4. This name of the new order of priests (i. e. of Christian priests in a spiritual sense) is of course, and should be, different from that on the mitre of the high-priests of old. Hence bvofia xatvbv. Eichhorn and others have considered the tyrjcpov here merely as a ticket of introduction to the heavenly feast of the manna. But so con sidered, the writer would exhibit a plain vazeqov nqbzeoov in the collo cation of his ideas. The clause in such a case, ought to occupy the penult and not the ultimate place in the sentence. I understand the connection of the whole somewhat differently from Eichhorn. The Jewish high-priest was the only person who could go in where the manna was kept, i. e. into the most holy place. And even he could not taste of it. See now what Christ has done ! All his faithful follow ers are not only made high-priests, and admitted where the manna is, but permitted to feed upon it. I may add, that the expression, b ovdelg otbev el firj o Xaftfidvcov, seems evidently to refer to the well known fact, that no one of the Jews, the high-priest excepted, knew how to pro nounce the word rnri^ written upon his mitre. He only who wore the mitre, could pronounce that word. So he only who wears the Chris tian diadem can read the inscription of the new name upon it, and fully understand it. Here then we have, instead of mystic, confused, unintelligible im agery, a most glowing description of the future reward of the faithful followers of Christ. Nor is it any objection to this explanation, that two distinct promises of reward are here made, — for such is the case in other instances ; see Rev. 2: 26 — 28. 3: 5. (18) And to the angel of the church in Thyatira write : Thus saith the Son of God, who hath his eyes as a flame of fire, and his feet are like polished brass. See the remarks on Eev. 1: 14, from which this passage is taken. But here there is a slight variation in the construction, (there cog cpXb^ nvqbg, here cog cpXbya nvqbg), on account of the Accusative case (bcpdaX/iovg) which precedes. Avzov after bcpdaXpovg is of somewhat doubtful authority ; and the sense is better without it. The appellation d vibg zov deov, very frequent in John, is employed only here in the Apocalypse. It was an early name of the Messiah ; see Ps. 2: 7. Enoch 104c: 2. (19) I know thy works, and love, and faith, and ministry, and thy patience, and thy recent labours more abundant than thy former ones. Ayanrjv should not be restricted here ; for it appears to mean the love of God and man, and diaxovlav seems to be one of the proper fruits of it. — Iliaziv marks the confidence of the church at Thyatira in the 80 CHURCH AT THYATIRA : CHAP. II. 20. doctrines and promises of the Christian religion.— Jiaxoviav designates active service in administering to the necessities and wants of others, particularly in the supply of food ; so often in the New Testament, see Lexicon. Hence didxovog, whose business it originally was to over see the matter of distributing charities, Acts vi. — 'Tnopovr) is patient endurance of the sorrows and troubles of life, and here it has reference specially to the troubles brought upon the church by persecution. Td eqya aov zd eaiaza x. z. X., i. e. in the recent season of pressure and distress, the church had, even beyond their accustomed efforts, ex erted themselves for the relief of others, and shown in all respects an increase of the practical Christian graces. The first zd eqya in the verse is generic. The virtues subsequently mentioned are particulars of the genus ; and they are thus brought to view, because they were prominent. So at the close of the verse, eqya again has a kind of generic meaning, comprising the practical Christian graces. (20) But 1 have somewhat against thee, that thou dost leave unrestrained thy wife Jezebel, who declareth herself [to be] a prophetess, and teacheth and leadeth astray my servants to commit fornication and to eat things sacrificed to idols. "Eyco xazd gov, see on 2: 4. — 'Acpeig 2 pers. sing. Pres., an unusual form, from the old contract dcpsco = dcpiijpt,. The literal meaning is, to let alone, to suffer or leave unrestrained, to permit ; and so I have ex pressed it ; in the version above. 'Iet,dfieX, the name of Ahab's idolatrous wife, who had such an unhap py influence over him, is here plainly a symbolical name ; but it is very expressive. The woman here denoted had, as it appears, an influence on some in the church, like to that of Jezebel on her husband. — The principal difficulty lies in calling this woman zrjv yvvaixd gov, thy wife. Whose wife is meant ? That of the dyyeXog, understood merely as the bishop or pastor of the church ; or that of the church at large, who are addressed through the medium of the bishop ? If the bishop only were addressed, we should be obliged to suppose that his proper wife was here actually meant. But as it seems to be certain that the whole church are addressed (comp. v. 10 above and also v. 23), so zr)v yvvaixd gov can mean only some woman in it, whose influence is great and also very cor rupting. It would seem to be the intimate relation which the woman adverted to sustains to the church, that appears to give occasion for the appellation zijv yvvaixd aov. The church had power to divorce her, (if we may keep up the metaphor) ; and in view of her character and efforts they are reproved for not doing so. The heresy taught in this case, appears to be the same as that refer red to in 2: 6 and 2: 14, 15. The woman in question, whose proper name (probably from motives of delicacy) is withheld, was evidently one CHURCH AT THYATIRA : CHAP. n. 21, 22. 81 who assumed the office of a public teacher (xal diddaxei), and gave her self out (for so it is said) as an authorized nqocpijzig. Li the primitive age it was sometimes a matter of fact, that women taught and spoke in public; Acts 21: 9. 1 Cor. 11: 5. 14: 34. Eom. 16: l.°l Tim. 2: 11, 12. In 1 Cor. 11: 5, Paul merely regulates public speaking by females, when it takes place ; in 1 Cor. 14: 34 and 1 Tim. 2: 11, 12, he forbids it be cause it leads to indecorum and disorder. Under the ancient dispensa tion there were several prophetesses, such as Miriam, Deborah, Hulda, etc. The like under the new; Acts 21: 9. 1 Cor. 11:5. Whether the Jezebel in this case did herself practise what she taught, is not, perhaps, expressly said ; but it seems to be somewhat plainly intimated (v. 23) ; and indeed it is scarcely possible to suppose, that a woman would teach such things without practising them. Practice must precede such a thorough depravation of principle and abandonment of modesty and de cency. (21) And I have given her time that she might repent, and yet she will not re pent of her fornication. "Edcoxa xqbvov of course shows that the error in question had been of some standing. Forbearance had already been exercised, and the time was now come in which other measures would be resorted to. — Tloqveia? uvzijg may possibly mean the corrupt and abominable doctrines which she taught ; but it seems likely, as above intimated, that doctrine and practice went together. In respect to pezavorjaai ix, see remarks on the next verse. (22) Behold, 1 cast her upon a bed, and those who have committed adultery with her into great affliction, unless they repent of her deeds. BdXXco elg xXivrjv means to cast her upon a sick-bed, or (as we say) make her bed-rid. So fidXXco alone in Matt. 8: 6, 14. Matt. 9: 2, inl xXlvrjg @e@Xrjpe'vov means the same. So iftefiXrjzo in Luke 16: 20, de notes the languishing state of Lazarus. But here BdXXco eig xXivrjv makes an antithesis to the noqvela of the preceding verse, and forms a kind of mental antanaclasis. The harlot's bed and the bed of sickness and distress are placed in contrast, in the way of implication. QXi\piv peydXrp corresponds in sense with, and therefore explains, BdXXco elg xXivrjv. — Mezavorjacaatv ix, a construction peculiar to this book ; see in v. 21 above. In the Hebrew, am is sometimes followed bp ia = ix, see Ges. Lex., also in 9: 20, 21. 16: 11. Once with anb in Acts 8; 22. In all other cases the verb is used absolutely and in an intransitive sense. In English we may say : He will repent this, or, He will repent of this. The latter idiom is exhibited in the Apocalypse. Repent of her deeds means, repent of such deeds as hers. VOL. II. J1 82 CHURCH AT THYATIRA : CHAP. n. 23, 24. (23) And her children will I slay by deadly disease, and all the churches shall know that 1 am he who searcheth the reins and the heart ; and I will render to you — to each one — according to your works. Td zexva avzrj? dnoxzevco, lit. children, or figuratively ? The latter I should deem most probable here ; for zexva seems to include all who had imbibed her sentiments. " Ye are of jour father, the devil," said the Saviour to the Jews, i. e. ye are children of Satan. Still, if za zexva is to be taken literally, and in distinction from zoiig fioi/evovzag (v. 22), then the threat will be like that in 2 K. 9: 7 — 9. Ex. 20: 5 ; and it involves the idea of severe punishment. Treason has, in almost all countries of the East, been followed with the extirpation of the whole family connect ed with the culprit. The allusion here would be to the severe punish ment usually consequent on high misdemeanours. 'Ev davdzcp, with pestilence or deadly disease. So in 6: 8. 18: 8. Qdvazog = the Heb. "ia^ ; see Septuagint ddvazog for lai in 2 Sam. 24: 13. So the Syriac and Rabbinic xnia, in the same sense. Deadly disease is the version which most exactly corresponds to ddvazog here. Tlaaai cci ixxXtjalai . . . xaqdiag. Here the speaker claims the pre rogative of omniscience ; comp. Ps. 7: 9. 1 Sam. 16: 7. 1 Chron. 28: 9. Ps. 139: 1. Jer. 11: 20. 17: 10. 20: 12. That is : < I will make all the churches to understand, that I know all, even the most secret, acts of wickedness committed in the midst of them, however concealed from human view. All the thoughts of the heart are naked and open to my view.' 'TpTv, to you collectively ; exdazcp, to each individual particularly and personally. 'Exdazcp renders the expression more emphatic. (24) But I say to you, the remainder who are in Thyatira, so many as hold not this doctrine, who have not known the depths (of Satan), as they say, on you I lay no other burden. ToTg Xsinoig x. z. X., i. e. to all of the church not involved in the charges already made, I utter no words of commination, but only of ex hortation and promise.— Ovx e%ovGi, do not hold, i. e. possess, entertain, retain. Bddea, depths, i. e. mysteries, or deep and therefore secret things which can be understood only by pvazai ; with evident allusion to the common views of the heathen respecting their mysteries, e. g. the mys teries of Eleusis, etc. The heretics here stigmatized undoubtedly pre tended to a deeper, i. e. more profound, knowledge of Christianity than others ; and by virtue of such knowledge they had attained, as they also pretended, to a conviction, that the eating of idol-sacrifices and the grati fication of their lusts were ddtdcpoqa, q. d. matters' of indifference in a spiritual respect— for what power, they probably inquired, could the CHURCH AT THYATIRA : CHAP. H. 25. 83 body have over the immortal mind? The common English version " the depths of Satan, as they say " — would represent the heretics in question as themselves giving such an appellation to their own fancied mysteries. Evidently they would not have so named them, that is, they would not have introduced the name of Satan in connection with them ; for this would at once both condemn them and render them odious in the eyes of others. Tov Hazavd, therefore, is evidently a characteriz ing expression thrown in by the speaker, and is to be read and consid ered as I have marked it, viz. in the way of parenthesis. So Vitringa ; and so Ewald, who translates : " Mysteria, quae dicunt, revera Satanae." This mention of pretended (Sd&ea in the doctrines of these heretics reminds us forcibly of Gnostic pvazrjqia, the leaven of which sect would seem to have already begun its fermentation. Tertullian (at the close of the second century) thus characterizes some of that sect : Si bona fide quaeras, concreto vultu, suspenso supercilio : Altum est, aiunt. Adv. Val. c 1. Irenaeus also says of them : Qui profunda Bythi adin- venisse se dicant ; and again : Profunda Dei adinvenisse se dicentes ; Cont. Haer. II. 38, 39 (edit. Massuet, H. 22). If, instead of referring dig Xeyovai to the heretics, we refer it to the name given to their mysteries by the adverse party, then there would be no need of construing the passage as I have done above. The sen timent would then run thus : ' Who have not known the depths of Sa tan, as men are accustomed to name them.' It is very probable, that the zealous Christians here (see v. 19) would bestow on the pretended mysteries such an appellation. But the change of person from vplv in the beginning of the verse, to the third pers. plur. here, is against this solution. AXXo (Idqog, any other burden ; comp. Matt. 20: 12, and la'a in Is. 21: 15. Eichhorn understands (Idqog figuratively of precept, and com pares Matt. 11: 30. 23: 4. But in the passage before us the speaker has not been uttering precepts ; and what could aXXo mean, pn such a ground as Eichhorn's ? On the other hand ; commination he has utter ed. The difficulties arising naturally from the then existing state of things, and which would ensue upon the expurgation of the church, were all which the, Lord Jesus thought proper to burden the church of Thya tira with, at the time when he thus addressed them. This appears to be the plain and simple meaning of the passage. (25) Nevertheless, hold fast that which ye have, until I shall come. While he imposes no penalty upon the faithful party, he still exhorts them to remain firm and unwavering in their present love, and faith, and good works. Under temptations such as assailed them, they had special need of caution in this respect. 84 CHURCH AT THYATIRA : ChAP. II. 26, 27. AiqiS ov dv r)\ca, i. e. shall come to vindicate the faithful, and punish transgressors. The time was not far distant when they might expect this. But the use of Aor. I. Subj. here, (JjZ,ca), with av, intimates that the time of coming is left undetermined ; it may be sooner or later. The design of the speaker is to leave it undefined, in order to promote watchfulness. (26) And as to him who overcometh, and watchfully performeth until the end the works which I require — to him will I give authority over the nations. '0 vixcov and d zrjqcov are plainly the Nominative absolute, so common in the Old Testament and not unfrequent in the New ; see Heb. Gramm. § 415 — 417. N. Test. Gramm. § 97. 2. — 'Ajfri ziXovg used adverbially, and so without the article. The end of trial or probation, or of life, is here meant ; for the promise is to each individual who may be obedient. — Trjqcov, like the Hebrew lata , keep, observe, i. e. watchfully perform, obey. — "Eqya pov means, such works as I have prescribed or command ed ; comp. the relations expressed by the Genitive, N. Test. Gramm. § 99. Here zd eqya pov is tacitly opposed to zd eqya 'Ie^d§eX.—^'E^ov- a lav int zcov idvcov, i. e. I will make him king; comp. 1: 6 and the texts there cited. Meaning : ' I will give him an exalted station, with abundance and honour like those of kings ;' comp. 1 Cor. 4: 7, 8. (27) And he shall rule them with an iron sceptre, as potter's vessels shall he dash them in pieces; as I have received of my Father. The allusion here is to Ps. 2: 9, with a slight change of the verbs (from second pers. to the third) in order to adapt them to the present purpose of the speaker. To rule with a rod or sceptre of iron, is to ex ercise a sovereign and irresistible sway. In other words, such dominion cannot be successfully opposed or rendered null. — To dash in pieces as potter's vessels, implies the complete subjugation and destruction of all who oppose.— But the reading avvzqiBerai here (Praes.) does not seem to couple well with noipavel (Fut.). 2vvzqiBr)aezai, to which Griesbach attaches a good degree of probability, seems more congruous. If this be not admitted, then I should prefer to change the accent over noipavel and write noipdvei, i. e. Present tense, which would make both parts of the sentence consentaneous. As to the Present being used for the fu ture, no serious difficulty surely can be urged here ; see N. Test Gramm. § 136. 1. c, and Vol. I. p. 239, b. The imagery of a potter's vessel struck by an iron sceptre, is a very vivid representation of the dangerous and perishable condition of the enemies of the church. g^? xdycb . . . nazqbg pov, i. e. cog xdych ei'Xrjcpa Qovalav [from v. 26] noipaveiv xal avvzqlBeadai naqd zoi nazqbg uov, the ellipsis being easily filled up from the preceding context. The meaning is, that his disciples CHURCH AT SARDIS : ChAP. II. 28. III. 1. 85 shall reign with him, or be partners in his kingdom ; see the passages quoted under Rev. 1: 6, particularly Luke 22: 29, 30. 2 Tim. 2: 12. Eev. 3: 21.— On the phrase ei'Xrjcpa x. z. X., see the quotations under Rev. 1: 1, which exhibit the dependence of the Mediator, as such, upon God the Father. (28) And I will give to him the morning star. In chap. 1: 14 — >16, the Saviour is presented as all resplendent and glorious, 'shining like the sun in his strength.' In 2 Sam. 21: 17, Da vid is called the light of Israel. In Dan. 12: 3, the wise, it is said, will " shine as the brightness of the firmament [the sun], . . . and as the stars forever and ever." In Dan. 8: 10, those are called the host of hea ven and the stars, who perform service in the temple of God, and who will be cast down by Antiochus. The king of Babylon is compared to the morning star, on account of splendour, in Is. 14: 12. In Num. 24: 17, Balaam prophecies that a Star shall arise out of Jacob, i. e. the Messiah. Now as Jesus had just said, that he would give his faithful followers like dominion with his own, so here a splendour or glory like his own (as dedvdqconog or Mediator), he declares shall be imparted to them. I will give him the morning star, then, means : I will clothe him with radiance like that of the morning star, i. e. I will make him all bright and glorious. Observe that the writer does not say : dcoaco avzcp, etc., as merely equivalent to drjaco avrbv, etc., i. e. I will make him a morning star, but his meaning is, / will give him the radiance of the morning star. Comp. Rev. 12: 1, the woman clothed with the sun ; also Ps. 104: 2, " Who coverest thyself with light, as with a garment." See also Rev. 22: 16, where Christ himself is called the morning star, i. e. all splendid and glorious. Daubuz (Comm. in loc.) says the meaning is : 'I will make him partaker of the first resurrection (Rev. 20: 6), which is the morning star to the second.' CHAPTER UI. (1) And to the angel of the church in Sardis write : Thus saith he who hath the seven spirits of God, and the seven stars. I know thy works ; that thou hast a name that thou livest, and art dead. '0 'iycav zd enzd nvevpaza rov deov. Are these attributes merely of himself, i. e. is he represented here as a mere Spiritus septiformis ? Or as having the seven presence angels under his control, or at his dis posal — having them as his attendants and the ministers of his will ? Beyond all reasonable doubt the latter ; for, on the other ground, how are we to interpret the next clause, [s^ftw] rovg enzd dazsQag ? These surely are not attributes of the Saviour, but symbols of the seven dyye- 86 CHURCH AT SARDIS : CHAP. III. 1. Xoi of the churches, comp. 1: 20. As to the seven angels before the throne of God, see under 1: 4, and comp. here Rev. 8: 2, and 4: 5. In this last passage, the seven lamps before the throne of God, are said to be the seven spirits of God ; or, reversing the order of the declaration for the sake of perspicuity, the seven spirits of God are seven burning, i. e. shining or resplendent lights ; for the expression means all radiant like the flame of lamps. That such is the meaning, seems plain from a comparison of other like passages ; e. g. in Ezek. 1: 13, the living creatures, who support the throne of God and convey it instantaneously to any part of the universe, are said to be like burning coals of fire, and like the appearance of lamps. So in Is. 6: 1, the Seraphim (a^a'nia from fcpiB, exurere, comburere), i. e. the bright or shining ones, ardentes, lu- centes, surround the throne of God. In Zech. 3: 9. 4: 10 and Rev. 5: 6, another like symbol is employed, viz. that of seven eyes running to and fro through the whole earth ; the mode of conception here being that which forms an image of bright, sparkling, or resplendent eyes (see Rev. 2: 18), which throw radiance on every part of the universe and make all things plain and conspicuous. But here, the seven eyes are indicative of properties belonging to him who possesses them ; and in this respect they differ from the preceding passages which refer to angels ; comp. Rev. 2: 18. The meaning in all the preceding passages which respect angels, is substantially the same, viz., that angels of the highest rank, those glorious beings who stand immediately before the throne of God, are in attendance on the divine Majesty, or (as here) on the Saviour, and are " swift to do his will." Supreme power in him whose servants they are, is thus significantly designated. — As to s^ow, there can be no doubt that the more usual signification is given to it by this interpretation. At any rate the next clause shows, that the pos session here does not relate to the possession of attributes but to a power of disposal. Thus, as Eichhorn, Heinrichs, and Ewald, all testify, the Apocalyptist attributes to the Saviour the same prerogatives as he does to the supreme Godhead. In Enoch 48 b : 2, 3, the Messiah is repre sented as having three spirits dwelling in him. Comp. also 60: 13, ib. Toiig enzd dazeqag, see on 1: 16.— "Ort x. z. X., before ozi the verb olda is of course implied.— -Ovopa, here, a name and nothing more, as the sequel shows.— "On £jjff, we should express the clause in English thus : ' That thou hast a name to live.' So the Greek mio-ht have been • but nothing is more common than ozi after verbs of knowing, saying, reporting, ete.—Zrj? Indicative Praes. and always of this peculiar form, in the New Testament ; see Lexicon. The sense here is of course a spiritual one.— Nexqb?, dead spiritually ; a common idiom, to designate those who are cold and stupid with respect to spiritual things, and specially those who are in an unregenerate state, Eph. 2: 1, CHURCH AT sardis : Chap. HI. 2, 3. 87 5. Col. 2: 13. Rom. 6: 13. Matt. 8: 22. The word vexqbg is here used in a modified sense ; for the speaker does not mean to deny that there are some Christians at Sardis. What he means to say is, that they are generally in a cold and lifeless state. (2) Be watchful, and strengthen what remains and is ready to die ; for I have not found thy works perfect before God. rqrjyoqcbv, watchful or wakeful, in opposition to the drowsy condition of the church. — Hzrjqiaov, strengthen or confirm, viz. that which is now apparently weak and inefficient, i. e. rouse up into active and living energy. — Td Xomd, lit. remaining things, i. e. the Christian graces or virtues which now seem ready to expire. raq — i. e. do so, for I have not found, etc. ; or, I say this, for or be cause, etc. — IlenXrjqcopeva, complete, lit. full, i. e. in the sense of being complete in all respects. In other words : Thy works are not such, in the sight of God, as comport with the high demands of Christian faith. — Evcontov zov deov admonishes them, that " the Lord seeth not as man seeth;" he looks on the heart and forms a true judgment, not being misled, as men are, by appearances and professions. — Mov, see remarks on pov used in the same connection, in 2: 7. . (3) Remember, therefore, how thou hast learned and heard, and keep [those things] in mind, and repent. If now thou shouldest not be watchful, I will come as'a thief, and thou shalt not know in what hour I will come upon thee. IJcog may signify in what manner, how, in which case it probably designates something pecuhar as to the manner in which the church at Sardis had been taught the gospel. Such would be the ordinary signi fication of the word. But it might, perhaps, be construed adverbially here as an intensive; e. g. Luke 12: 50, ncog avve%opai, how greatly am I distressed ! John 11: 36, ncog icpiXei avzov, how much he loved him. So here : Remember how much thou hast learned and heard. But I apprehend that ncog is used as a simple intensive only with verbs which imply feeling. The other mode of exegesis comes to the same sense substantially, although the idea conveyed is indefinite and generic, i. e. the reader is not expressly informed of the manner in which they had been taught, but the implication is, that it was unusually good. E'iXrjcpag (from Xappdvco) is sometimes employed for receiving in the way of a learner, e. g. Diod. Sic. II. 29 ; and in 1 Cor. 11: 23. 15: 3 al., the same meaning is given to naqaXafi^dvco. So ngi in Hebrew ; also npb , doctrina, scientia, quasi Xijxpi?. So the converse of XauBdvco, viz. dldcopt, often means to impart instruction. — "Hxovaag refers to the oral instruction which had been imparted, and which they had heard. Tijqsi, keep in mind, (see on zrjqovvzeg 1: 3), i. e. keep in mind what 88 CHURCH AT sardis : Chap. HI. 4. thou hast heard and been taught. — Mezavbrjaov, repent of your present cold and lifeless state. — Ovv may be rendered here as a continuative. It marks additional matter, dependent on, or connected with, what goes before; so that eav ovv must be rendered, if moreover, if 'now. — 'Sig xXentijg designates the idea of a sudden and unexpected coming, like that of a thief in the dead of night. In Joel 2: 9 it characterizes the sudden invasion of the locusts. Comp. Matt. 2.4: 43. Luke 12: 39, 40. 1 Thess. 5: 4. 2 Pet. 3: 10. Rev. 16: 15. With us the image in itself would seem to be of a forbidding nature, because xXenzrjg is an odious personage. The frequency of this comparison in the Scriptures, how ever, shows how much the taste is modified by usage. It also shows, what is elsewhere generally the case, that comparisons are to be extend ed, for the most part, only to one single leading point or particular. If we should extend the comparison, in the present case, beyond the simple point of sudden and unexpected coming, it would become odious and un just. It should however be noted, that it is only when punishment is threatened, that such a coming is designated by the sacred writers. The comparison as to the single point intended, is undoubtedly a strong and forcible one ; and this is illustrated by the sequel of the passage before us : xai ov prj yvcog x. z. X. The taste which now prevails in the west ern world would doubtless have led to the selection of a different object for comparison, on an occasion like the present ; but such a choice was sanctioned by Hebrew usage, and was in accordance with the usus lo quendi of the day; which is a sufficient justification of the Apocalyptist. On ov pr) yvcog (Aor. H. Subj.), see Gramm. § 148. 4. As to noiav coqav, Accusative of time when, see Vol. I. p. 249. (4) But still, thou hast a few names in Sardis, who have not defiled their gar ments ; and they shall walk with me in white, for they are worthy. "Eietg, thou possessest, i. e. there are among you. — 'Ovbuaza here for persons, individuals ; comp. Acts 1: 15. Eev. 11: 13, for the like usage. In Hebrew wa , in cases almost without number, is used as a kind of pe riphrasis for God or Jehovah, sometimes absolutely, and sometimes fol lowed by the word God or Jehovah ; e. g. those who love thy name, Ps. 5: 11, 12. My name is in him, Ex. 23: 21. My name shall be there [in the temple], 1 K 8: 29. So, to call on the name of the Lord ; to praise the name of the Lord ; the name of the God of Jacob defend thee; the name of the Lord is a strong tower, etc. In the New Testament this idiom abounds even still more ; see Eob. Lex. bvofia, d. Thus, to believe in his name ; trust in his name ; do this or that for his name's sake ; be baptized into his name, or into the name of the Father, etc. ; to assemble in his name ; suffer for his name, etc. Even without a suf fix pronoun, or a Gen. following, aa is used for God, in Lev. 24: 11, 16, CHURCH AT SARDIS : CHAP. in. 4. 89 comp. Deut. 28: 58. 'Ovbpaza and hiattj (in the plural) appear to be employed in such a sense, only when some enumeration is supposed to take place ; comp. Num. 1: 2, 18, 20. 3: 40, 43. 26: 53, and also Acts 1: 15. Eev. 11: 13. So here, the adjective bXiya implies some kind of enumeration, in order to ascertain the fact which it asserts. A ovx ipbXvvav . . . dvzcov. Clean white garments are very natural emblems of innocence, and have been extensively spoken of as such among many nations. Hence to be clothed with polluted garments, i. e. garments soiled, stained, etc., is an emblem of a character which is soil ed or polluted, see Zech. 3: 3 seq. Kai neqinazr)aovai . . . iv Xevxoi?, i. e. inasmuch as they have remain ed pure and uncontaminated, they shall enjoy the reward of so doing, by a Continued and permanent state of purity and glory with the Eedeemer in the world to come. The source of the metaphorical language iv Xev xoi?, may be easily explained. The priests were required to clothe themselves in white linen, Lev. 16: 4. Ex. 28: 39, 42. Lev. 6: 10. In like manner the saints in the world of glory are to be clad, Eev. 6: 11. 7: 9. 19: 8, where the flvaaivov is said to be zd bixaicopaza zcov dylcov, i. e. to be an emblem of dixaicopaza. Or it may be illustrated in anoth er way. In Heb. "rjn means to be white ; "lin white linen ; Di'V'in inge- nui, nobiles, so called because they wore vestments of this material. I am aware that Gesenius refers this to the Arabic •>. , ingenuus fuit ; but as the Hebrew verb -on has no such sense, and the otlier derivation (from Tin) is easy and obvious, it seems to me preferable. As the first method of explaining iv Xevxoig would represent the faithful as being priests to God, so the second designates them as princes or kings. Both ideas are common to the Apocalypse, and the reader may choose which he pleases. I give the preference to the former, because the becoming priests seems to be a favourite trope with the writer; comp. 2: 17, and texts cited under 1: 6. Comp. also Acts 1: 10. Matt. 28: 3. Acts 10: 30. Mark 16: 5. Luke 24: 4, for illustration of the general nature of the imagery. Contemporary writers employ the like imagery abundantly and for similar purposes ; Enoch 89: 41, 42, 45, 46. That white and splendid vest ments are laid up in heaven for the faithful, is a common idea among writers of this description, and among the Eabbins ; see 4 Ezra 2: 39, 44, 45. Enoch 61: 18. Ascens. Is. 3: 25. 4: 16. 8: 26. 9: 9, 25. Zohar (Amst.) I. 66. II. 210. Eisenm. Jud. H. p. 310. Schottg. Hor. Heb. in loc. "A'iioi elatv, i. e. by a pure and unspotted life, they have manifested a fitness for such a reward. — To walk with the Redeemer means here to be associated with him in the world to come, and to participate in his glory. Perhaps there is an allusion to Zech. 3: 7, "I will give thee d^rra vol. n, 12 90 CHURCH AT PHILADELPHIA : CHAP. in. 5, 7. (nsqinazovvze?) among those who stand here," i. e. the guardian angels of the temple shall accompany thee and protect thee. (5) He that overcometh— the same shall be clothed in white vestments ; and, I will not blot out his name from the book of life, and I will acknowledge his name before my Father, and before his angels. '0 vtxcov, Nom. abs., see Gramm. § 97. 2. The insertion of ovzog here before the verb, is designed to give emphasis ; Gramm. § 123. 1. Ov pr) i%v XTiodivrujv ? And farther ; as 6 fidgrvs b -iriaris here is plainly taken from Rev. 1: 5, and there, in connection with this phrase, stands o c'gyiuv roiv (iaoMvjv rijs yrjs, is it not evident that the writer had this in his mind here, and that he'has repeated the same sentiment merely with some small modification, i. e. he has used the abstract dgxij instead of the concrete apyvrv, and has made the extent of the dominion (now designated by r^s xriaews roii diov) wider than before (in 1: 5), when he merely said : riiiv fiaoiXiwv rijs yijs- 100 CHURCH AT LAODICEA : CHAP. III. 15 — 17. where such a sense is certain, should we hesitate to give the like sense here, viz., Head or Lord of the creation of God f Not, as Wetstein, Eichhorn, and others, Head of the church ; for then it would be : Tijg xaivijg xziaemg zov deov, Gal. 6: 15. 2 Cor. 5: 17. But here we may give the phrase a more enlarged sense, like that in Phil. 2: 9 — 11, Head of the whole creation. This is surely firmer ground than that of Vi tringa. (15) I know thy works, that thou art neither cold nor hot. 1 would that thou wert either cold or hot ! Cold would imply a state absolutely unchristian. Hot here means a fervid and zealous state, such as the times and circumstances then imperi ously demanded of Christians. "OcpeXov = utinam, in reality Aor. Hof bcpelXco, used in epic poetry and the later Greek as a particle, instead of the regular form of the verb, which would be cocpeXov. It is followed by the Indie or Opt. Griesbach reads rjg here, Subj. ; but the Subj. is not appropriate to this particle, and therefore rjg is the better reading. (16) So then, because thou art luke-warm, and neither cold nor hot, I will vo mit thee out of my mouth. XXiaqbg here designates tepid, i. e. like tepid water, which is odious to the palate and provokes vomiting. The imagery is intensely strong, and denotes high disgust at the state of indifference in which the Laodi cean church were. This balancing between Clirist and the world, when dangers press and difficulties are frequent and formidable, is not allow ed to the soldiers of the cross. When they enlist under the banner of their great Captain, they enlist for service, not for the sake of fur loughs. One is tempted also to make another application of the sentiment here, which however probably was not in the mind of the writer. This is, that when we hear some persons protesting against the use of hot or cold drinks, as ruinous to health, and insisting on the tepid, we may reply : The Apocalyptist has appealed to our very nature, as revolting at the xXiaqbg which you recommend. Should we have been created with such a taste, if it were in itself destructive ? Excess in drinks hot or cold, as excess everywhere else and in all things, is no doubt injurious ; but it would be difficult to show that a moderate use of them is so. (17) Because thou sayest : 1 am rich, and have become wealthy and have need of nothing, and dost not know that thou art wretched and miserable, and poor, and blind, and naked ; Ae'yeig may be taken in the same sense in which cprjpl and "rax are often used, viz., for internal speaking, i. e. thinking, imagining, supposing, etc. It matters but little, whether we suppose here the Laodicean church CHURCH AT LAODICEA : CHAP. HI. 17. 101 to have merely thought in their hearts that which the sequel of the text exhibits, or expressed themselves outwardly to the same effect. The latter case would merely indicate either a little more frankness, or a lit tle more impudence, as the case might be. IlXovaiog in respect to wealth, property, or in respect to spiritual gifts and graces ? The former, I can scarcely doubt. There are and have been, indeed, many spiritual boasters in the world ; but then they are for the most part men of an enthusiastic turn of mind, and commonly have much fervour, such as it is ; whereas the Laodicean church are plainly characterized as wordling-Christians, grown luke-warm as to di vine things by the eager pursuit of riches. The world is filled with ex amples of the same nature, at the present hour. — TlenXovrrjxa only ren ders the affirmation more intense ; and the following clause adds still more to this 'intensity, viz., and I have need of nothing. In other words, I have accumulated riches to such a degree, that all my wants and de sires can be gratified. '0 zaXalnoqog xai o iXeeivbg with the article ; but nrcoybg etc. without it. The article before iXeetvbg, however, is omitted in some Codices, probably because the common principle in this case, would seem to re quire the omission ; for continuous nouns or adjectives, connected and coordinate, usually omit the article after the first noun or adjective ; N. Test. Gramm. § 89. 9. But I prefer the reading b iXeeivbg, because I regard the writer as intending to lay some special emphasis or stress on zaXalncogog and iXeeivbg ; which are no doubt to be taken in a spiritual sense. It must be, that if the Laodiceans were in reality Christians, (and we are not constrained to deny this), still they were in such a state of spiritual declension, that they must after all have been truly wretched, not being able fully to enjoy either their wealth or their religion. Hence o raXalncoqog and b iXeeivbg. For the rest; nzcoybg x. r. X., being with out the article, seem to admit of a less intensive sense, and to denote what is still compatible with having some principle of piety, although it was then destitute of any present active and efficient development. It may be, that this view of the case requires too nice distinctions ; yet one can hardly imagine that all the church at Laodicea were hypocrites, see v. 19, which seems to forbid such a supposition. If they were not, then the three latter adjectives should be taken in a comparative or mo dified sense. The omission of the article comports well with this. Dlzcoxbg, spiritually poor, in the way of antithesis to the preceding nXovaiog ; see the like antithesis in 2: 9. Sentiment : ' Whatever worldly possessions thou mayest have, or however abundant they are, thou art poor in respect to spiritual gifts and graces.' — TvcpXog, blind in a spiritual respect, i. e. not discerning thy duty, nor the true nature and excellence of spiritual acquisitions. — Tvpvbg, naked, i. e. destitute of 102 CHURCH AT LAODICEA : ChAP. III. 18 — 20. the goodly vesture of a truly Christian spirit, and therefore exposed by thy condition to the contemptuous gaze of the world, to whom thy incon sistent conduct must be manifest. (18) I counsel thee to procure of me gold tried by fire, that thou mayest be rich; and white garments, that thou mayest put them on and the shame of thy naked ness may not appear ; and eye-salve to anoint thine eyes, that thou mayest see. Ayoqaaai to procure or obtain ; for the word does not always have the specific meaning of buying a thing by paying a price for it ; see Is. 55: 1, where " he that hath no money " is invited " to buy [i. e. procure sustenance] without money and without price." The graces bestowed by the Great Head of the church are not bought by an equivalent price, but are obtained xazd ydqiv. Ilenvqcofiivov = t^is, expurgated by fire, Is. 1: 25. Mai. 3: 2,3, comp. 1 Pet. 1: 7. The meaning is : ' I counsel thee to procure of me the true and unadulterated riches, i. e. spiritual gifts and graces, so that thou mayest be rich in the true sense of the word.' — Ipdna Xevxd, see on v. 4 above. It is not the vestments that wealth can procure, which they need, but that white linen which is the righteousness of the saints, Eev. 19: 8. — Fvpvbzrjibg gov here of course is to be taken in the spirit ual sense. KoXXovqwv, eye-salve, a medicament (lit. construed) for sore or dis eased eyes. Here it is the eyes of their spiritual understanding which are meant ; although the imagery is taken from the physical eye. — The Saviour here proposes a remedy for all their faults, in the gifts and the graces which he bestows. He is the source of all spiritual good to the believer. In and through him are all the blessings bestowed which the Christian needs. (19) Whomsoever 1 love, I reprove and chasten; be zealous, therefore, and repent. This implies, of course, that they were still in some degree the ob jects of his love, as children; comp. Heb. 12: 6 — 8. Prov. 3: 11, 12. — Eav for dv, (see Winer § 43. 6 in Note), which makes cpilcb (Subj.) to express a supposition or condition. — I reprove and chasten or disci pline. This is appropriate here, because he had just uttered words of sharp rebuke and admonition. — ZijXcoaov is directly opposed to their state of frigidity and indifference ; q. d. rouse up to energetic Christian action and development. — Mezavbrjaov, i. e. they must repent of the misconduct which he had been reproving. Comp. Gal. 4: 18. (20) Behold I stand at the door and knock; if any one will hearken to my .ice, and open the door, I will come in to him and will sup with him, and he th me. "Eazrjxa used in the Pres. tense ; N. Test. Gramm. § 136. 3. c. voicewith me. GENEEAL REMARKS ON THE SEVEN EPISTLES. 103 Lit. I have taken my station. The imagery here employed is that of the Saviour as going round among the dwellings of the Laodicean churches, and paying a visit to each, and holding friendly intercourse with the inmates. — Kqovco for y.bnzco ; sometimes so in the Attic Greek, but not very common ; see Lob. ad Phryn. p. 177. Eav zig axovorj zrjg cpwvijg fiov refers to a custom of the person who knocked, to speak and let it be known by his voice who he was ; comp. Acts 12: 13, 14. Cant. 5: 2. — Aemvijaco, sup. Supper was the social and the principal meal of the aricients ; comp. Gen. 19: 1 — 3. 18: 1 — 8. Here the addition of xal avzbg per' i/iov shows, that the Eedeemer would treat the penitent and obedient members of this backslidden church with the greatest condescension and kindness. The whole is an image or symbol of a feast (so to speak) in the future world. Comp. Luke 14: 15. 22: 16—18. Mark 14: 25. Eev. 19: 9. Matt. 22: 2, 3. See a kindred idea, but in a more intensive form, in Eev. 3: 21. (21) He that conquereth — to him will 1 give to sit with me on my throne, even as I overcame, and am seated with my Father on his throne. In 2: 7 we have zco vixcovti . . . avzcp, but here b vixcov, i. e. the Nom. absolute. Cases of the like nature in the 0. Testament Scriptures are numerous. They are not unfrequent in the New ; see on v. 5 above. — As to the language and sentiment, see under 1: 6, where nearly all the cases of this nature are adduced and presented to the view of the reader. To be seated on the Redeemer's throne, is to reign with him, avfipaatXevaat. pez' avzov; an idea, as maybe seen by consulting the commentary on chap. 1: 6, which is frequent in the O. Testament and in the New. To say the least, it presents to our view a most vivid and striking image of the future exaltation and glory of the -saints. The enthronization of the Eedeemer here spoken of, is that which was awarded to him on account of his having achieved the mediatorial work. In our nature he then became enthroned and exalted ; Phil. 2: 5 — 11. Heb. 1: 3. 8: 1. The like to this, i. e. so far as our nature and con dition render us capable of being elevated and glorified, will be granted to all who prove to be final victors in the contest with the world, the flesh, and the devil. General Remarks on the Seven Epistles. At the close of the preceding particular examination of these Epistles, it may be not inapposite to make a few suggestions in the way of re capitulation or summary criticism. Nothing can be plainer, than that they are the result of a specific design and plan of execution. The manner in which they all commence 104 GENERAL REMARKS ON THE SEVEN EPISTLES. and close ; the triplicity of their contents (see Vol. I. § 7. p. 132) ; the intimate connection which they have with the vision which precedes them, and with the visions that follow (see § 25. p. 434), thus demon strating the unity of the whole book; the fact that they are all so nearly of the same length, which shows a special regard on the part of the writer to a regular plan and to the nature of the book in which they were to appear — all these things are obvious to the attentive reader. It is quite plain, too, that all of these epistles exhibit incontestible marks of having been written at a time when the churches addressed were in a state of persecution and of peril, (see § 13. p. 222 seq.). Hence the appositeness of the succeeding parts of the book to such a state of things. As to the matter of the epistles, it has been taxed with an un usual degree of severity. It is clear, indeed, that no part of the N. Testament exhibits higher demands of holiness and faith than this. The standard of Christian morals and fidelity is exceedingly elevated and unbending. But is it not equally clear, that a spirit of tender re gard to the weaknesses of human nature is manifested throughout ? The speaker, or writer, is much more prone to commend and encourage, than to censure or reprove. Where he finds occasion to do both, his commendations occupy the first place; see Eev. 2: 2 seq. 2: 13 seq. 2: 19 seq. 3: 8 seq. Never does he forget to hold out the prospect of glo rious reward to the faithful and obedient, and thus he encourages those who were ready to waver. His rebukes are indeed awful ; but let it be remembered that the heresy of Balaam, which infected (as it would seem) three of the churches (2: 6, 14, 20), deserved stern rebuke. So did the stupid and listless state of the church at Laodicea, specially at such a time as that. In a word, the whole shape of the composition demonstrates that the mind which dictated it was in a hio-h and intense state of feeling. This portion of the work belongs to a book, the body of which is confessedly poetical, and does itself naturally partake, in a high degree, of the nature of such a book. I cannot help feeling, that when all these considerations are taken into view, that a comparison of these epistles with the calm and hortatory epistles of John, written on another and different occasion, and in later life, should be made with all due allowances for the respective circum stances of each. Conclusions have been drawn from such a comparison, adverse to the apostolic origin of the apocalyptic epistles. But when all the circumstances of the two cases so diverse are well weighed, is not the conclusion broader than the premises will support ? It lies on the very face of these epistles, that a great variety of char acter and circumstances, in many respects, is brought to view. The natural consequence is, a rich harvest of practical instruction to the churches of every age. Well may we say, with Paul on another occa- PRINCIPAL VISIONS OP THE APOCALYPSE. 105 sion : " These things happened unto them for ensamples ; and they are written for our admonition, on whom the ends of the world have come." The question has been raised and agitated, whether John sent a copy of his work to each of the churches addressed. Some have supposed not only that this was the case, but that the epistolary part was omitted in each case, with the exception of that epistle which belonged to each particular church addressed. But the manner in which these epistles are all connected with preceding and following parts of the book and with each other, seems to forbid this supposition. As to the number of copies which John wrote out for the churches, we have no means of de ciding ; nor is it of any moment. The work is evidently encyclical, in its very nature ; and a copy sent to the church at Ephesus, would be yond all doubt ensure the circulation of the book. It is quite possible, ' perhaps even probable, that John occupied some of the lonely hours of his exile, in writing out several copies. PRINCIPAL VISIONS OF THE APOCALYPSE : IV. 1— XXII. 5. General Remarks. We come now to the Principal Visions, which occupy nearly all of the re maining part of the book, in which the future prospects of the Christian church are disclosed, and its prosperity and the overthrow of its enemies developed. Plainis it, at first view, that a disclosure like this would serve to cheer and ani mate the persecuted and desponding churches, and contribute much to their per severance in the Christian faith. Equally plain is it also, that the same disclo sures are adapted to accomplish a similar end, in every age of the church until her last and final triumph. No book, it may well be said, is better adapted to be a Vade Mecum for the heralds of the cross, in foreign and heathen lands and amidst trials and discouragements, than the book before us. I have named the subsequent part of this work the principal Visions, in the way of distinction from the vision in the first three chapters or introductory part. 1 do not, like Ewald, De Wette, and others, regard the second part of the book as constituting but one continuous vision, merely distinguished by some shifting of the scenes. We may easily see, in fact, that the scene is very much changed, (comp. as examples, 4: 1, 2 and 12: 18; also 14: 1 with 15: 1 ; and these with \7; 3. 18: 1) ; so that we must at all events assume, that there were a number of distinct and different, although subordinate, visions. Sometimes the transition from one to the other is noted, as in 4: 1. 7:1. 18:1. 19: 1 , by fisrd zavza ; some times the transition is made by the indication of a new station or sphere of vision, as in 12: 18. 17: 3; and again by the mere conjunctive yet transitive particle xat (which is used like the >\ in TP1 of the Hebrews), with the concurrent cir cumstances which are related, as in 10: 1. 12: 1. 14: 1. 15: 1. 20: 11. There is, undoubtedly, a general unity of design, viz. the triumph and final glory of the church, and the disappointment, defeat, and punishment of all its enemies. But VOL. II, 14 106 theophant: Chap. IV. the subordinate parts of this are distinctly marked by the nature of the contents of the book, if not by the artificial divisions of the writer. It seems to lie upon the face of the work, that there are three great catastrophes in it (see § 7 of Vol. I.), to which all of the subordinate and intermediate parts are to be referred ; and that the whole is crowned by a view of the complete accomplishment of all that was intended in bringing about these catastrophes, and which had been promised to the faithful servants of God. The first part, if we comprehend the general intro duction to the principal visions, extends from chap. 4: 1 to the end of chap. xi. The second part from chap. 12: 1 to the end of chap. xix. The third part is con tained in chap. 20: 1—10; to which is appended the final results and the future glory of the church, 20: 11—21: 5. These catastrophes are distinctly marked by their diverse matter, and by the termination of each with the overthrow of perse cuting and formidable adversaries. As to the Exodium as we may name it, chap. 20: 11—22: 5, it exhibits the crowning part of the whole— the realization of all that had been predicted and promised— so that here the general unity of the piece shines forth conspicuously. The close of the book, 22: 6 seq., is merely matter pertaining to John and his relation to his readers— the valedictory of one, who had been long and earnestly addressing them on topics of a most interesting nature. For a full account of the economy of the book, see Vol. 1. § 10. CHAPTER IV. Theophany, or Exordium to the principal Visions. The Apocalyptist has, in respect to his exordium or introduction to the princi pal Visions, followed the example of Isaiah and Ezekiel. The theophanies in Is. VI, where the prophet is consecrated to his office or inaugurated as a seer, and in Ezek. I, bear so strong a. resemblance to the one before us, that it is impossible to mistake the similitude. As to the leading elements, however, in the theophany recorded by John, they are not mere imitations. The manner of them is such as to show that the writer thought for himself, although the elements of thought, or rather of costume, were drawn from the ancient Scriptures. Their contents had in fact become a prominent part of the very elements of his own thoughts. Yet, while all this is plain and undeniable, it would be difficult to show that he has in any case merely copied them, or directly intended to produce nothing more than a mere imitation. In regard to the object of the theophany before us it seems proper to remark, that the scene is deeply impressive, and is well adapted to produce a reverent and so lemn attention in the mind of the reader. Such is certainly the effect upon the mind of any one, who reads Is. VI. and Ezek. 1. in an intelligent manner. There is also a manifest propriety in the theophany, as it has respect to the preparation of John's mind for his important work. A vision of God, in his awful and glo rious majesty, must silence every unholy or forbidden desire, and every light or wandering imagination, and fix the attention with the deepest interest on the things disclosed in the sequel. Such a preparation, then, is evidently congruous with the nature of the case and the object to be accomplished. It is altogether a subordinate question, whether anything strictly ocular, in this case, was exhibited. It seems more probable, that being iv nvsv/uuzi, whatever was seen was seen with the eye of the mind, i. e. in prophetic ecstasy. If Paul could not tell whether he was in or out of the body, in a similar case (2 Cor. 12: theophany: Chap. IV. 107 2), it does not seem altogether congruous to assume mere literal and ocular vi sion in these cases. The scenes are too high and holy and spiritual to be witness ed with the mere fleshly eye. The spirit only seems capable of beholding them, in their true attitudes. There is another view of this case, however, which seems to be adopted by most of the recent German writers on the Apocalypse. This is, that the whole representation is simply the production of the author's imagination ; and they compare this with the factitious visions, which poets, and some other writers of fancy, so often introduce into their compositions. If now we should say, that the substance of chap. IV. may be comprehended in the following statement, viz., that the mind of the Apocalyptist was deeply im pressed with a pervading sense of God's power and glory ; that by being brought into such a state it was prepared for the prophetic disclosures which follow ; and that the writer has merely undertaken to designate these simple truths, by the employment of symbols and of figurative poetic language ; this would not, per haps, detract much from the essential meaning of the communications in the Apocalypse. Assuming merely this, we might say that the imagination and fancy of the writer Were in active and vigorous exercise, when selecting and employing the imagery contained in chap. IV. The appeal might even be made to Ps. xviii. and Is. xiv. for striking examples of a similar method of composition, where the costume appears to be supplied by the imagination of the writer. 'To my own mind, however, the whole matter in the present case, notwithstanding the differ ent view of it just suggested, appears in a different light. In chap. 4: 2 the wri ter says : evtriois iytvoiirjv iv Ttvsvfiazi, and then goes on to relate his ecstatic vision. Guided by this, 1 cannot doubt that we are to regard the sequel, as in tended by the writer to be considered as having passed before the eye'ofhis mind, while rapt into prophetic vision. Why should not the writer, in the present case, be considered as his own best interpreter ? 1 know there are those who disdain the idea of inspiration ; but 1 do not and cannot think with them. The substance of this introductory vision may be designated in a few words. Heaven is opened, and God is seen enthroned in radiant splendour. Around his throne are gathered the elders of the church, and the presence-angels. Light ning and thunder, as on Sinai of old, announce the awful presence of the God head. Before the throne is a pellucid pavement, like chfystal. The throne is supported by four living creatures, filled with eyes, (in order to denote their watch fulness and perspicacity), and each one has a face symbolic of some leading class of created beings. They are furnished with wings, in order that they may be presented as " swift to do the will of God." These living creatures pay contin ual homage to the Godhead, whose throne they support. The elders who sur round the throne echo their lofty strains, and adore and praise the Maker of hea ven and earth. Such is the theophany of chap. IV. ; more expanded than that of Is. VI. but still exhibiting some of its distinctive characteristics ; less expanded than that of Ezek. I, but still proffering many traits of resemblance. The author has evident ly combined the leading features of both ; while the material furnished by them receives its peculiar shape, after all, from his own plastic hand, as we shall see in the sequel. The continued theophany in chap. v. will be separately considered in its appropriate place. 108 theophany: Chap. IV. 1. (1) After these things I looked, and behold ! a door opened in heaven, and the first voice which I had heard, as of a trumpet speaking with me, said : Come up hither, and I will show thee what must take place hereafter. Mezd zavza, i. e. after the things related in the preceding vision ; which of course shows the intimate connection between the two, and that the preceding vision had already been described. How long after the first vision the second commenced, the writer does not say. Nor does he, at the close of chap, iii, mention the cessation of the first vi sion, nor the departure of the Saviour. Stilh the nature of the transi" tion before us plainly indicates this cessation and departure ; yea, even more, for in v. 3 we are expressly told that the writer again became en tranced, evdecog iyevbprjv iv nvevpari, which plainly indicates that his former trance had passed away, and that some interval of time, (we can not tell how much), had elapsed. Eldov, I looked, more lit. I perceived ; [SXenco more appropriately means to look. Yet the sense here seems evidently to require an ex pression, vvhich indicates the action of looking in order to perceive. The demands of our English idiom, therefore, are better answered by the verb looked. — Qvqa dvecpypevrj, a door opened. The Hebrews re garded the Sppn , i. e. the visible expanse of the heavens, as a solid and extended ceiling or arch over the earth. The rain, according to their popular idiom, comes down through the windows, i. e. apertures, of heaven ; and God, who dwells above this expanse, can of course be seen only by the opening of the heavens^ So in Ezek. 1: 1, " The heavens were opened, and I saw visions of God." On this passage our author doubtless had his eye. John speaks of dvqa dvecpypevrj, which is only a varied mode of expressing the same idea that is designated by different phraseology in Ezekiel. Comp. Matt. 3: 16. Luke 3: 21. Acts 7: 56. 10: 11, all in accordance with Ezekiel. Comp. also, Ascens. Is. 6: 6. 10: 24 seq. The voice which he heard seems plainly to be that of the Eedeemer, speaking from the heavenly world, comp. the sequel ; he does not now ap pear on earth, as in the first vision, 1: 10 seq— r) cpcovrj ij nqcbzrj rjv rjxov- aa, i. e. the accents or tone of the voice, on this occasion, were so like those in the former vision, that John at once recognized them as pro ceeding from the same person. The reader should note here, how in timately and necessarily this sacred vision is connected with the first, by allusions of such a nature. For cog adXmyyog x. r. X., see on 1: 10.— Ae'ycov, where we should expect Xe'yovaa agreeing with cpcovrj. The construction is certainly not according to the usual laws of syntax. Still, Xeycov is not in fact to be taken as strictly agreeing with ywrj. The matter stands thus : " Lo ! a door opened in heaven, and [lo !] the first voice which, etc."— Xeycov said = r)v Xeycov, (for so the participle theophany : Chap. IV. 2. 3. 109 is often constructed in the Apocalypse), and this refers to the person who uttered the voice, the construction depending on an assumed me tonymy; but see N. Test. Gramm. § 128. 5. b, which shows, that even in case we assume a union with cpcovr), the Hke is found in the classics. Or we may explain it, (as Ewald does), by supposing Xe'ycov to be used as equivalent to the Hebrew "rasb , which of course has no gender. The Sept. sometimes translate this by Xeycov, e. g. Gen. 15: 1. Avdfia code, comp. 11: 12. The ascension or going up of course has relation to the apparent elevation of the heavens above us.^Avdfia is the usual apocopate form of Aor. 2 (formed after the model of verbs in -pi), for dvd(Sijdi, from dvafiaivco. — 'iide, hither, a demonstrative adverb, belonging to later Greek usage, and to the poets. The writer does not intimate in what way he was borne to the upper regions. Paul says : dqnayevza ecog zqizov ovqavov, 2 Cor. 12: 1, 2. In Rev. 17: 3, John says : dnrjveyxe ps [o dyyeXog] eig eqrjpov. Ezekiel speaks of being taken up by the Spirit, 3: 12 ; and even of being carried by a lock of his hair, 8: 3. The writer in the present case has omitted everything of this nature ; seemingly because he was so absorbed in his main theme, that such circumstances were to his feelings comparatively less impor tant. If the reader will compare the hke ascensions as related in the book of Enoch, he will perceive a great difference between the taste and genius of the two writers, quite to the disadvantage of the latter ; see Enoch 14: 9—24. 39: 3. 70: 1—6. 86: 2. In the first two cases here, the winds elevate the seer, (imagery drawn probably from the whirl wind which elevated Elijah) ; in the two latter, the hand of some su pernatural being lifts him up. (2) And immediately I was in the spirit ; and behold ! a throne was set in heaven, and on the throne was One sitting. 'Ev Ttvevpazi, see on 1: 10. — Qqbvog exeiro, not that the seer beheld the placing or stationing of a throne which had been recently brought there, but the idea is, that he saw it as already fixed or established. — On this throne was Kadrjpivog, q. d. the unnameable, indescribable Godhead ; comp. Rev. 20: 11. " Reticetur nomen ob reverentiam." There can in this case be no doubt who is meant ; and the manner of expression certainly fills the mind with mysterious awe. Comp. Dan. 7: 9. In Enoch 14: 21 seq. is a passage much like the present one with its sequel ; yet the advantage as to taste in composition, is quite on the side of John. (3) And he who sat Was in appearance like to a jasper stone and a sardian ; and there was a rainbow round about the throne, in appearance like to an em erald. '0 xadrjpevog, here the repetition of the word demands the article. 110 theophany : Chap. IV. 4. — 'OqaGei, the Dat. signifying in regard to appearance ; showing that the writer was acquainted with the classical idiom in respect to the use of the Dative.— -Idamdi, to the jasper, a precious stone of various col ours, purple, cerulaean, green, etc. Here, no doubt, the red or purple is intended, in order to ¦designate the resplendence of the divine Majesty. — So also aaqdicp, means a precious stone of blood-red or carnation hue. Both images together denote the powerful splendour which beamed from him who sat upon the throne. Ezekiel (1: 26, 27) compares him who sat on the throne to b-quiri , i. e., polished brass, and also to fire. The images in John are more select, and withal more splendid. The Iqig or rainbow around the throne is an exquisite conception. Such was the splendour of the throne that the eye could not bear it It is softened by this beautiful veil cast over the scene. — Spaqaydlvop, em erald, is of a green hue. The1 Lis is compared to it here, because the modified and mild colour of green apparently predominates in the rain bow, and delights the eye of every beholder. Ezekiel (1: 28) presents the like imagery ; but he presents it less distinctly and definitely than here. John exhibits the Iqig again in Rev. 10: 1, as surrounding the radiant head of an angel. — "Opow? as agreeing with [fj~] Iqt? here has stumbled the critics. Ewald (p. 46) proposes to translate thus : " Iris circa thronum, similis [est] thronus smaragdo ;'' unnaturally, to say the least. Much easier is another solution. The Attics more usually employed adjectives ending in -wg -ipog -eiog -awg, as adjectives of only two endings. "Opoiog then may, by good usage, be feminine here ; and then all difficulty vanishes ; N. Test. Gramm. § 32. 1. c. (4) And round about the throne were four and twenty thrones, and on these thrones four and twenty elders sitting, clothed in white garments, and crowns of gold upon their heads. The arrangement of the scenery before the mental eye of the prophet, is to be regarded thus : The throne of God is in the midst of the circle of a great assembly ; the presence-angels stand immediately on either hand and before him who is on the throne ; although they are not men tioned until afterwards in v. 5. Next beyond these, in the circle, are the twenty-four thrones of the elders. Why thrones ? Because, they are kings and priests to God, and will reign forever and ever ; see 1: 6, and the references there given, and especially Rev. 3: 21. Throne means a magnificent or regal seat. The emphatic meaning of the whole verse should be noted. Presence-angels stand in the attitude of minis tering servants, Rev. 8: 2 ; the redeemed sit on thrones in the presence of God. For a like sentiment, comp. 1 Cor. 6: 2, 3. But why twenty-four? Some say : Because there are twelve tribes of Israel, and twelve apostles ; and so here are representatives both for the ancient and for the Christian church, corresponding to each of the theophany: Chap. TV. 5. HI tribes of Israel. But the Christian church, so far as it comes from the Gentile world, is not made up of twelve nations or tribes. A more pro bable reason is, that the priests were divided by David into twenty-four classes, (1 Chron. 24: 3—19, comp. Luke 1: 5, ig icprjpeqiag A^id), each of which had a head ; and these presided over all the services of the temple. So, in the worship of the heavenly temple above, Chris tians, who are " made priests unto God," take the lead in the services there, and approach near to the divine presence. The form of the re presentation is borrowed from the course and manner of worship in the earthly temple. Comp., as to the twenty-four divisions of the priests, the twenty-five men in the temple, Ezek. 8: 16 and 11: 1, i. e. this in cludes the high priest and the twenty-four heads of the orders of the priesthood. In Ezekiel they are introduced as leading the profane wor ship which they practised. IlqeaBvzeqoi, in our text, is a name of dig nity = bispjj , and expressive of the orderly precedence which these leaders of heavenly worship enjoyed. IlqeaBvzeqovg, xadrjpevovg, neqi^e§Xrjpe'vovg, and azecpdvovg, all in the Ace. case, where we should of course expect the Nom., as dqbvoi in the leading clause stands in the Nominative. But this change of case in participles, which make separate clauses in a sentence, and thus form a kind of independent sentence, is frequent in the Apocalypse, and not by any means unknown to the classic writers ; see Winer de Soloecismis etc. Apoc, p. 150, Exeget. Studien, Heft I, who gives examples of the like from the classics. Also Liicke Einl. § 27. 4, and N. Test. Gramm. § 172. 3. Here, the regimen of the Ace, as seems quite probable, is to be made out from an implied eldov, comp. v. 1. The order of the con ceptions is : id ov dqbvog . . . dqbvoi . . . xal eldov nqecfivzeqovg x. z. X. LTeqifieftXripevovg iv, so with the preposition in 3: 5 ; elsewhere fre quently, even in the Apocalypse, with the direct Ace, as is common in Greek ; see Rev. 7: 9, 13. 10: 1. 11: 3, al. Either method of construc tion was open to the writer. — 'Ipazioig Xevxotg, see on 3: 4 above. — Azecpdvovg %qvaovg, because they were kings and priests, and sat en throned. (5) And from the throne go forth lightning and voices of thunder; and seven lamps of fire were burning before the throne, which are the seven spirits of God. The reader will easily recall the phenomena of mount Sinai, when God descended upon it. As there so here, lightning and thunder are the ensigns of his presence and awful majesty. Comp. also the theopha ny in Ezek. 1: 13, 24. — cpcoval xal Bqovzal, lit. voices even thunders ; which of course means what I have expressed in the version. The im agery is awfully sublime and terrific. The throne, and He who sat up on it, are of such excessive brightness that a rainbow is needed to shield 112 theophany: Chap. IV. 6, 7. the eye which beholds them. From this radiance lightnings are shot forth, and thunders, as Ezekiel says, " like the noise of the mighty wa ters." The present tense (ixnoqevovzai) in an extensive sense, designat ing what is often done. 'Enzd Xapnddeg . . . nvevpaza zov deov, i. e. seven resplendent glo rious beings, all radiant like burning torches or lamps, stood waiting before the throne, to receive the commands of him who sat upon it ; see on 3: 1, where this subject is fully discussed; also Comm. on 1: 4, with the Excursus on the Angelology of the Scriptures. Comp. also Ezek. 1: 13. (6) And before the throne, as it were a sea of glass like to chrystal ; and in tlie midst of the throne, and round about the throne were four living creatures filled with eyes before and behind. (7) And the first living creature was like to a lion ; and the second living crea ture like to an ox ; and the third living creature had a face like a man ; and the fourth living creature was like to a flying eagle. Having described the throne, him who sat upon it, the presence-angels in waiting before it, and the worshippers on their thrones around it, the writer next proceeds to describe the pavement on which the whole stood. It was like a sea of glass ; i. e. it was resplendent and pellucid, and (as he adds) like to chrystal. The pavements, or as we say, floors, of palaces and elegant houses of the East, are constructed with expen sive and splendid materials. Here the idea is, that the pavements or floors are all of precious and diaphanous stones, appearing to him who should walk upon them pellucid, like the waters of the ocean. In the Coran (Sur. 27: 44), Belkis (the Sabaean queen who is said to vis it Solomon) is represented as supposing the pavement, on which she walks in the audience-hall, to be a sea. Down to the present hour, the • tesselated pavements in the parlours of the Arabs at Cairo, are construct ed with great art and expense in a similar way ; as Mr. Lane has shown in his excellent book on the Modern Egyptians. Comp. the chrystal firmament in Ezek. 1: 22, which, of course constitutes the pavement of the throne above it; see Ezek. 1: 22, 26, and especially Ex. 24: 10. So in the Rabbins; e. g. Pirqe Elieser: "Locus in quo thronus stat, sunt septem nubes gloriae." As to the epithet vdXivrj, glassy, transpa rent, see examples even ad satietatem of the like nature from the clas sics, applied to water and to the sea, in Wetstein in loc— for excess in such quotations isa fault to which he is not a httle prone. 'Ev pe'acp here is not to be understood as if the £«« occupied a place within the throne itself; for there God was seated. It is easily explain ed by a reference to the converse of it, viz. xbxXo, zoi dqbvov ; so that iv piacp zov dqbvov (= a^a) plainly means (as we should express it) under the throne. The whole imagery is to be conceived of thus : The theophany: Chap. IV. 6, 7. 113 throne on which the divine Majesty is seated, rests upon four living creatures, who form its animated and moving basis. Instead of being like the throne of earthly kings, i. e. resting upon inanimate and lifeless substances, its support is constituted of living, moving, rational crea tures, ever watchful, and ever ready to move, as Ezekiel says, like " a flash of lightning," Ezek. 1: 14. These living creatures are represent ed as endowed with forms which are symbolical and highly significant ; as we shall see in the sequel. They are full of eyes, i. e. they are ever wakeful and watchful, looking every way, seeing everything, and ready to move in any direction. They are, taken as a whole in respect to their ultimate design, symbolic of the all-pervading power, providence, and government of God who uses them as his instruments. The first has the appearance of a lion ; and the lion is the king of wild beasts, and an im age borrowed from him is indicative of power, strength, sway. The second is like to an ox ; and this is the most valuable of tame beasts, and the image of patient and useful labour. The third has the face of a man ; and this is indicative of reason or intelligence. The fourth is like to an eagle ; and this indicates velocity and far-sighted and penetrating vision. The special meaning of these symbols is not to be applied im mediately or directly to the attributes of God himself, but to be regard ed as primarily indicative of powers possessed by the £coa. Yet these £coa, thus constituted, are themselves symbolic of the attributes of the God head. These living bearers of the Almighty's throne, as the author rep resents the matter, serve him with great power, with patient obedience, with quickness of intelligence and reason, and with a rapidity and per spicacity which may indeed be compared to that of the eagle, but of which this king of birds is after all only a faint image. The same may in truth be said of all the other symbols ; but then, imperfect as they are, they are the best which the natural world could afford, and are therefore chosen by the author with good reason. The ultimate meaning is : God is everywhere present, and executes his purposes by an agency powerful, wise, unremitted, and speedy whenever speed is required. Add to all this, that each is furnished with six wings (v. 8), i. e. three pair of wings (see Is. 6: 2) ; plainly to heighten the idea that they exe cute the divine commands with the greatest possible speed. These be ings, moreover, endowed with such amazing powers, are employed with out cessation in adoring and praising God, and seem to take the lead in the worship of heaven, as being nearest of all to the divine Majesty, i. e. supporters of his throne. After this general view, we may now descend to the examination of particulars. — Zcoa, corresponding in sense to the niTj of Ezekiel (1: 5 seq.), i. e. living, animated, moving beings. — ripovza . . . ontadev ; VOL. II. 15 114 theophany : Chap. IV. 6, 7. the reason of this has been already stated above. Comp. the attempts among the heathen to designate perpetual watchfulness and power to see in all directions, in the fable of Argus.— '-'Epnqoadev means the front part or faces of the living creatures, which stood out from the side or bottom of the throne that rested upon their bodies ; i. e. their heads were not under the throne, but merely their bodies. "Om.G&ev therefore means the bodies or hinder parts which were under the throne, and not promi nent extra thronum. In Ezek. 1: 18 and 10: 12, every part of this an imated basis of the throne, i. e. every part of the living creatures, then- hands, their wings, and even wheels underneath them, are all represent ed as being filled with eyes. This luxuriant imagination is modified in the present case ; indeed the apparatus of the wheels is wholly omitted, and eyes are here given, as it would seem, only to the head and body of the f «« ; a disposition of the imagery more congruous with our usual modes of conception than that of Ezekiel. To Jojot' zb nqcbzov fipoiov Xiovzi — like to a lion. As to the face only, or as to that and the whole body ? The writer tells us specially, respecting the third li'coov, that it had the face of a man, i. e. that the face only resembled that of a man ; for the body must stand under the throne as one of its supports, which would be incongruous with the shape of a human body. The lion, the ox, and the eagle, however, we may easily conceive of as having their bodies under the throne, while their heads appeared as prominent on the outside of it, and not covered by it. The fact that the face of the third L,coov was human, does not oblige us to imagine a human body also ; for it is evident from the cir cumstances in which the t,coov is placed, that such a body would be un fit for the object in view. Consequently we are obliged to assign some other form to the body than that of a man. But what this other form should be, the writer has not told us. May we not then, on the whole, suppose that the author, by his similitudes, has designed in each and all the cases only to characterize the face of each rcbov, and that the bodies of all are alike, being one common form adapted to support the throne on a level and equally ? The author indeed has not told us what this common form of the body was ; but as he has represented it as iv piano rov dqbvov, i. e. under the throne, a body like that of the lion, or the ox, would seem to be the most appropriate for the support of that throne. The representation in Ezekiel is different in this respect, each £a. How to dispose of the six wings, (I mean as to the mode in which we may conceive of them), seems less obvious. In Is. 6: 2 and Ezek. 1: 5, it is plain that the living creatures are conceived of as having hu- 116 theophany: Chap. IV. 8. man bodies. In Isaiah, one pair of wings covers the face, in order to designate reverential awe ; one pair covers the waist, for the purposes of decorum ; and one is employed in flying. In Ezekiel we have only four wings (1: 6) ; one pair of these covers the waist, 1: 11, and the other is employed in flying, 1: 24. John differs from both in one im portant respect, viz. the bodies, as represented by him, are under the throne (v. 6), while the anterior part stands out from the throne. We have seen that the £coov, to which is ascribed the face of a man, cannot be supposed, in such circumstances, to have the body of a man, because this could not be extended eacodev within or underneath the throne. But where shall we place the wings ? The writer has not told us. Nor has he disclosed his view of the use to which each of the three pair of wings was to be put. But inasmuch as the bodies are not human, it is evident that the wings of the waist are not needed for the sake of deco rum. Shall we say then, that one pair is used for covering the face, (as in Isaiah and Ezekiel), while two pair are employed in flying, thus increasing the velocity ; or shall we say, that the shoulders and each pair of feet are conceived of as having wings attached to them? The Greeks and Romans represented the messengers of their gods, as having wings on their feet ; does the prophet here intend that we should form a similar conception ? I know not how these questions can be settled. The only importance that can be attached to them is, to make out the congruity of the writer's representation ; and it is a matter of some mo ment to make out this, if it can be done. In either of the ways sug gested, it may be done ; and plainly we have, and can have, no other basis than the general congruity of the representation on which we can build. The main object is plain. Swift to do his will explains the leading idea attached to the symbol of the wings, whatever view may be taken of the manner in which they are conceived of. I'ipovaiv and 'i-jrovaiv, it should be noted, are both of the Pres. tense. If this were a description of mere actions or events, there would be noth ing peculiar here ; for often, and by almost all writers, is the Pres. em ployed for the Praet, when it designates action. But here quality or attribute is described ; and in such cases the Pres. is less frequent ; but still, where permanent attributes are described, it is in place. The third pers. plur. of these verbs is the pluralis rationalis, common every where in Greek.— 'Hfiiqag xal vvxzbg, the Gen. of time. This is the Hebrew mode of expression for designating the idea of continually, inces santly.— Aiyovzeg, masc, and is used as a concord ad sensum, the fcua, as to the actions now attributed to them, being introduced as rational beings. "Ay wg x. z. X. This zqiadywv evidently comes from Is. 6: 3, fflilg ttirig ttii-ijj; as does also the sequel. The idea in this case is best ex- theophany: Chap. IV. 8. 117 pressed by the Latin : Venerande, venerancle, venerande, Domine, Deus omnipotent ! It is not God simply as pure or free from sin, which is meant, but God as worthy of the adoration and praise of all intelligent beings. So ttJiljj usually means, when applied to God ; and so dyiog, often in the New Testament. '0 debg is added, by John, to the expression in Isaiah, where stands tvistSX rvjrr? simply. John has thus as it were undesignedly given a key to the Hebrew expression just quoted; which has perplexed the grammarians, because rvjlrp does not take after itself a construct state. The phraseology of John shows, that in his mind the meaning of the Hebrew phrase just repeated is the same as that of niiS32 "\ri6x rvji-H ; for he has given a translation of this, inasmuch as navzoxqdzcoq de signates substantially the meaning which is conveyed by rmas. — As to o rjv x. z. X., see on the same phrase in 1: 4. It is merely another form of exhibiting the most sublime appellation of the Godhead.* * In this verse the imagery is similar in the main, as we may perceive, to that in Is. 6: 1 — 3. Yet some things taken from Ezekiel are joined with it. Like Isaiah (6: 2), John attributes six wings to each twov; but he does not, like him, appropriate two pair for purposes of decency, and only one for flight. Ezekiel (1: 8, 23) gives only two pair of wings to his cherubim, one of which covered the waist (1: 11). The discrepancy in John is sufficient to show, that while he drew the material from other sources, in the present case, still he formed and fashioned it after his own model. The whole of the symbolical representation is designedly such, as to make a deep impression of rapidity of movement to any part of the universe ; and thus it obviously designates the ubiquity of the Godhead. God, seated on his throne, is present everywhere in a moment of time ; or, as Ezekiel most significantly expresses it : " The living creatures ran and returned, as the appearance of a flash of lightning;" 1: 14. Whether anything important, and how much, can be educed from the thrice re peated a'yios here, has been and is still disputed. Other passages where mere in tensity of feeling is expressed in this way, may easily be adduced ; e. g. Jer. 22: 29. 7: 4. Ezek. 21: 27. 2 Sam. 18: 33. Is the text before us of the same tenor ? Is it like to ter quaterque beatus? If it be not, yet the other cases to which ref erence has been made are so characteristic of Hebrew idiom, that it would be difficult to make out a philological argument for anything more in the present case than intensity. The worship of Father, Son, and Spirit, in heaven, is what 1 sincerely believe in. The book of Revelation, in particular, is full of declara tions that the Saviour is worshipped there. But whether we can rest a theolog ical argument for a Trinity in the Godhead, on the passage before us, is a differ ent question. I should not be disposed to risk so important a truth, by placing it upon a basis that must be somewhat unstable, or at least somewhat uncertain. A few other suggestions, at the close of this description of the tiaa, may not be improper. We have seen that John differs, in his picture, from both his mod els ; and that the ima here are in some respects quite different beings from those in Isaiah and Ezekiel, although in many respects resembling them. This is good evidence, as has been remarked, that the writer is no mere copyist — no slavish imitator. It is evidence also of another thing, which some may regard as more doubtful. It shows that these ni»ri or cans a'hd tma are not designed to be 118 theophany : Chap. IV. 9, 10. (9, 10) And so often as the living creatures give glory, and honour, and thanks giving to him who sitteth on the throne, to him who liveth for ever and ever, the four and twenty elders fall down before him who sitteth on the throne, and wor ship him who liveth forever and ever, and cast down their crowns before his throne, saying : The use of the Futures here, dcoaovai . . . neaovvzai . . . nqoaxvvrj- govgi . . . (iuXovGi, has perplexed the grammarians. Ewald (Comnx) regarded as actual and veritable living beings, endowed with a particular form, and constituting a real genus or order of rational beings by themselves. Ezekiel gives to each four faces, while he makes their bodies upright and human ; and he also gives them but one foot. John gives to the four the faces respectively which belong to one in Ezekiel, and only one face to each ; he places their bodies be neath the throne and heads without ; and he says nothing of their feet. Ezekiel attributes/oitr wings to them, John six, and Isaiah six. Ezekiel occupies much of his description with the apparatus of the wheels that touch the earth, and move in harmony with the cherubim. Of all this John has nothing, and Isaiah noth ing. Indeed the Seraphim of Isaiah do not support the throne, but stand around it, and seem to be quite different beings from the cherubim. John then has 'mingled views from both prophets with his own ; and he has thus made out a de scription different from either, which preserves a medium between the two. But if Ezekiel's cherubim are to be regarded as veritable beings, like angels, then how could their natures alter so much between his time and that of John ? To ask this question is sufficient to show, that cherubim or nWT. and two are merely symbols or symbolic beings, not an actual order of angels ; they are the creatures of lofty and ardent imagination, struggling for imagery to express its conceptions, and not veritable existences like men or angels. If the reader is still embarrassed with the idea, that they are represented as leading in the adorations of the heavenly host, and therefore must be really living and rational creatures, he needs but to recollect, that the heavens, the earth, seas, mountains, hills, forests, vapour, rain, snow, hail, etc., are all represented in the Scriptures as praising God, and that prosopopeia is common throughout the Bible. Once supposing the cherubim or twa to be animated beings, it is altogether congruous to suppose, as in the case before us, that they take the lead m the wor ship of heaven; for they are nearest of all to God, and must naturally be sup posed to see most of his glory. If doubts still remain, let the reader trace for himself the representations throughout of the cherubim in Ezek. i. and x, and then compare them with those of John. The ni» n of the former are most clearly the same as the torn of the latter. If now real, historical (as the phrase is) exis tences are designated by each, how have they become so changed between the time of Ezekiel and that of John ? The necessary result of this question seems to be that they must be merely sym.bolic beings, modified by the conceptions of different writers, as in the case before us. This admitted, we can account for the fact that cherubim were carved in the most holy place, Ex. 37: 6—9. 25: 17—20. 1 Kings 6: 23—29. 2 Chron. 5: 7, 8 ; also on the walls of the temple, 1 Kings 6: 29. 2 Chron. 3: 10-13. These were not surely images of actual beings ; for among a people always inclined to idolatry, they might thus have easily become objects of worship ; but they were symbolical representations designed to teach the. ubiquity, omniscience, omnipotence, and ever watchful providence, of the Godhead. As supporters of the throne on which the Majesty of heaven is seated, they ap- theophany: Chap. IV. 9, 10. 119 understands these Futures as used according to the Hebrew idiom, i. e. so as to denote what is often repeated ; here, however, as relating to what has been often done. Winer (Gramm. § 41: 6) refers the Fut. to the designation of what is represented as frequently done in the sub sequent course of the vision. Liicke, on the other hand, regards it as a designation of a general proposition, so as to mark what is often and customarily done in heaven. This last opinion seems plainly to be the true one. One needs only to refer to the Hebrew, in order to find the prototype. Thus in Hebrew the Fut. is often employed in a manner like to that of the present tense, and also very often used in general propositions ; Heb. Gramm. § 504. e. Gesen. Heb. Lehrgeb. § 206. 4. b. Ewald Gramm. § 473. 2. c. This is exactly the nature of the Futures in the present case. They mark customary action ; comp. the same idiom in Luke 1: 37. Rom. 3: 30, and elsewhere. This usage is also classical ; but it seems specially to belong to the Hebrew-Greek ; see abundance of classical examples in Kiihner, § 446; 2. Ao%a xai ziprjv xai evyaqiazlav, where the triplex, division in particu lars should be noted. Such passages as Is; 6: 3, long iflilj? ttiiirj , may have aided in confirming such a usage. But the number three pervades the whole Apocalypse ; see Vol. I. § 7. — Tcp 'Qcovzi x. i. X. = ",H bx, only the expression is here made more intensive by adding eig zovg alcovag zcov alcbvcov. — Tleaovvxai represents the attitude of entire pros tration, common in all acts of high adoration. — LTqeafivzeqoi, see on v. 4 above. — IlqoGxvvrjaovai designates the homage paid to God by the act of prostration. — fiaXovai . . . zov dqbvov, an expression which des ignates the disclaiming of all honour or homage as due to themselves, and an acknowledgment that all which they have and are is the gift of God. Of course it is a striking expression of deep humility, and of the highest reverence. pear in Ps. 18: 10 (11) ; where in the expression : " He rode upon a cherub," the word cherub is used generically ; a method of employing language too frequent to need any vindication. Mark the congruity of imagery here. John gives them six wings for flight. Ezekiel represents them as moving like a flash of lightning ; the Psalmist says : " He rode upon a cherub, and did fly ; yea, he did fly upon the wings of the wind ;" i. e. with great velocity. All is in perfect congruity, when the passages are viewed in this light. So in 1 Sam. 4: 4, ca?l3ri aajii, sitting enthroned above the Cherubim. Once we find the same class of beings employed as the guards of paradise, from which our first parents had been expelled, Gen. 3: 24. Their vigilance, designa ted by their being filled with eyes, would seem to indicate a nature appropriate to guardianship. Whether the writer of this passage adopts merely the popular no tion of the cherubim here, as a basis for representation, it would be difficult to say. Elsewhere we find them connected only with the throne of the Godhead, or the place of his immediate presence ; and this is plainly their appropriate sphere. 120 theophany: Chap. IV. 11. (11) Thou art worthy, O Lord, to receive glory and honour and power; for thou hast created all things, and by thy will they came into existence and were created. The triplex rrjv dblgav xat zr)v nurjv xai zrjv dvvapiv again occurs as before ; but here with the article, either because of the repetition of the ideas, or rather, because the idea of such glory and honour and power as are appropriate to God, is meant ; which is expressed by the glory, etc. The meaning is, that these belong exclusively to the Creator of the world. — Aid zb de'Xrjpd gov, by thy will ; for that did with the Ace. is not unfrequently employed in such an instrumental sense, may be seen in Rob. Lex. did, II. Winer's Gramm. § 53. c. Kiihner's Gramm. § 605 II. b. In such cases the sense parallelizes with that of did before the Genitive. — Haav (instead of the vulgate slot), a better reading, and better supported than the common one. The words refer to the original rise of visible creation. — 'Exziadijaav merely explains and ren ders more intensive the affirmation. — In the use of exziaag here, we have an example of the Aorist used for the Perfect, i. e. used to designate completed action in time past ; see N. Test. Gramm. § 136. 5. 3. But this is common everywhere. The reader may find similar ascriptions of a striking character in Enoch 9: 3, 4. 39: 9—12. 60: 9—16. Ascens. Is. 7: 15. 8: 17, 18 (Trinity). 10: 1 — 6. Glory to God as the Creator of all things, is fre quent in the Scriptures ; see Ps. 148: 5. 104: 2. 33: 8, 9 al. Thus concludes this magnificent exordium to the principal Visions of the book. Chap. v. is intimately connected with it, but it is rather to be regarded as a special proem to chap, vi — xi, than as a proem to the book at large. The impressive nature of the scene presented in chap. iv, cannot but strike the mind of every intelligent reader. The holy Seer was duly prepared, by such an august vision, for the disclosures which follow ; and the mind of the reader can hardly fail to be prepar ed, also, to look for them with deep interest. It cannot escape even the most unobserving, how greatly this whole scene resembles the in augural theophanies in Is. vi. and Ezek. i. The writer now forthwith rapit in medias res. But the preparation for his development is pecu liar, and therefore needs some general statement in the way of expla nation. the sealed book : Chap. V. 1. 121 CHAPTER V. The sealed book. Previous to the disclosures about to be made, a book appears in the hand of Him who sits upon the throne, sealed with seven seals, so that no one can inspect its contents. The counsels of heaven which are as yet secret, are evidently sym bolized by this sealed book. No one is found in heaven or on earth, who can open and read the book. The seer is deeply affected because of this ; but he is encouraged by one of the twenty-four elders to expect, that the Messiah will dis close its contents. As a Lamb that had been slain the Messiah makes his appear ance, with indications at the same time, by the symbol of horns and eyes, of his omnipotence and omniscience. He advances to the throne, and takes the book from the hand of him who sat upon it, as the signal that he is about to open it and disclose its contents. The twenty-four elders surrounding the throne now prostrate themselves before him, and offer unto him ascriptions of praise and thanksgiving. With these the angels and the living creatures unite in a hymn of praise ; which is finally echoed and re-echoed from the most distant parts of the universe. The reason why a book is chosen for the symbol in this case, will be very appar ent to a careful reader of the Hebrew Scriptures. In respect to the booh of life, see the remarks on Rev. 3: 5. This book has a limited signification, and is employed only in respect to the state of individuals, whose weal or woe, life or death, depends on what is recorded therein. But in the present case, the book before us contains a record of the secret counsels of God, i. e. hitherto secret, in regard to the Christian church and its enemies. Texts which make use of the like imagery may be found in Mai. 3: 16. Ps. 139: 16, and probably Deut. 32: 34. The seven seals put upon this book, show that its contents were not designed to be read by any, except by him who had authority and power to break the seals. So in Dan. 8: 26. 12: 4, 9, the prophet seals up what is to be disclosed only at a future time. In Is. 8: 16, the prediction which had just been written and uttered, is required to be " bound up and sealed," that no change may be made in it. But in the case before us the seals have a different import, being designed to ex clude perusal. The general idea is, that none but the Messiah, 6 wV (V tco xoX- izo) zov narads, is capable of revealing the secret counsels of God. He knows them all, and therefore is able to disclose them. The extent and special design of this sealed volume or book begin their devel opment with chap. vi. ; and there, consequently, will be the most proper place for the discussion of the subjects appropriate to them. For the general outline of the plan of the book, the reader is referred to the Introduction, Vol. 1. § 10. (1) And I saw, upon the right hand of him who was sitting on the throne, a book written within and upon the back, sealed with seven seals. fca[. — transitions, such as is here made, and indeed even the most striking ones, from one scene to another, are for the most part marked in this book merely by xai; see 12: 1. 12: 18. 14: 1. 15: 1. 17: 1. 19: 11. 20: 1. 20: 11. 21: 1. 22: 6. A natural solution of this is found by comparing it with the Hebrew idiom, (as I have before suggested), vol. ii. 16 122 THE SEALED BOOK : CHAP. V. 1. where still greater transitions are made by 1 , viz., the passing from one , book to another; and even independent books sometimes commence with •} ; see Ex. 1: 1. Lev. 1: 1. Num. 1: 1. Josh. 1: 1. Judg. 1: 1. 1 Sam. 1: 1. 2 Sam. 1: 1. 1 Kings 1: 1. 2 Kings 1: 1. Ezek. 1: 1. Ruth 1: 1. Esth. 1: 1. Ezra 1: 1. 2 Chron. 1: 1. The assertion of even re cent grammarians and lexicographers, that the particle 1 always and necessarily implies preceding matter with which it is connected, is thus shown to be groundless. In such cases as the above, 1 (= xai) must merely influence the meaning of the verb connected with it, or at most convey a sense like to that of our peculiar transitive particle now, and sometimes like to that of the particle then. So in the Apocalypse, xal then ; and so, indeed, oftentimes in parts of historic narration in the N. Testament ; but in the Apocalypse the transitions marked by y.al are unusually great. Yet, after all, they do not equal those of the He brew 1 ; as the above examples fully demonstrate. 'Enl, on, upon, not properly in, although our idiom expresses the idea in this wray. It might be rendered at or near, were it not that v. 7 shows the book to have been on or in the hand, and not simply at or near by the right hand. — BiftXiov, in form is a diminutive of Bi'BXog, jet not generally used in a diminutive sense in the N. Testament. The diminutive is fiifiXaqldwv, Rev. 10: 9. The form of the (lifiXiov, certain ly the usual form, was that of a manuscript-roll ; see Luke 4: 17, where the Saviour is spoken of as dvantv^ag zb (SifiXlov, unrolling the book, viz. the volume of Isaiah the prophet. Ewald objects to the idea of a scroll or roll here, and maintains that there were seven separate libelli rolled in succession around a piece of wood in the centre, the first of which was the longest, and the rest successively shorter ; so that the seals on the margin of the outside leaf might be seen by John. But what significance then has eacodev and bniadev ? Besides, there would then be seven Bi'BXia instead of one. Plainly the model is to be found in Ezek. 2: 9, 10, where the prophets speaks of " a roll of a book . . . written within and without," i. e. on both sides of the Ms., as was usual when there was a great press of matter ; see Pliny, De Veterum Opis- tographis, Epist. III. 5. If the writing on the backside was discontin ued but a short distance from the outer extreme end of the parchment, all the writing upon the Ms. would of course be covered or concealed, when it was rolled up. Kazeacpqayiauevov x. z. X. Sealed with seven seals of course means completely, entirely, or perfectly sealed up. But here it also means somewhat more. The seals are disposed of in such a way, that they are successively broken, and different parts of the BiBXiov disclosed in succession. Eichhorn speaks of the seven seals as all put upon the outer edge of the Ms. when rolled up. But how then could any part of THE SEALED BOOK : CHAP. V. 2, 3. 123 the roll be read, until the whole were broken ? To make all parts of the description congruous, we must suppose the roll to' have a seal upon the extreme end that was last rolled up, which would of course prevent its being unrolled. When the first seal was broken, the Ms. could be unrolled, until one came to a second seal ; and so in succession of the rest. Now if these seals were put on so as to be visible at the ends of the roll, (which might be easily done by some small label attached to each seal indicative of its place), then John could have seen the seven seals, if the end of the roll was toward him, i. e. he could have at least seen what indicated their presence. But how can all the demands of this representation be answered, either by the supposition of Eichhorn or of Ewald ? If, however, we suppose the seals to be put successively upon the margin of the book or scroll, as it was rolled up, each opening would extend only so far as the next seal, where the unrolling would be arrested ; and the presence of these seals might in some way have been indicated to a beholder, as has already been suggested. (2) And I saw a mighty angel, proclaiming with a loud voice : Who is worthy lo open the book, and to loose the seals thereof? 'layyqbv, " merum epitheton ornans," says Eichhorn. But how it is ornans, in the present instance, I wot not, unless there is something apposite in it to the nature of the case. Homer represents his heralds as powerful, robust men, in order consistently to attribute to them deep- toned and powerful voices. Is not this the design of the epithet layvqbv here ? The writer immediately subjoins : xrjovaaovzu iv cpcovfj peydXrj. The adjective peydXrj, when applied to voice, must of course mean loud. Tig dSwg x. z. X. The quotation of the words is direct, (as usual elsewhere), and the whole phrase forms the requisite complement to the participle xrjqvGaovza. — Ahog in the sense of suitable, well adapted to, or more probably with the meaning, of sufficient rank or dignity, i. e. who by his rank or attributes deserves the honour of opening this book of divine decrees ? — Kal Xvaai x. z. X. is added for the sake of specifi cation. Seven seals had been mentioned. Some special guard is im plied, therefore, against the reading of this book. It could not be fully read, unless they were all successively broken ; and to this the expres sion before us refers. (3) And no one in heaven, nor on earth, nor under the earth, was able to open the book, or to inspect it. Heaven, earth, and the under-world, by the common usus loquendi of the Hebrews, denote the universe ; q. d. ' no being in the universe could be found, who was able to open the book, and survey its contents.' Of course the meaning is, that no one could be found among created beings, who was competent to perform this task. — Avco is inserted after 124 THE SEALED BOOK : CHAP. V. 4, 5. ovqavco here in several critical editions, but omitted by Hahn. The idea of heaven among the Hebrews was, that it is the region immedi ately above the apparent welkin or sky. Later Hebrew usage made seven heavens ; indeed, the Ascension of Isaiah, (cotemporary with the Apocalypse), makes seven ; but I find no traces of this in the 0. or N. Testament. — Tnoxdzco zijg yijg, see the popular idea of the subterra nean region fully developed in Is. xiv. The Visia of the Hebrews, and the A'ibijg of the Greeks, both designate the under-world in its usual sense, as employed in popular language. Avoilai refers to breaking the seals of the book ; QXeneiv to the in spection of its contents. BXenco is not confined merely to the ocular sense, but occasionally is employed to designate the mental one of see ing or considering. So Soph. Oed. Tyr. v. 740. The first two ex amples of oiide here are the proper sequences of the previous negative in ovdeig implied before iv zcp ovqavcp ; the ovdi before [SXeneiv is de pendent also upon the first ovdeig in the verse ; see N. Test. Gramm. § 183. 1. (4) And I wept much, because no one was found worthy to open the book, nor to inspect it. JLIoXXd neut. plur. used adverbially, as often. A'^wg in the same sense as above. (5) Then one of the elders saith to me : Weep not ; behold ! the lion of the tribe of Judah, the offspring of David, hath prevailed to open the book and the seals thereof. Eig = in^ , which is sometimes used, in the later Hebrew, as being equivalent to zlg, i. e. one, some one, a certain one ; see Ges. Lex. — Aiyei the Present of narration, i. e. the historical Present — 'Evixrjaev has an intensive meaning here. It does not merely signify, that the Messiah was able to open the book, but that he had acquired this power by a victorious struggle. Comp. a similar sentiment in Phil. 2: 6—10. By such a struggle with trials and sorrows, he had opened or prepared the way for the highest honour to be bestowed upon him, i. e. he had won by his victories the honour and the right to open the sealed Book. '0 Xe'cov, the emblem of heros fortissimus, inasmuch as the lion is the king of beasts, in consequence of his strength and invincible courage; comp. Jer. 4: 7. The lion of God is an epithet among the Arabians, for an invincible hero.— 'Ex zijg cpvXrjg 'lovda, because Christ sprung from the tribe of Judah (Heb. 7: 14) ; and with reference, also, to the declaration of the dying Jacob respecting Judah, Gen. 49: 9, where lion is used in a sense like to that which it has in the verse before us. That Xe'cov is the subject^ of ivlxrjae, is proof that it has the meaning just as signed to it— if ql& Aavtd, not root of David, but a root-shoot from the THE SEALED BOOK : CHAP. V. 6. 125 trunk or stem of David ; comp. id? yiaa -ran , a root-shoot or «prow< /rom vXr) means tribe, i. e. a comparatively small division or class of people associated together; e. g. the tribes of Israel.— TXcoaaa, lit tongue, dialect, i. e. the peculiar dialect of a small part of a numerous people ; and so it marks a division or national distinction here rising somewhat above that designated by cpvXr). This usage is of Hebrew origin ; Is. 66: 18. Dan. 3: 4, 7. 4: 1. 7: 14.— Aabg, populus, spoken THE SEALED BOOK : CHAP. V. 9, 10. 133 of a multitude en masse, who are associated together as a nation, an army, etc., in distinction from dijpog, the people as freemen assembled in the forum, etc. Here it designates a larger mass of people than is sig nified by the preceding words. — "Edvog, the people in a still wider ex tent, a large nation. In Hebrew, dS usually means the Hebrew nation, and iis or Uj'm. the Gentile nations. The four words conjoined here designate nations of every kind, from the smallest to the greatest ; and of course imply that redemption has been extended to Gentile as well as Jew. Kai enoirjaag x. z. X., see on 1: 6. — Ka.i §aGiXevGovatv int zrjg yrjg. Who shall reign ? Answer : The redeemed of every tribe, etc. How shall they reign ? The answer is not given here ; but it is implied in Rev. 11: 17. 20: 4—6. Comp. 2: 26, 27. 3: 21. 1 Cor. 6: 2, 3. Matt. 19: 28. Is it a visible reign on earth, i. e. a reign of those who them selves dwell on the earth ; or is it a participation in the glories and ex altation of the Redeemer, when his kingdom shall become universal ? Probably the latter ; see on Rev. 20: 4 — 6. One difficulty still remains. In v. 9 we have rjybqaaag . . . rjpag, us, first pers. plural; in v. 10 we have (according to the corrected text), xai inoirjaag avzovg, them, third pers. plural : and so again, flaatXevaov- Giv, third pers. plural. The vulgate text reads rjpag for avzovg, and fiaaiXevopev for fiaaiXevaovatv, thus preserving the first pers. plural throughout. But the weight of authority seems to be against this ; and it is rejected in the late critical editions. Thus constituted, there ap pears to be a serious discrepancy between v. 9 and v. 10, scarcely con sistent with the supposition that the same speakers utter both. Ewald, being unable to solve the difficulty, proposes to expunge the rjpag of v. 9, and to read : rjybqaaag . . . ix ndarj? cpvXijg x. z. X., i. e. thou hast redeemed . . . [some] of every tribe, etc. This is not an impossible sense ; for ix (like "ja of the Hebrews) is frequently used in such a way in the N. Testament, see Lex. ix, 3. h. But still, as there is no au thority thus to change the text, it is better to choose some other method, if we may do so, of solving the difficulty. The rjpag of v. 9 evidently includes all Christians, at least all in heaven ; for the twenty-four elders, and only they, could not surely belong to every tribe and tongue. If the text then, as it now stands, be correct, we must suppose that the first person plural is dropped at the end of v. 9, and that avzovg in v. 10 is referred by the speakers to cpvXijg, yXcoaarjg, x. z. X. ; i. e. thou hast made every tribe, etc., to be kings and priests. Of course the meaning must be limited to such as were, or were to be, actually re deemed; we must not apply it numerically to every individual of each tribe. The sentiment then is, that Christians of all nations shall yet reign on the earth or over the earth ; a sentiment hke to that in other referred to above. 134 THE SEALED BOOK: CHAP. V. 11, 12. There is still another method of solving the difficulties of the amend ed text, which I have not found in any of the commentaries. It is that of responsive praise. In Ps. xxiv. there is a plain example of the like composition ; so also in Is. 6: 1 — 3. If now in the present case we sup pose the first clause in v. 9 — " Thou art worthy to take the book, and to open the seals thereof " — to be sung by both the t,coa and the elders ; then the following clause, to the end of v. 9, by the elders alone ; then v. 10 by the t,coa again as a response ; in this way all difficulty vanishes. I do not aver that such was the intention of the writer ; but surely there is nothing improbable in it, either from the nature of the case, or when compared with other examples. Besides ; in v. 11, there is an echo of the praise begun ; and in v. 13 this is reechoed again by a still greater multitude. There is no critical heresy, therefore, in such a view of the case ; although I have no serious difficulty with the preceding solution. (11) And I looked, and I heard the voice of many angels round about the throne, and of the living creatures, and of the elders ; and their number was ten thousand times ten thousand, and thousands of thousands; KvxXcp zov dqovov. Plainly the intention of the writer is, that we should regard the great multitude of angels, as standing around the throne in a circle external to that of the twenty-four elders ; who are also said to sit round the throne, 4: 4. The redeemed, then, who are comprehend ed with the twenty-four elders, (for these are the leaders or representa tives of the redeemed), stand next to the presence-angels ; and the : angels are ranged beyond these, i. e. in the outer circle. Can any \ congruity be objected to this view of the writer ? I think not. " Are they [the angels] not ministering spirits, sent forth to minister to the heirs of salvation ? Heb. 1: 14. " Know ye not that we shall judge an gels ?" 1 Cor. 6: 3. For angels no redeeming blood has been shed, Heb. 2: 16, 17. Why then may we not rationally suppose that the re deemed will enjoy a high preeminence, since they have been ransomed at such an infinite expense ? As to the number of the angels here, it is plainly taken from Dan. 7: 10, " Thousand thousands ministered to him, and ten thousand times ten thousand stood before him." But in our text, the order of the num bers is reversed. It is plain enough that these numbers are thus re peated, in order to designate the idea of countless number, or at least of an exceedingly great one. The general chorus that follows, is contained in the next verse. • (12) Saying with a loud voice : Worthy is the Lamb that was slain, to receive power, and riches, and wisdom, and might, and honour, and glory, and blessing. Aeyovzeg agrees with d 'dqidpbg a noun of multitude, or with pvqM> 8eg and yiXidbeg by a constructio ad sensum as to gender. — Aufisiv zrjv THE SEALED BOOK : CHAP. V. 12. 135 dvvajitv x. t. X. Is the meaning, that he is worthy of having all these virtues and gifts bestowed upon him ? Or is it, that he is worthy of be ing praised as possessing them, or worthy of having them ascribed to him by all intelligent and rational beings ? Doubtless the latter ; for already did he possess the attributes named. As possessing them, he is the object of adoration and praise. — Ukovzov means, that the abundance of all things is in his possession and at his disposal. — Avvapiv here de signates his official power or authority. — Hocpiav, his power to discern the best ends, and to choose the best means in order to accomplish them. — 'layyv, his ability to accomplish all which he undertakes. — Tiprjv xal bbh\av xal evXoylav are not qualities or attributes of the Messiah, but stand connected more properly with Xafieiv in its ordinary sense. The meaning is, that Christ is worthy to receive honour, and glory or praise, and blessing, as ascribed to him and proffered to him by his creatures. The offering of such an ascription to the Redeemer, (the particulars of which constitute the perfect number seven), is an expression of the highest adoration which language can designate. Well does Ewald say : " Angelorum . . . conclamatio, augustam et vere divinam Messiae tanti numinis majestatem praeconiis justis prosequens." And again : " In doxologia (v. 12), Messias divinarum virtwtum et laudum decore dig- nissimus praedicatur." Eichhorn, in reference to the passage before us, says : " Excurrit in laudes Messiae, divisam cum Deo majestatem et imperium habentis."* * Eichhorn, and also his follower and imitator, Heinrichs, both attribute the number seven here, i. e. the seven predicates which belong to the Lamb, to the Jewish Cabbala respecting the Sephiroth. I cannot admit this as probable; (1) Because there is no proof whatever, and indeed no probability, that the Cabba- lists are of as ancient origin as the Christian era. (2) Even if they were, the doctrine of the Sephiroth does not well apply here. They were ten in number; and although it is alleged, that these were subdivided into seven and three, yet this classification does not subserve our present purpose. The superior Sephiroth were the eternal, the crown, and nKSri or nsia i. c. ootpia; the inferior were might, majesty, etc. Eichhorn says that God was praised in two ways, either by a hind or a heptade of attributes being ascribed to him. By a triad ; e. g. " Thine is the kingdom, and power, and glory," Matt. 6: 13, [if this be not genuine, it is at least ancient] ; and so (he might have added), in Is. 6: 3, " Holy, holy, holy ;" Rev. 4: 1], " Glory, and honour, and power;" Rev. 4: 8, " Holy, holy, holy; Lord, God, Almighty ; which was, and is, and is to come," (where we have three times three) ; Rev. 4: 9, " Glory, honour, and thanksgiving." By a heptade ; e. g. Rev. 7: 12, where we have the same doxology as in the text before us, with the excep tion that the order of the words differs, and that irXovros in the text before us is omitted there, and tvyaqiaria substituted in its place. So, again, in ] Chron. 29: 11 12, it is said that even a decade is found, corresponding to the whole number of the Sephiroth, and subdivided into seven and three. But whoever will care fully examine that passage, will find no decade, nor even heptade, but merely ir regular orooipoi, first of five simple members, then of three composite ones, then 136 THE SEALED BOOK : CHAP. V. 13. (13) And every creature which is in heaven, and on earth, and under the earth, and those which are in the sea, even all which are in them, heard I saying: To Him who sitteth on the throne, and to the Lamb, be blessing and honour, and glory and power, for ever and ever. Kziapa, lit. created things ; but nouns in -pa are very common in the N. Testament, and not unfrequently resemble, in meaning, those formed in -aig. The neuter gender is sometimes used to designate persons or agents; e. g. in John 17: 2, 21. 2 Thess. 2: 6. 1 Cor. 1: 27, 28. Heb. 7: 7. 1 John 5: 4 al. ; see N. Test. Gramm. § 95. 3. Here, plainly, intelligent agents are designated ; for this the nature of the case de mands. 'Enl zijg daXdaarjg, on or in the sea ? The answer depends on the meaning of xzlapa. If this word here designates angels, who pre side over the elements, (e. g. in the text — i n I lijg yrjg . . . eni zijg daXdaarjg), then on or over is the proper translation. We might so render the particle inl here, in both cases ; but it must be with some doubt, whether we should be in the right. In Eisenmenger's Juden- thum Entdeckt I. p. 805 seq. and II. p. 374 seq., the reader may find the Jewish notions respecting angels, as sent into all the different parts three of a mixed nature, and then two couplets, the one simple and the other composite. All this supposed evidence then of Cabbalism for centuries before the Apocalypse was written, appears to be without any real support, and belongs only to the conceptions of those who make such allegations as we have now ex amined. But supposing Cabbalism to have existed at the time when the Apocalypse was written, yet there is internal evidence in the case before us, that the writer has not made his appeal to it. Instead of selecting exclusively either the superior Sephiroth (three), or the inferior (seven), he has taken some of both. Thus his aocpla belongs to the superior order of Sephiroth. All of Eichhorn' s imagination, then, that John chose the seven inferior Sephiroth, as appropriate to a dibs Siv- zeqos, appears to be ungrounded ; for he has made no such choice. And even if he had, what proof of a dtos Sevrtqos could result from such a doxology, in the present case, when the same doxology (one word only excepted) is ascribed tiu &i<£ in Rev. 7: 12? not to speak of the passage in 1 Chron. 29: 11, 12, which ex hibits for substance the same particular predicates. Could John, as a cabbalizing Jew, have thus confounded superior and inferior Sephiroth, and thus made a mix ture revolting to the feelings of all Cabbalists ? This, to say the least, seems to be very improbable. Indeed the very face of the matter vouches for the fact, that John had no concern with Cabbalism, in the passage before us. It proves just the contrary of what it is adduced to prove, by Eichhorn and Heinrichs. As to Ewald, he holds his peace here. What have we here then ? A doxology, in which all heaven unite, framed so as to be made the most significant possible by comprising the number seven, and applied directly to the Lamb, in the same manner as the same doxology is applied to God in Rev. 7: 12. What else could the sacred writer expect, but that equal glory and honour should be paid to both, by his readers ? If not, he has done the utmost in his power to lead them into a mistake. THE SEALED BOOK : CHAP. V. 13. 137 of the world, to preside over nations, individuals, elements, productions of the earth, etc. For earlier and better evidence of this notion among the Jews, the reader may consult the Exc. (I.) connected with Rev. 1: 4, under the head of Good Angels, Nos. 3. 5. Assuming such a basis, the meaning will be : ' All the angels, in every part of the uni verse, commissioned to preside over all its various elements — land and sea and under-world — heard I saying,' etc. That rational beings are meant the' writer shows, by quitting the neuter gender — xzlapa . . . a . . . zd — and adopting the masculine, viz. ndvzag . . . Xiyovzag, a con- structio ad sensum. The sense of the whole would then be of the following tenor : ' The four living creatures and the elders lead the choir ; the angels in heaven encircling them echo the song ; the angels in all parts of the universe — in earth and sea and under-world — on their missions of love and duty, reecho it back to the throne of God.' A sublime and truly awful scene ! If now any one is not satisfied with this view, (one to which Ewald gives his assent), then he can explain xzlapa in a poetic manner ; as when the Psalmist calls on the floods to clap their hands, and fire, hail, snow, vapour, and stormy wind, etc., to praise the Lord ; or as when Isaiah calls on the heavens to listen, and the earth to give ear. The whole creation echo back the song to the throne of God, the song of praise, whose notes loud and deep reach its utmost bounds. Poetically understood, there is no important objection to be made to this ; and many will give this the preference. I am rather inclined, however, to the preceding exegesis, from the views which I am persuaded were en tertained by the Jews of that period respecting angels, and which are countenanced (not to say confirmed) by the Scriptures ; as may be seen in the Excursus above named. In which ever of these ways we interpret the passage, there is no room for an interpretation which makes it designate a numerical and literal all. The meaning here must be, either that of guardian angels in all parts of the universe, or the poetic one of the universe as a whole, without making or intending to make individual distinctions which are here uncalled for. In either case, human beings in general are not specified at all, even if we suppose them, in the latter case, to be includ ed. If any one is disposed to press the literal and rigid sense of the word all, then how can he exclude the material objects of the creation ? And why should it be pressed here, except for sectarian purposes, any more than when the Evangelists say, that " all Judea and all the region round about Jordan, went to John and were baptized by him ?" Matt 3: 5, 6. Mark 1: 5. Does this all include the sick, the aged, every fe male, all children, and all unbelievers too in religion ? And so of a multitude of texts everywhere to be found in the Bible. Plainly the VOL. n. 18 138 INTRODUCTION TO ChAP. VI — XI. all in the text before us must mean that all who were able and disposed to praise God and the Lamb, and who united in the song of praise. His enemies were not disposed to unite in it. Ta iv avzoig, i. e. zd [xzlapaza~] iv avzoig, is a general expression designed to repeat and comprise all the preceding particulars which had been named. — EvXoyia xal ziprj, and db^a xal xqdzog, are plainly two couplets here, forming two azlypi in a kind of poetic measure ; differing in their form, but not in their meaning, from the preceding heptade (v. 12) and triads (4: 9, 11) of praise ; and it seems probable that the' writer purposely made them to differ, for the sake of variety. Here, moreover, God and the Lamb are joined in the same doxology. What could the writer mean, if, after all, the Lamb is merely a created being? (14) And the four living creatures said : Amen! and the [twenty-four] elders fell down and worshipped [Him who liveth for ever and ever.] As the act of adoration commenced with the t,coa and the elders, so it concludes with them ; i. e. they give the last and final response. The feo« add their solemn assent to all which had been ascribed to the Lamb. — apryv, i. e. Veritas, certum est. So the Jewish congregation at the close of religious services, Deut 27: 15 seq. Neh. 5: 13. So Chris tians, 1 Cor. 14: 16. The words included in brackets are omitted in the majority of the most important Codices. They are not necessary to the sense, which remains substantially the same, whether they are inserted or omitted. If any one should feel that the verb nqoaexvvrjaav demands some com plement after it, an examination of the word in the Lexicon will show him that it is frequently employed in the absolute sense, i. e. without any complement. It may be so here. Thus has the writer prepared the mind of his readers for the expectation of something highly inter esting, which is to be developed when the sealed book shall be opened. The next chapter presents us with the commencement of the disclosure. FIRST CATASTROPHE, OR OVERTHROW OF THE JEWISH PER SECUTING POWER: CHAP. VI— XL That a work of destruction is to be performed, is manifest from the na ture of the symbols presented as the seals are successively opened. That vengeance is called for and is due, is made clearly manifest, so soon as the dread array for an attack is exhibited; which exhibition is made with the breaking of the four first seals. The duty assigned to the hosts that are marshalled, is made prominent to our view by the supplication of the martyrs in 6: 9—11. As yet, however, the writer has not explicitly dis closed who are the victims of divine justice, but only characterized them INTRODUCTION TO ChAP. VI — XI. 139 as the enemies and persecutors of the church ; although it is not difficult for one well acquainted with all the bearings of his language, to conjecture whom he has in view. He continues to hold his readers a little perhaps in suspense until he nearly reaches the close of the first catastrophe ; although chap. vii. contains some indications not to be easily mistaken. But in chap. 11: ], 2, and 8, he seems quite clearly to intimate what enemies and persecutors of the church are to be cut off and destroyed. Undoubtedly he has added interest to his production, by thus suspending, for a time, the anxious curiosity of the reader. But no well-grounded doubt can be en tertained, at last, whose subjugation and destruction are in fact predicted by the series of symbols employed in chap, vi — xi. Those who are ex empted from destruction in consequence of the seal of safety put upon their foreheads by'the guardian angel, are of ike twelve tribes qf Israel, chap. vii. The necessary implication is, that the rest of these tribes who are not sealed, are exposed to the doom which is threatened. So in chap. xi. John is commanded to measure the inner temple for preservation, while all the rest of it is devoted to ruin ; i. e. the essence of the ancient religion is to be preserved, and is incorporated with Christianity, while all that was merely exterior and ritual is abolished. The Gentiles are to tread down the holy city and temple forty-two months, 11: 2. Here, as often in the prophets, the metropolis seems plainly to be put for the country at large. In this metropolis, the two witnesses appear, 11: 3; and here they are slain, and " their corpses cast out into the streets of the great city, which is spirit ually called Sodom and Egypt, where oor Lord was crucified," 11: 8. This identifies in such a manner as to dissipate all reasonable grounds of doubt. The only passage in chap, vi — xi, which seems to make against this view, is in Rev. 9: 20, 21. 1 concede that the most easy and natural inter pretation of tins, would be to apply it to heathen idolaters. But that this is not a necessary mode of interpretation, and that the context forbids such an application, I shall attempt to show, in commenting upon the passage. When I say, that the destruction of Jerusalem and the wasting of Judea are events predicted by this portion of the Apocalypse, I do not mean to be understood, that Rev. vi — xi. contains merely a civil history of the Jew ish war. Nothing, in my apprehension, can be farther from a correct mode of interpretation, than a mere historical and literal application of any of the symbolic part of the Apocalypse. The prophetic portion is all symbolical picture ; but not such a picture as to constitute a regular histoiy of wars and calamities. In its very nature most of it is generic, and not individual and specific. While, therefore, the plan of the work is built on the assump tion, that the Jewish persecuting power is to be humbled and destroyed ; and while it even assumes, that in order to the accomplishment of this, Judea shall be actually desolated ; yet particular and specific facts, as they actually took place in the attack by the Romans, are scarcely in any in stance to be recognized ; and when they are so, it is not for the sake of making out a mere history of the Jewish war, but in order to complete the symmetry of the writer's symbolical picture. For interpreters, conversant with the prophetic writings, and with what has been done for the interpretation of them since the publication of bish op Lowth's great work on Hebrew poetry, no defence of such a position is or can be needed, for it would be superfluous. But as this work may fall 140 INTRODUCTION TO CHAP. VI — XI. into the hands of readers who have not been thoroughly disciplined by the exegetical study of the Hebrew prophets, and who have always been ac customed to find the particulars of a civil history in the Apocalypse, it may be necessary here to proffer somewhat specifically the reasons why we should adopt a different method of interpretation. I shall not repeat, on this occasion, what has already been said, Vol. I. §9 and §12, on the object and design of the Apocalypse, but merely refer the reader, for the leading and fundamental principles of exegesis, to the discussions there exhibited. I cannot regard anything as moie certain, in respect to the object of the Apocalypse, than that its principal design was to hold up to view a picture, which would indicate the certain and univer sal triumph of Christianity over all opposers ; but not in the way of minute and circumstantial history, either civil or ecclesiastical. On this last ground, we never could attain to any satisfactory certainty in our interpretation. No particulars of the great contest are so given, that they can be identified with actual occurrences in this war or in that, in this battle or in that. Of bat tles that have been actually fought, there are indeed some things in the Apocalypse that might be deemed in a good measure characteristic. But then these same things are characteristics applicable in common to all bat tles, because in their very nature they are generic. And this constitutes a good reason, why they will not admit exclusively of any mere individual and specific application. The real thing symbolized, is the humiliation and prostration of the persecuting power in question. Now as nations are usually deprived of their power and humbled by means of war and by be coming subject to conquest, John has employed symbols drawn from in vading armies, and presented a most fearful array of them. As moreover the peculiar judgments of heaven also concur oftentimes in the work of humiliation and prostration, John has added these to the appalling instru ments of destruction. Such are the simple elements of Rev. vi — xi, and such the design of exhibiting them. If the reader has any serious doubt of the correctness of this principle, I must entreat him to cast his eye over Vol. I. § 2, where the tenor of all the leading prophecies of the Old Testament and the New respecting the church is summarily exhibited. When he has deliberately done this, let him ask the question : Is there any analogy to be found in all this series of prophecy, to that which is claimed by many as to the manner and meaning of the Apocalypse ? Is there any minute and succinct history, in any of them, of individual and specific civil events which are to take place in the distant future ? The church of the primitive age, or of any other, had no special interest, as Christians, to know what these specific civil events would be. All that pertains to moral and religious comfort, encouragement, hope, and even admonition, is comprised in the disclosures made respecting the ulti mately certain prosperity and final triumph of Christianity. Are we then to assume, that the Apocalypse has entirely departed, in its predictions re specting the church, from the tenor of all the other prophecies of the like nature ? Nothing short of absolute necessity should induce us to do this; and such a necessity, I am fully persuaded, does not exist. But as the point now before us is altogether fundamental in respect to tlie interpretation of the Apocalypse, and as doubts here have occasioned, and still produce, a great portion of the differences of opinion that exist re specting this book, I feel constrained to enter still further than I have yet INTRODUCTION TO CHAP. VI — XI. 141 done into a discussion jof this matter, and to solicit the attention of the rea der to some ^atficaZ views of interpreting the symbolic portions of Scrip ture, and to some facts which respect the historico-civil method of interpre tation, which have not been brought into view in the first volume of this work. The importance of the subject is so great, and the necessity of set tling on some principles to guide us so urgent before we proceed any fur ther in our exegesis, that I would hope no other apology is needed for in troducing a discussion into a Commentary, which might seem more appro priate to a book on Hermeneutics. I have stated, that in my apprehension the humiliation and prostration of the Jewish persecuting enemies of the church is the main truth aimed at in Rev. vi — xi. But my view of the apocalyptic representation is such, that if those enemies had been humbled and subdued by any other nation than that of the Romans, or by a series of judgments and misfortunes altogether of a different tenor from those which actually took place, I should regard the prophecy of John as having been just as certainly and truly and fully ac complished as it now is. If this be a correct view of the case, then of course we are not to seek for a specific application of the predictions of John. The various portions of his symbolic picture are all consentaneous with each other. They make out a congruity in bis representations ; and this is what the interpreter is to look for, rather than for any specific and indivi dual application to particular facts, either of this portion of the prophecy, or of that, to particular events of the Jewish war. If further explanation or vindication of the principles of exegesis that I adopt is necessary, it is easy to make it. To do this effectually, I must refer to similar examples of 'interpreting the Scriptures, of which an abundance might easily be produced. I will confine myself, however, to two or three. The 18th Psalm (vs. 4 — 20) affords an example altogether appropriate to my purpose. David, near the close of his life (comp. 2 Sam. xxii.), under takes to compose a hymn, which shall exhibit a grateful acknowledgment of all the kindnesses which he has received at the band of the Lord; specially a grateful acknowledgment of the protection afforded him in times of im minent danger and distress, when powerful enemies pressed upon him. He tells us in the inscription to the Psalm, that it was composed when " God had delivered him from the hand of all his enemies, and from the hand of Saul." In what manner, now, does David execute his task ? He represents him self as surrounded with the sorrows of death, and the floods of ungodly men ; the snares of death are already cast around him, and he seems to be the certain victim of his blood-thirsty enemies. In this condition he sends up his cry to heaven. Jehovah hears it, and comes forth from his holy temple, and advances to the aid of Lis servant. The earth shakes to its foundations at his approach ; flames of fire, lightnings, and thunder, issue from the place of his presence. He moves on in awful majesty, enthroned in the midst of dark and portentous clouds ; on the cherubim (who support his chariot) does he fly swift as the winds. He arrives at the place of con flict Lightning and thunder and hail become the executioners of his ven geance. The mountains are shaken at his presence, and the channels of the great deep are laid bare down to the foundations of tlie earth. The enemy are dispersed and overthrown, and David not merely escapes, but comes off conqueror. 142 INTRODUCTION TO CHAP. VI — XL Such is the simple, sublime, and most expressive.representation of the royal bard. The meaning of all this, i. e. the simple truth or fact which lies at the basis of the whole, is, (to use his own words), that " God deliver ed him from his strong enemies, and from them who hated him and were too strong for him." In other words : ' God interposed, in the day of Da vid's calamity and danger, and delivered him from his enemies by his kind care and guardian power.' All this now might have been said in one sentence, so far as it respects the main and simple truth aimed at in the whole of David's symbolical re presentation ; just as the doctrine taught by the parable of the prodigal son may be expressed in a single verse ; or the substantial truths of the book of Job might be comprised in three or four sentences. But if David had con tented himself with merely saying, in the 18th Psalm, that ' God often in terposed in his behalf, and delivered him when he was in great danger,' he would have uttered a simple prosaic truth — the very same truth which he has now adorned and illustrated by his poetry — but he would thus have composed no hymn ; and he would have made but a comparatively faint im pression on the minds of his readers. Who of all the readers of the Bible does not thank 'bim for the delightful Psalm which be composed on this occasion? And who is not gratified with the manner of the composition? The nature of his representation, I may add, we readily perceive. By a symbolic picture he has taught us some important and cheering truths. He has thus contrived to make a much deeper impression on the minds of his readers, than he could possible have made by any merely prosaic declara tions. Nor is there any plausible ground for mistake here. No intelligent reader of this Psalm can for a moment suppose, tliat any part of this repre sentation is to be literally interpreted. Such an interpretation would pre sent impossibilities. What David means to have us understand is, that so signal and peculiar bad been the deliverances and escapes which Heaven had vouchsafed to him, that be might well represent bis case to be like that which would be presented by an interposition of the Godhead such as he here describes. In other words, his own deliverances may be compared to that which is represented by such a picture as he draws. This case is so plain, that there can be no reasonable dispute here. Let us see, then, what instruction can be drawn from it. Here is one picture ; apparently one transaction, one occasion, and but one, in the 18th Psalm. Yet the author tells us, that it was composed in com memoration of all bis deliverances and all his escapes from danger. We will suppose then, that one of the literally historic interpreters of the Apoc alypse is desired to give us an exposition of the 18th Psalm, and to do this by the application of the same exegetical principles which he applies to the Apocalypse. How can this be accomplished ? Many scores of battles Da vid fought ; which of them now is portrayed in the 18th Psalm ? Which of them all has the exclusive right to such a preference as that of being the only one there represented ? It is easy to see, that a choice in this case is impossible. Any one of all the dangerous battles which David fought, and in which he conquered, may be symbolized by the 18tb Psalm ; and so, of course, they may all be symbolized by it; or (which is equally true), they are in fact all symbolized by it. No expositor has a right to select any one from the rest, and say that the 18th Psalm means only that one. The represen tation of David is essentially generic ; it virtually comprises all particulars, INTRODUCTION TO CHAP. VI XI. 143 while at the same time it exhibits nothing which would distinguish one from another. This would in fact be nothing less than to mar the generic nature of the representation. Will any one say now, that, because minute and particular facts are not designated in this representation, therefore it has no matter of fact for its basis ? Nothing could be further from truth, than such an affirmation. In stead of saying that .Psalm 18th has no basis in fact, because it does not specially symbolize particular facts or individual occurrences, truth must say, that for the very reason the representation is generic, it of course is the most significant of all. To make it symbolize only this particular fact or that, in the life of David, would be to take away a great part of its present sig- nificancy, and therefore to degrade it. The case of the Apocalypse, I may now say, is substantially before us. Here is a symbolic picture of the humiliation and overthrow of the then persecuting Jewish power, presented us in Rev. vi — xi. Here, as in the 18th Psalm, is a generic idea to be set forth, and deeply impressed upon the readers of the Revelation. John has drawn this picture with a master-band. But now, after such a lapse of time, when the circumstances which then urged him to do this have been obscured by intervening ages, some specta tor of this picture, we will suppose, rises up and says, that all of it is to be interpreted only by a reference to this or that specific or individual event. This is a degradation of the symbolic picture of John, to which it ought not to be subjected ; it must not be, unless taste and propriety are to be laid aside, and we are to form a judgment, not only without their aid, but against their fundamental principles. A minute historic interpretation of the Apocalypse, in the sense now spoken of, would deprive the book of more than three quarters of all its meaning. It is no more to be tolerated here, than in the 18th Psalm. It would be easy further to illustrate and confirm the principle thus advo cated, by a reference to Isaiah xiii. xiv. and also Is. 21: 1 — 10. The de struction of Babylon was decreed, and is there announced. But nearly everything is in the most generic terms. In Is. xiii. xiv. the Medes are in deed once named ; but besides this, we could not, independent of subse quent history, even conjecture by whom the destruction is to be accomplish ed. " Distant nations," " consecrated warriors," are summoned to do the work of destruction ; it is speedily to be done (13: 22); the king of Babylon is to be slain in an assault by night, and to lie unburied ; he will go down into Sheol, and there all the mighty dead will rise up and insult him with the most bitter reproaches. The city is to be swept with the besom of de struction. Here, with the exception of what has particular reference to an individual king, the last monarch of Babylon, (which from the very nature of the case is necessarily particular), all is generic. When ; how ; by what particular battles, sieges, and stratagems; the mistress of the world is to be humbled and destroyed — is not said. The prophet contents himself with merely a generic representation. Even with respect to the last monarch of the Babylonish empire, how much is there which is merely symbolical ? The whole of the striking de scription of his descent into Sheol, and of the scenes which pass there (chap, xiv.), must be understood of course only in a generic way. The amount of the meaning is, that the last monarch of that empire will be 144 INTRODUCTION TO CHAP. VI — XI. slain in the sacking of the city, will lie undistinguished among the slain, and go down to his grave with reproaches and bitter contempt So in the vivid picture presented by Is. xxi. Here, indeed, the neigh bouring and most formidable enemies of Babylon are named, viz. Media, and Persia. But all else is symbol of the most generic kind. The seer is filled with deep distress at the vision which is here disclosed to his view. The city of Babylon, (itself not named, at first, but cailed, " the desert of the sea," i. e. of the great river Euphrates), is plunged into the deepest revelry by night ; the prophet is commissioned to set a watchman on its Walls, in order that he should proclaim what he may see. In a little time he des cries chariots and horsemen swiftly advancing. No sooner do they come, than all is theirs; and the watchman has only to proclaim that "Baby lon is fallen, is fallen." What have we now in this picture ? We have the prophetic annuncia tion, that Babylon would fall suddenly, unexpectedly, and so as to rise no more; and this, by the hands of the Medes and Persians. Beyond this the symbols do not reach. Probably more than this of particulars was not disclosed to the mind of the seer. Let us return again to the Apocalypse. At first the enemy to be de stroyed by the fearful host that are assembled, is not named. We advance some way in the description, before we begin to see whither the view of the Apocalyptist is directed. When danger becomes so pressing, that it would seem as if none could escape destruction, then all the raging ele ments are hushed to peace, and God, in mercy to the disciples of his be loved Son, directs that his seal should be put upon their foreheads, so that they may be passed by when the destroying angel completes his work. And who are they that are thus sealed'} They are of the twdve tribes of Israel. And who then are they, against whom the dread array in readi ness is commissioned ? Of course they are the same people, from whom the 144,000 have been selected. All seems now to be in readiness for consummation. Only the seventh and last seal remains to be broken, and then the tragedy is apparently to be completed. Accordingly, when that seal is broken, all heaven stand silent (8: I) with fearful expectation. But judgment is the strange work of God, and he is long-suffering and of great compassion toward his once beloved people. The catastrophe is still deferred ; for the seventh seal is divided into seven parts, i. e. seven different stages of accomplishment, designated by the symbols of seven trumpets. The first four of these, like the first four seals, indicate principally the preparatory work of destruction. The first and second of the last three make fearful progress in the work itself, and the final trumpet brings all to its consummation, chap, ix— xi. Near the close of the whole representation, i. e. in chap, xi., (just as in Isaiah xxi.), we are distinctly advertised on whom the judgments of heaven are descending— viz., on that " great city which is spiritually called Sodom and Egypt, where their Lord was crucified," 11: 8. Now in what important respect does all this differ from the prophecies in Isaiah, or from the 18th Psalm ? In none except as to the manner of tlie representation. In the Revelation, the machinery (if I may so speak) is much more complicated. Or I may characterize it in a different manner still, by saying that the writer has with great skill delayed the catastrophe, INTRODUCTION TO CHAP. VI — XI. 145 and given us several episodes for this purpose, which contain matter of thrilling interest Such are the scenes in chap. vii. Such is the division of the seventh seal into another period of seven parts, distinguished by the trumpets. The locusts and the 200,000,000 horsemen from the East, in chap, ix., are not episodes, for they make direct advances toward the com pletion of the main work. Chap. x. again is episode. Near as the work seems to be to its completion, yet it is not brought to a close without a re newed and most solemn declaration on the part of heaven, that delay shall be no longer than when the seventh and last trumpet shall sound; 10: 1 7. Here too, at this point of time, the prophet receives a new commission. The book with seven seals has been opened, and its contents exhibited. The final stroke only remains, for entire completion. A new book, and a now commission respecting other enemies of the church, are now summa rily presented to view; 10: 8 — 11. But no further explanation is here made. The reader is thus advertised, that when the . catastrophe but just before him shall be past, other scenes of the like nature are to be expected. All this we may name episode ; but it is episode of a very interesting character. All contributes to delay the catastrophe ; but this delay exhibits, in a striking light, the long suffering of God toward his people. In chap. vi. the writer has presented us with a view of the martyrs in heaven, at the foot of the altar there, making supplication that God would interpose in behalf of his persecuted servants. A favourable response is given to their request; but they are told, that they must wait a while longer, until others of their brethren shall also have been slain, in like manner as they had been. The effect of such a supplication upon an army ready for the onset of battle, such as chap. 6: 1 — 8 exhibits, is easy to be perceived. Id chap. xi. we have a sketch of the fulfilment of what is predicted in chap. vi. respecting other martyrs. In chap. xi. two distinguished witnesses, {two are the competent number for testimony), i. e. leaders or preachers of Chris tianity, are represented as declaring their testimony to the true religion ; as being endowed with miraculous power, like the prophets Elijah and Moses ; and finally, as becoming the victims of popular fury, because of their fidel ity. Here then is the finishing stroke of preparation. It was not Christians only from the ranks of undistinguished men, who were persecuted and de stroyed, but the most eminent servants of God, those who had given proof of their divine mission by the exertion of miraculous powers, were also de stroyed. Heaven's vengeance, then, can sleep no longer. The dday until other martyrs should be added to the number of those who were already in heaven (6: 11), has taken place and is now at an end. The cup of in dignation is full, for wickedness has come to its consummation. The seventh angel therefore sounds, and all is finished. The writer presents us with the songs of victory (11: 15 — 18), and with the consequences of it (11: 19); and also with the ensigns of final destruction (11: 19); but-^he is a Jew, and how can he dwell on the destruction of his beloved city and temple, with a minuteness of representation ? He turned from the scene with weeping as a sympathizing Jew, but also, as a Christian, mingling tears of joy therewith, because Christianity is freed from a direful and em bittered enemy. That there is a real catastrophe at the end of chap, xi., I cannot doubt, after weighing long and often the reasons alleged against it, by Bleek, De VOL. II. 19 146 INTRODUCTION TO CHAP. VI — XI. Wette, Schott, Ewald, Liicke, and others. It seems to me that the marks of it are plain and unequivocal. But I must remit the reader to the dis cussion of this subject connected with the commentary on 11: 15 — 19, and to the remarks made in the Introduction to this Commentary, Vol. I. p. 180 seq. if this view be correct as to its leading features, then does the Apoca lypse, at least this part of it, differ not essentially from the 18th Psalm, nor from Is. xiii. xiv. and xxi, except as to length and episodes. These are peculiar to the writer of the Apocalypse, and show, that with all his refer ences to the O. Testament, and his continual reliance upon it, he is no mere imitator, no copyist. The very nature of his plan required delay, 6: 11. He has shown why this requisition was made ; and how the implied pledge was redeemed, which had been given to the martyrs. But hi3 episodes are scarcely of less interest than his main story ; and while they make the reader anxious how and when he is to arrive at the catastrophe, they repay the suspension of his curiosity in one respect, by scenes of ex citing interest in 'another. It is thus that I find a simple' unity (of a generic nature indeed), in this first catastrophe, i. e. in Rev. vi — xi. ; as simple as that in Ps. xviii, or in Is. xiii. xiv, or Is. xxi. Every part advances steadily toward the consum mation. As all the seals of the book are opened, of course all its contents are submitted to inspection. The number seven twice repeated, in the seals and in the trumpets ; the oath of the angel (10: 6, 7) ; the accom plishment of the prediction, that more martyrs must be slain, before the consummation, with the account of their persecution and death (6: 11 and 11: 3 — 13); all these combine to show, that the first catastrophe is complete, and that the great mystery of God, contained in the sealed book, is made known to his servants, by the disclosures in chap, vi — xi. Thus understood, our general course of interpretation is plain. We are not constrained to turn over the pages of Josephus, in order to find speci fic events, which may be regarded as a fulfilment of this or that passage in the Apocalypse. If no history by Josephus was in existence, the triumphal arch of Titus at Rome would tell the story, that Rev. vi xi. has been fulfilled. Equally would it have been fulfilled, as I have already remarked, had the Jewish persecuting power been crushed in any other way, or by any other means. Of course, if this be true, it was and is the general truth which John has given us, and not a minute pragmatic history of the war, like that of Josephus. One more remark seems obvious, and is not without its importance. Rev. vi — xi. seems to be, as it were, a kind of commentary on the words of our Saviour in Matt. xxiv. John heard those words. The impression could never have been erased. He has indeed given the subject a new form ; yet his allusions to the words of his Master cannot well be mistaken, by any careful and intelligent reader. If, however, after all these explanations and statements of hermeneuti- cal principles, any one should still feel himself to be at a loss definitely and plainly to comprehend my meaning, I must beg the liberty to place before him some striking examples of the method of interpretation against which I am contending. In my apprehension they will not only answer the pur- INTRODUCTION TO CHAP. VI XI. 147 pose of complete explanation, but present a cogent argument against the method of exegesis now in question. I shall select for examples writers who are no enthusiasts, and who occupy no ordinary rank among the critical interpreters of the N. Testa ment To bring examples taken from the many interpreters, who have endeavoured to explain the Apocalypse merely by the dextrous use of the faculty of guessing, would be to little or no purpose. I select, therefore, in the first place, a critic of no less note than J. J. Wetstein, in order to illus trate how fir the principle of making out a syllabus of civil history from the Apocalypse has been carried, by men of distinguished talents and acquisitions. Wetstein lays down the position,, that the first part of the Apocalypse has respect to Judea and the Jews ; the second, to the Roman empire. He then proceeds thus : "The book written within, and 'upon the back, and sealed with seven seals (5: 1), is the book of divorcement sent to the Jewish nation from God. (a) The victor horseman, crowned, and armed with a bow (6: 1), is Artaba- nus, king of the Parthians, who smote the Jews in Babylon with great slaughter, (b) The red horse (v. 4) means the assassins and robbers of Judea, in the times of Felix and Festus, presidents of the province. (c) The black horse (v. 6) means the famine under Claudius, (d) The pale horse (v. 8), the pestilence which followed famine and pillage, (e) The souls of the martyrs (v. 9), Christians in Judea who were persecuted, and were about to be vindicated. (/) The earthquake (v. 12), commotion in Judea preparatory to rebellion. The servants of God sealed in their fore heads out of every tribe (7: 3), Christians under the guardian care of God, who are admonished by prophets, that they should early withdraw from the tempest approaching, (g) Silence for half an hour (8: 1), a brief respite conceded to the entreaties of king Agrippa. , "Next follows the rebellion itself, [of the Jews], (o) The trees burned (v. 7) means the country places, and villages, and unfortified towns of Judea, which were first affected with the evils of sedition. (6) A great burning mountain cast into the sea, and staining it with blood ; and (c) A flaming star falling upon the rivers and making the waters bitter (vs. 8 — 11), mean the slaughter of tlie Jews at Cesarea and Scythopolis. (d) The obscuration of the sun, moon, and stars (v. 12), anarchy in the Jewish com monwealth, (e) Locusts stinging men like scorpions (9: 3), the expedition of Cestius Gallus, Praefect of Syria. (/) The army with particoloured armour (vs. 16, 17), Vespasian's forces in Judea. " The death of Nero and of Galba took place at this time, and civil war followed this, (10: 7, 11. 11: 15). The two prophetic witnesses, or the two olive-trees and two candlesticks, (11: 3, 4), mean prophets in the church predicting the destruction of the temple and Jewish commonwealth. The death of the prophets (v. 7), means their flight, and that of the church at Jerusalem, to Pella in Arabia. The return of the prophets to life after three days and a half (v. 11), means prophecies beginning to be fulfilled, at a time when it was thought they never would be fulfilled, nor the doctrine of Christ prevail in Judea and throughout the world. ... A tenth part of the city falling, the same hour, and 7000 men slain (v. 13), Jerusalem oc cupied by the Idumeans, and many priests and nobles, together with the 148 INTRODUCTION TO CHAP. VI — XI. high-priest Ananus, massacred by the Zealots." Wetst. Nov. Test. II. p, 889 seq. Having thus carried us through the first great catastrophe, (yet without noting the destruction of the city of Jerusalem), Wetstein proceeds in the same style with the civil history of Rome, included, as he supposes, in chap, xii — xix. ; and in this he of course finds everywhere individual em perors, battles, sieges, plagues, commotions, etc. Finally the grand con summation (chap, xix.) is, that Vespasian and all his family become extinct, and so great Babylon is fallen. Can one now refrain from asking : Ti zov zo, d fii] t« ndvia ilaiiowdai; There arises an almost instinctive percep tion of degradation, when one looks on such a portrait. Let us now listen to Herder, who has adopted many of the general out lines of Wetstein, but has filled out his picture in a different way, and with much more life and animation, not to say probability. In his Mafan Ma, (one of the most delightful books which he ever wrote), he has given us the following clue. 'The conqueror with the bow (Rev. 6: 2) is Aretas, the Arabian king, who overthrew Herod with great slaughter. The red horse (6: 4) means the dissensions, commotions, bloodshed, assassinations, and murders, among the Jews in various countries and regions. The black horse (6: 5) was the famine in the time of Claudius ; upon which (6: 8) followed the pale horse, i. e. pestilence and death. "Wretched Judea!" he exclaims, "thus opens the book of thy destinies ! From the four sides of the throne of thy God, [referring to the voices of the four living creatures], the cry respecting thee is heard : Come and see ! On all sides is wretchedness." The fifth seal (5: 9 seq.) presents the cry of the Christian martyrs amidst these scenes of confusion and blood. The earthquake, etc., which follows, designates the consternation of the Jewish people. The sealing of the servants of God (7: 1 seq.) is the escape of Christians to Pella. The first four trumpets (8: 1 seq.) are signals of tumults, massacres, contests, etc., internal and exter nal, under Florus, and the zealot Eleazer. The locusts (9: 1 seq.) are the robbers and assassins during the five months in which Vespasian traversed Judea ; and Menahem,' the son of Judah the Galilaean, (Jos. Bell. Jud. It. 17), is the lay to the bottomless pit (9: 1). The horsemen from the Euphrates (9: 13 seq.) are the Roman legions which Titus led from the East. The wasting and treading down of the city and temple (11: 2) are the zealots and the Idumeans in the city, who fill all places with blood. The two wit nesses (11: 3 seq.) are the high priests, Ananus and Jesus. The seventh and last trumpet is only the signal of triumph to the church. The consum mation or final overthrow of Jerusalem is put off, by Herder, to another part of the book ;' Maran Atha, pp. 64 seq. How different this is from the picture of Wetstein, every intelligent rea der will at once perceive. Yet the general outlines, and the principles of interpretation, are the same in both. But Herder's vivid imagination guides him in selecting all that is thrilling and terrific, from the boundless field in which he and Wetstein both took an unrestrained liberty to range. Justice requires some notice, here of the celebrated English interpreter, Joseph Mede ; whose little work on the Apocalypse, (Clavis Apocalyptica), seems to have been the pole-star, in tlie main, of the English interpreters of this book. INTRODUCTION TO CHAP. VI — XI. 149 111 a direction quite different indeed does he move. The seven seals are, with him, a syllabus of Roman history. ' The white horse is the Roman em pire, peaceful, flourishing, feared by foreign nations, after the Jewish war was completed by Vespasian. The red horse is the same empire under Trajan and Mark Aurelian. The black horse with the balance, means the severe justice of both the Severi, and also of Septimius, and Alexander. The pale horse, is famine, pestilence, and many other evils, about the time of Decius, Gallus, and Valerian. The souls under the altar, demanding ven geance, means the persecution of Diocletian. The heavens rolled together and removed, on the opening of the sixth seal, means the changes which took place under Constantine, when Paganism was compelled to yield to Christianity. The seven trumpets explain the complex import of the seventh seal, and portray the judgments by which God had determined to chastise and overturn the Roman empire, after the time of Constantine, i. e. the ir ruption of the barbarians,' etc. Such are the outlines of Mede's exposition of the first half of the Apoca lypse. It is no part of my intention particularly to examine them, either at large or in detail. Whoever desires to see a fatal overthrow of the whole scheme, may consult Vitringa in Apoc. pp. 230 seq. But has the masterly critic, last named, substituted an interpretation more probable and rational than that which he has demolished ? We must consent to hear him, before we reply. ' The white horse and the conqueror upon him signify the peaceful and flourishing state of the church, from the reign of Nerva to that of Decius, through 150 years ; p. 249. The red horse means the persecutions after the middle of the third century ; p. 255. The black horse denotes the church, from the time of Constantine to the ninth centuiy, torn with fac tions and heresies, and often depressed by public calamities; p. 261. The pale horse denotes the ravages of the Saracens and Turks ; p. 267. The fifth seal designates the sufferings of the Albigenses, Bohemian Brethren, and martyrs of the Reformed Church ; p. 275. The sixth seal signifies either the destruction of the Jewish commonwealth ; or the changes which took place under Constantine ; or the commotions in Europe at the time of the Reformation ; but it is better to apply it to the destruction of Antichrist ; p. 291 seq. Rev. 7: 1 seq. denotes the prosperity and glory of the church, and God's care for its welfare, after the destruction of Antichrist; and so the last part of this chapter is a description of the millennial day; p. 318. The silence in heaven for half an hour, after the loosing of the seventh seal, denotes the long continued (?) prosperous, peaceful, and happy state of the church ; p. 326. And finally ; he separates the seven trumpets entirely from the seventh seal, and represents them as relating to the external state of the church on earth while under the influence of the Roman empire ; but especially as relating to the evils threatened to that empire, both in its pagan and apostate Christian state ;' pp. 327, 329. Neither of the preceding schemes of explanation appears to me at all comparable with this, (although this is from the hand of such a master), either in respect to extravagance or inconsistency. Wetstein and Herder preserve at least a kind of consistency, and have some regard to the unity of John's design. Mede has been consistent in his efforts to make out the whole" book to be but a syllabus of Roman civil history. But Vitringa has ranged through all times, all places, all nations, from Diocletian down to 150 INTRODUCTION TO ClIAP. VI — XI. the final consummation. In the very same chapter (vi.), we have the history of the church from Nerva down to the Millennium ; and in Rev. 6: 12 — 17, we have, if not the destruction of the Jewish Commonwealth and of the pagan power under Constantine, with the overturns made by Luther and his compeers, yet certainly the overthrow of Antichrist, and the happy state of things in the Millennium. All this, before the seventh seal is bro ken ; and then, when it is broken, a half hour's silence is itself another pic ture of the Millennium. Last of all, the seven trumpets, (most palpably mere subdivisions of the seventh seal and growing out of it,) are entirely separated from it, and unitedly converted into a syllabus of Roman civil history, ancient and modern. If this be not deducere aliquid ex aliquo^ it would be difficult to produce an example of such a process. I might add to these instances of speculative exegesis, that of Bossuet, the distinguished Prelate of Meaux ; who finds the great catastrophe of the Apocalypse, in the conquest of heathen Rome by Alaric, king of the Goths. I have selected only a few examples, taken from the works of .highly dis tinguished and gifted men, — men who thought for themselves, and were no mere satellites of larger planets. The reader, therefore, can now judge for himself, whether I have with good reason cautioned him against minute his torical exegesis, and protested against converting the Epopee of the Apoca lypse, into a syllabus of Jewish, Roman, or even ecclesiastical history. The nature of the production will no more bear it, than Ps. xviii, or Is. xiv, or Is. xxi, or Ezek. xxxix, will bear it. Besides, if Wetstein's arrjfia is a correct one, then Herder's is not ; if either of these be true, then must the scheme of Mede be visionary ; and if either of those three be well grounded, then of course the claims of Vitringa are altogether unsupported. Indeed the same thing might be said in respect to some scores of other in terpretations, brought before the world with equal confidence on the part of their authors, and with as little or even less ground for making any fair claim to confidence on our part. But to examine all of these different hypotheses in detail, or even to bring them here to the view of the reader, would be a useless task ; for in most of them imagination, and fancy, and unlimited conjecture, and dreamy resemblances, are substituted for the patient study of the prophetic Scrip tures, and for reasoning founded on the nature of symbol and allegory and metaphor as employed by prophets and sacred poets. When all other books of Scripture have a why and a wherefore; when all of them can be demonstrably shown to have arisen from the wants of the church, and the exigencies of the times, and to have been adapted to these in such a man ner as to be practically useful — why should the Apocalypse alone be ex empted from the like conditions ? If this book had its origin in the distress es and dangers of persecution, and was designed to cheer the constant and faithful servants of God with bright prospects of the future, and to incul cate lessons of patience upon them — and all this lies upon the very face of the book — then it must be true, that to intelligent readers of that period when it was written, it was intelligible ; else it could inculcate no lessons of patience, nor inspire any cheering hopes, amid the distresses of the times. How now could either of these great ends be accomplished in any tolera ble manner, by a mere syllabus of Jewish or of Roman civil history ? A better era in the criticism of the Apocalypse, than the one from which I have selected some leading and eminent specimens, we may hope is now FIRST SEAL : ChAP. VI. 1. 151 dawning. Day-light will come at last, in spite of clouds and storms which may have long continued to retard it. The sober rules of criticism, being founded in the very nature of rational beings, must sooner or later make their voice to be heard. It may be drowned and lost for a while, amid clamour and violence. But these are temporary storms. Truth is eternal. Opinionum commenta delet dies. The church may hope, that at some future day, if not at present, the Apocalypse, will stand before it in unclouded beauty and glory. I will only add here, that if we overlook all the palpable demonstrations of design, of unity, and of concinnity in the Apocalypse, and make it a book of disconnected fragments, we only show that we do not well under stand the leading elements of this composition. In such a case we are liable to make everything, or else nothing, out of the book, just according to the leader or the scheme un&er whom or which we happen to enlist. In such a condition we must fairly abandon all hope of real symmetry, con gruity of representation, or unity of purpose, in the Apocalypse ; and when these are all abandoned, how can the book be worthy of our labours or even of our notice ? FIRST FOUR SEALS : CHAP. VI. 1—8. [After the introductory remarks made above, we may now advance to the opening scene. The first four seals indicate the assembling and preparing of an awful array, commissioned against the enemies of the church. Who can stand before it? A mighty conqueror, bedecked with the emblems of victory, leads on the hosts of destruction. These hosts, armed with deadly weapons, follow him. Then, in the train, comes famine, commissioned against the enemy ; and in the rear of famine, march Death and Hades, the allied tyrants of the under-world ; while the ravenous beasts of the earth, waiting to devour the corpses of the slain close this terrific procession. Such is the first scene, which the text now before us presents to view.] (1) And I looked, when the Lamb opened one of the seven seals, and I heard one of the four living creatures saying, like a voice of thunder : Come. Mlav is rendered by some, the first, like iris , which in Hebrew is used both as a cardinal and an ordinal number (Heb. Gramm. § 396) ; or it may possibly be regarded in the light of the Greek in such a con nection as et?, aXXo?, zqlzog, etc. But the want of the article here is a decisive reason against this rendering. The nature of the case, howev er, makes it impossible for the reader to mistake the meaning. Mlav ix and evb? ix, instead of the simple Gen. in regimen ; an id iom very common in the N. Testament, and not uncommon, at least the like of it, in the classics. The source from which the individual thing mentioned is derived, or the class to which it belongs, is marked more specifically by ix. See Rob. Lex. ix. 3. h., and Winer's N. Test. Gramm. § 55. 1. c. See like classic usage in Kiihn. II. § 599. 3. b. Teaadocov tfacav are here represented, and also elsewhere as rational 152 FIRST seal : Chap. VI. 2. beings. The office which they are said to perform, seems to render such a view necessary in order to preserve congruity. On this occasion one of the living creatures is represented as addressing John, in order to render the whole scene peculiarly solemn and impressive. — ii? cpcavrj Nom. for which some copies have cpcovrj, .and some cpcovrjg, in order to make an appropriate case for the prefixing of by or with. But the con struction with the Nom. cpcovrj imitates the Hebrew, where 3 (= org) prefixed to a noun forms a separate and as it were independent clause, which has its own appropriate construction, either expressed or under stood. So here, and often in the Apocalypse. The subordinate sen tence filled put would be : cog cpcovr) Bqovzrjg Xeyei. A somewhat differ ent construction, and one more conformed to the usual Greek idiom, may be found in Rev. 2: 18. 9: 8. But generally in the Apocalypse, the construction with cog is, in such turns of expression, like that above. 'Eq%ov xal i'de. So the vulgate text ; and with good probability. So some of the critical editions ; but I have followed Hahn, as usual, in my version. For an illustration of this, Eichhorn refers to Ezekiel 8: 9 ; which, however, is quite of a different tenor from the expression here. No other explanation is needed than to say, that it is the language of special invitation to consider attentively what is about to be developed, "Eqyov is language naturally addressed to one at a distance, whose near er presence and particular inspection are requested. Whether John, after this address, is to be conceived of in the present case as actu ally advancing from his previous station, is of no moment. His spe cial attention is solemnly urged. (2) And I looked, and behold a white horse, and he who sat upon him held a bow ; and to him a crown was given, and he went forth as a conqueror, and that he might conquer. To understand the nature of the imagery or symbol of horses', here and in the sequel, the reader must compare Zech. 6: 1 seq., where he will find the prototype. There, the four horses and chariots are sent forth into all the earth, in order to survey and make report of the condi tion of the nations. The colours there, moreover, are red, black, white, and spotted, (vs. 2, 3). Here the respective horses, whose various colours are symbolic, (in Zech. perhaps the colours are merely of an ornamen tal nature, or for the sake of distinction), are placed at the head of each constituent part of the army which is summoned. This is in accordance with the usual style of forming battle-array.-J&rTzo? Xevxbg, an emblem of victory, and appropriate to a conqueror. Leaders of armies frequent ly rode on horses of this colour ; Sil. Ital. IV. 218. Herod. IX. 62. Servius ad Aen. 537, Oandore nivali, hoc ad victoriae omen pertinet. Particularly did victors use them in a triumphal procession ; Sen. De Ira, III. 21. Virg. Aen. III. 537, comp. Apoc. 19: 11. SECOND seal : Chap. VI. 3, 4. 153 Hzecpavog in this case means a triumphal crown, i. e. the diadem of victory ; and so, in conjunction with the preceding images, denotes vic tory or conquest. The zb^ov was a common emblem of a victorious war rior, among the ancients ; particularly among nations where the bow was much employed, e. g. among the Parthians, as is manifest by their coins. Thus equipped, this leader of the van goes forth vixvov, i. e. bearing the insignia of a conqueror, not here in the sense of victoriis assuetus, as some render it. Nixcov. here expresses the condition, state, or ap pearance of the individual upon the white horse, as expressed in the version above. The next clause gives the object of his going forth, viz. iva vixrjorj, that he might conquer, i. e. subdue the enemy against whom he is commissioned, but who are not yet named. "E%cav, had, part, for a verb, see Vol. I. § 15, p. 242 seq. Are we to regard the opening of the seal as disclosing to the eye of John a picture of the kind just represented, drawn upon the pages of the book ? Or does he, when the first seal is broken, hear the contents read, or read them himself? Nothing is said which decides for the latter. Are the written contents, then, presented to the eye of John by symbols which have the same significancy as the written pages of the book ? The latter seems to be the case, for the symbols are described, e. g. the white horse, the red horse, etc. Pictures drawn on the pages of the book and inspected by John, can hardly be supposed ; because there are parts of the vision where this would be impossible. It is more congruous, therefore, to suppose that the eye of John beholds the symbols, on the arena of the heavenly world, of what the book contains. In this way, the Apocalyptist is taught what the sealed book contains, rather than by reading it, or by inspecting pictorial representations drawn upon its pages. It should also be noted here, that the conqueror in this case is not the Lamb himself, as in 19: 11, but the Generalissimo (so to speak) of the invading army. The Lamb evidently remains in his antecedent position, 'in order to break the remainder of the seals. (3) And when he had opened the second seal, I heard the second living crea ture say : Come ! "Eq%ov xal §Xene is the vulgate text here. But the weight of Mss. is against the last two words ; and the Syriac version of the Apocalypse also omits them. They are not necessary to the sense. (4) And another horse that was red went forth; and to him who sat upon it — to him it was given to take away peace from the land, and that [men] should slay each other; and a great sword was given to him. The red horse is a symbol of blood to be shed. — Avzcp, referring to zcp xadepe'vcp, and inserted for the sake of emphasis or perspicuity ; Gramm. § 121 — 4. Note 4.— Aafteiv,to take away ; so Xafifidveo and the VOL. n. 20 154 third seal: Chap. VI. 5, 6. Heb. K2» not unfrequently mean ; Matt. 5: 40. Eev. 3: 11. Dan. 1: 16. Ezek. 29: 19. Mic. 2: 2. Besides, it is strengthened here by the k which follows. — Eiqrjvrjv, quiet, peaceful, secure condition here, in oppo sition to one of danger and blood-shed. — rrjs, like the Heb. f^N', is more or less extensive, as the nature of the context demands. Here, not the whole earth, but the land of Palestine is specially denoted. Kal iva x. z. X. Here is an instance of the oratio variata ; see N. Test. Gramm. § 196. The construction commences with idbdrj avzo) Xafieiv, and then, in the second member, goes on with \Jdodrj avzof\ iva dXXr/Xovg acpdicooi, i. e. [he was commissioned to cause] that the in habitants of the land should embroil themselves in civil war and mutual slaughter. Similar variations of construction are common in the New Testament, and also in the classics. — Mdyaiqa ueydXrj, lit. a large slaughter-knife ; but often it is put for any sharp-edged weapon used in battle, as a scymitar, sword, cutlass, etc. All these are unequivocal symbols of slaughter, i. e. of war. In other words they signify that by war or slaughter the power of the adversary is to be weakened. (5) And when he opened the third seal, I heard the third living creature say: Come ! And I looked, and behold a black horse, and he who sat upon it had a pair of balances in his hand. Innog ue'Xag, a black horse. The choice of an appropriate colour here was more difficult than in any of the other cases. Indeed a colour strict ly appropriate for the designation of famine, could not well be found. But black is the colour indicative of distress, misfortune, or mourning', ¦. in general ; consequently it comes as near to appropriate significancy here as the nature of the case will admit. — "Eyav as in v. 2, i. e. em ployed as a verb. Zvybv properly means the yoke or beam (as wesay) of a balance or pair of scales. The later Greeks called the whole ap paratus, fyyoozadubg. The object symbolized by the black horse and the balance, is too in definite in itself not to need some explanation ; for otherwise various interpretations, with almost equal probability, might be put upon the expressions. The sequel gives us the clue. (6) And 1 heard a voice in the midst of the four living creatures saying: A measure of wheat for a penny, and three measures of barley for a penny; and the oil and wine thou must not injure. It is not the voice of one of the living creatures, which is now heard ; but a voice iv peacp avzcov. This of course appears to mean, the voice of him who sat upon the throne which was borne up by the £iua. Xoivi%, an Attic name of a species of dry measure = £ of a Roman modius, and nearly equal to one quart of our English measure. It was the ordinary daily allowance for the sustenance of a man ; Odyss. XIX third seal : Chap. VI. 6. 155 27, 28. Athen. III. 20. Herod. VII. 231. Xen. Anab. I. 5, 6 ; see an abundance of examples in Wetstein, in loc. The dearness of the price of grain, according to this statement, is easily seen. A penny (dijvdqwv) was the usual price of a day's labour, Matt. 20: 2, 9. A yoivi^ was the 48th part of an Attic medimnus of grain, and the ordinary price of this was five or six denarii, Of course, the usual price of a yolviS, of wheat was only about J of a denarius ; so that the price becomes advanced, in the present case, to eight times the usual cost As the statement of the text now is, a man could earn only his own personal subsistence by his labours ; and consequently his family are left unprovided for. Kqidijg, barley, as it would seem by this, bore only one-third of the price of wheat It was raised in greater plenty than wheat, and was regarded as being much inferior to it To eXaiov . . . pr) ddixrjarj?, a difficult, if not as yet an inexplicable clause. Eichhorn indeed adopts a very easy method of interpretation : " Positio mere ornans." Yet I scarcely know a writer less addicted to positiones mere ornantes, than John in the Apocalypse. He remarks, however, that ' a scarcity of oil and wine would contribute nothing to ward creating a famine ;' a position not less strange than the other. Is not olive oil (which is doubtless here meant), one of the most nutritious of substances ? And would wine contribute nothing to the sustenance and comfort of those who were undergoing starvation ? Ewald says, that the loss of the substantial articles of food would only be aggravated by the presence of luxuries ; and so this, he thinks, is " apte dictum," in order that the picture of distress may be heightened. This at best is but a small emendation of the positio mere ornans of Eichhorn. Vi tringa thinks that the caution (pr) ddtxijarjg) is addressed, not to him who sits upon the black horse, but to those who were inclined to be prodigal of luxuries, or careless as to the destruction of the crops of wine and oil ; a construction which, if the text will bear it, would clearly make out a meaning quite congruous with the context. Some other commen tators also, with views substantially the same as his, have regarded pr) ddixrjarj? x. z. X., as a caution to take the best possible care of the oil and the wine, because they were about to be much needed. This gives a like congruous sense. — That the second pers. singular only is employ ed, in the address, is no serious objection to this, because any collective body of men may be addressed in thi3 way, as they often are in the prophets. The energy of expression is heightened, by thus individuals izing. What seems strange is, that the mass of interpreters " sicco pede earn sententiam praetereunt," just as though no explanation were needed. Some indeed have expressed the apprehension that the word ddix-rjarj? (to act unjustly) is not applicable to oil and wine ; but the classic pas- 156 FOURTH SEAL : CHAP. VI. 7, 8. sages cited by Wetstein in loc. show that this verb is not unfrequently used in the sense of BXdnzetv, i. e. to injure. Amid this variety of opinion, we may still regard the command not to injure the oil and the wine, (in form a litotes), as intended to show the need there will be of these substances in order to support life ; so great will be the scarcity of bread. In substance this is Vitringa's view of the matter. In other words : ' Instead of being able to support life with the ordinary element of bread, that which was before regarded merely as a luxury, will now become a necessary of life.' Yet it must be acknowledged, that the pic ture, even when viewed in this light, does not seem, at first, to be one of very high colouring, i. e extreme famine does not seem to be denoted by it ; for apparently, only the necessaries for daily sustenance are supposed to be very scarce and excessively dear. Oil and wine might be laid up and preserved for a considerable length of time ; so that even when the crops of grain should fail, through drought or other causes, and thus be come exceedingly scarce, the oil and wine might still be resorted to. That they would be much needed, however, seems to be plainly imphed in the direction : pr) ddixijarj?. Why not hurt them ? Plainly because life will depend on them. I do not see any way, at present, in which a more appropriate explanation can be given.* (7, 8) And when he opened the fourth seal, I heard the fourth living creature say : Come ! And I looked, and behold a pale horse, and the name of him who sat upon it was Death, and Hades followed after him. And there was given him power over a fourth part of the land, to slay with the sword and with famine and with pestilence, and by the wild beasts of the earth. lnnog yXcoqog, pale horse ; lit. "fXcoqbg means a colour like that of a young shoot of vegetation, i. §. a palish green. Evidently a hue in clining to the cadaverous is here meant ; as the sequel shows. — 'Eaava avzov = V&3 . In vs. 2, 4, 5, we have in avzov, which is' in confor mity with the more usual Greek idiom. — The construction of this and * A curious suggestion! respecting this passage is made by the venerable Bede, as quoted by Calovius (Bib. Illust.) ; which is, that 'oil 'is for the sacrament of unction, and wine for the Lord's supper, and therefore they were not to be injured.' But was not bread also an element of the Lord's supper ! If so, why should not this too be spared .'—There is another suggestion, which at least may have an equal claim to our consideration, viz. that oil and wine were commonly used for the cure of wounds (Luke 10: 34) ; and the leader or angel-overseer who was to superintend the famine, is directed to spare such elements as would be needed in order to aid those who would be wounded by the angel of the second seal. A sufficient objection to this is, that an alleviation of suffering is thus provided for; which seems to be contrary to the general tenor and design of the picture. Still, if viewed simply as declaring the need there would be of oil and wine, it might not be destitute of significancy, although such a mode of expressing this idea ie too fanciful to be admitted. FOURTH seal : Chap. VI. 7, 8. 157 ft 7 the next clause is not in accordance with the most rigid rules of syntax ; but still, it is not very unusual. The Greek runs thus ; As to him who sat upon him — his name was Death ; i. e. the Nom. absolute intro duces the sentence; This, as we have already seen, is very frequent in Hebrew and in its kindred languages, and common in all parts of the N. Testament; see N. Test. Gramm. § 97. 3, and comp. § 121. 4. Note 4. "Ovopa avzcp, i. e. rjv avzcp = ovopa avzov. — b ddvazog, with the ar ticle ; see N. Test. Gramm. § 89. 7. Qdvazog simply would not an swer the demand of the sense here ; for the name was not ddvazog (death in general), but b ddvazog, death by way of eminence, " the king of terrors" himself. '0 A'idrjg est magna umbrarum caterva, says Heinrichs ; and he, after Eichhorn, appeals to Ps. 18: 4, 5, (5, 6). 49: 15. Job 38: 17. Better surely would be Is. 14: 9. That adrjg has reference to the world of the dead, lit. the invisible world, the under-world, like bixiu , there can of course be no doubt. But since,- in the present case, personification is intended by the writer, the question necessarily comes up : Whether he means the umbrae here, i. e. the shades or ghosts of the dead, inhabit ing the under-world ; or whether he intends to designate that part of the under-world who were associated with b ddvazog, its supposed king, in the government of it, and who were (so to speak) the servants or coadjutors of the king of terrors, and therefore were imaginary beings of the same class or kind with him, and not merely the ghosts of depart ed men in general. That the associates (so to name them) of ddvazog are meant, seems probable from Rev. 20: 13, where it is said, that " Death and Hades gave up the dead which were in them," i. e. the dead held by them, were raised to life. How could Hades, i. e. (according to Heinrichs and others) the departed spirits or umbrae of men, be said to give up the dead which were in it ? In other words : How could the dead themselves give up the dead ? Is it not plain, then, that the co? adjutors of Death, or the Proceres of the under-world, are here desig nated by Hades ? If so, then all becomes plain and easy in Rev. 20: 13. The representation amounts to this, viz. that those who hold and wield the dominion of the under-world, will give up their subjects (i. e. departed or dead men), and yield to the power of him " whose vdice can burst the prison-house of death," and " who has the keys of Hades and of Death," i. e. of the region over which they reign. So in the passage before us ; it is not the umbrae of departed men, which appear in order to destroy others, (see the sequel of the verse), but the king of the under-world and his coadjutors who unite their efforts in order to people their domain. In accordance with this, Sheol is represented (in Is. 14: 9) as stirring up all its umbrae to advance and meet and insult the king of Babylon, who has just arrived among them. That Hades 158 FOURTH seal : Chap. VI. 8. and Sheol may sometimes mean umbrae, I would not at all deny ; but in passages such as I have now cited, we are obliged to seek another shade of meaning, in case we would preserve any good degree of con gruity. 'HxoXovdei per' avzov. The Gen. after dxoXovde'co, with uezd before it, (instead of the Dat after the verb), is frequent in the best classics; see Lobeck ad Phryn. p. 353 seq. — To re'zaqzov, the fourth part, i. e. a considerable part, and certainly a large portion to be destroyed by only inceptive war, famine, and pestilence. We are to call to mind here that this is only dqyrj codivcov, as our Saviour speaks, in Matt 24: 8. A more usual designation, in like cases, is zb zqizov, one third part; see Rev. 8: 7, 8, 9, 10, 12. 9: 15 al. Traces of the number four, used in a somewhat similar sense, may be seen in the phrases : " Visiting the iniquities of the fathers upon the children to the third and fourth gen eration ;" " in the fourth year the fruit shall be holy ;" the four king doms, in the book of Daniel ; the four chariots in Zechariah ; the four n'lTj in Ezekiel i, and the four t,coa in Rev. iv, etc. In the passage before us, the evident design of the writer is, to select a smaller number than the usual one third, because the war is as yet only in its in cipient stages. The commission of Death is, that he should employ the agency of those who preceded him, as well as his own, in destroying the enemy. He is directed to slay by the sword (see the second seal), by famine (see the third seal), and also davdzcp, i. e. by the pestilence. The He brew word -O^i , pestilence, is rendered ddvazog more than thirty times by the Septuagint ; and Nrvra in Chaldee and in Syriac is often employ ed in such a sense. The nature of the case requires such a meaning here, for clearly one of the instruments to be employed by d ddvazog is here designated. Qdvazog may therefore be rendered deadly disease or pestilence ; which is an appropriate instrument of d ddvazog. 'Tnb zcov drjqicov zrjg yrjg, wild beasts, following in the train of a deso lating army, destroy the wounded, and seize on the defenceless inhab itants who are left. This last characteristic, joined by the other three, maybe found in Ezek. 14: 21. The junction of sword, famine and pestilence, is common in the prophets; e. g. Jer. 14: 12. 21: 7. 24: 10. 44: 13. Ezek. 6: 11, 12. 5: 12 al. That famine would succeed the ravages of a conquering army, it is very natural to suppose. That pes tilence should follow in the train of slaughter and corrupted dead bodies, is likewise altogether natural. The ravages of wild beasts are a matter of course, on such an occasion, in countries where they are to be found. Thus Homer, at the very beginning of his Iliad, presents us with a sim ilar- representation. See also 2 Kings 17: 26. Ezek. 14: 21. Thus all these scourge1: are here united in one fearful train, led on by him who martyrs' supplication: Chap. VI. 9— 11. 159 is crowned as victor upon the white horse, which is at once the emblem and the earnest of the victories to be achieved. In what manner the four first seals have been expounded by some distinguished interpreters, the reader has already had opportunity to see, in the introductory remarks to this chapter. Let him now compare the whole picture, thus far, with the declarations of the Saviour as exhibited in Matt. 24: G— 8. How can any one well refrain from regarding the representation of John here, as a commen tary upon his Master's words ? And if they are so, then the object in view is neither difficult nor obscure. The whole scene as represented in heaven before the eye of the seer, is a symbol of what is to take place on earth, when Christ comes " to avenge his elect, who cry unto him day and night." The dread array, which appears in heaven to John, is not indeed to be regarded as individually and in re vera (so to speak) employed in the destruction of the enemies of Christian ity ; but this array constitutes the symbols of instruments which would be em ployed for the destruction of the enemies of the church. We are not to inquire and seek, as Wetstein, Herder, and others have done, after specific and individual events supposed to be designated by each symbol itself, and by every attitude and action of the symbolic agents ; for to identify and verify these would be out of question. We are merely and simply to deduce from the whole, that war with its usual accompaniments, i. e. famine and plague and ravenous beasts, will be commissioned to lay waste the power of the persecutors. It is not a battle in this place or in that, during this year or that, but it is all the battles and all the means of destruction, which are here designated. Such is the picture which the Saviour himself has drawn, in Matt. xxiv. ; and such is the imitation and expan sion of it in Rev. vi. MARTYRS' SUPPLICATION : CHAP. VI. 9—11. Nothing is more common than for the leaders of armies, on the eve of a great battle, to present before the soldiers some soul-stirring view of the wrongs which they and their country have suffered from the enemy, and to urge them on by a keen sense of injury, as well as by a regard to justice and safety, to put forth all their energies in the approaching contest. A well adapted address of such a nature, at the very onset of battle, has often achieved an unexpected victory. Every one who has read the history of England's achievments in war will re member, that the greatest naval victory ever gained by that nation, was aided, if not ensured, by the signal hoisted upon the admiral's flag-ship when moving into the line of battle : England expects every man to do his doty. In a few hours, the enemy were no more The burst of enthusiasm created by such an appeal may be felt, but never can be adequately described. Not unlike to this appears to be the scene before us. The awfuLarray, sym bols of the work of destruction about to be accomplished, have been summoned, have taken their places, and formed the ranks of the army. Before marching into the battle their ardour is now to be excited. In accordance with the impor tant design of rousing up powerful sympathies on such an occasion, the persecu ted and slaughtered martyrs are presented, lying covered with blood at the foot of the altar where they have been sacrificed, and crying., aloud to the God of jus tice to take cognizance of their wrongs and vindicate their cause. Who can wonder that heaven and earth are moved at the cry, and that he who sits en- 160 FIFTH SEAL : CHAP. VI. 9, 10. throned above manifests in a conspicuous manner and by terrible signs, that their complaint is heard, and that their request v/ill in due time be surely granted?/ vs. 9—11. Such I take to be the nature of the scene before us; and it would be difficult to find any adequate parallel of it, in all the scenes which Epopee presents. When viewed in this simple light, the thrilling interest which it gives to the whole exhibition, is not to be mistaken. Nor should it be said, that there is any incongruity here. Bleeding souls at the foot of the altar, as symbols in vision, are no incongruity. The Lamb as it were slain, in Rev. 5: 6, is no incongruity. In vision everything assumes form and shape, as if it were material. To the umbrae of deceased men, all the ancients, Hebrews as well as Gentiles, assigned a visible shape. Even spirit itself was regarded by the ancients, as consisting of the most subtile and attenuated substance, not unlike to air. Of course, if re garded in this light, there is no incongruity in the picture of the Apocalyptist. It is enough for its vindication to say, that all is symbol. It teaches, and is de signed to teach, no philosophy about the nature of the soul's substance ; and no deduction can be made from it, such as Tertullian makes (De Anima), in favour of a material soul. It is an instructive vision ; and it would be as apposite to un dertake a demonstration that the trees and brambles can talk, from the fable of Jotham (Judg. 9: 8 seq.), as it would to undertake the proof of the material nature of the soul from the representation before us. It would also be as proper to charge Jotham with incongruity, as to bring such an accusation against John. (9, 10) And when he opened the fifth seal, I saw under the altar the souls of those who had been slain, on account of the word of God, and on account of the testimony which they held fast. And they cried with a loud voice, saying : How long, O Lord holy and true, dost thou not judge, nor avenge our blood on those who dwell in the land ! * 'Tnoxdzm rov dvaiaazrjqiov, i. e. at the foot or lower part of the altar, where the victim was laid whose blood had been shed. The reader must of course perceive, that God is here presented as being in his upper or heavenly temple, (the same is very common in the 0. Testa ment), and there is also the altar in question, like to that in the temple at Jerusalem; comp. Heb. 8: 5. — Wvxdg zcov x. r. X. shows, of course, that the psychology of John did not admit the extinction of the soul by the death of the body. The bleeding victims here presented, are those which had been sacrificed on the altar of their religion. They had been slain did zbv Xbyov zov deov, on account of God's holy word, i. e. because of the doctrines which it taught a*nd which they received and maintained ; but specifically on account of the paqzvqiav rjv efyov, the testimony [of Jesus'] which they held fast. For a fuU account of this phraseology, see Comm. above on Rev. 1: 2. The passage before us is so plain and indubitable, that it necessarily casts light on 1: 2. The only difference between them is, that in 1: 2, iuqzvqrjae zbv Xbyov . . . zrjv paqzvqiav I. X. designates a teacher of Christianity, whereas, in the case before us, we' have elypv zbv Xbyov . . . zrjv paqzvqiav, who held fast the word, etc. By this last phrase private Christians may be de- FIFTH SEAL : ChAP. VI. 10. 161 signated; and in the present case such appear to be designedly in cluded. El/ov, held fast ; see Rob. Lex. %w, d. a. This is a frequent sense of the word. The form is Imperf. which suits the meaning here. That the martyrs were once merely in possession of the word, etc., would not have occasioned their death; it was their steadfast adher ence to it, which caused them to be sacrificed on the altar of religion. (v. 10) Aiyovzeg, i. e. ipvy^al Xe'yovzeg, concord ad sensum, the souls in this case being those of the martyrs. — '0 deanbzrjg x. z. X, Nom. used for the Voc. ; as often in N. Testament, and in the classics ; Gramm. § 97. 3. The term deanbzrjg is not frequent in the Greek Scriptures, xvqwg being much the more common appellation, when the idea of Lord or Master is to be designated. In Luke 2: 29 and Acts 4: 24, however, it may be found in the same sense as here. It designates God as supreme Governor and Master of all, and as having the power and the right to vindicate his oppressed servants. — "Aywg, holy ; in this case hating sin, i. e. of purer eyes than to look on the iniquity of per secutors with indifference. — AXrjdivog, true to his promises, worthy of credit when he stands pledged to punish persecutors. Ov-'xqiveig, dost thou not judge, or dost thou forbear judging, i. e. dost thou forbear to bring to trial, or to condemn the enemies of the church. The verb itself is generic, and therefore may signify to acquit or to condemn, pro exigentia loci. Here it might be interpreted thus : How long dost thou not vindicate, viz. the righteous. The difference of meaning in the whole phrase, in this case, would not be important^ But on the whole I prefer the other meaning, viz., that of bringing to trial or condemning. — 'Exdixeig . . . dnb, so in Luke 18: 3. In Rev. 19: 2, with ix. In all these cases there is a conformity to the Hebrew y6 ts]53 , "pa Vi~n ; see Ges. on these words, jinb makes the persons on whom vengeance is to be taken more specific, or at least it gives more intensity to the designation of them. The thing to be avenged (alpa) is in the Accusative. Kazoixovvzcov inl zijg yijg, exactly corresponding to the well known Hebrew ^"isrt iatt5!P , the meaning of which may be general or particu lar, just as the context requires. The Hebrews, who in prose used only one word (y"ix) for earth, country, region, etc., never found any difficulty in this, because the context of course limits or expands it, just as the case may require. Ewald here takes it in an expanded sense ; but this seems to be " travelling out of the record." The sequel shows, that the Jewish enemies of the church are here concerned. The blood, then, which had been shed by Jews, and particularly in Palestine, is now to be avenged ; for the sequel shows, that the supplication of the martyrs found acceptance and would be answered. VOL. ii. 21 162 fifth seal: Chap. VI. 11. (11) And a white robe was given to each of them, and it was said to them, that they must wait yet a while, until their fellow servants and their brethren should be completed, who must be slain, even as they [had been]. 'Exdazcp, to each one, emphatic, showing that the gift of the white robe was bestowed on every individual. — 2zoXrj Xevxrj, see on 3: 5. The singular, GzoXrj, is here used in a distributive sense. — 'Eqqedrj, with short penult ; see Buttm. § 95, Note 4, and under eineiv in the Cat. of Irreg. verbs. — Avanavocovzai, Aor. I. Subj. Middle ; the context shows that long continued waiting is not designed, so that the Aor. may be here employed. Lachmann reads : dvanavaovzai. — "Ecog nXijqcodiaai is in several Codices read stag nXrjqcbaovzai, i. e. %qbvov avzcbv, for so those who introduced this reading must have understood the passage. I prefer the reading nXrjqcodcoGi, Aor. I. Pass. Subj. ; and to this may be given either of the two following meanings, viz. (a) Until their martyr ed brethren should complete the number destined on the part of heaven to fall in this manner, see Rob. Lex. riXrjqbco, d, y ; or (b) IlXrjqcodmi may be used in a hke sense with zeXeibco, to consummate or complete, i. e. ' to advance to the highest state of happiness, reward, perfection, or flory ; comp. zi.Xetoi and nenXrjqcopivoi as nearly synonymous in Col. 4: 12. As a parallel with the first meaning, Matt. 23: 32 may be consulted ; for there nXrjqcbaaze means to complete that which was yet wanting, in order to raise iniquity to such a height as would bring down immediate pun ishment. So here, to be completed would seem to mean, that the num ber of martyrdoms requisite to bring down final excision must first be completed, before the pending catastrophe could take place. This is the more easy and obvious sense, and is not without parallels ; comp. nXrjqcoua in Rom. 11: 12, and nenXrjqcoxevai iq Rom. 15: 19. Let the reader note the bearing which this has on the time when the Apocalypse was written. The persecution that was raging, was yet unfinished. Ot cvvdovXot refers to those yet to become martyrs, as being fellow- servants of Christ with those already martyred.--Ot ddeXcpol, the Chris tian title of endearment. — Ol peXXovzeg anoxzevveadai, who were speedily to be slain, peXXovzeg marking the Fut. proximate. — Anoxzevveadai, Inf. Pres. for dnoxzeiveadai ; the form in the text seems to be Aeolic, for the Aeolians changed ei into e before a liquid (X, p, v, q), and then doubled the liquid as a compensation. See Winer's Gramm. § 15, un der anoxzeivco. The answer in this case is made sufficiently plain, by the bestow- ment of the robes of honour; comp. Gen. 41: 42. 45: 22.' Esth. 6: 8, 9. Is. 3: 7. Zech. 3: 5. By implication, also, is the request considered as being granted in the sequel; for this declares merely that some delay is necessary, before their wishes can be fully accomplished, and of course thus intimates that they are to be accomplished. sixth seal: Chap. VI. 12. 163 This circumstance pf delay we should regard with particular atten tion ; for it explains the ground of various episodes (if we may so name them), which are seemingly introduced in order to delay the final com pletion of the first catastrophe. The writer, by such a plan, has pre pared the way for the admission of interesting matter, indirectly con nected with his main design and yet consistent with the general plan which he had in view. Considerations of this nature have hitherto been scarcely regarded by most interpreters of the Apocalypse ; as every one will see who is conversant with the commentaries on this book. SYMBOLS OF DESTRUCTION : CHAP. VI. 12—17. The rest of chap, vi, vii. vs. 12 — 17, symbolizes the terrific events which are to follow. On the opening of the sixth seal the sun and the moon are darkened; the stars fall frqm heaven ; the heavens themselves are rolled away by a mighty - wind (comp. 7: 1) ; and all the people of the land to be smitten, are filled with terror and amazement, and fly to the rocks and mountains for refuge from the dreaded invasion which is about to be made'. Such are the phenomena immedi ately after the opening of the sixth seal ; but this is not all which is to be dis closed by this opening. Subsequent events will be noticed in their proper places. (12) And I looked, when he opened the sixth seal, and there was a great earth quake, and the sun became black as sack-cloth of hair, and the whole moon be came like blood ; Nothing is more frequentin the Scripture than the indication of great changes, especially great calamities, by a description of earthquakes, and tempests, and eclipse of the heavenly luminaries, or the mention of their bloody aspect occasioned by a murky atmosphere. To obtain a full view of this usage, the reader must carefully consult Joel 2: 10. 2: 30, 31 (in Hebrew 3: 3, 4). 3: 15. Is. 13: 10. 24: 23. Ezek. 32: 7, 8. Is. 34: 4. Amos 8: 9. Is. 59: 9, 10. Jer. 15: 9. Is. 60: 20. Comp. Matt. 24: 29. Mark 13: 24, 25. Luke 21: 25. Acts 2: 19, 20. In this last passage, and in Joel from which this is cited, there seems to be merely an indication of great and extraordinary changes ; but in all the other passages of the like tenor, the careful reader will perceive at once that calamitous events are indicated. Every one, who knows what disasters the ancients connected with the appearance of eclipses and of changes in the heavenly bodies, will easily perceive how forcible such language must be, when employed to designate occurrences yet future. An at tentive consideration of the passages referred to will show, moreover, that calamities of every kind, such as are actually brought about by lo custs, war, pestilence, famine, etc., are symbolized by such imagery as the text presents. Consequently, unless the context obliges us to a dif- 164 sixth seal: Chap. VI. 13. ferent exegesis, (which is not the case here), we may give to such figu rative language a generic sense. If the reader wishes for examples of specific interpretation in the present case, he may go back to those of Wetstein, Herder, Mede, and Vitringa, which have been already pro duced in the introduction to this chapter. Heiapbg peyag, a great earthquake ; so in Matt. 24: 7, in describing the calamities which precede the destruction of Jerusalem, the Saviour mentions, along with wars and famine and pestilence, earthquakes also— xal aeiauol xazd zbnovg. So in Luke 21: 11. All phenomena of such a nature were anciently regarded with great terror, as being the evi dences that God was angry and was about to punish. 'O rjXiog iyevezo peXag, so represented, either because the idea of to tal eclipse was before the mind of the writer, or else the obscuration of the sun by reason of the smoke and gloomy vapour which usually suc ceed an earthquake. — SeXrjvrj . . . co? a'tpa, which is the colour that usually succeeds an eclipse ; or here again, the image may be that of the moon reddened by the dark brown vapour which succeeds the quak ing of the earth. In both cases, explain it which way you wnl, the general import is the same. In all ancient ages and countries, the ob scuration of the heavenly bodies filled every one with terror, and was regarded as. betokening evil to be near. (13) And the stars of heaven fell to the earth, as a fig-tree casts down her un timely figs, when shaken by a violent wind; Ol daze'qe? . . . zrjv yrjv. The verb eneaav here, according to Winer, is Aor. II. third pers. plur., Alexandrine dialect, which often declines Aor. II. like Aor. I. ; see his Gramm. § 13. 1. But the later Greek made an Aor I. in eneaa ; see Kiihner, § 176. 1. Note 1. The image is probable that of the so-called falling stars or meteors, the cause of which was inexplicable to the ancients, and so was looked upon with terror. Pliny speaks of it in his account of the eruption of Vesuvius, Epist. VI. 20. See also Lucan, V. 562. Serv. ad Virg. Georg. I. 365. The idea seems to be, that the quaking of the earth also moves the heavens ; see Joel 2: 10, where these are united. The passage of the O. Testament immediately before the mind of the writer appears to be that in Is. 34: 4, " All the host of heaven shall be dissolved, and the heavens shall be rolled together as a scroll, and their host shall fall down ;" or perhaps the declaration of the Saviour, as recorded in Matt. 24: 29, where the same imagery is employed. The ancients regarded the stars as fixed in the heavens, which last were looked upon as a solid expanse, sipa When shaken, some of the stars were loosed ; and fall' ing stars were so named, because they were supposed to have been loosened from the firmament, and so to fall upon the earth. It matters sixth seal : Chap. VI. 14, 15. 165 not whether these phenomena were rightly or wrongly explained by them, in a philosophical point of view. The popular usus loquendi in relation to all such subjects, is everywhere adopted by the sacred wri ters ; for they do not undertake to teach the natural sciences. 'iig avxij BdXXei, etc., i. e. the heavens, being shaken by the great earthquake, let fall the stars, as a fig-tree drops its untimely fruit when shaken, etc. — 'OXvvdovg, means such fruit as grows on the fig-tree in the winter, seldom matures, and. easily falls off in the spring of the year. (14) And the heaven was removed, as a scroll which is rolled up ; and every mountain and island were moved from their places. The Hebrews, as has been hinted already, conceived of the heavens as a solid expanse, stretched over the earth like a curtain or tent ; Ps. 104: 2. Is. 40: 22. 44: 24. Jer. 10: 12. Hence, as scrolls were an ex panded piece of parchment, and were rolled up for laying aside, so the removal of the heaven in this case is designated in the like way. A vehement tempest of wind is of course to be supposed here ; for this is made quite plain by chap. vii. 1. By this tornado, the expanse above is to be regarded as swept away. LTdv oqog . . . ixivrjdrjaav. Such are the consequences of the great earthquake, which frequently produces the like effects, sinking some tracts and elevating others ; comp. Ps. 18: 7, 15. The imagery, as be fore remarked, may be found in Is. 34: 4; comp. Rev. 16: 20. Amidst such terrific phenomena as these, we cannot wonder at the sequel : (15) And the kings of the land, and the nobles, and the captains of thousands, and the rich, and the powerful, and every servant and freeman, hid themselves in the caves and rocks of the mountains. Ewald, who is disposed to extend the meaning of chap. vi. to Gen tile persecutors as well as Jewish ones, acknowledges that here is a special reference to the peculiarities of Palestine, as to its rocks and caves which afford places of shelter for fugitives. Compare for illus tration, Judges 6: 2. 1 Sam. 22: 1. Is. 2: 10, 19, 21. Amos. 9: 3. Still, this is not exclusively a characteristic of Palestine ; and I should rely on chap. vii. with much more confidence, as a proof that the Jews are the objects now before the writer's mind, than on a circumstance like that just mentioned. The writer doubtless had in his view the passage in Is. 2: 19, 21. Ol BaaiXeig zrjg yrjg. Strictly speaking, Agrippa was the last native king of Palestine, in the appropriate sense of that word ; and he died some years before the Apocalypse was written. Still, others exercised regal power ; and Palestine had recently been divided into tetrarchies, Luke 3: 1. Hence BaaiXeig, plur., is used as a comprehensive word, in order to designate the various governors or viceroys who then ruled over 166 sixth seal : Chap. VI. 16. the country of Judea. Its use here is poetic, and it is not to be taken as in a mere civil history. That kings are first mentioned on the list of persecutors, is natural, if we consider either their rank, or the influence which they must have as persecutors. In the same manner do we find them introduced and severely denounced in the book of Enoch, 48: 7—11. Meyiazdveg xal ypXlaqypi designates civil and military Praefects or officers of high rank. Thus in Mark 6: 21, " Herod made a feast to his ueyiaraveg and %iXiaq%oi." These are mentioned next to kings, because they stand next to them in point of rank. XiXiaq^og is not always confined in its signification to designate merely the captain of a thou sand, as the name etymologically imports, but is sometimes employed, as in our text, for the designation of a military officer of the higher rank without respect to the numbers whom he may control. — TLXovatoi, those who abound in wealth ; \ayyqoi, men of power or influence in other re spects. In a military description it would mean, men powerful in war, heroes ; but being here coupled with nXovawi, it must be modified and so have a different sense assigned to it. 77a? dovXog xat iXevdeqog, (so is the text in Hahn), is designed as a comprehensive expression, i. e. to include all of every rank and station; comp. 1 Cor. 12: 13. Gal. 3: 28. Ephes. 6: 8. Rev. 13: 16. 19: 18. Exqvipav . . . zcov oqecov. The manner of expression in eig zd aitrj- Xaia strikes us, at first, as being unusual ; for we should naturally expect iv zoig anrjXaiotg. But here, as often elsewhere in the N. Testament, and in the classics, some verb significant of coming to, or entering into, is implied before the verb which is expressed ; see N. Test. Gramm. § 113. Note 2. b. ; and comp. Matt. 2: 23, eig nbXiv. 13: 9. Luke 11: 7. John 9: 7. Acts 7: 4. 8: 39, 40, al. saepe. See Rob. Lex. elg, No. 4. (16) And they say to the mountains and to the rocks : Fall on us, and hide us from the face of Him who sitteth upon the throne, and from the wrath of the Lamb ! Aiyovai, Pres. tense, although preceded in the same sentence by the Praeter ; and so, often in the New Testament and in other Greek ; see N. Test. Gramm. § 136. 1. b. Note, and Winer, § 41. 2. b, where a great number of examples from the N. Testament and the Classics is exhib ited. The particular expression here, neaeze x. t. X. may be found for sub stance in Hosea 10: 8. Here, and in our text, the sentiment is : ' Let us perish by a death the nature of which we understand, rather than by the awful death which is threatened, the agonies of which we do not know.' In like manner Pliny represents some of the fugitives from the fiery shower of Vesuvius, as praying for death, that they might escape sixth seal : Chap. VI. 17. 167 the igneous deluge of the mountain : " Erant qui metu mortis mortem precarentur ;" Ep. 6. 20. The wish expressed in the text may be far ther illustrated, by a reference to the very common case of suicide in prisons, when persons are under sentence of death, or expect it with cer tainty. They thus escape a more horrible death, and in their apprehen sion a more disgraceful one, by an exit which is less appalling. So in the case before us ; death is certain, when the Lamb is angry and pursues his enemies with judgments. But death by the crushing power of the rocks and mountains, , is less terrible than that which threatens them, and which is to be inflicted by the power of the Lamb. In a word ; anxiety and distress are so great, that any change whatever would seem to promise something better. After all, however, we need not nicely weigh words uttered, like these, in a state of the highest terror and agony. We might well compare them, perhaps, with the words of Peter, in a transport of mind very different indeed from that here described, but still in a state of great excitement, Luke 5: 8. Matt. 17: 4. That John seems to have taken the expression here from the declaration of the Saviour recorded in Luke 23: 30, (which again may be referred to Hosea 10: 8), in regard to a subject like that now before us, one can scarcely fail to see and acknowledge. It should be noted here, also, that those who thus deprecate the wrath of the Lamb, speak as if they knew from whom these judgments came. They are conscious that he inflicts them. Could this be well said of heathen Gentiles, who had no knowledge of the Saviour ? I mean to ask : How could it be said with the appearance of verisimilitude ? " He who sitteth on the throne, and the Lamb," are distinguished here agreeably to the preceding representations in chap. iv. v. The po sition of the Lamb there described appears to be still maintained ; and so it continues to be, until the seals are all unloosed. Jfeo nqoacbnov x. t. X. They could bear death from the crushing power of the rocks and mountains, better than they could bear the look of their righteous Judge and offended Lord. (3 7) For the great day of his wrath is come, and who is able to stand ? 'H peydXrj, great in distinction from other days, when ordinary chas tisements or judgments befel them. This is the day of consummation. — Uradrjvai, to stand firm or fast, i. e. to endure or abide. Comp. Ps. 1: 5. 76: 7. 130: 3. 147: 17. Nahum. 1: 6, where las is used in the like sense ; and so the Perf. and Aorists of iazrjpi in the N. Testament, see Lex. If. in this case a reference was made by the mind of the writer to the 0. Testament, it seems to have been to Nah. 1: 6. 168 SERVANTS OF GOD SEALED : CHAP. VII. SEALING OF THE SERVANTS OF GOD : CHAP. Vll. In such a state of things, while the whole material universe is in commotion and seems lobe on the verge of ruin, there is danger that the righteous and the wicked may be involved in one common destruction. What is to be done ? The Saviour has promised safety to his disciples amid the ruin of their country; ex cepting that persecution would be permitted to rage in a greater or lesB degree, until that ruin was accomplished ; Matt. 24: 22, 31. Mark 13: 27. Luke 21: 28. That promise must be fulfilled. The time of destruction is now near. The fear ful commotion of the elements and of all nature is plainly indicative of this. The destroying angels have their commission, and they are beginning to execute it. But that the elect (Matt. 24: 22) may be exempted from the common lot' of the wicked, some sign or token must be exhibited, which, like the blood of the pas chal lamb upon the door-posts of the Hebrews in Egypt, will be an indication of the will of heaven, that "the destroyer " should pass by and leave them unharm ed. In order that this may be accomplished, the tempest which was shaking the heavens and the earth, is hushed to peace. An angel, bearing the seal or stamp of the living God, descends to impress his sacred name upon the followers of the Lamb, and thus mark them as his property. Out of every *ribe these followers are selected. One common safety belongs to all. The gospel, which had been preached to all, admits all equally to avail themselves of its privileges. They re ceive therefore a mark ofsafety ; and then the countless host of the redeemed in heaven, with palm-branches of victory in their hands, the emblems of the church's triumph, unite in praising God, with all the angels, and elders, and living crea tures. One universal symphony fills the heavenly world. Among this countless host, stand conspicuous, in robes of white, the martyrs who have sealed their tes timony by their own blood. The glory to which they are destined is brought dis tinctly into view, in order that persecuted and suffering Christians, then ' endur ing the cross,' might, 'on account of the joy set before them, despise the shame,' and attain at last to the same blessedness. Such are the contents of chap. vii. It is doubtless to be considered in the light of an episode; but still it contributes much to the beauty and interest of the principal piece. The most rigid critic could not have any desire to dispense with it. (1) And after these things I saw four angels standing at the four corners of the land, holding in the four winds of the land, that the wind might not blow upon the land, nor upon the sea, nor upon any tree. The Hebrews designated but four points of the compass, north, south, east, and west. The wind from these four quarters is designated, be-~ cause thus all winds are comprehended. This manner of designation, moreover, may have reference also to the frequent changing and shift ing of the wind in violent tornados. So in Jer. 49: 36. Dan. 7: 2, four winds are designated in the same way as here, viz., as comprising all winds ; and the like elsewhere. Angels are here mentioned as commissioned to guide and manage these elements. That this is a bib lical idea, the reader may see by recurring to Exc. I. Good Angels, SERVANTS OP GOD SEALED : ChAP. VII. 2. 169 Nos. 4, 5. It would seem that the same angels had raised the tornado, (implied in the preceding chapter), who are now to restrain it. To this tornado, also, we must attribute the fearful commotion described in the preceding context, vs. 12 — 14.* The four corners of the earth is an expression which has its basis in the Hebrew view of things, viz. that the earth was an extended plain. The four corners correspond with the four points of the Hebrews and therefore designate all the places where it was necessary for the angels to take their station, in order to have complete control over the winds. — Kqazovvzag, holding, controlling, i. e. in the present case, holding in, restraining. Mr) nverj . . . nav divdqov, i. e. that it might everywhere and univer sally be calm, so that not even the leaves of the trees would be shaken. This last circumstance, therefore, viz. int nav divdqov, is not insignifi cant. It marks the intensity, i. e. the high degree, of the quietude. We should express substantially the same idea by saying : It was so still, that there was not a ripple upon the water — and not a leaf of the trees moved. (2) And I saw another angel ascending from the rising of the sun, having the seal of the living God ; and he cried with a loud voice to the four angels to whom it was given to hurt the land and the sea ; Anb dvazoXrjg rjXlov, i. e. from the east. Why the east ? " Quod * No one, indeed, can well estimate the nature of this representation, who is unacquainted with the common opinions of the ancient Hebrews, respecting the operation and power of the winds. In the book of Enoch, we have views of a similar nature quite fully developed. The winds are kept in store houses, Enoch 18: 1, comp. the same sentiment in Ps. 135: 7. Jer. 10: 13. 51: 16, and see also Prov. 30: 4. In Enoch 18: 4 — 6 it is said : " I beheld the winds occupying the ex alted sky ; arising between heaven and earth, and constituting the pillars of hea ven. I saw the winds which turn the sky, which cause the orb of the sun and all the stars to set ; and over the earth I saw the winds which support the clouds." He then adds : " 1 saw the path of the angels," i. c. (as I understand him) of those who managed these winds. So again in 71: 7 and 72: 2, the wind is mentioned as occasioning the motion of the heavenly bodies, e. g. the chariot of the sun. In chap. lxxv. and lxxvi, the author expatiates at large on the influence of winds upon all the phenomena of nature, in heaven and on earth, such as drought, cold, heat, hail, snow, dew, blight, health, pestilence, etc. In chap. 14: 9, 10, he re presents the winds as carrying him aloft to heaven, etc. In these and the like passages, in accordance with the views of the times, the winds are presented as the most powerful and universal agent in nature; even as sustaining the heavens, and moving the planets through them. No wonder, then, that John here pre sents us with the terrific effects of the tornado, raised by angels who are commis sioned to execute the work of destruction. It matters not whether we consider these ann-els as the ordinary guardian angels of the winds, (then we might natu rally expect roue dyyiXove), or whether they now act merely by special commis sion. The consequences of their interposition are the same. vol. ii. 22 170 SERVANTS OF GOD SEALED : CHAP. VII. 3. oriens locus coeli est dignissimus," says Eichhorn ; and Ewald to the same purpose, only that he adds : " It is the special dwelling-place of the Godhead." Yet in Ezek. 1: 4, the theophany is exhibited in the north. Job 37: 22 refers perhaps to the dwelling-place of God in the north : " Splendour comes from the north." Greece, Persia, Babylon (Is. 14: 13), and Hindoostan, all place the residence of the divinity on some lofty mountain in the north, such as the Thessalian Olympus, Al Bordj, Meru, etc. Nor do I recollect any passage in the 0. Testament, which refers to the east as the peculiar dwelling-place of God. Still, the book of Enoch, 24: 2, 8, represents the east as the paradise of God, and as the place where the Lord of glory dwells and will judge the world ; and so long as heaven is conceived of as a locality, (and so the Hebrews did conceive and speak of it), the east, from which the sun, moon, and all the stars apparently proceed, might very naturally be se lected as the dwelling-place of divine Majesty, although, in more an cient times, the north (as it would seem) had been selected. It is not necessary, however, to find the dwelling-place of the Most High in the region where the angel makes his appearance, or (in other words) to suppose they both are in one and the same place. Enough that, like the rising sun which comes forth in all its splendour from the east, the an gel with the seal in his hand comes forth in like splendour, to perforin the grateful task assigned to him. Hcpqayida, i. e. a seal or stamp, on which is doubtless supposed to be engraved the name of Jehovah, which must be impressed upon the fore heads (v. 3) of the servants of God, so that they would at once be re cognized as his, and thus be secure against all harm ; see and comp. on 2: 17. — Olg ibbdij avzoig, seemingly a pure Hebraism = Dili )M Tijit, but the like is found even in good classics ; see N. Test. Gramm. § 121. 4. Note 4. It is a mode of expression not unfrequent in this book.— Adixrjaai, to injure, hurt, do harm to ; comp. 6: 6. — Tr)v yijv xal zijv ddXaaaav, the usual division which comprehends the whole world, or the whole of any country, and it is here designed to be a generic and comprehensive expression. (3) Saying : Hurt not the earth, nor the sea, nor the trees, until we shall have sealed the servants of God upon their foreheads. Before proceeding to the actual work of destruction, for which all had seemed to be ready, the executioners of divine justice, i. e. the destroy ing angels, are required to suspend their work, until the servants of God can be rendered secure. The earth, sea, and trees, are all mentioned here, in conformity with the division made in v. 1, where the meaning is rendered much more intense by the addition of zd devdqa. And so here ; not even a leaf is to be injured by the winds, until the servants of God shall be rendered secure. SERVANTS OP GOD SEALED : CHAP. VII. 4. 171 'Em zcov pezcbncov avzcov. This is no doubt after the model in Ezek. 9: 4, 5, where an angel is commissioned to go through the city of Je rusalem, and mark upon the forehead all who should be exempted from the approaching slaughter. In Ex. 12: 7, the Israelites are directed to mark their door-posts with the blood of the paschal lamb, so that the destroying angel might pass them by in his midnight work of excision. In Rev. 2: 17, we find that the diadem which " kings and priests unto God" are to wear, as the reward of victory, has a frontispiece on which is inscribed the name of Jehovah. But this crown is not given until the probation of each one is closed ; and therefore, in the present case, the name is not placed upon a mitre but on the forehead, where it will be most distinctly visible. Nor is it placed there simply in the way of reward, as in 2: 17, but for the purposes of safety.* (4) And I heard the number of those who were sealed ; one hundred and forty and four thousand were sealed, from every tribe of the children of Israel. That the number in this case is symbolical, and not to be literally taken, seems scarcely necessary to remark. The twelve tribes of course give the occasion for selecting the number twelve ; and this is often re peated in other places ; comp. Rev. 21: 12, twelve gates, twelve angels, twelve names of tribes; 21: 16, twelve thousand furlongs; 21: 17, the wall is twelve times twelve cubits high, i. e. 144 cubits ; 21: 21, the twelve gates are twelve pearls ; comp. in Ezek. 48: 30 — 34. Compare with these the twelve fountains in Elim, Ex. 15: 27 ; the twelve pillars around the altar, Ex. 24: 4 ; twelves cakes of shew bread, Lev. 24: 5 ; twelve gems in the breast-plate of the high-priest, Ex. 28: 10 ; twelve stones set up on the banks of the Jordan, Joshua 4: 3 ; offerings by twelves, Num. 7: 3, 87. 29: 17. Ezra 8: 35 ; vessels for the temple, * The Romans marked their soldiers in the hand, and their slaves in the fore head; Veget, de Re milit. 11.5. Aetius, 8. 12. Hesych. sub larqidva ; and in Is. 3: 21, is , a brand, is mentioned as a mark of servile disgrace. Yet here the design of a mark is evidently different. It unquestionably refers to some custom, well known to the writer and his original circle of readers, of branding the name of the king, or of the god whom they served, upon the foreheads of subjects or worshippers ; answering, at the same time, the purposes of honour and defence, and designating the expression of devotedness. The mark set upon Cain, Gen. 4: 15, so far as it served the purpose of defending his life, might be compared with the present case. So Herod. II. 113 speaks of the worshippers of a certain god as having his name branded on them ; and such was the custom among the ancient Hindoos, Asiat. Res. VII. p. 281 seq. In like manner, the worshippers of the beast, in the sequel, are represented as bearing his mark, 13: 16 — 18. 14: 9, 11. 16: 2. 19: 20. 20: 4. Comp. 3 Mace. 2: 29. I do not apprehend, however, that in our text any particular reference is made to this custom among idolatrous nations, but merely to the passage in Ezek. 9: 4, where the mark is both symbol and pledge of exemption from slaughter. 172 SERVANTS OF GOD SEALED : CHAP. VII. 5 8. Num. 7: 84: — 86 ; twelve prefects over Israel, 1 Kings 4: 7 ; twelve lions near the royal throne, 1 Kings 10: 20 ; twelve oxen supporting the brazen laver, 1 Kings 7: 25 ; the altar twelve cubits long and twelve broad, Ezek. 43: 16, etc. See Exc. n. at the end. A thousand is the frequent and familiar number for designating many, and oftentimes it stands for an indefinite number ; Ps. 90: 4. 2 Pet. 3: 8. Rev. 20: 2, 3. Dan. 7: 10. Rev. 5: 11, comp. Heb. 12: 22. That there were exactly the number 12,000 of each tribe, who were Christians at this period, I suppose will hardly be contended for by any sober interpreter. Some of the tribes seem to have been extinct ; at least one of them (Dan) is omitted in the sequel. Of the descendants of the ten tribes, there were certainly but a small number in Judea, at this period. The 144,000, then, designates a goodly number, we may say a large number, of Christians from among the Jews. If, however, the reader has any dif ficulty on the score of making out so many Jewish Christians, he may consult Acts 6: 7. 12: 24. 19: 20. Very considerable progress, accord ing to these passages, we must suppose the gospel to have made among the Jews, when the Apocalypse was written. Ewald labours here, in order to establish his view of this part of the Apocalypse, viz. that it extends to and comprises all Christians in every part of the earth, to show that all Christians then bore the title of Jews, because it was among the Jews, and by Jews, that the Gospel was first propagated. But his arguments, built merely upon hypothetical propositions, are far from being satisfactory. How is it possible, after attentively reading the epistles to the Romans, Galatians, and Hebrews, to suppose that all Christians were regarded as Jews, in the days of the apostles ? Besides ; what could induce the writer in the present case, to make this enumeration so particular and specific as he has done, if he did not intend to show, that Christians in the land of Judea only, at all events principally, were intended to^be included here ? The dan gers of other Christians, in other lands, are brought to view in another part of the book, i. e. in chap, xii — xix. (5 — 8) Of the tribe of Reuben twelve thousand, etc. The manner and order of enumeration here demand some special ex planation, (a) The order is not that of birth ; for the order of birth in Gen. xxix. xxx. is thus : Reuben, Simeon, Levi, Judah, Dan, Naph tali, Gad, Asher. Issachar, Zebulun, Joseph, and Benjamin. In the blessing of Jacob, Gen. xlix. this order is changed, and runs thus : Reuben, Simeon, Levi, Judah, Zebulun, Issachar, Dan, Gad, Asher, Naphtali, Joseph, and Benjamin. In the blessing of Moses, Deut. xxxiii, a different order still is observed : Reuben, Judah, Levi, Ben jamin, Joseph, Zebulun, Issachar, Gad, Dan, Naphtali, Asher; in SERVANTS OP GOD SEALED : CHAP. VII. 5 — 8. 173 Which list, moreover, Simeon is omitted. So again, in Ezek. xlviii. there are two enumerations of the twelve tribes, both in an order differ ent from each other, and from the preceding arrangements : viz. in 31 — 34, where Levi is reckoned as one, and Joseph as only one ; while in vs. 1 — -27 ', which have respect to the division of the country, Levi (who had no heritage in land) is omitted, and at the same time Ephraim and Manasseh are counted as two tribes. (b) This last mode of reckoning points us to a peculiarity which has reference to the division of country ; for in this, one tribe, viz. that of Levi, is of course to be omitted. Thus, in Num. xiii, Levi is omitted; and Ephraim and Joseph (i. e. Manasseh) are reckoned as two tribes, so as to complete the number twelve. Here also, in v. 11, the writer expressly states, that he means by Joseph to designate the tribe of Manasseh, because (v. 8) he had before mentioned Ephraim : " Of the tribe of Joseph, namely of the tribe of Manasseh." This last circum stance has an important bearing on the explanation of the passage in the Apocalypse now before us ; for in Rev. 7: 6 Manasseh is mentioned, while in v. 8 Joseph is also named. By Joseph, then must doubtless be here meant Ephraim ; for this is a parallel case with that in Num. 13: 11. So in Num. i, in twice reckoning the tribes, Levi is omitted, and Ephraim and Manasseh are inserted. So also in Josh. xvi. xvii, Ephraim and Manasseh are reckoned as two distinct tribes ; Josh. 14: 4 expressly declares this. In the prolonged account of the original division of Canaan, in Joshua xiii — xix, Levi is of course omitted, be cause he had no heritage ; see 13: 15, 24, 29 (comp. 17: 1, 2). 15: 1. 16: 5. 18: 11. 19: 1, 10, 17, 24, 32, 40, where Manasseh and Ephraim are again counted as two tribes. For the reason of the omission of Levi, see Josh. 14: 3, 4, and 18: 7. (c) We perceive an obvious reason for the omission of Levi, in the preceding accounts of the apportionment of the country. But there are other cases in the 0. Testament, of a similar nature in regard to the method of reckoning, i. e. the omission of some tribes, which are not dependent on this principle. E. g. Deut. xxxiii. omits Simeon, in the blessing of Moses. So in 1 Chron. 4: 1, 24." 5: 1, 11, 23 (comp. 7: 14). 6: 1. 7: 1, 6, 13, 20, 30. 8: 1, the sons of Benjamin are twice reckoned ; Ephraim and Manasseh are both counted ; and the tribes of Zebulun and Dan are both omitted ; although in 1 Chron. 21: 2, the whole twelve are inserted. Such are the facts before us. It remains now to apply them to the solution of the difficulty in the text. In the cases mentioned under (c), we find, first, that Simeon is omitted in the blessing of Moses ; and, secondly, that in the second enumeration in Chronicles both Zebulun and Dan are omitted, while Ephraim and Manasseh are counted as two tribes, and Benjamin is 174 SERVANTS OF GOD SEALED : CHAP. VH. 5 — 8. twice inserted. In (b), we find Levi purposely omitted, in the accounts of the division of the country, while Ephraim and Manasseh are Count* ed as two tribes. Consequently we see, that the twelve tribes are dif ferently reckoned, at different periods, and according to the different objects in view. There are no two cases in the whole Bible, where the order and number of the names are both the same. The like liberty now, has the author of the Apocalypse taken in the case before us. Dan is omitted, and Ephraim and Manasseh are in serted as constituting two tribes. It is true, that Ephraim is not named expressly, but is called Joseph (v. 8). Yet there is nothing strange in this, for in Num. 13: 8, 11, Ephraim is named and Manasseh is called Joseph ; which is exactly parallel with the present case of the same nature ; and therefore no more illustration of this seeming peculiarity ia needed.* r The different hypotheses that have been invented for solution of the diffi culty before us, are hardly worth examining or even naming, after these views have been given from the O. Testament. Grotius thinks that the tribe of Dan is omitted, because it was nearly extinct, when the Apocalypse was written, if such were the fact, then the omission on this ground may indeed be deemed probable. Proof of the fact, however, is wanting, excepting we gather it from the later imprecations of the Rabbins against the tribe of Dan, as having taken the lead in idolatry; see Heinrichs Comm. II. p. 231. Hartwig, in his Sjiologie der Apocalypse, Th. H. p. 237 seq., supposes JAN to have arisen from MJN, and this to have been put by abridgment for Mavaoorj ; and yet Andreas, Origen, and even Irenaeus, found the reading Mavaoarj, and speak of the difficulty aris ing from it; so that such a conjecture is underserving of serious notice. Eich horn, Heinrichs, and others, are inclined to maintain, that the omission was be cause of the early apostacy of Dan to idolatry, Judg. xviii. and 1 Kings 12: 29,30. But what shall we say of the still earlier idolatry recorded in Ex. xxxii. ; and of the repeated and long continued examples of it among all the tribes, as recorded in the books of Judges, Kings, and Chronicles? Eichhorn, after Bengel, has also suggested another solution, viz., that the word Manasseh (Rev. 7: 6) is used in a symbolical and enigmatical manner; for TtSi means to forget, and n-i-M would therefore signify oblioiscendus, i. e. he who ought to be forgotten or passed by, y a. Dan, either because of his idolatry, or because of the fewness of his number. Yet rr-:tt , Part. Piel, cannot mean obliviscendus, but faciens oblivisci, or tradtns oblivioni; so that we offend against the laws of grammar by such an exegesis; and not only so, but to single out one name in such a catalogue, (a name too in itself of proper significance), and make it enigmatical, while all the rest of the names are considered merely as proper names, is doing a violence to the plain principles of interpretation which is inadmissible. Last of all, the ancient inter pretation of Andreas, which has been followed by many, maybe mentioned; which ,s, that the tribe of Dan is omitted, ok /£ aizrjs re&fiivov rov' Jvziyqio- zov, i. e. because Antichrist is to spring from it; see in Heinrichs, ut sup. p. 232. Whence this ,s to be proved ; or, even if it were true, how this could exclude the Danites of John's day from a place on the list of the tribes then living; are ques- tions that need no discussion. SERVANTS OF GOD SEALED : CHAP. VII. 9. 175 The simple conclusion is, that the author followed the customary mode of reckoning the trijbes, prevalent at the time when he wrote. That such a usus loquendi was prevalent, seems to be plain from two facts ; the one, that John would not have adopted a mode of reckoning repugnant to the feelings and usages of his contemporaries, for nothing was to be gained by so doing ; the other, that we have an abundance of examples of a like method of reckoning in the O. Testament. No thing strange could be thought of this, when John adopted it ; at least, such seems to be the case, from a view of the facts that have been pre sented. (9) After these things 1 looked, and behold 1 a great multitude which no man could number, of every nation, and [all] tribes, and people, and tongues, stand ing before the throne and before the Lamb, clothed with white robes, and palm- branches in their hands. The form rjdvvazo, with rj for augment, is Attic and usual, N. Test. Gramm. § 54. 3. Note 1. — "Ov dqidpijaai avzov, like the Hebrew idi om, e. g. irtob isT && "iiiix ; but see on v. 2 above. — Kal cpvXcov x. z. X. in the plural, and therefore the plural of nag must be mentally supplied before each. The actual repetition of the adjective is unnecessary, and would here be ungrateful to the reader. — 'Eazcazeg the usual form, (in stead of eazrjxcoreg), arising from syncope and contraction, Kiihn. § 235. 3 and Anm. 6 ; used in the sense of the Pres. tense, Gramm. § 136. Note 2. c. — IleqiBeBXrjpivovg, coming from a verb which governs two Accusatives (Gramm. § 104.) ; here the Part, is in the Pass, voice, and it retains the latter of the Accusatives, Gramm. § 105. As to the Ace. case of the Participle itself, (we should of course expect the Nom., hke eazcozeg), it must be solved by supposing the preceding eldov to lie still in the writer's mind ; comp. the like idiom as to the Ace. case, in 4: 2 — 4. 13: 1—3. 14: 14 al., see Vol. I. § 15. p. 235 seq. " The great multitude which no man could number " is contrasted with the 144,000 just mentioned as a specific number. — "Edvovg, cpvXcov, Xa- cov, and yXcoaacov, (comp. on 5: 9), are designed to comprehend all na tions, or to designate unlimited universality ; they are not to be taken in an individually specific sense, i. e. in one which is numerically accu rate. What the writer means is, that great multitudes, gathered from Gentile nations which were spread far and wide as well as from Jews, appeared on this occasion before the throne. Nothing can be more nat ural. Christianity was everywhere suffering persecution at this time, both from Pagans and Jews. When therefore the angel seals the ser vants of God in their foreheads, thus giving them a safeguard and a passport, all the martyrs in heaven sympathize with this affecting trans action, and unite in the expression of their joy and thanksgiving. One spirit actuates them all. They see their brethren in Judea to be the 176 SERVANTS OF GOD SEALED : CHAP. VII. 10, 11. first who were made secure from the persecuting power ; for their suf ferings had preceded those of others, and had also been much the most protracted. God is now thanked and praised for this interposition of his great mercy. From whatever quarter the martyrs come, by whomsoever their blood was shed, the same splendid robes are given them, and they carry palm-branches in their hands, (so did the victors in the athletic con tests of Greece and Rome), as the emblem of their having overcome the world, and continued steadfast even to the end. By mentioning the great number here concerned in this act of thanksgiving and praise, the writer enhances the interest and importance of the scene, and discloses the sym pathy which the saints in heaven have with the prosperity of the church on earth. Another object also is answered. In 6: 6 — 11 it is said, that the number of martyrs must be still more augmented, before the consum mation of punishment will arrive. Here we see that the number has been augmenting ; more of this augmentation is also disclosed in the sequel. (10) And they cry with a loud voice, saying: Salvation to our God who sitteth on the throne, and to the Lamb. 2cozrjqia, deliverance, viz. from the dangers then impending. It has reference here, to the sealing of the servants of God in their foreheads, and of course to the safety that was thus assured to them. The dan gers were so great, that nothing but the special favour and protection of God could save the righteous from being destroyed. Comp. in 19: 1 a similar sentiment, after escape from the destruction of Babylon. — Qeo) xal dqvlcp, where, as in nearly all otlier cases, the same action, or at least a conjoint action, is ascribed to God and the Lamb, viz. the deliverance of the righteous from the power of their enemies. The sympathy of all the martyrs in heaven with what the church in Judea is doing and suffering, is so perfectly natural that no explanation is needed. Nor does the sentiment that is subjoined require much ex planation, when it represents all the heavenly world as participating in the sympathies and hopes of those who are sealed, and in thanksgiving to God who has laid a foundation for these hopes. So the context. (1 1) And all the angels stood around the throne and the elders and the four living creatures, and they fell upon their faces before the throne, and worshipped God; 'Eazrjxeaav, third pers. plur. of Pluperf. from iazrjpi. The more usual form of the tense ending in third plur. is — eaav instead of the normal — eiaav. As the Perf. here has the sense of the Present, (Kiihn. § 203. 5), so the Pluperf. has the meaning of the Imperf. ; see on the form, Kiihn. § 175. 5. — KvxXcp zov dqbvov xal tcoV nqeaBvzeqcov x. z. X. makes it sufficiently plain in the Greek, that the angels are here represented as standing in the outer circle of all these ; while the English version, SERVANTS OF GOD SEALED : CHAP. VII. 12 14. 177 not to leave the point dubious, supplies the preposition about, before the words elders and living creatures. The martyrs are doubtless to be re garded as here associated with the elders ; for so v. 9 clearly shows, which represents them as standing ivconiov zov dqbvov xal ivconiov zov dqviov. I have before called the attention of the reader to the fact, that to the redeemed in heaven is given precedence of rank before the ministering angels in general, comp. 1 Cor. 6: 3. (12) Saying: Amen! Blessing, and glory, and wisdom, and thanksgiving, and honour, and power, and might, be unto our God forever and ever ! The same doxology for substance occurs, as we have seen, in 5: 12 ; see the notes there. But the order of the words is different here ; and nXovzov there is exchanged here for ev]/aqiazla, i. e. thanksgiving. There the ascription is to the Lamb, here it is to our God. The same praise is of course rendered to both. In respect to the universality of those who render it, the passage in 5: 11 is the most emphatic and all-comprising. (13) Then one of the elders accosted me, saying: These, who are clothed with white robes — who are they ? And whence did they come ? Kal, in this book, stands at the head of all manner of transitions. Here the transition is so great, that then is more appropriate than' and in English. — Anexqid-rj . . . Xeycov poi = ~itaib 1TO, which is frequent in Hebrew. The verb ri3S often means to commence an address, Ges. r t ' Lex. i"OT No. 2 ; and the same is true with respect to dnoxqlvopai in the N. Testament. This is evidently the meaning here. — Eig ix . . . see on this idiom in 6: 1. The object of the questions here, on the part of the author, is to bring more distinctly into view the character and state of the martyrs in heaven. The writer seems to have had in his mind the passage in Zech. 4: 4, 5 ; which will be easily understood by a comparison. But here, the manner of the question — as it proceeds from one of the elders — is more striking and peculiar. (14) And I said to him: My lord, thou knowest. And he said to me : These are they who come out of great tribulation, and have washed their robes and cleansed them in the blood of the Lamb. Kvqii pov, my lord; in our English version, Sir. Rightly as to sense ; for such is our usual mode of address. But the Hebrew mode was ibis = xvqii pov. My sir, our idiom does not permit. My lord is merely a respectful mode of address, in the mouth of a Hebrew ; al though it might be used in a sense higher than simply this ; but then the Hebrews said lana, and not ijis. 2v oldag, i. e. I am unable to answer the question, but thou canst easily answer it. The modesty and respect of the seer, in this case, are rendered very palpable. — Tijg dXlipeco? peydXrjg, the great affliction, VOL. n. 23 178 SERVANTS OF GOD SEALED : CHAP. VII. 15, 16. i. e. persecution even unto death. — "EnXvvav, have washed, refers to the white robes with which they were clothed. — EXevxavav, lit. have made white ; but this primary meaning is incongruous here. To make white by washing in blood is an inconsistent expression. Of course the se condary sense of the verb, viz. to cleanse, to purify, (from the well known rite of cleansing things by blood under the ancient ritual), is the only proper meaning to be assigned to eXevxavav here. The meaning is, that the Lamb has redeemed them by his blood, and thus conferred on them the honour of being clothed in white. On the use of the Aor. in these two cases, instead of the Perf. (which might have been used), see N. Test. Gramm. § 136. 5. 3, and comp. § 136. 3. Note 2. (15) Because of this they are before the throne of God, and serve him day and night in his temple; and he who sitteth upon the throne will spread his tent over them. The redeemed are made kings and priests to God, 1: 6. Hence, like the priests of old, they serve him in his temple day and night, i. e. with out cessation. — Hxrjvcbaei in avzovg, English version, shall dwell among them. But this would be in avzoig. The Ace. here with inl must de note one of two things, viz. either, (a) That the glory of God, the Shechinah, i-iin? lias , should rest on them or over them, as over the ark of the covenant, and over the tabernacle of old ; see Ex. 40: 34 seq. Num. 9: 15 — 23 ; or (b) That he will erect his tent over them, i. e. receive them into intimate connection and union with him, and afford them his protection. That axrjvbco may mean to furnish with a tent, etc., is plain from the nature of the verb ; for verbs of this class often have a like meaning ; e. g. azecpavbeo, to furnish with a crown, nzeqoco, to furnish with wings, etc. Either of the above meanings is good ; but, on the whole, I prefer the latter ; comp. Is. 4: 5, 6. Ps. 27: 5. 121: 5, 6. Is. 49: 10. (16) They shall hunger no more, neither shall they thirst any more, neither shall the sun fall upon them, nor any scorching heat. Ov . . . 'izi and ovde . . . ezi, no more or never . . . never, is a mode of negation so often repeated in the Apocalypse (comp. 18: 22, 23), that it is somewhat peculiar to this book, in respect to frequency, although it is in itself good Greek ; see Luke 20: 40. Matt. 5: 13. John 14: 30. Gal. 4: 7. Heb. 8: 12. Buttm. § 149. voc. ezi. 'O rjXiog here designates what we call the stroke of the sun, i. e. an excessive solar heat which creates a raging thirst and fever. — TIdv xai- pa is generic and includes all kinds of heat, that of the night as well as that of the day. The original idea, however, in Is. 49: 10, which seems to be here alluded to, is a little different ; " No sun nor n-vi: shall smite them." The word :™ means mirage, i. e. that appearance of water, / SERVANTS OF GOD SEALED : ChAP. VII. 17. 179 / which is occasioned by heat that makes the vapour exhale from the sandy desert, and which often misleads and destroys the unwary travel ler by its deceptive appearance. Whether the writer intended to ex press tins by xavfia here, may possibly be doubtful. I have followed the most simple meaning of the Greek, in the explanation above ; but as the Septuagint, in Is. 49: 10, have rendered 3T0B by xavacov = the Sirocco, there cannot be much objection to the idea, that John may have intended to express the same meaning by xavpa. It is at least very descriptive, and sufficiently appropriate. . (17) For the Lamb who is in the midst of the throne shall lead them, andhe will guide them to fountains of living water, and God will wipe away every tear from their eyes. Avd peaov is a phrase of some difficulty. Passow gives to dva with the Ace, the same meaning that iv has with the Dat. ; e. g. dva azbpa — iv azbpazi ; and there are many cases where this may be correct. But in the case before us, there may be doubt whether such a sense is ad missible. The Lamb is still standing between the throne and the elders ; of course he was now, while the speaker was contemplating him, not seated on the throne. In Mark 7: 31, we have avd peaov zcov bqlcov AexanbXecog, i. e. over against the limits of Decapolis ; for Decapolis was on the east side of the lake of Galilee, and the journey of Jesus from the coasts of Tyre and Sidon to the sea of Galilee (as here assert ed), could not possibly be through the midst of the coasts of Decapolis, as our English version has it. 'Avd peaov here may have a meaning different from the iv peacp in Rev. 4: 6. 5: 6 ; for in the passage before us, it may mean the same as ivconiov zov dqbvov, except that it implies a station opposite or over against the middle of the throne, i. e. directly in front of it. If however the writer be regarded as here declaring, not what the station of the Lamb was at that moment, but what station be longed of right to him, then we may translate : in the midst, as I have done in the version above. Iloipavei, here not to feed, for the imagery is not simply that of a shepherd feeding his flock, although it is borrowed from that source. The last part of the verse shows that another sense of noipavel is re quired here, viz. that of leading, guiding, as a shepherd does his flock, or as a conductor leads a caravan through the desert where the mirage is. This is shown by the next clause, which signifies as much as to say : ' He will not suffer them to be misled and deceived by the yw or xavpa, so as to perish with thirst, but will safely guide them to fountains of living water.' — t,cor)g is used as an adjective qualifying nrjydg vddzcov, and as such is placed between the preposition and the principal noun. 'E^aXeiipei b debg x. z. X. shows, that the metaphor of a shepherd and 190 the trumpets : Chap. VIII. 1. his flock is not intended to be continued here. To wipe away tears is an action appropriately having reference to human beings as such. The meaning of the expression is obvious : ' God will assuage every sorrow, and alleviate every suffering. Complete protection and defence, with the supply of every want and a removal of every woe — shall be afford ed to all faithful followers of the Lamb.' THE TRUMPETS: CHAP. VIH. Seq. [The servants of God being now secure against impending destruction, all things appear to be in readiness for the execution of justice upon the persecutors of the church. One seal, and one only, remains yet to be broken, of the volume in which their destiny is inscribed ; and it seems as if this must introduce the con summation. It is evident that such is represented to be the impression on the great multitude who encircle the throne of God. They stand in silent and awful expectation of the sequel which must lake place, when that seal is broken. But the Lord is ' slow to anger and of great mercy, not willing that any should perish, but that all should repent and be saved.' ' Judgment is his strange work;' and delay does not prove that any uncertainty attends the final event. Besides; it had already been declared (6: 11), that some delay would take place, until more martyrdoms should be accomplished. Here then the writer introduces various circumstances by which this is aptly brought about. The breaking of the last seal, instead of presenting a single symbol of a single event, is followed by a new series of events which is dispaited into seven gradations or stages of accomplish ment ; and these are presented as becoming gradually more and more annoying and destructive to the enemies of the church. Trumpets, the usual emblems of war and bloodshed, are chosen as emblems of the series of judgments now to be inflicted. The first four trumpets affect the earth, the sea, the rivers with the springs, and the heavens. The remaining three indicate judgments that fall more immediately upon men. The present chapter comprises the first four trumpets ; and the evils which they introduce occur in the order already named. But before any of the trum pets are sounded, symbols are presented in heaven of the judgments about to take place. The supplication of the saints for the relief of the church comes up be fore God, along with the incense which is presented before his throne ; and the answer that will be made to these supplications is symbolized by the action of an angel, who casts fire down upon the earth, which calls forth thunder, lightning, and earthquake, all indicative of future destruction to the enemies of the church. Such is the picture before us, and such the plan of the writer by which gradual approach is made to the final catastrophe. Placed in this simple light, there is nothing here which does not become intelligible and significant. Indeed the gen eral design is sufficiently plain to any intelligent reader, who considers well the great outlines of the author's plan.] (1) And when he opened the seventh seal, there was silence in heaven about half an hour. The reason of this attitude of the Coelicolae has been stated above. the trumpets : Chap. VIII. 2, 3. 181 But to make this silence — which is merely the expression of deep and fearful sympathy with the expected sequel — a fulfilment of all which the breaking of the seventh seal indicates, and then to separate the seven trumpets from this seal entirely, as Vitringa and others have done, seems to be wholly overlooking the nature of the writer's plan. But to go even farther still, and make silence, in such circumstances, to indicate millennial rest and peace, seems quite to exceed the bounds of credibility. Yet Vitringa (pp. 319 seq.) has done this ; and Beda and others have supposed this silence to indicate the rest of the church after the destruction of Antichrist, (Vitringa ut supra, p. 326). How can the silence of half an hour appropriately indicate the long rest of the Millennium ? Vitringa answers this question by remarking, that ' half an hour seemed to John a very long time, when waiting for a catastro phe.' But even if there were any good ground for such a remark, a method of exegesis which breaks up or confuses the regularity of plan and development in the writer's Epopee, is wholly inadmissible. (2) And I saw the seven angels who stand before God ; and seven trumpets were given to them. The writer does not say merely seven angels, but z oiig enzd dyye- Xovg, the seven angels. The reader is referred to Rev. 1: 4, with the notes and Excursus, for the illustration of this passage. The seven presence-angels are doubtless denoted here. Whether this number was borrowed, as has been affirmed, from the seven counsellors of the Per sian king, (Ez. 7: 14), or from other sources, it matters not ; comp. Tobit 12: 15. It is at all events an ancient mode of designating the number ; and that it was familiar to the minds of the ancient Jews, ap pears from the passage in Tobit to which reference is made. Seven trumpets, because the sounding of the trumpet is the usual sig nal of battle and of slaughter. By whom these trumpets were given to the angels, is not said. Nor is it at all necessary to particularize in such cases, in a composition like the present. Of course they were given by the direction of Him who sat upon the throne. (3) And another angel came and stood by the altar, having a golden censer ; and there was given him much incense, that he should place it, with the prayers of all the saints, upon the golden altar that was before the throne. 'Eazddij, placed himself, used like the middle voice; Buttm. § 136. — AiBavcozbv, lit. frankincense, the same as XiBavbg, and named from mount Lebanon, where the tree grows which produces the gum. Here, however, the word plainly means the pan or small vessel in which the incense was placed and burned, i. e. a censer. The usual appropriate name for such a vessel was XtBavazqig ; see in Phryn. sub verbo, ed. Lobeck. — Acban, put- or place, like "jM; and thus often in the N. Tes tament. 182 THE trumpets : Chap. VIII. 4, 5. The nature of the representation supposes a temple in heaven, like that on earth, in which God dwells, and where he is worshipped, as in his earthly temple, by offering incense before him. — Taig nqoaevxaig zdiv dylcov ndvzcov presents some difficulty, at first. But in Rev. 5: 8, the twenty-four elders are represented as " each having golden bowls filled with incense, which are the prayers of the saints," i. e. plainly, which symbolize the prayers of the saints. Thus is it with the angel here. The incense is the symbol of prayers which ascend to God and find acceptance. So Ps. 141: 2, " Let my prayer be set forth before thee as incense." The sweet savour of the incense is indicative of its being grateful or acceptable ; see Gen. 8: 21. At the temple, the mul titude of worshippers were accustomed to pray, while incense was burn ed ; Luke 1: 10. The Dat. zaig nqoaevyaig x. z. X, I regard as a Dat. indicating the manner or the circumstances in which the incense is pre sented. It is accompanied by the prayers of the saints. It goes up before God, bearing along with it on its fragrant clouds (so to speak) the prayers of persecuted Christians. It is the angel-intercessor who presents these ; see Exc. I. Good Angels, No. 6. No serious difficulty exists, when the passage is viewed in this light. Ewald understands the Dat. nqoaevxaig to be here a Dativus commodi. This would vary the shade of the meaning, but not the substance. As he paraphrases it the sentiment would run thus : ' Much incense is placed on the altar, to aid the prayers of all the saints, i. e. to render them more acceptable to God.' On the whole I prefer the other inter pretation as agreeing best with Rev. 5: 8. The Exc. named above will show the reader how common the idea of angel-intercessors was among the Jews, who were supposed by them to present the prayers of the pious to God. (4) And the smoke of the incense, with the prayers of the saints, went up from the hand of the angel before God. The angel is supposed to take his stand by the altar of incense, and to set down his censer upon it, but still to keep hold of the vessel with his hand, while the fire, which is put to the contents of the censer, sends up volumes of sweet vapour or smoke from the hand of the angel thus continuing his hold upon the censer. Having completed the symbol of the intercession, the author now proceeds to exhibit another symbol, indicative of the consequences which would follow. . (5) And the angel took the censer and filled it from the fire of the altar, and he cast [the fire] upon the earth ; and there were loud thunders, and lightnings, and earthquake. EiXrjcpev used as Aorist ; see, on this use, the remarks under 5: 7. FIRST TRUMPET : CHAP. VHI. 6, 7. 183 The model of this symbol is in Ezek. 10: 2 seq. ; where, however, the fire is taken from between the cherubim under the throne, and scattered over the city of Jerusalem, as an emblem of its destruction. So here ; the fire from the altar, cast down upon the earth, of course indicates that the land on which it falls is to be consumed or destroyed. The additional symbols of thunder, lightning, and earthquake, leave no room for doubt as to the meaning of this symbolical transaction. The prayers of the saints are accepted ; consequently the power of persecu tors is about to come to an end. — cpcoval xal Bqovzal, see on 4: 5. (6) And the seven angels, who had the seven trumpets, made themselves ready that they might sound [them]. Hzolpaaav eavzovg, i. e. assumed the attitude of readiness to blow the trumpet. — "Iva aaXnlacoai = aaXniQsiv ; see Gramm. § 162. 3. Note 2. The Aor. form here used belongs to the later Greek; old Aor. Subj. aaXnly^co. After the indications thus given, as to what the will of Heaven was in respect to persecutors, no further delay was to be expected. All is now ready for the commencement of final action. (7) And the first [angel] sounded, and there was hail and fire mingled with blood, and they were cast upon the earth ; and the third part of the earth was burned up, and the third part of the trees was burned up, and all the green grass was burned up. The passage of the 0. Testament which closely resembles this, is in Ex. 9: 22—25, comp. Ps. 78: 47, 48. In Ex. 9: 24 it is said, that " fire was mingled with the hail." But here " the hail and fire are mingled with blood." By blood we must naturally understand, in this case, a shower of coloured rain, i. e. rain of rubedinous aspect ; an oc currence which is known sometimes to take place, and which, like fall ing stars, eclipses, etc., was viewed with terror by the ancients, because it was supposed to be indicative of blood to be shed. The neut. plur. pejiiypeva follows (as often in such cases) the gender of the nearest noun, nvq ; the sing, number could not be used here, because the parti ciple refers both to %dXa£a and nvq. — 'EBXrjdrj, i. e. the mixture, fiepiy- uevu, was cast upon the earth ; or iBXrjdrj may be connected in syntax with the nearest of the two nouns, nvq ; as is often the case, even when the verb relates to two or more subjects, while, in respect to form or number, it conforms only to the last of the two. To zqlzov . . . xazexdrj, evidently a definite quantity for a considera ble one. The use of this number (a third) is very frequent in the Apocalypse; see in vs. 8 — 12, also 9: 15, 18. 12: 4. But such a usage is not new. The model is in Ezek. 5: 2, 12. So in Zech. 13: 8, 9. The same usage is common in the Rabbinic writings. The herbs and 184 SECOND AND THIRD TRUMPET: CHAP. VIII. 8 — 11. trees are here mentioned as being destroyed by the hail and fire, just as in Ex. 9: 25. (8) And the second angel sounded, and as it were a great mountain burning with fire was cast into the sea ; and a third part of the sea became blood. The image here is that of a volcanic mountain cast into the ocean, by which the waters are discoloured, or turned red. The original of this picture in the main is in Ex. 7: 20—25. But the image of the burning mountain is new, and appropriate to John. (9) And a third part of the creatures in the sea, which have life, perished; and a third part of the ships were destroyed. Comp. Ex. 7: 21 for the first part of this verse. — Ta eiovza here is the neuter plural Nom. agreeing with xztapdzcov Gen. plural. Such a construction in aparticipial clause is quite common ; see Gramm. § 72. 1. To zqlzov zcov nXotcov diecpddqijaav. Here the third pers. plur. of the verb is employed, because zqlzov is a generic noun. This imagery is peculiar to John, and is not found in Ex. 7: 20 — 25. — A third part is designated, in this case, with the same meaning as before. The whole symbol imports, that destruction awaits the persecutors of the church, on the sea as well as on the land. (10) And the third angel sounded, and there fell from heaven a great star, burning like a lamp; and it fell upon a third part of the rivers, and upon the fountains of the waters. The image of falling stars we have already found, in 6: 13. These were apparently smaller bodies than the burning mountain, and so might fall into rivers and fountains. That the writer had a comet here in view, as Eichhorn and Heinrichs suppose, does not seem to be proba ble. The image is taken from the blazing meteors, which often appear in the atmosphere, and which do actually fall upon the earth. But the mischief which the star occasions, in this case, is an idea that is purely poetic. (11) And the name of the star is called Wormwood ; and a third part of the wa ters become wormwood, and many men died by reason of the waters, because they were bitter. The poisonous quality ascribed to the star in this case, seems to re sult from a designed analogy to the effects of the second trumpet, where the waters are turned to blood. Here the quality of the waters into which the star falls, becomes such as is found at times in the desert and morasses, of which unwary and thirsty travellers sometimes drink so as to bring on dangerous diseases. How one star could affect so many rivers and fountains, it would hardly belong even to the rhetorician to inquire ; for in such a poetic representation as this, a liberty of such a FOURTH trumpet : Chap. VHI. 12. 185 nature is nothing strange. Evidently the author supposes the star to have fallen upon the sources of springs and rivers. 'O dipivdog is anomalous in respect to gender, for in common Greek usage it is feminine. But as the herb dipivdog is not here meant, but a star, it is probable that the change of gender is a matter of design. Moreover it is not very common to put the article before the noun which follows a verb of naming ; but still, this usage is sometimes followed even in the classics, as well as in this book ; see Gramm. § 89. 7. The Hebrew word nasi (Prov. 5: 4) is rendered diplvdiov by Aquila; and the poisonous effects of this herb may be seen by comparing Jer. 9: 15. 23: 15. Lam. 3: 15, 19. Deut. 29: 18. Heb. 12: 15. See also in Ex. 15: 23, where the waters of Marah (bitterness) are represented as not being drinkable. Of the poisonous quality of the dipivdog here named, there can be no doubt ; that is, no doubt can be entertained, that the author viewed the subject in this light. The destruction of men commences with this third trumpet ; but only in a moderate degree. Only one third part of the rivers and fountains are poisoned by the star ; and only noXXot zcov d.vdqconcov, who drank of these, are destroyed, i. e. as we say, many persons, a considerable number, perished. (12) And the fourth angel sounded, and a third part of the sun, and a third part of the moon, and a third part of the stars, was smitten, in order that a third part of them might be darkened, and the day might not shine as to a third part thereof, and the night likewise. The original of this picture may be found in Ex. 10: 21 — 23. But here are special characteristics which belong to the author only. A third part of all the luminaries being eclipsed, a gloomy and ominous light would of course be diffused over the earth, which would fill the in habitants with consternation ; as eclipses always did in former times, whether partial or total. The idea is not, that one third part of the time or length of the day, etc., was totally dark — but that the lumina ries by day and night were shorn of one third part of their usual splen dour ; although, at first view, the latter part of the verse would seem to intimate the former meaning. 'H rjpe'qa . . . zb zqlzov avzrjg, i. e. as to a third part of its accustom ed light. To rqlzov avzrjg is epexegetical, and is to be considered as in the Ace. abs. adverbial. — Kal rj vv% bpolcog, i. e. xai. j; vv^ \_prj cpaivrj zb zqlzov avrijg~] bpolcog, the phrase being brachylogical or elliptic. The meaning is, that the moon and stars, which give light by night, were deprived of one third part of it, in like manner as the sun, so that the nio-ht had but two thirds of its usual light. Thus are completed the four preparatory symbols, which annoy and terrify men, rather than destroy them to any great extent. But the vol. ii. 24 186 FIRST woe-trumpet : Chap. IX. 1 12. execution of divine justice is now to commence, with deeper tones of in dignation and scourges more highly lifted up. Yet before this is done, a herald, flying through mid-air, makes a solemn proclamation to the world of that which is about to take place. (13) And I looked, and I heard an eagle, flying in mid-air, saying with a loud voice : Woe ! woe ! woe ! to those who dwell in the land, by reason of the remain ing sounds of the trumpet of the three angels who are yet to sound. 'Evbg, used as a pronoun indefinite ; see on elg under 5: 5. — Aezov, an eagle. But does this mean merely the bird itself? Or does the au thor intend to signify, that an angel, moving as swiftly as an eagle, flies, or with wings like an eagle's, passes, through the air ? The lat ter, I doubt not ; for the writer immediately says : Xt'yovzog cpcovrj fieyd- Xrj x. z. X. This would be incongruous, in case we consider aezov as a mere bird. In Is. 21: 8, the watchman cries out Frvix, i. e. as a lion, for it is the Ace. of manner, quasi lion-wise. Here the angel, furnished with eagle-wings, (the swiftest and most powerful of all wings), moves through mid-air solemnly to proclaim the approaching catastrophe, so as to inspire terror, and give warning to all. — Meaovqavijpazi, usually the meridian, but here plainly the mid-air. Ovqavbg, like B?offl, fre quently means the air, i. e. the space between the sky and the earth. Borne aloft, then, midway between earth and sky, this heavenly mes senger proclaims to the world the approaching doom of persecutors. FIRST WOE-TRUMPET : CHAP. LX. 1—12. [The three remaining trumpets are usually designated by the name of the woe- trumpets, in reference to the proclamation of woes, as mentioned in 8: 13. The nature of theirs* woe may be explained in a few words. In the eastern world, over most of the countries of hither Asia, the appearance of locusts in great numbers was with good reason dreaded as a great calamity. Drought, famine, and pestilence, were the usual accompaniments. Drought favoured the multiplication and progress of the locusts ; famine was the neces sary consequence of their destroying all vegetation ; and pestilence was bred by the destruction (sooner or later) of unnumbered multitudes of these rapacious and fetid animals. A most vivid and glowing, as well as sublime, description of an invasion by locusts, is given by Joel in chap. ii. His excited imagination views them as advancing like a mighty overwhelming army, covering every part of the land, thrusting themselves into every habitation, and spreading destruction on every side. Their noise is like that of chariots upon the mountain tops ; all faces turn pale ; the earth quakes before them ; the sun and moon are darkened ; the stars withdraw their light; the Almighty God marches at the head of this his countless host, clothed with terror; the great and terrible day of his judgment is come. The garden of Eden is before this army as they advance, and behind them a desolate wilderness. first woe-trumpet : Chap. IX. 1—12. 187 Many traits of this vivid picture by Joel, are transferred to the description now before us. Yet there is nothing that borders on. mere imitation in our author. Besides a regard to the representation of Joel, it is manifest that John's mind is also affected by a view of the ninth plague of Egypt, i. e. the plague of the locusts, as exhibited in Ex. 10: 12 — 15. But there, as well as in the prophet Joel, the locusts are presented in their appropriate and natural character, viz., as consum ers or destroyers of the vegetable productions of the earth. But this is not their office in the Apocalypse. The writer had already (6: 5^-7) introduced/a,?wne as one of the judgments which is connected with the breaking of the third seal. His present object is, to designate the punishment more immediately inflicted upon the persons of men. In accordance with this design, the locusts are not commissioned against the trees and herbage (9: 4), but to injure those " who have not the seal of God upon their foreheads." For the accomplishment of this end, they are furnished with teeth like those of a lion (v. 8), and with a sting in their tails like that of a scorpion (v. 10). In this respect, therefore, they are peculiar to our author, and entirely a conception of his own ; although many traits of the picture resemble those found in the descriptions of locusts exhibited by other writers. Yet, lest the final catastrophe should be hastened faster than the plan of the writer admits, the wounds which they inflict are not mortal, (for how then should any escape with life ?) but only painful in the extreme, occasioning agony like that which a scorpion inflicts when he strikes a man, v. 5. To make the description more terrific, these new and unheard of armies of lo custs are not the offspring of those which are produced in the natural course of things, but they come from the principal source and seat of all that is evil and abominable and dreadful — from the bottomless pit or abyss, where Satan and evil spirits reign. That horrid place is fraught with all that can hurt or destroy men ; and when once it is unlocked, there issues from it, in one form or another, monstra ingentia, malefica, to plague and to lay waste the earth. In the present case, Apollyon himself, i. e. ¦pi2N or the Destroyer, leads on and directs the hosts of tormentors, commissioned against the enemies of the church. Their commission, however, is but for a short time. As common locusts perform their work of de struction in about five months, and then die off or remove, so, in order that some general analogy may be presented, the author limits the time of the locusts, which issue from the abyss, to the same period. The number of months need not be lite rally understood ; it should be taken in a symbolical sense ; and as meaning but a comparatively short period. The shape of the sentiment seems to be plainly thus : ' As the natural locusts commit their ravages only for five months, so the ravages of these symbolical ones will be only for a short period.' One other remark is proper. As the author has here plainly gone out of the world of nature into that of imagination, in order to obtain materials wherewith he may draw his picture, so we are not to tax him with incongruities or monstros ities, because he does not confine himself within the bounds of natural verisimili tude. Beings purely imaginary in some respects he means to present; beings endowed with powers unknown in the natural world his imagination forms ; and to compare the progeny thus ushered into symbolical existence with simple and mere natural objects, would be most evidently to do him injustice. That he should make bis own picture consistent with itself, and even preserve natural ve risimilitude where he can do so without marring his owri particular design, is all that we can reasonably demand of him in a case of this nature. And this demand he has met and satisfied. 188 first woe-trumpet : Chap. IX. 1. Allowing, now, that the general view here taken of the plague of the locusts is correct, it follows that all attempts historically to apply this part of the Apoca lypse to the Zealots in Judea, as Eichhorn, Heinrichs, and some others have done, are quite out of place. They appeal to the history of the Sicarii in Jose phus, Bell. Jud. II. 17. IV. 7. V. 2, in confirmation of their views. But one cir cumstance alone is enough to remove all probability from their interpretation; which is, that the locusts are not commissioned to hill, but only to plague men. Did not that band of Assassins, the Zealots, hill men as well as plague them? Was not death the usual consequence of provoking their enmity ? Besides, who could expect, after all which has of late been done to cast light on the general na ture of the apocalyptic symbols, to find such writers as Eichhorn, Herder, and Heinrichs, making such a specific and individual historical application of it? The case before us is one which is specially fitted, to show the incongruity of such a method of exegesis.] (1) And the fifth angel sounded, and I saw a star fallen from heaven to the earth ; and there was given to him the key of the bottomless pit. To call an angel a star, is not new, nor without precedent ; although we find the like appellation, when given to rational beings, commonly in the plural number, or at least used as a noun of multitude. In Job 38: 7, the angels are called the morning stars ; and often in the 0. Tes tament, the phrase host of heaven, D^aiati XSX, means the angels, as in IK. 22: 19. 2 Chron. 18: 18. Ps. lit): 2. Josh. 5: 14; and often it al so means the stars, Is. 34: 4. 40: 26. 45: 12. Jer. 33: 22. These pas sages show, that these two very different classes of beings were still oc casionally designated by the same name. Not improbably this origi nated in part from the supposition, that the stars had their appropriate guardian-angels, so that the same name might, as in many similar cases, stand for both. So the matter seems to be considered and treated in the book of Enoch ; which in 18: 16, says : " The stars which roll over fire, are those which transgressed the commandment of God ... for they came not in their proper season." The like also in chap. 21: 3—6. 85: 1 — 87: 5. 89: 32, 33. All these passages, taken as a whole, make the usage in question quite clear. By a figure similar to this in Eev. 4: 5, the presence-angels are called burning lamps ; and in Is. 6: 2, the ta^snia probably have their name from S)iiB , ardere, and so Disnta means arden- tes or lucentes. In all these cases one simple idea lies at the basis, viz., that of splendour, resplendence. But the epithet stars is the noblest and most significant of all. That star means angel, in the text before us, is sufficiently plain from the sequel : The key of the bottomless pit was given to him ; surely not to a literal star, for this would be such an incongruity as cannot well be imagined, and certainly not to be charged upon John, so long as any other rational exegesis is practicable. KXelg, key, the ensign of power in cases like that in Eev. 3: 7 ; but here, a kind of literal sense is appropriate. The abyss is regarded as first woe-trumpet : Chap. IX. 2. 189 locked up, in order to prevent its contents from emerging and destroy ing the earth. Its mouth is here supposed to be narrow, like that of a well or cistern ; and then it is also closed by a curb and door (after the same similitude), to which a lock making it secure is attached. The angel who descends as the minister of divine justice, is commissioned to unlock or open the mouth of the great abyss, in order that the ensuing plague might come forth, and overspread the land. Like images in re spect to the condition of Sheol may be found in Ps. 30: 10 (9). Is. 14: 15. Is. 5: 14, and in Enoch 54: 12. As to the doors or gates of the under-world, comp. Ps. 9: 13. Is. 38: 10. Matt. 16: 18. Eev. 20: 1—3. Tov cpqeazog, pit, well, is sufficiently explained by what has already been said respecting the entrance to the great abyss or under-world, which was supposed to be narrow, and to terminate, at the entrance into the upper-world, by a door or gates. — Trjg dBvaaov, i. e. zrjg dBvaaov Xcbqag, for the word aBvaaog is an adjective in itself. However, it is here and elsewhere employed as a noun. It means bottomless, or with out bottom, i. e. that which is so deep that it cannot be sounded or mea sured, extending downwards indefinitely into the bosom of the earth. From this dreary region, the place to which evil spirits are sometimes sent, when they are confined and subjected to any special punishment, (Eev. 20: 1—3. Luke 8: 31. 2 Pet. 2: 4), the plague of the locusts is sues. And certainly all this is very appropriate to the writer's purpose. The dread of such a plague, issuing from such a place, must naturally be supposed to be very great. (2) And he opened the bottomless pit ; and there went up a smoke from the pit, like the smoke of a great furnace, and the sun was darkened, and the air, by the smoke of the pit. Kanvbg dveBrj. The popular ideas of Hades or the great Abyss were perhaps formed from, or at least produced by, well known facts respect ing volcanoes, which throw up an immense mass of fire from the bowels of the earth ; for such facts must have been well known all around the Mediterranean, where was an Etna and a Vesuvius, and in more ancient times, not improbably many smaller volcanoes. It does not contradict this idea, that the under-world was also conceived of as being a place of extreme darkness ; e. g. Job 10: 21, 22, where this is stated with great force; Ps. 88: 12. So fumeus Acheron, in Val. Flacc. 4. 595. Sheol was conceived of as being immense in its extent, and having, like many caves in the earth into which men can enter, various sinuosities and apartments branching off, into which the fires in another and different place could not throw their gleams. Besides, here was confined the dark conglomerated smoke that issued from the fire, and which would con tribute much to augment the general gloom; comp. Eev. 14: 11, " The 190 first woe-trumpet : Chap. IX. 3, 4. smoke of their torments ascendeth up forever and ever,'' i. e. the smoke which torments them, or which arises from their tormenting fire, is al ways ascending, or is never discontinued. But in this under-world, the condition of all was not supposed to be the same. In some respects, in deed, there was not even a resemblance. In a world so immense, there was naturally supposed to be room for a great diversity of situation. That part of the under-world, however, where Satan and his coadjutors dwelt, or at least where they were occasionally confined, was a mixture of darkness and smoke and fires that were in a measure occult for want of access to the air ; and consequently the idea of the dBvooog in which Satan dwelt, is one fraught with terror and disgust. I have dwelt more particularly on the explanation of this, because Bochart (Hieroz. II. p. 495) explains the smoke in this case, by a refer ence to the fires which the husbandmen kindle in order to destroy the locusts ; and Eichhorn, by a reference to the clouds of locusts so dense and large, that they cut off the light of the sun, like the thickest smoke in the atmosphere. Both explanations seem to me quite inept ; they are in fact incongruous with the representation of the author. That the sun and air were darkened, is a natural consequence of such a volume of smoke as is here described. (3) And from the smoke issued forth locusts upon the earth, and power was given to them, as the scorpions of the earth have power. Here the locusts are presented, not as causing the smoke or darkness, as Eichhorn supposes, but as issuing from the smoke. Having dwelt in it while in the abyss, they come forth along with it from the mouth of the pit ; a spectacle truly of horror, and more especially so, as they are not locusts of the ordinary kind, which have little or no power to harm men, but are armed with stings like those of scorpions ; for this is meant by saying, that they have power like that of scorpions, comp. vs. 4, 5. It is indeed true, that locusts often appear in the oriental regions, in such numbers as to darken the air, and cut off the light of the sun ; comp. Ex. 10: 15. Joel 2: 2, 10 ; yet such is not the nature of the representa tion here. Ol axoqnioi zrjg yijg, land-scorpions, so named here, in distinction from the so-called sea-scorpions, described by Bochart, Hieroz. II. p. 635. (4) And it was said to them, that they should not hurt the grass of the earth, nor any green herb, nor any tree, but the men who have not the seal of God upon their foreheads. Common locusts destroy every kind of vegetation ; and with this then- power of active injury ceases. Grass, trees, and every species of plant, fall before them, i. e. they are stripped of every leaf and bud, and often even decorticated. But these locusts from the bottomless pit, a yevog FIRST WOE-TRUMPET : CHAP. TX. 5, 6. 191 vebv xal naqddo%ov, are designed to accomplish an object wholly differ ent. Passing by the natural productions of the earth, their appropriate food, human beings become the objects of their attack. After el pr) the verb ddixrjacoai must be mentally supplied — they should not hurt the grass, etc., but [should injure] men, etc. This idiom in respect to el prj is quite common in the N. Testament ; e. g. in Luke 4: 26, st pr) [inenepcpdrj] eig Hdqenza ; 4: 27, el pr) [ixadaqladrf] Nee- pdv. John 17: 12, el prj [ancbXezo~] b vibg zijg dncoXelag. And so often times al. loc. (5) And it was given to them, that they should not kill them, but that they should be tormented five months ; and their torment was like the torment of a scorpion when he striketh a man. In what way this injury was to be inflicted, is not here said ; but it may be found in v. 10 below — 'iyovaiv ovqdg bpolag axoqnlotg. Even the wounds of scorpions are not usually fatal, unless they are neglected ; but the poison is so acrid, that it occasions great agony. Like to this are the images of the hornet, the bee, and the wasp, in the O. Testa ment ; e. g. Deut. 7: 20. Ex. 23: 28. Joshua 24: 12. Deut. 1: 44. Ps. 118: 12. Nor is the scorpion, as the symbol of atrocious and merciless men, a new image ; see Ezek. 2: 6 ; comp. Bochart, Hieroz. II. pp. 632 — 645. — Tlalcrj, may strike, in reference to the vehement thrust of the scorpion's tail, when it inserts its sting. Mijvag ne'vze. The usual time of locusts is from May to September inclusively = five months. Here the natural traits of the locusts' his tory are preserved. The meaning must be, a short period. As to the designation of five months, rather than of any other small number, it is enough to say, that it is a period which is doubtless chosen in reference to the usual period of the locusts' depredations. (6) In those days men shall seek death, and shall not find it, yea they shall long to die, but death shall flee from them. As to the fact, that distress or agony may be such, that death will be earnestly desired, it is a matter of almost every day's experience ; comp. Jer. 8: 3, and Job 7: 16. 10: 1. Eev. 6: 16, 17. This verse sets forth the Baaaviapbg in a very vivid manner, and shows how exceed ingly intense it was. The use of the Fut. tense in this verse, is rather striking. Why does the writer here go into the future, when he represents all as pass ing under his own eye while in, vision or ecstasy ? One reason may be, the length of the period which here intervenes between the commence ment and completion of this woe, i. e. five months. It is certain however, that there are in this book, as is common everywhere in Hebrew poetry, changes of tense without any other apparent ground than for the sake 192 FIRST WOE-TRUMPET : CHAP. IX. 7. of variety. They may be the result of a natural inclination to the Hebrew usage ; comp. Eev. chap, xviii, where the different classes of mourners over the same event, viz. the fall of Babylon, make use of the Fut. tense, v. 9 ; of the Pres. tense, v. 11 ; and of the Praeterite, v. 17 ; and the Hke of this may be found elsewhere. But in the present case, what is now described is, future to what has just been described; and besides this, what would be often done, on a condition mentioned, is here set forth. The Fut. is in place. — ftev&tai, Fut. Midd. used as a Fut. Active ; and this is the case in regard to a large part of the more usual irregular verbs, such as dpi, XajiBdvco, yiyvcoGxco, dvrjaxco, -jralqca, davpd^co, yeXdco, and many others ; N. Test. Gramm. § 60. 5. Note. In xal inidvp., xai may be rendered as intensive, for such is the senti ment ; the last xai means and yet or but. (7) And the forms of the locusts were like to horses ready for war ; and on their heads, as it were crowns like to gold; and their faces like the faces of men. 'Opoicopaza, like the Hebrew MW1 in Ezek. 1: 16, 26, stands here in the sense of formae, species, and denotes a form or likeness which is to be compared with some other form in order fully to perceive its true nature. As to the resemblance of the locusts in itself considered, there might easily be made out several traits. The galloping motion of the locust is one ; the rictus capitis is another; the rapid movement is an other ; the noise made in eating their food is another ; see Bochart, Hieroz. II. p. 474 seq. Oedmann, Samml. zur Naturkunde, Fascic. II. pp. 76—149. Volney, Voyage en Syrie, I. p. 277. Joel has pre sented the same image and comparison, in 2: 4. In each of the three clauses in this verse, the verb of existence is implied. Crowns like to gold probably means the horns (antlers, feelers) of the locust, tipped with yellow, i. e. with a golden colour ; and these are in all probability here called crowns, to show that they are emblems of victorious and irresistible march. See their march fully described in Joel 2: 7 — 9. Eichhorn and Heinrichs find helmets in these golden crowns. But the explanation just given is adopted by Ewald, and it seems most natural and congruous. In Eev. 13: 1, the crowns are rep resented as on the ends of the ten horns. So probably here. Ilqbacona dvdqcbncov must of course be limited to some particular features only. The formation and prominence of the eyes and of the forehead have resemblance to those of men. I apprehend the meaning of the writer to be, that they wore the aspect, in their eyes and faces, of truculent and ruthless soldiers in battle. FIRST WOE-TRUMPET : CHAP. IX. 8, 9. 193 (8) And they had hair like the ha:r of women, and their teeth were like those of lions. There are a great many species of locusts, and some of them are hairy. So Jer. 51: 27, TaD pb^ , the locust bristling with hair. Eich horn says: "Comadeest in veris locustis ;" in which, as the passage just quoted shows, he was much mistaken. Of course John would here choose that species of locust for comparison, which was of the most atrocious aspect. — 'Slg zqijag yvvaixcov, refers of course to the abundance, not to the quality, of their hair. iQff Xebvzcov rjaav finds its model in Joel 1: 6, where the same com parison is repeated twice. The meaning is, that the teeth are such as are adapted to bite and wound in a very effectual manner ; for such are the teeth of a lion. (9) And they had breast-plates like iron breast-plates ; and the noise of their wings was lik'e the noise of many chariots of horses rushing into battle. The breasts-plates are to be referred here to the hard and firm cuticle on the fore-part of the locust, which serves as a shield while it moves among the thorny and furzy vegetation ; armavit natura cutem, Clau- dian, 83. 2, 3. — The noise of the locusts when they move, is spoken of by almost all travellers. Joel has magnificently described it, 2: 4, 5. covr) dqpdzcov . . . eig nbXepov. The succession of Genitives here somewhat embarrasses the reader. We may render dqpdzcov inncov, by horse-chariots; for these are distinguished from chariots drawn by mules, or other beasts of burden ; and whether we take dqpdzcov or inncov as an adjective, matters not as to the substance of the sense ; for horse-chariots and chariots of horses, i. e. drawn by horses, are the same. Ewald thinks inncov spurious, because he finds difficulty in making out an appropriate sense from it. It does not seem to me, however, to labour under any serious difficulty. There is still another way of construing the sentence : Like the noise of chariots, while many horses rush into the battle ; thus making the last clause a Gen. absolute. But the use of the Gen. absolute in this book, is scarcely to be found ; and if adopted here, would not give any very tolerable sense. There might be horses rushing to battle without any chariots, i. e. cavalry such as is usual. The real idea of the author is not obscure ; and it is given, as it seems to me, in the translation above. Locusts, while they are young, fly but short distances at a time, like our grass-hoppers ; but when fully grown, they will sustain a flight of some considerable distance. Their wings make a shrill tinkling noise ; and since the air is sometimes filled with these animals so thickly that day is turned into night, (which is really the case), the descriptions in John and in Joel appear very appropriate and striking. vol. ii. 25 194 first woe-trumpet : Chap. IX. 10 — 12. (10) And they have tails like scorpions ; and stings were in their tails ; and they had power to hurt men five months. Here, in the last part of this particular description of the locusts, is developed the secret of their power to injure men, already adverted to but not described in v. 5 above. In this particular they differ from natural locusts, and disclose their origin from the bottomless pit. The writer does not tell us, on what they are supposed to feed ; for as they are the progeny of the Abyss, they do not need the food of natural locusts. This verse is a resumption of the action of the piece as de veloped in v. 5, which had been suspended a while for the sake of de scribing the extraordinary nature of these locusts. The reader will note the historic Pres. in e'/ovaiv, and then the change into rjv. See Gramm. § 136. 1. b. Note. As to five months, see on v. 5. (11) And they have over them a king, the angel of the bottomless pit; his name in Hebrew is Abaddon, and in Greek he hath the name Apollyon. The angel of the bottomless pit would seem here to mean Sammael, i. e. the chief of the evil angels. Abaddon lit. destruction ; but here it means the destroyer, (abstract being put for concrete), which in this case is an appropriate name. In Greek, Apollyon corresponds and is equiv alent. Abaddon is also a name sometimes given to Sheol ; e. g. in Prov. 15: 11. Job. 26: 6. The Hebrews seem to have denoted by it the lowest recesses of the pit or great abyss ; and so the Eabbins em ployed the word. In Joel, the Almighty God himself leads on his great army (2: 11) ; but here the king of the abyss is the appointed head. The work is so appropriate to an evil angel, as well as the place from which the army comes, that a nvevpa dxddaqzov seems most probably to be here designated as the leader, rather than any one of the good angels. (12) The first woe is past ; behold ! there come yet two woes hereafter. Lit. the one woe, etc. ; but our idiom does not well admit such a ver sion here. As to the speaker in this verse, the words are those of the seer, and not of the angel, and are designed to give distinct notice of the progress of the catastrophe towards completion. Oval an inde clinable interjection, here employed as a noun sing, feminine, as the article shows.— ''Eqxovzai, are coming, and so (often) the Pres. is used in a Fut. sense; see Gramm. § 136. 1. c. second woe-trumpet : Chap. IX. 13 — XL 19. 195 SECOND WOE-TRUMPET: CHAP. IX. 13— XI. 19. [The sixth trumpet, or second woe-trumpet, is introductory of several important occurrences. That which immediately concerns the progress of the catastrophe is first related. This is, the irruption of an overwhelming army of horsemen, un der the guidance of evil demons, whose appropriate work is destruction. Not only are the riders engaged in the work of destroying, but the horses themselves are of such an extraordinary nature, that they breathe out slaughter on every side. Fire and brimstone and smoke issue from their mouth ; and like the lo custs, they are formed with tails which annoy with deadly violence. This is the most remote of all the symbols which the author has employed, from the real objects of the natural world. Indeed, the taste of the occidental world can with difficulty accommodate itself to the relish of such imagery ; so distant is it from the bounds of natural probability. Yet we know well that the oriental world delights in imagery of this nature ; as the fictions of Persia, Arabia, and Hindustan, respecting good and evil Genii, abundantly testify. In making up our aesthetical judgment, then, respecting such a scene as that now before us, we must transport ourselves into the eastern world, and judge from the feelings, views, and taste there predominant. There is not elsewhere, in all the Scrip tures, anything in the way of symbol which borders so near upon what we usually deem excessive and unnatural, (except perhaps a part of Ezek. i.), as the army of horsemen from the Euphrates. Even the number savours of hyperbole; for it is no less than 200,000,000. Such a state of the case, then, puts it out of all ques tion whether we are to find here the mere prototypes of what is to be literally verified, or actually to take place as a matter of fact. A simple statement of what is actually said by the author, renders all argument unnecessary to show, that we can rationally suppose nothing more than mere symbol of overwhelming force to be presented here. ' But why is this army brought from the region of the Euphrates? It was the Roman power, which was to lay waste the land of Judea, and which indeed was already attacking it when the Apocalypse was written. Why then does not the writer bring his army of horsemen from the West, and not from the East ?' For two reasons, 1 would reply, he omits doing this ; at least, so the case pre sents itself to my mind. (1) The principal enemies and oppressors of the Jews, from time immemorial, had ever been from the east. Assyria, Babylon, and Sy ria, had all overrun and laid waste Judea, and carried away great multitudes of captives. The east, moreover, abounded in cavalry ; and this kind of troops were always the most harassing and destructive in overrunning u. country. For this reason we may suppose the author to lay the scene of assembling his army of horsemen in the east. (2) It was to be calculated upon, and was matter of actual occurrence, that when Judea was attacked by the Romans, the latter would draw their supplies of troops from the neighbouring oriental countries under their sway. Thus Titus, when left by Vespasian to complete the conquest of Judea, drew troops from Syria and from the Euphrates; Jos. Bell. Jud. V. 1. 5, 6. It will be remembered, that at this time the dominion of the Romans extended to the Eu phrates. Ewald supposes the Parthians to be meant by the horsemen, in this case ; and that the object attacked was the heathen of Rome and elsewhere. But this con- 196 SECOND woe-trumpet : Chap, IX. 13 — XI. 19. founds the first catastrophe with the second ; and it would represent the writer as stopping short, when on the very finale of his first catastrophe, and changing en-' tirely the whole scene of action, without giving any notice to the reader. There is something so improbable in all this, that it needs very cogent reasons to render it credible. There is, indeed, one circumstance here, which seems to plead for such a construction. This is the continued idolatry of those who survive the at tack of the horsemen ; which seems to be exhibited in v. 20. But as a literal sense of this passage does not seem to be necessary ; and since the admission of Gen tiles as the victims of the invading army, would make such entire confusion in the author's plan, I cannot persuade myself that Ewald has given a correct view of the general design of the passage. Something more will be said in relation to this subject, in the commentary which follows. The account of the horsemen being concluded, the writer next introduces two episodes, before he advances to the consummation of the catastrophe. The first is in chap, x, where an angel appears, and makes proclamation in the most solemn manner of the speedily approaching consummation. The great importance of the event about to take place, seems to be the occasion of such an interposition on the part of the angel. At the same time, another purpose is answered by it. John was now brought near the end of his vision, in respect to the book of seven seals. These seals had not only been all broken, but the seven parts or succes sive series, into which the last seal is divided, are now completed, with the ex ception of only the final one. The first vision or catastrophe, therefore, must of course be very near its close. But still, the work of the seer is not completed. Other visions besides this are to be presented ; other disclosures are to be made< As he has seen depicted, in lively representations, the impending fate of persecu-' ting Judea, so he must also see that of the persecuting heathen nations. Accord ingly the angel who proclaims the completion of the first catastrophe, gives to John a book in which is inscribed the destinies of the heathen, or the progress and consummation of the second catastrophe. With this book he receives the in telligence also, that he must prophesy still farther " respecting people and nations and tongues and many kings," 10: 11. This corresponds so well with chap, xii— xix, that 1 do not see any good reason to doubt, that the words just repeated have respect to the contents of those chapters. The seer having been thus prepared still to continue his work after the first part of his prophetic task shall have been finished, nothing would seem to be wanting now, but the finishing or catastrophe itself. Yet, how can the once be loved people of God be destroyed ! How can God's dwelling-place at Jerusalem be laid waste, and made the reproach of a scoffing world ! As in chap. vii. we have an account of the manner in which Christians themselves are secured from impending ruin, so here the security is extended to all that is truly spiritual and valuable in the ancient worship. The externals of the temple are to be cast down to the ground and trodden under foot by the heathen ; but the holy place, and the true spiritual worshippers therein, are to be preserved. Chap. 11: 1, 2. And now what remains but the last trumpet ? But still, before it sounds, new ly committed and more aggravated crimes are brought to view, in order that all may see the long-suffering of God and the perfect justice of his proceedings. Christian witnesses, clothed with miraculous power, appear in the devoted city- There they exercise their office, for a short time. There they are finally slain, and exposed to open and repeated insult. Their death, however, only gives ultimate triumph to their cause. This is represented by the symbol of the two witnesses rising from the dead and ascending to heaven. A great earthquake succeeds this second woe-trumpet : Chap. IX. 13, 14. 197 event, by which a tenth part of the city is destroyed. The enemies of the church are constrained by terror to confess the hand of God in these events. But the earthquake appears to be principally an appropriate signal of what is to follow, under the sounding of the seventh and last trumpet. Such are the contents of the second woe-trumpet. The delay, which was ad verted to in chap. 6: 1 1 , we have found, on various occasions, to be provided for by the writer. This last delay seems, indeed, to be the longest of all. It is natu ral that it should be so. The final stroke is one that requires in all respects en tire and ample preparation. The offers of pardon, made during the ministry of the two witnesses, is to be brought into this account ; for it is thus that the mind is favourably impressed with the long suffering of God. It is thus too, when jus tice at last arrives, that we are prepared to be fully satisfied with its demands and its penalties.] (13, 14) And the sixth angel sounded, and I heard a voice from the four horns of the golden altar, which is before God, saying to the sixth angel who had the trumpet: Loose the four angels who are bound by the great river Euphrates. Mlav here = zlg, or equivalent to our English indefinite article a or an ; see on elg under 5: 5. 'Ex zcov zeaadqcov xeqdzcov, where ix must be equivalent to dnb ; for the Hebrew yo corresponds to both. The writer does not mean to say, that the voice went forth out of the horns of the altar, i. e. that the horns themselves spake, but that the voice came from the direction of the altar to him ; or (if we must insist on ix) from the midst of the horns, which of course would be in the midst of the altar. In this case, how ever, if we only suppose the throne of God to stand behind the altar, (as in the temple), then the voice, being spoken from the throne, would come to John as if it were from the altar. I see no objection how ever to supposing, that the angel of the altar here speaks, as the herald of the throne. — Keqdzcov (see Ex. 27: 2. Amos 3: 14) means the prom inences, in the' way of ornament, placed upon the four corners of the altar ; and which, Maimonides says, were of the form of turrets or pyramids, as they were constructed in the Jewish temple. Hence the name horns ; comp. Is. 5: 1. Tip e'xzcp dyyeXcp, i. e. the sixth angel, who sounded the trumpet, is himself commissioned to execute the threatening which it indicated. '0 eycav, see on o pdqzvg under 1: 5, as Nom. case. — Avaov zovg . . . Evcpqdzrj. That these are evil angels or demons, seems probable from the circumstances. The air, the abyss, and the desert, are the localities of evil spirits, i. e. they were popularly and familiarly spoken of in this manner among the Jews ; see Exc. I. Evil Spirits, No. 5. That the desert is one of the places thus assigned, is plain from Is. 13: 21. 34: 14. Eev. 18: 2. Tobit 8: 3. Baruch 4: 35. Enoch 10: 6, 7, and very plainly from Matt. 12: 43 ; see Exc. ut supra, No. 5. b. That four angels are here mentioned, must be referred to the same reason as that which led to indicate four angels as holding in the winds, Eev. 7: 1, viz., 198 second woe-trumpet : Chap. IX. 15. it is because the four quarters of the earth, the four winds, etc., are usually spoken of as comprehending every quarter. So here, the army to be raised is conceived of as consisting of four parts, and these will have four commanders (so to speak) coming from every quarter of the desert region whence the troops are to proceed. — As to dedepe'vovg, this is a familiar idea in the Scriptures, in respect to evil angels who are in a state of special durance or restraint ; comp. 2 Pet. 2: 4. Jude v. 6. Eev. 20: 2 — 7. In the book of Enoch this is very common ; e. g. Enoch 10: 15—17. 14: 4. 18: 16. 21: 1—6. 53: 1—6. 54: 6—8. 68: 39. 87:3—5. Comp. 4 Ezra, in Fabricius, Cod. Apoc. V. Test. II. pp. 237 — 240. Undoubtedly the word bound, used in respect to spirits, is to be tropically understood. It means, of course, under restraint; for when evil spirits are sent to the desert, or to the abyss, they are sub jected in this way to special restraint ; at least the object of the phrase ology is to designate such an idea. — Top nozdpcp zcp peydXcp is equiva lent to the usual expression in Hebrew iiiarj nrisn , which sometimes is accompanied with rna , the Euphrates, as here. But why the region of the Euphrates ? In addition to what has been already said above, it may be here remarked, that in Is. 21: 1, the prophet speaks of the burden, i. e. commination or sentence, of the des ert of the sea, i. e. of the Babylonish region, sea being used for the Euphrates, as it is often elsewhere for any large river. In the vicinity of the Euphrates, and westward of it, are vast deserts of sand, and (near the river) of morasses. From this oriental region then, fraught in ancient times with plagues to Judea, is to come this new and unheard of host, who are to trample down and destroy., Horsemen are the ap propriate and most destructive troops of the East. (15) And the four angels were loosed, who are prepared for the hour and day and month and year, that they may slay a third part of men. ^ The writer does not say : rjzoipaapivoi iv wqa x. z. X. but elg zrjv cbqav, etc., i. e. for the particular year, month, day, and hour, destined by God for the great catastrophe which is to follow-. The first mode of expression would indicate, that they were prepared for any hour, day, etc. ; but the latter, i. e. the one in our text, can bear only the sense which I have given it. It matters not whether the meaning of any hour, day, etc. be in itself a. truth, (as it doubtless is) ; it is enough to say, that this is not what the writer here meant to affirm ; at any rate, it is not what he has said. The phraseology would seem also to inti mate, that the executioners of divine justice in this case, (for evil spirits are compelled to perform such a task, comp. 1 Cor. 5: 5. 1 Tim. 1: 20), were confined in a place where they were kept ready and at hand (rjroi- paofievoi), to lead on the army of invasion. second woe-trumpet: Chap. LX. 16, 17. 199 (16) And the number of the armies of horsemen was two myriads of myriads [20,000 X 10,000 = 200,000,000] ; 1 heard the number thereof. Szqazevpdzcov in the plural because of the immensity of the multi tude. — 'Innixov, neut. adj. used as a noun, cavalry ; although it is re markable that the writer says nothing further of the horsemen, except ing that he describes a part of their armour, v. 17. The number of horsemen mentioned here equals one fourth part at least of the human race then existing in the whole world, and probably even more than this. Of course all literal exposition of the passage is out of question. I heard the number thereof, should be read as in parentheses. The meaning seems of course to be, that he was told what the number was ; count them he could not. The expression before us gives emphasis to the preceding and almost incredible declaration. Some angel-interpre ter in this case, we must suppose to have told him the number. (17) And thus I saw the horses in vision, and those who sat upon them having breast-plates fiery and dark-red and yellow ; and the heads of the horses were like' the heads of lions, and from their mouths issued fire and smoke and brim stone. This sentence is somewhat difficult, by reason of the ovzcog. On the whole, I cannot but refer it to what precedes ; and then the mean ing of course is, that John saw the army to be such an immense multi tude, as he had mentioned, and so conditioned also as to their leaders. Here he separates the horses from their riders ; and when he names the latter, he connects with the designation a description of the armour which they wore. A more particular description of the horses is given in a separate clause, which begins grammatically de novo as to its con struction, but in sense is connected with the preceding clause in the be ginning of the verse. One may, however, understand ovzcog here as designating not the manner of seeing, but the manner, i. e. the appearance or form of the horses and of their riders. Ovzcog would then mean, in this condition, in such a state, etc., viz. in the one that is described in the succeeding con text ; and such is not an unusual meaning of the word ovzcog, comp. Matt. 1: 18. 2: 5. John 21: 1. Heb. 4: 4. But the first construction is perhaps more simple. — 'Ev zrj bqdaei is an express intimation, amidst the narration of cpaivbpeva red xat naqdbo^a, that these are to be re garded merely as objects or symbols seen in an ecstatic state, or in pro phetic vision — not as realities of the natural world. nvqivowg means of a fiery hue, i. e. the paler and more glaring red. — 'Taxivdivovg means deep dark red, verging toward black. — Qeivodeig (a form of the later Greek) is from deiov, sulphur, and would seem to mean of a sulphureous hue. The breast-plates, then, were particoloured ; a circumstance not unfrequent among more uncultivated nations ; who of- 200 second woe-trumpet : Chap. IX. 18, 19. ten adorn their persons, as well as their armour, in a similar way. The object here seems to be, to make the armour more glaring and terrific. 'Sig xecpaXal Xebvzcov, evidently because they are intended to appear as terrific as possible. Under the preceding trumpet, we find a new and singular office assigned to the locusts, and they are armed, therefore, with new powers, vs. 5, 10. So here ; the horses are formed so as to fill all with consternation who behold them. — Kai ex zcov azopdzcov . . . deiov. The heathen poets often speak of horses breathing out fire and smoke, (Virg. Georg. II. 140. III. 85. Ovid. Met. VII. 104) ; but here is a new image superadded, viz., that of sulphureous exhalation. The idea seems to be, that sulphur burning within them produces material that mixes with their breath, which then, in the form of smoke or va pour, is thrown from the mouth, and, like the fumes of sulphur, destroys life. The reader will not object to this, that it, is an incongruity in na ture ; for the writer himself has just told him, that all is nothing more than the symbols of a vision. As the horses themselves are naqa cpvaiv, so their attributes may also be of the like tenor, and they are here repre sented in fact as being naqa cpvatv. (18) By these three plagues were slain a third part of men, by the fire and the smoke and the brimstone which issued from their mouths. The form dnexzdvdrjaav is not Attic, but of the later Greek. Its normal theme must be xzdvco, Lex. xzelvco. Here the horses themselves are represented as performing the princi pal part of the work of destruction. It would seem as if the riders only guided them, and were armed only to inspire terror. — 'Ex zov nvqbg x. z. X, is merely specification, in order to make the preceding clause quite plain. — Tov ixnoqevopevov agrees with the last of the preceding nouns in form, i. e. in number and gender, while in meaning it extends to all three ; a construction not unfrequent in Greek, Latin, and Hebrew. (19) For the power of the horses is in their mouths, and also in their tails; for their tails are like to serpents, having heads, and with them they do harm. 'H ydq i^ovala x. z. X. repeats again, in still another form, the idea that these extraordinary horses, unlike to all others, inflicted deadly wounds by their mouths. The idea is presented here in the shape of cause or ground of what precedes. But here another trait also, which is new and still more strange, is added. Not only do they breathe out igneous sulphur, but they have, like the amphisbaena or two-headed serpent, a head on either extremity ; and with both of the heads do they inflict injury. It is said of the amphisbaena, that its tail resembles a head, and with this it throws out poison ; Plin. Hist. Nat. VIII. 35. Lu- can. IX. 179. Hesych. sub. verbo. See the citations in Wetstein. "Exovaai xecpaXdg must relate, as the gender now is, to the preceding second woe-trumpet: Chap. IX. 20. 201 ovqal, and not to bcpeaiv which is masculine. The meaning is, that the ovqai assumed the form of heads, as is the case in respect to the amphis baena ; and with these heads they assaulted the enemy, or those attack ed by them ; whether with poisonous breath, or by the biting of the teeth, is not said. Monstra horrenda we may well name them ; and these are just what the writer meant to exhibit. The punishment to be inflicted was dreadful, because guilt was greatly aggravated. Of course the instruments of punishment, we may well suppose, must be of an extraordinary nature. The Turcomans and other Orientals train their horses to assault with the hinder part, as well as with the front, see Vol. I. § 10. p. 183. (20) And the rest of men, who were not slain by these plagues, repented not of the works of their hands, that they might not worship demons, and idols of gold, and silver, and brass, and stone, and wood, which can neither see, nor hear, nor walk. Ewald considers this as decisive in respect to those who are the objects of attack by the horsemen. He says ' that they can' be no other than heathen, the actual worshippers of false gods and of idols.' And if it be absolutely necessary to interpret this in a literal way, it must be con ceded that his position is unavoidable. But in every case of this nature, it is certainly proper to take into view the context, and the evident gen eral object of the writer. In chap. vii. we find that those who are to be exempted from destruction are all of the twelve tribes of Israel. Then again in chap. xi. we find that the temple, as to its exterior, is to be trodden under foot by the Gentiles. Moreover the two witnesses, who appear near the close of the catastrophe, perform their office in the great city where our Lord was crucified. Then " a tenth part of this city falls by an earthquake." Nor is there anything, save the verse before us, in chap, vi — xi, which indicates that the heathen are here designated as the objects of punishment. It is the second catastrophe, (chap, xii-^ xix.), which presents them as the subjects of divine displeasure. Unless then we mingle all things in confusion, as it respects the plan of the writer, we cannot admit that the heathen, as such, are here pre sented to our view. It is sufficiently known to the critical reader, that •na , and uy\i , commonly employed in the 0. Testament to designate the heathen, are also often employed to designate such Jews as acted in a heathenish manner; e. g. in Is. 1: 4. 9: 2. 26: 2. 49: 7. Gen. 35: 11. 12: 2. Ps. 33: 12. Nor are we destitute of like usage in other cases of a similar nature, even in prosaic moral exhortation ; e. g. Col. 3: 5, " covetousness which is idolatry ;" Eph. 5: 5, " covetous man, who is an idolater-" 1 Sam. 15: 23, " Stubbornness is as iniquity and idolatry rebellion is as the sin of witchcraft.'' In Zech. 13: 2 is a prediction, that in the Messianic day " the names of idols shall be cut off from the vol^ ii. 26 202 second woe-trumpet : Chap. IX. 20. land, and no more remembered ; and the prophets and the unclean spirits shall pass out of the land." In the Test, of the twelve Patriarchs, (Judae, c. 23) we find the following declaration : "Much sadness do I have, my son, because of the wantonness and jugglery, and idolatry which ye do toward the palace [temple ? Greek elg zb BaalXei.ov], following ven triloquists, and auguries of demoniacal deceit. Your daughters ye make public singers, and you mingle in the abominations of the Gentiles, etCi'' Now if this prediction came from a Jew of Palestine, which seems quite probable, and if it be contemporary, or nearly so, with the Apocalypse, (of which there is no good reason to doubt), does not this afford proof, that there did exist heathen practices, and a heathen party, among the Jews of that period ? In the time of Antiochus Epiphanes, it is well known, there was a considerable party of this character ; and under Herod, the atres, and public games, and other heathen customs, had become very frequent in Judea. The Sicarii of Galilee and the Zealots of Jerusalem were surely men of as base and desperate a character as could be found in the world ; and amid the confluence of Idumeans and desperadoes, at that time, were there not many, professedly Jews indeed, who were hea then in their practices ? But be this as it may, it is enough, in order to defend the meaning which I would assign to our text, to show that language of the hke na ture is elsewhere employed, when literal idolatry is not meant. Under the ancient dispensation, the crying sin of the Jews, and the one against which more comminations are uttered than against any other offence, was that of idolatry. To say then of those who survived the attacks of the horsemen, that they did not repent, but were still idolaters, would be kindred to what Isaiah (1: 10) says, when he calls the rulers of the Jews Sodomites, and addresses the nation with the opprobrious epithet, people of Gomorrah. It will not be contended, that the prophet here means to tax them specifically with the crime of sodomy ; He designs to say merely, that they were excessively wicked. So in the case before us ; the remnant (ol Xoinol) were of a character like that of the ancient idolaters. More than this does not seem to be necessary to satisfy the demands of exegesis ; more than this the context does not allow us to assume, unless indeed we have reason to suppose it to be a matter of fact, that among the exceedingly wicked Jews of that period, there were many who actually fell into the practices of the heathen, and engaged in idol-worship. But as this is a somewhat doubtful matter, I should content myself with the other interpretation. Ol Xoinol means those left after one third part had been destroyed by the horsemen. — Ov pezevbrjaav ix x. z. X. so with ix after this verb, in Eev. 9: 21 (see Comm.) 16: 11. In Acts 8: 22 with anb following the verb. Elsewhere the verb is used in the absolute way. Do not the the open book : Chap. X. 203 phrases before us come from the Hebrew ¦)» Wtt5 xi ? — '-Eqycov zcov %ei- qcov avzcov, i. e. works which they had done, another Hebrew idiom, hand being the symbol of accomplishment. — Aaiubvia was the name given by the Jews, in the way of contempt, to the heathen gods ; comp. 1 Cor. 10: 20, 21. — Xqvad x. z. X. specifies the various materials out of which different idols, for various purposes, were made. — 'A ovze BXeneiv . . . neqinazeiv, specifications of their qualities designed to render promi nent the contempt in which the idols ought to be held ; specifications, moreover, drawn from the O. Testament, comp. Ps. 115: 4 — 7. 135: 15 — 18. Jer. 10: 3 — 5. Is. 44: 9 — 20. But the particular passage, of which the latter part of v. 20 is only a citation, may be found in Dan. 5: 23. (21) And they repented not of their murders, nor of their sorceries, nor of their fornication, nor of their thefts. It will not be contended that all these crimes were not rife in Judea, at the time when the Apocalypse was written, i. e. during the invasion of Palestine. Above all, cpbvoi and xXeppaza filled the whole country. That the cpaquaxeiai were frequent, and an object of great abomination to the pious, is plain from Eev. 18: 23. 21: 8. 22: 15. See also in the O. Testament, Ex. 22: 18. Lev. 19: 26. Mic. 5: 12. Is. 2: 6. If the reader wishes to trace more distinctly the history of these times, in re spect to the vices that were common, he may consult Josephus, Bell. Jud. IV. 9, 10. V. 9, 4. VI. 2, 1 and 2. VII. 3, 3. Comp. Tac. V. 12. There is something peculiar in the repetition of ov fiezavbrjaav in v. 20, and again in v. 21. Is it the design of the writer, that v. 21 should be regarded as an epexegesis of v. 20 ? It has somewhat of this as pect ; but the case is not sufficiently plain to justify us in positively as suming this ground. That the Jews of the period immediately preced ing the destruction of Jerusalem were wicked and impious almost be yond example — and that such wickedness and impiety are characterized by v. 20th, seems to be a sufficient solution of the language employed, without resorting to the supposition of Ewald. THE OPEN BOOK: CHAP. X. That the seer now occupies a new station, (hitherto he had been in heaven), seems manifest from vs. 1, 10. After the angel has descended he speaks with John, v. 9, and John takes the little book from his hand, and is again addressed by the angel. Now inasmuch as the angel was standing upon the margin of the sea and the land (v. 2), the necessary implication is, that John was standing near him. Consequently there must have been a change of position on the part of John, previous to this colloquy between the angel and him. Such is the case, moreover, in other parts of this book. In one case indeed, 204 the open book: Chap. X. 1. 12: 18, we have an express indication of a change of station; and so again in 17:- 3. But in general the reader is left to draw his own conclusion, with regard to this, from the nature of the vision and the circumstances with which it is attend ed. Whether the scenes described in the first part of chap. xi. imply a new vi sion, different from the present one, will be discussed when we come to the in terpretation of that chapter. The impression made on my own mind by chap. x. is, that the design of it is to show in an impressive manner that the vision respecting the book with seven seals (chap, v.) is now just at its close, that nothing more remains but the sound ing of the seventh and last trumpet, and that this shall speedily take place, ov- xixl yoovoe iozai, v. 6. With this seems also to be joined another object, viz. to introduce this final catastrophe with all the solemnity and demonstration of its importance, which the nature of the case seemed to require. The destruction of the temple and city of God, and also the destruction of the Jewish nation, were events such as cannot often happen, and when they do, it is intended that they shall make a deep impression. The new commission which John receives (v. 11), seems to be a circumstance which obviously contributes to show, that his former vision of the sealed book was now at its close or completed, and that he needed new directions for the fur ther discharge of prophetic duty. The contents of the book are not sealed. He devours them, i. e. he reads them with avidity, in order that he may know what they contained ; and then he is told, that "he must prophesy again respecting many nations and people and tongues and kings." Thus, when the last or seventh trumpet shall have sounded, his task will still proceed ; while the Scene is entirely changed in respect to those whose destiny is predicted. (1) And I saw another mighty angel descending from heaven, clothed with a cloud, and a fairibow was on his head, and his visage was as the sun, and his feet like pillars of brass. AXXov, another, i. e. different from the angels who had the trumpets, and which the writer had before mentioned. — 'Ia%vqbv, " epitheton mere ornans," says Eichhorn again. The mere I would strike out. That it adds to the splendour of the scene, and makes it more august and strik ing, to present in this case one of the Si'iias (laxvqoi) of the heavenly host, who will doubt ? And principally for this purpose the epithet seems to be given. — IIeqi.8eBXryj.evov vecpeXrjv, often said for substance of God and the Saviour, when they are presented in the attitude of mo tion; see Ps. 18: 11. 104: 3. Is. 19: 1. Ezek. 1: 4. Matt. 24: 30. Eev. 1: 7. So here, the descent of the angel is with great majesty ; he is borne along as it were by a bright cloud. Ewald represents the cloud a9 designed only to veil his splendour. But I think he has mistaken the design of the imagery; comp. Ps. 18: 11. 'Iqig inl zrjg xecpaXrjg avzov, comp. Ezek. 1: 28. Eev. 4: 3. The splendour and beauty of his crown or diadem is designated by this striking image. In Eev. 12: 1, the woman clothed with the sun, has a diadem of twelve stars. The different colours of the rainbow here seem to be indicative of the different coloured gems which were ap- THE OPEN book : Chap. X. 2. 205 parently in the diadem of the angel. — -Tlqbaconov cog rjXtog, comp. Eev. 1: 16. Judg. 5: 31. Acts 26: 13. The meaning is, that his visage was exceedingly glorious or resplendent. — llbbeg cog azvXot nvqbg, i. e. shin ing, glowing with brightness ; comp. in Ezek. 1: 4, 7, 27. 8: 2. Eev. 1: 15. (2) And he held in his hand a little book opened ; and he placed his right foot upon the sea, but his left upon the land. The reader will note the difference here between BiBXaqldtov, a di minutive, and BiBXiov in 5: 1. Not that anything important seems to be attached to the different sizes of the books, in this case, but the dif ferent appellations seem to be employed principally to designate a dif ference in the contents of the respective books. Ewald confidently asserts that this little book was no other than a repetition in brief of what was in the sealed book of chap. v. 1 ; Comm. p. 189. But is it not unnatural to suppose, that after the contents of that volume had been already exposed, even to the very last page, that a repetition of it should now be here made, at the close ? This would seem to be an incongruous contrivance, to say the least. And why is the devouring of this book, i. e. the thorough and eager perusal of it, accornpanied with a command to prophesy respecting many nations and kings ? v. 11. Surely if there be any analogy between this book and the preced ing one, its contents must have respect to the future, not to the past. That this future begins where the other book ends, seems altogether a natural and obvious supposition ; for why should the past be again re peated ?* * Eichhorn represents the little book as containing only what the angel says in vs. 6, 7 ; which he supposes to be read by the angel from the little book ; Comm. in loc. Heinrichs represents the little book either as being the same as the fiifiliov in 5: 1, or else a summary of its contents. Vitringa supposes the little book to contain only the calamities that were to befal the church under the sixth trumpet. So, for substance, does Bengel also decide. Mede, on the contrary, separates the second book entirely from the first; and with good reason, as it seems to me; but when he makes out from it a syllabus of Roman civil and political his tory, I cannot assent to this. In the midst then of such singular diversity of opinion, (which in itself indi cates the difficulty of the passage), how is an inquirer to satisfy his own mind? I would say : From the n/Uure of the case presented, and from analogy. The nature of the case surely indicates new matter to be disclosed. John devours the book, (a phrase which is common among us to designate reading a book with great avidity and interest), and the contents are partly sweet and partly bitter, i. c. what it contains is good news to the people of God, and denunciation and commination to the wicked. Thus furnished with new knowledge he is bidden to continue his prophetic declarations, which are no longer to be confined to the Jewish people, but to have respect to many nations and kings. What can be made out from all this, but a further commission to prophesy, and the furnishing 206 the open book : Chap. X. 2. His right foot on the sea, but his left foot on the land, in order to sym bolize his control over both. He is about to declare the solemn deter mination of God to execute, even to consummation, his awful judgments ; and a symbolic action declarative of his universal control and power, is altogether appropriate. The passages quoted for illustration by Eichhorn and Heinrichs here, II. IV. 443. Eneid. IV. 177. Sap. 18: 16. Giddim fol. 68. 2, are altogether inapposite. of John with the means of so doing? And then as to analogy ; if this book be compared with that in 5: 1, we must suppose the object is of a similar nature. How can we believe, 1 ask again, that it is a mere abridgment of what has been already revealed by the book mentioned in 5: 1, when there is in fact no repeti tion in the Apocalypse of the same things ? Why should we decide against analogy and probability, in order to make out so incongruous a phenomenon? I cannot bring myself to believe, that the writer had a plan no better digested than these suppositions would indicate. I must therefore abide by the views al ready disclosed, until 1 can see some better reasons brought forward in support of other and different views. I do not aver that there are no difficulties in the case. ' Why is this a j3iflXa- plStov, and the former one a fiifih-'ov ? On the ground which I have taken, are the contents of the second book, so much less copious than those of the first, as to require such a distinction in names?' Perhaps one might say, in answer to these questions, that the first [SipXiov seems to be a book ol pictures, i. e. of visible sym bolic representations, and therefore a larger size was necessary. The second book contains, like Ezekiel's (2: 10), matter in words, which needs to occupy no great space. Or one might say, that the whole is merely for the sake of variety, just as the manner of the visions themselves is varied. There is still another difficulty. ' Why does not this new commission follow the seventh trumpet, instead of preceding it ?' So indeed it might, if the exhibi tion of another angel and a new occasion of his appearing, had been within the plan of the writer. But now, the same angel who calls heaven to witness that time shall be no longer in respect to the completion of the first great catastrophe, is also charged to furnish the Apocalyptist with a new commission, and to assure him that his duties will not terminate with the full disclosure of the seven-sealed book. ' But why is this book unsealed, and the first sealed? Is not the disclosure, in either case, such as can proceed only from him who reveals secret things to men ?' It is; but then something is due to a proper regard for variety of representation. Nor is this all. That book, which contains the destiny of God's once beloved people, so long affianced to him, may well be introduced with greater-solemnity and more exhibition of mystery, than what concerns the pagan persecutors of the church, whose doom would be less a matter of wonder and astonishment to any who knew their character. These remarks may perhaps not satisfy the reader. But I must ask of him, be fore he decides against the views that have been expressed, to investigate the other theories that have been mentioned, and see whether difficulties greater.still do not encompass them. These theories appear so incongruous to my own mind, that I cannot give my assent to them. 1 must believe, that the writer of the Apoc alypse has a continuous and consistent plan throughout his work; and that there is a harmony among all its parts of such a nature, as to' show a uniform progress in the execution of his design. THE .OPEN book : Chap. X. 3, 4. 207 (3) And he cried with a loud voice, as a lion roareth; and when he cried, the seven thunders uttered their voices. 'Oze 'ixqu%e — what he said, is not here related. It would seem, there fore, to have been a loud note of woe, some interjection uttered which would serve to call attention, and at the same time be indicative of the judgments which were to follow. — Mvxdzai is generally used to designate the lowing of the ox ; Bqvyaadai, for the roaring of the lion. Still, in Theoc. XXVI. 20 we find pvxrjpa Xealvrjg ; so that John does not vio late even classical Greek usage in this case. Perhaps the original of this image is to be found in Is. 21: 8, STvix KlfjrM. Ai enzd Bqovzal, the seven thunders, not simply seven thunders. This is to be regarded in a light similar to that of the seven angels, the seven spirits, and many other sevens in the Apocalypse. Ewald supposes, that the thunders of the seven heavens are meant here. Of the fact that the Jews of the first century were often wont to reckon seven heavens, there can be no good room to doubt ; see Asoens. Is. chap. vii. viii, where this is fully exhibited. See also Fabr. Cod. Pseud. V. Test. Test. Levi, c. 2. Tom. I. p. 544, and Eisenmeng. Entd. Judenthum, I. p. 460. But no trace of this is to be found in the Apocalypse, or in the 0. or N. Testament. This explanation, then, seems to be improbable. We may well acquiesce, therefore, in the easy and natural exegesis, which makes the seven thunders to mean the very loud thunder which is the index of an origin from heaven. It utters something more sublime and awful than common thunder. (4) And when the seven thunders uttered [their voices], 1 was about to write ; but I heard a voice from heaven saying : Seal up that which the seven thunders have uttered, and write it not. I have included zdg cpcovag iavzcov, their voices, in brackets, because the genuineness of these words is doubtful. The sense will be the same without them ; although the tenor of the style in the Apocalypse would seem to speak in their favour. — '-'EpeXXov yqdcpeiv denotes that the au thor was in the act of preparation to write down what was said or utter ed ; and this shows, by the way, that the supposition made by most of the recent critics, viz. that the apocalyptic visions were written down at Ephesus a considerable time after the visions took place, has no good foundation. The intimation here plainly is, that John was employed in ' writing during the intervals of his visions. cDcovrjv ix zov ovqavov, i. e. it was not the command of the angel who had appeared in the vision, but proceeded immediately from God himself. — Hcpqdyiaov a iXdXrjaav x. r. X, i. e. keep secret, close up from the view of men, what the thunders have uttered. That the word is figu ratively employed here is plain ; for John had not yet written down 208 the open book : Chap. X. 4. what was uttered, and therefore could not seal up any instrument or scroll which contained the words now spoken. The meaning of course must be, that John was not to disclose the words just uttered, but to keep them secret, as a writing which is sealed is kept secret. Comp. 5: 1, which presents to us a book with seven seals, and of course these seals prevented any one from inspecting its contents ; also Eev. 22: 10, where John is directed not to seal up the Apocalypse, because its fulfilment was speedily to commence. Dan. 8: 26. 9: 24. 12: 4, quoted by Eichhorn and Heinrichs, are inapposite here, for they have a different sense.* * But what was it, or could it be, which the seven thunders uttered on this oc casion ? Vitringa (p. 429 seq.) makes a singular answer to this question. He says that the seven Crusades are meant by " the seven thunders; and as to the command to pass in silence what was uttered, he says (of the crusades) : " Nee dignae erant quae prolixius exponerentur.'' 1 mention this only to remind the reader what extravagances have sometimes been manifested in the interpretation of the Apocalypse, even by some of the most distinguished commentators and di vines, when they go into minute historical applications. In general it seems to be agreed among recent commentators, that, from the nature of the circumstances and the nature of the signal itself, we must draw the conclusion, that what was declared in the voice of thunder, was ominous of the catastrophe near at hand. This is altogether appropriate. On an errand like to that of making such a declaration, the angel himself came ; as is clear from vs. 6,7. And if we examine 11: 15 — 19 we shall see, that, with the exception of the triumphal song and a disclosure of a few symbols of destruction (v. 19); the writer has himself passed over the catastrophe in silence. Has this no designed connection with the verse before us ? Critics in general do not seem to have looked at the subject in this point of view ; I cannot but feel, however, that what the thunders here declared, and which John is forbidden to speak of, is there sup pressed. This seems better to solve the mystery of comparative silence in chap. U: 15 — 19, than all the other reasons that have, with so much discrepancy and variety of opinion, been brought forward. ' But why keep silence ?' Entire silence, as I apprehend, is neither commanded nor observed ; for what does the angel say in vs. 6, 7, and John in 11: 15—19? Yet in neither case is there any circumstantial and direct narration of the final catastrophe. If any one feels this to be a defect in the plan of the writer; or if he concludes from this (as several recent critics have done) that the writer intends to develope no catastrophe here ; 1 would appeal to the reason and nature of the case. Suppose a father called upon to give some account of the death of a prod igal child, who had perished amid the most aggravated crimes ; would he be like ly to enter into a circumstantial detail of all the horrors and agonies that imme diately preceded and accompanied the death of that child ? Would he— could he —do anything more than distinctly bring to view the closing scene in general terms, while he suppressed the particulars, as being beyond his powers of descrip tion, and because it was altogether inappropriate for him to dwell upon them? Every one must feel the force of such an appeal. And why then can he not allow the same sympathy to have its place in the breast of John, or even a higher and more sacred one, in respect to the beloved people, city, and temple of God? The guilt of that people he has indeed faithfully and fully portrayed ; for this was a duty to God and the church. Divine justice must be vindicated. But to the open book : Chap. X. 5 — 7. 209 (5, 6) And the angel whom I saw standing on the sea and on the land, lifted up his right hand to heaven, and sware by him who liveth forever and ever, who created the hi-aven and the things which are in it, and the earth and the things which are in it, and the sea and the things which are in it, that delay shall be no longer. Almost the exact model of this may be found in Dan. 12: 7 ; with the exception, that there both hands are lifted up, here only the right hand. However, in Gen. 14: 22. Deut. 32: 40. Ezek. 20: 5, 6, men tion is made of only one hand, which almost of course would be the right one. — 'Eig zbv ovqavbv, i. e. toward the place where God dwells. — Zcovzi x. z. X. recounts some of the most striking attributes of the Godhead, such as his eternity, and his supreme creative power ; thus increasing the solemnity of the occasion and the oath. — Heaven, earth, and sea, is a triplex division of the universe, which is very common in the Scriptures. Xqbvog ovxizi eazai, lit. time shall be no more, i. e. there shall be no more delay, or no longer respite shall be given, to the persecutors of the church, when the last trumpet shall sound. So the sequel : (7) But in the days of the sound of the seventh angel, when he shall blow the trumpet, then is the mystery of God completed, as he hath announced to his ser vants the prophets. Kal izeXiadrj, one of those cases where the Praeter is said, by the older grammarians, to be put for the Future. But there is no need of such an enallage. The angel means to say, that immediately on the sounding of the seventh trumpet, the mystery of the seven-sealed book is brought to a close, all is fully completed. Had he used the Future here, it would have left open an indefinite time for completion, con trary to his plain intention. In fact the Greeks, like the Hebrews, employed a Praeterite sometimes to denote future actions which were dwell with minuteness on their doom, their fearful end — why may he not be spared the difficult, the almost impossible task? Enough that the consummation is distinctly declared by the angel, 10: 6, 7, and that in 11: 15 — 19 the triumph of the redeemed is heard, because the church of God is delivered from the hands of its enemies and persecutors. What the seven thunders most probably declared fully to John, he is restrained from writing down, or rather, he is indulged with the privilege of not writing it down, although a sense of duty and fidelity had led at first to prepare for such a task. The study of the Apocalypse will lead an attentive observer to see and feel, that the proprieties resulting from our sympathies, and the congruities of repre sentation, are very apparent in it, and should not be overlooked in the interpreta tion of it. Is there not a plain indication here, in respect to suppressing what the seven thunders uttered, that the particulars of the final catastrophe were not to be fully disclosed? Pity toward the weaknesses of men, and kind regard to the feelings of the apostle, spared him the agonizing task. vol. ir. 27 210 the open book : Chap. X. 7. regarded as certain. So in Eurip. Medea, 78, dncoXbpead' dq\ u xaxbv nqoaolaopev vebv naXaicp, i. e. we have been undone, in case we shall add a new evil to the old one. Plat. Eepub. V. p. 462. See other examples of the like nature in Kiihner's Gr. Gramm. § 443. 2, from Homer, Plat, and Demosth. — Mvazrjqiov means the secret designs of God in respect to the enemies of his church, which only the prophets, i. e. inspired men in the Christian church, had been commissioned to make known.* EvrjyyeXiae, act. voice, and the only instance of this nature in the N. Testament. Usually this verb has the Midd. form, and governs the Ace. of the thing and Dat. of the person. But often, where the thing is omitted, the person is put in the Ace. ; e. g. Luke 3: 18. Acts 8: 25. 14: 21.16: 10. Here the construction is like the Hebrew trjarrna "*? > 2 Sam. 18: 19 al. In translating evrjyyeXiae zovg x. z. X, we are obliged to make a Dat. after the verb, in conformity with our usual English idiom. In Greek this was unnecessary, although it might have been so expressed. * How, in the face of such a declaration as this, De Wette, Schott, Ewald, and Lucke, can still represent the sealed book as not brought to a close in chap, xi, and how they can find no catastrophe there, 1 am unable to see, specially when I compare with the sequel such a declaration as we find here. How language can make it stronger or more certain, that the first great scene of the drama closes here, it would be difficult to tell. The angel does not even say zskia&ijaezai, which might leave a sequel of somewhat indefinite length, but be expresses the absolute and immediate close of the whole in the strongest manner possible, by the Aor. ezeXiothj. Nor is the nature of the case less explicit than the language. It is evident, that when the seventh and last seal was broken, all the heavenly world expected immediate consummation, and looked on in fearful silence, 8: 1. But when the last seal is divided into seven parts (seven trumpets), in order that the long-suffering of God might be exhibited, and time be protracted so that the number of martyrs should be completed, 6: 11, (for in this way a gradual accom plishment is provided for) ; if, 1 say, after all this the time of the catastrophe is still further protracted, would not the writer have given us some express intima tion of it? But of this no notice whatever is given. Exactly the reverse is con tained in the passage before us. The second subordinate seven (trumpets), grow ing out of the seventh seal, admit of no subdivision. At least, this would be so contrary to the evident nature of the case, and to the usual meaning of complete ness indicated by seven, that nothing but an explicit declaration of the Author himself should satisfy us of any further extension of the contents of the sealed book. Scarcely anything respecting the plan of the book seems to me more plain and certain than this; and I find it difficult to imagine how the subject can be viewed in a different light, even after attentively considering what the authors above named have written respecting it. That chap. xi. brings to view an inter val, between the appearance of the angel here and the sounding of the seventh trumpet, is indeed sufficiently plain. But what the angel says, in the passage before us, does not interfere at all with this. His declaration is, that when the seventh trumpet shall sound, there shall be no more delay, ireXto&v yvozrjqiov. the open book: Chap. X. 8, 9. 211 (8) And the voice which I had heard from heaven, again spake with me and said : Go, take the little open book in the hand of the angel, who is standing upon the sea and upon the land. "Hxovaa, Aor. I. in the Pluperf. sense here as to time when, but aoristicasto continuance; N. Testament Gramm. § 136. 5.3. — AaXov- disclose the idea, that Satan, instead of succeeding in his attempt, was even removed fur ther from the possibility of accomplishing it than ever. "Ezi need not be extended indefinitely, but may be regarded as pertaining to the at tempt in question. (9) And the great dragon was cast down, the old serpent who is called the de vil, even Satan who deceiveth the whole world, was cast down to the earth, and his angels were cast down with him. If the reader has any difficulty concerning the various representations of the Scriptures in regard to the place of evil angels, which now presents them as in Tartarus, 2 Pet. 2: 4; then as in the desert, Matt. 12: 43, (comp. Tobit 8: 3). Is. 13: 21. 34: 14. Rev. 18: 2; and again as in the air, Eph. 2: 2. 6: 12 ; he may perhaps find a solution of this in Exc. I. Evil Angels. Confinement in Tartarus or the Abyss, before the final judgment, was not constant and invariable, but temporary. In the pre sent case, the reader is not to conceive of the earth, down to which Sa tan and his host were cast, as their proper and lasting place of abode, but only as the place to which they fell when worsted in the contest. But men who dwell on the earth are thenceforth to be specially annoyed by them, since their contest with the Power above, the Child caught up unto God, has come to a close. It is for the sake of bringing this dis tinctly before the reader's mind, that the writer has adopted this mode of representation. The sentiment is : Whenever they are brought into proximity with men, malignant spirits will forthwith assay to do them injury. '0 bcpig b dq%aiog is epexegetical of dqdxcov, and the epithet dq%aiog doubtless refers to the serpent who in ancient times tempted Eve ; comp. 2 Cor. 11: 3. — 'O xaXovpevog dtdBoXog, i. e. he who byway of eminence is called the accuser, the traducer ; see v. 10. — '0 aazavdg, i. e. even he or the same who is also named the adversary, lata . One might naturally expect the article before aazavdg to be omitted here ; but the writer uses the word as an epithet, and has treated it as if it were a Greek epithet instead of a Hebrew one, because it was well understood. vol. n. 33 258 WOMAN CLOTHED WITH THE SUN : CHAP. XII. 10. '0 nXavcov x. r. X. see the illustrations of this in Exc. I. Evil Angels, No. 4. — 'EBXijdrj elg zrjv yrjv, here iBXrjdrj is repeated in order to resume and carry out the construction of the sentence, which had been suspend ed to make way for the epithets. (10) And I heard a loud voice in heaven, saying : Now is the salvation and power and kingdom of our God, and the dominion of his Christ; For the accuser of our brethren has been cast down, he who accused them before God, day and night. Hcozrjqi-a, salvation, i. e. deliverance from the power of Satan, who had assaulted the child that was caught up to God, and had now been foiled in his last attempt. — Avvapig xai BaaiXeia, the power and king dom of God, has respect to his moral reign. Now is secured, by the casting down of Satan, that supremacy which God is to exercise through the Messiah ; and of course the i^ovaia of Christ as Messiah, is^at the same time made secure. The words of the voice in heaven are to be regarded mainly as anticipative of victory in respect to the future, grounded on a reminiscence of victory with regard to the past. 0 xazrjycoq is a further explanation of b dtdBoXog in v. 9. In the light of such an accuser did the ancient Jews regard Satan ; see Job i. ii. Zech. 3: 1, 2. 1 Chron. 21: 1. Here the crime of the accuser is augmented by the charge, that he exercises his malignity rjuiqag. xca vvxzbg = ttb^bl dii , i. e. incessantly, without intermission. The writer has here chosen a Hebrew mode of expressing his idea. As to the form of the word xazrjycoq, it is plainly an abridgment of xazrjyooos (the usual word), hke didxcov from didxovog. The Rabbins have the same' form, viz., Tisiajj. See Buxt. Lex. Chald. on this word. AdeXcpcov rjpcov, our brethren. This implies, that the speakers on this occasion are some of the redeemed, probably the twenty -four elders. —r-Kazrjyoqcbv avzcbv, accusing them, viz. our brethren. If the reader has any difficulty as to the manner in which Satan does this, he may be referred to Job. i. ii. for the Hebrew mode of concep tion. Doubtless the manner here is merely Jewish costume, i. e. a pe culiar Jewish mode of presenting the idea, that Satan maligns and ac cuses or slanders the pious, in order that he may in some way do them an injury. The book of Job represents him as appearing in heaven, among the sons of God, in order to prosecute his evil design. John does not expressly say this ; yet ivconiov zov deov seems of course to imply it. But doubtless the modus of representation, which is Jewish, is to be attributed to the peculiar machinery of the piece ; and at least the idea of diabolic malignity is thus strikingly presented to the mind. WOMAN CLOTHED WITH THE SUN! CHAP. XII. 11. 259 (11) And they overcame him by the blood of the Lamb, and by the word of their testimony; and they loved not their life, even unto death. Avzoi ivlxrjaav, viz. they the martyrs, who are now in heaven ; for the latter part of the verse shows, that their death had already taken place. — Aid zb aipa . . . did zbv Xbyov, by the blood . . . by the word. This seems to be the plain and even necessary sense of did here with the Accusative ; and if so, then it marks the same relation, in such a position, as when it stands before the Genitive. That did with the Accusative does, not unfrequently, mark the means by which anything is accomplished, is certain; see Winer's Gramm. § 53. c, and also Kiihner's Gramm. § 605. II. 3. b, where are examples from the clas sics. So John 6: 57, xaycb Xp> did zbv naziqa; comp. Rev. 4: 11. Winer indeed denies that did is employed in such a sense in Rev. 12: 11 (ubi sup.) ; but he does not give us any better view of the subject in the room of this. I cannot well avoid the conclusion here, that dia in the present case stands before nouns in the Accusative which desig nate the means by which the victory was obtained. The sense is alto gether appropriate for Christian martyrs. The blood of the Lamb cleanses from all sin ; and so the wiles of Sa tan to ensnare and ruin souls, are defeated by it. The word of their testimony, i. e. the word which they have testified when moved by his Spirit, is " a lamp to the feet and a light to the path." It was by the word of truth that they were begotten again, and became sons of God; it is this word which instructs them as to duty, and warns them as to the wiles of Satan. Comp. Rev: 1: 2, 5, 6. 5: 9, 12. 7: 14. It is then the atoning blood of Christ, and the power of his truth as applied to the hearts of men by the Spirit whom Christ sends, that Christians are enabled to triumph over the wiles and malice of Satan, even when he succeeds in causing them to be persecuted unto death. Ovx rjydnrjaav . . . davdzov, they did not love their temporal or pres ent life, so as to prefer it to suffering for the cause of Christ. They consented even to die, rather than relinquish their profession and their fidelity. In other words : ' So little did they value their present life, that they preferred death to apostasy.' ^Vvyfj often means natural life. So in Matt. 10: 39, " He that findeth his life shall lose it ; and he that loseth his life for my sake, shall find it ;'' i. e, he that preserves his natural life by apostatizing from me, shall lose his life in another sense, i. e. his future happiness ; but he that loseth his natural life on my ac count, shall find another life, shall attain to the blessedness of the world to come. See Luke 17: 33. John 12: 25, where the same sentiment is repeated. These passages make the one before us very clear, viz. ' They renounced the love of life, even to such an extent as to undergo death itself.' 260 WOMAN CLOTHED WITH THE SUN : CHAP. XII. 12, 13. The general import of the triumphal song is, that notwithstanding all the efforts of Satan to destroy the Saviour and his disciples, the cause of truth had triumphed ; for even the martyrs who had fallen in the contest, had still achieved a glorious victory. This prepares us for the expressions of triumph in the sequel. (12) Because of this, rejoice ye heavens, and ye who dwell therein ! Wo to the earth and sea ! For the devil hath come down to you, having great indigna tion, knowing that his time is short. The inhabitants of the heavenly world are called upon to rejoice, because of the victories achieved by the Messiah and his faithful follow ers. Ol axrjvovvzeg, comp. 7: 15. 13: 6. 21: 3. — Ovai x. z. X, is not to be construed as wishing woe, but as predicting it, on account of the disappointment and rage of Satan. — Trj xai daXdaarj, i. e. the earth and the sea coasts with the islands, comprising all the habitable part of the world = olxovpivrj. — Kaze'Brj in sense kindred to iBXrjdrj in vs. 9, 13 ; but xaze'Bij marks merely the fact of descent, not the manner of it by force, like iBXrjdij. Eldcbg ozi bXlyov xaiqbv eyei. The meaning is, that from the defeat which he has just experienced, Satan augurs his future subjugation ; and he augurs that it will soon come, because the Messianic reign has now fairly commenced. Comp. v. 14. 10: 6. 11: 15 — 18. 13: 5. Most of these passages refer, indeed, to the triumph of the church over the persecuting Jewish power. But it is apposite here to refer to them ; for Satan, in this sketch of regressive action, is represented as specially concerned with the church in Judea, where Christianity had its origin. (13) And when the dragon saw that he was cast down to the earth, he perse cuted the woman who bore the man-child. Here is resumed what was simply touched upon in v. 6 above. The sketch in this passage brings us down to the period, when the Romish persecution commenced. In the connection in which this stands, viz. as consequent on the ascension and glorification of the Saviour, it seems obvious, that the church is here personified by the woman who now be comes the object of Satan's rage. How well this agrees with facta, need not be insisted on, inasmuch as every reader of the N. Testament is familiar with these facts. Withal, nothing can be more natural, than that Satan, when disappointed in his persecution of the Saviour, should turn his rage upon his disciples. The church, which as to its external form was Jewish at the birth of the Saviour, has now, after his ascen sion, adopted the form of Christianity. WOMAN CLOTHED WITH THE SUN : CHAP. XH. 14. 261 (14) And two wings' of the great eagle were given to the woman, that she might fly to the desert — to her place, (where she is nourished for a time and times and half a time), from the face of the serpent. Avo nteqvyeg tov dezov zov peyaXov, not the two wings of the great eagle, but two wings of, etc., i. e. two wings like those of the great eagle ; see Winer, § 18. 2. This means that they were strong, expansive, and of course adapted to rapid flight. The article before dezov is indispen sable for the special purpose of the writer, who means to designate the idea of the strongest and most rapid wings. As to the image itself, the prototype is in Ex. 19: 4, where God says of Israel, whom he had brought out of Egypt into the wilderness : " I bare you on eagles' wings, and brought you unto myself," i. e. to a place where/ they might be devoted to his service. So David fled to the wilderness for safety, 1 Sam. 23: 14, 15. So Elijah fled to the wilderness for a refuge from the persecution of Jezebel, 1 Kings 19: 4 seq. These and the like cases make plain the object of the writer in the passage before us. The simple idea divested of trope is, that the church found a refuge which God had provided for her. Elg zbv zbnov avzrjg, i. e. to a place which God had appointed or provided for her.— "Onov zqicpezai ixet, see on bnov . . . ixei under v. 6 above. — Tqecpezai indicates, by its having no agent expressed, that it is God who provides the requisite nourishment or support for her. There is doubtless an allusion in this to the manner in which Elijah was fed by the ravens, 1 Kings 17: 3 — 6. Is it not plain, that in this whole representation the writer has ex pressed, although in a different form, what is said by the Saviour in Matt. 24: 16 seq. ? So plain does this seem to my own mind, that I cannot well entertain any serious doubt respecting it. Kaiqbv xai xaiqoig xal rjpiav xaiqov, exactly the yvs ibai "pWS yjV of Dan. 7: 25, and its equivalent in Dan. 12: 7. It is the same also as the 42 months and 1260 days, in Rev. 11: 2, 3. In 11: 2, 3, moreover, and in the sequel, is given a graphic view of the persecution of the church in Judea, during the time of its invasion by the Romans. As the writer is now dwelling upon the past, it cannot well be doubted that he alludes here to the same period of time. Nor is there any real in consistency between the two representations. In chap. xi. it is the wit nesses, i. e. the teachers of Christianity, who are persecuted and slain. The mass of Christians, in the meantime, might have been, and facts show that they were, withdrawing to the wilderness beyond the Jordan. It has always been the aim of persecutors of the church, to destroy disr tinguished teachers first of all. So in the case under consideration. o While Satan was raging against the church, the great body of Chris tians fled from the country, according to the command of the Saviour, 262 WOMAN CLOTHED WITH THE SUN : CHAP. XII. 15. in Matt. 24: 14 seq. Some faithful teachers remained, as it would seem, and persevered in their work. These became martyrs ; the rest " were nourished by God in the wilderness, whither they had fled." In re spect to the time, times and half a time, I remit the reader to what is said on 11: 2, 3, and to the references there given. When the whole is viewed in this light, it seems to be altogether con gruous, and entirely accordant with the purpose of the writer. In re gard to the multiplied conjectures on the subject of the times here men tioned, it is enough to say, that the prototype in Dan. 7: 25. 12: 7, plainly refers to the desolations caused by Antiochus Epiphanes ; and since these lasted only 3i years, so the time here specified must be about the same period, or at any rate a moderate period of time. Ac cordingly, it was a matter of fact, that the Jewish war actually contin ued but a little longer than this period. Why should we reject, then, an interpretation which seems so plainly to be grounded on facts and on the nature of the case ? Anb nqoacbnov zov bcpecog is to be joined with nerrjzai x. z. X, flee into the wilderness . . . from the face, i. e. from the presence, of the serpent. (15) And the serpent cast from his mouth, after the woman, water like a river, that he might cause her to be carried away by the flood. The imagery here is peculiar. Some serpents are said to eject from their mouths poisonous bile, when they are enraged, in order to annoy their enemy ; but the image of vomiting forth a flood of water is unique, and invented, as it would seem, for the occasion. Or is it taken from the spouting forth of large masses of water by some of the sea-monsters ? The flight of the woman on wings such as the great eagle possesses, is conceived of as being more rapid than the pursuit of the serpent or dragon ; who, perceiving that he cannot overtake her, spouts forth a flood, in the hope that it may reach and arrest her. As the writer has, in this whole representation, travelled out of the bounds of nature into those of imagination, (and in the like way with respect to the locusts and the army of horsemen from the Euphrates, chap, ix.), so we need not take offence at the imagery which he employs. The woman and the dragon in the higher atmosphere ; the battle in the same region be tween Michael with his hosts and the dragon with his ; these, and seve ral other things, are praeternatural. And so here. Quoddam immane, prodigiosum, is admissible in the case of Satan, and we are prepared to expect it ; accordingly we find it in the text before us. Ilozauocpbqrjzov, a rare word in the classics, but a very expressive one. Immersed in the flood and borne away by it, is the compound idea which it conveys ; and its import is not even limited to this, for the ad junct idea of destruction or drowning is of course attached to it. WOMAN CLOTHED WITH THE SUN: ChAP. XII. 16, 17. 263 (16) And the earth helped the woman; yea, the earth opened its mouth, and drank up the flood which the dragon cast forth from his mouth. As the danger in this case had become urgent by an extraordinary and unlooked for manifestation of the power of the dragon, so the reme dy must be a speedy and adequate one on the part of him who gave wings to the fugitive and persecuted woman, and had provided a place for her. A deep chasm is suddenly made in the ground over which the flood was passing, and it is swallowed up and becomes harmless. Chasms 'in the earth are not in themselves considered a novel thing, being often made by earthquakes. But the time and manner in which they are made in the present case, are of course to be looked upon as extraordi nary. The meaning of the whole seems plainly to be, that in circum stances of most threatening danger, God interposed in behalf of the church, and saved it from destruction. Nor is it improbable, that John had in his mind some extraordinary machinations of the persecuting Jews, about the time when the witnesses were giving their testimony, which was signally and unexpectedly defeated, as to the great body of Christians. Nor is it incongruous to suppose, that the civil and mili tary power of the Romans, bearing down with great force upon the Jews at this period, and obliging them to seek their own personal safety, instead of pursuing schemes of vengeance upon Christians, is symbolized here by the eariKs helping the woman. At least, all is easy and natural when interpreted in this way. (17) And the dragon was enraged at the woman, and went away to make war with the remainder of her seed, who keep the commandments of God, and hold fast the testimony of Jesus. In the preceding context we have seen, that when the dragon under took to pursue the ascending Saviour and was thwarted, he turned his rage against his followers, viz. the church in Judea. In the present case he is thwarted again, and therefore turns his rage, as before, against the Christians in foreign countries, hoping still for success abroad in his warfare against them. All seems to be easy and natural when thus ex plained. Those whom he had just been persecuting in Judea, were the seed of the woman, but not all of her seed. Hence the other Christians are called zcov Xomibv zov aneqpazog avzrjg. Figurative language hke the present is very common in the 0. Testament. Zion, the daughter of Zion, etc., is everywhere in the prophets represented as the mother of the Jewish church, and as having many children ; comp. Is. 60: 4. 66: 10—13. 54: 1. 49: 22. Gal. 4: 26, 27. See also Gal. 3: 7. Rom. 4: 16, 17. All anxious discussion here, however, whether zcov Xomcov means simply Jewish or Gentile Christians, may be superseded as un important. The simple facts are, that Christians had been for some 264 INTRODUCTION TO CHAP. XHT. thirty years persecuted in Judea, and that afterwards a new persecution of them elsewhere broke out under Nero, through the influence of Sa tan; and to this the writer appears plainly to allude in the text before us. Trjqovvzcov zag ivzoXdg characterizes true Christians ; see "on Rev. 1: 3. 'Evbvzcov zrjv paqzvqiav designates the firmness and steadfastness of martyrs. It was usual for heathen tribunals first to call on Christians, when apprehended, to renounce their Christianity, and denounce the Saviour. Those who refused to do so, were said exeiv zrjv paqzvqiav 'Irjaov, i. e. to hold fast the testimony of Jesus, or to abide faithful to the doctrines which they had professed. Such were the persons whom the dragon determined to persecute. The germ of the second catastrophe appears to lie in this closing de claration. It is that persecution which the dragon now determines to excite, which the writer is going to develop. Jerusalem and Palestine are no longer the theatre of his vision. He transfers us to the city of Rome, the metropolis of the whole empire. There the Caesars swayed the sceptre of the world ; and bloody persecution, commenced in that city, would bid fair to exterminate the Christian religion. No wonder, then, that we find the dragon intent upon exciting such a persecution, and endeavouring to unite both the civil and religious powers of the heathen world against the disciples of Christ. INTRODUCTION TO CHAP. XIII. Such is the preparation for, or proem to, the second great catastrophe which the Apocalypse discloses to our view. We have already seen what discrepancy, and yet how much of concord, there is between both the plan and the execution of the first and second catastrophes of this august dra ma. The writer has exhibited in a remarkable way his power of inven tion, in making the plan of these acts so replete with variety, while he still preserves all that is necessary to a general unity and a regular devel opment of the whole design. Persecutions by the Jews had been carried on so long, that they were everywhere known, and needed not to be par ticularly described. Hence the writer introduces them (chap, vi.) as being familiar to the mind of his readers ; and he follows the subject thus intro duced, until he brings it to a close. But at the time when the author wrote, Jewish persecutions were not the only persecutions that existed. Nero had recently kindled the fires which were consuming the church ; and this he did with such unrelenting fury, that it seemed to be necessary to assign some special cause which should be adequate to account for such an atro city. With great skill has the writer managed this part of his plan. He has scarcely alluded to Satan in developing the first catastrophe. Once or twice only does he introduce him, viz., in connection with the death of the INTRODUCTION TO CHAP. XIH. 265 two witnesses, 11: 7, and perhaps as the leader of the locusts, 9: 11. We cannot well suppose, however, that the writer refrained from introducing Satanic agency into the-first act, (if I may so speak), because he did not be lieve it had any place in the persecutions by the Jews. The Saviour had often accused them of being instigated by the devil, John 8: 37, 38, 44. Luke 22: 53. If we ask, then, why the author of the Apocalypse did not introduce Satanic agency into the first part of his plan, we may answer that he purposely reserved the introduction of this for the second part, either on account of variety, or for the sake of climax, or perhaps for both these reasons. The plot thickens as we go on, and becomes more intense ly interesting, in proportion as more actors are introduced and the battle ground becomes a wider field. The book of Daniel (chap, vii — ix.) is particularly the model of the sec ond part, in regard to the nature of the imagery employed. In Daniel, wild beasts of great power and ferocity are introduced as the symbols of kingdoms distinguished by their aggressive military forces. So here, the beast which rises out of the sea (13: 1), is a symbol of the Roman impe rial and persecuting power; the beast which rises out of the earth (13: ll), is an emblem of the domination and persecution of the pagan priesthood or religious power ; and these two united, with Satan at their head, use all their efforts to crush the church, wherever and whenever they can attack it. Such are the formidable enemies with which Christianity has to con tend. The manner in which the writer presents the controversy, or, in other words, the economy of the book in regard to the second great con test and catastrophe, as well as the nature of the imagery employed, have already been set before the reader in Vol. I. § 10, p. 185 seq., and need not to be repeated here. It is proper however to say, that the commentary in the sequel is based upon the economy as there developed ; and in order that it should be understood fully, some good degree of familiarity with that economy is quite necessary. One point of the highest importance, as it respects the plan and design of this second part of the Epopee before U3, is the question : Whether pagan or Christian Rome is the great object in view. Which of these is the power ful and dangerous enemy to be overcome ? This is, and has long been, the great arena or battle-ground of interpreters. My views in respect to this have already for substance been given in the Introduction, § 9, § 10, and par ticularly in § 12, § 13. I do not wish to repeat here what has there been said, in a variety of ways, and in relation to different objects. I will merely say, that as my main design is not a polemic one, 1 3hall not enter at length into a discussion, the object of which would be to bring into view every minute particular. Only in the most summary manner do I design to lay before the reader here, in the first place, a brief sketch of the history of opinions among interpreters ancient and modern, in regard to what is sym bolized by the beast which rises from the sea, and acts so conspicuous a part in the second portion of the Apocalypse. As everything in respect to the interpretations of the second part of the Apocalypse depends on set tling this question, it becomes a matter of interest to know what others have thought and said in respect to it. In the second place, I shall, in the like summary manner, state my leading reasons for the views of interpreta tion which I feel compelled to adopt. The reader will then be in posses sion of material for making up his own judgment upon this matter. VOL. II. 24 266 INTRODUCTION TO CHAP. XHI. Our historic sketch must occupy but a moderate space. Purposely I touch only upon some of its leading features. Victorious Petavionensis (f 303), if we may trust to the Commentary still extant under his name, (Bib. Max. Vol. HI. p. 414 seq.), confounds the sev en trumpets of the first catastrophe with the seven vials of the second, (probably because of their similarity), and makes all relate to Antichrist, of whom he seems, for the most part, to form but a very indefinite and un certain idea. " Whatever," says he, " is briefly said in respect to trumpets, is here fully said in respect to the vials. The order we are not to regard ; for when the Holy Spirit sometimes hastens on to the end of time, he then goes back again to preceding periods, and supplies what is wanting. Order is not to be required in the Apocalypse, but intelligence," p. 419. D. Still he takes Babylon to mean Rome with its seven hills ; and in connection with this, he appears, in commenting on Rev. xvii, to regard Nero as Anti christ. ' But Nero,' (so he supposes, according to the popular tradition of the day), ' will be raised from the dead, appear again at Rome, persecute the church once more, and finally be destroyed by the Messiah, coming in his glory and being accompanied by the prophet Elijah.' Hints of opinions not unlike to these, are also found in Hippolytus Be Antichristo, and in many of the ancient Christian fathers ; as we shall elsewhere see. Andreas, bishop of Cesarea in Cappadocia, (fL ad fin. Cent. V.), also re garded the beast which comes up from the sea as a symbol of Antichrist ; and in the same way, as he testifies (Comm. 13: 1 and 13: 11), was it re garded by Methodius, Hippolytus, and other ancient writers. Andreas sup poses the dragon to mean Satan ; and the beast from the land, with two horns, to mean the false prophet who was to accompany Antichrist. The Babylon of chap, xiv — xvi, as he once suggests (on Rev. 16: 19), is Jem- salem. But in his Comm. on Rev. xvii — xix, abit in omnia alia. The beast in 17: 8, as he avers, is the devil; but in 17: 11 he is Antichrist. Babylon is now Jerusalem ; then Babylon proper in the East ; and, at another time, a general symbol of all persecuting cities. Nothing can exceed the con fusion of his views, inasmuch as there is — according to him — an utter des titution of anything like a regular plan in the composition of the Apoca lypse. Arethas, a successor of Andreas in his bishopric, (fl. init. Cent VI), fol lows mostly in the steps of his predecessor. The beast from the sea is Antichrist ; that from the land is his precursor (Comm. on chap, xiii.); Babylon now means the whole corrupt world, (on 14: 8); then it may be the literal Babylon with a secondary symbolical meaning, (ib) ; or finally, (Comm. on 16: 19), Constantinople! The seven heads (on 17: 9, 10) are seven monarchies, Ninive, Babylon, etc. The confusion of thought and in terpretation is, in the main, of the same general character with that of An dreas. Such are the specimens of very ancient interpretation, in respect to that portion of the Apocalypse which is before us. I may now briefly advert to some specimens of modern exegesis in regard to this difficult part pf the Revelation. Vitringa says, that the interpreters of his day, and those who had for some length of time preceded them, might be divided into two great clas ses, viz. those who maintained that heathen Rome is meant, and those who asserted that papal antichristian Rome is the object of the prophecy ; Comm. INTRODUCTION TO CHAP. XIH 267 p. 570 seq. For heathen Rome were Alcassar and (with some peculiari ties) Bossuet, leading Roman Catholic interpreters, who have been followed by most ef the Romanists ; and with these, in regard to the main point, Grotius and some other of the older and distinguished Protestant commen tators have agreed. But Paraeus, Mede, Vitringa himself, Bengel, and after these the great body of protestant interpreters, specially in England, have found principally symbols of the papal antichristian Rome, in the second part of the Revelation. Thus this part of the book has been, for a long time, the arena of animated contest between the papal and protestant parties. Great diversities, indeed, as to the speeial application of various passages in Rev. xii— xix, have existed among individuals of both parties who fought under the same common standard ; but a somewhat general line of separa tion has been drawn between the Protestants and the Romanists, by the application of chap, xiii — xix, on the part of Protestants, to modern papal Rome, and by the Romanists, to ancient heathen Rome. At present, I will further remark only, that most of the commentators, both Catholics and Protestants, taking it for granted that John wrote the Apocalypse in the time of Domitian, have found of course the facts, (sup posed to correspond to the predictions which are comprised in the second part of his> work), in the history of Rome, either civil or ecclesiastical, sub sequent to the time of Domitian, according to the theory which they em braced. Thus much for the historic view. I come, secondly, to the leading gene ral reasons for believing that pagan and persecuting Rome is the main enemy originally aimed at by the second part of the Apocalypse. In giving these I must be brief I trust mainly to the developments made in the commen tary on chap, xiii — xix, for the vindication of my exegesis, and the satis faction of the reader. (1) The apparent object and tenor of the book plainly point us to this. Pre sent evils, present persecutions and dangers, called forth the book. It must be appropriate to the exigencies which called it forth. Chap, vi — xi, as we have seen, are plainly of this tenor. Why may we not expect analogy to this in the second part of John's work? What reason can be given, why John, living in the midst of the Neronic persecution, and writing a book whose main object was to comfort and encourage the persecuted, should have disregarded all the present wants and woes of the church, and looked forward only to distant future ages, and expended his strength upon en deavours to gratify curiosity by lifting up the veil which then hid them from the view of the church? I will not go so far as to aver, that no good could be expected from this ; but we may safely conclude, that as the then present exigencies and distresses called forth the first part of his book, so they also did the second. I do not apprehend, that any portion of prophecy in the Old Testament or the New can be found, where the mere gratification of curiosity to pry into" the distant future, is the direct or principal object of the writer. Something that pertains to encouragement or admonition, is always the object of the prophets. They were preachers, not mere sooth sayers or diviners. In a word, Christians ready to despond, or tempted to apostatize, were to be quickened and confirmed and comforted ; why then should John pass by all the horrors of their pressing calamities, and merely tell what would happen to the church more than a thousand years after they were dead ? The question, put in this shape, can hardly fail of a uni- 268 INTRODUCTION TO CHAP. XIII. form answer on the part of every considerate mind, which is Unembarrassed by previous views in favour of some particular system of interpretation. But I will not repeat what has elsewhere been said. I merely refer, once more, to § 9, § 12, § 13, 6f the Introduction, for more ample discus sion. (2) To regard the second portion of the Apocalypse as descriptive of the pa pal hierarchy, in its primary and original design, would be against the general tenor of prophecy in the Old Testament and the New in respect to distant future ages. All prophecies of this nature are elsewhere merely generic. Let the reader go back to §2 of the Introduction, and peruse the sketch of the Mes sianic kingdom there developed. Let him peruse all the predictions of the distant future conversion of the Jews and Gentiles. Let him read Rev. xx and onward, respecting the distant future of the church. All — all — is generic only. Why then should we depart from this analogy, and suppose a circumstantial histoiy of the papacy to be comprised in Rev. xiii — xix. ? Above all, why should we suppose this, When such a histoiy is apparently inapposite to the writer's design, and could not answer the main end which he is striving to accomplish? (3) The characteristics of the beast and false prophet are such as constrain us to apply them to heathen and idolatrous worship, and not to degene rate Christianity. Let the reader attentively consider Rev. 13: 5, 6, 12—17. If the beasi from the sea means the pope, then who is the false prophet or second beast which comes from the land ? Is it not plain, that the first is a civil power, and the second a religious one ? But when was the civil power of the pope ever such as is here attributed to the beast from the sea ? It can only be made such constructively ; and then, only after a long series of popes had risen up and disappeared. But in the Apocalypse of John, the whole extent of the power of the first beast exists antecedently to the appearance of the second beast. It is only by a forced construction, therefore, that we can make out popery to be idolatry in the shape devel oped in Rev. xiii. Idolatry, in a qualified sense, I cannot doubt that a part of it indeed is. But the characters before us are no half-way idolaters. I know of no stronger description of idol-worship, of lying miracles in sup port of it, or of blasphemous assumptions and exhibitions sueh as the Ro man emperors and priests made, than are here given of the beast and false prophet. To apply all these merely to popery, is at least a strained con struction of the text, and must almost with certainty leave doubts ill the minds of an unprejudiced and impartial inquirer. (4) The explanations given by the author himself, in chap, xvii, seems to settle this question almost beyond the reach of any well-grounded doubts. It cannot be denied, that the object of the writer, in this chapter, is to lead his read ers to a knowledge of what is designated by the beast which rises out of the sea. The meaning indicated by the symbol of the second beast, he seems to consider as being too obvious to need explanation. In fact it is definitely explained when this beast is named false prophet, Rev. 16: 13. 19: 20. 20: 10. J f f ' In chap. 17: 9, 10, he tells us that the seven heads of the beast symbolize seven kings. 'Of these five have already fallen ; one now reigns, and the seventh which is to come, will reign but a short time.' Now how could five popes have already fallen at Rome, and the sixth be near the close of INTRODUCTION TO CHAP. XTTT. 269 his time at the period when John wrote, i. e. about A. D. 68 ? The efforts of Vitringa and others to apply this to the five forms of Roman govern ment, viz. Kings, Consuls, Decemviri, military Tribunes, and Dictators, which had fallen before the time of John (Comm. p. 771 seq.), are altogether unsatisfactory. In fact, no tolerable solution of the words remain, if we apply them to popes. Nothing but absolute violence can make such an application. Equally unsatisfactory is the application of the ten horns to the papal establishment. Everything degenerates, in this way, into mere fancy and conjecture. Nothing but the tributary, dependent, and subordinate pro vinces of the Roman empire, when at the height of its strength, and en gaged in persecution, will answer in a tolerable manner to the language employed in Rev. 17: 12 — 17. Are not, then, the circumstances of the times, the general tenor of prophecy, the characteristics of the beast and false prophet, and the ex planations directly made by the writer of his own meaning, a sufficient clue to the interpretation ? If they are not, it would be difficult to say, what the writer could have done which would be sufficient for such a purpose. > Finally, what other probable account, now, can be given of the length of the second part of the Apocalypse, unless it be, that present evils, or such as were at least very near at hand, were thrusting themselves upon the writer's view in such a manner that he must needs dwell upon them ? Had Popery, as such, been the immediate object of his revelations, we might well expect he would have touched upon it with the same brevity that he has upon the Millennium, and the invasion by Gog and Magog. That he has not done so, is evidence that he had present and urgent evils more immediately in view. These are my leading reasons for rejecting such a theory of exegesis, in respect to chap, xiii — xix, as has been followed by the mass of Protestant interpreters. I fully believe that popery is a gross corruption of Christiani ty, and that it will fall before the light of truth and reason ; yet I do not think it to be the direct and original object in view by the writer of Rev. xiii— xix. But still, I apprehend that this, and all else that opposes Chris tianity, is virtually comprised in the Apocalypse. I do not think it was the definite purpose of the Apocalyptist that his book should be considered, in respect to its general tenor and meaning, as limited merely and only to the objects or occurrences which called it forth. The maxim : Ex uno disce omnia, is one which I should, in a qualified way, apply here with un hesitating confidence. The same Saviour, who has done so much for his church, and promised so much to it in ancient times, will not surely forsake it in later ones. What he did in the early centuries, will find a nXrjowcrig in later ones. So often as enemies of its best interests and persecutors rise up, be they who they may, they will share the fate of those who have gone before them. The gates of hell will not — cannot — prevail against the church. - The doom of all persecutors is inscribed on the face of the Apoca lypse. The n-iumph of the church is written in characters equally legible. " Let him that readeth, understand." There is no time, no age, no heresy, no defection, no superstition, no malignant design, no active persecution, from Papists, Protestants, infidels, heathen, or others, either open or con cealed, which is injurious to Christianity, but its doom (indirectly indeed 270 KCONOMY of Chap. XHI. but certainly) is predicted and sealed in the Apocalypse. I consider the predictions here, in a certain sense as a model or prototype of all that is to befall the church, and that the issue and final end of all that opposes or,, injures true Christianity, may be found here. The book is indeed a lucid commentary on the sublime sentiment of Paul : AU things shall work togeth er for good, to those who love God. In the same way we interpret the precepts and doctrines contained in the N. Testament. They were originally called forth by particular exigen cies ; but when onee presented before the world, they are of efficacy for all times, and for all circumstances of the like character. What Paul said to the Corinthian Christians, for example, belongs to the church in all ages and places, so far as circumstances are the same. Of this great prin ciple we make no serious question. And if so, why should it not be as readily admitted in respect to the Apocalypse ? Is it not as important, that God should protect his church at one time, as at another ? The motives which would lead him to do it in early ages, must lead him always to do it Above all must this appeal- to be certain, when we look at the prom ises with which the Scriptures are filled, respecting the ultimate extent and glory of the church. In such a sense, then, as that disclosed above, is every enemy to the church, whether Protestant, Papist, heathen, or infidel, spoken of in the Apocalypse. But this should have, and can have, no influence in the ex planation of what was its first original and immediate meaning and design. My object, as an interpreter of the book, is principally to come at this. When this is once fairly understood, deductions from it of a practical na ture, and of such a kind as I have now hinted, are easy and obvious, and may be made by every pious and well disciplined mind. ECONOMY OF CHAP. XHI. The great enemy of the church, who had persecuted it from the first, who had excited Herod to the infant-massacre at Bethlehem, had tempted the Saviour in the wilderness, had moved Judas lscariot to betray him, and the Jews with Pon tius Pilate and the Roman soldiers to crucify him, who had excited fierce and long continued persecutions in Judea, and after all had failed to crush the rising empire of the Prince of peace, has now been introduced upon the stage of future action, bitterly enraged by his repeated disappointments, and determined to begin anew, and in another quarter, hi3 efforts to crush and to destroy. A more formi dable contest, therefore, is to be expected, and the object of the chapter before us is to present a view of the allies with whom Satan forms a league in order to carry into execution his mischievous design. By striking symbols, indicative of might, of cruelty, of impiety, of craftiness and grievous oppression, the civil and sacerdotal powers of the Roman empire, united against Christianity by a deadly hostility, are presented to our view. The first great adversary, who has already been brought upon the stage of action, is spiritual and invisible. He is " the prince of the power of the air." His eon- federates, however, are of terrestrial origin, and live and act in a visible manner among men. And inasmuch as the Roman empire comprised almost the whole economy of Chap. XIII. 271 of the known world, when the Apocalypse was written, to represent its leading civil and sacerdotal power as leagued with Satan against Christianity, is to dis close a most terrific array against the yet feeble and infant church of Christ. The writer spares nothing which may set forth the fearful power, and bitter ness, and craft, and cruelty, of the adversaries to be encountered. The civil power of Rome is a monster emerging from the sea, with seven heads and ten horns. His frontlet exhibits a name which is blasphemous. His body is like that of a panther ; his feet like those of a bear ; his mouth resembles that of a lion. The dragon or Satan gives him all his power, and he claims divine attri butes, and exacts religious homage. Christians, who refuse this homage, are per secuted by him with relentless fury. None but the truly faithful can abide a per secution so fierce; but they, whose names are written in the book of life, refuse to pay him religious homage. Additional force, therefore, seems to be needed for the accomplishment of Sa tan's designs. The emperor of Rome, who was the commander in chief of all its forces, might indeed crush all active or visible opposition to his impious purposes. But a more extensive cooperation was needed, to root out the new religion, which was secretly and silently growing up, and bidding fair to flourish. The super stitious prejudices of the heathen at large must be roused up and excited to vigi lant action, in order that not only the military and executive powers of Rome, but the energy of all its private citizens, might be combined against the religion of Christ. Accordingly, in a vision, a second beast is brought before us. That he may be distinguished from the first, he rises up out of the land (v. 11), unfurnished with the symbols of great force and compulsive power, having horns only like those of a lamb, but speaking like a dragon, i. e. with cunning and craftiness. His aim is to cooperate with the designs of the first beast or civil power, in order to accom plish the intention to make that beast the object of idolatrous worship. By lying wonders and pretended miracles he operates on the minds of the mass of the people, so that they may unite in this worship ; and whoever refuses to do this, is deprived of the common rights of citizens. Thus is presented to the mind of the reader a most formidable combination against Christianity. The fearful question instinctively arises : How can it escape from enemies so powerful, subtle, and malignant as these? No one who attentively peruses the Apocalypse, can fail to remark here, how much of the climactic there is in this second act of the great drama. In the first, persecution is introduced (chap. vi. vii.), without any explicit designation of the source from which it comes. It is only in the sequel that we are plainly taught this, by the designations of those who are to be punished on account of it. But here, the source of persecution is amply indicated ; not indeed in respect to the allies of Satan in a specific manner, at first, but in a generic way. It is a mighty and seemingly irresistible civil power, in combination with a sacerdotal one which operates in a different way, that is presented. Hints or obscure inti mations are indeed intermingled with this description, by which an intelligent reader, conversant with the manner of the O. Testament Scriptures, might easily conjecture who was meant. But a fuller explanation is reserved for a subsequent part of the book. It may not be inapposite to remark, before we proceed to the interpretation of words, that here, as in all other like cases — e. g. in the parables of the N. Testa ment, in the theophanies of the O. Testament, and particularly in the books of Daniel, Ezekiel, and Zechariah — we are not to seek for important significancy in 272 THE FIRST BEAST : CHAP. XII. 18. XIII. 1. every minute trait and individual circumstance which is presented to view. In every finely wrought picture, a great deal is inserted for the sake of verisimili tude, and to give the appearance of congruity and finish to the whole, which is not to be anxiously tortured into a symbol of some important action or occurrence. It is impossible to interpret parabolic and symbolic representations, in a reasona ble manner, without adhering to a principle so just and obvious. And such being the case, we are not to push our inquiries anxiously into the minutiae, in the chapter before us, but to rest satisfied when we have attained to the leading traits and principal design of the author's representation. THE FIRST BEAST: CHAP. XH. 18— XHI. 11. (XII. 18) And 1 stood upon the sand [shore] of the-sea. In the twelfth chapter, the scene of action is the upper regions of the atmosphere, proximate to the middle heaven or welkin apparently ex panded above us. Of course we must suppose the writer to have occu pied a station, during the vision there related, which was appropriate to the purpose of inspection. In chap. 4: 1, he is represented as elevated to the heavenly world, in order that he may see what is going on there. In Hke manner, as lie is now to see objects terrestrial, and actions done among men, he takes his station on earth. But why on the sand or shore of the sea ? Plainly because the beast, which symbolizes the Ro man persecuting power, rises up out of the sea. The station, then, of the seer is altogether appropriate. 'Eazddrj, lit. I was stationed, (for iaznadprrv would mean I placed my self '), upon the sand, etc. The form of expression seems to refer to the action of the Spirit upon the prophet, to whom the disclosure is to be made ; comp. Ezek. 3: 14. 8: 3. He1 was stationed, i. e. in vision, where the disclosure would be most convenient. — It is obvious that the division of chapters is wholly inappropriate here ; for this verse belongs to chap. xiii. (1) And I saw a beast rising out of the sea, having ten horns and seven heads, and upon the horns ten crowns, and on his heads names of blasphemy. The word drjqiov, strictly considered, is a diminutive from drjq ; but in the N. Testament, and even in classical writers, it is often employed in the same sense as drjq. Particularly is it usual in the Apocalypse, as we have before seen, to divest words in -iov of their diminutive sense, e. g. BiBXiov, book, etc. ; Gramm. § 86. c. 3. Note. Qrjq or drjqiov ap propriately means wild beast ; and in the passage before us it might well be rendered monster, for the sequel shows that this drjqiov is such. The custom of representing fierce, cruel, and powerful states, kingdoms or empires, by the symbol of wild beasts, was current among the He brews long before the time of John. Of the case before us, Dan. 7: 2 seq. is evidently the model. But while this may be truly said, yet there is no THE first beast: Chap. XIII. 1. 273 slavish imitation. In Dan. 7: 2 seq., the lion, the bear, the panther, and a fourth animal, to which a name is not given, are the symbols of four successive monarchies or dynasties. In Dan. 8: 3 seq., the ram and the he-goat are also symbols employed in the same way. In like manner in 4 Ezra 11: 1, an eagle with twelve wings and three heads is repre sented as coming out of the sea ; which is a symbol of the Roman em pire. But in the Apocalypse we have only one monster, the symbol of the Romish heathen and persecuting power, who unites in himself seve ral of the distinctive traits of the beasts named in Daniel ; see v. 2. Of course, this falls in exactly with the design of John, whose object here was, to symbolize the power and the cruelty of that empire, or of that emperor who was then persecuting the church. But why from the sea ? Here the model is followed ; for so is the representation in Dan. 7: 2 seq. But there, fierce winds agitate the ocean, and in high commotion it throws upon the land the monsters successively named. Why Daniel should choose this mode of repre senting their origin, can be accounted for in no other way so rationally as by the supposition, that the sea was regarded by the ancients as the appropriate place for the origin of huge and terrible monsters, such as leviathan, the 'pSR, etc. In the case before us, there seems to be a fur ther reason for selecting the sea as the genetic element of the monster. Italy appears to rise out of the sea, like an island, and is in fact a kind of peninsula. Another purpose still the writer appears to have had in his mind. Satan comes from the abyss, or perhaps from the upper re gion of the air ; the second beast (v. 11) comes from the land ; and of course relative concinnity here demanded the sea as the place of origin. In this way the whole earth (sea and land) is pointed out as in combina tion against Christians ; while the prince of the power of the air does all he can to augment their violence. Having ten horns. A well known emblem of power is a horn, in all parts of the Scriptures. We might naturally suppose, at first, that ten horns must mean merely great or excessive power. And such a mean ing this symbol has in Rev. 12: 3, where the dragon, i. e. Satan, is said also to have seven heads and ten horns. So in Rev. 5: 6, to the Lamb is ascribed seven horns and seven eyes, i. e. supreme power and omnis-. cience. But in the book of Daniel, (7: 7, 20, 24), the ten horns assign ed to the fourth beast are the symbols of so many kings (v. 24). In like manner here they are the symbols of kings, (see Rev. 17: 12) ; but of secondary and subordinate ones, such as were the kings tributary or al lied to the Roman empire : o'iziveg BaaiXeiav ovnco eXaBov, dXX' i^ovaiav co g BaaiXeig uiav coqav ).apBdvovai, 17: 12. The seven heads are, it seems, employed in a twofold sense ; i, e. they symbolize either the seven hills on which Rome was built, q. d. the seat vol. n. 35 274 THE FIRST BEAST : CHAP. XIII. 1. of the beast, or else the seven emperors which had been reigning and would reign over the Roman empire ; see Rev. 17: 9, 10. In Rev. 12: 3, the seven heads of Satan mean only his controlling power as the god of this world. But in the present case, the explicit interpretation in 17: 9, 10, prevents our giving to the symbol merely such an interpretation. The diadems or crowns upon the ten horns seem designed to mark the regal-state of the subordinate kings ; comp. Rev. 17: 12, 18, where both their regal-state and also their subordination are explicitly de clared. And on his heads the names of blasphemy. Some Codices read ovopa (sing.) here, which Ewald prefers ; but the idea of the author seems to be that each head bore a frontlet, on which was inscribed a title, i. e. an honorary name for the emperors, that was blasphemous, q. d. a name which derogated from the honour and glory of the true God. The source of the imagery here is probably to be sought for in the custom of persons, who held distinguished offices, having some engraved name, significant of office, rank, or duty, upon the frontlets of their mi tres or diadems. In the Apocalypse the promise is repeatedly made, that faithful Christians shall be made kings and priests to God ; and in Rev. 2: 17 is a promise that they shall have a diadem on which shall be engraved the bvopa dcpcavrjzov of Jehovah and the Redeemer, i. e. they shall be furnished with a diadem such as kings and priests are wont to wear. If such a custom cannot be shown to have existed among the Roman emperors, it is at least certain that their statues had in scriptions on them, which gave appellations to the emperors that belong only to God.* * An acquaintance with Roman history, will enable any one to understand why the writer speaks of the inscriptions on the heads of the beast as blasphemous. The fact that divine honours were paid to the Roman emperors, and specially af ter their death, is amply vouched for by history. Thus a temple and divine honours were decreed to Julius Caesar, by the Triumviri, Dio, 47. 18 (p. 337, edit. Leunclav.) ; which were confirmed bj Augustus, Dio, 51. 20 (p. 459). Augustus himself permitted temples to be erected to Roma (as a goddess), and to his father, at Ephesus and Nice ; to other Asiatic provinces he permitted the erection of temples to himself, in which divine honours were to be rendered him by the Romans who sojourned there. This was afterwards done, in honour of reigning emperors, not only in Grecian Asia, but in all the foreign provinces of the Roman empire. In Rome and Italy proper temples were not in early times permitted to be erected to emperors ; but all divine honours were paid them, par ticularly after their death; Dio, ed. Leunclavif, p. 458. We find Virgil naming and worshipping Augustus as a god; Ec. I. 6 — 8. In the like way Horace, Ep. II. 1. 16; also Ovid, Fast. 1. 13. At Rome, after the death, of Augustus, the senate decreed him a temple ; and the like was done in many of the foreign pro vinces; Dio, p. 600. Caligula, in spite of usage to the contrary, ordered a tem ple to be built for himself at Rome, and sacred rites to be performed to him as to THE FIRST beast : Chap. XIU. 2. 275 (2) And the beast which I saw was like to a panther, and his feet as a bear's, and his mouth as a lion's mouth. And the dragon gave to him his power, and his throne, and great authority. All the ferocious and powerful beasts which Daniel (7: 3 seq.) has successively brought upon the scene of action, as the representatives of a god; Dio, p. 643. Of the adulation and worship offered by senators and people to Nero, and accepted, the following is a fair specimen. Nero is returning from abroad, and he enters the city in a triumphal chariot, because he had been con queror in the public games of Greece. Dio relates the words of the universal shout with which he was received: "Victories Olympic! Victories Pythian ! Thou august, august ! To Nero, the Hercules ! To Nero, the Apollo i The only conqueror in the games of the Circus ! Eig an altiivos, i. e. the eternal One! Thou august, august ! Sacred voice ! Happy those who hear thee !" Dio him self apologizes for relating such words, lest they.may be deemed a disgrace to his history ; p. 724. See also the like view of Nero's claims and honours, in As cens. Is. ch. iv. Introd. p. 42. It may not be improper to add, that on the leading standards of the Roman ar my, the likeness (sixmv) of the reigning emperor was painted; and that the Ro man soldiery were taught to regard this as the symbol of their tutelary god, who was present with them and would aid and protect them; see Modestius, De rei milit. Vocab. Thus Suetonius (Tib. 48) speaks of Tiberius as rewarding some Syrian legions, because they had not displayed the image of his rival, Sejanus, on their standards, and had not worshipped it, (non coluissent). Artabanus, king of the Parthians, who had been inimical to Tiberius, became reconciled to Caligula, and passing the Euphrates adored (adoravit) the Roman standards bearing the image of the Caesars; Suet. Calig. 14. When Pontius Pilate undertook to hoist the standard of Tiberius in the city of Jerusalem, knowing the obligation that WCUld follow to pay homage to it, the Jews one and all- remonstrated and offered their necks to the swords of his soldiers rather than submit to the erection of the standard ; Joseph. Bell. Jud. II. 9. 2, 3. In Antiq. XVIII. 8. 8, 9, Josephus men tions the claims of Caligula to divine honours among the Jews. He also states the claims of the same emperor, at Rome, to divine honours there ; Ib. XIX. 1. 1. Even so late as the time of Constantine, his panegyrist Eumenius could venture to say of him : Ubique vim vestrae divinitatis esse, ubi vultus vestri, ubi signa coluntur; Panegyr. Const. 15. Under the comparatively mild and humane Tra jan, we find Pliny, one of his Praefects, who felt himself obliged to condemn Christians under the then existing laws of Rome, writing to the emperor an ac count of the manner in which he ascertained that an accused person was not a Christian but a heathen. It was simply to ' compel him to call on the gods ; tlren to offer frankincense and a libation of wine to the image of Trajan, accompanied by supplications ; and lastly to utter maledictions against Christ ;' Plinii Epist. 96. Lib. X. In other words; a true heathen was ready to do all this, and did do it, and none but a Christian would refuse to do it. We cannot well suppose that the conditions of escape from the heathen tribunals were milder than these, in the days of the monster Nero. I need only to remark here, that from the character of the people at Ephesus, it is highly probable that the persecution of Christians and deification of Roman emperors were both urged on to great excess, in the time of John. The Ephesians as we have seen above, were among the first of all the provincial citizens in ask- 276 THE FIRST BEAST : CHAP. XIII. 2. different empires, John has here combined in one monster. There ia much of significancy in this. The Roman empire combined in itself all the elements of the terrible and the oppressive, which had existed in the aggregate in the other great empires that preceded it ; its extension too was equal to them all united. Hence the propriety of the composite symbol which unites the symbols of other empires in that of Rome, and thus makes the complex unity of the latter a most significant index of power, and cruelty, and extent of imperial dominion. IlaqddXei does not mean, as in our English version, leopard, but a much more powerful and ravenous beast, viz. the panther ; which latter is the rival, and nearly the equal, of the lion. — "Aqxov is a milder Alexandrine form of the common aqy.zov. The strength of the bear, as to his feet and claws, is a characteristic too well known to need explanation. — 2Vo- pa Xeovzog designates a mouth of great capacity, or rather, one which has a large extent of opening, rictus magnus. In this idea is also to be included the formidable teeth which the lion's mouth exhibits. The three animals, thus combined by the writer, symbolize swiftness and fe rocity in springing upon the prey, tenacity in holding it and dragging it away, and a ravenous appetite for devouring, with extraordinary pow ers adapted to satisfy it ; like to what the Hebrews express by their Endowed with powers and a ferocity such as are implied by the de scription before us, no wonder that Satan, so discerning as to the most sue* cessful methods of doing mischief, should regard this beast as a ready and most efficient and hearty ally. Without scruple or delay he makes him his vicegerent among men, for the purpose of destroying Christian ity. He gives to him, says John, his power, and his throne, and great authority. Avvaptv means strength, robur, ability to accomplish any thing. — Qqbvog means regal power, i. e. civil and military dominion or magistracy. — 'E\ovalav peydXrjv refers to widely extended authority. Satan is elsewhere called the god of this world, 2 Cor. 4: 4. His i%ov ala, therefore, is in a sense universal ; and so the authority of the beast, his vicegerent, becomes universal. What the writer means to say, is, that the power and dominion and authority of the beast were widely extend ed, like those of Satan. The intensity of the expression is manifest at ing leave of Augustus to build temples to [the goddess] Roma and to the emperor's father. How they regarded the worship of Diana, Luke has told us in Acts xix. It is more than probable, that in John's time, out of opposition to Christians and to court the favour of the Roman emperor, they carried even to the furthest ex treme all the blasphemous claims of Nero, and demanded, as Pliny afterwards did, that Christians should utter execrations against Jesus Christ. With emphasis in his own mind John could doubtless well speak, to his fellow Christians and fellow- sufferers, of the ovo/iaza /Slaoiptjjulae on the heads of the beast. THE FIRST beast : Chap. XIEL 3. 277 first sight, and needs no elucidation. And the writer needs no apology for introducing such an incarnate demon as Nero, as one who was an agent " after Satan's own heart," and might readily be trusted as his vicegerent to carry on the war against Christianity. (3) And [I saw] one of his heads as stricken unto death ; and his deadly wound was healed. And the whole land wondered after the beast. The corrected text omits eldov at the beginning of the verse. It is easy to supply it mentally, from the preceding context, and most proba bly it was so supplied by the writer himself; in which case the Ace. pl- av is readily accounted for. But without resorting to this, the use of the Ace. absolute may easily be defended by reference to the classics ; see Gramm. § 115. 4, and Kiihner, § 566. § 670. What the writer aims at, in this verse, is a matter of more serious difficulty than the form of his language. In Rev. 17: 10, the seven heads are interpretel as meaning seven kings. The beast itself then is, when distinguished from them, the imperial or supreme authority, i. e. the ge nus, of which kings are representative and successive individualities. A part of the time, however, e. g. in chap, xvii, John employs drjqiov to designate the individual emperor, in whose hands the imperial power then was. But there is nothing strange in this. Imperial power was successive, and was held by different individuals. Qrjqlov may therefore be a generic symbol, when brought into contrast with its individual parts, as here ; but when the writer employs this symbol without any contrast, it may designate an individual who at any time possessed and wielded the imperial power ; just as our English word Majesty or Excellency may have a generic or a specific and individual sense, according to the exigency of any passage. One of the heads of the beast, then, is one of the seven kings or em perors of Rome ; see 17: 10, 11. Which of these is characterized by the verse before us ? Bertholdt, who maintains (as I have done) that the Apocalypse was written near the close of Nero's reign, has an ingenious conjecture in regard to the passage before us. He begins the series of seven empe rors with Julius Caesar, and refers piav to him as the first head. In justification of his version, he refers us to Rev. 9: 12 and John 20: 19. The whole verse he explains by saying : "Julius Caesar founded the monarchy ; by his death it appeared to be destroyed ; yet this did not happen, but after a while, to the astonishment of the whole world, Au gustus reestablished it." Thus the wound was healed. Berth. Einleit. IV. p. 1886. The ingenuity of the solution must be admitted. The validity of the argument for it, however, is very questionable. (1) Mia, in such 278 THE FIRST BEAST I CHAP. XIII, 4. a sense as Bertholdt claims, must naturally have the article ; and so it has in both the passages to which he appeals. The instance in 1 Cor. 16: 2 (xazd piav) is no real exception, for this clause has a distributive meaning, viz. on each first day. But in Rev. 13: 3, plav has no article, and therefore cannot mean the first but only one of. (2) The head, as represented by the Apocalyptist, is cog iacpaypevrjv, i. e. seemingly but not actually killed. The context shows that the beast survives the wound. But Julius Caesar did not survive his wounds ; nor was he ever reported or believed to have done so. Different in some respects was the case of Nero. He did not indeed survive the wounds inflicted by the partizans of Galba ; but, as we shall see, it was not only predict ed but generally believed that he would survive, and would regain his former power. Whether, and in what manner, this may be applied to the text before us, will be a particular subject of examination in an Excursus (III.). But (3) It is conclusive against Bertholdt's opinion, that the beast now in question was a fierce persecutor of the Christian church ; whereas Julius Caesar perished about a century before perse cution began. For further discussion of the question : Who was the one head, that was apparently slain and yet seemed to be afterwards healed ? I must remit the reader, as intimated above, to Excursus Til. near the close of this volume. The whole land or earth means, of course, the great body of the Ro man empire. — 'Edavpaaav bniaco zov drjqiov is plainly a constructio pregnans, i. e. wondered at [and followed] after the beast. In like man ner Ewald says, the Hebrews express themselves ; but I do not find his WrjiK it-ran . The design of the writer is, to show the general extent of the divine honours paid to Nero, i. e. to the beast ; for it is plain, that the beast is here taken in a specific or individual sense, i. e. for the then reigning persecutor. (4) And they worshipped the dragon, because he gave authority to the beast; and they worshipped the beast, saying : Who is like to the beast ? And who can make war with him ? And they worshipped the dragon. "The things which the Gentiles sacrifice," says Paul (1 Cor. 10: 20), " they sacrifice to demons, and not to God." The heathen, who numbered Nero with the gods and paid him divine honours, at the same time worshipped the gods who (in their view) bestowed such rank and authority upon him, and they offered thanksgiving for the honour thus done to him. This John names (and rightly) the worshipping of Satan. But that with this they joined the worship of the beast, is explicitly stated in the sequel.— Who is like to the beast ? The Hebrew sacred writers often make a like challenge, in behalf of the honour and supremacy of the true God ; see Is. 40: 18, THE FIRST beast : Chap. XHI. 5. 279 25. 46: 5, and comp. Ps. 35: 10. 113: 5. Of course John means to represent the worshippers of the beast here, as claiming the highest di vine attributes and honours for the object of their worship.— Who can wage war with him, is a challenge designed to vindicate his omnipo tence ; i. e. it is as much as to say that he is irresistible. — JToXepeiv pezd is a Hebrew mode of expression = sSLdr&S . The classics usually employ the Dative simply. (5) And there was given to him a mouth speaking great things and blasphe mies; and power was given to him to do [his own will] forty and two months. A description of Nero almost copied from that of Antiochus Epipha- nes in the book of Daniel. Thus the mouth speaking great things, i. e. glorying, boasting, speaking haughtily of himself and contemptuously of others, as Antiochus did, Dan. 7: 8, 20. So too of blasphemies ; comp. Dan. 7: 25. These things need no further illustration, as being characteristic of Nero. — So likewise the noirjaai here without a com plement expressed, has an exact parallel in Dan. 8: 12, 24, viz. iiW; which, however, finds a full and satisfactory explanation in Dan. 11: 36, iiS'i? MtoSl. So in our text, either zb deXrjpa avzov is implied after noirjaai, or else we must supply nbXepov from v. 7. Forty and two months. As the description of the beast already given is a close copy in many particulars of that described in Dan. 7: 25 seq. 8: 9 seq. 9: 21 seq. and 12: 7 seq., so also it is in respect to the time during which he was to lay waste the heritage of God. In Dan. 7: 25, the duration of the persecution is said to be a time and times and the dividing of time, i. e. three and a half years = forty-two months = 1260 days. Accordingly we find, in point of fact, that the time during which, Antiochus profaned the temple and madly persecuted all pious Jews was, almost to a week or even a day, the measure here designa ted. So again, in Rev. 11: 2, the time during which the Romans are to tread down the holy city, (in this case the capital is, as usual in the Jewish Scriptures, the representative of the country), is said lo be forty-two months = three and a half years. The active invasion of Judea continued almost exactly this length of time, being at the most only a few days more ; so few that they need not, and would not, enter into a symbolical computation of time. The two witnesses in Apoc. 11: 3, prophesy during the same period; and finally the woman who fled into the wilderness, (the church in exile), is nurtured and sustained during the same period. How much reason there was for the writer to assign the same period of limitation for Nero's persecutions, we shall soon see. The persecution of Nero began in the middle of Novem ber, A. D. 64 ; Mosh. Comm. de Reb. Chr., § 64. De Vignoles, Dis sert, de causa et initio. Persecut. Neron., in Masscn's Hist. Critique, 280 THE FIRST BEAST : CHAP. XIII. 6. VIII. p. 74 seq. It ended with the death of Nero, which took place on the 9th of June, A. D. 68 ; for Galba was proclaimed emperor on the 9th of June in the same year, and Nero was assassinated on the same day. Here then we have the three and a half years almost as exactly as in the case of Antiochus 'Epiphanes. It is not improbable, that Gal ba was on his march from Spain when the Apocalypse was written, so that the time of deliverance for the church was very near, when the annunciation in the verse before us was made.* See more ample dis cussion in Exc. V. (6) And he opened his mouth for blasphemy against God — to blaspheme his name, and his tabernacle, and those who dwell in heaven. That is, he blasphemed God, his dwelling place, and all in heaven who surrounded it. — El? BXaacprjpiav = eig zb BXaacprjprjaai. — Ilqbg zbv deov, lit. in respect to God, or towards God, nqog denoting the direction * ' But has the Apocalyptist no other persecution in view, excepting that of Nero ?' 1 doubt not he has, in the sequel. But that which is most pressing and urgent, is that which first attracts his notice, and of which he first speaks. As the beast is sometimes generic and sometimes specific, so persecution may some times be adverted to in a generic way, and sometimes in a specific one. Here the beast is that beast which received the deadly wound and was healed, and which persecutes for three and a half years. All this is necessarily specific. The writer himself has pointed out this, by naming (v. 3) one of the heads as receiv ing the wound, and then in the sequel speaking of the beast as having received the wounds, v. 3, rj nXrjyrj zov davdzov avzo ii. — V. 12, ou . . . THE SEVEN VIALS: CHAP. XVI. [All is now ready to begin the attack. Vengeance no longer sleeps. The seven angels are bidden to go and pour out the vials of wrath upon the kingdom of the beast. The succession of plagues inflicted by them greatly resemble those "under the trumpets, in chap. viii. There, the earth, the sea, the rivers and foun tains of waters, and then the heavens above, are smitten. Here, men on the earth, then the sea, the rivers and fountains of water, and the heavens, are smit ten. There is of course some variation in the manner of describing all this ; but there are also many traits of mutual resemblance. — The three woe-trumpets (chap. ix. seq.) are indicative of great torments to men by the locusts ; of im mense slaughter by horsemen ; and finally of thunder, lightning, tempest, and earthquake, which destroy the metropolis. Here the fifth vial affects the throne of the beast, i. e. his capita] ; the sixth brings in an overwhelming foreign enemy ; the seventh is poured upon the air, the residence of the dragon; and then thun der, etc., as before, conclude the first onset upon the capital of the beast. The similarity of plan in the two cases it is impossible to overlook ; and yet the diver sity in the execution is very considerable, so much so that the author cannot be justly accused of copying from himself. The similarity in question makes much against the supposition of Ewald, that there is no catastrophe related in chap xi. If the whole were one piece, and everything related to one and the same enemy of the church, is it probable that John would have indulged in so much similarity here ? At least, to my own mind this seems to be highly improbable. But when different enemies are invol ved in like destruction, and for the same cause, i. e. persecution, it is not to be wondered at, that the writer has drawn their respective pictures with some traits that are common to both. Some of the dissimilitudes, however, between the two pictures seem to demand more particular notice and consideration than has usually been given to them. In the first catastrophe there are two series of sevens, viz. the seven seals, and the se ven trumpets ; the last growing out of the protracted execution of the judgments symbolized by the seventh seal. In the second catastrophe, there is only one se ries of seven, viz. that of seven vials. In the first catastrophe, amidst all the pre parations for destruction, and amidst the judgments inflicted, there is no actual destruction of human life until we come to the third trumpet, which renders bit ter and poisonous the rivers and fountains, in consequence of which many die, 8: 11. The fourth and fifth trumpets again are symbols of annoyances only ; the sixth recommences the work of destruction, by horsemen (9: 15), and' by earth- the seven vials : Chap. XVI. 309 quake (11: 15). The seventh and last destroys those who have laid waste the land, 11: 18. In the second catastrophe, all is a succession of annoyances. But under the sixth vial, the beast and all his coadjutors are gathered into an immense army, and brought to Armageddon, that in due time they may be attacked and slaugh tered there, 16: 13 — 16, comp. 19: 19—21. The seventh vial occasions thunder, lightning, tempest, hail, and earthquake, by which great Babylon and all her tributary cities are reduced to a ruinous state, and the final triumph of the antag onist-power is anticipated with certainty. It is the acme of victory, but not the completing of subjugation and destruction. This last work goes gradually on, until it is finished at last by the " King of kings and Lord of lords" himself, at the head of his victorious army, 19: 11 — 21. Thus has the author of the book answered the demand of aesthetics for variety in his composition. But he has accomplished, at the same time, a much more important work. He has given a sketch which corresponds, with a good degree of exactness, to the state of facts. The persecuting power of the unbelieving Jews ceased in the main with the destruction of Jerusalem. Hence the tempest and earthquake which lay that place in ruins, are the finale of the first catastrophe. But not so with the second. The death of Nero was indeed the destruction of the beast, for the time being, and it made a temporary end of persecution. But the beast still came up again from the pit ; the contest was renewed, and, with many remissions, continued down to the time of Constantine. Rome, as heathen, then finally ceased to persecute. The beast was finally slain. In accordance with these historical facts, we must not fail to notice how faith fully drawn the picture before us is. The seventh vial paralyzes the power of the beast, i. c. persecution is arrested when Nero dies. But great Babylon is not yet extinct, although in a ruinous state. The empire is wide, and the shaking of the capital and the chief cities does not destroy the whole. Hence the subsequent proclamation in chap, xviii. of final extinction, and the picture of the mourners, when this shall take place. It is only in the course of time (which is not limited), when the Redeemer himself shall come at the head of his victorious army, that the final extinction of the power of the beast takes place. And all this, we should not fail to note, is in accordance with the fate of ancient Babylon. Her ruin was foretold in Is. xiii. xiv. It is there predicted, that " her time is near to come, and that her days shall not be prolonged," 13: 22. Yet it was at least seven centuries, before this was fully and entirely accomplished. But the main work, the capture of the city, was speedily done. Her fall commenced with this capture, and she continued to fall until at last she reached the bottom of the gulf of destruction. So with spiritual Babylon. The pledge, the symbol, or rather the commence ment itself, of the final fall of the beast, began with the death of Nero, and the consequent cessation of persecution. Christianity, then in but an infant state, soon attained too much manhood and strength to be vanquished. Often was it attacked and greatly annoyed ; but " the blood of the martyrs was the seed of the church." The gates of hell could not prevail against it. Whoever now, instead of looking abroad and suffering his imagination to wan der to the ends of the earth for correspondencies, will simply examine the interior of this book, the concinnity of its plan, its obvious and evident adaptedness to the state of things then existing, its resemblances to the ancient prophecies, and above all the object of the writer ; whoever, 1 say, will take the latter course, will find more regularity and continuity of design and structure in the Apocalypse, than in any other book of the Bible. How can it be, that the object of the writer should lie so conspicuously on the very face of his book throughout, and yet this 310 first and second vials : Chap. XVI. 1 — 3. object have been so often overlooked or mistaken ? His design is to administer consolation to the persecuted church. But how could this be accomplished by merely presenting a syllabus of civil history, or a view of the heresies in the church that would spring up in future ages? Was this matter of consolation ? And what moral purposes could a syllabus of the civil and heretical history of fu ture periods subserve ? But when we view the author as opening before the op pressed disciples of his master, the certain prospects of deliverance for the church, yea of ultimate and universal triumph throughout the world; and what is still more, when we view him as withdrawing the veil which separates eternity from our view, and disclosing to our astonished and dazzled vision the glories of the New Jerusalem, the final abode of the faithful, and the preeminence of martyrs there; —the congruity, the beauty, the adaptedness to then existing circumstances, the overpowering persuasiveness and moral excitement of such a picture, are enough to force us to consider it as coming from u. hand that was guided by more than human skill, and which has executed what has never been surpassed or even ri valled..] (1) And I heard a loud voice from the temple, saying to the seven angels : Go, and pour out the seven vials of the wrath of God upon the earth. From the temple, i. e. from God, or the Messiah, who dwells in the temple above. This is not the only passage where the bvopa dcpdvrjfov is omitted; comp. 6: 6. 9: 13. 16: 17. 18: 4. 19: 5. No doubt the sub limity of the description is augmented in this way. — 'Exyeaze, Imp. Aor. for the verb yico makes an irreg. Fut. %eco, and Aor. I. exea, Kiih. § 137. (2) And the first went, and poured out his vial upon the earth, and there was a grievous and annoying ulcer upon men who had the mark of the beast, and who worshipped his image. For the nature of the ulcer here mentioned, comp. Deut. 28: 27, 35. The whole of this first plague corresponds with that described in Ex. 9: 8—11, as inflicted upon the Egyptians. Thus the punishment com mences with loathsome disease. (3) And the second [angel] poured out his vial into the sea, and it became like the blood of a dead man, and every living creature in the sea died. Here is the same image for substance, as is presented in Rev. 8: 8 and Ex. 7: 20 — 25. But the means by which the change to blood is wrought, are quite diverse from those in 8: 8. Yet the effect is the same ; and so in Ex. 7: 21. — Alpa cog vexqov, either very bloody, like a mangled corpse, or else, coloured as it were with the dark and almost black blood of a dead man. — Vev%r) farjg = rv»nn Wi, Gen. 1: 20, 30, living creature, for every soul of life must of' course mean everything which possessed life. — The annoyance which this would occasion to men is obvious. A literal fulfilment is not to be sought after. Sentiment of verses 2 and 3 : < The enemies of the church shall be annoyed on the land and on the sea, i. e. everywhere.' third and fourth vials : Chap. XVI. 4 8. 3.11 (4) And the third [angel] poured out his vial upon the rivers and fountains of water, and they became blood. In 8: 10, 11, a star or comet is said to fall upon the third part of the rivers and fountains, and they become bitter and poisonous. Here the imagery is varied. All the waters that are drinkable become blood; which, as the sequel shows, is designed to be the punishment of perse cutors who must drink it, and the symbol of their guilt and doom. — 'Eyivezo, i. e. za vdaza iyivezo. (5,6) And I heard the angel of the waters saying: Righteous art thou, who art and wast ; holy [art thou] because thou hast thus judged ! For the blood of saints and prophets have they shed, and blood hast thou given them to drink. They deserve it ! So I divide the clauses in the first part of the verse, for so the .sense appears to demand. To join them thus : Thou art and wast holy, seems incongruous, and fails in the proper apportionment of the clauses. — The angel of the waters is plainly the angel who presides over the element of water ; see Exc. 1. I. 5. — At'xatog, just, viz. in the way of retribution. —'0 av xal o rjv = FPlhi , the self-existent God. — "Oaiog here as hating sin, adverse to all impurity. — "Exqivag, lit. hast condemned, but here in the secondary sense punished or executed judgment. — Uqocprjzcbv means here the distinguished inspired teachers of Christianity ; comp. 1 Cor. 14: 3 seq. It should be noted also, that the angel who presides over the rivers and fountains of water, and keeps them pure and wholesome, does not complain, in this case, that they have been disturbed, but fully re cognizes the justice of God in thus rewarding those who have loved to shed blood. (7) And I heard the altar saying : Yea, Lord God Almighty, faithful and just are thy judgments ! Angel of the altar must of course be implied here by the word dvata- azrjqlov, or him of the altar, which would amount to the same thing. See Exc. I. ut supra. — 'AXrjdivai, true, i.' e. in accordance with threat enings to the wicked and promises to the righteous, therefore faithful, exhibiting good faith. — The angel of the altar is here introduced as con firming the declarations of the angel of the waters ; and inasmuch as the altar stands in the temple above, in the immediate presence of the God head, so confirmation from such a source shows at once that all is ap proved by the Court of Heaven. Comp. a like confirmation in 5: 14. (8) And the fourth [angel] poured out his vial upon the sun, and it was given to him to scorch men with vehement heat. The seven angels are regarded as retaining their station in the upper region. Of course the sun can easily be reached from this station. The 312 fifth and sixth vials: Chap. XVI. 9 — 12. sun, thus smitten, sends out the fiercest and most scorching rays, which the author names nvq, fire, inasmuch as the word xavpa would not suf fice for the intensity demanded. The Sirocco, the stroke of the sun, the mirage, all serve to aid us in conceiving of the nature of the plague thus inflicted. In chap. 8: 7, a rain of hail and fire and blood burns up a third part of all the productions of the earth ; while in 8: 12 the fourth angel sounds his trumpet, and one third part of the heavenly luminaries are darkened. Here then is quite a variation of the imagery. — But what is the effect of this grievous judgment ? (9) And men were sorely scorched, and they blasphemed the name of the God who hath power over these plagues, and repented not so as to give glory to him. 'Exavpaziadrjaav . . . xavpa jxeya, belongs to a class of expressions, where the act. voice governs two Accusatives, Gramm. § 104. 1. a ; and the passive retains the latter, Ib. § 105, see Kiihner, § 558, a, a.— Aovvai avzcp bb^av, so as to give = coaze dovvai etc. ; for the Inf. mode may express either design or sequence. However great their griefs or sufferings were, they did not bring them to such an attitude of mind as made them submissive, nor inspire them with filial awe ; comp. 9: 20, 21, and apparently the converse of this in 11: 13. But see the Comm. there. (10, 11) And the fifth [angel] poured out his vial upon the throne of the beast, and his kingdom was darkened, and men gnawed their tongues by reason of pain ; and they blasphemed the God of heaven because of their pains and their ulcers, and repented not of their works. The throne of the beast does not here mean merely the emperor's chair of state, but the metropolis, i. e. the place where the throne was, the cen tral point of the empire. Darkness overspreads this, which is the em blem of doom and terror. From the metropolis this spreads out over all parts of the empire. Men are so grieved and tormented by it, (comp. the darkness of Egypt which could be felt, Ex. 10: 21 — 23), that they gnawed their tongues through pain, i. e. vexation ; a most significant expression of the writhings of anguish. — As before (v. 9), they blaspheme God ix, on account of, by reason of, their anguish, etc. With the dis tress occasioned by the darkness, is here also associated the ulcerations under which they still laboured ; see v. 2 above. — Kal ov pszavbrjaav ix z. eq. avzcbv, an elliptical expression, or at any rate a constructio praeg- nans ; They repented not [and turned not] from their works ; see on 9: 20, where the same formula occurs. (12) And the sixth angel poured out his vial upon the great river Euphrates, and the water thereof was dried up, so that the way for kings from the rising of the sun might be prepared. The circumstance of drying up the Euphrates, so as to give the kings sixth vial : Chap. XVI. 13, 14. 313 of the East an easy passage through it, has its basis, no doubt, in the dividing of the waters of the Red Sea, that the children of Israel might pass through. See expressions of the same tenor in Is. 11: 15, where the Nile is spoken of as divided, in order to become passable for the re turning Jews. But why the kings of the East ? Plainly because Par- thia and her allies were then the only powers that could pretend to rival the Romans in the strife of war. The Parthians often drove back,' and at last confined, the Romans to the western bank of the Euphrates, re taining the dominion of Middle Asia for themselves. The Apocalyptist, therefore, here threatens war upon the Roman empire, by the only pow er which then could make it with any prospect of success. Even to the western parts of Asia had the Parthians sometimes urged their invasion and conquests. It is not necessary to suppose a literal prediction and fulfilment here. Enough that the symbol employed is exceedingly sig nificant. The Roman empire must be attacked, divided, weakened, by enemies ; and this is most significantly expressed here, by adverting to the only enemies which, when this book was written, were able to make any impression upon that empire. Ewald and others suppose, that John had in view here the hariolation which predicted, that Nero should flee to the East, and there rouse up and unite many kingdoms, and then come and invade Italy and burn Rome. ' Possibly this may be so ; but it is not necessary to suppose all this. Enough that John employs imagery, or a symbol, which was very significant ; and that he does this for the reasons already given. There can be no doubt, indeed, that such an expectation about Nero was dif fused extensively in the East ; as the passages from the Sibylline Ora cles (see in first part of Exc. III.) and other writings abundantly show. But John is here predicting a reality, something which will take place, not merely, as in some other cases, saying something concerning Nero which might serve to make him known to his readers. He does not in deed describe such a reality, as his words would designate if literally un derstood, but one in the sense above stated. Filled with apprehension at the approach of this formidable enemy, the beast summons all his energies to prepare for combat. His coadju tors, also, are roused up by him to make earnest efforts in order to accomplish the same end. So the sequel : (13, 14) And I saw, from the mouth of the dragon and from the mouth of the beast and from the mouth of the false prophet, three unclean spirits, like frogs, (for they are spirits of demons working miracles), which go forth to the kings of the whole world, to gather them together to the battle of that great day of God Almighty. Here a new symbol is introduced, by the exigency of the occasion, The beast, Satan, and the false prophet, breathe forth evil demons from vol. n. 40 314 THE SEVEN vials : Chap. XVI. 14. their mouths, who go out and enter into the kings that were subject to the Roman power, possess them, and influence them to unite with the beast in one great effort to meet and crush the coming enemy. These Spirits are compared to frogs, because this animal was detested as unclean and annoying. Perhaps the noise and bluster which they make were in the mind of the writer, as an object of comparison with the boasting and noisy pretences of the heathen hierophants. For they are the spirits of demons working miracles, i. e. the unclean spirits sent forth are in reality of demoniacal disposition, being such as work false or pretended miracles in order to deceive men. Of course they are substantially of the same character as the second beast, whose chief efforts seem to be made in the way of false miracles ; see 13: 13 — 15. And the work assigned to these demoniacal agents is altogether congruous. In what way could men in general be so effectually mis led, and held fast to their heathen superstitions, as by showing them that the gods whom they worshipped could bestow miraculous powers? By so doing, they seemed to give convincing evidence of their reality and their supremacy. When the Christian appealed to the miracles wrought in his church, the heathen would say : ' We stand upon ground equally tenable. Our gods everywhere display their efficiency' Con sequently there was no one thing which demoniacal influence could accomplish, that was more injurious to the interests of Christianity, or more delusive to the heathen, than the so-called miracles of the heathen priests and prophets. Nothing, moreover, would serve more effectually to keep up the spirit of persecution and bitterness against Christianity, than the apparent miracles of the heathen hierophants ; and conse- queptly we might expect, that the influence of demons, who were of such a character as the text describes, would be directed to unite all the heathen with the beast, in his attempts to destroy the Christian church.* * In Eisenmenger, Jud. Entd. II. p. 406, is a passage respecting an evil spirit, (from the book Maa.se, c. 43), which speaks of his appearing to Rabbi Channina in the shape of a frog ; and in Artemidorus, Oneirocrit. II. 15, frogs are repre sented as the symbols of evil spirits. John is not singular, then, in the choice of a symbol here. The idea of demoniacal possession was very familiar to the Jews; as is apparent everywhere fiom the Gospels. So the a ixnooa'azai denotes, first, the proceeding forth from the mouths of the dragon, beast, and false prophet; then, secondly, the entrance into or upon (irri) the confederate kings, etc. By false miracles, and by their influence on these kings, they persuade them to unite with the beast in his war upon the church; comp. 17: 12—15, 17. Ewald, on the contrary, represents the kings and the beast as united here to attack Rome ; com paring chap. 17: 16, and at the same time referring to the hariolation, that Nero, after his banishment, would return from the East, associated with many kings, and would overthrow and burn the city of Rome. But the tenor of the context here, also v. 16, and chap. 19: 19, seem to speak plainly against such an inter- THE SEVEN VIALS : Chap. XVI. 15. 315 The day of Jehovah, i-iifp tfn, is everywhere in the O. Testament a name for a day of evil, and mostly one of sore punishment. See the great day of the Lord in Zeph. 1: 14—18, and comp. Ezek. 13: 5. Joel 1: 15. 2: 11. Is. 13: 6 et al. The Apocalyptist has added to deov the attributive navzoxqdzoqog, in order to increase the intensity of his rep resentation, and to show the absolute certainty of victory over the ene mies of the church. When the author joins ixeivrjg with rjpiqag, he means of course to render the latter word emphatic and distinctive. So the same phrase ology is employed in Matt. 7: 22. 26: 29. Acts. 2: 18. 2 Thes. 1: 10, where it refers to the day of Christ's coming. So here, reference must be made to a day, i. e. a time, well understood by Christians, when Christ would appear in vindication of his disciples, and to the terror and confusion of his enemies. It should also be noticed here, that olxovpe'vrjg oXrjg = the Roman empire, (comp. Acts 17: 6. 24: 5. Jos. Antiq. XII. 3. 1. Herodian, V. 2. 5), is placed in opposition to the dnb dvazoXcov in v. 12 ; which makes still more decidedly against the exegesis of Ewald. The mean ing is not, that the demoniacal spirits collect the army for the purpose of its being punished, but for the purposes of giving battle to opposed or hostile forces, viz. those from the East. The battle however must, under the control of an irresistible Providence, be one in which the power of Almighty God will be displayed in punishing his enemies ; although this is very different from what these enemies intend or ex pect. (15) Behold I come as a thief. Blessed is he who watcheth, and keepeth his garments, that he may not walk naked, and men see his shame. , An interjectional clause, which should be read as parenthetic, for it does not divert the general current of the discourse. The practical bearing of the writer's mind here develops itself. Having announced the certain coming of the Messiah to destroy this great army of the beasts, he distinctly warns Christians here, that he will come cog xXen- zrjg, i. e. silent, sudden, unexpected ; see, on this expression, under 3: 3. He means to say : Let Christians be on the watch, and live con tinually in a state of readiness to receive their Lord and Master, at his coming, in a proper manner. He wills that no one, because he has promised dehverance, should remit for a moment his entire vigilance. pretation. The alarm of the beast on seeing the hostile demonstrations from beyond the Euphrates, accounts for his efforts to concentrate all his forces. Be sides ; the battle of the great day of God Almighty, can mean only a battle in which the punishment of the dragon, beast, and false prophet, and of all their coadj utors, will be inflicted. 316 SEVENTH VIAL : Chap. XVI. 16, 17. He who is guilty of such remission, will be like to the man, who, not expecting the thief, lays his garments aside and gives himself to sleep. In the mean time the thief comes, and takes them away, and then he is obliged to go forth naked, and thus to be exposed in that state to the gaze of men. So will it be with the unfaithful and heedless disciple. When his Lord shall come, and summon him to service in the great contest, he will have no armour for the day of battle, nor any costume which will fit him to stand in the ranks of tried and faithful and vigilant soldiers. (16) And they gathered them together at the place, which is call ed in Hebrew, Armageddon. The verb Gvvrjyayev, in the sing, number, corresponds to ixnoqevezat in v. 14, and both agree (as usual) with the neut. plur. nvevpaza. This is evidently the right construction here ; for it is first said of the evil spirits, that they went forth to gather together, etc., and then, that they did gather together, etc. — Avzovg means of course the (tributary) kings of the whole empire, v. 14. — The place, Armageddon, is ominous of the result of the battle. The meaning is, the mount of Megiddo, WW it] . Megiddo was a village in the hilly country near to mount Tabor. There Deborah and Barak destroyed Sisera and his host, Judg. 5: 19 ; there king Josiah was slain by the invader from Egypt, 2 K. 23: 29, 30. 2 Chron. 35: 22. But what the author particularly had his eye upon, was probably the passage in Zech. 12: 11, which speaks of a future and a great mourning over the slain in the valley of Megiddo. Into a val ley ominous of overthrow and slaughter, then, the unclean spirits, un der the special guidance of a superintending Providence (comp. 17: 17), conduct the assembled forces of the beast and his allies ; and there in due time they come to a final end (see 19: 19 seq.), by the interposition of an almighty Conqueror. In the mean time, the metropolis, and all the great cities of the con federate kings, receive, at the pouring out of the seventh vial, a deadly blow. And thus is the way prepared for the destruction of the beast, i. e. for the final conquest of all the pagah powers. (17) And the seventh [angel] poured out his vial upon the air, and there went forth a loud voice from the temple [of heaven] , from the throne, saying : It is done. Upon the air. The first view which one takes of this expression, would rather incline him to suppose that the dominions of the prince of the power of the air is here invaded ; see Exc. I. II. c. But the sequel does not appear definitely to recognize this. It seems more probable, that we are to regard the air in this case as the element, by which is to be engendered the dreadful storm that follows, which is to over- SEVENTH vial : Chap. XVI. 18—20. 317 throw the principal cities of the beast and his confederates. The appro priateness of this, when viewed in such a light, cannot well be denied. From the temple would leave undecided whether the voice was that of God, or of an angel in his presence ; but dnb zov dqbvov decides this point, and is a clause in apposition designedly for the purpose of explanation. It decides that God himself is the speaker. — ttyove, a Perf. tense, in order to denote the full certainty of the destruction threatened, i. e. it is as though it had been already contemplated. Such a use of the Perfect even the classic writers make. (18) And there were lightnings, and loud thunders ; and there was a great earthquake, such as never was from the time when men were upon the earth, such an earthquake, so great. avai xai Bqovzai, Hendiadys, for thundering noises ; see on 4: 5. The thunder of course follows the lightning. — The great earthquake seems here to be the rocking of the earth by reason of the thunder. — Acp' ov, i. e. dnb %qbvov ov. — Men were upon the earth, i. e. from the time when men were first created. — TrjXixovzog, such in an emphatic sense. — Ovzco piyag, so great, adding to the emphasis, and pointing out the particular in which this earthquake differed from all others. The whole phrase is plainly designed to convey an idea of intensity. (19) And the great city was severed into three parts, and the cities of the na tions fell ; and Babylon the great was remembered before God, that he should give to her the cup of the wine of his fierce indignation. 'Eyivezo . . . elg zqia ueqrj, became three parts, the number three being used, as everywhere in this book, in a symbolical way. The meaning is, that the city was severed and broken in pieces, so that the whole was reduced to a ruinous state. But perhaps the meaning is, that chasms in the earth divided the parts of the city ; comp. v. 20. — The cities of the nations fell, i. e. the capital cities of the confederate kings, the allies of the beast (v. 14, and 17: 13, 14, 17), were also reduced to a ruinous state ; for eneaov here is nearly equivalent to iyevezo . . . elg zqia piqrj in the preceding clause, as to its generic meaning. — Aovvai, elliptically for avzov dovvai or maze avzov bovvai, or simply as the Inf. of explica tion. Brachylogy of course may supersede the smaller words, which are implied. — The cup of his fierce indignation, see on 14: 10, where is the like phrase. Meaning : God remembered the crimes of Babylon, so as to bring awful and exemplary punishment upon her. (20) And every island fled, and the mountains were found no more. The same circumstances are mentioned in Rev. 6: 12 — 14, as being the sequel of the great earthquake there mentioned. An effect not un common of severe earthquakes is, to sink islands and mountains. To 318 ECONOMT of Chap. XVII. this the writer adverts ; while, at the same time, the circumstances are to be here regarded as serving principally the purpose of heightening the description of the scene. See on 6: 12 — 14. (21) And great hail, as of a talent's weight, fell from heaven upon men ; and men blasphemed the God of heaven because of the plague of the hail, for the plague was exceedingly great. TaXavtiaia, weighing a talent, or equal in weight to a talent. The Attic talent was about 57 lbs. troy weight ; the Jewish talent about 114 lbs. troy. Understood in either way, the horrors of such a storm are . inconceivably great. The blasphemy that followed, from the worship pers of the beast who were still impenitent, is a natural circumstance. ¦ — The imagery of the hail here is not novel ; see 11: 19. Ex. 9: 22 — 26. Ps. 78: 47. 105: 32. Josh. 10: 11 al. In the effects of the storm here described, which came from the air on which the vial was poured out, it is easy to see the pledge of what is predicted by ye'yove. The work of destruction is not indeed com pleted ; but it is begun in such a way that the pagan nations must be greatly disheartened, and the followers of the Lamb encouraged. ECONOMY OF CHAP. XVII. [The careful reader, who is looking out for all the developments of an author's plan, when he reads his work, will find here matter of comparison with the closing part of the first catastrophe. There, the last or seventh seal is subdivided into seven portions, each of which is marked by the suc cessive sound of so many trumpets. For variety's sake, or for some other reason to which the author of the Apocalypse has not adverted, he has omitted any exact correspondence between the second and the first catas trophe, in this respect. We have, in the second catastrophe, only one se ries of seven, viz. of the vials. But still we have, as a sequel to the last vial, a succession of events which occupy no inconsiderable portion of the book. Thus 16: 18 — 21, and chap, xviii. and xix, are occupied with dis closing the sequel of the outpouring of the last vial. In respect to delay, then, there is some correspondence worthy of note between the completing of the first catastrophe and that of the second. In the first, much delay follows the breaking of the seventh seal, before destruction is completed ; in the second, the case is the same, but it is not marked, as in the first, by a new series of sevens. Let tlie reader mark well, moreover, the episodes in chap. x. xi. 1 — 14, which delay tlie final action, in order to render it the more interesting. So here ; chap. xvii. is wholly occupied with an explanatory vision, designed for the purpose of making the reader understand whose destruction it is which is going on. Then comes another advance in the development of the main action, in 18: 1 — 7. Then follows a second episode, containing economy op Chap. XVH. 319 the lament over the fall of Babylon ; all of which is matter of interest, and is also relevant and congruous, although it does not make advances toward the final catastrophe. In 18: 21 seq. we have another solemn assurance of the final fall of Babylon ; just as before, in respect to the fall of spiritual Sodom, a repeated assurance is given in 10: 5 — 7. In 19: 1 10 we hear the anticipative shout of victory among the hosts of heaven, just as in 11: 15 — 18 ; and then comes the final catastrophe, with its sublime and awful accompaniments, as in 11: 19, but with more particularity and more demon strations of power. This accords well with the nature of the case. The first catastrophe respected a little province only of the Roman empire ; the second has respect to jr«o-a r) oixovpivrj — to the great city which holdeth domin ion over the kings of the earth, 17: 18. Can we rationally doubt, with such facts as these before us, that the writer intended his readers should regard him as setting before their minds two distinct and successive catastrophes ? If critics would examine more minutely the plan of this book, and the execution of that plan ; the relative bearings of one part on another, and the similarity which is still apparent amid all its variety ; if they would then advert to the trichotomy which extends not only to its general arrangement, but to almost all its minuter portions ; I do not well see how they could adopt the opinion, that there is but one catastrophe. Spiritual Sodom, great Babylon, and Gog and Magog, exhibit a trichotomy as distinct as represen tation can make it. See § 7 in Vol. I. As to the manner in which the contents of this chapter harmonize with the general plan of the work, and as to what the general design of it is with respect to the reader, enough has been already said above. I have only to suggest here, that a new scene, i. e. a new place of vision and symbols in most respects new are here introduced, for the sake of designating the ob jects which the writer designs to explain, and at the same time of distin guishing this episode from the general tenor of the context. Some of the symbols adopted for explanation, would in themselves be quite as difficult for us to understand as those of which they are designed to be an explana tion ; so that if we were left merely with them, one might feel that the ex planation was perhaps darker than the text. But the angel-interpreter, who accompanies John throughout this vision, has expressly undertaken an ex planation of the symbols. Yet even this is such, that most readers of the present day probably find no more obscure chapter in all the Apocalypse than the seventeenth, which is inserted expressly for the purpose of expla nation. Yet this simple fact, viz., that it was written for such a purpose, ought to lead us to suspect, that the difficulty lies more in ourselves than in tlie writer. Were we placed in the circumstances of the first readers of the Apocalypse, will any one doubt that we might be able to understand the writer? He wrote, not only in order that he might be read, but also that he might be understood. Why then should we suppose, that a mind like his would not accomplish its design ? I must believe that it did. Yet the difficulties under which the writer laboured, and which have frequent ly been adverted to in the preceding pages, were very great He could not speak openly, plainly, and fully, without bringing himself, and all his read ers, under the cognizance of the watchful Roman governor. What he could consistently do to make his meaning plain, he has done. And yet, living at such a distance as we do from the sphere of action in which the writer 320 explanatory vision : Chap. XVII. 1, 2. moved, and unacquainted as we are with many minute circumstances of the times, it may be difficult now, and perhaps impossible, to obtain full satisfaction in respect to some parts of the author's vision. Certain it is, that if we neglect the history of the times when the Apocalypse was writ ten, and in particular the histoiy of Nero and the Neronic persecution, we can do nothing more than merely guess at the meaning of some parts of chap. xvii. On the other hand, if we are willing that history should aid us in unfolding the meaning of dark phrases ; if we take into view the special object of the chapter before us, viz. the purpose of explanation, and not the advancement of the main action of the drama ; if we allow a reference to popular belief merely for the purpose and in the way of explanation, (and not of prediction) ; then most of the darkness that seems to rest on chap. xvii. will be dissipated, and the whole become a continuous, consistent, and really explanatory vision. The course now indicated is that which I feel bound to pursue ; and if the reader does not assent to all that I may pro pose, he knows at least that he has the liberty of thinking and of judging for himself.] (1) And there came one of the seven angels, who had the seven vials, and spake with me, saying: Come, 1 will show thee the condemnation of the great whore, who sitteth over many waters. Inasmuch as these seven angels had been commissioned' with the work of destruction, they must of course have well understood the pur pose and object of their operations. Appropriately is one of them com missioned to perform the task of explanation to John. Elg = zig here ; and so elsewhere, i. e. a certain one. — 'Ex renders the following Gen. more specific. — Ael^co, I will show, viz. by signs or symbols; for the word is particularly adapted to signify this. — Trjg peydXrjg as the epithet of the harlot, because she is mistress of an almost boundless dominion, and possesses great wealth, splendour, and power, and by all this is dis tinguished from harlots in general ; or peydXrjg may be sarcastic here, in reference to BaBvXcov rj peydXrj. — Over many waters is explained, in v. 15, as meaning over many nations. The multitude and the bound less extent of the ocean-waters probably gave rise to this metaphor or symbol. Certain it is, that the Jewish Rabbies frequently employ it ; see Wetst. on v. 15, and Eisenm. Judenthum, I. p. 771. (2) With whom the kings of the earth have committed fornication, and they who inhabit the earth have become drunk by the wine of her fornication. See the remarks on 14: 8, where the like phraseology occurs. Sen timent : ' Rome, wholly given to idolatry and to worshipping the beast, has allured and seduced all its tributary nations to do the same.' So Babylon, Ninive, Tyre, etc., are represented as harlots by the 0. Tes tament prophets ; Nah. 3: 4. Is. 23: 17. In Jer. 51: 7 is the prototype of the verse before us. explanatory vision : Chap. XVII. 3, 4. 321 (3) And he brought me spiritually into a desert ; and I saw a woman sitting upon a scarlet beast, full of the names of blasphemy, having seven heads and ten boms. Elg eqepov, into a desert, appropriate to symbolize the future condi tion of the beast. — 'Ev nvevpazi, mentally, spiritually ; comp. iv zri bqd- aei in 9: 17, and iv nvevuazi in 1: 10. The waiter means to say, that he was mentally, but not corporeally, brought into a desert. — rvvaixa etc., altogether in the manner of the O. Testament prophets, who every where personify great cities by women ; see v. 18. — Scarlet beast, be cause red or scarlet is a symbol of its bloody disposition. — Full of blas phemous names, comp. 13: 1, where the same beast is described in the same way. The blasphemous names are doubtless to be regarded as inscribed on the frontlets of each head, comp. 13: 1 ; they are blasphe mous, because they ascribe to man that which belongs only to God. — Having seven heads and ten horns identifies this beast with that describ ed in 13: 1 seq. See on the words there. (4) And the woman was clothed in purple and scarlet, and adorned with gold and precious stones and pearls, holding a 'golden cup in her hands, filled with abominations, even the impurities of her fornication; Purple and scarlet were the chosen colours for display and magnifi cence of dress ; comp. Ezek. 28: 13. Is. 47: 1, 2, 8. Such display is appropriate to the character named. The colour moreover is symbolic, as explained above. — Ilqqcpvqovv and xbxxivov are both adjectives, agree ing with neqlBXrjpa implied. — Kejrqvacopevrj, lit. inaurata, gilt, but as we express it, adorned. — Holding a golden cup in her hand is appro priate ; for she makes the nations to drink. — Full of abominations, i. e. filled with an intoxicating draught that leads to the commission of many abominations. — The construction ye'pov BdeXvypdzav, xal zd dxdiraqza, first a Gen. and then an Ace. after ye'pov, is singular. The first inquiry naturally seems to be, whether we may not read eyovaa nozrjqiov . . . xai. zd dxddaqza, making the latter dependent on eyovaa. But this seems to give a less tolerable sense ; although Wolfius adopts it Ewald assigns the latter construction to the class of Hebraisms ; for in Hebrew xba (= ye'pov) governs the Ace. ; so that we have here both a genuine Greek and Hebrew construction. To avoid this, some copies read dxaddqzrjzog (Gen.) ; but Wolfius says that no such Greek word can be found. Axadaqaia is the word employed to express the idea in question. If dxddaqza he made to refer to some attractive ornaments or symbols adapted to rouse the sensual passions, we may then, with Wolfius, join it to exovaa ; or we may regard it as in apposition with nozrjqiov, and exegetical of its meaning, as I have done in the version. vol. ii. 41 322 EXPLANATORY vision : Chap. ~X.VTL. 5, 6. (5) And upon her forehead was a name mysteriously written : Babylon the Geeat ; (the mother of harlots, and of the abominations of the earth). The inscription of names on the forehead is a frequently recurring idea, in this book; see 2: 17. 7: 1—5. 14: 1 ; also 19: 12. 13: 1. 17: 3. So in respect to the woman, i. e. Rome, in the present case. But here, this is rather to lead the "reader to consider who the woman is, than for any other purpose. — Mystery our English version has translated and pointed as though it were a part of the inscription itself on the forehead. This however seems to me very doubtful. Why not translate, a name written mysteriously, i. e. xaza pvazrjqiov, Ace. adverbial ? And what is the mysteriously written name ? It is Babylon, etc. Now as Babylon is not the proper name of the city intended, so the name is mysteriously employed, and requires some investigation to find out its true sense. But if the word pvazrjqiov be taken as a part of the inscription itself, then still the writer, by affixing such an epithet, designs to give his readers notice, that the name inscribed is not the real and proper name. The last clause, the mother of harlots, etc., I have pointed in such a way as to indicate, that it is an exclamation of the author, and not a part of the inscription. Is it probable, that Babylon would thus openly and shamelessly wear a frontlet proclaiming such a character? Her pride and vain-glory would forbid it. But the title, Babylon the Great, she might well be supposed to assume ; and nothing was more natural than for the author to subjoin, by way of comparison and for the sake of illustrating the mystery : " The mother of harlots, i. e. the chief or leader of all harlots, and of the abominations of the earth !" (6) And I saw the woman drunk with the blood of the saints, and with the blood of the martyrs of Jesus; and seeing her I wondered much. The phraseology is derived from the barbarous custom, (still extant among many pagan nations), of drinking the blood of enemies slain in the way of revenge. Here then the fury of the persecutors is depicted in a most graphic manner. Blood is drunk by them even to intoxica tion, i. e. copiously, in great quantities. The effect of drinking blood is said to be, to exasperate and to intoxicate vnth passion and a desire of vengeance. But the copiousness of the draught, and so the extent and bitterness of persecution, is particularly marked by the expression here. — And I wondered much, the verb and conjugate noun expressing, as usual, intensity of action. — The repetition of ix zov aipazog, and so of like circumstances, is specially characteristic of this book, and is a trait of Hebraism; comp. 16: 13. EXPLANATORY vision : Chap. XVII. 7, 8. 323 (7) And the angel said to me .- Why dost thou wonder ? I will tell thee the mystery of the woman, and of the beast which beareth her, which hath seven heads and ten horns. I will tell thee, etc. The symbols proffered to the view of John, were not in themselves indications sufficiently explicit of what was meant. But they afforded a basis for explanation ; and on this basis the angel- interpreter builds his eclaircissement. The model of this part of the machinery of the Apocalypse, (if I may be allowed the expression), is found in Zechariah, Daniel, and Ezekiel.— Aiazi idavpaaag, lit. why hast thou marvelled, referring rather to what had been done, than to what was now doing. The Pres. tense might have been used ; but the Aor. is more courteous here. — I will tell thee the mystery, i. e. I will ex plain to thee that which now seems so mysterious or dark, and which has excited so much wonjier. Comp. 7: 13, 14, for the like occurrence. (8) The beast which thou sawest, was, and is not, and will come up from the abyss, and go to destruction ; and those who dwell on the earth will wonder, whose names are not written in the book of life from the foundation of the world, when they see the beast, that he was, and is not, and will make his appearance. The beast (not the woman) is first characterized, as being, after all, the most important particular of the symbols. Plainly here the reign ing emperor is characterized, so that beast, although in itself a generic appellation marking the imperial power qf Rome, may, like our words Majesty, Excellency, Honour, Worship, etc., be employed at any time in a specific sense. So it plainly is employed here, because the object here is to explain who and what is meant by the beast in the former visions. It would be needless to repeat here what has been already said under chap. 13: 3, and will be said in Exc. III. The well known hariolation respecting Nero, that he would be assassinated, and disap pear for a while, and then make his appearance again to the confusion of all his enemies, solves the apparent enigma before us. What the angel says, seems to be equivalent to this : ' The beast means the Ro man emperors, specifically Nero, of whom the report spread throughout the empire is, that he will revive, after being apparently slain, and will come as it were from the abyss or Hades ; but he will still perish, and that speedily. The beast symbolizes hira of whom it is said, that all the world will wonder at and worship him, when they see him thus re turned, as they suppose, from the under-world — that is, all whose names have not been inscribed in the book of life before the world was made.' In respect to the tenses here employed — rjv, ovx eazi, pe'XXei dvaBal- veiv — prophetic style pays little regard indeed to the chronological order of events. T^he beast of a past time, of a present one, or of a future time, might be spoken of equally well, (as every one must jtnqw who 324 EXPLANATORY VISION : Chap. XVII. 8. has critically read the Hebrew prophets), in the manner exhibited by our text. Nothing important can be made out of this, either for or against the fact, that Nero was living or dead when the Apocalypse was written. And they shall wonder, etc. Here the special cause of wonder seems to be, that the beast has as it were risen from the dead. But is this a part of what the angel, or John, predicts as a matter which will be ac* tual fact? That wonder, or superstitious reverence for Nero, was greatly augmented by the story of the soothsayers respecting his future fate and fortune, there can be no good reason to doubt. But what has already been said, more than once, should be recalled to mind here, viz, that the object of this chapter is explanation. The grand problem to be solved is : Who is meant by the beast ? The solution offered is ; ' He is meant, of whom it has long been reported, that he will speedily disappear, and then reappear and be the object of general wonder.' I will not say, that immediately after Nero's death, what is here said might not have been uttered by John ; but plainly it is more appropriate and probable, if uttered during his life ; because his death must speedily give the intelligent public information of a satisfactory kind, that the vaticination concerning the tyrant was not true. In this case, there would be less temptation to refer to the oracular declaration ; for the story told by it would soon become distrusted by many. But indepen dently of all this, the Apocalypse throughout purports to be written in- gruenti persecutione ; how then could it be written after the death of Nero ? At all events, the writing must have been executed so speedily after his death, that time had not been given to circulate the news of it. Whose names are not written, etc. ; see the explanation, in remarks on chap. 13: 8. — BXenbvzmv zb drjqiov x. z. X. The construction is unusual, at least not very common. The Gen. absolute (as the Gen. here may be) is usually employed, when a clause is inserted the sub ject of which is diverse from that of the main sentence. But here the subject of the Gen. BXenbvzcov and of the verb davudaovzai are the same. This construction, however unusual, is still admissible ; and it is found among the very best Greek writers ; see Gramm. § 172. 2. I have rendered BXenbvzav as containing the adsignification of time, viz- when; see Gramm. § 169. 3. Kal ndqeazai in many Codd. reads xaineq iaziv, i. e. although he is, or is alive. The meaning of the whole phrase would then be : The beast was, and is not, i. e. has disappeared, although he is, viz. is still ex tant. There is no special objection to such a meaning ; but ndqeazai is better established, and is admitted by Griesbach, Knapp, Lachmann, and Hahn. Moreover ndqeazai is only an exchange of phraseology EXPLANATORY VISION ; Chap. XVII. 9, 10. 325 for the preceding pe'XXet avaBaivew ix zrjg dBvaaov, and as such is in itself altogether more probable than xalneq iaziv. (9) Here is a meaning which compriseth wisdom. The seven heads are seven mountains on which the woman sitteth. , An unseemly division of the sense is made here, by means of the verse, which should end with aocpiav. I understand code as referring to what precedes. The writer or speaker means to say, that in what he has said about the beast, there is something which demands special sa gacity in order to explain it. In other words ; it is not to be taken as a prophetic declaration on the part of the speaker, after the ordinary manner of symbols in the vision, but as having a peculiar meaning in reference to the wide spread oracular declarations with regard to the beast or Nero. Specification, then, and not prediction, is the main ob ject here. If any one objects to this, we may ask why John could not as well appeal in such a way to popular opinion, as the Saviour does to the casting out of demons by the sons of the Pharisees, or to the roaming of evil spirits through desert places ? An argumentum ex concessis is not forbidden, in some cases ; particularly when, as. here, it is employed only for illustration. But see in Exc. III. The seven heads are seven ,mountains (or hills) on which the woman sits. This is one mode of coming at the dilucidation of the visions. Septicollis Roma was famous the world over, and no room is left here for mistake about the place. The woman, i. e. the city (v. 18), sits on these, i. e. Rome is built on seven hills. The beast with seven heads bears the woman ; and the seven heads being taken (as they are here) as emblems of hills, and the woman as the symbol of the great city, all is plain. (10) And there are seven kings. Five have fallen ; one is ; the other has not yet come, and when he comes he will remain but a little time. The main object of the interpreter is to explain what or who is meant by the beast. He does not dwell, therefore, on the city and the hills, but hastens to the kings. The seven heads are seven kings. BaaiXeig, as an appellation for a Roman emperor, was usual among the Greeks. — Five are fallen, i. e. Julius Caesar, Augustus, Tiberius, Caligula, Claudius. Nero is the sixth ; Galba succeeded, who reigned only seven months. Or if we begin with Augustus, then Galba is the sixth ; and Otho, who succeeded him, reigned but three months. But why only seven kings ? First because the number seven is the reigning symbolic number of the book ; then, secondly, because this covers the ground which the writer means specially to occupy, viz., it 326 EXPLANATORY VISION : CHAP. XVII. 11. goes down to the period when the persecution then raging would cease. All this is congruous too with the seven heads of the beast The manner of the declaration here seems to decide, beyond all rea sonable appeal, against a later period than about A. D. 67 or 68, for the, composition of the Apocalypse. (11) And the beast which was, and is not, he is also an eighth, and is of the seven, and goeth to destruction. It seems quite evident here, that if we compare xai avzbg bydobg iari with the peXXsi dvaBaiveiv ix zijg dBvaaov and also the xat ndqeazai of v. 8, we shall see at once that xal bydobg iazi is equivalent to the other two phrases, differing only in the mode of expression. The beast that now personifies the imperial power, is the one of whom it has been said, that he was and is not. And not only so, but also that he will reappear, i. e. he will make another member besides the Heptade just named, although in fact he is one of this Heptade, ix zcov enzd iazi. All the attempts by the older commentators at explaining this passage, at least all which I have examined, (and they are many), are either so fanciful, or so incongruous, that it is impossible (for me at least) to find any solid satisfaction in them, or anything to meet the demands of exegesis. Must it not be, that these words were under stood when they were first published ? Or, at any rate, that they were meant to be understood ? If so, how was this possible, except on such grounds as history furnishes ? How was it possible in the nature of things, that mere fanciful resemblances of something to happen in fu ture ages, should be rightly made out in such a case by the mass of readers ? But if we adopt the explanation made out by appeal to hisr torical grounds, then all is plain and easy. We can see at once, how the beast (Nero) could be one of the seven, and yet an eighth. For the reason that a person is meant, the speaker says aiizbg and not avzb. But why an eighth, rather than a ninth or tenth ? Simply because, if Nero were expected to reappear at all, it would naturally be supposed to happen during, or immediately after, the reign of his successor. Such a tyrant as Nero would not patiently endure exile or seclusion for a long time. Thus the angel, if interpreted in this way, is not made to give a ' dilucidation which is much more obscure than the original.' Heinrichs, who supposes Satan to be the beast here, says of v. 8 seq. : Infit explicatio, quae tamen, ut passim alibi, ad dissipandas tenebras parum apta videbitur. The ovx eazi he makes to refer to Satan's being cast into the abyss before the Millennium, and his reappearance is to take place at the close of that period. To represent Satan as influencing or presiding over all the Romish heathen emperors, would be scriptural enough ; but where is the precedent for representing him as one of the EXPLANATORY vision : Chap. XVII. 12 — 14. 327 seven emperors ? Heinrichs tries to avoid this absurdity by saying, that ix zcov enzd iari only means, that Satan is of the same cast or character with them. But where, in all the Bible, is the devil likened to men ; although men are sometimes, indeed, likened to " their father the devil ?" Such views as these of our text could scarcely fail of exciting complaints of obscurity, like to those which Heinrichs utters. Other interpretations of the passage before us may be found in abun dance. But as I can never abandon a historical mode of explanation in order to take up with a conjectural or merely imaginary one, I shall not adduce them here. The reader who desires to see them, may easily find them in abundance, in any of the more copious commentaries. (12) And the ten horns which thou sawest, are ten kings who have not yet re ceived kingly power, but with the aid of the beast they receive authority as kings for one hour. . In Dan. 7: 24 the ten horns of the beast, there described, symbolize ten successive kings ; here plainly they designate ten contemporaneous ones. That subordinate and tributary kings are here meant, is plain from the nature of the declarations. They have not at any time re ceived BaaiXeiav, kingship, i. e. complete royal authority. They receive authority only plav coqav ; and even this they receive pezd zov drjqiov, i. e. with the aid, concurrence, or cooperation of the beast; for pezd of ten marks such a relation, Winer's Gramm. § 51. h. If this of itself be not sufficient evidence, yet such evidence may be found in v. 13. What the speaker means to say is, that the tributary kings of the Ro man empire, in compliance with the desire of the beast on whom they are dependent for their authority, unite with him in persecuting the church. So the following verse : (13) These have one mind, and their power and authority they give to the beast. That is, these are united in one and the same purpose, viz; to exer cise what power and authority they have in subserviency to the beast, thus aiding him to accomplish his designs. — Aibbaaiv, third pers. plur. of Pres. tense, being the Attic form, instead of the xoivij form didovai. Kiihner, § 200. a. Very clearly does this show, that persecution, when the Apocalypse was written, was extended to the provinces and subor dinate kingdoms of the Roman empire. (14) The same shall make war with the Lamb, and the Lamb shall overcome them, for he is Lord of lords and King of kings, and they who are with him are called and elect and faithful. Two reasons why the Lamb must prove victorious ; first, he is King of kino-s and Lord of lords, and secondly, he is accompanied by forces of his own choice, selected from the mass and not enlisted by chance or 328 EXPLANATORY vision : Chap. XVII. 15, 16. taken by lot, and true and faithful to their great leader. Although each of the adjectives employed here is often expressive of Christian character and condition, yet in the present case the reference is of the military cast, in relation to the war just mentioned. Who these troops are, may be seen in Rev. 19: 14. (15) And he saith unto me : The waters which thou sawest, where the whore sitteth, are people and multitudes, and nations and tongues. That is, the waters are the symbol of multitudinous people, (Xaol xal byXoi I take to be a Hendiadys), and of nations with different tongues or languages. In other words, they designate many and widely scat tered nations. — Elai, are, the usual word throughout the N. Testament, in such cases, and employed in the sense of means, symbolizes, designates. (16) And as to the ten horns which thou sawest, and the beast, these same shall hate the whore, and make her desolate and naked, and they shall devour her flesh, and burn her with fire. Ke'qaza and drjqiov are the Nom. absolute ; and, although they are of the neuter gender, yet the demonstrative pronoun which follows, ovzot, is masc. because persons are meant. Ewald interprets this verse as hav ing respect to the predicted return of Nero from the East, after his exile thither, and his union with confederate kings of that region, in order to invade Italy, and destroy its capital where he was assassinated. Possi bly the language may have assumed its present form, from that circum stance. But here there is not so much of explanation on the part of John, as of prediction. The sentiment seems to be, that tyrants like Nero, and persecutors such as his confederates, would occasion wasting and desolation to Rome, even like to that already inflicted by Nero, who had set Rome on fire and consumed a large portion of it. In a descrip tion so highly figurative as the one before us, nothing more seems to be necessarily meant. The next verse intimates, that when God shall have accomplished his purposes, in respect to the persecutions of the church, then his time of retribution to its enemies will follow. — 'Hqrjpcapivrjv . ¦ . xal yvuvrjv, the one applying to the idea of city, the other to that of its representative, the woman. The eating of the flesh and burning up with fire, are images of such thorough destruction as was not uncommon in wars where bitter animosity reigned. At all events, heathen and perse cuting Rome is to be utterly destroyed. The tributary kings, always hating her, did contribute not a little to her final downfall, and often oc casioned her bloody and long continued wars. But after all, there would not perhaps be much to object to Ewald's exegesis here, provided it should be regarded merely in the light of a dilucidation. The senti ment would then run thus : ' To sum up all ; as to the ten kings and the beast, these are they respecting whom the report is spread, that they will explanatory vision : Chap. XVT1. 17, 18. S29 come from the East, and will attack and destroy Rome.' But I give the preference to the preceding method of explanation. (17) For God hath put it into their hearts to do his will, and to do one will and give their kingdom to the beast, until the words of God shall be accomplished. "Edcoxev elg, put into, for dldcopi in the N. Testament often imitates the Heb. )n , which not unfrequently means to put, place, set, etc. The meaning of the verse is, that while the ten kings and the beast have a unity of purpose, (plavyvcbprjv), as to persecuting the church, and while the ten kings voluntarily yield themselves to the wishes of the beast in order to accomplish this, yet God is only executing his own ultimate de signs. ' He will make the wrath of man to praise him, and the remain der will he restrain.' The church must indeed be cast into the burning fiery furnace ; but it will not be destroyed. It will come out, at last, as gold purified from the fire.; — Until the words of God shall be accom plished, namely, what he has said or decreed respecting the persecution of his church. The intimation of course is, that the power of the enemy cannot go beyond this ; i. e. when that mark is reached, divine retribu tion will begin. Possibly the words of God to be fulfilled may here mean, the promises of deliverance made to the church. The other me thod of exposition, however, reaches the same goal, although by a dif ferent path. (18) And the woman whom thou sawest, is the great city which hath dominion over the kings of the earth. This is so graphic and specific, that no room is left for doubt as to who is meant. — The great city is spoken of by way of eminence, BaBv- Xcov rj peydXrj. Yet this is not all ; the great city which hath dominion over the kings of the earth, i. e. the ten or confederate kings, named in the preceding context. The number ten, like nearly all the numbers in this book, is to be regarded as symbolical. Whether there were more or less than this number of dependent kings, when the Apocalypse was written, matters not to the purposes of the writer or speaker. The num ber evidently alludes to Dan. 7: 24, where ten kings are mentioned, who, in various respects were to have dominion over and oppress the Jews. So in the present case ; ten kings, with the beast, will unite in perse cuting the church, and in efforts to destroy it. But they can proceed no further than the plan of an all-wise and overruling Providence per mits. Thus ends the episode and the explanation. The scene is immedi ately shifted in the sequel, and the main action of the piece speedily moves on. vol, ii. 42 330 FALL OP BABYLON : CHAP. XVIII. 1, 2. FALL OF BABYLON: CHAP. XVHI. [Before any attack Was made upon the kingdom of the beast, an angel proclaimed the fall of great Babylon, 14: 8. This, however, was only in general terms. But now the seventh vial has been poured out, and the city has been shaken to its very foundation, and thus a ruinous state of things had already commenced; 16: 17 — 21. Final and utter extinction, however, still remains to be achieved. Accord ingly an angel next appears, and not only renews the proclamation of the fall of Babylon, but describes this in such terms as necessarily to imply its utter ruin ; 18: 1 — 3. A voice from heaven therefore warns all the people of God to come out from the city, and threatens ample retribution to her ; 18: 4 — 8. The lament over her final fall is next described ; first, on the part of the kings associated with her (vs. 9, 10) ; secondly, of the merchants who trafficked in her (vs. 11 — 16) ; and lastly, of all the seamen employed in her commerce (vs. 17 — 19). Finally, heaven is called upon to rejoice over her fall (v. 20) ; and an angel takes up a ' great millstone and casts it into the sea, as an emblem of her final and irretrieva ble ruin, accompanying this transaction, at the same time, with threats whiph in dicate the same (vs. 21—24). As to the striking trichotomy of this chapter, the reader is remitted to Vol. 1. § 7.] (1) And after these things I saw another angel descending from heaven, hav ing great authority, and the earth was illuminated by his splendour. Another angel, i. e. one different from the angel interpreter, who had accompanied John, during the vision, for the sake of making explana tion. — Having great power or authority simply designates the rank or or der of the angel here, viz. that he was one of the higher order. — By his splendour, which is a secondary sense of the word db^rj, as it is also of the equivalent Heb. 1132; comp. Luke 2: 9. Ex. 24: 16. This acces sory idea adds to the magnificence of the scene, and to the dignity of the personage who is actor. (2) And he cried with a loud voice, saying: Babylon the great is fallen — is fallen ! And it has become an abode of demons, and the prison-house of every unclean spirit, and the cage of every unclean and hateful fowl. Demons were regarded by the Jews as inhabiting waste and desolate places ; see Exc. I. II. b. To say then that Babylon had become the abode of demons, is to say in the strongest manner, that it had become a scene of entire ruin. — A prison-house of every unclean spirit is a touch from the popular pneumatology. In Is. 13: 21, 22 is a picture which is the prototype of that before us. There the d^sis , forest-devils, dance among the ruins of the ancient Babylon ; and in Is. 34: 14, 15, the like things are said of the desolate cities of Idumea. In the latter case, not only the "nsto, but also the n^^, i. e. the sprite or hobgoblin of the forest, is represented as finding its place of abode amid the ruins. So FALL OF BABYLON : Chap. XVTn. 3, 4 331 in the text before us ; not only the demons proper, but all the lower and baser sprites, the canaille (sit venia !) of the demon-world, find a cpvXa- xr) in ruined Babylon. This last word, cpvXaxrj, lit. place of keeping, de notes more than abode. It is, as I have translated it, equivalent, to pri son-house ; so that by constraint, and in the way of punishment, these detestable beings are cooped up there. — And the cage of every unclean and. hateful fowl; the prototype of this is in several passages of Isaiah just cited above. There, according to this prophet, the cormorant and the screech-owl and vulture find their place amid the ruins of cities. So here, the object of the writer cannot well be misunderstood. It is to paint, in the most graphical manner, a scene of entire desolation, fre quented only by horrid and detestable creatures. (l>vXaxrj, which is ge neric, I have here translated cage, because this is appropriate. (3) Because she hath made all nations to drink of the inflammatory wine of her fornication ; and the kings of the earth have committed fornication with her, and the merchants of the earth have become rich by the abundance of her lux ury. Inflammatory wine, etc., see on 14: 8. — The merchants have become rich by the abundance of her luxury ; dvvdpeag, like the Heb. a'l , means, in a few cases, much in respect to quantity, i. e. abundance. See Lex. — Szqrjvovg, luxury, revel. The meaning is, that the merchants had enriched themselves by the abundance of things pertaining to luxu rious enjoyment, which the Babylonians had purchased of them. The design is to characterize the excess of Babylonish luxury. Sentiment : ' Babylon has corrupted and led to idolatry the nations of the earth, and has indulged to great excess in every kind of luxury.' (4) And 1 heard another voice from heaven, saying : Come out of her, my peo ple, that ye may not partake of her sins, and that ye may not receive any of her plagues. Modelled after the ancient prophets ; see the like warning in Is. 48: 29. Jer. 50: 8. 51: 6, 9, 45. So Lot is warned, in Gen. xix. The idea is, that Babylon, whose ruin has already commenced, cannot be re paired or rebuilt. It must suffer final and irretrievable ruin. The peo ple of God, therefore, are exhorted to forsake it. It is the Saviour who calls to them — for he says : My people. — Partake of her sins means, share in the punishment due to her sins ; for dpaqzia means not only si'm, but also the fruits of sin, i. e. punishment. So the Heb. H*an and ¦)i» . The next clause, which warns against receiving her nXrjyav, shows that this is the proper exegesis. — But the aggravation of her guilt is not to be passed without further notice. 332 FALL OF BABYLON : Chap. XVHl. 5-"-8< (5) For her sins have reached to heaven, and God hath called to itiind her wrongs. 'ExoXXijdrjaav, lit. have been joined to, or adhere to. The idea is better expressed in English by the secondary sense of the verb which I have adopted, viz. reached to. The prototype is Jer. 51: 9.— "-God hath re membered her wrongs, \. e. the wrongs which she has done to his people. This remembrance implies of course a due and proper notice of the sins in question, i. e. God remembers so as to punish. The idea of sin reach ing to heaven is not to be taken merely as designating a large mass of sin, but that sin cries to heaven, like Abel's blood, for vengeance ; see Gen. 4: 10. 18: 20. This figure of speech is a great favourite with the author of the book of Enoch; see 8: 9. 9: 2, 4, 10—12. 47: 1, 2. 96s 2, 4. 60: 9, 12—16. (6) Render to her as she has rendered [to others] ; yea, give fully double to her according to her works ; in the cup which she has mingled, mingle double for her. The original exemplar is in Is. 40: 2. 61: 7 ; but there it is applied to reward. Comp. Job 42: 12, where all his former possessions are doubled. The intensity of dmXcoaaze dtnXd I have expressed in the version."- The cup which is to be mingled for her is to be doubled, viz. by the strength of the inflammatory substances put into it, or by the quantity poured in. The cup here is, as often before, the emblem of punishment-*-Q) ixeqaae is a case of attraction, perhaps the only certain one in the whole book. But this is not strange. Matthew has none ; Mark, but one.^-But to whom are the words of this command addressed ? To angels, would be the answer I should make ; because, throughout the book, angels are the executioners of divine justice. The helpless and fugitive Christians, who just before are addressed, cannot well be supposed to be here charged with the execution of the present order. (7) In such measure as she hath boasted herself and indulged in revelling, in the same measure repay her with torment and mourning ; for she saith in her heart : I sit as queen, I am no widow, nor shall I see any cause of mourning. The ibb^ace eavzrjv seems to be exemplified in her saying : I sit at queen, i. e. sit firmly established as queen, xddrjpai = ''MBy or Taw . ~~-Xrjqa, lit. bereaved, is usually applied to a widow, i. e. a woman who has lost her husband. But it is not of necessity limited to this ; and here it probably points to a bereavement of children. The city is the mother, the inhabitants her children. So the sentiment is: 'I shall never become depopulated, and therefore shall not be called to mourn 1' (8) Because of this, in one day shall her plagues come, death and mourning arid famine; and she shall be burned up in the fire ; for mighty is the Lord God, who hath judged her. • Aid rovzo, i. e. on account of her pride, her luxury, and her boast- FALL OF BABYLON : Chap. XVni. 9, 10. 333 ing.— In one day, i. e. suddenly and unexpectedly ; for all these evils are not wont to come simultaneously, and when the threat is uttered that they shall so come, it implies that they will come unexpectedly. Death, i. e. the loss of inhabitants in various ways ; mourning, i. e. bewailing on account of the numerous dead ; famine, the usual accom paniment of a siege by a foreign enemy. — She shall be consumed by fire ; for mighty is the Lord God who has passed sentence upon her, i. e. the power of him who has condemned her admits of no control and cannot be resisted ; therefore, he who has condemned will execute his sentence. The consuming by fire was usual in ancient times, when a fortified city was captured. Here the expression presents the emblem of thorough destruction. After this total destruction comes the lament over her fall : (9) And the kings of the earth shall weep and mourn on account of her, who committed fornication with her and revelled, when they shall see the smoke of her burning ; The confederate and tributary kings of the Roman empire are doubt less meant here, who were more usually creatures of the imperial gov ernment, and connected with it by many ties. — Committed fornication, i. e. became idolaters, or acceded to her idolatries. — Revelled, indulged (with her) in every kind of rioting and extravagance. (10) Standing afar off for fear of her torment, they will say; Alas! alas! the great city Babylon, the mighty city ! For in one hour thy doom has come. Eazrjxbzeg and Xeyovzeg may be taken as in apposition with the Nora, to xXavaovai and xbxpovzai ; or we may mentally combine the Fut. of eipl with one or both of these participles and employ them as verbs, (which is common in the Apocalypse). In the translation above, I have rendered one of them as a verb ; and this makes the sense more simple and perspicuous. — The burning of the city is so dreadful, that near approach cannot be made ; hence, dnb paxqbdev eazrjxbzeg. — Torment the destruction by fire may well be called. — -Oval, oval, an interjection of the plur. form ; there is also a singular form, viz. ova ; so the Latin, vaih, vae ! Our English word alas is the best version here ; for woe designates imprecation, which is not apposite here.— -Babylon, the mighty city, is a repetition of the name with some variation, a repe tition for the sake of intensity. — Mia aqa, i. e. suddenly and unex pectedly. Thy doom has come, i. e. the judgment passed upon thee is immediately executed.* * A peculiar circumstance in these lamentations deserves notice here. This is, that the favourite trichotomy of the author leads him to repeat ovai.' oval! rj n6Xn rj fitydXtj, at the end of each lament, see vs. 10, 16, 19 ; as also the fiia wpo 334 FALL OF BABYLON : Chap. XVLU. 11, 12. (11) And the merchants of the earth weep and mourn over her; because no one any longer purchases their merchandize. The merchants appear to be more concerned for the fate of Babylon than the kings ; for they were more profited by her commerce and luxury, than any other class of people. This trait of the lamentation, however, can hardly be made to correspond to anything in the actual history of the destruction of pagan and antichristian Rome, as a spirit ual adversary. The merchants, literally considered, were not more inclined to paganism than other classes of people. It must therefore be put to the account of concinnity in description, that this particular trait is introduced ; I mean a concinnity which carries through the account of the destruction of great Babylon, consistently with the natu ral consequences of destroying a literal city. In other words, the con gruity of the description belongs more to the symbol than to the thing designed to be signified. But it must be remembered, that in so doing the writer has heightened the beauty and force of his description ; and this is a sufficient reason for his indulging in a particular recital of the leading objects of luxury and of commerce. — rbpov, lading, lit. fulness, as it comes from yipa, to be full. The secondary meaning is given in the version. (12) The merchandize of gold and silver, and of precious stone and pearl, and of fine linen and purple, and of silk and scarlet; and all citron- wood and every ivory vessel, and all furniture of most costly wood, and brass, and iron, and marble. That ancient Babylon was full of these things, and of others named in the sequel, there can be no doubt. As little doubt can remain, that Rome, in the first century of the Christian era, was equally full of them. — Zrjqixbv, silk, was imported anciently from the East, probably from China ; from which the name also was derived ; see Klaproth and Abel Remusat in Journal Asiat. II. p. 243 seq. For the value put upon it, see Plin. Hist. Nat. VI. 17. 20. — Qvivov, adj. from dva, citron- tree. The wood was highly prized for elegant furniture. — iEvXov . ¦ ¦ axevog, etc., in the Ace, being in apposition with ybpov above, and making here an oratio variata, when compared with the Genitives before. characterizing the sudden and unexpected coming of final destruction. Besides this, there is another trait of the style which deserves remark. This is, that in the first lament, the verbs introducing the narration of it stand in the Fut.' tense; in the second, in the Present ; in the third, in the Praeterite. It is thus that the author shows, amid all the excitement which the subject must have created while he was writing, that he is not inattentive to the call of aesthetics, as to variety in modes of expression. FALL OF BABYLON : CHAP. XVTII. 13, 14. 335 (13) And cinnamon and fragrant spice, and incense and ointment and frankin cense, and wine and oil, and fine flour and wheat, and cattle and sheep ; and of horses and of mule-chariots, and of grooms ; and also slaves. SepldaXig means the best and finest kind of flour. — "innav and the other Gen. which follow, depend on ybfiov implied. — 'Pedcbv means a chariot drawn by mules ; an article imported from Gaul into Rome, (Caes. Bell. Gall. I. 51), and adopted there as one of the luxuries. — Hcbpaza, lit. bodies ; but the later Greeks made use of this word in a brachylogical way, viz. for acbfiaza dovXa or atypdXaza, so that when used alone it serves to indicate slaves. Vice versa, the noun was often omitted, and the adjectives employed to indicate the same idea. But here, as the subsequent phrase also indicates slaves, I have, in order to avoid tautology, rendered it grooms, in connection (as it in fact is) with innav and qedav, i. e. it designates here a particular species of slaves employed in taking care of these. — Kal yjv^dg dvdqcanav = 'a'yA U3S5 in Ezek. 27: 13, which plainly means slaves or human persons. The Hebrew tUBl often designates the idea of person or self. The Ace. here is in apposition with ybpov above. The designation of slave is ge neric ; and so I have translated it in the version above. (14) And the fruit of thy soul's desire hath gone from thee, and all that is splendid and glittering hath perished out of thee ; and thou shalt no more find them. Onmqa literally means the latter part of summer, i. e. the harvest time for fruits ; so that under this general appellation seems to be com prised all manner of provision or sustinence brought into the great city. — Amaqd and Xaunqd characterize all kinds of furniture and clothing, which were gilt or plated or embroidered, and therefore were bright and splendid. The address here, in the second person, to the great city, has been a stumbling-block to many. Beza, Mark, Launaeus, Vitrin ga, Ewald, and others are perplexed by it ; and the latter doubts its genuineness. But what is more usual than similar apostrophes in the Hebrew prophets ? The ground of it is excitement in the mind of the writer, whose feelings lead him directly to address the haughty tyrant who is laid low ; just as the inhabitants of the under-world do, when the king of Babylon descends to them, Is. 14: 10 seq. Comp. Is. 47: 1 — 3, and many other passages of the like tenor. The amount of it is, that the description, instead of moving on in the third person, and thus addressing the reader, assumes the second and directs its language to her, i. e. to Babylon, who was about to be reduced to the desolation here described. It is a species of composition which belongs to the sar castic, and it greatly heightens the energy of the discourse. 336 fall of baylon: Chap. XVIII. 15 — 19. (15) And the venders of these things, who have become rich by her, shall stand afar off, for fear of her torment, weeping and mourning ; Tovrav refers to the articles of traffic enumerated in the preceding context. The distant position for fear of participating in the torment, is the same here as in the case of the kings, v. 10 above. (16) Saying : Alas ! alas ! The great city which clothed herself with fine linen and purple and scarlet, and adorned herself with gold and precious stones and pearls ! For in one hour riches so great have been utterly laid waste. The articles of clothing here mentioned are among the number already recounted as articles of traffic, in the preceding context. Here the most prominent are selected. — It is evident, that the whole recital of the various articles of splendour and luxury, is introduced here mainly for the purpose of adorning the picture and making it the more mag nificent. Correspondences to each of these articles, in the spiritual meaning of the whole passage, will hardly be sought for by any one, excepting by him who is ignorant of the true nature and design of trop ical and symbolical language. (17, 18) And every pilot, and every coaster, and sailors, and whoever ply the sea, stood afar off, and when they beheld the smoke of her burning cried out, saying : What is like to the great city ? KvBeqvrjzrjg, helmsman, he who guides or conducts a vessel ; here it probably means the person whom we name captain. — '0 ini zonov nXe- av, lit. he who sails to place, i. e. he who sails from one place to another along the coast, and does not go out to sea ; and thus the expression designates the secondary class of sailors, or rather of sea-captains. — Navzai, sailors, in the common sense of the word, the crews of ships. — Whoever ply the sea, is a generic expression embracing all classes of sailors, whether in war-ships, merchantmen, or fishing vessels, etc. — "Eazrjaav xai 'ixqa'Qov, the Praeterite, as is usual in the Hebrew proph ets ; see remarks in a Note under the Comm. on v. 10 above. — Tig opoia, what [city] is like, etc. Evidently nbXig is the adjunct to zlg, and as we have no distinctive fem. interrogative, we must, according to our idiom, translate by what, i. e. what city ; for if we translate by who (which designates person) the comparison would be incongruous. (19) And they cast dust upon their heads, and weeping and mourning cried out, saying : Alas ! alas ! The great city in which all became rich who possessed ships in the sea, by reason of her magnificence ! for in one hour hath she become desolate. Cast dust upon their heads ; such was the usual custom in ancient times, in token of affliction and commiseration ; comp. Job 2: 12.—- By reason qf her magnificence or splendour, an epexegetical clause FALL OF BABYLON : Chap. XVILT. 20. 337 designed to disclose more fully ;the meaning of iv r] inXovzrjaav. The writer means to designate the splendour and magnificence of buildings, furniture, dress, equipage, etc., which made a great demand for articles imported by sea from foreign countries. (29) Exult over her, thou heaven, and ye saints and apostles and prophets ! for God has condemned your condemnation by her. A strong antithesis, indeed, to the preceding lamentation and wailing. In that commiseration, the friends of God and the church can have no community of feeling. On the contrary, they have every reason to re joice, that the church is freed from her most bitter and powerful enemy. If it be objected, that this exultation is contrary to the spirit of Chris tian love and compassion ; the answer is, that neither God himself, nor any who bear his image, have any pleasure in the death of the sinner in itself considered. It is indeed altogether opposed to the spirit of be nevolence, to indulge a thirst of vengeance, according to the present meaning given by us to that word. But it is not inconsistent with uni versal benevolence in its true and highest sense, to execute justice where there is refusal to repent, and the offer of mercy is treated with scorn. It is proper to rejoice, yea to exult, in the deliverance of the good from the oppression of the evil ; to rejoice that the purposes of divine mercy are not thwarted, but are to be fully accomplished in the salvation of the righteous. An appeal, in proof of this, may be made to every man's spontaneous feelings in a land of light and liberty. He is glad when the midnight assassin is detected and brought to justice. He is glad that honest and peaceable citizens are rendered secure in their persons and estates ; and all. this without any vindictive feelings toward the criminal who has perilled them, and who meets at last with his due reward. In a sense like to this, we may well suppose the in habitants of heaven are called upon to rejoice at the fall of Babylon. Thou heaven, i. e. ye inhabitants of the heavenly world, as the next clause shows. — Saints here means the mass of common Christians, who had suffered by persecution. — Apostles means, in the N. Testament, not the twelve only, but other very distinguished leaders and teachers ; Acts 14: 4, 14. Rom. 16: 7. 1 Cor. 12: 28. 2 Cor. 8: 23. However, as some of the twelve apostles had suffered martyrdom when the Apocalypse was written, (James certainly, and not improbably Peter and Paul), there is no serious objection to understanding the word apostles here in the more limited sense. — Uqocprjzai designates all distinguished teach ers ; see 1 Cor. 14: 1 — 5. — "Exqive . . . zb xqipa vpcbv, a paronomasia, which is imitated in the version. The meaning is, that God punished (the secondary sense of xqiva) Babylon, on account of the condemna tion or punishment which Christians had received e'jf avzrjg, from her, vol. ii, 43 338 BENEWED SENTENCE : CHAP. XVHI. 21. i. e. from great Babylon ; £§ denotes the source whence the condem nation of Christians had come. Thus ends the Lament, or second part of the chapter before us.. It is proper, therefore, in this place, to advert for a moment to the prototype or exemplar of this in the Old Testament. It strikes one at first as somewhat strange, inasmuch as neither ancient Babylon nor Rome was ever remarkable in any considerable degree for maritime trade, that so much prominence should here be given to the class of men " who ply the sea," as mourners over the fall of the great city. Babylon and Rome were both at some dis tance from the sea, and could neither of them be called sea-port towns in any tolerable sense of the word. But it should be remembered, however, that both of them were at no great distance from seaports ; both were on rivers navigable by small craft and lighters ; and both carried on the im portation of foreign luxuries to such an extent as rendered necessary the employment of much shipping. Still, in Is. xiii. xiv, and in Jer. 1. li, no thing of consequence is said about the maritime concerns of ancient Babylon. The prototype of John, in regard to vs. 11 — 20, must therefore be looked for in Ezek. xxvii. xxviii. There, indeed, it may be found ; and in it is exhibi ted a more than usual similarity to the apocalyptic passage now before us. The luxuriating description of Tyre, with its commerce and its wares and its ships, has no parallel in the Old Testament, and none in the New, ex cepting the passage under consideration. In applying so much of the mar itime to Rome, the Apocalyptist bas shown, that he does not expect his readers to make out a literal meaning from his language, but to regard tlie whole as designed merely to set forth the greatness and variety of the wealth and luxury and voluptuousness of the persecuting city, and in con nection with this, her arrogance and insolence. It is indeed a vivid picture; and if the writer has dwelt longer upon the maritime part, and made it more prominent than we might expect, (for we should, a priori, hardly ex pect the trading seamen to be distinguished from the merchants), we must attribute this to the freedom of his glowing imagination, and to the evident design he had of being understood as describing, in a graphic way, the great ness and extent of luxury and extravagance. THE RENEWED SENTENCE AGAINST BABYLON : CHAP. XVIII : 21—24. The third or last part of the subordinate trichotomy now follows. It consists of a repetition of the sentence threatening utter destruction ; and so it is an intense confirmation of it, first by symbol, and then by direct words. (21) And a mighty angel took up a stone, like a great millstone, and cast it into the sea, saying : Thus shall Babylon, the great city, be cast down with violence, and shall be found no more. Eig = zig, as elsewhere ; so ifix in the O. Testament. — 'Iapqbg, powerful in a kind of physical sense here ; which is appropriate to the sequel. — MvXov ue'yav is not to be compared with millstones among us, RENEWED SENTENCE : Chap. XVLU. 22, 23. 339 but with those which were contained in the hand-mills of the ancients. —?EBaXev, i. e. with avzov implied. The action of casting down is here designated. — 'Oqprjpari, with violence or impetus, alluding to the impe tus with which the angel had cast the great stone into the sea. — Shall be found no more, is a necessary sequel of the image followed out ; for a stone cast into the deep sea can no more be found. The sentiment is not, that Babylon shall be literally sunk in the ocean, but that, as a stone sunk in the ocean will never be seen again, so Babylon will fall to rise no more. The prototype of this symbol may be found in Jer. 51: 63, 64 (22) And the voice of harpers and singers and pipers and trumpeters shall no more be heard in thee, and artificers of every kind shall be found in thee no more, and the noise of the millstone shall be heard in thee no more; Kidaqcpdcbv means those who play on the harp and accompany it with singing. — Movaixav, musicians in general, but here, as distin guished from the others named, singers. — AvXrjzcov, fluters, pipers. — Only the leading and favourite kinds of music are here mentioned, and as representatives of all the rest. — lid? zsyvlzrjs ndarjg zeyvrjg, lit. every artificer of every art ; but I have expressed' the sense in the version, more conformably to our English idiom. Such artificers are probably meant, as were employed in fabricating articles of luxury. — 'Ucovrj pv- Xov, lit. the voice of the millstone ; for the Greek did not distinguish, with the same accuracy of language as the English, voice from noise, the former being an articulate, the latter an inarticulate, sound. Thus much for a vivid picture of the pleasures and employments of the great city by day ; now comes a like description of its state by night. (23) And the light of the candle shall no more shine in thee, and the voice of the bridegroom and of the bride shall be heard in thee no more ; for thy mer chants were the nobles of the earth; for by thy sorcery all the nations were led astray. Aifvov is here to be taken generically, as indicating every kind of light kindled in order to dissipate the darkness of evening. — The voice of the bridegroom and of the bride, i. e. the merry voice of those who walk in a wedding procession through the streets ; as anciently was, and still is, the custom of the East, comp. Matt. 25: 6, 7. — Thy mer chants were the nobles of the earth, i. e. thy merchants (such was thine excessive indulgence in luxury) became noblemen, q. d. very wealthy and distinguished for splendour of living- — For by thy sorcery, cpaqpa- xela, pharmacy, lit. medicine. The meaning here is, portions given in the way of enchantment or for charming, as the older English has it. This, like the inflammatory cup so often mentioned, is of course not to be literally taken, but tropically. The effect of the charm was to lead 340 Final victory : Chap. XIX. astray, i. e. lead into polytheism and idolatry. — The two last clauses are separate and coordinate reasons for the ruin that had just been pre dicted. I have translated and pointed them accordingly. The proto type of vs. 22, 23, may be found in Jer. 25: 10. 7: 34. 16: 9. 33: 10, 11. Ezek. 26: 13. Amos 6: 5—7. Is. 24: 8—10; comp. 1 Mace. 1: 45. That a most vivid picture is here given of the employments, luxury, amusements, and splendour of the great city, will be readily conceded. But it is an offence against the taste of some, that ov . . . ezi is so often repeated. Yet they should call to mind, that here is the final denun- ' ciation of all that still remains of the great city, and that the seven times repetition of ov . . . ezi is in conformity with the use of the number seven in this book, as often adverted to before. On other ground, it might be somewhat difficult to solve the aesthetical problem presented here. (24) And in her has been found the blood of prophets and saints, even of all who are slain on the earth. To render the sentiment and connection more plain, vs. 23, 24, should be united. Kai at the beginning of v. 24 introduces a third ground or reason of the destruction, and the ozi of the preceding clause is imphed before it. FINAL VICTORY: CHAP. XLX. [The time now draws near for the final termination of the conflict. The irrevoc able doom has been pronounced. But before the final consummation, the episode (so usual in this book) of praise, thanksgiving, and anticipated completion of vic tory, comes in, with a delay (grateful in itself to the reader) of the main action. Comp. 5: 8 seq. 7: 9 seq. 11: 15 seq. It is by episodes of this nature, adapted to cheer the spirits of the suffering Christians, that the writer brings about the morae or delays in the main action of his piece. How much more relevant these epi sodes are to the main object, than those frequently to be met with in Epopees, the reader can easily judge. In the present episode, trichotomy, as usual, is plainly discernible. In the first division, all the inhabitants of the heavenly world are represented as uniting in a song of triumph and of thanksgiving, on account of the righteous judgments of God which are about to be inflicted ; vs. 1 — 4. In the second, a voice from the throne in heaven speaks, and requires of all his servants everywhere renewed praise, which accordingly is shouted; vs. 5 — 8. In the third, the glorious pros pect for suffering martyrs is disclosed. They will be guests at the marriage sap per of the Lamb ; the church is indeed the Lamb's Bride ; and the exaltation of the Messiah is vividly sketched in the declaration of the angel-interpreter, at whose feet John in a state of astonishment falls. Jesus, the angel declares, is the object of worship by him ; and therefore he (the angel) cannot claim the worship of his fellow servants, who, like him, are merely instruments in making known the pro phecies respecting the triumph of redeeming grace, vs. 9, 10.] SYMBOLS OF VICTORY : CHAP. XIX. 1 — 5. 341 (1) After these things, 1 heard a3 it were a loud voice of a great multitude in heaven, saying : Halleluia ! the salvation, and glory, and power of our God ! Great multitude, i. e. the united hosts of heaven, as the sequel shows. — Aeybvzav, plur. in reference to 'the noun of multitude, b^Xov. — Halle luia, i. e. praise Jehovah = swibn. — The salvation and glory and power, triplex again ; xal rj ziprj, of the vulgate text, is ejected. Sal vation means deliverance of the church from its enemies. — Abta seems here to designate the divine attribute of majesty.— Avvapig, power, has reference to God's omnipotence, as exerted in the overthrow of the ene mies of the church. The sentence is brachylogical. The meaning is, that deliverance from enemies, and majesty, and might, are to be as cribed to God, and he is to be praised on account of them. The article before the nouns points to the specific deliverance, etc., indicated by the preceding context. (2) For true and righteous are his judgments; because he hath punished the great whore, who corrupted the earth by her fornication ; and he hath avenged the blood of his servants [shed] by her hand. True, dXijdivai, means faithful to promises. — Aixaiai, just in the way of retribution. — Corrupted the earth here refers to the wide-spread moral corruption which Rome had occasioned, by her heathenish worship. — He hath avenged, i. e. God hath avenged. — By her hand is brachy logical ; for the meaning is, blood' shed by her hand, ix marking the cause or instrument, as often elsewhere. (3) And again they said : Halleluia! And her smoke riseth up forever and ever. The original imagery is taken from the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrha. As they had already become a perpetual desolation, so should spiritual Babylon be. The same is indicated by the prediction in 14: 11, comp. 18: 9. — AvaBalvei, Pres. tense, indicates action con tinuing and to be continued. i (4) And the four and twenty elders, and the four living creatures, fell down and worshipped God who sitteth on the throne, saying : Amen ! Halleluia ! The writer means to say, that not only the inhabitants of the heavenly world in general, but even the most exalted among them, united in praise and thanksgiving on account of the execution of God's justice on persecuting Babylon ; comp. 5: 14. 7: 11. Thus we have the Halle luia thrice repeated, and confirmed by the solemn Amen. In addition to this, all is confirmed by a voice from the throne of God. ' (5) And a voice came from the throne, saying : Praise our God, ye his ser vants, and ye who fear him small and great ! That this is the voice of the Messiah, sitting upon the throne, is clear 342 SYMBOLS OF VICTORY : Chap. XIX. 6, 7. from the phrase : Praise our God. There is nothing singular in this ; comp. John 20: 17, " I ascend to my Father and your Father, to my God and your God." See also Heb. 2: 11 seq. and Rev. 18: 4.— -Ye who fear him, etc., merely expands and renders prominent the idea of dovXoi. Thus does the great Captain of salvation assent to and confirm the'rejoicing of his followers. Encouraged and stimulated by this, they break out into a renewed expression of joy and praise : (6) And I heard as it were the voice of a great multitude, and as the voice of many waters, and as the voice of mighty thunder, saying : Halleluia ! for the Lord our God, the Almighty, has become king. The difference between saying rjxovaa a? cpmvrjv, and rjxovaa cpwvrjv, etc., is slight, but yet perceptible. The first formula does not make di rect affirmation respecting the multitude or great numbers who shout, but merely implies such a multitude, because the noise is like that of a mighty host ; the second formula would directly assert that there was a great multitude. The basis of the expression is, the noise made by the shout of a mighty and victorious army. — Noise of many waters, i. e. of the waves of the sea, in a tempest, rolling upon the shore. — Loud or mighty thunder is another familiar and sublime comparison. The triplex repetition of this imagery is for the purposes of intensity, like the triplex Halleluia in the preceding context. Thus the repetition of the Halle luia, after the approbation from the throne, becomes greatly augmented ; as was perfectly natural. — 'EBaalXevae, has become or acted as king, i. e. universal king, his enemies being subdued ; or we may translate it, as is usual, has reigned, where the Aor. is employed in order to denote the certainty of his complete and universal reign, Gramm. § 136. 5. d. (7) Let us rejoice, and be glad, and give glory to him; for the marriage of the Lamb hath come, and his Wife hath prepared herself. The joy, then, is not so much over the fallen enemy, as over the prospects and privileges of the church, which are now rendered bright and cheering. The boldness of the imagery here is striking ; yet it is nothing new. Everywhere in the prophets of the O. Testament, God is often represented as the husband of Israel or Judah ; an image de rived from two sources, first, from the fact that a nation is usually per sonified under the image of a female, and secondly, that the connection between husband and wife is the dearest and most sacred of all ; Gen. 2: 24. The wife is, by her very relation to her husband, bound to faithfulness, purity, obedience, and affection ; the husband is to protect, provide for, and cherish the wife. Hence the frequency of this imagery in the O. Testament ; e. g. Is. 50: 1. 54: 5. Jer. 3: 14. Is. 62: 5. Hos. 2: 19, 20. The whole of Canticles exhibits this idea greatly enlarged and as it were individualized, if it is to be understood in a spiritual SYMBOLS OF victory : Chap. XIX. 8, 9. 343 sense. It is frequent also in the N. Testament; e. g. 2 Cor. 11: 2. Eph. 5: 22—32. Rev. 21: 2, et al. Undoubtedly we may call such imagery oriental; for the poems of Hafiz among the Persians, and many of the religious poems of the Arabians, assume the same imagery, in order to express the ardour and purity of affection which is due to God. If any reader is offended at this, it is but the part of candour to suggest, that the Bible was written in the East, and for the East as well as the West ; and surely in oriental countries no one would think at taking offence on the ground of tropical language derived from such a source. — Besides, Rome has already been repeatedly introduced as a harlot, in a gaudy and meretricious dress ; the church therefore is in troduced here, on the contrary, as a chaste virgin betrothed to Christ. The antithesis between the two is thus made striking. — Hzoipaaev eav- zrjv, hath adorned herself for the nuptials ; as the sequel shows. (8) And it was given her, that she should put on fine linen, splendid and pure ; (for the fine linen signifies the righteousness of the saints). The bridal garment here mentioned, considered in a literal respect, is such as was wont to be worn at nuptials. But the writer explicitly tells us, that all literal and carnal explanation is to be forborne. The fine linen, as he declares, is only a symbol of the righteousness of the saints. In Greek the word righteousness is plural, dixaicopaza, for the sake of intensity. This plainly does not designate the good deeds and virtuous actions, simply or principally, of the saints ; for it is something given to them. Paul presents us with a solution : " That I may be found in Him, not having mine own righteousness which is of the law, but that which is by faith in Christ, the righteousness of God by faith," Phil. 3: 9. So then, ' clothed in the righteousness of Christ,' saints are to be affianced to him when their highest spiritual union with him shall be completed. All that is here said, is said for the sake of pointing out the reward which awaits Christians in the world to come. So the sequel shows : (9) And he saith to me : Write ; Blessed are they who are bidden to the mar riage-supper of the Lamb ! He also saith to me : These are the true words of God. See a similar passage in 3: 20, in respect to Christ's supping with the believer. There seems, at first sight, to be a departure here from the imagery of the preceding verse. There the whole church are rep resented as the bride, and Christ as the Husband. Here the blessed ness is mentioned of those who are guests invited to the wedding-feast. I know not well how to solve this, except by the consideration, that the speaker here regards the consummation of the marriage, i. e. the highest spiritual union with Christ in the heavenly world, after martyr- 344 SYMBOLS OF VICTORY : CHAP. XIX. 10. dom, as constituting the basis of his imagery in v. 8 ; while in v. 9, he pronounces a blessing on those, who, having been called of God, are now in their probationary state, preparing for a final union with Christ. Understood in this way, the speaker declares that blessings of the high est kind await martyrs in the heavenly world ; also, that they who have merely begun their course, and who are invited to final happiness, are, amid all their trials, to be counted as greatly blessed. The earnestness with which the author speaks, is designated by the declaration, these words of God are true. — The Nom. case or subject of Xe'yei is not mentioned by John. But there can scarcely be a doubt, that the angel-interpreter, who seems everywhere to accompany him, is meant to be considered as the subject. So v. 10 leads us of necessity to explain the matter here. The idea of a feast, as an image of the happiness of heaven, was a familiar one with the Jews ; see and comp. Luke 14: 15. 16: 23, Laza rus reclining with Abraham at the table. Luke 22: 16. Mark 14: 25. Rev. 22: 1, 2. The imagery here can scarcely be misunderstood by an intelligent and sober mind. (10) And I fell at his feet to worship him ; then he saith to me : See thou do it not ; I am thy fellow servant, and of thy brethren who hold the testimony of Jesus ; worship God : (for the testimony of Jesus is the spirit of prophecy). John, enraptured with what he had just seen and heard, seems almost to have lost, in amazement and ecstasy, a consciousness of what he was doing. His first emotions lead him to fall at the feet of the angel-interpreter as an act of homage, doubtless believing that the Lord Jesus himself was veiled in the form of the angel. But while he was proceeding to do so, the angel arrests him with admonitions, that he himself is nothing more than a ministerial servant, and therefore cannot be a proper object of homage. Fell down, etc., the usual external act of homage, either to God or man. In western countries, kneeling is the act of homage ; in the eastern, prostration of the whole person on the ground, with the face in the dust, was the usual token of civil or spiritual reverence. That John was about to pay the latter, seems probable from the check which the angel gave him. — "Oqa prj, brachylogy, i. e. it plainly stands for bqa prj nqoaxvvrjarjg. Our own idiom, without repeating the main verb, is, by the aid of the helping verb do, more explicit than the Greek ; e. g. ' See thou do it not.' — JZvvbovXbg aov is very expressive here, q. d. lama servant as well as thou, and therefore cannot receive homage. — Tm ddeXcpav has for its preceding and governing noun avvdovXog implied. The sum of the two clauses is : ' I am a fellow-servant of John and of all who testify for Christ.' Those who hold the testimony of Jesus, must FINAL CONTEST: CHAP. XIX. 11. 345 here have reference to teachers or prophets, i. e. to those who in some way or other held and proclaimed the gospel. The angel means to say, that he was engaged in the same business as John himself, and acted (like him) in a subordinate capacity. How comes it that Jesus, if merely human, never checked any of his worshippers in this way ? For the testimony of Jesus is the spirit of prophecy, is a clause that has been a kind of crux interpretum. Storr : Quicquid Jesus in hoc oraculo exposuit, e spiritu prophetico manavit. Ewald : Nam professio Jesu est spiritus propheticus, i. e. si quis fidem ejus constanter tuetur, is eo ipso spiritum habet propheticum. Neither to the purpose of the speaker, which is, to proffer a reason why the angel considers himself as nothing more than a fellow-servant. And what is that reason ? Plainly it is this, viz. that John and his other fellow-witnesses for Jesus, being in possession of the testimony respecting him, were partakers of the spirit of prophecy, because the testimony respecting Jesus, in its full extent, must embrace many things yet future, and which could be known only in a prophetic way. Now inasmuch as the angel-inter preter came merely to aid John in the business of prediction or proph ecy, he belongs to the same general class of ministerial agents as John himself. In other words : John and his coadjutor are both sent on the same errand, are engaged in the same business, and are partakers of the same prophetic spirit. The one, therefore, cannot worship the other. For substance, Vitringa and Heinrichs defend the like exegesis. I do not see that the passage fairly admits of any other. FINAL CONTEST: CHAP. XIX. 11—21. [The shout of anticipated victory being thus raised, and the glorious rewards of martyrdom being reassured, all is ready for the final catastrophe. This the remaining part of the chapter discloses. The usual trichotomy again develops itself in this. (1) The appearance of the great Captain of Salvation, with his hosts around him, from the heavenly world ; vs. 11 — 16. (2) The proclamation made to the ravenous beasts and birds to come and glut themselves with the slaughtered ; vs. 17, 18. (3) The final overthrow and excision of the beast, the false prophet, and their army ; vs. 19 — 21]. (11) And 1 saw heaven opened, and behold! a white horse, and he who sat upon him was called Faithful and True ; and he judgeth and maketh war with justice. Heaven is here represented as being opened, for the inspection of the seer, and because the armies of heaven (v. 14) are to advance to the contest, issuing from the heavenly world. — Andlo! a white horse, the emblem at once of the majesty of the rider, and of the victory to be achieved ; see on 6: 2. — The personage designated as Leader, is not vol. n. 44 346 FINAL contest : Chap. XIX. 12, 13. here designated by his proper name (Jesus, Messiah), but by epithets which are expressive of the qualities which he manifests, particularly in his present undertaking. Faithful, viz. to all the promises which he has made to his followers. True, viz. to keep and execute both prom ises and threatenings. And he judgeth and maketh war with justice, i. e. he is not more true and faithful to his friends and followers, than he is just toward his enemies. He does not come forth in hostile array against them to cut them off, without good and sufficient reason ground ed in the principles of justice and equity ; for they have shed the blood of saints and martyrs without cause, and they deserve the punishment to be inflicted. — The construction begun with a participle (xaXovpevog), and continued by a verb (xqivei etc.), is not unusual ; see Gramm. § 195. 3 ; (for particle in the Gramm. read participle). (12) And his eyes were like a flame of fire, and on his head were many diadems; he had a name inscribed, which no one knew but himself. Eyes as aflame of fire, i. e. emitting flashes of splendour; see on 1: 14. — Many diadems, because he is King of kings and Lord of lords, v. 16. The beast (13: 1) is represented as having ten diadems; here the number is not limited but is noXXd, because his superiority over all oth ers is to be indicated. — "Eymv, i. e. ^y eyav, he had, see on 1: 16. — Name inscribed, i. e. inscribed on the frontlet of his diadem ; see on 2: 17.— Which no one knew but himself, i. e. the secret incommunicable name of i-nrn (or perhaps Abyog), a name the full meaning of which is known only to God and his avvdqovog, the Messiah ; see on 2: 17. In this lat ter passage (2: 17), the name is said to be known only to him who wears it, i. e. all other men are excluded from a knowledge of its meaning ; just as the high priest alone could pronounce the name on his mitre. But the wearing of such a diadem is the privilege of saints in glory, not of saints in the present world. In the state of glory it will be fully reveal ed to them what, this name means. But in the case before us, the name in question belongs to the imperial diadem only ; and of course he who wears such a diadem fully knows its proper meaning. Now as only the Messiah can wear this diadem, in the peculiar sense here meant, he only knows its full import. Is he not placed here on an equality with the Father ? At all events, he is represented as fully his Vicegerent. (13) And he was clothed in a garment dyed with blood ; and his name was call ed : The Word of God. The prototype of garment dipped or dyed in blood, is in Is. 63; 1—3, where the great Deliverer comes up from Edom, his garments being stained with the blood of enemies. So here, the red garment, (for this I take to be the real meaning of the expression), is a symbol of the slaughter which was to ensue.— His name is called — . his name is.— The FINAL contest : Chap. XIX. 14, 15. 347 Word of Gob, a name found elsewhere in the N. Testament only in the writings of the apostle John. The proof arising from this, that John the apostle must have written the Apocalypse, is not absolutely certain ; for some of John's friends or readers may have adopted his phraseolo°y. But still, the kind of appeal which the writer has here made to this new and peculiar appellation of the Messiah, seems at least to be quite Jo hn to the original reason for giving such an appellation to the Messi ah ; after all that has been written on this subject, it might seem pre sumptuous in me, to express an opinion in a single sentence, which is all that my present limits allow. Speech is the development of one's mind, wish, intention, command, etc. ; and so it is a disclosure of the internal self. In respect to God, " he speaks and it is done ; he commands and it stands fast." By the word of the Lord were the heavens made." Now inasmuch as Christ was " the brightness of the Father's glory, and the express image of his substance,'' " God manifest in the flesh," so he is the most direct, full, and immediate development of the Godhead to man ; God speaks to us in and by him. Through him he speaks out as it were himself. So then, as Christ was the most immediate and distin guished manifestation of God to men, the most honoured means of com munication, and because he was also the agent in creating the world, which is in like manner ascribed to the word of God, he received from John the name of Abyog, or the great executor and communicator of the will of God. The context in John 1: 1 — 18, shows that the predomi nating ideas respecting Logos were such, in the writer's mind, as I have now developed. To defend the sentiment of these hints, would be for eign to my present business. The proper place for this is in a Comm. or in a monogram, upon John 1: 1. (14) And the armies of heaven followed him upon white horses, clothed with white pure linen. Upon white horses, the emblems of victory; see on v. 11. They are represented as being upon horses, because troops of this kind held quite the highest rank, and exhibited the greatest efficiency, in ancient times. New modes of warfare among us have somewhat altered the relations of cavalry to footmen. — Clothed in white pure linen, the emblem of admis sion to the happiness of the blessed ; comp. 3: 5. This description seems to comprise saints or the redeemed in the army of the Redeemer, (comp. Rev. 3; 3. 2: 26, 27) ; but it does not exclude angels. (15) And out of his mouth issueth a sharp sword, that he may smite the nations therewith ; and he shall rule them with a rod of iron ; and he treadeth the wine press of the fierce anger of almighty God. Sword of Ms mouth ; see on 1: 16. 2: 12. The image seems to be, 348 final contest : Chap. XIX. 16, 17. that the threats which he utters, assume an ensiform appearance as they issue from his mouth ; of course they are striking symbols of excision. — Ta edvrj here means the heathen nations contending against Christ. — Rule with a rod of iron means to rule with a sway which is irresistible, and which threatens entire destruction to all opposers. The prototype is in Ps. 2: 9. — Treadeth the wine-press of the fierce wrath of almighty God ; see the original image in Is. 63: 1 — 3. On the nature of the im agery, see remarks on 14: 19, 20. Wine-press of fierce wrath symbol izes the idea, that the enemies of God are to be trodden down like grapes in the wine-press, and that their blood shall flow as freely as the juice of the grape which is expressed by treading. (16) And he hath upon his vesture, even upon his thigh, a. name inscribed : King of kings and Lord of lords. Inscriptions on the outer garments of distinguished individuals were not unusual in ancient times, and they were made with large and re splendent letters ; see Herod. II. 106. Cic. Verr. IV. 23. Le Moyne ad Jer. 23: 6. Miinter Diss, ad Apoc. 17: 5. p. 2. Ewald, p. 292.—' Ov opa, adopted by Griesbach and followed by Knapp and Hahn, instead of the vulgate zb bvopa, is an alteration plainly for the worse. The ar ticle is appropriate ; and the writer of this book shows no particular de ficiency in his knowledge of the article. — King of kings, i. e. Supreme King and Lord. The appropriateness of the titles here is manifest, in asmuch as his contest is with the kings of the earth. The inscription on his vesture means, that 'He is and must be universal king.'— It seems that the prophet saw, in vision, the great Leader of the army as sitting* upon the white horse (v. 11), in which position the name on his thigh would be specially conspicuous. Complete and final victory is now expected with so much certainty, that the whole army of the enemy are seen in anticipation as lying dead upon the field of battle, and the ravenous birds are summoned to devour their carcasses. This summons constitutes the second ' part of the tri chotomy, in the closing scene. (17) And I saw an angel standing in the sun, and he cried with a loud voice, saying to all the fowls that fly in mid-air : Come, gather yourselves together to the great feast of God. The imagery here employed respecting the birds of prey, is very com mon among the Greeks and in the Heb. Scriptures. The first para graph of the Iliad presents it ; and it may be found in Is. 18: 6. 56: 9. Jer. 7: 33. 12: 9. 1 Sam. 17: 46, and particularly and at great length in Ezek. 39: 4 — 20, which is doubtless the model of the passage before us. The personification of the birds here, (who are addressed as intel ligent beings), is too common in poetry to need explanation. — Aeinvov, final contest : Chap. XIX. 18 — 20. 349 lit. supper, but as it was the principal meal in the East, it often means feast, convivium. — Great feast of God, great by reason of the number of victims slain. — Of God, because God has ordained it, and makes pro vision fo» it. (18) That ye may devour flesh of kings, and flesh of rulers of thousands, and flesh of the mighty, and flesh of horses and of those who sit upon them, and flesh of all freemen and of slaves, both small and great. See the like method of enumerating all classes of men, in 6: 15. 13: 16. — The plur. adqxag is not without significancy here, inasmuch as it points to a large aggregate. The kings are those confederate with the beast; comp. 17: 12 — 18. Chiliarchs are the military leaders in the army ; layvqav comprises the robust soldiery. — "innav, etc., means the cavalry. — Freemen and slaves comprise the tout ensemble of the army, i. e. the soldiers (including their officers) and all the menials of the camp. — Small and great, i. e. of all ages and conditions. — As the Ace. here follows cpdyrjze, it denotes, as I have rendered it, to devour, i. e. to eat up, as we express it. The Gen. (ad'qxav) would denote only that some portion was to be eaten. The article is omitted before adqxag, because the writer does not intend to be minutely specific. — That the vultures and other birds of prey, which usually attend the steps of ar mies in the East, are here meant, there can be no doubt. But the principal design of the imagery, after all, is to portray, in vivid colours, the disgraceful death of the followers of the beast. To lie unburied, and thus become the prey of ravenous birds or beasts, was regarded by the ancients with peculiar horror. The consummation is now ushered in ; for all is ready. Vs. 19 — 21 constitute the third part of the trichotomy. (19) And I saw the beast, and the kings of the earth, and their assembled ar mies, make war with him who sat upon the horse, and with his army. The assembling of the army has already been given, in 16: 13 — 16. Make war here means to engage in battle. The army encircling the victorious Leader is here presented to our view. But they act, after all, only a secondary part. The great Captain of Salvation is compe tent alone to achieve the victory. (20) And the beast was seized ; and with hira the false prophet who wrought miracles before hira, by which he led astray those who received the mark of the beast and who worshipped his image; alive were they both cast into the lake of fire that burneth with brimstone. In respect to ipevdonqocprjzrjg and ivconiov avrov, see on 13: 11, 12. The first step is to remove the leaders of the adverse army. The way in which they were taken, is not disclosed. To dwell on particulars consists not with the brevity here demanded. One might suppose, that 350 FINAL CONTEST : CHAP. XIX. 21. the prophet regarded them as having, champion-like, each proffered a contest with the " King of kings," and that thus they were apprehended. The beast and false prophet had been united in deceiving the nations and persecuting the church. Their doom is therefore the same. Both are cast alive into the lake of fire, i. e. Gehenna ; — a touch of tfye pen cil with a design to make the colouring intense. The aggravated and dreadful suffering which would result from being cast into the fiery pool in such a state, i. e. alive, is too intense for description. The burning of dead bodies, inflicts no pain ; the burning of living ones implies pain indescribable. The idea of the writer moreover is, that they are to re main in the condition to which they are doomed, i. e. they are still to remain living — a fearful doom indeed; comp. Num. 16: 32 — 54. Is. 5: 14. The substantial meaning is, that the leaders in the persecution of Christians will be subjected to a speedy and dreadful punishment. As to the expression xawpevrjv ev zcp deicp, see on 14: 10. (21) And the rest were slain by the sword of him who sat upon the horse, which issued from his mouth; and all the fowls were satiated with their flesh. The army at large then is distinguished from their leaders, in respect to punishment. They are not cast alive into the pit. They are slain by the sword ; not by the literal sword, however, for it is that which issues from the mouth of the great Leader, viz. his simple word of ex-. cision. This suffices to destroy the whole army in an instant A mag nificent description, indeed, of his power ! No other effort or contest is needed. — The corpses fallen upon the field of battle are left to be de voured. There is none to bury them. — 'E%oqzdodrjoav literally means to feed on herbs ; but this specific meaning not unfrequently goes into a generic one, as in our text, and then it designates the idea of being fully fed, of being satiated. The implication here of course is, that the army also go down to Hades ; but not alive, hke the beast and false prophet. The substantial meaning is, that condign punishment overtakes them, but not so dreadful as that of their leaders. 'Ex, by, with, common in such a sense, and used for the sake of point ing out with distinctness the sources from which the action denoted in the verb springs. Thus ends the second part of this great drama ; unless, indeed, we include what pertains to the punishment of the dragon, 20: 1 — 3. But we may regard this paragraph, perhaps, as constituting a kind of transi tion to a view of the subsequent condition of the church, which follows the second great overthrow of her enemies. In this case, we may con sider chap, xx — xxii. 5, as comprising the third part of the subordinate trichotomy which is evidently made in the body of the work, or the main topic of the book. remarks on Chap. XHI — XTX. 351 Remarks on the application of Chap, xiii — xix. It is proper now to look back, and inquire whether the author designed that chap, xiii — xix, should be regarded as applicable only to Nero, and its fulfilment as entirely accomplished by the death of Nero ? That Nero is mainly characterized in xiii. xvi. xvii, we cannot well doubt. But in chap, xiii, when the beast out of the sea is first presented, he has seven heads, and each of these is itself a king or emperor, 17: 10. Of course, the beast, genericaUy considered, represents many kings, not mere ly one. Yet as the reigning emperor, for the time being, is the actual man ifestation of the beast, or the actual development of it, so the word beast is applied, in the chapters named, mainly to Nero then persecuting the church. Insensibly almost, at least so it is to the reader, this specific meaning ap pears to be dropped, and the more generic one to be employed again in chap, xviii. seq. Chap. xvi. seems plainly to indicate the first great overthrow of the power of persecution. The great city and the cities of the nations are cloven by an earthquake and reduced to a ruinous state. Indeed such is the catastrophe here, that were nothing else said in the sequel, we should be ready to conclude, that this overthrow ends the dominion and sway of the beast. That Nero's fall was in the eye of the Apocalyptist here, I can hard ly doubt But this was not the end of the church's persecutions; although a respite of some twenty years or more was now given. Further persecu tions were to arise ; and so, a continued war with the beast, and a still fur ther destruction of great Babylon, are brought in the sequel to our view. If this, or something of this nature, be not the writer's design, why should he have made the second catasn-ophe to differ so much from the first ? There, the earthquake, hail, thunder, etc., designate the finale of the over throw. Not so here, but only the commencement of it. That all the future historical facts respecting the persecution of the church lay open in detail before the mind of the seer, I find no satisfactoiy evi dence. Nor does it seem to me probable. When we look back to the vis ions of Isaiah and other Hebrew prophets, we find them nearly always, when concerned with distant future events, to assume a generic, and not a specific form. So here. As soon as the writer dismisses the case of Nero from his consideration, he deals no longer with anything but generic rep resentations. Persecutions will revive. The war will be still waged. At last the great Captain of Salvation will come forth, in all his power, and make an end of the long protracted war. Then, and not till then, will the mil lennial day of glory dawn upon the church. To look now for specific individual facts in the histoiy of the church, which are to correspond with the respective traits of this symbolical picture, would be the same thing, as to look for the specific events in the life of Da vid, which correspond with Ps. 18: 7 — 16; or to busy one's self with search ing for such events to correspond with the pictures drawn in Is. xiii. xiv. xxi. xl — lxvi ; or by Zachariah in chap i — vi. Or, to present the matter in a somewhat different attitude, the same as to look for them in the phrases : " The Lord turneth the earth upside down — The moon shall be confounded, and the sun ashamed — The stars of heaven fell unto the earth," and the 352 remarks on Chap. XILT— XTX. like. Common sense is ever wont to give the true meaning to such lan guage, when particular favourite theories are out of the question; why not apply the same rule of interpretation to the Apocalypse ? In order to designate the final and certain overthrow of heathenism, as opposed to Christianity, the writer has chosen to represent the whole mat ter by the symbol of a great contest between the two parties. On the one side are arranged Satan, the civil power, and the heathen priesthood, with all their confederates ; on the other is the great Head of the church, the angels, and the people of God. During the contest, the capitals of all hea then kings, i. e. of the beast and his confederates, are assaulted and reduced to a falling state ; in its further progress, they sink to final ruin ; and last of all comes the great battle between the main body of the assembled forces on both sides, which ends in the total destruction of the enemy. Nothing is more natural, now, than such a picture. But why should we be led to suppose, that a picture of this kind is designed to be a history in detail of great events predicted ? Where else is this so, if we except, perhaps, the eleventh chapter of Daniel ? — a specimen of prophecy by the way, which, as all must admit, is entirely sui generis. But there symbol is not employed. It belongs to tlie nature of the symbolic representation before us, that it should have a progress and a final completion. And so it must be true of persecutions, that they will have their progress and their completion. But that they will terminate in a literal battle, for which all the heathen nations are assembled in one place, it is, in my apprehension, no part of the writer's design to signify. The gieat battle is an indispensable condition of the aesthetical perfection of the writer's composition and plan ; and this belongs specially to his aesthetics. Let me not be misunderstood. I do not mean to say, that nothing historical is signified by this. I doubt not that the great truth taught is, that final, complete, and certain victory over heathen ism will be achieved. But the manner of this battle and victory is, as I ap prehend, no part of the writer's object. Whatever of this there seems to be, belongs merely to the finish of his composition and of his plan of symbol izing. To look for a specific and literal battle, as a fulfilment of chap. xix, would be like looking for individual facts in history as the fulfilment of the symbols indicated in chap, xiv, or in 18: 21 — 24, and in 19: 1—10. When will a matter so plain as this, become well understood and be fully believed ? Then, I would answer, and only then, when men will cease from forming theories about prophecy a priori ; from guessing, instead of philologizing ; and from wandering into the regions of symbol and meta phor, without any pole-star or compass to guide their steps. The Apoca lypse may be and will be well understood, when men have ceased to treat it as a syllabus of civil and ecclesiastical history. As to the time when all will be accomplished which is symbolized in chap, xiii— xix, I must refer the reader to Exc. V. which treats of the sub ject of time, as designated in this book. The fall of the beast at the end of a time mentioned in 13: 5, I cannot doubt, is to be referred to Nero and his persecution ; and it harmonizes almost to a week with the actual time dur ing which Nero persecuted the church. Other limitation than this I do not see anywhere, in this second catastrophe. " The times and the seasons the Father has kept within his own power." Why should we believe, then, that John has been so prodigal in designating them in the Apocalypse, as many suppose ? third catastrophe : Chap. XX. 1— XXII. 5. 353 Whenever the church volunteer as a body to serve in the army of their glorious Leader, then will the day of antemillennia] victory be near at hand. There are signs that such a day is approaching. The Lord hasten it in his time! THIRD CATASTROPHE AND SEQUEL: CHAP. XX. 1— XXII. 5. [Having arrived at the end of the second catastrophe, we come now to tlie contem plation of the third and last. During this period the prosperity of the church is not only to be great, but for a long time without any considerable check or oppo sition. The era commences with the dethronement of Satan, the binding of him, and the casting of him into the great Abyss, the abode of demons or evil spirits when imprisoned; see Exc. I. II. 5. a. There he remains during one thousand years of the church's prosperity, which are to follow ; 20: I — 3. All active oppo sition being thus removed, the era of the church's triumph of course is ushered in. Christ and the glorified martyrs reign undisturbed a thousand years ; 20: 4 — 7. Then follows, upon the liberation of Satan, a new attempt to overthrow the church. Gog and Magog — the old enemies of the people of God (Ezek. xxxviii. xxxix.), roused up by Satan, advance to the holy land and city, in order to de stroy it. They come in numbers like to the sand of the sea. It is not said of them, nor intimated, that they are apostates from the profession of the Christian faith. Evidently the writer introduces them and speaks of them as never having professed to be the friends of Christ. The glorious day of the church, then, had not yet dispelled all the darkness of the earth. Some distant, obscure, savage nations remain, as the enemies of the gospel. The very names which are given to thetn import thus much. But their efforts are all vain. Fire comes down from heaven and devours them. The contest is not as in former cases a protracted one. All the events of it, and its exitus, are related in only two verses. Their leader, Satan, is now taken and cast into the lake of fire, from which there is no escape, for it is no mere temporary prison like the abyss. And thus ends the third and last great contest ; 20: 8 — 10. In connection with this event the writer has disclosed the final consummation of the happiness of the church in a state of glory. The general judgment takes place. The righteous and the wicked are assigned to their final abodes. The awful con dition of the wicked is portrayed in glowing colours; 20: 11 — 15. On the other hand, the final abode of the righteous is copiously described, and in a most vivid manner; 21:1 — 22:5. Then follows the epilogue; which concludes the book. In respect to the connection which has often been supposed to exist between the overthrow of Gog and Magog and the end of the world with the general judg ment, some remarks seem to be necessary. To argue that the end of the world will be immediately after this overthrow, would be quite unsafe. Whoever is con versant with the Hebrew prophets, must know that nothing is more common with them than to overlook all time that intervenes between events, and merely to de scribe the events themselves. Thus in cases too numerous to be particularized, the coming of the Messiah is connected (so far as continuity of discourse is con cerned) immediately with the taking place of events, which happened centuries before his death. Thus Is. iii. threatens severe punishment to the oppressive and luxurious Jews of that day ; while the sequel says : "In that day," (viz. when vol. n. 45 354 third catastrophe : Chap. XX. 1 — XXU 5. this punishment shall be inflicted), "shall the Branch of the Lord be beautiful and glorious, etc.," and then spreads out into a striking Messianic prediction. With the punishment of ancient Judah and Israel (chap. vii. viii.), is immediately united one of the most graphic prophecies concerning the Messiah in all the 0. Testament; Is. ix. 1 — 7. With a prediction of the invasion of the king of As syria (chap, x), and its termination, is united another most notable Messianic prophecy, chap. xi. With the overthrow of ldumaea (chap, xxxiv.), is united a prophecy of Messianic time, xxxv. In the last part of the book, chap, xl — lxvi, the transition from the return out of the Babylonish exile, to the time of the Mes siah, is to be found almost everywhere, and often in such a shape as if the one event stood immediately connected with the other. Ezekiel (ch. xxxvii.) unites the return from Babylon with the Messianic day. In the book of Daniel, the four great monarchies, viz. the Babylonish, the Persian, that of Alexander, and that of his successors in the vicinity of Palestine, are connected immediately with the corning of the Messiah, even by the expression: "In the days of these kings, shall the God of heaven set up a kingdom, etc." Dan. ii. The same thing is re peated in chap. vii. and again in chap. ix. The same is the case in other proph ets ; but these examples are sufficient. As no one now can justly argue, that the Messianic period was immediately to fol low the happening of events, with the description of which a Messianic prediction stands intimately connected, so no one can justly conclude, thatUhe end of the world is in point of time immediately connected with the destruction of Gog and Magog. It would be contrary to the general plan of the book and to the nature of things. The writer's plan is'most evidently climactic. This is natural to the human mind, and finds its correspondencies deeply rooted in the human breast. The Millennium is a peaceful and an almost universal reign of Christianity., Yet Gog and Magog are out of its domains, being " in the ends of the earth." After the final victory over them, what is there any more to oppose the church ? Sa tan is thrust into the lake of fire, whence there is no return. The hostile nations are no more. Why then should not the triumph of the church be universal? It seems to follow of course ; and it is consonant with the climactic nature of the composition as a whole, or rather, it is demanded by this. But why has not the writer dwelt on this last period ? The answer to this question may be found in the peculiar brevity which he prescribes to himself in this last part of the great drama. The events of a thousand years; the invasion by Gog and Magog, with their defeat; the ultimate confinement and punish ment of Satan ; and lastly the general judgment; are all crowded into the space of twelve verses. This shows that the very distant future is designed to be merely glanced at by the writer. So it is with the Hebrew prophets. But here, there is a special reason for brevity. The main object of writing the book isalready accom plished, for substance. Christians have been consoled by assurances, that all the enemies with whom the church was then conflicting, would surely be overthrown. To complete an epic plan, which involves a climactic progression of events, and to gratify the taste and feelings, the last part of the book is added. It seems to be added mainly for this purpose. Mere touches and glances are all which it ex hibits, or which were intended to be exhibited. The eye of hope is directed for ward and sees the thousand years of uninterrupted prosperity ; then the sudden destruction of a new and final enemy; and all the rest is left to joyful anticipation, When all clouds are swept from the face of the sky, why should not the sun shine forth in all his glory ? I cannot therefore doubt, that the setting sun of the church on earth, is to be in binding op satan : Chap. XX. 1, 2. 355 a heaven of unclouded splendour. Peaceful and triumphant will be her latest aire. The number of the redeemed will be augmented beyond all computation ; and the promise made from the beginning, that " the Seed of the woman should bruise the Serpent's head," will be fulfilled in all its extent and with a divine plenitude of meaning. Is there not in every breast a kind of necessary anticipation, that such will be the triumphs of redeeming love and mercy ? That the writer should enlarge so much as he has done, in the two last chap ters, in the description of the New Jerusalem and the final and glorified state of the church, falls entirely within his generil plan. He set out to cheer despond ing Christians, and animate all of them in the great contest that was going on, to fidelity, fortitude, and perseverance. How? By assurances of certain victory here, and of eternal crowns of glory hereafter. Often, in the course of the work, he opens heaven to the eye of faith, and makes it to see the glories there enjoyed. Often he repeats the most solemn assurances of future happiness. Why should he not close with a description of this, which would cause every heart to beat high with hope and joy, and fill the soul with such thrilling anticipations as would make the faithful followers of Christ regardless of persecution and distress ? He might well do this; he has done it, and in a most effectual manner. No Eden can present any more than a faint resemblance of the picture which he has drawn. The understanding and pious reader closes the book with admiration, with wonder, with delight, with lofty anticipations of the future, and with undaun ted resolution to follow on in the steps of those, who through faith and patience have inherited the promises and entered into everlasting rest.] (1) And 1 saw an angel descending from heaven, having the key of the Abyss, and a great chain upon his hand. The efforts and influence of Satan are henceforth, for a long time, to be at an end. He is to be confined where he can no more cooperate with the followers of the beast, until the church shall have enjoyed her long and peaceful sabbath. — The key of the Abyss, see on 1: 18. 9: 1, where the same image of a gate or door to the under-world is presented. The safe keeping of this is indicated, by the fact that an angel has charge of the key. — A great chain on his hand, the inl here seeming to imply, that its magnitude, was such that it could not be grasped, bitt lay upon the extended hand. — Great because of the strength of him who was to be bound. — As to the abyss as a place of confinement and punishment, see Exc L Part II. 5. a. (2) And he laid hold of the dragon, the old serpent, who is the devil and Sa tan, and bound him a thousand years. The old serpent, in reference to the serpent who deceived Eve at the beginning, or else a mere paraphrase of dqdxovza. The latter, per haps, is the more probable explanation here. — Who is the devil and Sa tan, i. e. who is the same being as he who is called the devil, etc. In Greek, the article is omitted before both the names here, as it may be before proper names, and also after verbs of naming ; Gramm. § 80. 7. In our idiom, the article is necessary before attributive appellations, 356 RESURRECTION OF THE MARTRTS : CHAP. XX. 4: — 6. and must be omitted before proper names for the most part. — AtdfioXog, the accuser, viz. of the saints ; Job 1: 2. Satan = 1KB, adversary, the Hebrew name which corresponds somewhat nearly to the Greek didBo- Xog. — XlXia ezrj, Ace. of time how long. The great question whether this is to be taken literally or symbolically, is one that must be settled by the analogy of the book, in regard to specified periods. We have seen, that the famous period of three and a half years = forty-two months = 1260 days, is to be understood, in all probability, in its lit eral sense, not indeed with rigid arithmetical exactness, but as desig nating a period of moderate extent. Here, then, assuming a similar usage in respect to numbers, we may suppose that the thousand years are to be taken in their ordinary sense, or at least for a very long pe riod. The latter idea is sufficient ; and the general tone of the book might justify such a mode interpretation. The nature of the case also is such, that we may well suppose a very long period of rest would be assigned to the church. Some have made each day here the represen tative of a year, and have thus made out the Millennium to be a period of 360,000 years, or 365,000, as others reckon. See, on the subject of time here and elsewhere in the Apocalypse, Exc. V. (3) And he cast him into the abyss, and locked it up, and put a seal upon it, that he might not any longer lead astray the nations, until the thousand years shall have been completed ; after these he must be loosed for a little time. The ancient custom of making sure that the prison door has not been opened, by putting a seal upon the lock, is made plain by Dan. 6: 17 and Matt. 27: 66. — 'Eacpqdyiaev indva expresses the impressing of the seal upon the lock of the door, not because it fastened the door or gate of itself, but because it prevented intrusion or any secret opening of it, without its becoming known. So Hebrew bs *ia&, Job 12: 14. — Au avzov indicates, that by divine permission or arrangement Satan would be loosed again, after the thousand years had expired. From the whole representation, here and elsewhere, it is plain that the Abyss is not the place of final punishment, but only of temporary restraint or chastisement. The lake of fire is the place of final torment, from which there is no escape ; see 14: 10, 11. 19: 20. 20: 10, 14. Hades or the Abyss is at last to be cast into this lake, or merged in it by being added to it, 20: 14, i. e. the place of temporary punishment is to be destroyed, and only the eternal prison is to remain. RESURRECTION OF THE MARTYRS: CHAP. XX. 4—6. [Satan being thus effectually restrained, the era of the church's prosperity is ushered in. The faithful martyrs, constant even to death, who had never con taminated themselves by yielding to the demands of the beast, are now to be re- RESURRECTION OP THE MARTYRS : ChAP. XX. 4. 357 stored to life, and advanced to an exalted state of reward in heaven. With Christ they there live, and with him they are there seated on thrones, having, by special divine favour, anticipated the final resurrection and exaltation. This is the first resurrection, and seems to comprehend only those who are entitled to peculiar rewards. The second resurrection differs from it, in the circumstance that it will be general, and will take place only after the world shall end. See on vs. 4 — 6 what is said in Exc. VI ; where various questions are discussed re specting the Millennium.] (4) And I saw thrones, and they sat upon them, and judgment was given to them ; and [I saw] the souls of those beheaded on account of the testimony of Jesus and because of the word of God, and who did not worship the beast, nor his image, and did not receive his mark upon the forehead and upon their hand ; and they revived, and reigned with Christ a thousand years. Thrones are of course emblems of exalted station and dignity ; for those who sit upon them must be kings, or like kings, i. e. they occupy an exalted rank or a high and dignified station.— -And they sat upon them; Who? Angels, says Ewald, "for," adds he, "wrongly do some suppose that Christians sit upon them as judges." Yet if he means angels, we might well ask : In what part of the Scriptures are the angels in general represented as performing the office of judging in heaven ? " Are they not all ministering spirits ?" Besides, do we not know that Christians " shall judge angels ?" 1 Cor. 6: 3. Is it not a plain and ob vious truth, that " if we suffer with Christ, we shall also reign with him ?" 2 Tim. 2: 12. Is it not promised to those who overcome in the Christian contest, that " they shall sit down with the Redeemer upon his throne?" Rev. 3: 21. Ewald assumes, that the office ot judging, in its limited and special sense, is here described. But is this certain ? In Hebrew, the book of Judges (dibSto) is a history of Jewish rulers ; and nothing is more frequent than such a use of the words to judge and a judge, as designates the duty and office of superior or supreme ruler. Exactly in point seems to be Matt. 19: 28, where the Saviour tells the apostles, that " they shall sit on twelve dqbvovg, xqlvovzeg the twelve tribes of Israel," i. e. they shall be entitled to superiority over all their brethren of the Hebrew nation. And so in 1 Cor. 6: 3, xqivovpev is employed. The word xqiua in the clause before us, which in the N. Testament is often equivalent to the Hebrew aaiaa , does not with cer tainty designate the appropriate office of judging, as we employ this word, but may be interpreted as applying to the supervision or making of statutes, ordinances, arrangements, etc., by those who are in a su perior station. If it be so interpreted here, then xqipa idbdrj avzoig will mean for substance the same thing as ifiaaiXevaav in the latter part of the verse, the former being generic, while the latter takes a specific form of expression. This seems to many to be the most easy and nat ural construction of these parts of the verse. 358 RESURRECTION OP THE MARTYRS : CHAP. XX. 4. But there is another construction which is possible, and perhaps even probable. Is not such & judgment here represented as being passed by others upon the martyrs, in connection with which they are raised from the dead and rewarded with the highest honours ? In this case all is in good analogy with the last judgment. The order of the transactions in this case, we may suppose, is not absolutely determined by the words of the text, but only the facts of the case. Thus thrones, judges, sen tence, are connected in the first clause ; and martyrs, resurrection, and exaltation, in the last. The natural order of facts would be, the plac ing of the thrones, the seating of the judges, the resurrection, the sen tence, the glorification. But we may say, that as the writer has com bined all these in a single sentence, so he has grouped together things related, and not narrated events after the strict order of succession. The only difficulty that attends the mode of interpretation now proposed, is, that the third pers. plur. ixddiaav is employed, as also xqipa idbdrj avzoig. But this difficulty is not perhaps an insuperable one; for nothing scarcely is more common in the 0. Testament and in the New, and above all in the Chaldee of the book of Daniel, than to employ the third pers. plur. for the passive voice, thus making a kind of impersonal verb of it; Gramm. § 174. Note 2. In such a case, whether the judge was one or many, it would make no difference with the form, i. e. the number, of the verb. The simple meaning of ixddiaav in avzovg, xai xqipa idbdrj avzoig, would be : ' A tribunal was erected, and power of passing sentence was given.' Sentence on whom ? Tag ipv%dg, etc, would be the answer, the Ace. being purposely employed to denote the object. But there remains one difficulty after all. This is the xqipa idb&rj avzoig. God and Christ must be included among the judges, or rather, must be regarded as the only supreme ones ; and who could commit judgment to them ? But as in Rev. 1: 4 the seven spirits before the throne are joined with the Father and Son (see Comm. in loc), and as in 1 Tim. 5: 21 Paul unites God and Jesus Christ and the elect angels, may it not be that the writer here speaks in like manner of a heavenly Consessus, on this occasion, which, as it would include the presence- angels, might lead him to adopt the phraseology in question ? An at tentive comparison of Rev. 1: 4 and 1 Tim. 5: 21, would seem to ren der such a construction not improbable, at any rate not impossible. The cooperation of angels, in some important sense, on great occasions, is a doctrine not foreign to the Bible. We should compare not only Rev. 1: 4 and 1 Tim. 5: 21, as mentioned above, but also Acts 7: 53. Gal. 3: 19. Heb. 2: 2, where an important agency in giving the Law is expressly assigned to angels. If we admit the construction now before us, it frees us at least from one difficulty, viz., that which results RESURRECTION OP THE MARTYRS : CHAP. XX. 4. 359 from the writer's telling us, that he saw thrones, and those who occupied them, before the restoration of the martyrs to life. If now it be the martyrs themselves who occupy the thrones from which xqipa is dis pensed, thejn it would seem natural that the verb 'i'Qrjaav should precede the statement of this. But since the writer has not made it to precede, does he not mean, that judgment is dispensed by otners, and not by the martyrs themselves, namely, that judgment which decrees to the mar tyrs resurrection and a thousand years' reign with Christ? Whether now this judgment actually is passed by God himself, by the Redeemer, or by either or both of these with the heavenly Consessus, the writer does not perhaps expressly say ; yet the plural number of the verb, and specially the xqipa idbdrj avzoig, looks rather as if the presence- angels, (for others cannot well be supposed), belonged to the implied Consessus. At least this must be admitted, in case we adopt the exe gesis now in question. — IleneXexiapivav designates decapitation by means of the neXexvg, i. e. axe, because this was a common mode of ignominious execution among the Romans. But plainly it was not the writer's intention to confine the rewards of martyrs merely to those who suffered death in this particular way ; for this specific and ignominious method of punishment is designated merely as the symbol of any and every kind of martyrdom. — On account of the testimony of Jesus, i. e. because of the testimony concerning Jesus. As the expression now is, it may include those who preached Christian doctrine, and also those who believed and obeyed it. The second phrase, on account of the word of God, is of somewhat wider extent than the preceding one. It embraces all the doctrines of true religion. — Kal oiziveg, etc. Is this a mere relative pronoun, with reference to rag itjv%dg ? Or does it de signate an additional class of Christians, who had suffered in various ways on account of their fidelity, but had not been made actual martyrs ? The latter exegesis is perhaps allowable ; and since it is so, some deem it better to interpret the text in this way, because thus it would seem to comport more obviously with the nature of the case presented. In de fence of this they allege, that surely it is not those only, who were actually beheaded with the axe, that were entitled to the rewards of martyrdom. The implication of the text is, in their view, that those who had refused all deference to the beast, must also, as well as mar tyrs, experience much annoyance in consequence of such refusal. The Nom. case here, oiziveg, serves, as they interpret it, to distinguish this second class from the preceding ; but comp. in Rev. 1: 5, d udqzvg b mazbg. See more in Exc. VI. Mark on the forehead and on the hand; see on Rev. 13: 16. — Kal e£rj- aav, they revived, came to life, i. e. returned to a life like the former one, viz. a union of soul and body. So does the word signify in Rev. 1: 8. 360 RESURRECTION OP THE MARTYRS : CHAP. XX. 4. 13: 14, and in many other passages cited in the remarks on Rev. 1: 8. Any other exegesis here would seem to be incongruous ; for the writer does not mean to say that the souls of martyrs were dead before this pe riod, and now would come to life, after he has, throughout the whole book, represented them as already being in heaven and praising God and the Redeemer there. Nor can he mean here, that now they begin to be happy, (which is a tropical sense of faw) ; for happy they had long been, because " the dead who die in the Lord are blessed anaqzi." Still less can he mean that they become immortal now, or live forever ; for they were immortal from the first moment of their existence. There would seem to remain, therefore, only one meaning which can be con sistently given to e^rjaav, viz. that they (the martyrs who renounced the beast) are now restored to life, viz. such life as implies the vivification of the body. Not to a union of the soul with a gross material body indeed, but with such an one as saints will in general have at the final resurrection — a spiritual body, 1 Cor. 15: 44. In no other way can this resurrection be ranked as correlate with the second resurrection named in the sequel ; for in naming this the first resurrection (v. 5), John has developed such a correlation. How can the mere bestowment of hap piness be all that the writer intends here by 'eXrjaav, since all saints live, in this sense, from the moment when the body dies ; yea, from the time when they are regenerated ? If mere advancement to a higher grade of happiness be meant by et,rjaav, then may we ask : Will not all saints be made happier by the augmented prosperity of the church on earth ? What then is peculiar to martyrs ? It is quite plain, indeed, that neither regeneration, nor happiness in heaven after the death of the body, can be placed by the side of the last resurrection as a correlative in the way of contrast. In the phrases first resurrection, and second or last, a discrepance in regard to time is implied, while in other respects the things compared appear to be essentially the same. Any great change from a degraded and wretched condition, temporal or spiritual, may in deed be figuratively called a resurrection, a restoration to life, i. e. to happiness ; but it would be out of question to name it a first resurrec tion. This implies of necessity a comparison with a second, in which the first must be like the second in kind, but must precede it in the order of time. So in 1 Cor. 15: 23. 1 Thess. 4: 16, Paul in giving an account of the general resurrection, declares that " the dead in Christ shall rise first," i. e. before the wicked, who will also be raised. And thus it seems to be here, when John compares the two resurrections of saints ; the words first and second mark the respective periods of time. For a fur ther consideration of this exegesis, and also of objections and difficulties in respect to it, I must refer again to Exc. VI. Until the thousand years shall have been completed. But what ensues, RESURRECTION OF THE MARTYRS : CHAP. XX. 4. 361 after this ? A dethronement, an essential change of state, rank, or con dition ? This is not of necessity implied. Should one say : < God will reign as long as the world continues,' this would not imply of necessity that he will reign no longer. It merely affirms the certainty of his reign during all that period ; which is the simple object of the speaker. Yet in most instances of such declarations, a change of some kind is indicated after the terminal period named. So here. After the thousand years, Sa tan will reappear, and Gog and Magog will come up and invade the territo ry of the saints. The undisturbed dominion and prosperity of the church, which the enthroned martyrs had seen and rejoiced in during the Mil lennium, is now once more interrupted. And so their reign becomes relatively changed. Their joy receives as it were a cheek. But to suppose an implication here that they are to be dethroned and reduced to their former state, is not necessary. No such implication is intended ; at least, such a degradation seems incompatible with the views of the author. The description of their continued and uninterrupted reign, is one of the indications of the continued prosperity of the church during the long period mentioned. Viewed in this light, we can find no good reason to urge the meaning of the words employed, beyond the natural and easy sense which they afford. *¦ As to the. notion of a descent to the earth by Christ and the martyrs, and their visible reign here, there is not a word in the text, nor even an implication; at least I can find none. What a gross conception it would be, to mingle celestial and terrestrial beings in one common mass ! The glorified Saviour, and the glorified martyrs, mingling with material and perishable beings, and becoming subject again to the laws of matter ! If it be said, that the earth is itself to be changed entirely, at the beginning of the millennium, and to be fitted by this change for the abode of such glorious beings raised from the dead ; where then, I ask, are Gog and Magog to live during this period, and nurture their hosts " like the sands of the sea for multitude ?" And other men — are they still mortal be ings, or not? If they are, then a material world, however Eden-like, is their place of residence ; for flesh and blood can inhabit no world of a different character. How then are the glorious Saviour and the glori fied martyrs literally to mingle and commune with material and fleshly and perishable beings ? The thing is impossible, because it is against the fundamental law of our spiritual nature. If it were not impossible, moreover, still it is utterly improbable, on any ground, that the triumph and exaltation of the matyrs are to consist in their being sent back to the earth, in order to resume a terrestrial existence, surrounded with suf ferings and sorrows. Besides all this, there is not a word from the Apocalyptist, as yet, respecting the so much talked of renovation of the earth. It is only at the period of the general judgment, that this reno- vol. ii. 46 362 RESURRECTION OF THE MARTYRS: CHAP. XX. 5, 6. vation takes place ; Rev. 21: 1 seq. The material worlds pass away when this judgment comes ; but not before. It follows then, that the idea of spiritual beings, as descending from the heavenly world to this, and spending a thousand years in a material world whose organization is not substantially changed, can have no foundation but in the phanta sy of the brain. It is as incongruous as to say, that God has material eyes, hands, arid other organs of sense. See further in Exc. VI. (5) And the rest of dead revived not; until the thousand years were com pleted. This is the first resurrection. Who are the rest of the dead'? This question has been anticipated in the remarks made upon the preceding verse. The phrase seems natu rally to include all who had not suffered martyrdom or persecution from the beast, i. e. had not suffered with patience and fortitude. Not that merely those who suffered by the Romish beast are included among the martyrs here ; for, from the nature of the case, all who had been persecuted or slain on account of true religion, at any time or in any place, provided they had borne their trials and sorrows in a becoming manner, would seem to be included in the first resurrection. Until the thousand years shall have been completed. Is the general resurrection to follow immediately upon the completion of this chiliad of years ? This is not a necessary implication ; see remarks on the same phrase above, under v. 3. Besides, from the writer's own showing, the end of the world is not contemporaneous with the end of the thousand years ; for Gog and Magog invade the holy land after this, v. 7 — 8. All which the phrase above declares, is, that neither before, nor during any part of the thousand years, would the resurrection of the rest of the dead . take place. First resurrection, so called in distinction from the second. Of course it is one which precedes it in respect to time ; it is not necessary that the two resurrections should differ in other respects. Indeed, the ob vious implication here is, that they do not substantially differ ; for what else can the ol 8e Xoinol zav vexqav ovx e^rjaav mean, except that the rest of men must wait until the second resurrection, before they would be raised up in like manner as those had been who were partak ers of the first resurrection ? But the subject has been already dis cussed, in the remarks on v. 4. (6) Blessed and holy is he who hath a part in the first resurrection ! Over such the second death hath no power, but they shall be priests of God and of Christ, and shall reign with him a thousand years. Blessed and holy must be emphatic here, for they can hardly bear the simple and ordinary meaning. AU saints of every age are blessed and RESURRECTION OF THE MARTYRS : CHAP. XX. 7, 8. 363 holy in reality and to a certain extent, let them live or die where or when they may. The phrase in our text, therefore, must be employed in an emphatic sense, in a sense which drew the writer's special atten tion, and which he intended should also be specially noted by the reader. Moreover, all this is not only compatible with the interpretation of the preceding verses, but helps to confirm it. The resurrection of the body is everywhere held out, in the N. Testament, as the condition and pre cursor of a higher degree of perfection and happiness to the saints. So here ; the first resurrection brings those who are partakers of it, sooner than others, to the perfection of their nature. Ewald explains ayiog here, by leqeig in the sequel, i. e. these, like priests, shall be henceforth consecrated to the service of God. But why should we thus separate ayiog from fiaxdqiog ? The interpretation given above seems more probable. Over such, or these, the second death h/ath no power ; i. e. they are se cure against all possible future evil. The preceding clause exhibits their actual condition or positive state of happiness ; the present clause, their freedom from all danger that their condition will be changed. The second death, according to v. 14, is the being cast into the lake of fire. — Priests of God and Christ, see on Rev. 1: 6. Here it means : They shall be near to Christ, and most honorably employed in his service ; the sequel shows, that they shall be advanced to the highest honours, i. e. shall, like kings, be enthroned ; comp. Rev. 3: 21. (7, 8) And when the thousand years shall have expired, Satan shall be loosed from his prison, and he shall go forth to lead astray .the nations who are in the four corners of the earth, Gog and Magog, to gather them together for war, whose number is as the sand of the sea. Here then are nations accessible to the wiles of Satan, nations who live beyond the boundaries of the great empire which has so long been under the peaceful reign of the Messiah. They live, as we express it in common parlance, out of the world, i. e. out of the great civilized and christianized world, or in the four corners of the earth. Of course the earth is here, as throughout the Scriptures, conceived of as an extended plain, the four corners of which are the most remote from the centre ; and the centre, moreover, is regarded as the holy city. Their number too is great, like the sand of the sea. Not an intimation is given that they become apostates from a former profession of Christianity, or that Christianity had ever spread among them. Every thing in the descrip tion wears the appearance of a meaning the reverse of this. Satan does not deceive the elect, in this case, but leads astray those who had never been converted to the Christian faith. That this is so, appears from the face of the narrative ; for how comes it that Satan finds no 364 GOG AND MAGOG : Chap. XX. 7, 8. access to men any-where, except in the four corners of the earth ? Had those living there been Christians, like the rest of men, what reason can be given why they should, all at once and in such immense numbers, be seduced from their Christian allegiance, while no inroads are any where else made upon the domains of Christianity ? I see no way in which this question can be satisfactorily answered. Inquiry respecting Gog and Magog. Why does John name this third and last formidable and persecuting power, Goo and Magog ? To answer this question we must go back to the prophecy of Ezekiel, which is the prototype of the author in the present case. In Eze kiel 37: 1 — 14, the prophet gives us a most graphic description of the appa rently desperate state of the Jewish nation in their exile, under the image of an immense valley full of dry bones. These he sees in a vision to be come reanimated, and learns from this, that Israel will again be restored, and will live and flourish, vs. 11 — 14. He then predicts a union of the ten and of the two tribes in one nation; and, finally, the coming of the Messiah and his reign over them ; vs 15—28. At some future period, for so the vision represents it, Gog of the land of Magog and his confederates come up against the holy land and people ; but they are slaughtered with im mense destruction, and Israel is troubled no more ; chap, xxxviii. xxxix. Then follows the flourishing state of the land, the rebuilding of a magnifi cent temple and city, and a new and perpetual apportionment of the holy land ; chap, xl — xlviii. Nothing can be plainer, than that the Apocalyptist had all this picture in his eye, when he wrote the verses before us ; and, in my apprehension, he has rightly understood and explained the main pur-. port of Ezek. xxxvii — xlviii, which certainly tallies, in all its lead'mg fea tures, with the description now under examination. With these views respecting the ultimate period of the world agree the representations in Zech. xiv; also Joel 3: 9 — 21; and perhaps Dan. 12: 1 — 3. At all events, no satisfactory account of the real meaning of these passages of Scripture, which has its basis on other ground, has yet been given. Thus John, under imagery borrowed from Ezekiel, describes the third and last great effort of the enemies of the church to destroy her. That the names of these enemies will literally be Gog and Magog, and that they are literally to come from the four -corners of the earth, and besiege the lit eral Jerusalem, no one versed in the language of the prophecy will attempt to contend. Enough that the names of old enemies are employed to desig nate new ones, as yet without a name. Enough that they come from the bosom of the unconverted heathen, and that they oppose and persecute Christians wherever they meet them. These are the things signified;. all the rest is costume. Something more needs to be said, however, in order to give the reader a fuller view of Gog and Magog, so that he may know what impression the mention of these names by John would naturally make upon his readers. In Gen. 10: 2, Magog is mentioned as a son of Japhet. Elsewhere the word is found only in Ezekiel, xxxviii. xxxix. ; in which passage it means a land GOG AND MAGOG : Chap. XX. 7, 8. 365 or country, (38: 2), of which Gog is the prince. With it are associated Me- shach and Tubal ; which gives us a clue to the locality of Magog ; for those two countries lie between the Euxine and Caspian Seas, or at the southeast extremity of' the Euxine Sea ; Rosenm. Bib. Geog. I. p. 240. Ges. Lex. Magog- was doubtless in the neighborhood of these countries, yet, still fur ther north, and probably among the Caucasian mountains. The people of that region, it seems, were a terror to middle Asia, in the same manner as the Scythians were to the Greeks$5and Romans. Hence they have often been named the Scythians of the. East. They have preserved their original character down to the present hour ; as is evident from their recent long continued contests with the Russians. Intercourse with such distant and savage nations was scarcely possible in ancient times ; and hence, from their numbers and strength, they were regarded with great fear and horror ; just as the Scythians were looked upon by the Greeks and Romans, and as the Tartars are regarded by the oriental nations. Of this there is most abundant evidence. The Ara bian writers are full of the mention of Yajouj and Majouj (as they pronounce the names, making g soft) ; see Asiatisches Magazin by-Tvlaproth, 1802, Vol. I. p. 138 seq., who has made a large collection of passages where Gog and Magog are named. We can trace this opinion, viz., that Gog and Ma gog were the eastern Scythians, and lived in the regions of the Caucasus and around the Caspian Sea, to a remote period among both Christians and Arabians. Jerome (in loc. in Ezech.) says of Magog, that it means " Scy thian nations, fierce and innumerable, who live beyond the Caucasus and tlie Lake Maeotis, and near the Caspian Sea, and spread out even onward to India." Theodoret also says of Gog and Magog, that " they are Scythian nations." Asseman, in his Biblioth. Orientalis, Tom. III. P. II. 16, 17, 20, has given excerpts from old Syriac authors, which appeal to Gog and Ma gog as inhabiting the same region that Jerome mentions. This is still fur ther confirmed by a Syriac poem on Alexander the Great, written by a Ja cobite Christian, in the measure common to that sect, and published from a Codex at Paris, by G. Knb's in his Syriac Chrestomathy, 1807. Jacob Bar- dai, the father and leader of the Jacobites, flourished in the latter half of the sixth century, so that the poem in question cannot be earlier than this period. But it seems to have been written either at this period or near it, for the Syriac is altogether of the antique cast Mar Yohannan, the Nestorian bishop, lately in this country, to whom I showed this production, avers that there can be no question of the antiquity of the piece, if we may judge from the dialect which it exhibits. In this remarkable production — remark able for its curious matter — the writer assumes the position, that Alexander the Great built a wall, or rather extended a gate, between a pass in the northern (Caucasus) ridge of mountains, so as to prevent an irruption of Gog and Magog from that quarter. He gives a circumstantial description of the process of constructing this huge gate or wall, which w.as covered with iron and copper, so that it could not be cut through, pp. 86 — 89. An angel is next represented as commissioning Alexander to carry on his con quests over all Egypt and Asia, until he should come to the river Kalat [In dus ?] where he should stop, p. 91. In pp. 94 — 105, the author represents Gog and Magog, who had been hitherto barred out by the great iron gate, as assembling in such multitudes as to cover the earth with their forces. God himself now interposes, opens the gate, and lets in upon the countries of the 366 GOG AND MAGOG : Chap. XX. 7, 8. southern region the countless hosts of Gog. " In the seven thousandth" [year] " says the author," in which the heavens and the earth shall be destroy ed, [i. e. near the end of the world], there shall come forth armies and hosts from their countries, [viz. the countries of Gog and Magog], they shall come, armies and hosts from their countries ; they shall come, thousands and marshalled ranks and assemblages without number ; they shall rise up behind the gate and shout ; their cry shall be louder than the wind or the crashing thunder, that the Lord, our Lord, may open to us the gate, that we may go forth over the earth. At that time, the mountains and earth and men therein shall tremble, because of that voice [uttered] in anger and in dignation and impetuosity. Among the marshalled ranks shall go forth a cry at that time ; and the voice of the Lord shall cast down the lofty gate," p. 94 seq. After this, the poet describes them as marching over the earth, and making it desolate in all quarters : " They will come forth, filling the earth with their concourses, with sword, and exile, and battles, and blood, and many murders ; when the anger of the Lord shall wax hot against the wicked, he will send upon the earth those of Gog and the house of Magog," p. 97. In subsequent pages, (103, 104, 105), the author again brings to view tlie horrible slaughter which will be made by them, until the earth becomes entirely desolate. Such is the curious fivdoc, of the Syriac poet ; and almost in exact accop dance with this account, is that which Mohammed has given in the Coran. It is hardly probable that he had seen the Jacobite poem, or that the author of that poem had seen the Coran ; both, therefore, must have drawn from one common source, viz. tradition. In Sura xviii. 94, Mohammed repre sents a northern barbarous people as addressing Alexander the Great, (whom he calls Two-horned), and complaining that Gog and Magog lay waste their country. The king then aids them in building up a high and strong wall, which he makes solid with melted iron and brass. By this Gog and Magog are excluded from their predatory excursion toward the South, until the last period of the world. Then the Lord will throw down the wall, and give free access to the barbarian hordes. When they have done their work of destruction, they, with all other infidels, shall be turned into Gehenna; see Koran, ed. Marac. II. p. 424 seq. In Sura XXI. 95 seq. Mohammed again speaks of the cities which he and his' followers had destroyed, and says of them, that they shall not be renewed, " until an opening is made for Gog and Magog, who shall come with haste from all the lofty moun tains," i. e. the Caucasian ridge. In other words, the cities shall never be rebuilt ; for Gog and Magog are, according to the Coran, to come only at the end of time. The striking agreement of these passages from Mohammed with the Ja- cobitic poem, in all the important features, is apparent at first view ; and it betrays, beyond all doubt, a common source whence both writers drew. The story must therefore have been an ancient one, which had obtained so wide a currency. The building by Alexander of such a wall, or any wall, between the Caspian and Euxine seas, to fence out the Caucasian hordes, is a matter of which history knows, or at any rate says, nothing. But that his successors, in the monarchy of the East, erected a structure there for defence against the northern hosts, seems to be altogether probable. That some early king in this region did so, is quite certain ; for the wall is now standing, for the most part, and is still called the wall of Gog and Magog. GOG AND MAGOG : Chap. XX. 7, 8. 367 Peter the Great, of Russia, took possession of the region between the Eux ine and Caspian Seas about 1772 ; and at that period, S. G. Emelin was sent out thither, on a tour of examination, by the Russian government. In his Travels, published at Petersburg in 1774, he has given an account of the wall in question which leaves no room to doubt in regard to it From Derbend on the Caspian Sea, the head-quarters of the Russian military guard in that country, Emelin directed his course westward, toward the Euxine, and he soon met with some ruins of the wall above-mentioned, and after wards with the wall itself for large distances completely in a state of pres ervation, then a wall half ruined, etc. ; while square and pyramidal towers along the wall were found, at hailing and signal distances. Two of these he mounted upon ; and from their tops he could descry the snowy ridges of the Caucasus. The whole were so constructed, that intelligence could be conveyed from any distance, in a few minutes, to the citadel at Derbend, whence troops could be immediatley sent out According to the universal tradition of the inhabitants, this wall of Gog and Magog extends from the Caspian to the Euxine or Black Sea. All credible traces of the builder are lost, so that no doubt can remain that it must be very ancient, and not im probably it was built by some of Alexander's successors hi the East ; whence it was easy for tradition to make out the story which the Jacobite poet and Mohammed have told. The passage from Emelin (Vol. III. p. 12) is cited at length in Rosenmueller's Bib. Geog. I. p. 244. Ker Porter, the celebrated English traveller, visited Derbend in 1819, where the story was told him respecting the wall in question ; but accident prevented his going to see it ; Travels, II. p. 520. The reader, who wishes for more in respect to this subject, may consult Reinegg's Bescreibung des Caucasus, I. p. 120. Ritter's Erdkunde. Th. II. p. 834 seq. Bayers de Muro Caucaseo, in the Petersburg Comm. Acad. Scient. Vol. I. and in his Opuscula, p. 94. See also Hartmann's Aufklarun- gen iiber Asien, I. p. 160 seq., Herbelot, Orient. Biblioth., article Yagiovge et Magiouge (Gog and Magog). Hase's Entdeckungen, etc. I. p. 13 seq. See in particular, Rosenm. Bib. Geog. I. p. 240 seq. and Comm. in Ezech. 38: 2. It should be noted, before we dismiss this topic, that the use made of Gog and Magog, in the Apocalypse, is somewhat different from that in Ezekiel xxxviii. xxxix. In the prophet, Gog is considered as the prince of the land of Magog, who also holds in subjection Meshech and Tubal ; but in tbe Apocalypse, Gog and Magog both are nations, or at least countries which are tbe representatives of nations. In the same light as John, the Arabians, Syrians, and other nations have regarded them. At any rate, the departure from Ezekiel in this respect, while it is quite unimportant as to the principal meaning of the passage, is yet of such a character as to show that John thought and acted for himself. The passages both in Ezekiel and John, which have respect to Gog and Magog, are not, it would seem, to be considered merely as mythic. We have abundant and undoubted evidence, that in ancient times there were actual Caucasian hordes distinguished by the names in question, and that they were a formidable reality. But that Ezekiel, in his prophecy, meant to be understood as predicting the invasion of Palestine by Gog and Magog in the literal sense, is hardly credible. He uses these names to designate 368 GOG AND MAGOG : Chap. XX. 9. distant and savage nations ; and in the same way John employs them. Just in the same manner we now employ the word barbarians. I cannot doubt, after long and often repeated investigation, that Ezekiel has the same general aim in view as John, and designs briefly to disclose the distant future of the church, in the latter part of her Messianic days. Considered in this way, the two writers cast great light upon each other. That both should employ these names in a tropical way, is no more strange than that we should employ the words Scythian, Tartar, Indian, etc., in the same manner. Understood in this way, there is no special difficulty attend ing the exegesis of either author ; while the literal sense involves us in meshes from which our feet cannot be extricated. Nothing could be more natural than for Ezekiel, who lived in Mesopotamia, to speak of Gog and Magog, since they were the formidable enemies of all that region ; and that John, writing on the same subject should retain the same names, was equally natural. (9) And they went up over the breadth of the land, and surrounded the camp of the saints and the beloved city; and fire came down from God out of heaven, and devoured them. The basis of this representation, considered in a literal respect, is the land of Palestine and the holy city. Approaching the latter from any quarter of the earth, is, in the idiom of the Scriptures, called going up, rib's , dvaBalva. — Breadth of the land appears to mean the whole extent of it ; see the same expression in Hab. 1: 6. — Encircling or surround ing the camp of the saints and the beloved city implies that the number of the hostile forces is exceedingly great, cog rj dppog zrjg daXdaarjg. Whether the camp is here supposed to be within or without the walls of the city, is not said ; but probably it is without. In either case, the great number of the enemy and their hostile intentions are clearly in dicated. Literally we cannot well suppose the passage was designed to be taken, any more than that mount Zion is to be literally understood in Heb. 12: 22, and the like in other passages. Sentiment: The last mighty struggle against Christianity will be made by many barbarous nations, who will put forth most strenuous efforts to destroy it, and will actually bring it into great danger. Fire came down out of heaven, etc. In this third catastrophe there is no express mention of two opposing armies, but naqepBoXrjv rcov dylcav naturally implies this. The issue of a formal contest, however, is not waited for. Divine interposition performs the work. As the enemies of Elijah, in ancient times, were devoured by fire from heaven, so the congregated hosts of Gog and Magog are to be destroyed. The war, which had been fierce and seemingly successful on the side of the ene my, (inasmuch as they have come to the investiture of the capital city), is brought to a speedy and final termination.— 'Ex denotes the source or place from which ; dnb stands before the moving cause or agent.— gog and magog: Chap. XX. 10. 369 Kazecpayev, intensive, to eat up, devour, so that it denotes utter excision. This Aor. II. has no forms correspondent. The Pres. is iadla, the real root is (pay or cpey. See a similar destruction of the wicked and of enemies, in Gen. xix. Ps.' 11: 6. Is. 29: 6. Ezek. 39: 6. 38: 22, and comp. in Apoc. 8: 7. 11: 5. 13: 13. The use of the Praeter tense in this verse, while the Put. is employ ed in v. 8, has nothing peculiar in it, when the prophetic style is taken into consideration. The use of the Praeter increases the assertion of certainty. (10) And the devil, who led them astray, was cast into the lake of fire and brimstone, where are also the beast and the false prophet; and they shall be tor mented day and night, forever and ever. The Part. nXavcov has here the sense of the Imperf. ; see Gramm. § 173. 2. In 19: 20 it is related of the beast and false prophet, that they were cast into the lake of fire ; but Satan, who had cooperated with them, was confined in the great abyss, 20: 1 — 3. Here, as the fined catastrophe is completed, Satan is disposed of in the same way, and thus he is united again with his former associates. The imagery is the most terrific which the whole compass of nature can afford — a lake of fire burning with brimstone. The intensity of the flame, the suffocating nature of the fumes, and also the revolting odour which issues from the sulphur, all conspire to render this an image of unparalleled horror. — Day and night, i. e. without cessation or unintermittingly ; forever and ever, i. e. without end. Such is the awful doom of all who oppose the gospel. The writer does not say here, what becomes of Gog and Magog ; but the implica tion of course is, that, like Judas, they go to their own place. This is not at present the lake of fire ; for we see in v. 15 below, that the wicked in general are not cast into that lake, until after the resurrection and the judgment-day. They go into an apartment of Hades, if I may so speak, i. e. a portion of the under-world or world of the dead, which is reserved for the wicked. This is the place of " outer darkness, where is weeping and wailing and gnashing of teeth." Hades and its king, ddvazog, as appears by v. 14 below, are to be cast into the lake of fire, after the judgment-day, i. e. they are to be utterly destroyed. The place for disembodied spirits will be of no further use, after the resur rection of the body and its re-union with the soul. Death will then have completed his work, and will therefore be no more. But inasmuch as such a condition of the wicked, after death, was viewed and believed by his readers to be a matter of course, John deemed it unnecessary here particularly to describe it. But the special and final punishment of Satan he has made prominent to our view. vol. ii. 47 370 GENERAL judgment : Chap. XX. 11. If any reader is disposed to raise difficulties here, on the ground that the beast and false prophet are sentenced to the final hell, or lake of fire, before the judgment-day, he should call to mind, that he is reading poetry. The characters are symbolic, generic, not specific individuali ties-. To represent them as cast into the lake of fire, is to show that a fearful and most aggravated doom awaits all who are symbolized by them. As to the machinery of poetry, it would plainly be unjust to exact the precision of prose, in the modes of representation and ex pression. So with the rich man, in the parable of Lazarus ; the fire in which he is tortured figuratively expresses the severity of his punish ment. GENERAL JUDGMENT: CHAP. XX. 11—15. [The opposition of all enemies being thus effectually put down, it follows of course that the church will afterwards enjoy undisturbed tranquillity and pros perity. But on this the writer does not dwell. Still, the fact that he does not, makes nothing against the supposition of a long intervening period between the destruction of Gog and Magog and the general judgment. This subject has been already discussed in the remarks which precede chap. xx. ; to which 1 must refer the reader. It should be remembered, that one leading topic of the book is the subjugation of the enemies of the church ; and that topic is now completed. The writer passes on immediately, therefore, to the final and glorious reward of the righteous, when the probation of all the redeemed is to be completed, and the august drama is brought to its final close. But before the final rewards can be distributed, a general judgment is to be instituted, at which all that have been concerned with the Redeemer's kingdom, either as friends or enemies, are to be present, and to receive their final sentence. The remainder of the chapter is occupied with describing this scene.] (11) And I saw a great white throne, and him who sat upon it, from whose face the heaven and the earth fled away, and no place was found for them. The xal with which this transition begins, is usual throughout the Apocalypse, whatever may be the distance of time which intervenes be tween the things related, or the dissimilarity of the things themselves. Nothing can be deduced from the use of it, to prove an immediate conse cution in point of time. See on xai, in Comm. on 5: 1. — Aevxbv, splen did, as usual elsewhere in this book. The original source of the image seems to be the white heat of metallic substances melted in an intense fire. — Tov xadijfievov designates the Redeemer here ; as the analogy of Chris tian doctrine and Rev. 21: 5 — 8 clearly shows. So Ewald. — The fee ing away of heaven and earth is a poetic portraiture of the effects of the divine presence. Even the natural Creation shrinks back with awe and seeks to hide itself; comp. Ps, 18: 7, 15. 77: 16 — 19. 114: 3 — 5. See the like in Enoch 50: 3, 4. 51: 10. There too the Messiah is repre- «- GENERAL JUDGMENT : CHAP. XX. 12, 13. 371 sented as the Judge ; 60: 8 — 11. 61: 1 — 9. To seek for a literal sense in such a passage, would be quite a superfluous undertaking. (12) And 1 saw the dead, small and great, standing before the throne ; and the books were opened ; and another book was opened, which is the book of life ; and the dead were judged by the things which were written in the books, according to their works. Small and great, i. e. all of every class and station. The expression refers to rank, not to age. — Standing before the throne, i. e. gathered around it as the tribunal from which their doom is to be received. — And the books were opened, i. e. the books in which were recorded all the ac tions (external and internal) of men. The imagery is drawn from the records of accusations made against such as are impeached before human courts of justice. The plural is employed very naturally, considering how voluminous such records must be. — And another book was opened, viz. the Lamb's book of life, in which the names of all his followers are recorded; see on 3: 5, also Rev. 21: 27. Col. 4: 3. — And the dead were judged by the things written in the books ; what portion of the dead ? Or are all included ? Naturally the latter must be the meaning here, in connection with pixqoig xai peydXovg above, i. e. men of all ranks. All, therefore, must be condemned by these books, i. e. so far as the books are concerned ; for in them the sins of all are recorded. But, on the other hand, some good deeds of the righteous are also recorded in the "other book;" and for these there is a sure promise of reward. Still, some other title than even a balance of good works, (if that indeed should be in their favour), must they have. They must, through grace and the atoning blood of the Lamb, be forgiven ; and if they have been forgiven, and their names are recorded in the Lamb's book of life, then they will not only be acquitted as it respects the charges recorded against them, but rewarded for their good works, imperfect as they are. Moreover there is an implication here, that different degrees of pun ishment and of reward will be the consequence of final judgment. The sentence will be xaza zd eqya avzcbv, which necessarily implies this. That all of the human race will make their appearance before the tribunal of the judgment-day, if not taught here, seems to be taught in the next verse. (13) And the sea gave up the dead which were in it ; and Death and Hades gave up the dead which were in them ; and they were judged, every one, ac cording to their works. In other words : Not only those who have been buried beneath the earth, in the proper domains of Death and Hades, but all who have perished and are buried in the ocean, will be raised to life. Here Death and Hades are plainly personified, and represented as governing the 372 GENERAL JUDGMENT : CHAP. XX. 14. under-world. Accordingly it is they, who give up the dead under their domain. See on Rev. 6i 8, where the same personification is palpable. Death is king, and Hades (so to speak) his prime minister, or at least his agents or ministers, the word being used as a noun of multitude. — And they were judged, every one, according to their works ; exaazog in dividualizes, and is emphatic here, i. e. the writer means to say em phatically, that no one will escape the final trial, "Exaazog, as a nomen multitudinis, often takes a plural verb, as here. (14) And Death and Hades were cast into the lake of fire; this is the second death, the lake of fire. If Death and Hades as personified are here meant, (which seems plainly to be the case), then, considered as persons, they may consistently be represented as being cast into the lake of fire. Personification he- ing admitted, there is no violation of propriety in such a representation. But from the very fact that Death and Hades are mere symbolic and not real personages, it follows, that a literal punishment of them is out of question. Of course, therefore, the only intelligible meaning must be, that Death and Hades are now destroyed, i. e. they are to be no more. None ever come from or out of the lake of fire, for this is the second death. That such a view of the subject is altogether appropriate to the context^ is quite clear. The new world or creation (21: 1 seq.) is to be immutable and eternal. There will be no more pain, nor any death. Of course, therefore, after the creation of the new world, the pbwer of Death and Hades is to cease, and their influence will be for ever abolished. Their work is then done or completed, when the gene ral judgment comes. Mortality is at an end ; immortality follows. To inflict the second death, does not fall or come within the province or commission of ddvazog and adrjg ; consequently these tyrants must now become extinct, or die so as to live and act no more. By repeating the sentiment, this is the second death, the lake of fire, the writer means to say, that the death to which ddvazog and adrjg are now brought, is one from which there is no resurrection. It is final. If any one should say, that being cast into the lake of fire necessarily denotes continued torment, and therefore it must have such a meaning here, the answer is easy, and has already for substance been given. Death and Hades are merely symbolical personifications, and such are of course incapable of actual torment. Destruction of their power, then, is the necessary meaning here. But if any one chooses rather to un derstand Hades of place, viz., the grave or under-world, — then the meaning would be, that this place, with its king or ruler o ddvazog,. now becomes incorporated with the great lake of fire, and so will henceforth be a part of the place of endless torment. But the former meaning is more facile, and therefore preferable. THE NEW JERUSALEM : CHAP. ~X"x~T. 1. 373 A second death differs from the first in the facfy that it is not a separa tion of soul and body, but a state of continued agony hke to that which the first death inflicts, like it in intensity, but not in kind. Thus, it will be seen, effectual provision is made for the eternal bless edness of the righteous. " Death is swallowed up in victory." " The last enemy, i. e. death, is now destroyed ;" 1 Cor. 15: 23, 54. In this respect John and Paul completely harmonize. (1|>) And if any one was not found written in the book of life, he was cast into the lake of fire. The writer speaks here in the past tense, the scene having already passed in vision before him. The declaration reminds us strongly of our Saviour's words : " All those whom thou hast given me have I kept." The names enrolled in the book of grace are not to be blotted out, Others have sinned, and have not repented, and therefore are not forgiven. Their names do not appear on the records of pardon. The law must therefore take its course. They are cast into the lake of fire. This, being the second death, is followed by no resurrection. Inasmuch as death, in its first meaning and with its original power, is now no more, there is no way of relief after a death entirely different in its nature. The sufferings of these who undergo the second death, cannot be alle viated by expiring ; for there is no expiring. Pardon, moreover, is now too late. Besides, inasmuch as their names are not written in the Lamb's book of life, how shall they become the subjects of pardon ? And what is more than all, the great work of atonement and reconcil iation is now at an end ; Christ gives up his mediatorial kingdom, having no more official duties (if we may so speak) to perform ; and how are they to be ransomed without an acting Mediator ? See 1 Cor. 15: 24—28. Thus is sealed the eternal doom of the dragon, beast, false prophet, and all their followers ; yea, and of all who resemble them in the tem per of their hearts or the action of their fives. Nothing now remains but to exhibit the glorious reward of the righteous, in the eternal world, as contrasted with the awful punishment of the wicked. ? THE NEW JERUSALEM: CHAP. XXI. 1. (1) And 1 saw a new heaven and a new earth ; for the first heaven and the first earth had passed away, and there is no more sea. Such is the picture, which Peter also draws, of the events that fol low the dissolution of the present material worlds, 2 Pet. 3: 7—13. The original of both is in Is. 65: 17. 66: 22. This new heaven and new earth are not, as it appears, to be constructed by fitting up and Vamping 374 THE NEW JERUSALEM : Chap. XXI. 2, 3. » ing anew the old and worn out systems. The first heavens and earth pass away ; " They pass away with a great noise, and the elements are melted with fervent heat ;" 2 Pet. 3: 10. Accordingly, the new Jerusa lem, the future abode of the blessed, is represented in the sequel as coming down from God, and of course as not being of this material crea tion. This is sufiicient to show what estimate is to be put upon the dreams of men, who urge us to believe that the present material earth is itself to be renovated, and become the personal abode of Christ and the martyrs, during the millennial period. Not a word is said of such a renovation, until after the general judgment. (2) And the holy city, the new Jerusalem, I saw descending out of heaven from God, prepared as a bride adorned for her husband. This is " the Jerusalem which is above," spoken of by Paul, Gal. 4: 26 ; this, " the mount Zion, the city of the living God, the heavenly Jerusalem," Heb. 12: 22. Comp. Rev. 3: 12. All glorious is the city, - too, for such must be whatever comes from God out of heaven. Splen did is its attire, i. e. its construction and materials, for it is like the splendid dress of a bride adorned for her husband. The author alludes here to the comparison of the church to a wife, Rev. 19: 7, 8. Nor is the congruity of the representation more striking in a rhetorical, than in a physiological respect. When the resurrection of the body takes place, there will be a new state of being. " Flesh and blood cannot inherit - the kingdom of God" (1 Cor. 15: 50) ; therefore, when the body is raised and united once more to the soul, it will be " a spiritual body," 1 Cor. 15: 44. The natural consequence is, that a new world is necessary for its abode. The Paradise in which pious souls had hitherto been, was a place of happiness fitted for them when separated from their respec tive bodies. But now a new state of being commences. It is not alto gether and merely spiritual, for the body is again united with the soul ; it is not a material state, for the body by its resurrection has become a spiritual body. This new state of being demands of course a new world for its appropriate development. In conformity with this plain principle of physiology, (if I may so speak), a new world is pro vided ; not (as before said) from the ruins of the old material heavens and earth vamped up anew, not of this visible creation, but a niw Jeru salem from God and out of heaven. The nature of the case fully jus tifies the representations of the writer. It is not the mere fiction of a poetic imagination, but there is a corresponding reality. (3) And I heard a loud voice from heaven, saying : Behold, the tabernacle of God is with men, and he will dwell with them, and they shall be his people, and God himself shall be with them — their God. The voice from heaven gives definite information to the seer respect- THE NEW JERUSALEM : Chap. XXI. 4 5. 375 ing the vision before him. — The tabernacle of God refers to the place in which (if the expression may be allowed) God personally dwells ; e. g. as in the temple and tabernacle of old. This tent or tabernacle is in the midst of the dwellings of the saints, i. e. he dwells with them. The idea is, that they pitch their tents around his. He is of course, as of old, their King and Lord, and consequently they are his people. He will continue to remain with them, i. e. he will never withdraw him self, as he had done more than once from the Jewish Sanctuary. — Their God comprehends all that he can be to them, and do for them, as God. For illustration of tabernacling among them, comp. Ex. 40: 38. Ezek. 37: 28. 43: 7 — 9. How frequent the promise is of being their God, and of making them his people, and how pregnant with meaning, may be seen by comparing Lev. 26: 11, 12. Jer. 24: 7, 31. Zech. 8: 8. Ezech. 37: 27, 28. 11: 20, etc. (4) And God will wipe away every tear from their eyes; and death shall be no more ; neither mourning, nor outcry, nor grievance, shall be any more ; for former things are passed away. The idea is not, that God will so compassionate sufferers in the new and heavenly city, as to wipe away their tears, but that he will consti tute such a state of things, that no more tears shall be shed ; as the sequel plainly shows. Comp. Is. 25: 8. — There shall be no more death; comp. 20: 6, 14, 15. Death himself perishes at the general judgment; of course his sway can no more be exercised. — Ile'vdog, mourning, be cause of death. — Kqavyrj, outcry, viz. because of violence and oppres sion; comp. n^ss in Ex. 3: 7, 9. Is. 5: 6. 19: 20. Ps. 9: 13. — Ilbvog means every and any kind of grievance, or source of misery. Into the new world these things can never enter. They clave to the old world, as long as it lasted ; but the new one demands a state of things corres pondent to its own nature. — Former things are passed away, i. e. not only these and all such evils themselves, but everything which could occasion them. (5) And he who was sitting upon the throne said : Behold, I make all things new ! And he said to me : Write ; for these words are faithful and true. He who sits upon the throne here, I take to be the Messiah, beyond all reasonable doubt. So Ewald. The sequel will disclose this.— Words faithful and true ; comp. 19: 9, and what is there said. — The command to write, shows that at any rate a part of the Apocalypse was written, while the visions were passing. At all events such is the natural con struction of the words employed. He who sitteth enthroned as the Judge of all, now solemnly declares, 376 THE NEW JERUSALEM : Chap. XXI. 6 — 8. that all his promises to the saints, as to their future reward, may be relied upon with entire confidence. The making of all things new, means entirely changing the old state of things, in which death, mourn ing, sin, and sorrow, so much prevailed. Comp. Is. 43: 19. Jer. 31: 22. (6, 7) And he said to me : It is done. I am Alpha and Omega, the beginning and the end. I Will give to him who thirsteth of the water of life freely; he who overcometh, shall possess these things, and I will be his God, and he shall be my son. riyove, it is done, i. e. all which has been decreed respecting the punishment of the impious and the glorious reward of the righteous, is carried into execution. An enduring heaven and hell are now consti tuted. The great plan of redeeming grace is accomplished. Comp. 16: 17, where the destruction of spiritual Babylon is decreed by a yeyove. — That he who sits on the throne here names himself Alpha and Omega, necessarily reminds us of Rev. 1: 8, where the same appellations are applied to God ; and also of Rev. 2: 8, where nqcozog and eayazog (of the same import) are beyond all doubt applied to Christ. It is, no proof, then, that it is not Christ who is here represented as sitting upon the throne, because such appellations are here given. Besides, the promises are such here as Christ was wont to make ; comp. John 4: 14. 6: 35, comp. vs. 58. See also Is. 55: 1. John 7: 37. Rev. 22: 17. He who sits enthroned, is the First and the Last, i. e. " Jesus Christ is the same yesterday, to-day, and forever ;" consequently his promises may be relied on, for they will be fully carried into execution. — For the further development of the idea conveyed by the phrase the water of life, see 22: 1 seq. Like the oriental thrones, which have a foun tain of cool water springing up near by, so the throne on which the Redeemer sits, is regarded as furnished with a like fountain of water ; and from this his friends and followers, who are admitted to his presence, drink. — Aaqedv, gratuitously. They have not won this privilege by merit ; it is bestowed by grace. — KXrjqovoprjaei, lit. inherit, but seconda rily (as often in Hebrew) possess. — I will be his God, etc., the repeti tion (see v. 3) denotes intensity of expression. It should be noted also, that Christ here says, that he will be the God of the blessed in heaven. (8) But to the fearful and unbelieving, to those who have made themselves abominable, even murderers, and whoremongers, and sorcerers, and idolaters, and all liars — their part shall be in the lake that burneth with fire and brimstone ; which is the second death. Oratio variata, i. e. the structure of the sentence is not completed according to the tenor of its commencement. All that is necessary, however, in order to make it plain, is to insert mentally [ovx eaopai debg, dXXd^ rb peqog, x, z. X. THE NEW JERUSALEM : CHAP. XXI. 9. 377 First of all the speaker excludes from the abode of the blessed such as apostatize from the Christian faith. The fearful means timid Christians, who, moved by persecution, leave the ranks of believers and go over to those of the dniazoi, i. e. to such as place no confidence in the promises or the threatenings of the gospel. — 'EBdeXvyaevoig I have rendered as a Part. Mid. voice, having an intransitive reflexive sense, but still as an active and not a passive word. It seems to be the genus, of which all the classes that follow are the species. So Ewald. — cjiaq- paxoig has an intensity of meaning, which we of the present day can scarcely reahze. The Mosaic law denounces its severest penalties against those engaged in the arts of sorcerers, for the reason that these arts were connected with the rites of idolaters. So here, cpaquaxotg includes all those who took any part in the magic rites of the heathen. Accordingly, in its train we find eldaXoXdzqaig, i. e. the worshippers of idols. Wevdiai, from ipevdrjg, refers to the false doctrines of idolaters. All this classification is appropriate to the times and circumstances of the writer. The first two classes named are those which point out apostates ; the rest designate the leading vices of those who persecute the church. They were murderers, i. e. they destroyed Christians ; they were whoremongers, i. e. the worship of their gods demanded or permitted pollution. They were given to magic rites, in order to carry on their impostures and to control the behef of the common people. They served idols, instead of the Maker of heaven and earth. So the liars are those who invented and propagated false doctrines among the heathen. — If any one should imagine, that these are the only classes of sinners, who will, at the day of judgment, be sentenced to the lake of fire, he would commit a great and fatal mistake. Here only such of fenders are named, as the author and the church of his time were spe cially concerned with. (9) And there came one of the seven angels, who had the seven vials filled with the seven last plagues, and he spake with me, saying : Come, 1 will show thee the bride, the Lamb's wife. In v. 1, John is represented as seeing the new Jerusalem in its de scent from heaven. Here he is led by the angel-interpreter to con template the glories of it, after it has obtained a fixed position. That one of the seven angels charged with overthrowing great Babylon, ia here commissioned to disclose the new and splendid city built for the persecuted church, is quite appropriate.— The bride, the Lamb's wife, is here evidently applied to the city which comes from God. But, like Jerusalem and Zion of old, which are, times without number, named as comprehending the inhabitants of Jerusalem, so here, the new Jerusa lem is the palace of the bride; and to be shown the new city, is to be vol. n. - 48 378 THE NEW JERUSALEM : CHAP. XXI. 10, 11. shown a part of what was attached to and necessarily connected with the bride. Exactly in the same way as here, is the angel-interpreter introduced in chap. 17: 1 seq., and the same manner of address is here presented. (10, 11) And he brought me, in the spirit, to a mountain great and high, and showed me tlie holy city, Jerusalem, descending out of heaven from God, having the glory of God — her luminary is like to a most precious stone, like a jasper- stone which is clear as chrystal. Throughout the whole description of the new Jerusalem, there is a striking resemblance to that of the new city in Ezek. xl — xlviii. The mind of the writer must have been most deeply imbued with that de scription of the prophet. Yet he is not so close an imitator as justly to expose himself to the appellation of a servile copyist. While every thing in Ezekiel is perfectly before his mind, he ranges the field of vision for himself, and retains, modifies, omits, or creates anew, entirely at his pleasure. Hence, while Ezekiel, after his usual copious manner, occupies nine chapters with his description of a new Jerusalem, and a new temple with its services, John occupies only twenty-three verses, into which he has compressed all that is splendid and striking, while, at the same time, some portion of it is entirely original. Exactly as in Ezek. 40: 2, so here, the angel-interpreter brings the seer in prophetic vision to the top of a lofty mountain, in order that be might have entire command of the prospect. In Ezekiel, the city is re presented as lying toward the south from the mountain; which has greatly perplexed commentators, because they have assumed Zion as the mountain on which the prophet stood. But this is manifestly erro neous ; for Zion is itself the south-western extremity of Jerusalem. The station then must be (if a definite place must needs be assigned) on the mount of Olives, which is N. N. East from the great mass of the city of Jerusalem ; or if we assume a point still further north, in the same ridge, then is the whole city in a southern direction from that point ; see in Robinson's Map of Jerusalem. But in the passage before us, the direc tion of the city from the mountain is not mentioned, and therefore no special objection on this ground will lie against supposing mount Zion to be meant ; particularly so, if we take into view the prediction of Is. 2: 2, that " in the last days the mountain of the Lord's house should be established over the top of the mountains, and exalted above the hills." Still, I do not feel any need of resorting to this, as interpreters have generally done, because the prophecy of Isaiah respects the Messianic period, and not the end of the world. Besides, I deem nothing more to be necessary here, than to regard the seer as transported, merely for the convenience and extent of vision, to the top. of some lofty mountain. It is not necessary that we should regard the new Jerusalem as in all re- THE NEW JERUSALEM : Chap. XXI. 12, 13. 379 spects corresponding in its localities to the old, although much of the imagery employed to describe it is borrowed from the ancient city. — Holy city, etc. ; see on v. 2 above. Having the glory of God, i. e. such splendour as surrounds the pres ence of God = l-Pirn lias , which the Rabbins also call rwoiB , Shechi nah, because it marks the place of God's inhabitation ; see Ex. 40: 37 —39. Num. 9: 15 — 23. Zech. 2: 8. comp. Is. 24: 23. This glory, i. e. splendour, is a " light inaccessible and full of radiance." Paul repre sents its reflection, at the time of his conversion, as being " brighter than the sun " itself, Acts 26: 13. This view of the splendour that surrounds the place of God's inhabitation, prepares us for the sequel, in which it is represented, that it becomes the luminary of the new city, sending forth a radiance which cuts off all need of the sun and moon, and en tirely supersedes them ; which moreover is not, like to them, liable to eclipse and changes of light. 0 cpaazrjq avzrjg, her luminary, not her light or splendour, (paazrjq is the Nom. to rjv implied, and is a resumption qf the idea comprised in 392 epilogue : Chap. XXII. 12—14 The reader will readily notice the strong antithesis there is between ddixav adixrjaazo and dixaiog dixaioavvrjv noirjadra, also between qvnaqbg qvnaqevdrjza and ayiog dyiaodrjza. (12, 13) Behold I come quickly, and my reward is with me, to give to every man as his work shall be. 1 am Alpha and Omega, the first and the last, the beginning and the end. Here comes out fully the reason, why the righteous are encouraged to persevere in their course. Their reward is speedy and certain. So, on the other hand, the punishment of the wicked is certain ; for to every one there will be recompense according to the nature of his work. He who promises this is immutable and eternal, i. e. he who promises is Jesus Christ who is " the same yesterday, to-day, and forever." That the same predicates are applied to the living God, and can belong only to such a Being, is clear from Is. 41: 4. 43: 10. 44: 6. 48: 12. Comp. Rev. 21: 6. As to the form of the promise : I come quickly, etc., comp. Is. 40: 10. 62: 11, where the same is found. It is evident here, from the nature of the case, that the speaker is Je sus, although he is not named before v. 16. Yet it is clear beyond all question, that the angel-interpreter is not the speaker in his own name. He had just solemnly disclaimed any right to the homage of John, on the very ground that he was a mere creature and a fellow-servant with oth er worshippers of God. To suppose, then, that he here claims to him self the incommunicable attributes of self-existence and eternity absolute, would be preposterous. Accordingly, all recent interpreters of note be-, gin the address of the Messiah here ; even Eichhorn, Heinrichs, and Ewald do the same. Besides, whoever has made himself acquainted) with the idiom of this book, must know that the introduction of a speak-, er without naming him, is a frequent usage of the writer. If any one insists, that it is the angel who still speaks, there is no serious objection to this, provided that we regard him as merely repeating the words of the Messiah. (14) Blessed are they who do his commandments, that they may have a right to the tree of life, and may enter through the gates into the city. That is, the obedient shall have a place in the heavenly city, and be made happy there by free access (iifyvala) to the tree of life. — Avzov after ivzoXdg, as spoken by Christ, would seem most naturally to refer to God. — Iva eazai, i. e. iva with the Fut. Indie. ; comp. John 17: 2. This is not common, yet it is not without precedent, inasmuch as the Fut. Indie, not unfrequently takes the place of the Subj. mode ; see in "Winer's Gramm. § 42. b. 1. — Enter in, roig nvXaaiv, by means of the gates, i. e. free access will be given to them, or the gates are open to them at all times. epilogue : Chap. XXIL 15—17. 393 (15) Without are dogs, and sorcerers, and fornicators, and murderers, and idol aters, and every one who loveth and maketh a lie. ^ See on 21: 8, where these appellations are explained with the excep tion of dogs. This animal was unclean, and therefore odious to the Jews ; comp. Deut. 23: 18. Hence persons of a vile and injurious cha racter were called dogs, Phil. 3: 2. Perhaps the writer here means ey- naedi. At all events it is plain here, that the leading characteristics of the heathen persecutors are mentioned ; certainly it is not intended to be said, that no other classes of wicked persons than those here named, will be shut out from the heavenly city. But a place in heaven has just been promised to the obedient and persevering Christian, and now ex clusion from it is threatened to their enemies and persecutors. — Loving and doing falsehood here refers to the false doctrines of idolaters, " who exchanged the true God for a false one," Rom. 1: 25. (16) I, Jesus, have sent mine angel to testify unto you these things on account of the churches. I am the root-shoot and the offspring of David, the bright and morning star. Here the speaker names himself, so that all doubt is of course re moved. Sending the angel is mentioned also in Rev. 1: 1. — On account of the churches ; Ewald says, in the seven churches. But I apprehend em does not mean in, when found in such a connection. It is a more important meaning, also, when we suppose it to indicate for the sake of, on account of, a meaning by no means unfrequent ; see Lex. — Root- shoot, qi£a, not root, as our version has it. The meaning which I have given it is clear, if we refer to Is. 11: 1, " There shall go forth a rod from the trunk of Jesse, and a shoot shall spring up from his roots." What the speaker designs to say is, that he is the true Messianic proge ny of David, foretold in the ancient Scriptures. The bright and morning star, i. e. a king all resplendent and glorious like to the morning star. Comp. 2 Sam. 21: 17. Is. 14: 2. Num. 24: 17. Dan. 12: 3. It is the splendour and beauty of the morning star, which makes it here an object of comparison with the splendour of the king of Zion. It is not simply its light, or its being the harbinger of day, viewed as furnishing an image of Christ as the Light, i. e. the Teacher, of the world, which is here meant ; for in this respect he is the Sun of righteousness, not the morning star. (17) And the Spirit and the bride say : Come ! And let him that heareth say : Come ! And let him that is athirst come ; whosoever will, let him take the water of life freely. That is, the Spirit which animates and guides the prophets, and the Bride, i. e. the church, who is anxiously hoping for the coming of Christ, vol. ii. 50 394 epilogue : Chap. XXLT. 18, 19. unite in the fervent wish expressed by "Eq%ov ! — Let him that heareth say : Come ! i. e. let all to whom the words of this book are read, unite in the same ardent wish and prayer. — Let him that is athirst, come ! Let him who strongly desires the " waters of life which flow from the throne of God and the Lamb" (22: 1. 21: 6), come and drink of them freely. In other words : The gospel invites all to believe, and to par take of its precious blessings. (18) I testify to every one who heareth the words of the prophecy of this book : If any one shall add to these things, God will add to him the plagues which are described in this book. Having completed his work, the author now proceeds to guard against corruption of it, either by addition or subtraction. Earnest he must have been, in order to make so solemn a prohibition and threaten so dreadful a penalty as his words disclose. The practice of tampering with books of such a nature, would seem to have been somewhat frequent in the region where the Apocalypse was published. Otherwise, there would be something not perfectly natural, in the severity of the interdict before us. Adding to the book means the insertion of new matter. The parono masia in inidrjaei . . . in' avzov, shall lay upon him, is very plain in the original. I have imitated it in the version. (19) And if any man shall take away from the words of the book of this proph ecy, God shall take away his part of the tree of life and of the holy city, which are described in this book. Here the fault which is the opposite of addition is brought to view, viz., that of removing or exscinding any part or portion of the book. This is to be followed by a corresponding punishment, viz., a loss of all that portion of good which is assigned by the book of life. Here the paronomasia, again, is manifest as before. The idea which many entertain, that this verse, at the close of our volume of the Scriptures, extends to the whole of the Old Testament and of the New, is sufficiently refuted by the fact, that when the Apoca lypse was written, no united whole of the N. Testament Scriptures had been made. It was not until the second half of the second century, that this appears to have been done. The author therefore could have had no reference to it. And although it be true, that any designed falsifica tion of the 0. Testament, or of the New, must be highly criminal in the sight of God, yet this general truth is not what the author aims to express here. He means to prohibit, in the most solemn manner, all tampering with his own work. epilogue j Chap. XXII. 20, 21. 395 (20) He who beareth testimony to these things saith: Yea, I come .quickly ! Amen ! Come, Lord Jesus ! '0 paqzvqav is Christ. Thus Christ often speaks of the Father as paqzvqav respecting him, i. e. as vouching for the reality and divine au thenticity of his mission. So here ; the Saviour himself vouches for the truth of what John has disclosed. He makes the appeal, also, for con firmation of this, to his speedy coming ; for by this all might know whe ther John had spoken the truth. To this solemn promise of a speedy advent, John subjoins his fervent wish that it might take place ; Amen ! i. e. let it be verified. Come, Lord Jesus ! Let the promise of thy speedy advent be fulfilled, so that all shall acknowledge the truths for which thou hast vouched, and all shall behold thy church triumphant, and thy glory filling the whole earth ! (21) The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ be with all the saints ! This is the usual form of benediction in the epistles of the N. Testa ment. It contains a wish or prayer on the part of him who utters it, that the favour of Christ, in all respects, may be bestowed on those in whose behalf the prayer is made. Here it has special reference, as we may well suppose, to the blessings disclosed and promised in the book before us. EXCURSUS I. Angelology of the Scriptures.* Rev. I. 1. Kai earjpavev dnoazeiXag did zov dyyeXov avzov zcp dovXcp avzov Tadvvrj. — v. 4. . . . anb zav enzd nvev pdz av. No book in the Old" Testament or the New so often introduces the agency of angels as the Apocalypse. They constitute, if I may be al lowed to speak in the language of rhetoricians, the principal machinery of this great moral Epopee. Angels are the companions and interpre ters of the seer, throughout his visions. Their interposition is announ ced in the inscription to the book, and declared again near its close, 22: 16. They are everywhere brought forward to our view, either as the executioners of divine justice, or as fulfilling the will of God and the Redeemer by becoming instruments in protecting the church, and mak ing it victorious over all its enemies and persecutors. Has the writer now, in all this, conformed to the spirit of his times and to the usage of the Scriptures ? Or has he invented for himself a machinery which is novel, and which has no parallel in other produc tions of the period in which he wrote ? In other words : Is all this the mere offspring of his own vivid and fruitful imagination ; or is it the re sult of introducing agencies familiar and in general well understood at the time when he wrote, but modified in a degree, by his own concep tions and by the manner of representation appropriate or peculiar to him self, as to many of the nicer and more distinctive traits ? These questions may be easily answered, by a proper survey of the angelology of the Scriptures, and of other early productions. And in asmuch as the structure of the Apocalypse, and (with respect to many passages) the right interpretation of it, depends on a correct view of * The substance of this Excursus has already been printed in a somewhat en larged form, in Vol. I. of the Bibliotheca Sacra; but as many who may read the Commentary on the Apocalypse will not probably have access to it as there ex hibited ; and as 1 have often referred to it in my remarks on many passages in the Apocalypse ; 1 have deemed it necessary to reprint it here, but in a form somewhat abridged. 398 scriptural angelology : Exc. I. ancient angelology, it seems; important here, for the aid of the reader, to place before him a sketch of this subject. In regard to the real existence of angels, good and evil, it is not ne cessary for me to enter into any discussion. The consideration of this topic is appropriate to the province of doctrinal theology. I may there fore dismiss it with but two or three suggestions. It is plainly beyond the province of human reason, unenlightened by revelation, to determine for or against the real existence of angels good or evil. They do not develope themselves to our senses. They are not the immediate objects of our proper cognisance. Their existence is not a necessary one, like that of the Maker of heaven and earth. Con sequently we can know nothing which is absolutely certain respecting them, except it is revealed to us. Plainly our reason cannot decide against their real existence ; for all our sources of argument in defence of such a position, must be com prised in analogy and must depend on it ; and in an analogy to that which is the proper object of our cognisance. But if we go from man downward toward the lower species of living creatures, we find a con tinued gradation of being, even down to the lowest. Shpuld we apply this analogy in the other direction, and go upwards toward the great Supreme, what forbids the supposition that there are intermediate be ings between us and Him ? If reason simply can decide anything, the presumption would seem to be, that angelic, or at any rate superior and intermediate, beings between us and the Godhead do exist. At all events, so the Bible seems most clearly to teach us. For the sake of perspicuity, I shall arrange the biblical doctrine, in respect to this subject, under distinct heads which will aid us in the proper con ception of it. I. Good Angels. (1) They are very numerous. " Thousand thousands ministered unto him ; ten thousand times ten thousand stood before him," Dan. 7: 10. The hke in Ps. 68: 17. 2 K. 6: 16, 17. "An innumerable company of angels," Heb. 12: 22. Matt. 26: 53. Jude v. 14. Rev. 5: 11. (2) Angels accompany the divine Majesty and the Saviour, and take part in all the peculiarly glorious displays which they make,teither in the way of mercy or of judgment, (a) At the giving of the Law, on mount Sinai ; Heb. 2: 2. Acts 7: 53. Gal. 3: 19. Deut. 33: 2. Ps. 68: 17. (b) They accompany the Saviour, when Jerusalem is destroyed by his power; Matt. 24: 30, 31. (c) At the final judgment; Matt. 13: 39— 41. 25: 31. 1 Thess. 4: 16. 2 Thess. 1: 7—9. (3) Angels are the guardians of individuals and qf nations, (a) Of the Lord Jesus Christ, from his conception till his death; Luke 1: 11— SCRIPTURAL ANGELOLOGT : ExC. I. 399 20, 26-38. Matt. 1: 20, 21. 2: 13, 19, 20. 4: 11. (This guardianship is recognized in Matt. 4: 6). John 1: 51. Luke 22: 43. Matt. 28: 2 7. Mark 16: 5— 7. Acts 1: 10, 11. (b) Of individuals ; Matt. 18:10, " Their angels [viz. the angels of infants] do always behold the face of my Father who is in heaven," i. e. to little children a special guar dianship of presence-angels or archangels is assigned. Here the phrase do always behold the face, etc., is of the same import as the phrase before his throne, so often introduced in the Apocalypse. So Heb. 1: 14. Ps. 34: 7. Acts 12: 7—15. Gen. 32: 1, 2. 2 Kings 6: 17. (c) Of nations and kingdoms; Ex. 14: 19. 23: 20. 33: 2. Num. 20: 16. Josh. 5: 13. Is. 63: 9. Dan. 10: 5 — 13, 20, 21, where the angel, who was one of the guardians of the Jews, represents himself as struggling with the prince of Persia, in order that he might obtain the liberation of the Jews (v. 13). He promises also to renew the contest (v. 20), and indicates his success by declaring that " the prince of Greece will come," i. e. to overthrow the Persian empire. Here also Michael in particular is de signated as the prince of the Jews ; and in Dan. 12: 1, he is represented as ' the great prince who standeth for the people of God.' So in Jude (v. 9), Michael is represented as ' contending with Satan about the body of Moses,' and of course as being the defender of God's chosen people. In Rev. 12: 7, Michael and his angels are represented as con tending with the devil and his angels, who are in pursuit of the child [Jesus], " who is caught up to the throne of God." So again in Dan. 11: 1, the guardian angel of the Jews stands by and strengthens the king of Persia, in his kind intentions with respect to the Jews. In Zech. 1: 8 — 14 the guardian angel of the Jews is developed, as active and efficient in providing for their welfare and safety. Again, in Zech. 3: 1, 2, the angel of the Lord, i. e. the guardian angel of the Jews, re bukes Satan for his malignant intention toward Joshua the high-priest. And while Michael is thus employed in defending the Lord's people, Gabriel seems to be the angel-interpreter or messenger sent to make dis closures to men, respecting nations or individuals. Thus in Dan. 8: 16 seq. 9: 21 seq. Luke 1: 19—26. So in Job 33: 23, •pba T]sba', an angel, an interceder, a part of whose business it is to show to men the divine uprightness. See also the case of the guardian angel of God's people, who rebuked Balaam, Num. 22: 22 — 35. From all this it is fully apparent, that not only the Jews, but other nations have their guardian angels ; that not only the Saviour, and the saints, but little children even, had or have their guardian angels. Acts 12: 7 — 15 develops the manner in which this subject was viewed by the Jews in common hfe, in a very vivid manner. (4) Angels are employed as special ministers for executing divine jus tice. Many of the passages already referred to under the last head, 400 SCRIPTURAL ANGELOLOGY : ExC. I. fully exhibit the correctness of this position. Besides these, one may . examine Gen. 19: 1 — 23, comp. with Gen. 18: 1, 2. Ex. 12: 23, where rYinoan probably designates the angel-destroyer. Josh. 5: 13, 14. 2 Sam. 24: 16, 17. 2 Kings 19: 35. Acts 12: 23. Rev. vii— xi, the seven angels are provided with the seven trumpets, which are the signals of destruction. Rev. xvi, the seven angels pour out the seven vials which are full of divine wrath. (5) The different elements seem to be watched over and governed, by angels assigned to the execution of such an office. Thus in Rev. 7: 1, 2, the four angels over the four winds are addressed. Rev. 14: 18, " An other angel came out from the altar, who had power over the fire," i. e. who presided over the fire of the altar. Rev. 1 6: 7, " And I heard the altar saying ;" i. e. the angel who presides over the altar, and probably the same which is mentioned in the preceding passage. Rev. 16: 5, " I heard the angel of the waters say." It seems probable that the passage Ps. 104: 4 and Heb. 1: 7, " Who maketh his angels the winds, and his ministers a flame of fire," i. e. lightning, is to be explained in reference to the views of the Jews as connected with the subject of guardian angels over the elements. Rev. 19: 17, " the angel standing in the sun," may not unnaturally be explained of the angel who pre sides over the orb of day. (6) Angels were regarded as intercessors for men. The passage already cited, Job 33: 23, 'pba ~i6a , the angel, the interceder, shows in what light some of the angels were regarded. So in Zech. 1: 12, 13, the intercession of the guardian-angel of the Jews is recorded. In Rev. 8: 3, an angel takes his station by the altar in heaven, having a golden censer, and with this he presents " much incense . . . with the prayers of all the saints, upon the golden altar which was before the throne." (A case of somewhat different nature is that of the twenty-four elders in Rev. 5: 8). Other Jewish productions of the first century develop the same views, in relation to this subject ; e. g. in the Book of Enoch, 9: 3, the archangels are thus addressed, in behalf of those who were op pressed by the giants before the flood : " And now to you, 0 ye holy ones of heaven, the souls of men complain, saying : Obtain justice for us with the Most High. Then they said to the Lord : Thou art Lord of lords, etc. ;" after which follows a long intercession. So in Enoch, 47: 2, the holy ones assemble, i. e. the archangels, " and with united voice petition, etc., ... the Lord of spirits on account of the blood of the righteous which has been shed;" and at the same time they ' ask that the prayers of the righteous may not be intermitted before the Lord of spirits ;' which compares well with Rev. 8: 3. In Enoch 97: 4, the prayers of the righteous are said to rise up in remembrance, and to " be deposited in testimony before the angels." In Enoch 40: 6, the SCRIPTURAL ANGELOLOGY : ExC. I. 401 •presence-angel, Gabriel, is represented as " petitioning and praying for those who dwell on earth and supplicate the Lord of spirits." In hke manner the Testament of the XII. Patriarchs represents this subject. In Test. Levi c. 3, the writer is describing the seven heavens, "In the fifth are the angels of the presence of God, who minister and make propitiatory offerings to the Lord for all the sins of ignorance com mitted by the righteous. They offer to the Lord sweet incense, a ra tional and bloodless offering." In Test. Levi c. 5 is another passage, which represents the angel that accompanies Levi into the heavenly world, as being requested by Levi to give his name, so that in the day of tribulation he might call upon him. He answers thus : " I am the angel who intercedes for pardon in respect to the nations of Israel, that they may not be wholly cut off, etc." So in Tobit 12: 12, 15, Raphael speaks of himself as offering before God the prayer of Tobit and Sarah his wife ; and again, as being "¦ one of the seven holy angels who pre sent the prayers of the saints before the Most High." These passages from contemporary Christian writings show that John is not singular in his views respecting angels, when he presents one of them (in Rev. 8: 3) as offering up incense before God, accompanied by the prayers of the saints. The incense is a symbol of the acceptable nature of such intercession. Such is the outline of the scriptural doctrine in respect to good angels, as employed by God in the government of the world, the protection of his church, and the infliction of punishment upon the wicked. Let us now consider the ease, II. Of Evil Angels. (1) These are numerous. Matt. 25: 41, " The devil and his angels." Matt. 12: 26, where Satan is represented as only primus inter pares, in respect to demons, daipbvia. Mark 5: 9, " For we are many ;" spoken, however, in a somewhat limited sense. The principal evidence lies in the fact, that the Scriptures represent men everywhere, in all parts of the world, as tempted and misled by evil spirits. If this is true, they must be numerous. (2) They were originally good, but sinned, and fell from their first estate. Jude v. 6, " The angels who kept not their original state (zrjv eavzcbv dqxrjv), but forsaking their proper habitation, he [the Lord] hath kept by eternal chains in a dark place, unto the judgment of the great day." 2 Peter 2: 4, " IT God spared not the angels who sinned, but cast them down to hell, etc." The fact, that all which God origi nally created was good, and also his own spotless and benevolent na ture, serve to confirm this view of the subject. (3) Among the evil angels, one is more distinctly marked and made VOL. n. 51 402 SCRIPTURAL ANGELOLOGY : ExC. I. very prominent in the Scriptures. In the 0. Testament he is called, ' (a) Satan (yjtin), the adversary ; e. g. Job 1: 6 — 12. 2: 1 — 7. 1 Chron. 21: 1. Zech. 3:1, 2. In the N. Testament; Matt. 12: 26. Mark 4: 15. Luke 22: 3. Acts 5: 3. Rom. 16: 20, and often elsewhere, specially in the Apocalypse, (b) The tempter ; in accordance with which he is very frequently set forth as enticing or tempting men to sin ; e. g. Matt. 4: 1—11. 13: 19. Luke 22: 3, 53. Acts 5: 3. 1 Cor. 7: 5. 1 Thess. 3: 5. 2 Cor. 11: 3. Rev. 12: 9. 20:2,8,10. (c) The destroyer, dnoXXvav, ¦jfaax ; Rev. 9: 1 1. (d) The devil, b didBoXog, i. e. the accuser, the ca lumniator. This designation is too frequent to need any references. All these names imply bad character, and malignant influence upon men. Even before the N. Testament was written, the name destroyer, as ap plied to Satan, was current among the Jews ; e. g. Tobit 3: 8, where Asmodaeus, = ","!1?'^x (from let) to destroy), is the name of the demon who afflicts the house of Raguel. The most usual name in the early Rabbinic writings, is Samael, bxab , the angel of death, the destroyer = dnoXXvav. So the Targums, the Zohar, Rabboth, etc. ; and so in the Ascension of Isaiah, written during the first century, ch. 1: 8, 11 al. (See Dr. Laurence's remarks on this, p. 162 seq.) The etymology of ixatj seems to be obscure ; for sao means to blind, with which, how ever, one might compare 2 Cor. 4: 4. More probable is the derivation from xa& , venenum, and bx , mighty, sc. mighty in destruction. In Job i. ii, in Zech. iii, and in Rev. 12: 10, the peculiar traits of character which gave occasion to the name d didBoXog, the calumniator, are promi nently developed. (4) The extent of Satan's power in the world, united with that of other malignant spirits, is frequently represented as being very great. In 2 Cor. 4: 4, he is called the god of this world, in reference to his pre dominating influence. Li John 12: 31, the prince of this world; so in John 14: 30. In Eph. 6: 12, Satan and his associates are called dq%ug, i&vaiag, xoapoxqdzoqag, zd nvevuazixd zrjg novrjqiag ; in Col. 1: 13, i^ovaia zov axbzovg. Comp. also Rev. 12: 17. 20: 8. Still, this exten sive influence is the result of corruption in men, rather than of any irre sistible power in Satan himself: inasmuch as we are expressly com manded to resist him, and are told that in such a case he will flee from us, James 4: 7. 1 Pet. 5: 8, 9. Eph. 4: 27. (5) Place of evil spirits, before the general judgment. This is vari ously represented in the N. Testament, and needs a careful scrutiny. The usual notions on this subject are indistinct, and need to be re modelled. (a) The Abyss. The word aBvaaog means without bottom, or un fathomable. The idea of the Hebrews respecting it was that of a deep dark pit or chasm in the earth, which was, or might be, closed up, and scriptural angelology : Exc. I. 403 . where darkness perpetually reigned. Hence Jude (v. 6) : " angels . . . kept in perpetual chains vnb rbcpov, under or beneath darkness," i. e. in the deep and dark abyss. So also 2 Pet. 2: 4, " Casting them into Tar tarus, in chains of darkness," i. e. casting them bound into a deep and dark place. With this corresponds the word abyss, so often employed in connection with Satan ; e. g.' Luke 8: 31, the demon beseeches Jesus not to order him away into the abyss ; which would be a special punish ment for his offence. Matt. 8: 29, " tormenting us before the time," i. e. before the judgment of the great; day, seems to refer to the same kind of punishment as the preceding passage. In Rev. 9: 11, Abaddon or Apollyon is called the angel of the abyss. In Rev. 9: 1, this abyss is represented as usually closed and locked up. In Rev. 17: 8, the beast, who is the coadjutor of Satan, is represented as emerging from the abyss. In Rev. .20: 1 — 3, Satan is said to be cast into the abyss, locked up there, and confined for a thousand years. This in v. 9, is called his cpvXaxrj. But, (b) The Scriptures also speak of other places in which evil spirits are compelled to dwell, in the way of punishment. These are the de serts. Is. 13: 21 represents Babylon as about to be so entirely desert ed as to become the abode of &"H"<9ifl , forest-devils, i. e. demons who dwell in deserts. In Is. 34: 14, Idumea is threatened with a desolation so complete, that the "VSto and the ft'b'b , male and female forest demon (according to the popular belief) should dwell therein. In exact accord ance with this, Rev. 18: 2 threatens the spiritual Babylon with becom ing xazoixrjzrjqiov daipbvav. So in Matt. 12: 43, " the unclean spirit [when expelled] walks through dvvdqav zbnav, dry or desert places, seeking rest and finding none," i. e. such a spirit, when cast out, is obliged to wander for a while in banishment from places inhabited by men, and is not permitted to exert his usual influence over them. When the Evangelist, therefore, lays the scene of our Saviour's temptation in the desert or wilderness (Matt, iv.), the representation is altogether appro priate. — In hke manner, as in Matt. 12: 43, the book of Tobit (8: 3) represents Asmodaeus, when cast out by Raphael, as fleeing " elg zd dvdzaza of Egypt," i. e. into the deserts of that region, which are wild and dreary. So too in Baruch 4: 35, [the desolate city] " shall be in habited by demons, for a long time." The book of Enoch, 10: 6, 7, ex hibits the same view : " The Lord said to Raphael, Bind Azazel [one of the leading apostate angels] hand and foot ; cast him into darkness ; and, opening the desert in Dudael, cast him in there." Nothing can be plainer than the fact, that such an opinion existed anciently among the Jews, even so far back as the days of Isaiah, or at any rate so far back as the time when Is. xiii. and xxxiv. were written. (c) The air. In Eph. 2: 2, Satan is named dq%av zrjg e^ovaiag zov 404 SCRIPTURAL angelology : Exc. I. aeqog, the prince of the aerial host, i. e. of the host which inhabits the air. On this text Oecumenius observes : ' He is called the prince of the power of the air, because an aerial nature dwells in him ; he cannot abide in heaven, for he is evil, nor on earth, for he is not human.' So in Eph. 6: 12 : " Our struggle ... is with principalities, with powers, with the rulers of this benighted world, with evil spirits in the aerial regions, ev zoig inovqavi'otg ;" for that inovqavloig may have such a meaning, is plain enough from the signification of craifl and ovqavbg, both of which fre quently mean the airy region ; and that it must have such a meaning here, is plain enough from the consideration, that Paul cannot repre sent the Christian struggle as being with good angels who dwell in heaven. So in other nearly contemporary works ; e. g. the Ascension of Isaiah, 7: 9 — 13, the prophet, as he is ascending to heaven, sees Samael [Sa tan] and his powers violently contending, below the firmament, with each other. Again in 10: 29, the prince of this world is represented as dwelling " in the region of the firmament," i. e. iv zoig inovqavloig, the upper regions of the air. In Test. Benj. c. 3 (p. 729, Fabricius, Cod. Apoc. I.) it is said : " He who fears God and loves his neighbour, cannot be stricken vnb zov deqlov nvevpazog, zov BeXidq," i. e. by the spirit of the air, Belial. In like manner Philo Judaeus : " Those, whom other philosophers call dalpovag, Moses is wont to name dyyeXovg ; for they are ipv%ui xaza zbv diqa nezbpevai," de Gigant. p. 266, ed. Mangey. Even the heathen entertained similar views in respect to the locality of incorpo real beings. Diogenes Laertius (de Pythag. VII. 1. 32) says of that philosopher, that he maintained, " that all the air is full of ipv%al, and that he supposed these to be demons and heroes." Plutarch (Quest. Rom. p. 274. ed. Francof.) says, that " the upper and lower air is filled with gods and demons." How such views came to prevail among the Jews, seems not to be a very difficult question. Spirits, ninn , nvevpaza, have the same des ignation as the air or atmosphere ; and this, because they were regard ed as consisting of aerial or tenuous and impalpable substance, hke the air. Hence the air was regarded as a congenial element. But there was also another reason which had some weight. In heaven apostate spirits could not five, because they were wicked ; in the abyss beneath or the bottomless pit they could not always be, inasmuch as they could not then entice and corrupt men ; on the surface of the earth they could not abide, because that is the abode of material human beings ; and therefore the aerial region was the only place left which seemed ap propriate to them. Here, consequently, the common and popular demon- ology located them ; and the Apocalyptist, and other N. Testament SCRIPTURAL ANGELOLOGY : ExC. I. 405 writers, have adverted to them in a popular way ; just as Isaiah has done in ch. xiii. and xxxiv. How much of all this is costume, and how much simple reality, is another question, on which something will be said in the sequel. (b) Evil spirits are sometimes employed as the executioners of divine justice, or as inflicting chastisement. Thus as related in Job i. ii, Satan is permitted to afflict that patriarch. In 1 Kings 22: 21 — 23, the spirit who offers to deceive Ahab, is perhaps an evil spirit. In the Gospels numerous cases of demoniacal influence in producing disease and occa sioning many evils, everywhere present themselves to our notice. These are declared by the Saviour to be under the guidance of Satan, and his cooperation with them is explicitly developed, Matt. 12: 24: — 28. Prominent is the idea of Satan's agency even in salutary chastise ment, 1 Cor. 5: 5 ; although, like the king of Assyria and Nebuchad nezzar when they invaded Judea, he may not wish, or even expect, to fulfil the designs of heaven. The same sentiment is also found in 1 Tim. 1: 20. That Satan should be intent with great zeal upon promot ing the persecution of good men, might be expected from his temper and character ; and such is often represented as being the case, e. g. Rev. 2: 13. In Rev. 13: 2 seq. the. dragon is represented as giving power to the beast, and as exciting him to persecute the church and to inflict all manner of evil upon Christians. So in the Gospels ; Satan stirs up Judas to betray the Saviour, and " the powers of darkness have their hour," i. e. their season of success, when they rouse up the Jews and Romans to put him to death. Such are the brief outlines of scriptural angelology. It may be proper, now, before this sketch is concluded, to notice some apparent difficulties that attend a part of it. ' How,' it is asked, ' can evil spirits be in the abyss, or in the desert, or in the air, and at the same time be busily engaged in tempting and injuring men ?' The answer to this question is less difficult, perhaps, than the inquirer may seem to imagine. Their confinement in the abyss is not constant or perpetual, but temporary. So Luke 8: 31, Rev. 20: 1 — 3, and other passages also, clearly indicate. The same is true of exile to desert places; Matt. 12: 43 — 45. As to the air ; 4his seems to be the appropriate element (so to speak) of evil spirits, i. e. the place where they more usually reside, and thus have an opportunity of assailing men and doing them mischief. If it is the arrangement of Providence, in order to try men, that evil spirits should be permitted to tempt and to injure them, (and clearly do the Scriptures show that it is), then those spirits must be resident or existent somewhere, so that they can accomplish this. The Hebrews thought and spoke of them as inhabiting the air, because this was most consonant, according to their 406 SCRIPTURAL ANGELOLOGY : ExC. I. view, with their pneumatic nature. That now and then, when some peculiar act of malignity is committed on their part, they are sent to the abyss, or to the desert, and thus removed from opportunity to assail men, is nothing strange — nothing contrary to the analogy of divine judgments, which often chastise and sometimes punish wicked men, even in the present world. To assume that all these declarations of the Scriptures, which are apparently plain and direct, have no founda tion in point of fact or reality, is to assume that which no man can prove. There is no improbability in the scriptural views of this sub ject, when it is once conceded that evil angels exist, and are engaged in doing mischief. ' But is not all this mere costume ? Is anything more meant, than that the evil passions of men and the destructive powers of the natural world are personified ?' In the reality of evil spirits I am, and must be, a full believer. Cos tume some of the modes of representation may be, and probably are. Is it not costume, when God is spoken of as having hands, arms, eyes, mouth, feet, heart ; as being the subject of anger, jealousy, revenge, re pentance, hatred, etc. ; as using bow, and arrows, and quiver, and sword, and buckler ; as having wings and feathers, and the like ? Undoubtr edly it is ; but at the basis of all this, there is reality. God is a living and active agent, possessed of all the affections belonging to a perfect, intelligent, rational, and moral being, and ready and able to punish the wicked and protect and reward the righteous. Such are the substantial facts that lie beneath the biblical costume. And why not reason in the same way respecting evil spirits ? They exist ; they are active in do ing evil to men ; they are permitted to assail and tempt them. Why not, as well as that men should in other ways be tempted to do evil ? The power of evil spirits, moreover, is resistible by men ; as resistible as other temptations, James 4: 7. 1 Pet. 5: 8. Eph. 4: 27. And who is able to say, that they are not occasionally restrained from the exer cise of this power, in the way of temporary punishment, and thus made to feel that there is a Power above which abhors their wickedness ? The manner of representing this may be costume. The Hebrews con ceived of their punishment, by supposing them to be sent to the abyss, or to the desert; but, so long as they had access to men, they were con ceived of as living in the air, inasmuch as they could not live in hea ven, nor (like men) on earth, nor be in the abyss or the desert, which would keep them away from men. Where else could they be, then, but in the air ? Where, I mean, according to the Hebrew modes of conception. And how, I may in my turn ask, can we read the Scriptures, and perceive that all the objects of the invisible world are represented to us SCRIPTURAL ANGELOLOGY : ExC. I. 407 in the costume which is worn by objects of sense; God himself as pos sessed of human parts and passions ; heaven as a pleasure-garden, a splendid city, and its enjoyments as feasts ; hell as a lake of fire, or an abyss, a prison, a place of utter darkness ; the sun as rising and setting at the beginning and close of his march through the heavens, and so of the moon and stars ; the rain as treasured up in the region above the solid welkin, from whence it descends through windows or apertures ; the earth as standing upon the great abyss of waters beneath, and as being an extended plain ; the apparent heavens as a solid arch extended over it, and resting at the edges of the earth on pillars which support that arch, — how, I say, can we observe all this, and much more of the same kind in the Bible, and yet falter, and hesitate, and deny, when the agency of evil spirits, and the places of their usual abode, or of their punishment, are presented in costume such as has been disclosed above ? Is it objected, that the N. Testament writers have adopted the popular usus loquendi respecting evil spirits ? Have they not done the same, as to God, and heaven, and hell, and earth and sea and all which inhabit them ? They have ; and such objections, therefore, are both irrelevant and insignificant. When the Hebrews speak of evil spirits as in , the abyss, in the desert, or in the air, we are to understand, that in the two former cases they meant to convey the idea of a temporary exile and restraint of evil spirits, (the abyss and the desert being probably ex pressive of different gradations of punishment and restraint), while in the latter, they speak of them as in circumstances which give them lib erty of access to us. .The rest, if it is insisted on, may be regarded as costume, and nothing more ; although it would be impossible to prove that there is not in reality something more. But analogy with the modes of speaking in respect to God, and heaven, and hell, is enough to con firm and justify all that I have now said. We need not the conjectures of the rationalist here, to render the Scriptures both intelligible and reasonable, with regard to the doctrine of evil spirits. The views which have been given may also serve to show, how little those representations, in sermons or elsewhere, are to be regarded, which in fact attribute omnipresence and omniscience to evil spirits, and make the devil in reality as much a rival of the true God, as the Parsees made Ahriman the rival of Oromasd. All this, and all that approaches to it, is not only wrascriptural, but arcft'scriptural. My object in giving so extended a view of this subject, is not merely to aid in the illustration of Rev. 1: 4. It has reference to the whole book of the Apocalypse, and to all the angelology, or the machinery (to speak technically) of angels, as there introduced, both the good and the bad. As their agency is everywhere interwoven with the very struc ture of the book, so it would be in vain for any one to suppose that he 408 SCRIPTURAL ANGELOLOGY : ExC. I. can interpret the book, unless he forms an intimate acquaintance with Jewish angelology. There is frequent occasion in commenting on the Apocalypse, to recur to what is here said ; and in this way I have aim ed to be brief, in respect to many passages which would otherwise claim protracted exegesis, i. e. if they could not be referred to some such ex hibitions as have been made in the present Excursus. One reflection, at the close, naturally forces itself upon the mind. How can John be found fault with, as he has not unfrequently been, for introducing angels so often into his work, and employing them so much in the accomplishment of what he predicts will take place ? Is not this entirely consonant with the manner of Daniel, and of Zecha riah ? These later prophets he has, I will not say imitated, but follow ed as a general model in the composition of his work ; and this for the obvious reason, that they were more adapted to the taste of the later Hebrews and to that of his own times. Has he gone beyond the boun daries which Jewish feeling and usage, in respect to speaking of angels, permitted ? I trust not. His imagination is indeed more powerful and vivid than that of Daniel or Zechariah ; he sometimes ranges with more freedom in the world of pure imagination, (as in ch. ix.) ; but there is not a single distinctive and prominent trait of his angelology, which may not be found in other parts of Scripture, or at least in other contempo rary works by Hebrews. What just ground can there be, then, for the accusation of excessive imagination and fictitious machinery? Some fiction, indeed, belongs to the very nature of elevated poetry. But has John more of it than is presented in Ps. xviii, or Is. xiv, or Ezek. i. ? Such an objection, then, is one of the last which should be made, to an Epopee hke the Apocalypse. Is angelic interposition unworthy of the Godhead ? What then are the laws of nature, and all the intermediate agencies by which the Maker of heaven and earth carries on his designs and accomplishes his purposes ? On the other hand ; I can conceive of no more magnificent and enno bling view of the Creator and Lord of all things, than that which re gards him as delighting to multiply, even to an almost boundless extent, beings made in his own image, and therefore rational and moral and im mortal Hke himself. How different from representing him as the Master of a magnificent puppet-show, all of which he manages by merely pulli ing the wires with his own hands ! To make him the only real agent in the universe, and all else as mere passive recipients of his influence, is, to take from him the glory that results from the creation of number less beings in his own image — beings which reflect the brightness of their great Original. It is this intelligent and rational creation, in which John lives, moves, thinks, and speaks. The universe, as viewed by him, is filled with ministers swift to do Jehovah's will. They stand before SYMBOLICAL USE OP NUMBERS : ExC. II. 409 his throne ; they preside over nations ; they guide the sun in his shin ing course; the moon and stars send forth radiance at their bidding ; the very elements are watched over by them ; even infants are commit ted to the guidance of presence-angels ; and " the angel of the Lord en- campeth round about all that fear him." , Such is the universe, which the God who is and was and is to come has created and governs ; and amid the contemplation of productions and arrangements such as these, John wrote the glowing pages of the Apocalypse. EXCURSUS II. On the Symbolical Use of Numbers in the Apocalypse. Rev. I. 4. Xdqig vpiv xat elqrjvrj dnb b cov xal d rjv xal b iqybuevog • <¦ > N - t \ > 'It , I ~ n ' > ~ xai ano zav enza nvevpazav a eaztv evaniov zov dqovov avzov. The probability that the seven presence-angels who stand before the throne of God, ready and " swift to do his will," are here designated by the writer, I assume, in the present case, as already made out in the exegesis of this verse. But whether this meaning is rightly made out or not, the object of our present inquiry will be substantially the same. For if the phrase seven spirits is here nothing more than a periphrastic expression, designed merely to signify Deus natura perfectissima, as some maintain ; or if, as others suppose, it means the Holy Spirit, whose perfect nature is designated by the expression seven spirits ; the ques tion still occurs : How comes the number seven to be employed in such a sense ? Why, throughout the book before us, is it adopted as a lead-- ing characteristic of so many developments which the Apocalypse ex hibits? It will be conceded, I presume, by every considerate reader, that the writer of the Revelation meant, and expected, to be understood by his readers. It follows of course, then, that there was something in the usus loquendi of the day, and in the minds of his readers, which led him to believe that such a familiar use of the number seven, as he exhibits, was neither unintelligible to the mass of his readers, nor speciaUy liable to be misunderstood. It is agreed by all interpreters, so far as I know, that the number in question is not, for the most part, to be literally understood, throughout the Apocalypse. Tet few writers, indeed scarcely any, have underta,- vol. ii. 52 410* symbolical use op numbers : Exc. IL ken to explain the real ground of its figurative or tropical meaning. Many content themselves by merely telling us, that seven is a round num ber, or a perfect number, or a sacred number ; and therefore it was em ployed as such by John, in the Apocalypse. Inquiry into the reason why this number came to be so regarded, some of these interpreters denounce as insignificant or superfluous ; at all events they consider it as a mere hair-splitting business, which will end in nothing but disappointment, and therefore is not worth the trouble which it will cost. Believing, for myself, that a number so extensively employed as this is by the sacred writers, and used so often in a tropical or figurative sense, has claims to our serious attention and inquiries, I shall venture, on the present occasion, to pursue these inquiries ; and they may lead us, as I apprehend, into some paths, which perhaps we have hitherto not often frequented. We may venture to ask, in the first place : How much light is cast on this subject, when we are told that the number in question is sacred, or round, or perfect ? That it is sacred, can mean neither more nor less, than that it is employed for religious purposes, or in making communi cations respecting sacred things. But the question, why it is so employ ed, rather than most other numbers, remains wholly unanswered by such a declaration. And when we are told that it is a round number, we feel at hberty to ask : In what sense is it any more round, than fourteen, or twenty, or thirty ? Or, (if we should select numbers that are not so evidently com posite in a peculiar way, in order to make the comparison), why is it any more round than six, or eight, or nine ? And when we find three, four, ten, and twelve, often employed in the like way with seven, that is, as round numbers, (to adopt the usual mode of expression), we are naturally led to inquire, how or why such a significancy was attached to them, rather than to six, eight, nine, eleven, fourteen, twenty, or any other numbers. Such an explanation, then, or rather such an attempt at explanation, can give an inquiring mind no solid satisfaction. There is something in this sacred usus loquendi, that appears to lie deeper than these super ficial attempts at explanation have penetrated. Even the allegation that seven is a perfect number, goes but little further than those allegations already examined. For what is meant by a perfect number? All composite numbers are of course made up of units ; and why seven units are more perfect than six or eight, is a question that few have even at tempted to answer. In one sense every number is perfect in itself, i. e. it answers exactly and fully the end for which it is designed, so long as it is employed in its literal and obvious sense. But when seven is used in such a manner as to designate perfection, (for this fact is here symbolical use of numbers : Exc. II. 411 admitted), we may still be allowed to ask : Why should seven he so em ployed, rather than six, or eight, or any other number ? And when this question is asked, we find ourselves to be just where we were when we commenced our journey, and that all our excursions have been made only in a circle that has brought us back to the point from which we started. Can anything be done to give our steps a new direction, in order that we may make some advance toward a stationary point, which we may in dulge a hope of reaching ? I will not affirm it to be certain that there can ; but since the recent publication of Dr. K. C. W. F. Bahr of Eichstett on the Symbols of the Mosaical Institutions, there seems to be a better prospect of making some actual advances in relation to this subject. To this writer I must pay the tribute of acknowledgment, that I have been much aided by his researches, in regard to many of the facts which will be stated in the sequel ; with the general theory of the book I have no present concern. It has often been suggested, in respect to the number seven, that it obviously derives its symbolical use from the institution of weeks, or the sabbatical division originally made when the work of creation was fin ished. Vitringa mentions this (Comm. in Apoc. p. 44) as not an im probable suggestion ; but on the whole, he considers the symbolical, or (as he calls it) mysterious use of seven, as being too extensive and vari ous to be accounted for merely in this way. To the same opinion I am rather inclined. Some reasons for it may be briefly stated. There is nothing in the etymology of the word sail) , seven, which leads to the idea of fulness or completion as its meaning. Indeed, so far as one can at present see, the. word itself, like most numerals in other languages, is an original one. Accordingly Gesenius, in his lexicon, derives the verb "312 from the numeral S31B , and thus classes it among the denominative verta. It is a curious and interesting circumstance respecting this verb, that (as used in Niphal) it means only to swear, or take an oath, i. e. as we may naturally explain it, to make an appeal to seven, in solemn con firmation of anything, or, in other words (if I may be allowed to use them), to become besevened. What it is to appeal to seven, seems to be explained in Gen. 21: 28 seq. When the strife between the people of Abraham and Abimelek was composed, the former took seven lambs and set them by themselves ; and when asked by Abimelek what he meant by so doing, Abraham answered, that he designed to present them to Abimelek " as a witness " for his rights in respect to a well about which their servants had been contending ; and that well he named Beer- sheba, i. e. the well of the oath or of seven, " because there they sware both of them" (v. 31). When oaths were made, then, it would seem that this transaction was, at least at times, preceded by some exhibition of 412 symbolical use of numbers : Exc. II. the number seven, and that appealing to seven was the end of strife be- tween contending parties. But why seven ? One might say, perhaps, that in such a case it sym bolizes completion, i. e. the ending of strife. But I apprehend that the meaning lies deeper than this, and that seven in such a case was indica tive of a religious and most solemn obligation ; not because God was believed to consist of seven spirits, but for other reasons connected with religious obligation, which will be developed in the sequel. To say that seven means completion, on the ground that it comes from SaiU, saturatus est, as Parkhurst does in his lexicon, thus making no distinction between 93U and saja ; or to betake one's self to the Arabic ***& , which means the same as the Heb. Sato to saturate, as Simonis and Eichhorn do ; what is this but to assume that the Hebrews made no practical distinction between Sin and Shin, and so to cut the knot in stead of untying it ? But apart from etymologies, I have simply to remark, that the idea of completion, i. e. of having brought a thing to its close, (as was the case in respect to the seventh day at the time of the original creation), cannot be attached, without much modification, to a great part of the instances in which seven is symbolically employed. An idea kindred to this seems, indeed, to enter into most of the passages where seven is so used. A competent number ; a sufficient one, (which sometimes means a large number, and sometimes designates the idea of several or of many) j a number complete for the purpose designed, or to accomplish an object which presents itself before the mind of the writer ; a number which may stand as it were in the place of a representative for all other num bers ; in a word, a number, which, when the writer designs to employ a kind of definite form of expression, (and it is a matter of course to do so Whenever numbers are employed by a speaker or writer), yet does not intend, on his part, to affix to this definite form any further meaning than that of a number sufficient or competent for any particular object or de sign in view — such a number, I would say, is seven. But when even this is said, it does not explain many instances of seven that occur in religious usage, as to times, seasons, sacred structures and utensils, of ferings, prayers, and other things of the like nature. Seven, as pertain ing to religious things, usages, or persons, oftentimes plainly has a sym bolical sense, which would be very imperfectly unfolded, by saying that the number is round, or perfect, or sacred. Other numbers too are round and perfect; yea sacred also. There remains, then, some peculiarity of seven to be developed, at which we have not yet arrived. If then we abandon the ground, that the original division of time into weeks, and the institution of the sabbath on the seventh day, will ac- symbolic use of three : Exc. II. 413 count for the symbolical meaning of the number seven, we must resort to some other considerations, in order to make the requisite illustration. Are they to be found? Can we in any way satisfy ourselves, how or why all the ancient world came to attach so much sacredness and sic- nificaney to the number seven ? A somewhat extensive investigation of this subject has brought me to the persuasion, that seven derives its principal symbolical significancy, from its being the sum or result of uniting the equally significant and sacred numbers, three and four. In order to explain my meaning, I must of course give some account of these numbers as employed in a symbolical way. I do this the more readily, since many examples oc cur in the Scriptures, and very many in the book before us, of such a use of three and four, particularly of three. When we have satisfied ourselves as to these, we shall then be prepared to examine the symbol ical use of the number seven. (1) Symbolical use of the number three. Over all the Eastern World are to be found the most indubitable traces of an original monotheism. The conception of this divine unity, however, has received peculiar modifications among heathen nations. I will state some of them, as briefly as the nature of the case will admit. A self-existent, uncreated, eternal Being, the original Source of all creatures, and all worlds, and of all the gods who made and govern them, lies at the basis of all the ancient oriental theosophy. In the Hindoo system, this uncreated and eternal Being is named Para-Brah ma, i. e. the original Great or mighty One ; (Brahma means the great or mighty one, like the Hebrew TDK , the mighty One of Israel). Among the ancient Persians and Medes, his name was Zervane Akerene, i. e. Uncreated Time or the Infinite One, as appears often in the Zend Avesta ; the Egyptians called him Athou or Athyr, i. e ancient darkness or the concealed ground of all things ; the Chinese called him Tao, i. e. the Three-one. According to these systems, this original Source of all things, considered as undeveloped, and as existing in and by himselfj had as yet no proper personality. He was the zb ev of the Greek phi losophers, or the r] povdg, i. e. the abstract principle of Unity, but not one in the concrete sense, and as distinguished from two or more taken in a concrete sense. In order, however, that a development of this original Source of all things might be made, a xbdog (desire) was as cribed to him, the tendency of which was toward development. By the refinement or subtilty of the Pythagorean and Platonic philoso phers, the original Being was represented by rj povdg, i. e. abstract qual ity of one or unity ; and sometimes by aQt&pbs in its abstract sense, and 414 symbolic use of three : Exc. II. regarded as the parent or source of all numbers. The distinguished Synesius of Cyrene (fl. 410), a heathen philosopher and poet of great rep utation, says of God: Movdg el povddav, Aqidpbg dqt&pav, (Hymn. 3). Athenagoras of Athens (fl. c. 177), one of the Christian fathers, and of the new Platonic School, in his Apology (p. 49 edit. Bech.), says of God: Movdg iaziv b debg; and Macrobius (Somn. Scip. 1. 6) says: Unitas dicitur ; ipse non numerus, sed fons et origo numerorum. Haec monas, initium finisque omnium ... ad summum refertur Deum. I have dwelt on this statement with some particularity, because here seems to be the germ of all symbolical representation by numbers. Consider for a moment the nature of the case before us. The original Source of all being, considered as yet undeveloped, and therefore as yet possessing no distinct personality, is represented or symbolized by unity, the parent of all numbers, the proper and exclusive source (if I may so speak) of all the numerical creation. And this representation is made by rj uovdg, the mere quality of unity, or (to use Platonic language) the idea of unity, and not by elg, one in the concrete, as distinguished from two or more regarded in the same light. — If now an intelligible repre sentation of the Godhead must be made to us through the medium of language, (which I need not stop to prove) ; and if language possesses no powers of literally describing the Godhead, that are adequate to such a purpose, (and this is equally plain) ; then what else can be done, but to employ language in a tropical, metaphorical, or symbolical way, in order to designate, in some more impressive manner, that which no words literally employed can express ? And as rj ftovdg, used in the Greek sense, is the source and parent of all numbers, and yet not itself one in a concrete sense, (I might say, if I may be indulged in an un usual latitude of expression, is the principle of one or unity, and not the person of one) ; and moreover, as the original Source of all things, while undeveloped, was regarded as not yet having assumed personality or separate and distinctive personal existence ; what better or more sig nificant emblem of the original Godhead could the orientals choose, than the J^ovdg already named ? The propriety, I might say the vivid force, of such a symbol, can hardly be overlooked by any mind which is capa ble of duly appreciating the necessities to winch we are often driven, for want of power to express by language what the mind has already con ceived in itself. , Thus far we seem to be travelling in a plain road. Our next stage is somewhat more arduous and difficult. Still, the same principles kept in view, which have already been developed, will enable us to make the journey without any great perplexity. God, the original Source of all things, has developed himself. The creation, rational and irrational, exists. In the developments which the symbolic use of three : Exc. IT. 415 Godhead has made, his personality, so to speak, has become perceptible to the rational beings whom he has created. And it is a fact, astonish ing at first view, but not more astonishing than true, that nearly all the leading nations of antiquity, with whose theosophy we are acquainted, have represented his development as threefold or tripartite. In other words ; the doctrine of a Trinity, in some form or other, seems to lie at the basis of all the ancient and celebrated systems of religion. God de veloped or disclosed, is represented as God in a threefold relation to his creatures. So it is in the Hindoo system of theology. From Para-Brahma, the original Source, proceed, when he developes himself, Brahma the Creator, Vishnu the Preserver, Shiva the Destroyer and Renewer. These are the three forms, or persons, in which Para-Brahma appears ; and it is in these only that worship is paid to the original divine Being, who is considered as developing himself equally in all. — Their essence is one. One supreme God in three persons, imperfectly but substan tially represented, seems to be the doctrine of the Hindoos. See Bahr, p. 145. The Budhists, who constitute a numerous sect in eastern India and beyond, have also their trinity in like manner. Thus Buddhas, Dhar- mas, and Sangghas, the revealer, the revealed, and the hosts who obey the revelation, constitute the leading objects of worship by the Budhists. Among the Chinese, the celebrated Tao-Tsee says, that " Tao [the original Godhead] is by his nature one ; but the first has produced a second ; the second a third ; and these three have created all things. ... In vain (it goes on to say) may your senses inquire concerning all three ; your reason only can affirm anything respecting them ; and this will tell you that these are only one." (Bahr, p. 147.) The so called Ohaldee Oracles, which, with some foreign admixtures, seem to com prise many genuine remains of Chaldaism, contain a remarkable pas sage : " Unity has produced a second which dwells with it, and shines in intellectual light ; from this proceeds a third, which shines through the whole world." (Orac. Chald. 5. 1.) The Phenician theology assigns to the universe a triplex principium, Jupiter [the heavens], the Earth, and Love which unites the two. So PherecydeS states the matter ; but Sanchoniathon, who deserves more credit, states, that ' out of Chaos the First Born emerged, and with him the trinity, Ulomus, Olusoros, and Eliun, or light, fire, and flame.' Bahr, p. 148. The Rabbinical and Cabbalistic Trinity is too well known to need •anything more than a bare reference to it. Out of the Endless Being (S]it> "ps , like the Zervane Akerene) proceed, when he developes him self, the three highest Sephiroth, viz. -ire crown, naan wisdom, and 416 symbolic use of three : Exc. IT. r»ia intelligence. The seven inferior Sephiroth serve to mark other attributes or developments of the Godhead. Parsism, or the theosophy of Zoroaster, appears at first sight to be Dualism. Oromasd and Ahriman, the good and the evil divinities, seem to occupy the fore-ground, and almost to close up our view of every thing divine in the back-ground. Yet when the whole system is strict ly scanned, it would seem, that out of Zervane Akerene, or the Un created Time, proceeded Oromasd, Ahriman (originally good), and Mithra who stands between the two, (Bahr. p. 148). Or, omitting Mithra as inferior, we have a trinity of the others. The Egyptian theosophy represents, as proceeding from Athor or original night, Kneph (Amun), Pthas, and Osiris ; which are symbol ized in the natural world by light, fire, and the sun ; and in the ideal world, by omnipotence, wisdom, and goodness. The Orphic theosophy, which lies at the basis of all the Grecian theogony, and which was confessedly derived from the East, makes a trinity of gods, differently named by different persons and places, to stand at the head. And so with the gods of Samothrace, viz. Axieros, Axiokersa, and Axiokersos, who spring from the zb Ildv, the great All. The ancient European northern horde3, who came from Asiatic regions, had a similar theosophy. The old Prussians called their trinity, Per- kunos, Pikollos, and Potrimpos ; the ancient Swedes worshipped Odin, Thor, and Friggo. The old Pomeranians called their god Triglav, i. e. three headed ; the Scandinavians worshipped Othin, Vile, and Ve; the old Irish, Kriosan, Biosena, and Siva. And the like phenomena have been found among the Indians of South America, the West Indies, and other places. (Bahr p. 150.) These are striking facts. What is there in the number three, which gave occasion to employ it so often and to such a wide extent, among the most ancient nations, in order to designate the developments of the Godhead ? Bahr supposes that three is thus selected, because three is the first number which constitutes a full concrete unity. The number one con stitutes simple unity ; two has been widely and usually regarded as the ' index of division, separation, severalty, antithesis. But the number three, having a beginning, middle, and end, and being indivisible, (frac tions are left out of the question in such reckonings), it represents a perfect composite unity. Bahr produces passages from ancient Greek authors to show, that they reasoned in this manner respecting the num ber three ; but I apprehend there is something too speculative and arti ficial in this view, to render it probable that it was generally regarded as furnishing a reason for adopting three as a symbol of the Godhead. symbolic use of three : Exc. II. 417 May we not come to a more satisfactory view of the subject in an other way ? In forming an idea of the Godhead, the human mind must transfer the views it has of things within the circle of its knowledge and perception, to the Divinity himself, and then abstract from them whatever there is of the finite and imperfect in them. So the Scrip tures themselves everywhere employ anthropopathic expressions, and describe the Godhead by applying to it names of attributes that desig nate the parts, passions, and conceptions of men. Like to this is the use of ideas borrowed from human views of some leading and striking features in the universe ; which latter was regarded by the ancient world as impressed, in some important respects, with images or rather symbols of its Creator. Thus the universe as a whole has three parts, the upper, the middle, and the under worlds ; I speak, of course, ac cording to the views of ancient times, in which the Hebrews al^o shared. A like division is heaven, earth, and sea. So sun, moon, and stars. Time, a striking image in some respects of the Infinite One, is divided into present, past, and future. So, morning, noon, and evening. Time and space, in all our hmited conceptions of them, have beginning, mid dle, and end. " The universe and all things," says Aristotle in accord ance with the Pythagoreans, " are limited by the number three." So of persons, first, second, and third. (Bahr p. 142.) How easy, now, and natural even, (we may add), to make three the symbol of the all- perfect and infinite One, who is, and was, and is to come ! In accordance with this we find three most extensively employed, in the heathen world, as significant of whatever is divine, creative, or pro ductive. As in numbers it forms the first complete composite unity, which is indivisible, so in forms and figures that are purely mathemati cal and ideal, it bears a most conspicuous part. The triangle is the basis of almost all geometrical forms, and is itself unresolvable into any other. Accordingly the Hindoos make it the symbol of the gods who are most worshipped by them. A triangle with its point upwards, is the symbol of Shiva; with the point downwards, of Vishnu. The image of Shiva has three eyes, one being in the middle of the fore head ; and he bears a triangle as his insigne. The world, which they consider in some respects as the image of God, the Hindoos divide into upper, middle, and lower ; man, whom they regard as a kind of pixqb- dsog, is divided into body, soul, and spirit ; just as among the Hebrews, 1 Thess. 5: 23. Himalaya, the mount of the gods, has three summits ; the holy fire is threefold ; and there are three modes of knowledge. Of hke signification is the triangle among the Chinese, and the prin cipal province of the heavenly world, Petcheli, they represent as trian gular. A tripod they call spirit, from its symbolical signification. vol. ii. S3 418 symbolic use of three : Exc. II. The book Seeki says : " Formerly the emperor offered solemnly every three years to the Spirit of threeness and oneness." (Bahr, p. 147.) The Babylonish ritual required prayer and kneeling three times, each day, before the supreme divinity. The temple of Belus contained three collossal images, dedicated to the divinity. Parsism assigned a triangle to Mithras, their mediator god, as his insigne. Among the Greeks and Romans this number is conspicuous, in re spect to things pertaining to sacred rites that have relation to the God head. " These three threads," says Virgil, " diversified by three differ ent colours, I bind around ; three times I carry the effigy around these altars ; the god delights in this uneven number :" Eel. 8: 73. On this Servius the ancient commentator remarks : " The triplex perfect num ber that [the Romans] assigned to the supreme God, from whom is the beginning, middle, and end." He adds : " The power of all the gods is exhibited by a threefold sign ; Jove has fulmen trifidum, Neptune a tri dent, Pluto a canis triceps ; Apollo is also Sol et Liber. All things are contained in this triplex division, the destinies, the furies, etc." (Serv. in loc.) Plutarch (de Isid. c. 46) says : ^ de xqeizzav xai deibzeqa cpvaig ix zqicbv 'iazi. Plato (de Leg. IV. 716) says: "God, according to the ancient saying, contains the beginning, the end, and the middle, of all things." The Mosaic religion differs, in one important respect, widely from all the heathen systems brought to view. An impersonal God it knows not. An original, eternal, impersonal cause of all things, is never even hinted at. Nor is the doctrine of the Trinity, as such, explicitly reveal ed in the O. Testament. Monotheism is most strenuously inculcated, and everything which would lead directly to tritheism, or polytheism, (into which all the heathen systems early degenerated), is most scrupu lously, and (as it would seem) purposely avoided, in order to guard against the lapse of the Hebrews into the rehgion of the heathen. But still, there is after all an occult reference to a plurality in the Godhead. De Wette himself (Bib. Dogmatik, § 112) acknowledges, that there isa threefold idea of the Godhead in the O. Testament, as Supreme Gov ernor, as God revealed, and as the Spirit who operates in all things. For a plurality of nature, one has often appealed to the plural form of the noun D^riix , and to such expressions as Let us make man, Let us go down, Become like one of us ; but this appeal is of a nature too indefinite and uncertain to support the allegation. Much more to the purpose is the threefold blessing, which Moses and Aaron were commanded to pro nounce over the congregation of Israel : " Jehovah bless thee, and keep thee ; Jehovah make his face to shine upon thee, and be gracious to thee ; Jehovah lift his countenance upon thee, and give thee peace !" symbolic use of three : Exc. n. 419 Num. 6: 24—26. This, in v. 27, is called, ' putting the name of Jeho vah upon the children of Israel.' How well this corresponds with 2 Cor. 13: 14, " The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ, and the love of God, and the communion of the Holy Spirit be with you," needs scarcely to be mentioned. Nor can we help calling to mind also the formula of bap tism into the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost. Obvious too is the meaning of UiiTg ffli-ig ttJitg in Is. 6: 3, and the trisagion in Rev. 4: 8, accompanied with the most significant designation of the Eter nal, d av, 6 rjv, xal b iq^bpsvog. With this corresponds well the three times a day, that Daniel was ac customed to pray (6: 10) ; and the morning, noon, and night, at which the Psalmist lifted up his voice, Ps. 55: 17. Even the Rabbins have set this in connection with the divine nature. " Morning prayers," says Rabbi Samuel Ben David, " signify that God existed before the world was ; prayer at noon, that he now exists ; prayer at evening, that he will exist." (In Schoettgen. Hor. Heb. p. 1084.) But besides these, three times in a year must all Israel go up to worship God at Jerusalem, Ex. 23: 14, 17. 34: 23. Deut. 16: 16. The third day is designated as a special and pecuhar one, in respect to various solemnities or religious usages, Ex. 19: 11 — 16. Num. 19: 12, 19 ; and this limitation of time in a great variety of cases, is found in the Scriptures, e. g. 1 Sam. 20: 19. Gen. 42: 17. Ex. 10: 22. Josh. 2: 16, 22. Judg. 14: 14 2 Kings 2: 17. Jonah 3: 3. Matt. 27: ' 40. These are only a few of the cases. The proverbial use of three is well known ; e. g. Ecc. 4: 12. Sirach 25: 1, 2. A more generic use may be found in 2 Sam. 24: 12. Ezek. 21: 14. Judg. 16: 15. 1 Kings 17: 21. Acts 10: 16, and in a multitude of like cases. The extensive use of three by the Rabbins and Cabbalists, is also well known. The three upper Sephiroth in the Godhead they refer to the trisagion in Is. 6: 3. The world, considered as the symbol or Image of God, they divide into three, Beriah, Jezirah, and Asiah ; and man, as a pixqbdsog they divide into BB3 , rpn , and Trauii . Enough, I trust, has now been said to show, why three is deemed to be a sacred number ; in other words, why it is employed in designating symbolically the Godhead itself, or whatever stands in immediate con nection with it, in. the way of worship, ceremonies, rites, holy seasons, etc. That this number should thus be deemed highly significant, and therefore be often transferred to other things where intensity or com pleteness was to be designated, ceases to be strange or unaccountable, with such facts as these before us. It would appear now, from the view which has thus been taken, that the doctrine of a Trinity in the Godhead lies much deeper than the New Platonic philosophy, to which so many have been accustomed to refer it. An original impression of the character in question plainly 420 symbolic use of four : Exc. H. overspread all the ancient oriental world ; and whence could this come, but from earlier tradition, which flowed from a revealed and patriarchal rehgion ? That many philosophistic and superstitious conceits have been mixed with it, in process of time, proves nothing against the gene ral fact as stated. And this being admitted, we cease to think it strange, that such distinction and significancy have been given in the Scriptures, to the number three. The oriental idiom in general was in accordance, in this respect, with the Jewish idiom ; and the Jewish idiom was in accordance with facts, which, although not fully disclosed by Moses, (for no man, as John says in his Gospel, at any time in ancient days knew God), yet were fully revealed by "the only Begotten, who dwell eth in the bosom of the Father," and who therefore knows all the mys teries of the Godhead. To all which has now been said of the use of the number three should be added, of course, the rhetorical employment of it in dividing and sub dividing some distinguished portions of the Scriptures. The book of Job, for example, and the Apocalypse exhibit trichotomy in all their parts, down to even the minutest subdivisions. In such cases it has an intense rhetorical significancy, which probably arose at first from the other significancy already pointed out. But it would be only repetition to dwell on this part of the subject here. The reader will find it fully exhibited in the introduction to the Commentary, Vol. I. p. 135 seq. He will permit me to solicit him to examine what is there exhibited, before he makes up his mind as to the significancy of the number three. He cannot weU doubt, after such an examination, that we mayunhesi- tatingly assume the special significancy of this number in many parts of the sacred writings. (2) Symbolical use of the number four. We have seen, that three came to be symbolical of the divine nature, because some leading objects of mental conception in the human mind, which approximate nearest to the designation of that which is infinite, or that which is generic and productive, are viewed in a threefold light, or present a ternary form. For example, time present, past, and fu ture ; heaven, earth, and Hades ; in mathematical science the triangle, itself unresolvable into other forms, and yet the parent of most forms ; and in anthropology, body, soul, and spirit. If images of the Godhead can in any safe and significant measure be borrowed from the material or intellectual world, the objects designated most obviously afford them. We come now to the relation which number may bear, as a symboli cal designation, to the world or universe as a production of creative power, i. e. of the Godhead. Here, of course, we might expect to find a number employed which is different from three ; and such is in fact the case. symbolic use of four : Exc. II. 421 Bahr states the matter thus : 'Four, considered in its arithmetical relation to three, obviously proceeds from three, and necessarily includes three in itself. If three, then, designates the true, the highest, and the most perfect Being, four must designate that which proceeds from him, or is dependent on him. If three designates God, four must conse quently designate the world, or the universe.' (p. 155.) I do not see the conclusiveness of this reasoning ; for I do not see how three produces four, rather than two and two, or one four times re peated. There is somewhat of the Pythagorean philosophy in this speculation, which is too tenuous to commend itself to a mind that seeks only the intelligible and the obviously probable. A better reason, as it seems to me, can easily be given, for the al leged signification of four. The created universe, according to general opinion among the ancients, resolves itself into four elements, fire, air, earth, and water. Four are the regions of the earth, viz. east, west, north, and south. In four different ways is the extension of all bodies conceived of; for they have length, breadth, height, and depth. Into four parts is circling time divided, morning, noon, evening, and midnight. Four are the seasons, winter, spring, summer, and autumn. Four are the marked variations of the lunar phases. Four are the ages of man, infancy, youth, manhood, and old age. Such are the obvious and prominent arrangements of created things. If we go from these to the world of abstract science, i. e. the intellectual world, there we find the square a highly important ground-form in geometrical relations. Order, rule, regularity, may therefore be ob viously designated by four, when symbolically employed. The cube, which consists of fours throughout, is evidently a very significant image. In accordance with these simple principles we find a multitude of facts, in the eastern world. Thus the Oupnekhat, a book of high au thority among the Hindoos, says : " There are four ways of production, from the egg, from the womb, by creation, and from the seed as of plants." (Bahr, p. 157.) The triplex images of the gods, i. e. a junc tion of Brahma, Vishnu, and Shiva, have four arms, designating crea tive power and energy. Brahma is formed with four arms, and some's times four heads ; and so most of the Hindoo gods are represented with four arms. The Ramayana, a sacred poem, gives to the world four bearers; and so assigns to it four quarters or parts. The mystical square of the Hindoos, which is used as an amulet, is designed to re present the world. It contains three rows of squares, (a union of three and four), joined together and marked with unit numbers, so that, if read in any direction, the sum of them is fifteen. The form is thus : 422 SYMBOLIC USE OF FOUR : EXC. U. 6 7 2 15 9 8 3 4 The number five thus occupies the middle station, and designates the soul of the world ; the other numbers designate the world ; the even ones the earthly elements, the uneven ones the heavenly elements. Man, as an image of the world, a real pixqbxoauog, is drawn by the Hindoos up on this magic square, with his hands and feet extended to the four corners. The lotus-flower, which has four leaves, is the most favourite of all the symbols, taken from the productions of nature, in Hindoo theosophy. The word Aoum, the Xbyog nqocpbqixog, or creative word of the Hin doos, has four letters which are a symbol of the world which this word created. The world-period is by them divided into four parts, viz. 4000, 3000, etc. During these Brahma reveals himself four times. Four great classes or castes of men are made by the Hindoos, each of which proceeds from different parts of Brahma. The Hindoo armies were divided into four parts ; and the like division was made in all sub ordinate distinctions of their troops. Buddha, or reason personified, in which the Godhead reveals itself, holds a square in its hands, and wears one on its breast ; so that four is the symbol of revelation, as well as of creation. The fourth day of the week is consecrated to Mercury, the guardian of the planets. The holy book or revelation, the Veda, is di vided into four parts ; and these are called the four words of the four mouths. In pictures, the Olla, or palm-leaf prepared for writing, ap pears adorned with four stars. The Brahmin, in sacred meditation, sits upon a square form. Among the Egyptians, the symbolic use of four seems to be not less striking. After the three supreme divinities, follow four pairs, personi fications of the powers by which the world exists and is regulated, viz., fire and water, heaven and earth, sun and moon, day and night. The sistrum, an instrument of sacred music, had four bars or chords, which were struck in order to regulate time ; symbols, of course, of order and regulation. The Greeks tell us that these sounds also symbolized the four elements ; like the four tones in the Hindoo word Aoum. Four castes of men were designated in ancient Egypt. Hermes, the Logos of the Egyptians, the inventor of all the sciences and of language and writing, was called zsrqdyavog by the Greeks, in imitation of the Egyp- symbolic use of four : Exc. II. 423 tian designation of him. His statue was a simple cubiform stone or pil lar. The sacred books of Hermes were divided into four parts ; like the Vedas of the Hindoos. The Pythagorean school paid such a regard to the number four, that they even invented a new name for it, and called it rj zezqaxzvg; and it was deemed to be significant of the world, xbapog, i. e. order, beauty, arrangement. The statues of the gods of Greece, in most ancient times, were square, i. e. cubiform pillars. At Pharae in Achaia was a cubi form image of Hermes, and around it thirty square stones, each inscri bed with the name of a god. At Megalopolis in Arcadia were statues of five of the Greek deities, which were square ; at Athens was a simi lar statue of Venus. The ancient Arabians worshipped cubiform statues ; and amulets of this form were common. Cybele, the Phrygian mother of the gods, was represented in this way ; and the Arabian black stone, Hagiar Al Assoud, was of the same form. The Pythagoreans not only designated Hermes (Logos) by a square, but represented human souls in the same way ; and their highest oath was made by four. The Chinese made four ways of origination, like those of the Hin doos. With them a square is the figure of the universe, or of heaven and earth in particular. The universe they divide into four parts, as sign a guardian genius to each, who is also lord of one of the four ele ments. The celestial empire is symbolized by two squares, a kind of pluralis excellentiae. Offerings are made to the four seasons, on four mountains, lying in four different quarters. Offerings are made to the heavens on a round hill, but to the quadriform earth, in a square place. Among the Sabaeans and Chaldeans, a square was the symbol of the sun, as the light of lights in which Godhead is revealed. Their as trology made four cardinal points, and built upon their significancy in this science. The Persians, Ethiopians, and others, represented the chariot of the sun as having four horses ; which, however, may have been simply indicative of speed. The Zend Avesta makes four quar ters of the world, and four protecting Genii. Four stars of heaven are the homes of Ormusd ; men were divided into four classes among the Persians ; the Magi wore four knots in their sacred tiara. Down to the present hour, the Parsees consider the cube as the perfect image of the world. The Paradise of the Hindoos is placed on the lofty mountain Meru ; it is arched by four mountains, with four gigantic trees on their tops ; and there are four rivulets of silver water at the foot. . Brahma's palace on Meru has four doors, out of which stream four rivers, that flow toward the four quarters of the world ; all of -which reminds one of the four rivers assigned to paradise in the book of Genesis. 424 symbolic use of four : Exc. LT. The paradise of the Thibetans is, in like manner, on the mountain- peak, Rivou ; it is square, and consists of four elements ; at the foot of the mountain are four stones with the forms of four animal heads, and also four rivers issue from the mountain. The Chinese paradise is on mount Kouantun (heavenly mountain), is watered by a golden river, which divides itself into four branches that refresh and animate all things. The Persian paradise is mount Albordj, the place of Ormusd's throne, formed in four periods. Four rivers water this paradise, and these are the waters of salvation. From this view of the symbolical use of four among heathen nations, let us turn our inquiries to the Hebrew usage. And here we find many traces of the like usage. To the earth and the heavens are assigned four quarters or points ; Ezek. 7: 2. Zech. 1: 18—21. Rev. 7: 1. 20: 8. The heavens are divided into four great constellations ; Job 9: 9. 38: 31, 32. And that in these cases we are to give a symbohcal sense to the word four rather than a literal one, would seem to be clear from the fact, that the Hebrews do not appear to have viewed the earth as an actual square ; " He [Jehovah] sitteth upon the circle of the earth," says Isaiah in chap. 40: 22. In Deut. 22: 12, the Jews are required to make fringes upon the four quarters of their mantles ; and with such a garment, it would seem, from the custom of their synagogues, they clo thed themselves when they made supplication. In Ezekiel's vision of the throne of God (chap, i.), there are four living creatures who support the throne of God ; each one has four faces, four wings, and four hands ; the throne is a square, it has four wheels ; the living creatures move on four sides. In Rev. iv. we find the same imagery substantially repeat ed ; four living creatures, with four different faces, support the throne of divine Majesty, as in the vision of Ezekiel. The first four seals, which are broken by the Lamb of God (Rev. vi.), denote preparatory action ; and the first four trumpets that follow the breaking of the se venth seal, are of the like character, and affect the earth, the sea, the streams of water, and the heavenly bodies ; Rev. viii. In the book of Enoch, the four ends of heaven are often mentioned ; and the treasures of the four winds are there laid up. (See Hoffmann on Book of Enoch, chap. 18: 1. 55: 4). The Rabbins have a tradition, that the square stone, which formed the lid of the ark in the second tem ple, was formed as the first created material thing, and that all the world was, as it were, supported by and modeled after this foundation. The Cabbalists make four worlds to emanate from the original Source of all things, viz. Aziluth, Beriah, Jezirah, and Asiah. Even the word nirr they call the name of four, or the name of four letters, zezqayqdppazov; which, because it is peculiarly significant and holy, they also name Mj B'niBBfi , the separate Name, i. e. one given to no other being, and one symbolic use of seven : Exc. H. 425 to he pronounced by none but the high priest when he went into the inner sanctuary. One cannot refrain from cahing to mind here the like mysterious use of the Hindoo Aoum, which could be named only by the consecrated. So among the Chaldeans and Sabaeans, the name Jao was pronounced only in the inner sanctuary. Is it possible, now, to consider all this accord in the use of four, as a thing merely accidental? This will not be said, I apprehend, by any considerate man, well versed in the knowledge of ancient symbols. And if it is not accidental but symbolical, and as such is highly signifi cant, then why should we reject so important an aid in the interpreta tion of some parts of the Bible, speciaUy of the theophanies in Eze kiel and in John's Apocalypse ? We are now prepared to resume our inquiry, respecting the meaning of the number seven, so often employed in the Revelation, and in other parts of the Scriptures. (3) Symbolical use of the number Seven. If we have come to a satisfactory conclusion respecting the symboli cal use of the numbers three and four, we may, without much difficulty, arrive at a conclusion perhaps equally satisfactory, respecting the num ber seven. If three is the symbol of the Godhead in its developments, and in its relations to the creation ; and four is the symbol of the creation rational and irrational, but speciaUy of the former ; then a union of these two significant numbers might naturally enough be symbolic of a union be tween God and his creatures, i. e. it would naturally enough designate the connection between God and the world. From this relation or con nection springs all that is named religion, or worship ; and with this worship stands connected aU that belongs to the solid and lasting happi ness of intelligent beings. It is not strange, then, that seven, which, when genericdlly considered, is symbolic of union between the Creator and his creatures, should designate many leading particulars which ar range themselves under such a genus. Hence, when we find it em ployed as a symbol more frequently than any other number in prescrip tions respecting religious worship, rites, and ordinances ; most frequent of all in regard to revelations or communications which God has made to man ; or in regard to the results of these, i. e. the peace and happi ness of man ; there seems to be nothing unnatural or unaccountable in such a use. And inasmuch as the union of God and man involves of course the idea of man's most perfect state, it is natural enough that seven should easily go over to the designation of that which is perfect, or be considered as the perfect number by way of eminence. There are some natural grounds, moreover, for such views respecting vol. n. 54 426 symbolic use of seven : Exc. 11. this number. There are sevens in the world of nature, which, to the mind of the ancients, were striking and significant. For example, the well known and familiar appellation of the world in Greek, is xbapog ; which means, in its primitive sense, ornament, arrangement, order ac cording to fixed laws, a harmony in all the parts of anything, and the like. The Pythagoreans found in the seven musical tones a. striking emblem of this harmony ; especially as viewed in connection with the seven planets, the only ones known to them. All these, as is well known, move in perfect order and preserve an entire harmony. Hence they imagined a resemblance between them and the seven musical tones, which, taken together, make up the circle of harmony in music. Hence Pan, the personification of the Universe, was represented as having a flute of seven reeds, emitting seven different notes when breathed upon by its owner ; and his music-moving breath was compared to the ig neous aether, which the ancients regarded as diffused through the uni verse, and occasioning all the revolutions of the planets in what might be named a musical order. From this came, in an obvious way, the idea of the music of the spheres. The God who created the universe , created it, as the anthropomorphitic heathen supposed, so as to regale himself with the music which it was continually sending forth, while the evolutions of the planets were performed. The latter, of course, were considered as performing in their movements a y^oqbg or circling dance, which usually accompanied music. In Egypt, the priests offered praise to Hermes, the author of order, rule, and law, by playing on a lute of seven tones ; which tones were supposed to resemble the harmony of the spheres. In the same coun- , try, seven inferior divinities were supposed to follow on after the first three, representing the seven original powers. Pan, who connected and united all these, was reckoned an eighth. In like manner the Cab- balists suppose that seven inferior Sephiroth follow on, in order, after the three leading or supreme Sephiroth. Among the Greeks, Apollos' lyre, with seven strings, seems to be a symbol of the like nature, i. e. it betokens the harmony of the universe. Apollo himself, therefore, was named 'EBdopayevrjg, and the seventh day (Sunday) was consecra ted to him. On account of these coincidences of the several planets and the seven tones of music, the Pythagoreans named seven the tone, because within its limits aU the gradations of tone were included. In Hindostan, where man was considered in the light of a pixqbxoa- fiog, as weU as a pixqbdeog, he was regarded as an image of the great seven stringed lyre ; and the Hindoos reckoned his members in such a way as to make seven of them. The seven days of the week, (a division which runs nearly the world over), shows how extensively a seven-fold division of time existed in the symbolic use of seven : Exc. II. 427 ancient world. Yet the Hebrew Sabbath had probably a different rise, and obviously took its designation from the time when God ceased rnab] to create. The idea of harmony, union, and consequently of peace and of a per fect state, obviously connects itself with the ancient views of paradise. The Hindoos place around their paradise on mount Meru, seven penin sulas, and around these seven seas. Abbordj, the paradise-mountain of the Perians, has seven Keshwars, or girdles of the earth, corresponding to the seven climates of the Arabians. Around the paradisiacal moun tain ridge Himavata, of the Thibetans, stand seven mountains, sur rounded by seven seas. Herodotus represents Egypt, in his day, as making seven different castes or divisions of men. China, before the time of the emperor Shi-Hoang, was divided into seven provinces. The Persian empire was divided into seven satrapies ; Ormusd had sev en archangels around him in the court of heaven, called Amshaspands ; and Ahriman created seven evil archangels to correspond and to cope with these. It would be easy to carry this representation much further ; as Aldus Gellius has shown us in his Nodes Atticae, (Lib. III. 10), by an ex tract from Varro ; and Philo, also, in his treatise De Opif. Mundi, p. 20 — 29. Leg. Allegor. p. 42 seq. One has only to read the book of Enoch, a production contemporary, or nearly so, with the Apocalypse, in order to see what a favorite number seven was at that time in respect to objects and matters of a spiritual nature. Thus in ch. viii. seven leading evil angels are presented to us. Seven stars, i. e. seven angels who direct or guide them, are destined to punishment for irregularity in their course, 18: 14. Seven mountains in the entrances of the north are replete with pure nard, odoriferous trees, cinnamon, and papyrus, 31: 1 ; seven high mountains are the store-houses of frost, 76: 5 ; seven great rivers on earth are the source of all other rivers, 76: 6, 7 ; seven great isl ands are in the inland seas, and seven in the great ocean, 76: 8 ; and sev en mountains of seven splendid precious stones form the ground-plat of pa radise, 24: 1 seq. At all this we cease to wonder, when we consider how extensively the number seven was employed by the Hebrews, even from the earliest period of their history. The bible is so fuU of this number, that all I can aim at doing wiU be only to make a selection of examples. It is proper to mark, in the way of introduction to this scriptural view of seven, that no reference, of which I am aware, can be found in the Scriptures to the seven planets, which unquestionably gave occasion, among the' heathen nations, to an extensive use of the number seven. It is rather a matter of surprise, that the Hebrews, who came from the midst of an astronomical nation, the Chaldees, and so afterwards from 428 symbolic use of seven : Exc. II. the midst of the Egyptians, should not have exhibited either Chaldee or Egyptian views in regard to the heptenary number of the planets. We must suppose, then, that the use of seven among them, in the sense be fore stated, originated in a different way from its similar use among the heathen. In considering seven as a sign of union or of a covenant state, we will begin with the sign of the covenant made with Abraham. After a lapse of seven days, circumcision, one of the tokens of the covenant, was to be performed, Gen. 17: 12. Another token was the Sabbath, recurring every seventh day, Ex. 31: 12 — 17. The sabbath-breaker was to be punished with death as a breaker of the covenant, Ex. 35: 2. Other holy-seasons besides the sabbath, were regulated by sevens. Seven days was the passover-feast to be kept, Num. 28: 24, 25. Ex. 34: 18. On the seventh month was to be held a holy convocation of the people, at the feast of trumpets, Num. 29: 1. The feast of Pentecost com menced after the completion of seven weeks from the time of the wave- offering of the first fruits, Lev. 23: 15. Deut. 16: 9. After seven times seven years, the time of jubilee was appointed, Lev. 25: 8. The blood of the propitiatory-offering for sin against the covenant of God, was to be sprinkled seven times before the Lord, Lev. 4: 6, 17. 16: 14, 15. Sev en lambs, without blemish, were to be offered at the feast of Pentecost, Lev. 23: 18. Seven days was uncleanness to continue, which resulted from touching a dead body, and then purification could be completed, Num. 19: 11, 12. Mourning and fasting for the dead continued seven days, 1 Sam. 31: 13. 1 Chron. 10: 12. Gen. 50: 10. The leprous man when cured and about to be cleansed, was sprinkled seven times with blood, and seven times with oil, and staid out of his tent for seven days, Lev. 14: 7, 8, 16, 27. His house was also to be sprinkled seven times with blood and water, Lev. 14: 51. Naaman the Syrian leper, was di rected to plunge seven times into the river Jordan, that he might be cleansed, 2 K. 5: 10. The mother, after the birth of a man-child, was reckoned unclean seven days ; after the birth of a female, twice seven days, Lev. 12: 2, 5. Ceremonial uncleanness from several special causes in respect to men, lasted seven days, Lev. 15: 13, 24. In aU these and the like cases, we are to refer the number seven to the acceptable day of purification, to the acceptable time for a reunion to God, and not to the matter of uncleanness. Even the altar itself was, when built, to be purified by a process of seven days' offerings, Ex. 29: 37. Aaron and his sons, when conse crated to their office, were not to go out of the tabernacle in seven days, Lev. 8: 33. Among foreign nations, also, do we find the religious use of seven. The Hindoos have seven purgatories ; and the Persian seven Mithra- symbolic use of seven : Exc. H. 429 gates are merely so many ways of access to different stages of progres sion for the soul, which correspond to these. The Pythagoreans made wandering through the seven planets a process of purification to the soul. Other cases yet to be mentioned, in which seven was employed, have perhaps a less definite relation to the union or covenant between God and man. Still, they serve to illustrate the high precedence to which this sacred number (as we may now caU it with a perceptible and intel ligible meaning) had attained, in the ancient world. The seventh year a Hebrew servant was to go out free, Ex. 21: 2. Jacob served seven years in order to obtain Rachel for a wife ; and seven other years for a second wife, Gen. 29: 18, 30. Wedding feasts con tinued seven days, Judg. 14: 17. Solomon continued the building of the temple seven years, 1 K. 6: 38. Seven priests, with seven trum pets, compassed Jericho seven times, during seven days, and on the seventh went round it seven times, Josh. 6: 4 — 15. Hannah, in her song of praise for the birth of Samuel, says : " The barren hath borne seven," 1 Sam. 2: 5. Jeremiah says, respecting the desolations at Je rusalem by reason of the siege : " She that hath borne seven, languish- eth," Jer. 15: 9. Peter asks the Saviour, whether he ought to forgive seven times, and receives for answer, that he should forgive seventy times seven, Matt. 18: 21, 22. Cain was to be avenged seven-fold if any one slew him, and Lamech seventy times seven, Gen. 4: 15, 24. God threatens his people, in case of disobedience, that he will chastise them seven times, Lev. 26: 28 ; and again, that they shall go out before their enemies one way, and flee seven ways, Deut. 28: 7, 25. The Nile remained putrid for seven days after Moses had smitten it, Ex. 7: 25. David, after numbering his people, was offered a seven years' famine as an alternative of punishment, 2 Sam. 24: 12, 13. Before Pharaoh, in his dream, stood seven well-favoured and seven lean kine, Gen. 41 : 1 seq. ; also seven full ears of corn and seven blasted ones ; and these betokened seven years of plenty and seven of famine. Noah took with him into the ark seven pairs of clean animals ; and after seven days the flood commenced, Gen. 7: 2 — 4. Silver purified seven times is perfectly pure, Ps. 12: 6. Balaam required Balak to build seven altars, and provide seven oxen and seven rams, Num. 23: 1. Samson was to be bound with seven green withs, in order to cripple his strength ; also seven locks of his hair were to be woven into a web, and seven locks afterwards were to be shorn, Judg. 16: 7, 13, 19. The ark was with the Philistines seven months, 1 Sam. 6: 1. Seven sons of Saul were given up to the Gibeonites to be slain, 2 Sam. 21: 9. Hezekiah offered seven bullocks, seven rams, seven lambs, and seven he-goats, to celebrate the cleansing of the temple, 2 Chron. 29: 21. In seven trou bles, says Job, no evil shaU touch thee, Job 5: 19. Seven things are 430 symbolic use of seven : Exc. II. an abomination to the Lord, says the author of the book of Proverbs, 6: 16; and again, Wisdom hath hewn out her seven pillars, 9: 1 ; and once more, The dissembler hath seven abominations in his heart, 26: 25. Give a portion to seven, says the Preacher, Ecc. 11: 2. Seven women, says Isaiah, shall take hold of one man, after a day of great ca lamity and destruction, Is. 4: 1. The Lord shall smite the Egyptian sea into seven streams, so as to make it passable, as was the Red Sea in the time of the exodus, Is. 11: 15. The light of the sun shall be seven fold, as the light of seven days, Is. 30: 26. Seven months shaU be oc cupied in burying Gog and Magog, Ezek. 39: 12. Their weapons shall be burned for seven years, Ezek. 39: 9. The gate of the outward courts of the new temple shall be entered by seven steps, Ezek. 40: 22 ; the breadth of the door was to be seven cubits, Ezek. 41: 3. Seven weeks is one of the divisions of time which Daniel makes, that have respect to the coming of the Messiah, Dan. 9: 25. Seven shepherds, says Micah, shall be raised up against the Assyrian, Mic. 5: 5. On the foundation- stone of the new temple were to be engraved seven eyes, symbols of the all-seeing God, Zech. 3: 9. 4: 10. The lamp which Zechariah saw in vision, had seven lights, and seven conductors of oil, Zech. 4: 2. Seven fold is the enemy of God to be rewarded, Ps. 79: 12. The thief, when discovered is to restore seven-fold, Prov. 6: 31. The sluggard is wiser in his own conceit, than seven men who can render a reason, Prov. 26: 16. A just man falleth seven times and riseth, Prov. 24: 16. Seven times in a day do I praise thee, Ps. 119: 164. Nebuchadnezzar's fur nace was heated seven times more than usual, to destroy the three Jew ish confessors, Dan. 3: 19. Seven times were to pass over this king, while in his beastly madness, 4: 16. Seven years is a period more of ten referred to than can be here brought into the account. These are only a part of the Old Testament use of the number seven. Let us now examine the New. Seven baskets full of fragments, Mark 8: 8. Out of Mary Magdalene were cast seven devils, Luke 8: 2. The unclean spirit, when cast out, goes and takes with himself seven other spirits, Luke 11: 26. Let us come, last of all, to the Apocalypse ; and we may now look through it without any surprise that a number so significant as seven, is to be found in every part of this symbolic book. Here accordingly we find seven churches of Asia addressed ; seven spirits before the throne of God ; seven golden candlesticks ; seven stars ; seven eyes which are the seven spirits of God ; the seven horns and eyes of the Lamb ; seven thunders uttering their voices ; a book with seven seals ; a dragon with seven heads, and seven crowns ; seven angels who sound the seven trumpets ; seven other angels who pour out the seven vials of divine indignation ; seven heads of the beast representing the seven symbolic use of seven : Exc. LT. 431 mountains on which Rome stood; and seven kings of Rome who com plete the circle of the writer's enumeration. In order further to show the usage of that day in regard to seven, I may also remark, that the book of the Ascension of Isaiah, and the Testament of the twelve Patriarchs, both productions of the first century, represent the number of heavens as being seven, and often employ this same number elsewhere in the like way with the sacred writers. Is there, then, after we return from a survey like this, anything strange, unnatural, or even Cabbalistic, in the use of seven in the Apocalypse ? Cabbalistic it cannot be, although this has often been as serted ; for there is no evidence to show that Cabbalism existed so early as this period. Strange it would not seem to be, for a Jew thus to em ploy seven, when the O. Testament was daily in his hands. This is not, indeed, the only number that John employs in a symbolical sense. But still, it is employed with great frequency in a symbolical manner ; and so it is in the ancient Jewish Scriptures. If numbers were to be at all employed, in forming the plan and mak ing the developments of the book before us, is it not very obvious, that three and seven, of all numbers, were the most appropriate ? Of three, in the trichotomy of the book, I have already spoken. As to seven, the feasts, the fasts, the ordinances of worship, the victims for sacrifice, the sprinkling of blood, the seasons for propitiation, for consecration to God, for renewal of a broken covenant, for procuring pardon and peace ; in a word, almost all that was outward and symbolical and typical ; was in some way regulated by seven, under the Jewish dispensation. When therefore a Jew, full of reverence for this sacred number, and feeling in his inmost soul the intense significancy of it, came to the high and holy work of opening to the church a view of the New Dispensation down to the end of the world ; could he convey to Christians of his own age or nation more vivid ideas than would be suggested by still employing, in all appropriate cases, the number seven in a symbolical sense ? This question is not to be decided by occidental customs and usages, or by occidental taste. The simple question is : Whether a Hebrew, writing for Hebrews, and for others of similar taste and habits in many respects ; at all events, writing for habitual readers of the O. Testament who lived in the East ; is not only to be allowed the usus loquendi of his day and nation, but even to be applauded for choosing such a course ? Can any one, who takes the whole circle of facts into view, deny for a mo ment, that the Apocalypse would be read with more delight and interest by the contemporaries of John, for the very reason, that in respect to the symbolical use of sacred numbers, it was conformed to their custom and their taste ? 432 symbolic use of twelve : Exo. II. We will now return, for a moment, to the text which stands at the head of these discussions. Does seven spirits before the throne of God mean definitely and liter ally that number ; or is the phrase to be taken in the sense in which seven is so often employed, i. e. in the sense of a complete, adequate, or perfect number of ministering servants, in attendance on the awful Ma jesty of heaven and earth ? I should inchne to the latter opinion, prin cipally for two reasons. The first is, that throughout the book, the num ber seven is nearly everywhere employed in a symbolical way ; and analogy would naturally lead us to suppose that such is the case here ; the second is, that inasmuch as angels are finite spirits, and are neither omniscient, nor omnipotent, one can hardly suppose the affairs of abound- less, (one might almost say) infinite universe to be committed to so small a number. The book of Daniel, which assigns the guardianship of particular nations to angels of the highest rank, would seem to render it necessary for us to suppose that more than the literal number of seven are employed in this way. And when we add to this, that the guardian ship of little children is assigned by the Saviour to presence-angels, we seem as it were necessitated to suppose, that seven is employed in our text and elsewhere, in relation to archangels, merely in a symbolic way. StiU, we know so httle of the power of angels, and of the subordinate agencies among them by which duties in trust may be discharged, that it would not become us to make positive assertions in relation to a mat ter, which can be fully understood only when we obtain access to that most holy place which hes behind the vail. (4) Symbolical use of the number twelve. This number, being beyond the limits of those which are named units, must of course be regarded as a composite number. As seven is made up of four and three added together, so twelve is made up of four multi plied by three. The symbolical significancy of this number in the Scriptures does not depend, at least so it seems to me, merely on the fact that there were twelve sons of Israel, and twelve tribes named after them. There are other facts in respect to the use of twelve, which serve to show, that its significancy in a tropical way depended on some of the arrangements of the natural world. From the most ancient times, the division of the Zodiac into twelve constellations, which circumscribe the annual course of the sun, appears to have been made. Corresponding with these divisions of space, we might well expect to find the divisions of time, i. e. into twelve months. In accordance with this, are some of the divisions made by heathen na tions, which deserve our notice. The Chinese emperor, Yao, placed symbolic use of twelve : Exc. II. 43a twelve Mandarins over his kingdom. The Arabians, descended from Ishmael and Abraham, were divided into twelve tribes, Gen. 17: 20. 25: H> ; and even at Mohammed's time, the Saracens with the Naba- theans were divided into twelve tribes. In old Persia, the palace of the king was surrounded by four courts, over which twelve officers presided. Diodorus Sic. (I. 66) say3, that ' the most ancient Egyptians were di vided into twelve dynasties.' The Greeks were very partial to this number. Twelve confederacies were formed by the Ionians on the coast of Coria. There were twelve associations of the Achaeans in Pe loponnesus. Twelve towns were founded by Cecrops in Attica. The Areopagus, in more ancient times, consisted of twelve members. Twelve elders were appointed by the Phaeacians as counsellors for the king. In Italy we find the Etruscans arranging their magistrates by twelves. The twelve tables of the Romans are well known. In ancient Germany there were twelve priests of Odin. Plato divides his ideal Republic into twelve parts ; and its metropolis again in the same way. See Bahr Symbohk, I. p. 201 seq. with authorities cited. In the Scriptures, we might naturally expect to find the number twelve often introduced, on account of the twelve tribes of Israel. Thus in Ex. 15: 27, twelve fountains of water at Elim ; Ex. 24: 4, twelve pil lars around the altar ; Lev. 24: 5, twelve cakes of show-bread ; Ex. 28: 10, 21, twelve gems in the breast-plate of the high-priest; Num. 7: 3, 87. 29: 17, offerings of different kinds by twelves ; Num. 7: 84—87, various vessels to be made for the temple by twelves; Num. 13: 3 seq. twelve spies to the land of Canaan ; Josh. 4: 3, twelve stones from the Jordan carried by twelve men, and thrown into a monumental heap ; 1 K. 4: 7, 26, twelve praefects of Solomon's household, and twelve thou sand horsemen ; 1 K. 7: 25, twelve brazen oxen supporting the laver of the temple ; 1 K. 10: 20, twelve brazen lions near the throne ; Ezek. 43: 16, the altar twelve cubits long and broad ; not to mention many oth er twelves. In the New Testament, the twelve apostles take the lead. In the Apocalypse we have twelve thousand in each of the twelve tribes who are sealed in the forehead as the servants of God, Rev. 7: 4 seq. In Rev. 21: 12 seq., we have an account of the new Jerusalem, with twelve gates (comp. Ezek. 48: 31 seq.), and twelve angels to keep them, and the names of the twelve tribes are written on them ; there are also twelve rows of stones in the foundation of the walls on which the names of the twelve apostles are inscribed. Besides all this, the city measures twelve thousand furlongs, and its wall is twelve times twelve cubits high. Most of these twelves, it will be easily perceived, have a reference to the twelve tribes of Israel. Yet in some of the cases it would be diffi cult to trace this historical relation. When the inheritance of the land vol. ii. 55 434 THE WOUNDED BEAST : EXC. III. of Canaan is divided, the tribe of Levi is excluded from a share, and then the tribe of Joseph is subdivided in order to complete the number twelve. So in Rev. vii, while the tribe of Dan is omitted, the number twelve is made up in like manner. In the same chapter, the number 144,000 must of course be used symbolicaUy, as no one wiU contend that just 12,000 were saved out of each tribe. That the number twelve is not so frequently employed symbolically in the Scriptures, as the other numbers already mentioned, is plain. But that it occasionally partakes of the like significancy with them, one cannot well question, when he takes into view the heathen and the sa cred use of it, EXCURSUS III. Rev. XIII. 3. Kai piav ix zcov xecpaXcov avzov cog eacpaype'vrjv eig ddvazov, xat rj nXrjyrj zov davdxov avzov i&eqanevdrj. Rev. XVII. 8. To drjqiov o eldeg, rjv, xal ovx eazi, xal uiXXei dva- Baiveiv ix zrjg dBvaaov xai elg dnuXeiav vndyeiv ... to drjqiov rjv, xai ovx eazi, xal ndqeazai. (9, 10) Ai enzd xecpaXal . . . BaaiXeig enzd elaiv.r Oinivze eneaav, b eig iarlv, dXXog ovna rjXde, xal bzav eX&rj, bXiyov avrbv del pelvai. (11) Kal zb drjqiov b rjv, xal ovx eazi, xal avzbg bydobg iazi, xai ix zav enzd iazi, xal elg dnaXeiav vndyei. I have joined these passages together, because in all probability they ought to be connected. They have been regarded as intimately con nected by most of the recent commentators on the Apocalypse ; and the very nature of chap. xvii. shows that this is proper. It is now generally agreed also, by the same interpreters, that Rev. 13: 3 and 17: 9, 10 relate to the emperors upon the throne of Rome. They are indeed named kings (BaaiXeig) by John ; but this was a custo mary name given by Greek writers to the Roman chiefs ; although aval and povdq%rjg are sometimes employed. The importance of a right un derstanding of the passages before us, in respect to the interpretation of chap, xiii — xix, and also in regard to fixing the date of the whole book, must be evident at once to every intelligent reader. I. An important question arises in regard to the personage symboliz ed by the one head, which is seemingly slain but afterwards recovers. In the Comm. on 13: 3, I have briefly assigned reasons, why we cannot suppose Juhus Caesar to be meant. The question now comes up for THE WOUNDED BEAST : ExC. 1TI. 435 discussion, as there proposed, whether we can, with any good degree of probability, fix upon Nero as. the individual here meant to be described. To examine the boundless conjectures that have been resorted to, for the sake of explaining the text before us, would occupy quite too much room here, and would in no way serve for the edification of the reader. Can it be rationally supposed, that the author did not intend to be un derstood by intelligent readers of his own time ? And if he did, how could he expect to be understood, in case the interpretation of his writ ing depended merely on some fanciful conceit or invention of ingenuity ? He could not ; and therefore we may take it for granted, that his appar ently enigmatical expressions found an easy solution among well-informed readers, by reason of their knowledge either of certain facts, or of modes of representation then usual, or of popular belief at the time when the Apocalypse was written. Guided by these simple principles, then, let us resort to the opinions and views of the day, respecting the imperial tyrant who was then laying waste the heritage of God. In the various histories of Nero's reign, by Tacitus, Suetonius, Dio, and others, we may find circumstances related which seem to cast light on 13: 3, and of course on chap. 17: 8 — 11. If so, they are well worthy of consideration. The leading passage is in Suetonius : " It was formerly (olim) pre dicted by fortune-tellers (a mathematicis, astrologers) to Nero, that he would at some time be reduced to a state of destitution. Hence that famous adage of his : zb zeyyiov ndaa yaia zqecpei. On account of this [prediction], forsooth, he expected an apology would more readily be made for him, because he cultivated the music of the harp, an art grate ful to him as a prince, and one that would be necessary for him as a. private person. Some [astrologers], however, promised him "the do minion of the East ; some, particularly the kingdom of Jerusalem ; ma ny, the restoration of all his former fortune ;" Suet. Nero, 40. Here seem plainly to be the elements of a report respecting Nero, which was spread wide and broad through the empire. It was modified into many different shapes, either by accidental circumstances, or by the hopes and fears of men who hated the tyrant. It should be noted, that Suetonius states this prediction of the sooth sayers to have taken place early in the reign of Nero, olim. There was time then to spread it all around the provinces, long before Nero's death ; and as the great mass of people was wishing for his destruction, or at least that he might be driven from the throne, nothing can be more pro bable, than that the populace were acquainted with the prediction, that Nero would be deprived of his imperial office. How extensive this report was, and what radical hold it took of the feelings of the populace, and even of Christians, may be easily learned 436 THE WOUNDED BEAST : EXC. HI. from numerous sources, both heathen and Christian. Not only so, but the expectation of Nero's reviviscence was cherished by some, and fear ed by others, even for some centuries after his assassination. Duly to support the exegesis that I feel constrained to give of the text before us, it will be necessary to adduce some satisfactory evidence of the state ments just made, and present it to the reader's mind. Suetonius notes, at the close of his account of Nero (c. 57), that not withstanding the general joy at the tyrant's death, " there were some, who for a long time adorned his tomb with spring and summer flowers. Moreover, at one time they would set up imagines praetextatas of him in the Rostrum ; at another they would proclaim edicts, as if he were living and would shortly return, to the sore misfortune of his enemies." Thus much for the state of the thing at Rome ; all of which is most evi dently connected with the prediction of the soothsayers. Let us see how the matter was, even in the extremest bounds of the Roman em pire. Suetonius (ubi sup.) proceeds : " Moreover Vologeses, king of the Parthians, ambassadors being sent to the Senate for the sake of renewing an alliance, earnestly besought that the memory of Nero might be cherished. Finally, twenty years after this, when I was a youth, there arose a person of uncertain origin, who boasted that he was Nero ; and so attractive was his name among the Parthians, that he was aided by them with much zeal, and finally was given up with great reluctance." The expectation, therefore, that Nero was to reap pear, and renew his former fortune, was plainly cherished by this most distant and barbarous people. This account is the more to be rehed on, inasmuch as Suetonius was himself contemporary with the occur rence which he relates. Tacitus has given us several hints respecting the same phenomena to which Suetonius has adverted. Thus (Hist. II. 8) he says : " About the same time [A. U. C. 823 = A. D. 71], Achaia and Asia were terrified without any good reason (falso), as if Nero were coming ; reports being various respecting his death, and many on this account imagining and believing that he was still alive." It should be observed here, that the very region in which John lived (Asia), is here desig nated by Tacitus as one that was filled with alarm at the apprehended reappearance of Nero. This was three years after his death; and it therefore shows, how strongly the fear, that what the soothsayers had predicted respecting Nero would come to pass, had taken hold of the public mind, and how extensively rumors of such a nature concerning him had been spread and believed. Again (Hist. I. 2) he says : " The Parthians were near to engaging in war, through the deception of a pretended Nero." The same tiling, as we have already seen, is said by Suetonius (c 57), with more ample explanation. THE WOUNDED BEAST: ExC. IH. 43? Dio Chrysostom (Orat. de Pulchritud. p. 371) says : «' Those around him [Nero] left him as it were to destroy himself ; for even to the present time this is not certain. . . . Even now aU still desire him to live, and most even suppose that he is alive." Dio was a contempora ry of Vespasian, and the above words were doubtless written not long after Nero's death. We see in them evidence, that in the provinces abroad the public opinion was divided, a part supposing Nero to be dead and yet wishing him alive, but most supposing that " his deadly wound was healed," i. e. that he had, after all, survived the attacks of his assassins. Dio Cassius (edit. Leuncl. p. 732) relates, that 'in the time of Otho, who succeeded Galba, a person made his appearance at Rome, [his name he does not mention], who gave himself out for Nero, but was speedily taken and executed.' In the time of Titus (A. D. 79) a Pseudo-Nero made his appearance in Asia Minor, and gained a party there ; afterward he went to the Euphrates, and there greatly enlarged this party ; and finally he resort ed to the king of the Parthians, who received him with favour, and made arrangements to attack the Romans ; Zonaras, Vit. Tit. p. 578. C. We have already seen, as related by Suetonius, that, some ten years later than this, another Pseudo-Nero appeared among the Parthians. Within this small number of years, then, we have two phenomena of this kind in Parthia, and two in Asia Minor ; the latter two, in A. D. 71 and 79. These, in addition to the like phenomena at Rome show that a deep persuasion in respect to Nero's reappearance must have existed in the minds of the community at large, in order that it could be possible for impostors to play such a part with so much success. Thus much for the general opinion and feelings of the heathen world respecting Nero. It lies upon the face of the matter, that there was a wide-spread -and a kind of undefined hope or fear, (according to the political feelings of individuals), that Nero, after his reported and ap parent death, would reappear to the terror and confusion of his enemies. Nor was this feeling confined to the heathen subjects of the empire. Christians far and near participated in it more or less. The evidences of this are ample ; and for our present purpose some of them must be produced. In the Sibylline Oracles (edit. Gallaeus), that farrago of soothsay ers honest and dishonest, that coUect of streams from sources widely separated by space and time, we find most abundant recognition of the phenomena already diselosed. Thus in Lib. IV. p. 520 seq. the vatiei- nator says : " Then a great king, as a fugitive from Italy, concealed, perfidious, will fly beyond the river Euphrates, when he shall perpe- 438 THE WOUNDED BEAST : ExC. III. trate the horrid crime of matricide, and do many other evils, confiding in his power. Many, moreover, around the temple of Rome shall moisten the earth with blood, when he has fled beyond his native land. . . . Then the strife of excited war shall invade the West, and the great Fugitive of Rome, bearing aloft his spear, passing the Euphra tes with many thousands of men, etc." How exactly this accords with the tenor of the vaticination recorded by Suetonius, (Nero, 40), as cited above, scarcely needs to be remarked. This portion of the Sib. Oracles, appears to have been written by a Christian, about A D. 80 ; see Bleek in the Theol. Zeitschrift, etc., of Schleiermacher, De Wette, and Liicke, Heft I. p. 244 seq. Again, Lib. V. p. 547, another writer says : " He who shall obtain the mark of fifty, [i. e. whose name begins with N = 50, viz. Nero], will be lord ; a horrid serpent breathing out grievous war ; who will de stroy the outstretched arms of her who bore him ... he shall be secret ly destroyed. Then shall he return, making himself equal to a god. But he [God] will demonstrate that he is not one." This was written probably about A. D. 120, under Adrian ; but the time assumed in the description is of course near the commencement of the reign of Nero ; see Bleek in Zeitschrift, H. II. p. 172 seq. Here the same view ia given as before, with only a slight variation in the manner of the state ment. Nero's apparent death and reviviscence is the subject of both. In the same book, p. 560, is a very long passage respecting Nero, of which I shall exhibit only a part : " Then he shall lay waste the whole land ... he who is barbarous, powerful, greatly to be dreaded, madly raving, tossing about thy dead upon the shore in great multitudes. All Asia, falling upon the ground, shall weep.. ... He who has won over the Persians, shall make war upon Egypt, killing every man. ... He shall fly from the West with light steps, wasting the whole land, and making it desolate." In the sequel Nero is represented as invading " the city of the blessed" [Jerusalem], and perishing there by the hands of an all powerful king [Messiah] ; after which the world is to come to an end. The idea, that Nero was the man of sin mentioned by Paul, and the Antichrist spoken of so often in the epistles of John, prevailed exten sively, and for a long time, in the early church. The writer of the Oracle just quoted was plainly of the same opinion. The reference to Nero's oriental dominion is plain and explicit here. The age of the author was probably that of Adrian, i. e. about A. D. 117 — 135. See Bleek, ut sup. Heft II. p. 177. Another passage more graphic still may be found in Lib. V. p. 578 seq. I give only a small part of it : " The great king of great Rome ... a man making himself equal to God, whom (as they say) Jupiter or worshipful Juno .produced, . . . this fearful and shameless king will THE WOUNDED BEAST : ExC. ILL 439 flee from Babylon [Rome], whom all mortals abhor, specially all good men, for he has destroyed multitudes, and laid hands on her who bore him He will repair to the kings of the Medes and Persians, the first object of his love The great city [Jerusalem] and the right eous people have they destroyed. But when the great star shall shine, after the fourth year, [when Nero shall reappear as a comet, after his four years persecution against Christians and Jews have closed], which will destroy aU the land . . . this great star will burn up the wide ocean, and Babylon [Rome] itself, ... by means of which many faithful and pious Hebrews have perished, and also the true temple. . . . Thou [Rome] shalt remain altogether desolate, thou shalt perish forever." Comp. Rev. 17: 16, where Nero, in conjunction with provincial kings, is represented as laying waste Rome itself. The writer of this portion of Lib. V. of the Oracles (vs. 115 — 178), can hardly be supposed, however, to have seen the Apocalypse ; for the vaticination before us was probably writ ten soon after the destruction of Jerusalem, since it expresses the most bitter feelings against Rome as the author of it. The writer was pro bably a Jew.- As to the very early composition of the piece, Bleek (ubi sup. p. 179 seq.) fully asserts* it. In Lib. V. p. 592 seq., Corinth is addressed, and with others, is threatened with destruction and slaughter by ' the king who clandestine ly makes his escape, [Nero who escapes from his assassins], and who has devoured the flesh of his parents [slain his mother] ; " for God alone hath given him to do such things as no one of all former kings has done." Comp. Rev. 17: 17. This was probably written not long after the destruction of Jerusalem, and by a Jew. Bleek p. 181 seq. Lib. V. p. 619 seq., composed soon after Nero's death, presents the following passage : " The matricide shall come from the ends of the earth, inconsiderate, devising bitter reproaches, who will lay waste ,every land, and obtain dominion over all. ... He will destroy that land without delay, by means of which he perished, [destroy Rome which as sailed him] ; he will destroy multitudes of men and great kings ; he will burn up all, as in times past he did when in another condition," [i. e. he will burn Rome a second time]. Most probably this was written by a Jew ; and there are some striking resemblances in it to Rev. 17: ,11, 16, 17, which the careful reader can scareely overlook. - In Lib. VIII. p. 714 seq. is another passage, representing Nero as coming from Asia, with the indignation of a destroyer. Black blood follows'the steps of the great monster (drjq). " The dog has produced a lion which will devour the flock," [Nero's assassins have turned him from a dog into a lion, i. e. they have infuriated him by reason of their as sault]. " But his sceptre shall be taken away, and he shall go down to Hades." Comp. Rev. 17: 8, 11, piXXsi dvaBaiveiv ix zrjg d^vaaov, xat 440 THE WOUNDED BEAST : EXC. III. tig dnaXeiav vndysiv. The vaticination above quoted was probably written in the time of M. Aurelius, about A. D. 170 — 180, and it fol lows in the track of all the preceding passages, which assume the re turn of Nero from the East, and his devastations of Rome in conjunc tion with allied kings. Other passages of the like tenor, the reader may find in Lib. VOX p. 688 seq. ; and again in Lib. VIII. p. 693 seq. Ib. p. 715 seq. I have indeed quoted but a small part of what is said of Nero. The pe rusal of the whole must be left to the reader, and it will overwhelm him with conviction, that there was spread far and wide abroad, for a long time after Nero's death, but specially for the first fifteen or twenty years, an anxious fear and even trembling expectation of Nero's reap pearance, who would then pervade his former dominions like an incar nate demon, and from motives of revenge lay them waste with fire and sword. How widely diffused and deeply rooted in the minds of the great com munity such a fear or expectation respecting Nero was, is manifest enough from its permanence among the churches, even centuries after the death of Nero. Thus in the brief Commentary of Victorinus Peta- vionensis (f 303), he expressly names Nero as the beast who received the deadly wound, and was to be raised up again to be the scourge of the Jews ; in Biblioth. Max. III. p. 420. D. Lactantius (fl. 320) in his treatise De Morte Perseoutorum, c. 2, re jects the sentiment that Nero would be raised up again, but distinctly recognizes the existence of such a view even in his time : " Cast down from the lofty eminence of his empire, and rolled from its height, the impotent tyrant [Nero] of a sudden disappeared, so that no place of bu rial in the land appeared for so evil a beast. Thence some silly per sons suppose him to have been conveyed away and kept alive ; accord ing to the words of the Sibyl, that the matricide exile should come from the extremities [of the empire], so that he who was first in persecution, should also be the last persecutor, and should precede the coming of Antichrist ... in the same manner they think Nero will come ... the precursor and forerunner of the devil, coming to lay waste the earth and destroy the human race." Down to so late a period as the close of the third century we find clear traces of the opinion stiU widely diffused in the church, that Nero was yet to return. Thu3 Sulpicius Severus, the ecclesiastical historian of that period, Hist. Sac. II. 28 : " Nero ... the basest of all men and even of monsters, was well worthy of being the first persecutor ; I know not whether he may be the last, since it is the current opinion of many, that he is- yet to come as Antichrist." Again in II. 29 : " It is uncer tain whether he [Nero] destroyed himself. . . . Whence it is believed, THE WOUNDED BEAST : ExC. III. 441 that although he may have pierced himself with a sword, yet he was saved by the cure of his wound ; in accordance with that which is writ ten [Rev. 13: 3] : And his deadly wound was healed. At the close of the age [gospel-age], he is to be sent again, that he may exercise the mystery of iniquity." In Dial. II. c. 14, where the same writer celebrates the virtues of Martinus as a most eminent saint, Sulpicius states, that he inquired of him respecting the end of the world. Martinus replied, that " Nero and Antichrist must first come ; that Nero would reign in the West over ten subjugated kings, and that persecution would be carried on by him in order that the idols of the heathen might be worshipped." Finally, in his work De Civit. Dei, XX. 19, Augustine says: "What means the declaration, that the mystery of iniquity already works ? . . . Some suppose this to be spoken of the Roman emperor, and therefore Paul did not speak in plain words, because he would not incur the charge of calumny for having spoken evil of the Roman emperor ; al though he always expected, that what he had said would be understood as applying to Nero, whose doings already appeared like to those of Antichrist. Hence it was that some suspected, that he would rise from the dead as Antichrist. Others supposed he was not actually slain, but had only withdrawn himself, that he might seem to be dead, and that he was concealed, while living in the vigour of his age and when he was supposed to be extinct, until in his time he would be revealed [2 Thess. 2: 6], and restored to his kingdom. But this so great presumption is very wonderful to me," etc. Past all doubt, then, many of the early churches, far and near, be lieved or feared a reappearance of Nero, in the same character which he exhibited in early life. Whence did they derive this belief or fear ? Either from the vaticination of the astrologers, as recorded by Suetonius and repeated by others, or else through the medium of the text before us. I do not say, that John meant to convey the impression, that Nero would actually revive, and reappear on the stage of action ; for this I do not believe. But thus much I am compeUed to believe, from the general if not universal impression of the times, viz., that John here recognizes, and intends that others should recognize, Nero, by pointing to an indi»- vidua! respecting whom reports were everywhere current, such as have been exhibited above. The fullest and most ample recognition of these reports is in the Sibylline Oracles. There we have them from the time when Nero died, down to the time of M. Aurelius, about A. D. 170— 180. Most of them seem, also, to be wholly independent of the Apoca lypse ; indeed several of them are by Jewish writers ; for Jews, as weU as Christians, were persecuted by Nero, and were highly exasperated against him on account of his attack upon Palestine. All this, in con- vol. ii. «>6 442 THE WOUNDED BEAST : ExC. III. junction with the fact stated by Suetonius, viz., that in the early part of Nero's life (olim), the soothsayers had predicted his degradation and subsequent restoration, shows how much ground there was for the wri ter of the Apocalypse to believe, that his intimations respecting Nero would be well understood by intelligent readers. To name the Roman em peror and tyrant directly, in the way of reproach, would have been con strued by the magistracy at once as libellous or as an act of treason ; to describe him so that d e%av vovv might penetrate the aocpla veiled under the writer's diction, (Rev. 13: 18), was the part of prudence and of duty united. There are some circumstances tending much to confirm the view of the subject which has now been taken, and which I have not seen dis tinctly noted by any of the commentators. These are the somewhat veiled, but still sufficiently plain, intelligible, and oft repeated cautions of the writer of the Apocalypse, that the reader should well weigh hi3 words, and not give them an interpretation such as a superficial reading might suggest. Thus after having introduced the beast from the sea, and mentioned the wound of one of his heads, his restoration, and his persecution of the church, he stops short at once and suggests the admo nition : Ei zig ey^et ovg, dxovadza, i. e. let him diligently and cautiously attend to what has been said ; 13: 9. To make plainer the hint already given, as to the person meant, he adds : '-If any one sends away into exile, he shall go away into exile ; if any one kills with the sword, he shall be slain with the sword," v. 1 0. That is, Nero, who banishes and kills, shall himself go into exile and be slain. With great force he adds : ' Here is need of patience and faith on the part of all saints ;' i. e. these graces are needed in circumstances such as the present. Again ; after the introduction of the second beast, and the exhibition of what was done by him to further the impious claims of the first beast, he again suggests, in relation to the first beast : " Here is aocpla ; let him who hath intelligence reckon the number of the beast," i. e. see what name will result from combining letters whose numerical value equals 666 ; see 13: 18. Plainly the writer means to say, that a hasty or superficial perusal of his work will not truly develope his veiled mean ing. There is aocpla in it, and vovg is needed in order to discover it. More explicitly still does the writer show, in chap, xvii, that he must be cautiously read and interpreted. After twice mentioning the beast that was, and is not, and will ascend from the abyss (v. 8), he immedi ately adds : Here is a meaning which comprises wisdom, or Here an un derstanding [is needed] which possesses sagacity. Interpreted in either way the meaning of the passage is, that in order to understand what or who the beast is, which was, and is not, and will reappear, some special sagacity and care are needed, THE WOUNDED BEAST : EXC. HI. 443 May we not take it for granted, moreover, that the writer expects those parts of his book, respecting which he has given a caution so often repeated, not to be interpreted merely by the letter, or according to the first appearance of the words, but by a most considerate attention to the actual state of things ? Interpreted in the ordinary way, we might make out from our text the meaning, that Nero had already been wounded and had recovered, and was persecuting the church with fury after his recovery. But who can for a moment suppose, that John directly in tended to say a thing here, which every sensible and well informed per son at Ephesus of course could and would contradict ? For surely the reality of the whole affair must be placed in the light of day, at that city (Ephesus) which was the Romish metropolis of Asia Minor. But inas much as his language might seem to import so much, he guards the ' reader against understanding it merely according to its first appearance. Special intelligence and wisdom are needed to develope its true import. Why it was thus veiled and guarded, has been already explained. And now all that appears to be requisite is, to suppose that John, in order to ayoid using Nero's proper name, resorted to a kind of periphrasis, foun ded on the vaticination not only recorded by Suetonius, but known (as it would seem) throughout the Roman empire. The reader would of course inquire : Who is symbolized by the beast from the sea ? The answer of John, as the text now stands, seems to be : ' He concerning whom it was said, that he should be assaulted and wounded, and yet should recover from the wound, and resume his odious and tyrannical supremacy ? That John says he saw the wound, etc., in his vision, does not alter the nature of the case at all, when we once consider the use of symbols ; and specially when we once suppose, (which seems to be quite plain), that all which John here says of this nature, is evidently design ed merely to make the disclosure in an indirect way respecting the per son of the reigning tyrant. John presents what every sensible man might recognize as belonging to a description of Nero, both in chap. xhi. and xvii, the latter chapter being ex profosso only of an exegetical nature. The improbability that John himself supposed or believed that Nero would reappear after his death, seems to me not to need any de monstration. Even if we should suppose that his inspiration might be doubted, yet a man as enlightened as John cannot well be imagined to have credited such a figment. Why may he not then be regarded as introducing such a description, only and merely to accomplish the design of indirectly disclosing who was symbolized by the beast? When the Saviour speaks of ' unclean spirits being cast out by the children of the Pharisees ' (Matt. 12: 27) ; and when he speaks again of ' unclean spirits as walking through dry or desert places seeking rest and finding none' (Matt. 12: 43) ; did he not bring before the minds of his 444 THE WOUNDED BEAST : EXC. III. hearers the popular view of this subject merely, and not his own ? And might not John, in the case before us, and for a wise and prudent end, appeal to the popular belief, or fear, or representation respecting Nero, merely for the sake of avoiding the open proclamation of his name, and yet with the expectation that he might be rightly understood ? There is a further, and seemingly more imperious reason for such a method of interpretation as has been proposed. This is, that all the oth er solutions which have been attempted of several passages in chaps, xiii. xvii, are utterly unsupported by any philological basis, usus loquendi, or historical -facts appropriate to the time in which the Apocalypse was written. But on the ground now assumed, aU these texts become quite intelligible and appropriate. E. g. 13: 3, the apparently fatal wound of the beast and his recovery are no longer in the dark ; Rev. 17: 8, 11, the beast which was, and is not, and will ascend from the abyss or make his appearance (ndqeazai), is plain when placed in the light of popular belief which was grounded on the vaticination of the astrologers as re lated by Suetonius ; and the most mysterious passage of aU : He is the eighth, and is of the seven, and goeth to destruction, becomes quite plain. Nero, one of the first seven emperors symbolized by the seven heads of the beast (v. 10), reappears as an eighth, although he belonged to the seven, and thus a kind of double enumeration is applied to him. But all this lies in day-light, when the common fear or belief respecting his reappearance is assumed as the basis of explanation. On any other ground yet produced, this verse seems quite inexplicable. At all events, nothing more than mere conjecture has been applied to it ; it seems as if nothing else could be applied, in case this historical iUustration is re jected. Why then should we hesitate to admit an explanation so easy, and so satisfactory, and grounded in the history of the times, as has been most amply developed ? An explanation, too, which harmonizes altogether with the cautious reserve of John, as to direct disclosure respecting the Roman emperor ; and also with the object of his book, which was to console persecuted Christians with the hope of speedy relief. The only objection, which seems to have much weight in it, is, that the language appears to intimate, that John himself believed the common reports re specting Nero. But does not the language of the Saviour, as quoted above, also seem to indicate that he admitted the Jewish traditional doctrine respecting casting out demons, and the wandering of evil spirits in deserts? Yet who can believe that his mind admitted the truth of such accounts respecting demons ? So in the case before us ; John ap peals to the popular belief, merely in order to designate who is symbo lized by the beast ; but every time he has done so, he has put the read er upon his guard, by warning him not to apply his words merely in the THE SIXTH king : Exc. HI. 445 usual manner in which the rest of his book is interpreted. Why, I ask, has he suggested these repeated cautions here, and not elsewhere in the whole Apocalypse ? I know of no other satisfactory answer to this, than the one which has already been given. John expected his readers to make cautious and diligent search for the meaning of words, which otherwise might appear ambiguous, or be misunderstood. II. Another important question arises out of a part of Rev. 17: 10, Ol ne'vze eneaav, i. e. five Roman emperors had fallen, when the writer was composing the Apocalypse. Where then shall we commence the reckoning ? With Julius Caesar, or with Augustus ? Most of the recent interpreters of distinction have decided in favour of commencing with Augustus. Two reasons may be assigned for their so doing ; the one, that they are seemingly supported in this mode of reckoning by some distinguished Roman historians ; the other, that such a mode of reckoning best agrees with what they regard as the more easy and natural mode of interpreting the passages which stand at the head of this Excursus. But as the author's method of reckoning is not dependent on any recent modes of interpretation, the main and simple question seems to be : Whether there is adequate support to be found, in ancient historians or chronographers, for the method of reckoning which begins with Au gustus ? Liicke has best presented the strength of the argument in favour of this method ; Einleit. pp. 250 seq. Let us first examine his authori ties ; we may then examine the testimony of those authors, whose mode of reckoning commences with Julius Caesar. Liicke first appeals to Tacitus (Annal. I. 1), who says : " Lepidi atque Antonii arma in Augustum cessere ; qui cuncta, discordiis civili- bus fessa, nomine Principis sub imperium accepit." But here Tacitus aUudes evidently to two things : the first, that Julius Caesar, although for some years the sole and actual Head of the Roman Empire, yet repeatedly refused the title of king or prince, which Augustus accepted ; the second, that an established and uninterrupted order of kings or princes began with Augustus. From the death of Julius Caesar to the estabhshment of Augustus on the throne, some twelve years intervened, during which the struggles for popular liberty and the contests between contending factions were carried on. Nothing more than that the un interrupted series of monarchs foUowed these commotions and began with Augustus, is here declared by Tacitus ; for nothing can be more cer tain, than that Juhus Caesar was generally regarded by the Romans as autocrat, king, prince, or emperor. He was not only so-called, but was in fact what he was said by the popular voice to be. Tacitus does not say here that Augustus first received the name of Prince. 446 THE SIXTH KING : ExC. HI. Again, Liicke appeals to Tacitus, Hist. I. 1 : " Postquam beUatum apud Actium, atque omnem potentiam ad unum conferri pacis interfuit, magna ilia ingenia," etc. But here exactly the same state of things is referred to as in Annal. I. 1, namely, the twelve years of civil commo tion which had preceded, and the permanent establishment of the Ro man monarchy in the person of Augustus. So with the other authorities to which Liicke appeals. Aurelius Victor (fl. 350), in his Hist. Abbrev. de Caesaribus, c. 1.1, says : " An no 722 etiam mos Romae incessit uni prorsus pariendi." Here the word mos refers us again to the establishment of uninterrupted monarchy. So again, more explicitly, in Victor's Epitome, c. I. 1 : " Anno 722, ab exactis regibus 480, mos Romae repetitus uni prorsus pariendi, pro rege Imperatori, vel sanctiori nomine Augusto, appellate." Here the mos repetitus, and the permanent names of Imperator and Augustus, are plainly the objects which guide the writer's reckoning. Sextus Rufus (cap. 2), to whom Liicke has also appealed, but has not quoted, I have not been able to procure ; but an author so late, and so little known, cannot avail much in a case like the present. John Malalas, a chronographer of Cent. IX. (see Opp. edit. Bonn. 1831, p. 49 Proleg.), is also counted by Liicke as reckoning Augustus to be the first emperor or king. The passage runs thus : 'Eyevezo Baa- iXevg Papaiav nqcbzog xai pbvog xai bqyiocpdvzrjg, b avrbg deiozazog Avyovazog (p. 225) ; which is thus translated : Idem divinissimus Au gustus, Romanorum imperator et Monarcha primus, Sacrorumque An- tistes erat. Here pbvog (sole) is rendered monarcha ; which seems to be the meaning, for BaaiXevg is implied. The Chronicon Paschale (p. 364 ed. Bonn.) quotes one Sosibius (omitted by Liicke) as saying: nqazog iyevezo BaaiXevg Papaiav fiovdqpjg b Avyovazog ; which ac cords, as to the main point, with Malalas. How much Malalas may be reckoned on as to accuracy, may be estimated, when we find him rep resenting Nero as dying in his 69th year, in consequence of poison administered (as it would seem) by Grecian priests ! p. 258. Nero died, as Dion Cassius says, at the age of thirty years and nine months ; Lib. 63, ad fin. Once more; the twelfth book of the Sibylline Oracles, (recently brought to light by Angelo Mai in his Scriptt. Vet. nova Collectio, III. Pars 3, p. 202 seq.), is said by Liicke to begin the series with Augus tus. The book is not within my reach ; but as it was written, (accord ing to Liicke, Einl. p. 123), so late as about A. D. 222, and contradicts the earlier mode of reckoning in Orac. Sib. Lib. V. (p. 545. edit. Opsop.), which begins with Julius Caesar, we cannot lay much stress upon it. Books III. IV. V. of these Oracles were extant at least as early as A. D. 150 ; so that the testimony in book V. is much more weighty than that in Lib. XII. THE SIXTH king : Exc. TIL 447 The sum of all the evidence produced then is, that Tacitus speaks twice of sole regency as conferred on Augustus after the tumults and civil wars which followed the death of Julius Caesar, and as commenc ing its permanency with him. To the same purpose, and more evi dently stiU in the same way, does Aurelius Victor speak, about the mid dle of the fourth century. For the rest, Sextus Rufus, Malalas, and the twelfth book of the Sibylline Oracles, can have but little weight in deciding the question : What, in the time of John, was the Jewish mode of reckoning the Roman emperors ? For it will be admitted, I may pre sume, from the deep Hebrew colouring which everywhere pervades the Apocalypse, that the author spoke, with regard to this subject, in the usual manner of the Hebrews of his day. We now come to a second inquiry : (2) Was the method of reckoning by commencing with Julius Cae sar, common among both Romans and Jews ? Certainly it was among the Romans whenever they spoke of the sub ject generically, and not in reference (like Tacitus and Victor) to a pe riod when uninterrupted monarchy began. Thus the celebrated work of Suetonius on the Twelve Caesars, (he flourished but a few years after the Apocalypse was written), begins with Julius Caesar as the first. The history of Dion Cassius begins in the same way, and observes the same order. So also other contemporary writings, which are of Christian origin. E. g. Orac. Sibyllina, V. 12 (p. 545 edit. Ops.) says, in refer ence to Julius Caesar : "Eazai aval nqdziazog, og zig dixa dig xoqvcpa- aei rqdpuazog dq^opevov, i. e. ' he shall be the first king, the com mencing letter of whose name [K in Kaiaaq'] shall amount to twice ten ;' x = 20. In 4 Ezra 12: 15 the writer says : " Nam secundus incipiet regnare, et ipse tenebit [regnum] amplius tempus prae duodecim," i. e. ' the second shall begin to reign, and he shall hold [dominion] a longer time than any of the twelve,' viz. than any of the twelve Caesars. Augus tus reigned forty-four years, about one-third part of the whole period of the twelve. Liicke says that the meaning of this passage is disputed. It may be so ; but, as it seems to me, without any good reason. The context respects the Roman empire ; and Augustus is here plainly call ed secundus. This fourth book of Ezra (as we have seen, Vol. L p. 85), was written soon after the death of Domitian, the last of the Cae sars. Had not this been so, the author would have probably reckoned more than twelve kings. He stops now with the twelfth. The most decisive of all is the testimony of Josephus, in regard to Jewish as well as Roman custom. As he wrote his Works for both Ro mans and Jews, there is no probabihty that he would adopt a mode of reckoning different from that which was common to both. Had there been any marked difference between the two in the mode of reckoning, 448 THE SIXTH king : Exc. IH. it would have been natural for him to note it. This he has not done, but he says simply : TeXevza Kaiaaq, d svzeqog fiev Papaiav avzo xqazaq yevbpevog, ' Caesar [Augustus] died, being the second emperor of the Romans.' Immediately after : TiBeqiog Neqmv . . . zqizog ov- tog avzoxqazaq, ' Tiberius, the third emperor ;' Antiq. XVni. c. 2. § 2. Again in XVIII. c. 6. § 10, rd'iog de rjv avzoxqazaq z ez aqzog, ' Caius [Caligula] was the fourth emperor.' Once more in XIX. c. 1. § 11, he speaks of [Julius] Caesar, as "the first who transferred the power of the people to himself." Could the Jews naturally have adopt ed any other method of reckoning the Roman emperors, than that which they had received from the Romans who governed them ? And spe ciaUy, would Josephus, writing as he did under the auspices of the Ro mans and for them, have adopted a mode of reckoning different from the customary one ? The Chronicon Paschale or Fasti Siculi, the first part of which ap pears to have been composed about the middle of the fourth century, says : 'lovXiog Kaiaaq nqarog Papaiav . . . povdqyfrjg (p. 353 edit. Bonn.). Again: Papaiav devzeqog iBaaiXevaev Kaiaaq ZeBaa- zbg Avyovazog, p. 360. Georgius Syncellus (f 800), in his Chronography, says : Avyovazog xqazrjaag jxezd r. I. Kaiaaqa zrjg Papaiav dqyjjg ; and shortly after, TiBiqiov . . . Papaiav zqlzov dve'beilsv [Avyavazog] avzoxqdzoqa, pp. 602, 603, edit. Bonn. So in p. 574 : Papaiav pbvaq%og T. I. Kai aaq ezrj e, i. e. 'Julius Caesar was monarch five years.' Again: 'lov Xiog ezrj e fxovaqyfjaag x. z. X, ibid. . Nicephorus Patriarcha (t 824) in his Compend of Chronography (p. 746, edit. Bonn.), says : Mezd Avyovazov, Papaiav zqizog iBaai- Xevae TiBeqiog. The same author (p. 745) says: Ilqazog ipovdq- yrjae Papaiav T. I. Kaiaaq, i. e. 'Juhus Caesar was the first monarch of the Romans.' Josephus and 4 Ezra, then, seem to be quite decisive as to the usual Jewish mode of reckoning; and certainly Suetonius and Dio leave no room for doubt, as to the usual mode of reckoning among the Romans, at or near the close of the first century, when special circumstances did not call for another and relative mode, such as we find in Tacitus. And the Chronicon Paschale, Syncellus, and Nicephorus, show plainly that the mode of Suetonius was general and long continued. That a different mode is possible, and even that it was sometimes practised when par ticular circumstances demanded it, I would admit ; but, with such an exception, the usual and general method is plain and fairly incontro vertible. Of course I feel obliged to adopt the opinion, that Nero is reckoned in the Apocalypse as the sixth emperor ; and consequently, that he was living when Rev. 17: 9, 10 was written. THE SIXTH KING : ExC. LU. 449 In respect to the exegesis of the Apocalypse, consequences of a somewhat serious nature are dependent on this question. For exam ple, throughout the whole book nothing is plainer, than that persecution was going cm, in an active, urgent, and threatening manner, when the book was written. The palpable design of the writer is, to guard Chris tians, who were in such a state and exposed to the temptations resulting from it, against defection and apostasy, and to administer such consola tion as they stood peculiarly in need of, in the midst of so many and such aggravated sufferings. If there is any one thing, in regard to the design of the Apocalypse, which is plain and incontrovertible, this is the one. And such being the fact, we are obliged to accede to the same mode of reckoning Roman emperors, which is exhibited by Suetonius, Dion Cassius, and Josephus, (not to mention later writers), and of course to suppose that Nero must be reckoned as the sixth king, the d elg iazlv in Rev. 17: 10 ; for all antiquity are agreed, that the persecu tion of Christians ceased on the death of Nero. Historians have indeed told us of no law passed during Nero's reign, which led to the active and general persecution of Christians ; nor of the repeal of any statute after his death, which caused the persecution to cease. The matter, in these respects, is left in some obscurity. But if the reader will consult Vol. I. § 13, p. 222 seq., he will find a special examination of this topic. It is easy to see, that Nero, as the Executive of the Roman empire, could persecute Christians, if he chose to do so, under the guise of in sisting upon the rights of the old religio licita ; or he could attack them as alleged conspirators against the welfare of the State. There is not much probability that there was any law enjoining persecution, which was sanctioned by the Senate ; and hence we hear of no repeal of any such law after Nero's death. What he did as the Executive, was left undone by his successor ; and persecution immediately ceased every where, for, as Tacitus testifies, it had become odious to the mass of the people. How and why the persecution of Christians became general in the Roman empire, during the time of Nero, has already been discussed in Vol. I. § 13 as above quoted, and these topics need not be repeated here. I cannot but feel, that the evidence on this point is such, when all its various particulars are brought together and compared, as ought to sat isfy the candid and inquiring mind ; and that we may say, with Ewaldj in respect to it : " Quo jure dubitemus, non apparet." I have now laid before the reader my reasons for believing that Nero was the sixth king adverted to in Rev. 17: 10 ; first from the general usage, (certainly so among the Jews, and mostly so elsewhere), of be ginning to reckon with Julius Ceasar ; and secondly, from the circum stance that persecution was then raging when the Apocalypse was writ- vol. H. 51 450 THE SIXTH king : Exc. IH. ten, as the book everywhere shows. I feel bound, however, to notice some objections raised against this view of the subject, which have not yet been considered. These are drawn from some expressions in the Apocalypse itself, which are of such a nature, that they have been urged against the po sition that Nero is the sixth king, and was living when John wrote Rev. 17: 10. The beast, which in chap, xiii, and even in a part of chap. xvii, appears to be a generic symbol, i. e. the symbol of a succession of pagan kings or emperors, is occasionally individualized in chap, xvii, and made the symbol merely of the then reigning emperor ; comp. 17: 8, 11. Of this latter kind of beast, a symbol of the great persecutor of the church, it is said in Rev. 17: 8, rjv, xat ovx eazi. Again in v. 9, rjv, xai ovx eazi, xai ndqeazai; which is repeated again in v. 11, with the addition, that " he shall be an eighth [king]." These passages, it has been and will be said, assume the fact that Nero was already dead. But I do not understand them so. They assume, it is true, the death of Nero ; but they assume it on the same ground that the great body of pro phecy in the O. Testament assumes the existence of occurrences disclos ed or predicted. Every critical reader knows well, that the Hebrew pro phets, everywhere and with great frequency, employ even the Praeterite tense, when predicting future occurrences. The reason is, that this de signates the certainty of those occurrences. We need only to read the Apocalypse, in order to be satisfied, that a similar method of prediction is followed in it. For example, let the reader consult chap. 14: 8, and many other passages of the same tenor, where he will see future occur rences described as things which had already happened. So in the case before us. What was certain in the writer's mind, and what was speedily to take place, is indicated as already brought to pass, rjv, xal ovx eazi. How can any one, who understands well the nature of the Present tense, as being often employed to express what is future and certain, be persuaded that any argument can be raised out of these forms of expression, to prove that Nero was already dead ? See N. Test. Gramm. § 136. 1. c. That the writer of the Apocalypse refers to the provinces and to their prefects or secondary kings as joining with the beast, i. e. with Nero, in his persecution, and as aiding him to carry it on until the di vine purposes are accomplished, seems to my mind to be plainly dis closed in Rev. 17: 11 — 18. The hatred of the imperial city on the part of the tributary kings, i. e. their political hatred on the ground of their subjection, and specially the malignity of the beast itself, toward the great city, (for they are said to burn it with fire), seem to be dis closed in Rev. 17: 16 ; and the manner of the expression appears to make a tacit reference to Nero's burning of Rome, and thus to disclose THE SIXTH king : Exc. IH. 451 who the beast is that has been brought to the seer's view. But a mere hint is all which can be given here, in regard to these particulars. One circumstance alluded to in chap. 13: 10, appears particularly to indicate that Nero was still living when the Apocalypse was written. In the midst of the description of the blasphemies of the beast, and of his " making war upon the saints," the writer breaks out by calling up on his fellow Christians to mark well what he is going to say : E'i zig ejja ovg, dxovadza (v. 9). He then predicts, most graphically, the de struction of Nero, i. e. the beast : " If any one sendeth away into exile, he goeth away into exile ; if any one slayeth with the sword, he must be slain with the sword ;" i. e. Nero, who sends me and other Christians into exile, shall himself become an exile ; Nero, who destroys with the sword, shall be destroyed with the same. How exactly this was ful filled, every one knows who is acquainted with the manner of Nero's death. I am aware, indeed, that this passage would not lose its mean ing, in case we should suppose that Nero's exile and death had already taken place. But then we should be met with another insuperable dif ficulty, which is, that the actual persecution, (going on vigorously when the Apocalypse was written, as the whole tenor of the book demon strates), would be altogether incongruous with the supposition in ques tion. We know that persecution ceased immediately on the death of Nero. It had already become odious to the Roman people ; and Gal ba, on his accession to the throne, would naturally wish to undo what Nero had been doing against the popular will. At first the mass of the Roman people do not seem to have remonstrated against the persecution of Christians ; but sympathy with their sufferings, as well as hatred of Nero, brought them back to the natural feelings of humanity ; see Tac. Annal. XV. 44. The internal state of the Apocalypse, then, conspires with the modes of reckoning by historians as developed above, in establishing the posi tion, that Nero was the sixth king or emperor referred to in Rev. 17: 10. This fact being admitted, the time when the Apocalypse was writ ten seems to be almost definitely determined. But besides this circum stance, which is not unimportant, another highly important consequence follows, viz., that the book should be explained in accordance with such a view of historical facts. Indeed, on any other ground the difficulty of interpretation is insuperable. The present and active urgency of perse cution is everywhere a part of the substratum of the Apocalypse ; and if the composition of the book be put off to the time of Galba, this ground vanishes. As to referring the book to the time of Domitian, I take it for granted that this is now out of question. One who is strongly bent upon defending the opinion that Nero was dead when the book was written, might indeed aver that John wrote it 452 THE NUMBER OF THE BEAST : ExC. IV. before the news of the tyrant's death had reached him, and before per secution in the provinces had ceased. This, it must be conceded, was possible ; but is it probable ? How rapidly the news of Nero's death — a consummation devoutly wished by the whole empire — was spread abroad from Rome, may be judged of by the following circumstances. Galba commenced his reign on the 9th of June, and the prefect at Alexandria in Egypt, on the 6th of the following July, issued an edict there acknowledging Galba as emperor ; see Rhein. Musaeum fiir Phi- lol. etc., von Niebuhr und Brandis, Band H. p. 68. Liicke, Einleit. p. 253. Considering the respective distance of Alexandria and Ephesus from Rome, and the comparative importance of the latter, we may well assume, that the news of Nero's death reached Ephesus in less than half the interval of time just specified. Christians would convey it forthwith to the exile at Patmos ; and they could accomplish such a convey ance in a few hours. While, then, the supposition that we are now ex amining is neither absurd nor impossible, it is, on the whole, quite im probable ; particularly so, if the writer of the Apocalypse be regarded as inspired, and thus as possessing an adequate knowledge of the things which he had undertaken to describe. The tenor of his book, as has al ready been repeatedly said, shows that he wrote ingruenti persecutione. If the statements which have now been made are rendered probable, and still more if they are even well supported, then some preparation of no small importance is made for the more inteUigible interpretation of the book before us. EXCURSUS TV. On the number of the beast, as mentioned in Rev. 13: 18. It is certainly a matter of some interest to know how this passage was understood in the early ages of Christianity ; and it so happens, that our curiosity, in this particular case, can in some measure be gratified. Ire naeus (Lib. V. c. 29, 30, contra Haereses) has given us at some length his views respecting it. I subjoin a brief account of them. In chap, xix, he mentions 666 as being, in his opinion, the proper reading of the number. The reason which he appears to assign for this, is singular enough. It was in the 600th year of Noah that the flood destroyed the earth, on account of the peculiar wickedness of its inhabitants. Afterwards, in aid of idolatry, Nebuchadnezzar set up a golden image on the plain of Dura, which was sixty cubits high and THF NUMBER OF THE BEAST : ExC. IV. 453 six cubits broad. Put these three numbers together, and we have 666 5 a representation or symbol of the extreme, and as it were, aggravated wickedness of Antichrist, whose name is concealed in the mysterious - 666 ; for in him is all the wickedness of the antediluvians (destroyed in the 600th year of Noah) conjoined with all the wickedness of idolatry under Nebuchadnezzar, the most potent and impious of all idolaters. Moreover, he says that witnesses personaUy acquainted with John, tes tify in favour of this reading. For these reasons this father thinks it a duty to adhere to the read ing 666, which (he also says) was found in the older and more accurate Codices of his time, instead of admitting another reading, viz. 616, which he allows was followed by some. To the reasons already named, more over, he now (c. 30) adds others. " There are in 666," says he, " as many tens as hundreds, and as many hundreds as units ;" i. e. there are six hundreds, six tens in sixty, and six units in six ; showing, as he goes on to intimate, by this uniform adherence to six, that the apostasy which is to come under Antichrist, will be a repetition of that which took place before the flood, in middle ages, and in after times. Having thus made his defence of the reading 666, he now goes on to say (c. 30), that he had much rather maintain the fulfilment of the pro phecy, than mention the name which is indicated by 666. One reason he gives for this, is, that there are many names which indicate 666 ; and since this is the case, how can we help seeing, that some uncertainty must attend our efforts at conjecture ? He then proceeds to mention several names ; (1) ETANQA2, respecting which he ventures no remarks, and which, of course, must have been destitute of any proba bility, as the matter appeared to his mind. (2) AATEIN02, which he thinks quite probable, inasmuch as this is the name of the latest em pire, [i. e. the Roman]. But (3) He thinks that of all the names cur rent among Christians of his time, TEITAN proffers the fairest claims for admission. His principal reasons are, that this name itself has six letters ; that it has two syllables both consisting of three letters ; that the name too is old, and is not in common use. Besides, it belonged to one of the giants who assaulted the gods ; and may therefore well char acterize Antichrist when he shall come. Still Irenaeus says, that he shaU not venture on determining absolute ly what name is meant, inasmuch as John would himself have disclosed it, had he wished it to be made public at that time. After this he pro ceeds to describe the reign of Antichrist when he shaU come, and says other things respecting the millennial reign of Christ and the saints, which are not apposite to our present purpose. To this small coUection of names by Irenaeus, may be now added others that were occasionally introduced by other ancient writers. Thus 454 THE NUMBER OP THE BEAST : EXC. IV. Primasius conjectures the Greek word APNOTME (as he writes it), i. e. thou hast denied me; Arethas (Comm. in Rev. 13: 18) suggests Aapiezig, also d vixrjzrjg, with xaxog odrjyog, dXrjdrjg BXaBeqog, ndXai Bdaxavog, dpvbg ddixog ; Ticonius (as cited by Primasius) has dvzepog ; and Rupertus has revarjqixbg, i. e. Genseric, a king of the Vandals and the great scourge of Italy. The learned Feuardentius, one of the leading editors of Irenaeus, in his note on the subject before us, says, that he ventures to add the con jecture of a learned and most acute judge, meaning J. Offhusius in his Dial. Dubitant. This conjecture is, (to use his own words), that " the manifold and horrid schism introduced by Luther, will appear to aU such as have revolved the subject altd mente, to answer in all its characteris tics to the apostle's description of the beast in the Apocalypse. The primary name of Luther, [i. e. Martinus Lauterus, as he states it], makes out the number of the beast, being reckoned according to the laws of the Greek alphabet ;" and therefore the learned author sees no good reason, why this number may not be applied to the so caUed Re former. In the sequel, however, this editor does the justice to other renowned men of his church to mention, that they have conjectured the word Ma- ometis, or Moamitis (as Euthymius, Zonaras, and Cedrenus write it), i. e. Mohammed, the name intended by the apostle ; for the numerical value of its letters = 666. But to come down to some later attempts to make out the number and name in question ; Wetstein thinks that 616 is the more probable reading of our text, and he finds the name of Titus, the Roman empe ror, designated by it ; which, however, he is compelled to write Teiza, in order to make out the requisite computation. Herder, who makes everything in the Apocalypse to point to the destruction of the Jews, finds the name that corresponds to 666 in Si mon Gorionides, whose crimes are related by Josephus, Bell. Jud. VI. VII. To accomplish this he prefixes the initial of Rabbi (^) to his pro per name thus 'jisatlj 'i ; which makes up the desired number. Grotius and some others refer the number to Ulpius Trajan, the em peror, a persecutor, as they represent him, of Christians ; but in order to make this out, they are obliged to write the name in Greek, OvXnws, i. e. Ulpiust ; which is but a sorry method of accomplishing the end in view. Others have conjectured 'Anoazdzrjg, [Julian the apostate] ; others Bevedixzbg, [pope Benedict IX.] ; Bossuet makes it DIoCLes aUgUs- tUs, i. e. Diocletian. Lewis XIV, who persecuted the Huguenots, was called by many Protestants LUDoVICUs, because out of this name they made 666. THE NUMBER OF THE BEAST : ExC. IV. 455 So late as 1815, a book was published in Germany, in which the writer proposed to bring Napoleon Bonaparte within the meaning of 666, whose name he writes Na Bovovanaqze, or Aazewog, or Kai — q [Kaiaaq'] Ilaqiaidi ; or (if we may go to the Hebrew language for a solution) it may be expressed thus : taiJsto-Q , the Corsican. John Albert Bengel, the renowned critical editor of the N. Testament, and in high repute both for piety and learning, refers 666 to the num ber of years during which the beast was to exercise his power, and not to any name significant of person or dynasty. In 1813, Gensler published a work in German, called The Apocalyp tic Secret in Rev. 13: 18 revealed, in which, following in the steps of Bengel, he endeavors to show, that 666 refers to some era named after some celebrated man or men, dqidpbg dvdqanov iazlv. Accordingly he adopts the aera Seleucidarum, i. e. commencing with the reign of Seleucus, one of Alexander's generals who reigned over Syria, which era was extensively used in hither Asia. This commenced 311 B. C, to which if you add 355 so as to make up the number 666, you wiU come to the year in which Julian the Apostate was proclaimed emperor, who might well be called the Beast and Antichrist by John, and the Wicked One by Paul. Sed — manum de tabula. Enough of these idle conjectures, of which one might almost say : Pudet has nugas. The inventor, so far as I have been able to discover, of the exegesis which refers 666 to the time or era of the beast, was pope Innocent III, who, in an address to all Christendom exciting them to another crusade, adduces the considera tion, that the close of the 666 years assigned to the beast, i. e. to the Mahommedan power, was near, and therefore there was scarcely room for a doubt, that God was about to free the Holy Land from the domi nion of the Turks. Bengel, however, applied the era made out from 666 in his own way ; and while he expresses his surprise that others had not hit upon it, he consoles himself with the pious reflection, that flesh and blood do not attain to knowledge so wonderful, and it is only to the sovereign mercy of the Father of Lights, that so unworthy a ser vant as he, should be made partaker of such wisdom, hidden from ages and generations. The only thing, he says, that makes him doubt in the least about his views of the Apocalypse, is, that they had been given to one so unworthy as himself. As to the era itself, all that need be now said, is, that according to Bengel's confident reckoning, in view of this, A. D. 1810 was to be the end of the forty-two months of the beast. In 1832 the dragon from the abyss was to begin his reign ; within a few days after this the beast with seven heads and ten horns was also to commence his ; and in 1836, the beast was to be overcome and destroyed. " Should this year pass 456 THE NUMBER OF THE BEAST: ExC. IV. away," says he, " without some remarkable changes taking place, then there must be some radical fault in my system, and one must carefuUy investigate where it lurks." (As quoted by Liicke, p. 552). But alas for Bengel's toil ! The present generation have seen that the changes have not taken place, which were predicted by him. Let us turn from this historical view, to the inquiry : Whether any thing satisfactory can be done to illustrate the number in question, and show its congruity with the design of the writer ? The Greek word Aazeivog = Latinus of the Romans, seems, at first view, to offer a probable solution. The appositeness of it cannot well be called in question. Whether the adjective in this case is to find its complement in Xabg = populus, or in avzoxqazaq = imperator, it matters not as to the main design of the writer. Indeed, it might suit the very delicate task he had to perform, if this should not manifestly appear on the face of his writing. He expects it (for so he says) to be interpreted by aocpla, and that he only who has vovv wiU be able rightly to interpret it. He could not openly name the emperor in this case ; for this would have been construed by the magistracy as treasonable. He did not wish to expose the Christians, who read his work and re garded it with reverence and felt a deep interest in it, to the charge of abetting the slander (as it would be named) of the Roman magistracy. They must needs be subject to the powers that then were. Still, as a prophet commissioned by the great Head of the church, John had a work to perform, from which he could not shrink. Christians must in some way be made to understand who was meant by the symbols which the writer employed ; else the object of the book itself would be frus trated. How could the writer then, we may ask, select a better way than that which he has chosen ? While he probably was understood by the more intelligent part of his original readers, it can hardly be sup posed that a Roman magistrate, who was a heathen, would be likely to take offence from the mysterious manner in which Rev. 13: 18 is ex pressed. He would be more disposed to scoff at it. As to the form of the Greek word Aazeivog, viz. that et is employed for the Latin long I, it is a sufficient vindication of it to cite ZaBeivog, ipavazeivog, IlavXeivog, Avzaveivog, AzeiXiog, MezeiXiog, Ilaneiqiog, OveiBiog (Vibius), etc. Or we may refer to the custom of the more an cient Latin, as in Tlautus, of writing I by ei ; e. g. solitei, Diveis, cap- tivei, preimus, Lateina, etc. And when Heinrichs objects -to this (Comm. Exc. p. 246), that Plutarch and other late Greek writers do not employ si but only i in such cases ; this proves nothing against the method in question, for the less usual method of orthography would natu rally be that, which best comported with the writer's design of partial concealment. THE NUMBER OF THE BEAST : ExC. IV. 457 Thus much for the word Aazeivog, on the ground that the numeral letters in our text, viz. Z£g, are the correct reading, i. e. that 666 was" the number meant by the writer. But we have seen, that some ancient copies in the time of Irenaeus read m, i. e. 616. Some of the reasons which Irenaeus gives for rejecting this, are, in part at least, of quite a fanciful nature, and not such as should influence our minds in settling the question about the true meaning. But when, among other things, he avers that the older and more accurate Codices read 666, we are at least bound to consider his testimony as of importance, in relation to the criticism of the text. Still, the number 616 would seem to be in itself a good and apposite reading. The Hebrew words on irjip , Caesar of Rome, as suggested by Ewald, make 616 ; and that the partial conceal ment obviously designed by John becomes more effectual, on the suppo sition that he referred to a Hebrew mode of reckoning, and to Hebrew words or letters as indicative of his meaning here, seems to be quite plain. Quite recently, however, Prof. Benary of Berlin has proposed a more ingenious, and to my mind more satisfactory, solution of the nodus in question, than any with which I have before met. He regards it as nearly certain, that the letters indicative of the number in question must be Hebrew letters ; although he does not seem to have given a satisfac tory reason. The very design, however, of partial concealment seems to be, as I have already hinted, a good reason for the adoption of this method by John. A heathen Greek or Roman would not be likely to divine the writer's meaning, in case the latter designed to make the ap peal to Hebrew letters or words ; while there were everywhere Jewish Christians in the churches who could easily unravel it. Benary remarks, that in the Talmud and other Rabbinical writings the name of Nero, in the form of "tog )f\i often occurs. This amounts numerically to the number of the beast ; q. d. 50-f-200-[-6-f-50, and 100+60+200, added together equal 666. Nor is this all. There was another method of writing and pronouncing the name of Nero, approach ing nearer to the Roman method. This was log iia , N/ro Caesar, which amounts numerically to just 616, and thus gives us a,good ground of the diverse reading which Irenaeus found in some Codices. This is surely a remarkable coincidence. The same name, pronounced after the Greek and Hebrew analogy, equals numerically the sum of 666 ; but spoken in the Latin way, (which is also consonant with the Hebrew apocopate form of ^ — viz. i — ), it amounts to 616, which is the rival reading. Nothing can be more natural and easy, then, than to account in this way for both of the readings in the Codices., The discrepant modes of sounding Nero's name, whether fully in Hebrew, or in an abridged way, gave rise to the different designations of the corresponding numbers. 58 VOL. II. 458 THE NUMBER OF THE BEAST : EXC. IV. . A solution of the various readings, which is so natural and obvious, one is strongly tempted to believe, must have its foundation in truth and reality. The main objection to Aazeivog is, that it is not sufficiently specific There is hardly room to doubt, that the writer, notwithstanding the veil he has thrown over his annunciation, means to be specific in this pas sage. If so, the designation in question would come somewhat short of his purpose. To the solution offered by Ewald this objection does not apply. The then reigning Caesar would be specially intended. But against Ewald's solution, which makes the number 616 necessary, there lies the testimony of Irenaeus, viz. that aU the older and better Codices read 666. The solution of Benary removes both objections, and at the same time accounts for the variety in the ancient readings. Is it not, therefore, a highly probable one ? One question remains of some interest : How came John to adopt so mystical a method of designating who was meant by the beast ; or, if adopted, how could he rationally expect that it would be rightly un derstood ? Why John chose to avoid speaking out directly and plainly the name of the Roman emperor, has already been considered ; and as to the question now before us, it is easily solved, by a reference to the custom of the times when John wrote ; a custom continued for a long period after his death. This we may see in the account given of the contents of the SibyUine Oracles, Vol. I. p. 104. There the reader wiU find ample evidence of a usage like that of John in the text before us, some times even in cases where concealment was unnecessary. To the exhi bition of the subject there, I must refer the inquirer, in order to save repetition. He will see that John, in the case before us, has done nothing that was unusual, nothing which might not have been expected, in a case of such difficulty and hazard. Can there be any good reason to doubt who was meant by him ? At least, did he not expect his more intelligent readers to understand his meaning ? As to the solution of the mystical number by a resort to the Gematria of the Hebrews, which has sometimes been attempted, I must, with Ewald, wholly dissent. The tenor of the whole thing is different from that of Gematria* Nor do I doubt, that this and other like conceits * That the reader may compare the Gematria with Rev. 13- 18, I will here produce a specimen, which is also referred to by Ewald. In Gen. 49: 10, Shiloh shall come, n^S 8=" , the numerical value of the sum of the letters = 358; the same is also the numerical value of nvjjW) the Messiah; ergo the Messiah is meant by nVS! ssai ! ^Very different is the manner of John. I will only add, that the curious reader will find some peculiar lusus animi in the use of letters signifying numbers, in Artemidorus' Oneirocrit. 1, 12. 3, 54. 4 Si6. DESIGNATIONS- OF TIME : ExC. V. ' 459 in the Cabbala of the Rabbins were of later origin than the Apocalypse. There is no need of resort to such' a source for explanation ; for any of the more probable sources already indicated, are more to be relied upon, and answer much better purposes. EXCURSUS V. On the designations of Time in the Apocalypse. No, discussions respecting anything which pertains to the Apocalypse have been so animated, or excited so much attention in the English and American churches, as those which respect the several periods designa ted in this book. A great portion of later commentators on the Revela tion, who belong to these churches, have first made out a historical sketch of the events, political and ecclesiastical, which they suppose to be foretold, and then applied themselves, with an interest which has often been intense, to searching after the means of deciding when those periods of time begin. After accomplishing this, the remainder of their task is of course easy. To find the end of the respective periods costs no trouble, in their way of performing this task, excepting a simple arithmetical calculation ; for as to the length of the periods themselves, they determine it by the very summary process of making a day to be the representative of a year. In the English world, this mode of reckoning, in respect to the Apoca lypse, became current principally in consequence of the publication of the Clavis Apocalyptica of Joseph Mede, in the first quarter of the seventeenth century. Counting upon the command given to the prophet Ezekiel (Ezek: 4: 4 — 6), to reckon each day on which he lay upon his left or his right side, as the symbol or representative of one year's pun ishment to be inflicted upon the houses of Israel and Judah ; appealing also to Dan. 9: 24, where seventy weeks seem to be reckoned as meaning weeks of years = 490 years ; Mede and most of his followers seem scarcely to have pursued the inquiry, whether the same principle of reckoning could be justly applied to the Apocalypse. They have taken it for granted, at least most expounders in our churches have done so, that the principle of counting a day for a year is too plain to need special confirmation, or to admit of any reasonable contradiction. My present object, therefore, is to examine, first of all, the justice of such a claim, in as brief a manner as the nature of the case wiU permit. If it can 460 DESIGNATIONS OF TIME : EXC. V. be shown, that there is no good ground for admitting such a method of reckoning in the Apocalypse, then we shaU at least have made some advances toward attaining to a well-grounded interpretation ; inasmuch as one of the main obstacles to it will have been removed. When so much is done, we must then understand and interpret the designations of time in their usual and literal sense, or else (in case this cannot be done) consider the numbers employed as having merely a symbolic import, i. e. as intended to designate various but indefinite portions of time, larger or smaller according to the nature of the case and of the numbers -employed. I may remark, first of all, that I know not why one solitary case, viz. that in Ezek. iv, or at most only two, if we reckon Dan. 9: 24 among this class, should be appealed to with so much confidence, as establish ing a rule for the interpretation of all prophecy where time is specified. In Gen. 6: 3, God announces, in the way of prediction, that the days of men shall be 120 years, before the flood comes upon them. The rule in question, i. e. one day for a year, would make a respite for the ante diluvians of 43,200 years ; so that their disregard to Noah's threats of a flood would be no very strange matter. So in Gen. 7: 4, God declares that, after seven days, he will cause it to rain upon the earth forty days and forty nights. Did any one ever dream of making this the same as saying, that after seven years it shall begin to rain, and shall continue to do so for forty successive years ? In Gen. 15: 13 it is predicted, that Abraham's posterity shall be bondsmen in Egypt, 400 years. Does this then mean 144,000 years ? Gen. 41: 1 seq. predicts seven years of plenty and seven of famine to Egypt ; can this mean 2520 years of each? In Num. 14: 33 it is declared, that Israel shall wander in the wilderness forty years, before they reach the promised land ; and are these wanderings to last 14,400 years ? Or does not actual history settle the question what forty years in this case mean ? So in Ezek. 29: 11, 12, there is a threat of forty years' wasting to the Egyptians; in Jonah 3: 4 it is declared, that Nineveh shall be overthrown in forty days ; in Is. 7: 8 it is said, that Ephraim shall be broken with in threescore and five years; in Is. 16: 14, that the glory of Moab shall be contemned within three years ; in Jer. 25: 11. 29: 10, that the Jews shall be exiles in the land of Babylon for seventy years ; and did any one ever think, in these respective cases, of any other than the literal and obvious sense of the words which designate the respective periods ? Many other instances of the like nature, from various parts of the Scriptures, might easily be added ; but these surely are sufficient to show what common usage is, with respect to the declarations of the prophets. If any one doubts stiU, then let him interpret Dan. 4: 32 in accordance with the principle of a day for a year. According to this, DESIGNATIONS OF TIME : EXC. V. 461 Nebuchadnezzar must have been mad and eat grass 2520 years— disci pline enough to humble a king even as insolent as he. But are there no exceptions to this common usage in prophetic de clarations ? There ought to be many, and to be very plain ones, in or der to justify us in making one day to stand for a year, in the designa tions of time in the Apocalypse. Yet I venture to assert, that not a single example of a similar method of interpretation can be found, which in any important respect will serve as a justification of such an exegesis. The usual reference to Ezek. iv. as a ground of justification, is surely wide of the mark. There the prophet is commanded to lie on his left side 390 days, in order to bear the iniquity of the house of Israel, i. e. in order to present a symbol of the punishment which they shaU re ceive, and of the length of time during which it shall be administered ; for, it is expressly said to him ; " I have appointed to thee each day for a year." In like manner he was to lie upon his right side forty days, so as to symbolize the punishment of Judah for forty years ; Ezek. 4: 4-"-6. It matters not for our present purpose, whether these symbolic actions were things to be actually performed by the prophet, or whether they are only represented as being done, (for in either case they would answer the same end for substance) ; what we are now concerned with, is only the designation of time. Nothing can be plainer, than that days are here made the representatives of years from the necessity of the case ; for how could the prophet lie upon his left side 390 years ? Then, in the next place, the fact that days are to be symbols of years, is ex pressly stated at the outset ; and plainly it is so stated, because other wise it would not enter into the mind of either prophet or people, that days could be regarded as the representatives of years. Another case, bearing some resemblance to this, is also appealed to in the way of justifying the interpretation now under examination. It is presented in Num. xiv. Moses sent spies to the land of Canaan, who were absent forty days, and then returned and made a bad report of the land. The consequence was discontent and rebellion in the camp of Israel. With this God was displeased, and he declared that the Israelites should wander forty years in the desert, each year cor responding to one of the forty days in question ; Num. 14: 33, 34. In this case then, just as in the preceding, there is an express mention and appointment, that days should correspond with years ; so that the case is open to no mistake and no misunderstanding. But let us suppose that God had simply said, that the Israelites should wander in the wil derness for forty days, and said nothing more ; would any one have ever conjectured that forty years were meant ? Surely not ; and yet this last case is the only one that can be compared with the designations of time, in general, in the prophetic books of the Scriptures. 462 DESIGNATIONS OF TIME : EXC. V. By any circumstances, now, like to those in the case of Ezekiel and of the spies, the predictions in the Apocalypse are wholly unattended. Not an intimation is once even hinted, that such a rule of reckoning time is to be applied. How can we then be justified in applying such a rule, when no necessity of the case, and no analogy, iUustrates or de- , fends such an application ? But we shall doubtless be reminded of an analogous case in Dan. 9: 24, (to which alone Mede appeals), where, it is alleged, seventy weeks certainly mean seventy weeks of years, i. e. 490 years. But here again a critical examination will lead us to see that the appeal is not weU grounded. The original word here is not rYi»SttJ weeks, but D^ati sevens, or (to adopt the Greek idiom) heptades. The passage of course runs thus : " Seventy heptades are determined for thy people," etc. Heptades of what ? The natural and indeed necessary answer is : Hep tades of years ; for the context tells us, that Daniel had just been med itating on the question, whether the seventy years' exile of the Jews was now at an end ; and the angel, who now makes further disclosures to him, tells him that seventy heptades are still further designated for the people of Israel, in which various important events are to be accom plished. That the word years would of course be naturally and readily supplied after heptades, in such a case, is clearly established by the fact, that the common mode of reckoning time is by years ; and moreover by the fact, that where the writer of the book of Daniel does not mean that years shall be understood, he feels himself obliged actually to supply another and an appropriate word, so as to prevent any mistake. Thus in Daniel 10: 2, 3, we find the words disaia rrobta twice employed, where the writer intends to designate three sevens of days, and the con sequence is that he in each case inserts the word &i«i (days) after the word sevens or heptades. In no other way could he guard against the mistake of being understood to mean heptades of years. The amount now of all this is, that a writer in Hebrew might say, and did say, seventy sevens, in respect to time, and be understood obviously to mean, that seventy times seven, i. e. 490, years were of course intended to be designated. But how widely diverse is all this from saying three years and six months, and being understood as meaning 1260 years! There is no palpable analogy between the two cases. Of course, any reference to Dan. 9: 24, is wholly foreign to the matter of justifying the exegesis which is now under consideration. Nothing daunted however by the failure of these cases, many appeal, with unwavering confidence, to other instances in Daniel, where a peri od equal to three years and six months is repeatedly named by the wri ter; which period they interpret as meaning 1260 years. These pas sages are in Dan. 7: 25. 12: 7 ; but in both cases the expression of the DESIGNATIONS OF TIME : ExC. V. 463 original is, time, times, and half [time], in Chaldee ',';? (7: 25), in Heb. ¦ma (12: 7). Each of these words means a set, definite, designated time; and of course the only natural exegesis of them is grounded on the supposition, that a year is that definite time which is intended by the words respectively. So far all is plain. But then, the interpretation which makes out these designations of three and a half years to mean 1260 years — is that equally plain ? Far enough from this. In 7: 25, it seems to me beyond all reasonable ques tion, that Antiochus Epiphanes is designated as the person into whose hands the temple and all its appurtenances are to fall, and who will car ry on a most bitter and bloody persecution against the Jews as a nation, but particularly against all of.them who are devoted to the peculiar du ties, of their religion. Facts show that this prediction, as understood in the usual sense of the words, was in all respects verified. In the year 168 A. C, in the month of May, Antiochus, on his way to make an at tack upon Egypt, detached Apollonius, one of his military officers, with 22,000 men, to subdue and plunder Jerusalem. This was accom plished. A horrible slaughter was made of the men, and the women and children were made captives, and multitudes of them sold as slaves. The Jews were soon compelled to eat swine's flesh, and to sacrifice to idols. In December of that same year, the temple was profaned by introducing the statue of Jupiter Olympius, and on the 25th of that month, sacrifices were made to this idol upon the altar of God. Just three years after this, i. e. in 165 A. C. Dec. 25th, the temple was expurgated by Judas Maccabaeus, and the worship of Jehovah restored. Thus three years and six months, if not to a day, yet very nearly so, marked the period of desolations in the holy city and temple, as predicted by Daniel.* Now as it seems quite plain, that Antiochus Epiphanes is described in Dan. 7: 25, and of course that the time, and times and the dividing [half] of time is applied to the period of the desolations in Jerusalem occasioned by him, by wriat process of interpretation shall we make out 1260 years of aggression upon the holy city and temple by one man? Methusaleh himself comes far short of living through such a period. This one consideration seems to make an end of the question, whether days stand for years in Dan. 7: 25. That Dan. 12: 7, designating the same period, refers to the same per- * In accordance with this is the declaration of Josephus, Prooem. ad Bell. J ud. § 7. Bell. Jud. 1. 1. § 1. In Antiq. XII. 7. § 6, however, he names three years as the period of the desolation. But this evidently refers to the special dishonour done to the temple by the heathen sacrifices there, and it accords exactly with fact in respect to these. The reader may consult Usher's Annals, A. C. 168 et seq. ; also Froelich, Annates Regum Syriae, under Antiochus Epiph. Comp. Jahn's Heb. Commonwealth on the same period, and also Prideaux's Connection, Vol. III. 464 DESIGNATIONS OF TIME : ExC. V. son and the same events, there can, as it seems to my mind, be no good reason for doubt on the part of any one who thoroughly compares Dan. 11: 21 — 45 with chap. 12: 1 — 7. Of course it is impossible, that 1260 years should be made out as the period designated here. How can it be applied to limit the desolations made by one man, viz. the Syrian tyrant ? I am aware of the attempt to escape from this, by finding a vnbvoia in these passages, and making them secretly descriptive of antichrist under the Christian dispensation. But without appealing to the incon gruity of a double sense of these passages, it is enough to remark, that all which is predicated of the tyrant, in Dan. 7: 24 — 26. 8: 9—12, 23— 25. [Probably 9: 26, 27?]. 11: 21—45. 12: 7, was to take place before the introduction of the Messiah's reign. How then could it apply to some distant centuries after this reign had commenced ? How, more over, can a time, times, and half a time, mean literally three years and six months, as surely it does in respect to Antiochus, and yet at the same time mean 1260 years when applied to antichrist ? No justifica tion, then, can be made out for interpreting the Apocalypse as designa ting the period of 1260 years when it speaks of three years and six months, from the fact that the like period is designated in the book of Daniel. Nor do the other periods here designated afford any justification to the interpretations given of the periods in the Apocalypse. In Dan. 8: 13, 14, a period of 2300 days is mentioned, as the limit to which the desolations in Judaea shaU come. Judas Maccabaeus restored the tem ple worship, Dec. 25, A. C. 165. Now if we count back for six years, four months, and twenty days = 2300 days, (counting thirty days to a month and twelve months to a year, which is plainly the prophetic usage), we shall of course find 171 A. C, and some time in that year during the month of August, to be the terminus a quo of the 2300 days. In that very year the temple was plundered, through the urgency of Anti ochus for the tribute promised to him by the high-priest,' Menelaus. It was moreover profaned, in such a way as to occasion an insurrection among the Jews, who slew the deputy of the high-priest and all concern ed in the sacrilege. From that time, there were frequent aggressions made upon the temple and holy city, particularly for the last 3£ years of Antiochus' reign, until final victory perched upon the standard of Ju das Maccabaeus, in Dec. 165 A. C. Now as Dan. 8: 9—13 (comp. 8: 22—25), makes it plain that Anti ochus is the person to whom the 2300 days stand related, so it is certain (as before) that these cannot mean 2300 years. How could Antiochus in person oppress the Jews for two thousand and three hundred years ? Events in the life and reign of Antiochus make it quite unnecessary, as DESIGNATIONS OF TIME : ExC. V. 465 it would seem, to look after any other than a literal interpretation of the days which are specified in Dan. 8: 14. Should any one ask, why the time in Dan. 7: 25 and 12: 7 is limited to 3J years, and in 8: 14 extended to six years and 140 days, one an swer may be found in the fact, that the latter term is apparently design ed to comprehend the whole period, from the time when the first serious attack was made upon the worship and the rights of the Jews, through the direct aggression of Antiochus Epiphanes ; but the 3 J years desig nate the period during which he held the absolute and exclusive control of the temple and of the holy city, and committed every kind of cruelty and abomination. Before this, the vexations were only occasional ; but still they were exceedingly obnoxious to the feelings of the pious Jews. In Dan. 12: 11 is another designation of time, which at first view seems incompatible with the limitation already noted in Dan. 7: 25 and 12: 7. The latter, in both passages, is 3J years ; but the former is 1290 days, i. e. just thirty days more than the other two designations. How can this be accounted for ? The events to which the 1290 days stand related, are evidently the same for substance as those to which the 1260 days stand related ; for Dan. 12: 11 plainly shows this. The answer to this question is, as I apprehend, to be found in the fact, that 3J years is a number equalling the one half of seven, the sa cred number, and that this is a convenient designation of a moderate length of time, whether the designation is quite exact, or falls a little short of exactness, or exceeds it in a small measure. In this simple light we may regard the 1260 days in Dan. 7: 25. 12: 7 ; while the 1290 days, in Dan. 12: 11, gives an exact period to a day, in which the events there described took place. It were easy to illustrate the mode of reckoning by 3J, by references to extensive usage of this nature. Thus the drought in the time of Elijah is said to he during three years and six months, James 5: 17, although no period is named in the O. Testament. Thus the Rabbins in respect to other events : " Nabuzar- adan was sent to lay waste Jerusalem 3 J years," Eccha IV. 12. " Ves pasian, besieged Jerusalem three years and six months," Eccha, I. 5. " Hadrian besieged Bither 3 J years," Eccha R. II. 2. " Nebuchadnez zar and Vespasian will be punished in Gehenna three years and six months," Eccha I. 12. Nothing is plainer, now, than that this period is used here in the general way above described, without pretensions to exactness in regard to a day. The 1290 days, however, in Dan. 12: 11, appear to be designed for the purpose of exactness. And so far as we can make out the doings of Antiochus from history, this corresponds weU with them. In the year 169 A. C. Antiochus made war upon the Egyptians. This war was not finished. He withdrew his troops to winter quarters in Syria, and in the Spring of the year 168 renewed his VOL. II. *>9 466 DESIGNATIONS OF TIME : ExC. V. attack. Now if we count back three years and seven months = 1290 days, from the time when Judas Maccabaeus purified the temple and renewed the sacrifices, (i. e. from Dec. 25, A. C. 165), we shall find that the month of May in A. C. 168 would be the time when ApoUo- nius took possession of Jerusalem and committed shocking cruelties there. As it appears that this diversion of ApoUonius, with a detach ment of troops, was made when Antiochus was on his way to renew his attack upon Egypt, and as this was of course in the Spring of the year, all seems to be plain and harmonious. One period more remains in the book of Daniel, viz. the 1335 days in Dan. 12: 12. But I apprehend this passage is not very difficult of explanation. We have seen that on the 25th of Dec. A. C. 165, Judas Maccabaeus cleansed the temple and renewed its service. Very early in the year following, Antiochus marched beyond the Euphrates, and coming to Persepolis he undertook to rifle the temple there of its trea sures. But the inhabitants rose en masse and drove him from the city with disgrace. Thence he fled to Ecbatana ; and there the news came to him of Judas' great victory in Palestine and the restoration of tem ple worship. Uttering the most horrid blasphemies and imprecations, he set out immediately on his return to Syria, that he might prepare to annihilate the Jewish nation. On his way he fell sick, and died, proba bly of cholera, at Tabas in the mountainous region to the northward. All this was early in the Spring of 164 A. C. Now if we add to Dec. 25th A. C. 165, the time of 75 days (which is the excess of the 1335 days over the 1260), we shall find ourselves to have arrived near the middle of March A. C. 164. How perfectly now all these designations of time tally with historic facts, may be seen at a single glance. " Blessed," says the angel, " is he that waiteth and cometh to the 1335 days !" That is: 'Blessed is he who liveth to see the day, when the tyrant and oppressor of God's people, who has profaned the sanctuary, blasphemed the God of Israel, and shed the blood of priests and saints, shall be removed beyond the grasp of persecuting power, and sacred liberty and law shall resume their sway over the promised land !' AU is so natural and easy here, that one can scarcely help acceding to an interpretation of this nature, when it is once proposed. Where then, in the book of Daniel, can we find any analogon for the justification of the* 1260 years' exegesis in the Apocalypse? I cannot find it ; and I must think that those who do find it, interpret it into the prophet, instead of deducing it exegetically out of him. We seek in vain to establish by the Old Testament a precedent for making a day the representative of a year. Ezek. iv. and Num. xiv. are the only cases where this is done ; and there, as we have already seen, the reasons for DESIGNATIONS OF TIME : ExC. V. 467 so doing are, perfectly apparent ; and there, too, we are expressly ad monished how the reckoning is to be made. Does not this amount to a declaration, that unless we had been so informed, we should of course reckon time as it is elsewhere reckoned ? And inasmuch as in other cases no notice of such a kind is given, what can we do consistently, ex cept to reckon in the manner which is usual throughout the Scriptures ? Come we now to the Apocalypse, the direct and immediate object of our inquiry. I shall select only those designations of time here, which are made by the use of numbers. On some of these I need not dwell ; for all wiU concede that the use of numbers in some of the cases must be of a tropical or symbolical nature. In Rev. 2: 10 it is said to the church at Smyrna, that " the devil would cast some of them into prison, that they might be tried and afflict ed, for ten days." That a short and really undefined period of time is meant here, hardly any have questioned.. Such or the Mke use of ten the reader may find in 1 Sam. 25: 38. Neh. 5: 18. Jer. 42: 7. Dan. 1: 12, 14. Acts 25: 6 al. The mind naturally prefers some definite pe riod of time, as being more emphatic ; and so ten days stands for a short, but really indefinite, period. So the Latins, when they wished to ex press an indefinite number of times during which anything happened or would happen, said sexcenties, i. e. six hundred times. But in the case before us much narrower limits are designated. In Rev. 3: 10, hour of trial plainly means season of trial ; for the word aqa is very commonly employed in this way, by the New Testa ment writers. Of course the very nature of the expression leaves the period of time here undefined. In regard to the five months, Rev. 9: 10, during which the locusts have power to inflict wounds upon men like those of scorpions, it seems obvious, that the usual period, viz. from May until near the close of September, in which the natural locusts commit ravages, is here chosen in order to carry on the similitude. That a moderate, but actuaUy un defined period of time is here intended, would seem to be plain. Tf, with those who reckon a day for a year, we should here count upon 150 years as the period of duration, we must be at an utter loss to find any thing in history that corresponds with any good degree of probability to such a period. If we count only five literal months, we. are still in volved in the like difficulty. Hence the tropical or symbolical use of the expression, five months, seems to be most probable and facile. And such appears to be the more usual opinion of commentators. The designations of time, however, which are to be found in chap. xi— xiii, are those about which controversy has arisen, and, with the exception of the millennial period, are the only ones to which any spe cial interest is attached. These need, therefore, an attentive examina tion. 468 DESIGNATIONS OF TIME : EXC. V. Iii Rev. 11: 2 it is predicted, that the holy city and the temple (outer Court) shall be given to the Gentiles, and that they shall tread, it under foot forty-two months. That Jerusalem is here meant, seems to be be yond any fair question, inasmuch as v. 8 specifies it as the city where our Lord was crucified. But the epithet holy city of itself determines the question beyond appeal. Now here the same period is designated, as in respect to the ravages of Antiochus Epiphanes, in Dan. 7: 25. 12: 7. And as we have seen, in the latter case, that not 1260 but 1290 (Dan. 12: 11) is probably the exact period of time, while the three and a half years is used in the way of a more general expression, as being the one half of seven, so here we may understand the expression forty- two months in the like manner. As a matter of fact, Cestius Gallus laid siege to Jerusalem, in the month of Oct. A. D. 66 ; but he contin ued it only a short time, Joseph. Bell. Jud. IL 19. It was not until the spring of the following year, that Vespasian, sent by Nero to subdue Palestine, commenced hostile action in that country. There can scarcely be a doubt, therefore, that the period in question is designed to mark the time during which the conquest of Palestine and of the holy city was going on. On the 10th of August A. D. 70, Jerusalem was taken and destroyed by Titus. How well, now, this period compares with that when ravages were committed by Antiochus, scarcely needs to be noted here. During the period while these events are going on, i. e. during 1260 days, Rev. 11: 3, the two witnesses prophesy in sackcloth, and finally suffer martyrdom. That the two events, viz. the invasion and destruc tion of the holy city and the testimony of the witnesses are cotempora- neous, is plain from the fact, that they are not only conjoined in the de scription, but that both immediately precede the fall of Jerusalem ; as chap. xi. fully shows. Matt. 24: 9 — 13 also shows, that the persecution of Christians would be active at this period. We seek then for no oth er limitation of the time here, than the same which has already been pointed out in the preceding verse, i. e. in Rev. 11: 2. Let it be noted here, also, in the way of illustrating the number 3J, that the corpses of the two witnesses, after they are slain, are said to lie in the street, exposed to public gaze, for three days and a half, Rev. 11: 9, 11. What now, if we should insist on interpreting this as meaning 3£ years ? It would bring out an absurdity ; for a single month, in the climate of Palestine, would, in one way or another, destroy any dead body, not to speak of its being devoured. Three days and a half, in such a case, can therefore only mean a short period, i. e. one within which the dead bodies should not be dissolved or consumed ; and the reason for choosing this number is plainly to be found in the context, where 3J years are so often designated. DESIGNATIONS OF TIME : EXC. V. 469 In chap. xii. there is a new and different application of the same num ber. The woman adorned with the sun and stars (the representative of the church), after the ascension and glorification of her Son (the Messiah), 12: 5, is compelled to flee to the wilderness, and dwell there 1260 days. There she is nourished for a time and times and half a time, 12: 14, until the period of destruction is overpast. What now is this, but a symbol of Christians who retreated to Pella in the wilderness- country, when the invasion of Judea commenced, and of their being pro tected there until the indignation was overpassed ? This synchronizes, therefore, with the period already named and defined above. I see no good reason to doubt, that it comprehends or refers to the same pe riod. It was thus the church in general escaped from the desolations of war and persecution. But Satan, enraged at this, is represented as making his attack in other quarters, upon " the remnant of the seed of woman," i. e. upon Christians in various parts of the Roman empire, 11: 17. The beast which rises out of the sea, i. e. the imperial power of Rome, is represented by John as " making war with the saints for forty-two months," Rev. 13: 5, 7. The persecution by Nero began about the mid dle or the better part of Nov. A. D. 64, at Rome. It^ ended with the death of Nero, which was on the 9th of June, A. D. 68, for on that day Galba entered Rome and was proclaimed emperor. Here again is 3£ years or 1260 days with sufficient exactness ; for the precise time of forty-two months expires about the middle or end of May, and Nero died in the first part of June ; see Comm. on Rev. 13: 5, and also the remarks on 13: 3. With facts such as these before us, how can we doubt what interpre tation ought to be put upon the times thus designated in these respective passages ? Had these facts been duly examined, and all party-bias been relinquished when men came to the study of the Apocalypse, it would seem impossible that any of the more current speculations concerning these periods could ever have originated. It is a sound rule of inter pretation, that the plain and obvious meaning of a passage is to be fol lowed whenever it will make a good and apposite sense, and not give an impossible, absurd, or unmeaning sense. And in the cases before us, the plain and obvious sense of the periods named is the only one which accords at all with the context. It is impossible that we should renounce the plain and obvious meaning, then, without a fundamental violation of the principles of exegesis. Had the writer designed to put days for years, he must without fail have given us information of it. He could not expect to be read and understood, in any other manner than in a nat ural and easy one. The periods designated mean, therefore, what they plainly seem to mean ; and it is an unwarrantable proceeding, wheS any 470 DESIGNATIONS OF TIME : EXC. V. other interpretation is given to them. In particular, I am not able to see how the terminus a quo, can be ascertained, provided we fix upon 1260 years as the length of the period meant to be designated, and then insist upon it that popery is symbolized by the beast described in the Apocalypse. The transactions and occurrences of A. D. 603, or 615, so far as these have regard to the Romish church, are not of a distinctive and important nature enough to mark with certainty the terminus a quo. Every one who is in a good degree familiar with the history of the third, fourth, and fifth centuries of the church, knows that popery took its rise from small beginnings, and that its growth was very slow and gradual ; so that any one definite and specific period can hardly be fixed upon for any occurrence which made it substantially what it is. In deed, it did not reach its fuU height until the Council of Trent was held, and its creed and policy established by it. Even admitting, then, that chap. xiii. seq. has relation to the Romish church, how can we es tablish, with any tolerable degree of certainty, an exact time for the be ginning of the terminus a quo ? The end of such a period it would in deed be easy to determine, could we once find out its proper beginning. But there is one advantage which the patrons of such an interpretation have hitherto enjoyed, and which has shielded them in some measure from criticism. This is, that the terminus ad quem, or end of the peri od, has hitherto, for the most part, been proposed by them as a period still future. We are bid to wait until that future arrives, and then we may see who is in the right respecting the beast of the Apocalypse. John Albert Bengel, indeed, the most learned, pious, and perhaps consistent of aU this class of interpreters, fixed, as we know, upon A. D. 1836 as the year of the grand catastrophes disclosed in the second part of the Revelation. He entertained not even the shadow of a doubt that he was in the right ; nay, he verily believed, that his interpretation was given to him by the special grace of God and the pecuhar iUumination of the Holy Spirit. Yet that year has passed away, without any important changes in the aspects of the world or of the church. And so have oth er periods fixed upon with the like or even greater confidence, already passed by, without affording us any signs that the great period of 1260 years is at an end. Most of the hariolations, now rife in this country and in Europe, elude the grasp of criticism by going into the future for a terminus ad quem ; for who can positively contradict a declaration, that such or such an occurrence, which is a possible thing, will happen at such or such a definite future period? England and America swarm with books of this class, aU founded on the assumption, that Apoc. xiii. seq., respects papal, and not pagan, Rome. This is not the place to examine in de- taU Inch a method of interpretation. I must remit the reader to the DESIGNATIONS OF TIME : ExC. V. 471 Commentary, and particularly to the statements of the contents of the Apocalypse, prefixed to various sections of the book, and to Vol. I. § 27. I would merely remark here, that chap, xvii, the design of which is to show who is meant by the beast, etc., gives us not a single intimation that would of itself lead us to think of Christian instead of Pagan Rome. It is a beast which was then existing, then devastating the church and threatening to destroy it, that te obviously set forth in Rev. xiii. seq. But if this be not enough to show the unfounded nature of the papal exegesis, i. e. of the exegesis which regards the beast in Rev. xiii. and xvii. as the symbol of the pope and popery, let one other circumstance be brought into view. In Rev. 17: 10, the seven heads of the beast are said to symbolize seven kings ; the angel-interpreter then adds: " Five of these are fallen ; one is; the other has not yet come, and when he shall ha^ come, he will continue but a short time." Now who in all the world can make out, that of popery, which arose near the close of the sixth century, it could be said in A. D. 68, thai five popes had already fallen, one was then reigning, and the seventh when he should appear would continue but a httle time ! ! What a tissue of downright anachronisms, absurdities, and monstrosities in exegesis, does this favorite papal application of Rev. xiii. and xvii. lead to and involve ! How can any considerate, consistent, and candid interpreter shut his eyes against all this, for the sake of carrying out his favorite argument against the papacy ? With regard to the question : In what sense is the papacy predicted or denounced in the Apocalypse ? I have more than once expressed my views, in the preceding pages ; see above p. 267 seq. I need not repeat again what has already been said. But the supposition that John designed originally and clearly to symbolize papal Rome |by the beast from the sea, is one of the most chimerical of all the chimeras that party exegesis has exhibited. We come next to the period of a thousand years, designated in Rev. 20: 4 seq. Is this to be literally understood, or must we make out of it, as many have done, a period of 360,000 years ? Or may it be taken in a generic way, as the designation of a very long period ? Analogy would perhaps decide in favour of the literal construction. Tet the word thousand is so often employed in a general way, for a long or very long period, that one might be justified, perhaps, in double ing here the absolutely literal construction. A few examples from the Scriptures will suffice to iUustrate my position ; e. g. " The Lord . . . make you a thousand times as many as you are. — God who keepeth covenant to a thousand generations. — How should one chase a thousand. The word he commanded to a thousand generations. — He cannot an swer him one of a thousand. — If there be an interpreter, one of a thousand.— The cattle on a thousand hills are mine.— A day in thy 472 DESIGNATIONS OF TIME : ExC. V. courts is better than a thousand. — A thousand shaU fall at thy side. — Though he live a thousand years twice told. — One man among a thousand have I found. — Where were a thousand vines, at a thousand silverlings. — One thousand shall flee at the rebuke of one. — A little one shall become a thousand. — The city that went out by a thousand. — One day is with the Lord as a thousand years, and a thousand years as one day." In view of such and so numerous examples of the word thousand in definitely employed, some doubt may naturally arise in the mind of an interpreter, whether this same word is, or is not, so employed in the passage before us. With absolute certainty the question cannot be de termined by us. That the period of the church's prosperity will be at least 1000 years, seems to be certain. That the time may not be long er than such an exact period, can hardly be ma(Je out by any exegeti cal process. Analogy, as to the use of the word thousand, would plead in favour of this ; but the definite or nearly definite periods elsewhere designated in the Apocalypse, as we have already seen, would plead in favour of the simple literal interpretation. As to the period of 360,000 years, i. e. counting each day of the thousand years for a year, I had almost said that I hope it is correctly made out. Yet I know of nothing which will justify this method of reckoning. If the writer had designed to be understood in this manner, would he not have given us at least some intimation of it ? I am aware of the disappointment which some wiU feel, in view of i such results as have been stated ; for some evidently have favourite schemes of interpretation, by which they make out from the Apocalypse the destiny of the Romish church, and of the Mohammedan power, and it may be, of other enemies of the true church. It would be super fluous for me to repeat here what I have elsewhere said in relation to this mode of interpretation. It is impossible, with such views as I en tertain, to regard the Apocalypse as a syllabus of civil and ecclesiasti cal history. It was written for the consolation of Christians under a raging persecution, and its main design is to disclose relief from the evils which then pressed upon the church. The distant future is indeed recognized in it. Yet how brief is the recognition ! The future events of long periods, and events too of inexpressible interest, are all crowded into the compass of one short chapter (ch. xx.) ; thus showing that the pressure of the times then passing was the main object which the writer had in view. Of course, if this position be correct, all the cal culations about the beginning and ending of the 1260 years, and the exact time of the commencement of the 1000 years, are without any solid basis, and are not entitled to our credence. Are these views, now, contrary to the spirit and tenor of the N. Tes- DESIGNATIONS OF TIME : ExC. V. 473 tament ? Does that bid us to expect, that definite periods of events in the distant future will be revealed to us ? The Saviour did not tell his anxious disciples, who inquired with eager curiosity : When shall these things be ? either the day or the hour when Jerusalem should be des troyed. Nay he went so far as to declare, that neither man, nor angel, no, not even the Son himself, knew that day ; Mark 13: 4, 32. Even after his resurrection, and just before the ascension of Jesus, when his followers renewed the anxious inquiry : " Lord, wilt thou at this time restore the kingdom to Israel ?" his reply was : " It is not for tou TO KNOW THE TIMES, OR THE SEASONS, WHICH THE FATHER HATH PUT IN HIS OWN POWER." Acts. 1: 6, 7. One is often constrained to ask, when he reads or hears the confident calculations of many, in respect to the time of restoring the kingdom : What ? Has the Saviour's solemn and parting declaration been re voked ? Is it true, after all, that we may know the exact year, if not the very month or day, when the kingdom of God shall come in full power ? Did John indeed obtain more knowledge of this than Jesus himself was willing to communicate, and more than he judged it proper for his disciples to know ? We would not deny, that definite periods have at times been assigned to the existence of temporal and temporary evils. In the Apocalypse itself, spiritual Sodom and mystical Babylon are limited to a definite period, as to the persecutions which they would carry on against the church, and were carrying on when the Apocalypse was written. But this is a case wholly unlike to that which is presented, when it is asked : At what definite period will the millennium begin ? That the Father has kept this in his own power, I doubt not. How then can we listen to those hariolations which assure us, that this period is well ascertained at present, and that too by men who are altogether uninspired? How many confident vaticinations of this nature have already been wrecked ! How many and bitter disappointments are others yet to experience, who put their confidence in them ! Enough for us to know, that the Lord is not slack concerning his promise, and that he who shall come, will come, and will not tarry. Even so ; Come, Lord Jesus, come quickly ! VOL. II. 60 474 millennium : Exc. VI. EXCURSUS VI. Rev. XX. 3. Kal eBaXev avzov eig zrjv dBvaaov, xal exXetae xal iacpqd- yiaev indva avzov, 'iva pr) nXavrjarj ezi zd edvrj, d%qi zeXeadrj zd %lXia ezrj ¦ xal pezd zavza del avzov Xvdrjvai pixqbv %qbvov. Every one must see, that one of the most important words in the in vestigation of this passage is i%rjaav. We may briefly recapitulate the illustration of it, in this place. It cannot mean simply to live; for to construe it thus, would be to deny the life of the soul after the death of the body. When the Saviour gives promise to the penitent thief, that he should, that day on which he expired, be with him in Paradise; when the same Saviour appealed to Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, as being alive, and thus disproved the doctrine of the Sadducees; and when Paul says, that ' to be absent from the body is to be present with the Lord,' it cannot be consistent with the doctrines of Christianity to sup pose that our spirits die with our bodies. Above all, the writer of the Apocalypse himself, as is remarked in the Commentary, assumes a position adverse to this, when he presents, as he does oftentimes and everywhere in his book, the spirits of the just as uniting in the worship and in the halleluias of heaven. In the very passage before us, the seer beheld the ipev%dg of the martyrs apparently in heaven ; and in conjunction with this he sees the approaching avd'Qaaig, (if I may coin an expressive word for the occasion), — dvd^aaig of their bodies, and beholds, in prospect, their continued reign after this dvd'Qaaig, for a 1000 years. "E'Qrjaav, therefore, cannot mean merely to recover a psychological existence which was lost. It cannot mean to live spirit ually, i. e. in opposition to being dead in trespasses and sins ; for all the saints and martyrs possess such a life from the time when they are first regenerated or sanctified. It cannot mean to become immortal ; for from the first moment of their existence as rational beings, they and aU the rest of the human race were immortal. It cannot mean merely, that, at the time when the Millennium commences, they begin to be happy, i. e. to enjoy life ; for those who die in the Lord are blessed dnaqzi, i. e. immediately or without delay. Whatever kXrjaav means here, it must from the nature of the case be something different from that which can be predicted of the rest of men (ot Xomoi), whether these are Christians of the lower rank, or the wicked in general, or both. It must import, moreover, a striking change in their antecedent condi tion ; for less than this the language cannot imply, without stripping it MILLENNIUM : Exc. VI. 475 of all special significancy. Happy, in a high degree, they were before the Millennium ; and therefore eQrjaav can mean here nothing less than a great augmentation of happiness, provided the word refers merely to the subject of happiness. But is there not good reason to believe that it cannot well be made to refer merely to this ? We must admit it is true, that the prosperity of the church is a subject of joy to all the redeemed in heaven, inasmuch as we know that angels rejoice over even one sinner who is brought to repentance here on earth. And that there will be a general joy and a great augmentation of happiness among the redeemed in heaven, on account of the millennial state of the church, is an idea that we cannot well refrain from entertaining, whether it is specially developed in the Scriptures or not. Is it probable, then, that e'Qrjaav here means merely such an augmentation of happiness ? How are the martyrs to be peculiarly distinguished from other Chris tians, if such be the meaning ? Their exalted piety may indeed give them a more lively joy than that which is felt by others ; but this merely, if there be nothing more, would not correspond well to the greatness of the change from their antecedent condition, which seems to be plainly indicated by the whole passage before us. If then, as it would seem, we must reject all these meanings, how can we well avoid coming to the conclusion, that eQrjauv here must mean reviving or rising from the dead ? The use of Q da elsewhere in the Apocalypse shows very plainly, that it may mean revived, lived again, in reference to the body which had been dead. Thus the Saviour speaks of himself, in Rev. 2: 8, as being he who had been dead, xal iQrjae, and had revived, lived again, after the death of the body. Thus too it is said of the beast (Rev. 13: 14), which had the deadly wound of the sword, that eQrjae, it revived. Thus in our context also it is said : " The rest of the dead lived not, ovx e'Qrjaav," Surely the writer does not mean that Christians of lower rank, or the wicked, have no exist ence at all after the death of the body. The point of antithesis which seems to decide the whole case, is, as is remarked in the Commentary, the distinction between the first resur rection and the second. It appears to be a distinction of order or suc cession, but not of kind. There is indeed one other particular of differ ence or contrast, viz. the second resurrection will be general, universal, comprising both the righteous and the wicked, whUe the first wUl com prehend, as the writer's language seems to intimate, only saints and martyrs who have been speciaUy faithful unto death. This distinction the writer has made prominent. He expressly assures us, that the other dead would not be raised when the 1000 years should commence, but only at the end of the world when all will be raised. The express con trast here made between the partial and the general resurrection, and 476 MILLENNIUM : EXC. VI. the manner in which this contrast is presented, show that the design 19 not to compare a spiritual with a physical resurrection, but to contrast the partial extent of the latter at the beginning of the Millennium, with its general or universal extent at the end of the world. Putting now all these considerations together, I do not see how we can, on the ground of exegesis, fairly avoid the conclusion, that John has taught, in the passage before us, that there will be a resurrection of the martyr-saints, at the commencement of the period after Satan shall have been shut up in the dungeon of the great abyss. A thousand difficulties, as I am well aware, will start up at once in the minds of many, and we shall be thrust at on every side with urgent questions, earnestly asked, and asked moreover with confident anticipa tion that they cannot be answered. It becomes necessary, in order to satisfy (if it can be done) the mind of the anxious and candid inquirer, to take some special notice of the most urgent difficulties, which are of such a nature as has been intimated. (1) Vitringa's principal objection to such an interpretation as I have given above, is drawn from the alleged fact, that the word of God re veals one, and but one, resurrection, both of the just and the unjust. This he takes so much for granted, that he does not even go into any disquisition respecting the subject, (p. 861). This has also been taken for granted by many others ; some of whom have argued against the Johannean origin of the Apocalypse, because of this singular doctrine of a first resurrection ; and others have affirmed, as Vitringa also does, that we are by no means to admit such a doctrine, on the doubtful ground or meaning of a single passage. Doubtful, however, philologically considered, I think we cannot well name it. I have already given reasons why we seem to be constrained to admit the sense of a bodily resurrection, like to the last and final one. The exigencies of the passage are apparently such as absolutely to demand this ; at least a great portion of recent commentators have judged them to be such. Indeed, if this be not ,a position in the interpretation of Scripture which is fully and fairly made out by philology, I should con fess myself at a loss to designate one which is, from among the many difficult passages of the Scriptures. Were it as Vitringa states the matter, i. e. doubtful whether philology can maintain the position which I have taken, then I freely grant, that the reasoning of this author, viz. that we are not to introduce a doctrine into Christian theology which depends on the doubtful construction of any one text of Scripture, and seems to be discrepant from the general tenor of the Bible, would be quite conclusive. But in the case before us, I cannot admit any serious doubt, either on the ground of general philology, or of the usus loquendi of the Apocalypse. Moreover, it is millennium : Exc. VI. 477 not at all certain, at least to my mind, that the doctrine of a first, as well as a second* resurrection is not elsewhere alluded to in the Scrip tures. But I will now suppose, merely for the sake of argument, that it is not. Does it then foUow, that we are not to admit it from the passage before us ? Why should it, in case this passage is plain, and fairly incontroverti ble, as to its meaning philologically investigated ? That it is so, I am on the whole constrained to believe. Vitringa himself does not elsewhere reason in such a way as he does here, in respect to other passages of the New Testament. He does not call in question the doctrine, that the mediatorial kingdom of Christ will be given up, " when the end cometh ;" nor does he doubt that Christ, i. e. " the Son himself, will be subject to Him who put all things under him, that God may be all in all" (1 Cor. 15: 24 — 28), because these doctrines are taught but once in the Scriptures. He does not call in question the doctrine that "saints shall judge the world, and judge angels," because no scriptural writer, except Paul, has presented this doctrine in such a shape. He does not call in question the resurrection of the body, under such modi fications as Paul has taught, in 1 Cor. xv, although no other part of the Bible presents us with these. Yet these are doctrines of high and sa cred import, not lightly to be received, and certainly not to be rejected lightly. Why then, if the meaning of the text before us is clear, should we reject the doctrine of a first resurrection, even if no other scriptural writer has expressly taught it ? There is nothing more improbable in this resurrection, as considered in and by itself, than there is in the second resurrection. The difficulties are the same in all important re spects ; and these difficulties all depend on speculative views which limit the power of God, or prescribe the order of his kingdom in heaven ; or on difficulties arising from speculations respecting the nature and pro perties of matter, or concerning personal identity, or existence in a spiritual world, or other like things. If there be anything of this kind, which may be arrayed in opposition to a first resurrection, so it may in opposition to a second. These objections, then, plainly prove too much ; of course, they can prove nothing to the present purpose. But I have another suggestion to make here, which must contribute to present the subject in an attitude very different from that in which Vitringa presents it. It seems to me, that the passage before us is not the only one in the Scriptures which teaches or intimates, that there wiU be a first and a second resurrection. I need not discuss this subject again here. I refer the reader to Phil. 3: 8—11. Luke 14: 14. Is. 26: 19. 1 Cor. 15: 23, 24. 1 Thess. 4: 16. In particular does Paul seem, by his dnaqyfj, • ¦ eneiza . . . elza, in 1 Cor. 15: 23, 24, to have advert- 478 MILLENNIUM : ExC. VL ed to a first and second resurrection. See De Wette in loc. On the subject of such resurrections, see Vol. I. § 10. p. 176 seq. of this work, and the Comm. on Rev. 20: 4, 5. (2) It is objected to a first resurrection, that it is accompanied with no judgment, and therefore is whoUy unlike the second in this respect. How, it is asked, can we suppose the saints and martyrs to enter upon an exalted state of glorification, before they have been brought to trial and to judgment ? The answer seems not to be difficult. Is it not a doctrine of the Scriptures, that the saints, immediately after death, do pass to a state of glory ? It is ; and yet there is no general judgment connected with this. By calculation as to the number of deaths which now take place in the world, it is certain that at least one person dies about every second of time. Such being the fact, a formal trial, understanding the word more humano, of each individual before the bar of God, is out of the question. The decisions of Omniscience need no protracted time for examination. Each spirit takes the place, of course, to which its character necessarily assigns it ; and all this, as we must suppose, without any general or even any particular and formal judgment, after the manner of human tribunals. This being admitted, why should it be objected to a first resurrection, that it is accompanied with no formal judgment ? The great Lord of the church surely knows the character of all his servants just as well without any such trial, as with one. The first resurrection is represen ted in the Apocalypse as a blessedness of a peculiar nature, and the saints and martyrs, who have been faithful unto death, are admitted to the privilege of enjoying it. " Blessed and holy is he, who hath a part in the first resurrection ; over such the second death hath no power, but they shall be priests of God and of Christ, and shall reign with bim a thousand years," Rev. 20: 6. These saints, then, it would seem, are to anticipate the final judgment day, and enter on that higher state of hap piness which results from the union of the soul with the body, when it is raised from the dead and made like to Christ's glorious body — enter on it long before the world comes to an end. In other words ; Pecuhar sufferings and fidelity are entitled to, and will receive, peculiar rewards. That these, however, with all other intelligent, rational, accountable beings, will appear among the congregated host at the final judgment, is still not to be doubted. But their state will not be changed by that judgment. It will be only to justify the ways of Godwin the view of all the rational beings, who have been formed by his power, and made ac countable to the moral laws of his kingdom. I have said thus much, on the ground of conceding to the objector what he aUeges, in respect to bestowing reward without any trial or MILLENNIUM : ExC. VI. 479 judgment. But if the reader will now consult the Commentary on the passage, he will find some good reason, (at least it appears so to me), to doubt whether the martyrs are admitted to their state of exaltation without any trial or judgment. The tribunals, as we are told, are set, and the judges are seated upon them ; and as to the martyrs, a decision seems to be implied, that a resurrection and an exalted station 3hall be assigned to them ; and all this actually takes place. This seems to be comprised within the meaning of the text, when it is carefully investiga ted. Of course, if this be the case, the objection has no scriptural basis on the ground alleged. If it be objected, that ' the writer seems to represent the judgment here as preceding the resurrection, and so as not to be analogous to the final judgment ;' the answer is obvious. The writer classes things to gether which are predicated of the same subjects, and does not relate them merely in the order of sequency. And even if this be denied, the circumstance that the judgment precedes the resurrection, is altogether unimportant as to the main object of the representation. There is still a judgment, before the higher reward is bestowed. (3) ' Must we then go back to the old doctrine of Papias, Irenaeus, Tertullian, Nepos the Egyptian bishop with his friend Coracion, Lac- tantius, and other visionaries of ancient and modern times, and interpret all the prophecies in relation to the Millennium literally 1 Must we maintain that a thousand years of carnal feasting and luxury are set be fore the church, during which the King of Zion will literally descend to the earth, and reign in glory upon the holy mountain at Jerusalem, and all nations go up and worship there, and all sin and suffering and sorrow cease, and the earth be converted into another Eden, substantially hke that from which Adam was expelled ? ' Such, with regret I acknowledge it, have been the phantasies of ma ny lively imaginations, even of not a few persons otherwise grave and sober, buoyed up by dreamy hopes respecting the future. From the records of even the most early times we have evidence, that such enthu siastic visions were indulged. But of all this I find nothing in the text before us. Not a word of Christ's descent to the earth, at the beginning of the Millennium. Nothing of the literal assembling of the Jews in Palestine ; nothing of the Messiah's temporal reign on earth ; nothing of the overflowing abundance of worldly peace and plenty. We find, indeed, most lively images of the hke nature in Isaiah, and in other prophets ; but how can we doubt that this imagery has a tropical meaning, when we are told, for example, that " the wolf shall dwell with the lamb, the leop ard lie down with the kid, and the calf and the young lion and tbe fal ling together ; and the little child shall lead them; the lion shall eat straw hke the ox, and the sucking child shall play on the hole of the 480 MILLENNIUM : Exc. VI. asp, and the weaned child shall put his hand on the cockatrice's den?" Is. 11: 6 — 8. Does any rational man indeed expect, that beasts of prey and poisonous serpents will undergo an entire change of nature in the Millennium, and that there will be no more sin nor suffering nor sorrow during that period ? This is to ask : Whether he expects that the pro bation and the imperfections of man in the present world are entirely to cease, so that there shall then be no need of a Christian ministry, nor of the preaching of the Gospel ? Is the depraved disposition of men to exist no more, when this happy period arrives, and is there to be no fur ther need of the sanctifying influences of the Holy Spirit, and of repen tance and reformation ? Idle, yea, worse than idle, are all the fancy- dreams about such a world in expectancy as this. They have done great mischief in the church, even at an early period ; nor have they ceased to do it still ; but of all these phantasies the author of the Apoc alypse is quite guiltless. Where were the thrones which John saw ? Plainly where the souls were who were to be judged. And where is that ? In chap. 6: 9 we are told where it is. It is in heaven. The souls of the martyrs are there represented as at the foot of the altar, in the temple of God in hea ven. And where, throughout the Apocalypse, are the souls of depart ed saints supposed to be ? Surely with God and Christ in heaven. But here, in the passage before us, no change of place where the souls of martyrs are, is intimated. The writer tells us, that they are to reign with Christ for a thousand years. But Christ is not represented as hav ing changed or transferred his place of abode. Occasionally he is rep resented as making his appearance at the head of the armies of almighty God, as a resistless conqueror. But his abode is in heaven, upon the throne. In heaven, then, pezd zov Xqiazov, are martyrs and saints to live and reign, during the millennial period. There indeed their spirits were, before this period commenced ; but now a new state or con dition is brought to view. It is a union of their spirits with their bodies raised from the dead. In this advanced state of happiness, they are to be enthroned with Christ, i. e. they are to be where he dwells, and where, as the Scriptures often teach us, he will continue to dwell, until he shall make his descent at the final judgment-day. (See 1 Thess. 4: 16. 2 Thess. 1: 7. Acts 1: 11. 3: 21, which last text many apply to the Millennium, but to this exegesis I cannot accede). Why then should our author be taxed with the dreams and phantasies of ancient or mo dern MiUenarians in the literal sense, who make a worldly and sensual kingdom, and bend all things in the Scriptures to the support of such a scheme ? .There appears to be no solid ground for this ; certainly none expressed in our text. Martyrs are to be kings and priests, not of Christ only, during the millennial period, but of God also. Is God then MILLENNIUM : ExC. VI. 481 to be personally and visibly resident on earth, and are they to serve him in this condition, as the priests of old served in the tabernacle and tem ple of the Hebrews? This question, at least, needs no discussion. Why then should the other ? Will you say : ' Because Christ and the saints who are raised from the dead have bodies, therefore they must have a local earthly habitation ? If so, then I would remind you, that the dead are raised "incorruptible," this " mortal puts on immortality," the body " is raised in glory," it " is raised in power," it " is raised a spiritual body." How then can a material world be fitted for its abode ? How, in the nature of things, can the glorified saints physically associ ate with those who have never yet undergone the change of death and a resurrection ? In a word : How can earth become heaven, and saints once there glorified be honoured and made more happy by a descent to a world of sin and sorrow, or at aU events to a world in which corpo real and materiM beings dwell ? for such it will always be, so long as it is a world of probation ; and such a world it must be even during the Millennium. But John is responsible for none of these phantasies. The view which he gives, presents nothing improbable ; certainly noth ing impossible, or incongruous with the nature of things, as elsewhere represented in the Scriptures. But, (4) I shall doubtless be asked : What can the reign for a thousand years with Christ mean ? Can it be, that after this period the saints and martyrs will cease to live and reign, as kings and priests ? If this reign has respect only to their heavenly state, must not this mode of presenting the subject imply, that after the period in question (the thou sand years), there will be a diminution of their happiness and glory ? At first view, the difficulty thus suggested seems to be specious. Further consideration however, may clearly diminish, if not entirely re move it. The reign in question, as here presented, is most evidently a relative one. It stands related here to the state or condition of the church on earth. When Christ has overcome the beast and false pro phet, his kingdom will be extended over most of the earth, and of course be very widely extended. As God, indeed, or the divine Logos, he lives and reigns over aU forever and ever. But as Mediator, his pe cuhar reign is coextensive with his dominion as connected with the church. So long as he suffers the powers of darkness to exercise their dominion, his power or dominion as Mediator is not fully developed. But when this development shall be made, in the miUennia! day, then the saints are to rejoice in it, and to participate with him in the joy and glory arising from it. And such is their triumph and joy, as presented in the passage before us. It is a relative reign ; it is their participa tion in the Redeemer's triumphs ; for he is the Head, and they are vol. ii. 61 482 millennium : Exc. VI. " members of his body." When that dominion is again invaded by the congregated hosts of Gog and Magog, urged on by Satan once more loosed from his prison, then it is, that this relative and (as we may say) temporal dominion is again thwarted, and brought into a new state of trial and danger. It seems, as it were, to suffer an interruption. Be yond the period when the new enemy is to be subdued and destroyed, the Apocalyptist has not made particular disclosures. But the implica tion of course is, that when the enemies of the church's peace and pros perity are destroyed, then the peace and prosperity of the church will return and be reestablished. The reign of the saints and martyrs, then, will be resumed, and will continue until the end of all things. It will go on after the consummation of all things ; for they will be " kings and priests of our God forever and ever'' Yet the object of the passage before us is not to disclose this last view of the subject ; for all the re deemed will participate in these final honours. It is merely to disclose to Christians the great truth, that the martyrs, or the faithful who will have lived before the millennial period, will enjoy the peculiar privilege of a first resurrection as a reward of their fidelity, and will be advanced to an elevated state of glory at the commencement of that period. That this elevated state will end, at the close of that period, except in the modified manner already stated, there is no reason to suppose. The dominion of Christ as Mediator is to be given up, (so Paul tells us), at the consummation of all things ; for after that, there is nothing more to be done by him in the official capacity of a Mediator. But Christ's glorified human nature is not to be annihilated, nor his moral dominion over the Redeemed to cease, so long as heaven and happiness endure. So in the case before us ; because the apostle tells us, that the mar tyrs begin their glorious triumph with the millennial period, it does not follow that it is to end with that period. It is only its relative condition which is to be changed, when a new enemy comes in upon the church. But still, the final triumph of the church is certain ; and the reign of the saints, as kings and priests of God, is to be forever and ever. Thus have I discussed the most important questions, which are raised by way of objection to the interpretation which has been given to the passage before us. I might stop here, and leave to the reader of the book other and minor difficulties, which not unnaturally arise in the minds of some respecting the subject before us. But it may not be amiss, in order to satisfy the minds of some who are perplexed with the passage under examination, to consider a few other questions which may be raised. It is asked : ' Whether all true Christians, and indeed all truly pious millennium : Exc. VL 483 men of every age, who lived before the commencement of the Millen nium, will be raised from the dead at that period, or whether the Apo calyptist affirms this only of Christian martyrs ? To this I answer briefly, that those " who are beheaded for the testi mony of Jesus," are clearly placed in high relief, by the writer of the Apocalypse ; but possibly he does not limit the promises merely to these. He may mean to include all who have not received the mark of the beast, nor done him homage, i. e. all who amid sufferings have been faithful and true to the doctrines and duties of a divine religion, in times of pressure. We cannot well doubt that he has specially in view the persecuted Christians of his day ; but still, may he not be regarded as designating two classes of persons ? Can he mean to be understood as confining his views only to literal and actual martyrs ? And if faithful Christians in general are described by his language, then what forbids, that all of these before the Millennium, who have cherished the same spirit as the actual martyrs, served the same God, and possessed the same sympathies in respect to the prosperity and welfare of the church, should be included in the promises which he here holds out ? The answer to these questions is not very easy, and cannot, as it seems to my mind, be made out with entire certainty from the text. The nat ural impression from reading the text plainly is, that martyrs who have been steadfast during persecution by the beast and false prophet, and maintained in the midst of sufferings their integrity throughout, will be partakers of the first resurrection. But then, what enlightened interpre ter will not concede, that the particular representations and symbols ex hibited in the Apocalypse, are designed to teach and establish general truths ? Is it not true, that " Christ will reign, until all enemies shall be put under his feet," all of whatever kind, whether they are pagan Rome or any other pagan country, whether Islamism or false Christian ity ? I believe this to be assuredly true ; and that the principles estab lished by the Apoealypse are intended to cover this whole ground, not withstanding the symbols and representations are specific and particular. In accordance then with such a principle I shall doubtless be asked : ' Why may we not hope, that all the faithful martyrs and confessors of every age, previous to the Millennium, will participate in the glories and honours of that blessed day ?' The answer, as it seems to me, must on the whole be, that some shades of doubt remain here. Is there not a distinction made by John, between those who have perilled their lives and suffered for their steadfast ad herence to religion, and those who have been distinguished neither by active piety nor by suffering ? — Who will venture to answer with con fident assurance, that there is not? The special object, in view of which the Apocalypse was written, seems to point us to the class of 484 millennium : Exc. VI. martyrs and faithful confessors, as being the only ones intended to be included by the writer. In times of distressing and bloody persecution was the book written. Christians were to be consoled, and fortified so as to meet the shock. What now was the natural course for the writer to take ? Was it not to hold out high and peculiar rewards to those who endured to the end ? It is difficult not to think this probable. And what is the peculiar reward of unshaken constancy 'and fidelity ? A part in the first resurrection. This is the natural and obvious solu tion of the case. But what then of other pious men of every age, who have borne no conspicuous part in martyrdom or suffering, and made no peculiar attainments in piety ? Are they to wait the common lot of other Christians, who may live after the Millennium has commenced, and be raised up only at the last day ? I do not feel that this question can be answered with entire confidence. On the one hand, to affirm that all the pious, who have lived before the Millennium, will be raised up at the beginning of that period, would seem to abolish all distinction between faithful confessors, who are martyrs, and other Christians who hold an inferior place ; and thus to remove special excitement to stead fast adherence to Christianity amid sufferings and death. On the other hand, however, it will be said, that we seem, by the distinction in ques tion, to mingle the pious of humbler degree with the wicked, who are a portion, if not all, of the ot Xoinol zav vexqav that have no part in the first resurrection. We are reduced then to a kind of strait here, be tween these two considerations ; nor does there appear to be anything so entirely explicit in our text, as completely to relieve us from this strait. Enough, since we know assuredly, that faithful saints and mar tyrs, in times of persecution and deep distress, have a glorious reward placed before them, of which they will not be deprived. The fearful and timid and wavering and cold and slothful Christian — why should he be encouraged by the same prospect and the same promises, which are placed before martyrs and faithful confessors ? Even if the abound ing and wonderful mercy of God should, in the end, give him part in the first resurrection, it does not seem to be meet, nor consistent with proper excitement to elevated piety, to hold out the same promises and encouragement to the timid and doubting and slothful Christian, as to the faithful and active and diligent one, who counts not his life dear in the cause of Christ, yea, who counts all things but loss, for the excel lency of the knowledge of Christ Jesus his Lord. And does not Paul himself seem to say, that although he might pos sibly be a Christian, and attain to final happiness, yet he should lose a part in the first resurrection, if he should become slothful and remiss? He tells us that he had suffered the loss of all things, and counted them but dung . . . that he might know Christ and the power of his resurrec- millennium : Exc. VI. 485 tion .. .if by any means he might attain to the resurrection of the dead; Phil. 3: 8—11. Did Paul, then, consider it a matter of doubt whether • he should have a part in the final resurrection ? This same apostle, who has so expressly taught us the resurrection of all, both of the right eous and of the wicked — did he doubt whether he could attain to this same resurrection ? Surely not. Consequently his declaration, then and only then, seems to possess a full and energetic meaning, when we view him as declaring, that a high and holy and vigorous contest with the powers of darkness must be carried on, in order to obtain a part in the first resurrection. So interpreted, the meaning of the passage stands out in bold relief. All this seems rather to guide us to the conclusion, that a distinction will be made among the pious themselves, at the first resurrection. This is only carrying out the principle, that those who possess five talents and improve them diligently, will be made rulers over five cities ; and those who have two, over only two cities. In other words : " Blessed are the dead who die in the Lord ; yea, saith the Spirit, for they rest from their labours, and their works do follow them." An em phatic meaning can, on this ground, be naturally assigned to this pas sage. Yet I do not, and dare not, confidently affirm in a case like this, where all is future, and from its very nature is involved in some obscuri ty as seen by our feeble vision. One thing is certain — Just and true are the ways of him who is King of Saints. It may be asked, moreover : 'In what manner will this first resur rection take place ? With outward and visible demonstrations ; or only by a secret and unobservable exertion of divine power ?' In regard to this it may be said, first, that there is nothing in the text of our author which would go to show, that there will be any extraordi nary outward and n'jt ble demonstration made by the Saviour and at tending angels, at the period in question. Different is the passage, in its tenor, from that in 1 Thess. 4: 16, where the apostle says, that "the Lord himself shall descend from heaven, with a loud shout, and with the voice of an archangel, and with the trump of God," i. e. with the sound of the trumpet of God, as on Sinai of old. This declaration of Paul plainly has respect to the final resurrection, when " those who are alive shall be caught up in the clouds to meet the Lord in the air, and so be ever with the Lord." But nothing of this kind, in either of these re spects, is said in the passage before us. May we not conclude, then, that John did not mean to designate a resurrection apparent to all the dweUers on earth, or apparent to the fleshly eye, but one which, although not outwardly seen by men, and unattended with any pomp or outward and visible tokens, will in reality take place, in order that martyrs and faithful saints may as it were anticipate their final state of glory, and 486 millennium : Exc. VI. enjoy the triumphs of the church, in the splendour and excellence with which redeeming love will invest them ? It becomes us not to be over confident in any interpretation of a pas- . sage which has respect to future occurrences of a high and mysterious nature. But so far as the laws of interpretation lead us we may go, with a humble but steadfast confidence, that the Saviour has, at all events, promised great and glorious things to saints and martyrs, when the kingdom of the beast and false prophet shall be brought to desola tion, and the kingdoms of this world become the domain of our Lord and of his Christ. In taking leave of the subject of the first resurrection, I would merely suggest a few of the leading thoughts that must guide us, as it seems to me, in making up our final opinion. (1) It is clear that the usus lo quendi of the New Testament sanctions the assigning to eQrjaav the meaning of revived, lived again after death. (2) At the end of v. 4 it is distinguished from iBaaiXevaav x. z. X. The living is one thing, the reigning is another. If now we give to eQrjaav the tropical sense of reigning with Christ, or of being advanced to an exalted state of glorifi cation, then the two expressions would be tautological ; which appears to be inadmissible here. For, (3) The writer immediately contrasts the state of the glorified martyrs with that of the rest of the dead, v. 5. He says of the latter, that they did not live, i. e. in the sense in which the martyrs did. Now if ot Xomoi zav vexqcov includes other saints who are not martyrs, or the wicked, or both, it would be difficult to make out any tolerable meaning, unless we understand eQrjaav as importing a real resurrection. As to happiness, (if we understand eQrjaav simply to designate this), other saints surely do partake of it. And as to the wicked, it would be needless to assert here, that they were not happy during the thousand years. In fact, (4) The only tropical meaning that can be assigned to e'Qrjaav here, which will bear examination at aU, is that of exaltation to a high degree of glory and happiness. There is no certain analogy for this shade of meaning in respect to Qda, elsewhere in the New Testament. I do not deny the possibility of employing the word in this way, nor even the probability, in case other circumstances accorded. But here the contrast stands in the way. The martyrs eQrjaav at the beginning of the thousand years ; the rest of dead ovx eQrjaav until those years were completed. Is not the implication here, of necessity, that at some period after this completion the rest of the dead also lived? The contrast relates only to the period in question. Beyond that is a second resurrection, in which the rest of the dead will live. If this includes all the rest of the dead, then, living cannot mean advanced to a high degree of glory and happiness, for all the dead will never attain to this. If the rest of the dead means only other saints MILLENNIUM : Exc. VI. 487 who are not martyrs, the difficulty would indeed be diminished, for all will be " kings and priests unto God," after the general resurrection. Is this then the meaning of the writer? And does he mean only to contrast one class of saints here with another ? It is a possible sense, I would concede ; but is it probable that he so limits the comparison? There is, I freely confess, so 'much that is difficult here, that I do not advance my main positions with fuU and entire confidence. I have ven tured upon the path that I have trodden, merely as led by philology, and, as I would hope, in the way of a modest and humble inquirer. I have freely suggested the difficulties which philology throws in the way of the tropical meaning often assigned to eQrjaav here. If they are not insuperable, they are at least very great. My own mind at least is so much influenced by them, that I do not see my way clear to adopt the tropical meaning. I must incline to the other, although with no little diffidence. I can readily cherish respect for those who may differ from me on the points before us ; and at all events, they are at liberty to form and maintain their own opinions. "One other question in respect to our subject, and we must then dis miss it : How extensive does the passage before us intimate that the millennial reign will be f To answer this question, we must look at the plan of the book under examination. Here all is progressive, climactic. First, the Jewish per secuting power is subdued, and Palestine is rescued from its grasp. Then foUows the subjugation of the Roman empire, in all its extent over what was called the known world. But still, even this does not actual ly embrace the whole earth. Beyond the boundaries of this empire, and in regions unknown to the ancients, were numerous hordes of bar barous nations, by the Greeks and Romans called Scythians ; by the people of Middle and Western Asia named Gog and Magog. These plainly are not included in the second great triumph of the church ; for after the 1000 years, when Satan is again let loose, he betakes himself to these, and leads them up, in numbers like the sand of the sea, against the camp and city of the saints. Whence could such an army come, if the whole world without exception were already Christians ? No de fection or apostasy from Christianity is intimated by John. Satan goes among the far-distant heathen, and excites them once more to war against the saints, Rev. 20: 7 — 9. So the ancient prophets also predict ; as one may see by a careful study and examination of Ezek. 37: 1 — 39: 24. Joel 3: 1 21. Zech. xiii. xiv. Then comes universal peace and safety to the church. Its setting sun will be in unclouded glory. How exactly, too, does all this correspond to God's dealings with his church in times past ! More than 2000 years pass away before a cove nant people are selected; 500 more before a written revelation com- 488 millennium; Exc. VI. mences ; more than 4000, from the beginning of the world before it is completed ; and after 1800 years more, only a small part of the earth is yet christianized. How many more will pass before such a portion of the earth is reclaimed from heathenism and error, as will correspond to the extent of the Roman empire as presented in the Apocalypse, is more than we can tell. " The times and seaso'ns hath the Father kept in his own power." But this we know ; " The Lord is not slack concerning his promise, as some men count slackness ; a 1000 years are with him as one day, and one day as a 1000 years." — " Yet he that shall come, will come and will not tarry." " Amen ! Even so ; come, Lord Jesus, come quickly !" In the Apocalypse, now, analogies to these periods are carried out. All is gradual, progressive, climactic. The final consummation is the new heavens and the new earth, where all is holiness^ and peace and happiness. God and Christ will dwell with the redeemed ; they shall hunger no more, and thirst no more. There shall be no more pain, nor sorrow, nor death, nor sin. The Lord will be their everlasting light, and God their glory. Is not this enough ? Can we ask for more to animate our hopes, to cheer us in our sufferings, to sustain us under our sorrows ? " Eye hath not seen, nor ear heard, nor hath it entered into the heart to conceive, of the things which God hath prepared for those who love him." Finally, it wiU be perceived, that while, with nearly all of the recent interpreters of the Apocalypse who possess distinguished exegetical tal ent, I admit a first resurrection, I am far removed from the ancient or the modern enthusiastic interpreters, who find in our text a temporal and visible reign of Christ on earth, in the midst of a church mihtant and triumphant mingled together in one and the same terrestrial abode. To recount the phantasies of these would be a wearisome, and in many re spects an unprofitable task. I must content myself with merely trans lating a single passage from Irenaeus, which will show how early some visionary and extravagant opinions, in relation to a temporal and terres trial reign, gained a footing even in the primitive church. In the latter part of Irenaeus' fifth book Contra Haereses, he comes to the topic in question. Here he labours, at great length, to show that nearly all the promises of the Old and New Testaments have respect to such a terrestrial reign. In the midst of his arguments, he appeals to what certain presbyters or ancients had related, who, as he says, had seen the apostle John. From him had they heard, as he avers, that Christ himself when speaking of the days of his earthly and visible reign, said to his apostles : " The days wiU come, in which vines will grow, each having ten thousand branches ; and on each branch there will be 10,000 twigs, and on each twig 10,000 clusters of grapes ; and millennium : Exc. VL * 489 in each cluster 10,000 grapes; and each grape, when expressed, will yield twenty-five pezqrjzai of wine, [i. e. about 209 gallons]. And when any one of the saints shaU take hold of a cluster of grapes, another [cluster] will cry out : I am a better cluster, take me, and on my ac count give thanks to the Lord." (Iren. Cont. Haer. Lib. V. c. 33.) When this calculation is reduced to a simple result, it makes one grape vine to produce wine to the amount of 180,000 billions of gallons. ° Thus far the alleged words of Christ to his disciples. Now follows another passage taken by Irenaeus from a work of Papias (fl. A. D. 100), entitled Aoylav xvqiaxav 'Elrjyrjaeig.' It runs thus : " In like manner a grain of wheat will produce 10,000 heads ; and each head will have 10,000 grains ; and each grain will yield ten pounds of clear fine flour ; and other fruits will yield seeds and herbage in the same propor tion. • And all the animals which subsist on the productions of the earth, will be peaceful and harmonious, and obedient to man with the most entire subjection." (Ib.) Irenaeus then adds, that he has taken these things from the work of Papias already named, and subjoins the remark of Papias at the close : " These things are credible to those who have a believing spirit." Such then were the dreams of enthusiastic minds even at, and soon after, the very close of the apostolic age ; dreams ridiculed by Origen himself, by Eusebius, by Dionysius of Alexandria, Jerome, Augustine, and many others ; but still, dreams which gained credit with such as could not elevate their minds above the sensible objects around them. When was it, or will it be, properly understood, that Christ's kingdom is not of this world — " is not meat and drink, but righteousness and peace and joy in the Holy Ghost ?" In comparison with these, all earthly pleasures and glories sink into utter insignificance. To recite such interpretations and phantasies, is to refute them. Yet recent developments in England, Germany, and our own country, exhi bit phantasies not less airy than these. It behooves us, then, to gird up our loins, and be sober, hoping, praying, and laboring for the coming and estabhshment of a kingdom which, as the apostle says, shall never be shaken, (Heb. 12: 28), and which, in its consummation, will be adorned with all the glories that the presence of God and the Redeemer can impart. [Whoever wishes to pursue the history of the development of Chiliasm, i. e. a belief in the thousand years' reign of Christ and the saints on earth, can easily find the means of accomplishing this end. He may begin with the Epistle of Barnabas, cap. 15, in Cotel. Pat. Apostol. p. 45. After this come Hermas Pastor, Vis. I, Cot. P. A. p. 76, which will give him some hints. Irenaeus, cont. Haeres. V. c. 33 — 36, presents an ample opening. VOL. II. 62 490 MILLENNIUM : ExC. VI. A passage in Justin Martyr, Dial, cum Tryphone, p. 306 seq. ed. Colon., should not be overlooked ; which, though in some respects obscure and much controverted, wiU give important hints as to the shape of general opinion at that time. A somewhat graphic passage may be found in Ter tullian, Advers. Marcionem, III. 24, where he tells us of a full development made by himself in his book De Spe Fidelium (now lost). Distinct recogni tions of Chiliasm at an early period, may be found in Euseb. HI. 28 and 39. VIL 24, et al. By far the most copious and eloquent account, however, of chiliastic views in ancient times, may be found in Lactantius, Instt VH § 14 seq., and Epit. c. 71 seq. An instructive exposition of the ancient his toiy of Chiliasm, by W. Muenscher, may be found in Henke's Mag. fur Relig. philosophie, Exegese, etc. VI. p. 239 seq. Beyond all comparison the fullest, richest, and most complete development of Chiliasm is made in Corrodi's Geschichte des Chiliasmus, Vol. I— IV. small 8vo. ; a book replete with learning, specially of a Talmudic and Rabbinic kind, and with the exhibition of keen critical acumen and powers of sarcasm not often to be met with. But withal, he is bitterly prejudiced against the Apocalypse, and appears to have written his work in order to destroy the credit of it He is altogether uncandid in examining and weighing the historical testi mony respecting it, and has greatly misconceived of the object and aim of the book. But his work is a spacious Repositorium of everything that has been said, or dreamed, about the Millennium ; and one finds in it a com plete historical apparatus. Corrodi brings the histoiy of the principal en thusiasts, in respect to the Millennium, down to the latter part of the last century. Few books are written with equal vivacity, or with equal keen ness of discernment and of satire. He who knows how to separate the good from the bad, may derive much from the work, which is rare and valuable.] APPENDIX. [I was desirous, when characterizing Herder's work on the Apocalypse (Vol. I. p. 471), to give the reader some specimens of his mode of defending and illustrating this book ; but a fear that I should transgress the bounds prescribed to the present volumes, deterred me from doing so. Having now completed the printing, and finding some little space which may be al lowed me, I embrace the opportunity to lay before our religious public a specimen of the manner in which Herder, in his celebrated work called Maran Atha (the Lord will come), deals with the Apocalypse, and with its opposers. The work of Herder has become rather scarce in Germany; and in our country it can be but very little known, except among some classes of the German population. In his time, Herder performed an important service with respect to the book in question. He arrested the current which Oeder and Semler and Corrodi had set in motion so strongly against the Apocalypse. The peculiarities of his style are adapted to excite attention, and create, a lively interest in what he says. I will not call him the Tacitus of the Germans ; for he has an imagination so luxuriant, fancy so "boundless, and vivacity so sparkling, that I cannot well liken him to Tacitus. But in brevity and sententiousness, and in the apothegmatic form of his sentences, and the pregnant sense of his words, he has much resemblance to Tacitus. It is impossible for me to give my readers an exact picture of Herder's manner. In the first place, our language lacks the power and energy and variety of the German. In the second, Herder is so peculiarly idiomatic, that any one might as well ask him to translate Shakspeare into German, as to demand of me to give the exact image of Herder in English. Still some thing may be done, and something to our present purpose. Such of my readers as are not acquainted with the German style and manner, among their more popular and lively writers, will be glad to see a specimen of what Herder wrote some sixty years ago, in order to vindicate and explain his favourite book. At the close of his Commentary, he addresses himself to the task in ques tion, and occupies more than 100 pages in the performance of it. From the first part of his Appendix I have selected the specimens of his composition which now follow.] Thus far we have gone through with the imagery of the book, in or der first of all to show that it is intelligible, and to elicit its meaning from itself, and from the writings of the prophets, together with the 492 HERDER ON THE APOCALYPSE. testimony of Christ and of history. This was our first and principal task. There has heretofore been a general prejudice against the book as being unintelligible. It is assumed that the key to the book is lost, and consequently that its explanation must necessarily rest on mere con ceit and arbitrary assumption. These views must be met and opposed by fact and argument, before anything further is said. To me it seems, that they may be fuUy contradicted. The images which the book employs, speak, as all images do which are rationally employed, i. e. they have a meaning. Is a metaphor, an allegory, a coin, a statue, yea a whole system of mythology, intelligible by virtue of im agery in poems, speeches, philosophy, works of art, as soon as it is found to have a meaning, and do we then consider ourselves as in possession of data sufficient to make out its intelligibility ; is this true in respect to the Greeks and Romans, and is it admitted without contradiction and adopted ; then why not apply the same intelligible language of imagery to the Hebrew prophets ? These had all one spirit, one object ; one builds on another, one explains another, and as gold have they aU been preserved. No imagery has remained more pure, or been more tho roughly proved, than this. No imagery, moreover, is so thoroughly in corporated with the genius of the people, their writings, and their lan guage. The Hebrew poetry is as it were all symbol, imagery, holy and lofty diction. Even the prose writers must needs speak in a tropical way, because their language demands it ; still more must teachers and prophets do this. No language loves and affords imagery hke this. In one is a fiery glance, in another a breath full of the spirit of the Lord. So speaks the Old and New Testament ; so speaks the book before us, which is the sum of both. It is a mere old wives' tale, that a special key belongs to it, or that it has been lost. Who writes a book without a key ? Who writes such an one for seven churches ? Did John append a key to the book when he sent it ? How did it look ? Who has seen it ? And where was it lost ? In the sea at Patmos, or in the Meander ? John writes a book for others, for many ; a book on whose contents he was so intent, that he heaps curse upon curse on him who curtails it, and proffers blessing upon blessing to him who reads, hears, and obeys it. And stiU this book is said to be an unintelligible enigma, an unmeaning something which is fast sealed up, which no one but its author can understand, and which perhaps he himself did not understand. Can anything be more incongruous ? And if it were inteUigible to the Christians of that day, why not to us, who have in hke manner the writings of the Old Testament, and what is still more, the written testimony of Jesus, and of the history to which the book adverts. They lived in times of dis- HERDER ON THE APOCALYPSE. 493 tress ; they must needs wait for the fulfilment of prediction ; they could not therefore inspect the contents of the book in any other way than through the mists which hang about the future. We live 1700 years after them, in the most luminous period of history. Is the book fulfilled, (for itself declares that it must soon, speedily,, shortly he fulfilled), then must history give us some opening to it. Was it fulfilled in the circle of John, in Judea, or in Christendom ? Very good ; the history of either is not involved in darkness. Respecting the events of Judea we have eye-witnesses and historians, so accurate and impartial as can rarely be found in respect to other events. Christianity, moreover, is not wantino- as to histories. In brief, if this book was fulfilled, it was fulfilled in a clearer manner than any prophecy of the Old Testament, uttered in times incomparably more obscure. And what kind of a prophecy must that be, which, after its fulfilment has been clearly set forth, is stiU un intelligible ? This book is not of such a nature ; and I scarcely know how any one could have ever deemed it to be so. I ask no one to believe me, but to believe himself, and to see with his own eyes. Of what avail is it, to make efforts to render current the meaning of a symbol by the credit of an arbitrary explanation ? Many have done this ; but time will still come, and with her impartial hand brush away all the artificial colour ing of an explanation, which one had palmed upon himself and his con temporaries. Only the gold of truth is imperishable. This only, in the interpretation of this book, can give certainty and harmony ; this is superior to all party-spirit. So long as one employs an unnatural mode of interpreting a book of symbols, so long he will explain it in a capri cious, arbitrary, narrow, and ungrounded manner. No harmony of opin ions can be expected in this way ; for the paths of error, of conceit, of party-feeling, and of iUusion, are without number. Each one chooses his own because it is his ; and then he usually defends it against all oth ers, and hot seldom against himself. It is error only that blinds him ; it is darkness which makes him severe and sensitive. The light of truth, if it is pure and is admitted, appears altogether beautiful, clear, and peaceful, for all and to all. A straight line is the shortest, and can be but one ; of the crooked and broken lines there is a number beyond, aU computation, from every quarter and in every direction. Whenever I give myself to the guidance of sound judgment — to the best and eternal testimony of truth, it renders me very quiet as to the in trinsic value of my interpretation. It has significancy, and operates by itself, like the symbols which it explains. Here and there I find myself in opposition to some great and good interpreters, such as Grotius, Wet stein, Abauzit, and Harenberg ; but only now and then, for one or two 494 HERDER ON THE APOCALYPSE. steps. Mostly I let them go their own way, and go forward on mine alone. May the reader go with me ; or rather, may he follow himself and the sound and simple dictates of truth. Where this speaks to him may he take my word ; where not, let him amend and correct my er rors. My leading principle has been, to regard no symbol in an arbitra ry manner, and to make it mean nothing which it does not plainly mean, like every allegory, statue, and coin. I know of no mystical and typi cal word (according to the perverted meaning of this expression) in all the book ; and yet, the whole book is in a sound sense typical and mys tical. I will not spend a moment in begging for the assent and appro bation of others. My explanation must speak for itself, as the book does. That which has demanded much reflection, is the manner in which I should present and analyze the symbols. Nothing is more difficult than this. An image must speak for itself, if it have any meaning. In all its lineaments it must be consentaneous, and at once present itself — at least an image in the spirit of the East. Here moreover it is said : " Jehovah speaks, and it is done ; he commands, and it stands fast." His measure is brevity, his operation the twinkling of an eye. How now, if the interpreter will expound, and bring forward one by one, and dismember, and cut in pieces ? In the Apocalypse everything is in rapid motion ; everything hastens and urges on toward the goal ; it is a messenger of the swift-coming Lord, of hghtning, of the judge* At one time the image is that of the sharp sword of the breath ; at another, the snow-white locks on the head of the conqueror ; here a fiery look of Jehovah, there the rushing of his approaching feet, a cry, a breath, a voice of the Spirit. How shall I present these ? How analyze and ex plain them ? In the whole book is rapidity, presence, arrival, a seal to be broken, the sound of flying trumpets, signs and messengers and visions passing through the air, which hasten on, and almost present themselves at one and the same time. Were it possible that the four living creatures should cry out together, and the four seals be broken in rapid succession, and the four first trumpets root up the elements all at once, and could I put all these visions together, so that seven churches should flame up around one Son of man, so that the Lamb on the loftiest heights of the blessed should appear at the same time with the beast from the pit of destruction below, and great Babylon impress itself at once on the mind, as harlot, as town, as beast, and as monster — all this, and unspeakably more — were it possible, and possible for me, then might I count upon one entire impression of the meaning and ex planation of this book. But it is beyond my reach. The meaning soars on wings, but words can merely creep. There stands the symbol, HERDER ON THE APOCALYPSE. 495 and lives, and breathes ; but the words must separate and divide it, and ia ways so various, that perhaps the image as a whole is perceptible only to connoisseurs. I have laboured against such a consequence ; I have made things foUow in rapid succession, put symbols together again which I must needs divide, given a hint, a reference here and there to the testimony of Christ, then to the saying of a prophet. Rabbinical usages and idioms of language I have left out, because I have taken them for granted, and perhaps at some other time may publish an ap propriate lexicon of the imagery in respect to its sources and its idiom, with a history of the interpretations and the influence of this book. Enough at present, that there was not time for all this. In the sequen- cy— in the entirety of the images, everything is comprised, yea, every thing which can give light to the interpreter or reader, which keeps him in the right path, and hurries him to the last impression of the book. To this chain I felt it necessary to betake myself. I hastened to do it, and forced my way through the important consequences of the coming of the Lord. Here I stood ashamed. Have I been able to present a single symbol as it there stands ? To explain a single image, as it waves between heaven and earth ? Have I been able to handle the holy chain, which in a sevenfold manner winds and turns, and is every where Alpha and Omega, the beginning and end of the coming Lord of the world ? I have done what I could ; may the reader do still more ! Let him float on the rushing stream of look and of thought, where tongue and pen cannot foUow. Let him bring together and arrange and consider ; I will come to his aid with a few ideas. [Herder next proceeds to unfold the various arrangements of the book, as made in reference to the number seven. Overlooking the far more fun damental use of the number three, throughout the book, he refers all its arti ficial arrangements to the heptade. It would be of little interest to the reader to translate this part of his remarks. I pass by it, therefore, and go on to exhibit what he says about other qualities of the book, p. 250 seq.] •This septuplex arrangement helps the book to a wonderful unity. There is but one voice in it, through all its epistles, seals, trumpets, signs, and plagues, viz. The Lord is coming. There is but one stamp on all its phenomena and wonders : " Alpha and Omega, beginning and end, is God the Lord, who is and was and is to come, the Lord of all" So declares John.; he puts his seal upon it; and through aU the images and signs of the book, everything by itself, and agreeably to the words of Christ and of the prophets, naturally points to this. The Lord said I come ; and he did come. The last of the ancient prophets exclaimed : " Who will abide the day of his coming ? He will sit and assay and 496 HERDER ON THE APOCALYPSE. purify the silver," etc. And see ! He sits, and assays, and purifies the sons of Levi, as gold and silver. It is the first sign of his coming, that he punishes and is a swift witness against sorcerers and adulterers and the unclean. His own, however, at the same time, he distinguishes in a notable manner. Agreeably to this purification, the first vision relates to the symbol of his ever and inwardly near presence and coming. The closed book is opened. The broken seals are forebodings, signs, of his coming — mere significant signs. How often have the prophets said : The day of the Lord cometh, bloody, fearful, terrible ! His four plagues are his four horses before his chariot. His coming delays, until blood-guiltiness has reached its height. When he does come, however, heaven and earth flee away at his presence. The forebodings are ful filled. The trumpets sound. Heaven and earth are dashed in pieces. Not merely city-walls fall, but pieces of the firmament, hailstones from God, mountains, clefts. Blow ye the trumpets. The Lord comes. Before him move along blood and fire and smoke. The sun becomes darkness, the moon blood, before the terrible day of the Lord comes. Locusts march before him ; before him prance the horses and their ri ders. He approaches. The last witnesses make their appearance. See ! I wiU send them the prophet Elijah, before the great and terrible day of the Lord comes. He comes. Shouts of victory echo from the heavenly world. On earth, the abominations and monsters of cunning and malignity must be removed. Angels shout the fall of Babylon, the destruction of misleaders, that there may be rest. The sickle cuts down the harvest. The vine blossoms for a vintage, for a gladsome harvest. Lift up your eyes, the field is already white for the harvest. The last and final plagues come ; the day of the Lord is glowing like an oven, and all traitors are straw. The Euphrates is dry ; the slaughter-offer ings are collected ; he comes as an avenger, he comes as judge. The The judgment is held. The righteous awake like morning stars ; and after them the whole host. Babylon is fallen ; Jerusalem shines in splendour. The dragon sinks down to the pit ; the Lord is King. Thus it is that there is in everything but one voice, one subject. What the symbols do not say, that is said by intervening calls and voices and choirs. Before every heptade appears a messenger, who reminds us of the beginning, and points us to the end. The rings are clasped together, and lose not their hold, even to the last. The choir of heaven exchanges with the Spirit on earth. This intercedes, calls out, warns, consoles. It preserves, through all the distressing visions, the forebod ing of a better future. The name of the Holy -One is on the book and on his elect. The city of God, the Lamb, the heavenly priesthood, wave before their eyes as their final portion and inheritance. HERDER ON THE APOCALYPSE. 497 Who will give me strength to match this wonderful simplicity with the loftiness, the variegated forms, the power, and the rapidity of these symbols? Under the influence of many a one among them, the soul succumbs. They stand as between heaven and earth. They comprise eternity within the circle of a small glance of time. He is and was and is to come, the Almighty ! His epistles at the commencement of the book are sparks of his fiery glance, how and when he is felt in the secret recesses of the heart, in the glowing monuments of the remem brance of him. His breath is a two-edged sword, which, as a judge of the thoughts, divides soul and body, marrow and bone. Thy book, O thou Counsellor, thou invisible One, is closed, often to our apprehension closed with seven seals. When may we forebode thy presence ? When shall we mark well, that our destiny waves in thy hand ? When seals like these are broken, and thy horsemen go forth, and the living creatures under thy throne cry out : Come and see, on the corpse-field of the dying who utter the death-rattle, over the ruins of a royal city, in the streets of famine and the houses of wasting mala dies, even the contemner of God shudders at the presence of the aven ger, of the judge, and forebodes a sealed book of his destiny. Ancient of days, so dost thou hide thyself ! By wonderful signs of the times, do we find some traces of thy government which is past finding out. What have they done, that innocent flock, which dies by the sword of the warrior, by the teeth of hunger and of wild beasts ? Like lambs for the slaughter they lie there, that the sleeping world may see the footsteps of thy goings. With the swift and noble Conqueror, with his wreath of honour, the book begins ; it ends with death and the regions of hell. And yet how few there are, who in such phenomena behold thy coming, and hear the tranquil blood of murdered innocence crying for vengeance and imploring redemption ! The great events of war are to the seer only the sound of trumpets for warning ; great leaders are only falling stars ; the most renowned armies of the world are a host of hissing serpents and amphisbaenas. The central point of worldly revolutions, the strife of good and evil, is to him like a contest in the air, when fiery red and dark black clouds contend with sun, moon, and every kind of cheering and gladsome light. God is the father of hght, and light must therefore continue to be light. AU the power and cunning of the world, whatever crowns they may wear, with whatever names of celebrity they may be adorned, whatever homage they may demand, whatever arts they may promote, if it strive with God and the Lamb, it is to him Behal, a monster, a beast from the pit, the abomination of sin, and the chhd of destruction. The dragon vol. n. 63 498 HERDER ON THE APOCALYPSE. is its father, and the abyss its destiny. Babylon faUs ; and what a world of riches and of profit and of pleasure and of fine arts, faUs with it ! All lamentations over it are vain ; while those who keep the word of God and adhere to the truth of Jesus, with a noble simplicity like to that of him who is the essence and star of the book, rise and shine for ever. (3) The book of Revelation, even if one does not understand the first and most immediate history of its explanation, is A book for ALL HEARTS AND ALL TIMES. It contains the essence of Christianity and of worldly history. It has, through all its changes and circumstances affected by time, the same stamp upon it : The Lord is nigh ; his kingdom comes ! How many a prophet have we in the O. Testament, whose immediate historical circumstances respecting many a passage we do not under stand ; and stdl these passages, which contain divine wisdom, doctrine, and consolation, are manna for all hearts and for aU times. Must not this be the case also with that book, which is the compendof nearly all the prophets and apostles ? It is a book of instruction and comfort for all the churches among whom Christ walks, even when the uneducated do not understand the learned explanation of it. In respect to the epistles, (without assigning any mystical periods to them), I have already shown this. The rest of the book is of the hke tenor. The belief that Christ who died now lives, that Christ who lived in retirement now reigns, that Christ once in a state of humiliation now moves amid the splendours of God's glory— this belief, can it be strength ened in any way better than by the first appearance of the risen and glorious Saviour ? His visage is like the sun ; his breath, omnipotence ; the keys of death and hell are his ; he wills and it is done. What are ten days of trouble in comparison with an eternal reward ? What are the thirty years of his humiliation compared with his eternal exaltation ? Therefore : Be thou faithful unto death. The crown of life awaits thee. Thou livest in a time of oppression ; the book of destiny sealed up hangs suspended over thee and thy people. Weep not ; the Lion of the tribe of Judah has overcome. The book is in his hand. He fulfils and will fulfil it. Fearful seals are broken over thee. Thou hearest in the rustling of time's slow foot horrible forebodings. Heaven and earth threaten ; and most of all the increasing iniquity of men ; war ravages, pestilence, fa mine kiUs ; noble men die, good men perish with sighing ; the land trembles, its pillars are shaken : Fear not, the Lord is thy God, and his name is on thee. When thou passest through the waters, he will be with HERDER ON THE APOCALYPSE. 499 thee, so that the floods shall not drown thee ; when thou goest through the fire, thou shalt not be burned, nor the flame kindle upon thee. The number of thine, hke the covenant of the living, is deposited in his bo som and sealed. The last forebodings come; a stillness pregnant with death, an ex pectation of all things. The trumpets are given. My God, remember me for good! the incense offering of prayer in silence exclaims. The silent answer of God is : "I have graven thee upon mine hands." For sorcerers, murderers, idolaters, whoremongers, (who alas ! as the expe rience of the world shows, do not amend their lives), are reserved the plagues. They are tormented for a long period by them. But in the midst of these plagues appears the angel of peace, with the rain-bow about his head, and he swears the oath of the ancient covenant : Let the mountains and hills sink and vanish ; the promise of God fails not. The rainbow comes forth behind the flood, like a boundary of the throne of grace, more beautiful than ever. . On account of the elect, these days are shortened. Short is the way through the sea of trouble ; eternal the peace which follows ; the palms and crowns will never fade. The temple of God is given up; but it is only the outward and pro faned court of the Gentiles ; the true temple of God, with all who wor ship in it, is reserved for a more beautiful building. The last two witnesses appear. How does God honour them ! How nobly does he invest them, living and dying, witl^ ornaments and re wards ! Who is there, when he reads this passage, that does not desire a death like theirs ? Lamps before the Lord, olive-trees before the God of their country, Moses and Elijah in respect to reward ! Heaven opens ; the temple of God, the ark of the covenant is seen ; on earth it cannot yet appear. Phantoms of cunning and power rise up. Do not waver. The voices of heaven sing : It is done ; and it will be done on earth. As here so always, the good is born in the great kingdom of the Father of all. The mother is persecuted ; the child is made safe, for God is his father. To the earthly mother is appointed her place, the desert of trouble ; behind her rushes without harm the stream of persecution ; but the earth helps the afflicted, and swallows up the fruitless stream. Even in the wilderness of banishment, compas sion is extended to her for a time and times and half a time. Man in deed beholds for the present thy beauty, thou noble sun-and-star-begirt; but thy Son is, what he ever will be, eternal king, the heir of the world. His appropriate destiny awaits the subdued dragon — by the patience of the Lamb and the courage of the Lion he is wounded unto death. StiU, in his name phantoms of tyranny and cunning rise up, horrible phenomena ! The earth trembles under the foot of the beast, nations 500 HERDER ON THE APOCALYPSE. and armies commit ravages upon religion, laws, God, and freedom, and tread them down with the feet of bears. They roar against God and his tabernacle, and everything moans out and whines : ' Who is hke to him ? Who can make war with him ?' The mass permit themselves to be marked, and lose conscience and soul, and go like beasts of slaughter into the manacles of slavery. His, also, is that other beast, the dragon in sheep's clothing, the smooth, lying, political prophet. Miracles are at his command. Fire from heaven, and all the arts of men are at hand ; and all this, that an image may be made for the beast, and everything bear the mark and number of his name, become idolaters, slaves, and a slaughter-herd. Exult, ye monsters, in your short and fruitless reign, your heUish crafti ness and hellish power here below ; on yonder height stands the Lamb, and around him his elect host, in a very different elevation and with very different wisdom. What symbols of consolation and instruction are the harvest and the vintage, the song of heaven before the last plagues, and finaUy the ter rible lamentation and death-song over prostrate and sinking Babylon. As a stone it goes down, and all voices in it become dumb, and aU its lovers howl and cry out. So when the Spirit speaks, the splendour of all vanishes ; quickly does aU the whoredom and luxury and oppression of the world disappear, for the fashion of this world passeth away. Melted into air, into thin air, Arid, like the baseless fabric of this vision, The cloud-capp'd towers, the gorgeous palaces, The solemn temples, the great globe itself, Yea all which it inherits, shall dissolve, And, like this insubstantial pageant faded, Leave not a rack behind. We are such stuff As dreams are made of God's word alone remains constant. Truth, faithfulness, justice march along crowned, upon white horses. The goodness of the witnes ses of Jesus, sown in stillness, now comes forth. They move on like morning-stars from the bosom of night,' and shine with the splendour of heaven. Your blood, so long trodden under feet, and which cried out unheard, is now an ornament of your vesture. Your work, the noblest deeds in the world, comes forth and blossoms, like the sunken Atlantis. The earth awakes ; the deeds of men come to the light ; the evil is ban ished, the eternal aim of all your wishes, the city of God and the bride appears. How many souls have comforted themselves with the spirit of these symbols! How many hearts has the proclamation quickened: ' Let him that is athirst come, and whosoever will, let him take the wa- HERDER ON THE APOCALYPSE. 501 ter of life freely !" Your bursting eyes have seen the city of God, and without symbols your parched tongue has been revived. They fell asleep and passed on thither. See there ! The dwelling of God is with men. God himself is with them, and he is their God and they are his people. Blessed are the dead who die in the Lord ! They rest from their labours and their works do follow them. God will wipe away all tears from their eyes. Distress and mourning are no more. For mer things have passed away. In general it seems to me a dishonour and a folly to mock at and de spise a saying, perhaps one of the noblest, most tender, most powerful touches of truth, because it is found in the decried Apocalypse. See ! the Lord comes, and his reward is with him, to give to every one accord ing to his works. Is not that declaration an eternal truth of God ? Does it not speak this as strongly and tenderly as it can be spoken ? Does not Isaiah say the same ? Has any good and honourable heathen ever doubted it ? And what is there now which is contemptible and ridicu lous, when the Apocalypse employs it as a seal in this place ? Would it not he unjust and dishonourable, should any one so manage with the writing of a heathen or a heretic, and represent the roses as not being roses, because they grow among thorns ? And with respect to this book, which has lived more than a thousand years, and sufficiently proved its influence on the hearts of men — one ought to spare the like of this. Let each one estimate it as he will, yet let him concede the good which belongs to it. That surely is divine, whoever wrote the book, or for whatever purpose it was written. Your productions, ye despisers, will they ever have the influence and the long life of this ? Where there is an influence, there must be a ground for influence. Where a book, through thousands of years, stirs up the heart and awakens the soul, and leaves neither friend nor foe indifferent, and scarcely has a lukewarm friend or enemy, in such a book there must be something substantial, whatever any one may say. One does not contend about nothing. A mere nothing one forgets. In respect to what is worthy of note in this book, time has already judged ; and it is folly to attempt to put down by conceit, what has supported itself so long by reality. (4) ' But why has this book so many enemies, at aU times, and be yond all others ? Enemies, too, to whom the most obtuse wit, the most siUy conceit, which they would despise in respect to any other thing in every other mouth, is agreeable, if it will only be injurious to this book?' The reasons of this may easily be conjectured. They lie in the na ture of the thing. It carries, like everything else, its destiny along with itself. First, the book consists of symbols ; and philosophers cannot 502 HERDER ON THE APOCALYPSE. endure symbols. The truth must exhibit itself pure, naked, abstract, in a philosophical way ; for it has long shown itself in that way. No question then is asked : where ? when ? wherefore ? whereto ? by whom was this book written symbolically ? None, whether it should not have been so written. But — should it not have been written by a philoso pher for philosophers ? No question is asked, whether the symbols are pregnant with meaning, true, clear, efficient, intelligible, or whether there is in the whole book nothing but symbols. It is enough, that there are symbols. We can make nothing out of symbols. At the best, they are mere descriptions of the truth, and we wish for demonstrations. De ductions, theorems, syllogisms we love. Truth which needs none of the senses to aid it, (although it is full of sense, and one attains to it only by sense), is what we wish. Experience, effort, objects of sense, sym bols, are beneath us, as the clouds beneath the clear light of the sun. — I only add, that all this is no mei;e mockery. Secondly, nature herself attempers different minds in various ways. She gives to one more of the power of abstraction, to another more of the power of synthesis ; seldom are both found in company. In our academical education, there are unspeakably more teachers of that than of this. One is formed more for abstraction, than for inspection ; more for analysis than for pure comprehension, experience, and action. Hence, in a little time, the powers of intuition, being neglected, are altogether lost. Let one of the learned, now, who has grown grey over abstraction, take up the Apocalypse. What can he see in it ? Symbols he does not see, but merely colours. That has no meaning to him, which has the clearest meaning to another, yea one which is seen at the very first view. Does he, then, because he is learned, begin to discourse and ex plain ? What else can he make of the book but nonsense ? He ana lyzes, and cuts to pieces, and daubs with colours ; but he has neither eye, nor proper station for view, nor any idea of the design of the work. He pours out then whatever is in his brain — stale church and heretic- history, or lying, feeble, narrow-minded political history. Here now is a beautiful model which others imitate. The more cautious point to his example, and say : If so great a man erred, who must not err ? Who would give himself up to a book which has robbed even a learned man of his senses. " The great Newton made his Apocalypse, because there was an Apocalypse." So ? One might rather say : The great New ton made his Apocalypse, because he was the great Newton. He did not come to it, as he should do, without prejudice, without system. He came as a reckoner, a chronologer. It must be an appendix to Daniel, that his system might be complete. He was, therefore, no unsophisti cated reader of the book. A woman, a child, a man within the circle HERDER ON THE APOCALYPSE. 503 of his own senses, can often, exhibit more tact in the position of symbols, better hit upon their meaning, than the greatest among the learned, whose brains are filled with other things. In respect to all images and symbols from common life, this is conceded. Why not then in respect to the symbol of symbols— the Apocalypse ? It has and is a world by itself. He who lacks sensibility and point in vision, walks in darkness, and gropes round after colours. Even to the reading of a book which is inteUigibly read, feeling, leisure, and proper station for view, is necessary. Whoever disdains to see as a child, or as an impartial and feeling man to let the book speak for itself, he is no reader of this book, nor of its meaning. Full of his systems, of his learning, of prejudices, and polemic hypotheses, let him indeed read anything in it, but let him not venture to condemn. StUl less should he measure the power in others of understanding symbols, by his own. To the dumb one does not speak. The painter does not perform his work for the blind. . Thirdly ; very often, even among interpreters, has the heart misled the understanding, and implanted the hatred or the love of this book. For the most part, people of feeling, as has been shown, not those of dry abstraction-faculties (these despise the book and let it alone), are the ones who apply themselves to this book. Often they pour out what is in their hearts ; they paint it With the blood and sap of their life. This happened, that reached the mark. They have found their time, and the very best time, too, which they ever thought of. Every image is in itself true, (although perhaps there is not a syllable in the book of all this), and is made very prominent ; on the nicer touches of the book it appears still stronger. They raise up a party. One man of warm heart and of great talent, a Savonarola, a Joachim, a Petersen, a Ben gel, etc., would have made a party even without the Revelation. It was nothing more than the vehicle of their favourite ideas, an object of their wonder and of their homage. One believed, because it came from them ; what one could not support, was rendered current by the name of the interpreter. One read with folded hands. AU this now was winning sport to the enemies of the book, and to party-feeling. They hated with the more coolness what one praised so warmly and of ten without foresight. Now then the book has nothing good or inteUi- gible in it, because they did not understand it, and found in it a false good. — Such is the history of the book through all ages. Montanist enthusiasts, Cerinthian dreamers, raised up a Caius, who, to contradict them, cast away the guiltless book, which teaches neither Montanism nor Cerinthism. Shameless triflers with the business of interpretation roused up a searching Dionysius, who timidly said : " I do not under stand it, although it may be a good book." When one for centuries had found a symbol of antichrist in heathen Rome, and Eusebius had lived 504 HERDER ON THE APOCALYPSE. to see a Christian Rome which still was not the heavenly Jerusalem, it was natural for him to be cold, and to find beyond a doubt the heavenly Jerusalem in the city which Constantine built. So has it been, even down to the latest times. The history of the book, of partiality for it and hatred against it, is very natural. But is folly because of this to hang upon it, or upon the testimony of particu lar men, as if these things were decisive. See ! here is a better way. Let the ragged garments lie which are stripped off, and look at the per son, see the book itself. Hate it not before hand, and thou wilt rightly understand it, and then thou wilt certainly learn to love it. END.