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A SHORT HISTORY OF THE
OXFORD MOVEMENT

A SHORT HISTORY

OF THE

OXFORD MOVEMENT

Sir SAMUEL HALL, M.A., K.C.
FORMERLY VICE-CHANCELLOR OF THE COUNTY PALATINE OF LANCASTER

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1906

W 1-V

PREFACE.
This little work is merely a layman's attempt
to give an unbiassed account of the very in
teresting episode in history commonly called
The Oxford Movement. It makes no pretence
to discuss the theological questions which
were raised in its progress, but endeavours to
explain, How it arose, Who were its leaders,
How it proceeded, and What were its results.
Its main activity only covered a very limited
period (1833 to 1845),and though it was not, and
could not, be an entirely isolated affair, yet it
was almost dramatic in its completeness and
interest. The writer has made free use of the
Authorities of which he has given a list, and

vi . PKEFACE
hopes this will be accepted as sufficient ac
knowledgment even in those cases where he
has not expressly and precisely indicated his
obligation. S. H.
1906.

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER I.
PAGE
Introductory 1
1. English Protestant Sects. 2. Sketch of English Church
History before the Reformation. 3. The Reformation
and Its Machinery, i. Later History of the Church.
5. Reform Aot, 1832. 6. State of Oxford and the
Church in the Reform Days.
Notes : A. — J. A. Froude on Dogmatic Theology 29
B. — Dr. Tulloch on the Reformation 31
C— Dr. Hook on the Prayer-Book - 33
D. — Dr. Hook on the Thirty-Nine Articles - 35
E.— C. A. Fyffe on State of Oxford - 40

CHAPTER II.
The Leaders 44
1. Whately. 2. Keble. 3. Hurrell Froude. 4. Newman
— Difference with Hawkins — Sermons. 5. Pusey.
6. Hugh James Rose, and others.
Note : Illustrations of Newman's style - 108
b vii

viii CONTENTS
CHAPTER III. PAGE
The Movement, 1833 to 1839 116
1. Immediate Occasion. 2. Hadleigh Conference — Associa
tions — Addresses to Archbishop. 3. Earlier Tracts —
Tract 1. 4. List of Tracts — Prosperity to 1839 — Cir
culation of Tracts. 5. Question of Subscription at
Matriculation — Hampden's Pamphlet— Pusey's Tracts.
6. Hampden, Regius Professor of Divinity. 7. Lectures
— Wiseman and Newman — Martyrs' Monument — Via
Media.
1839 to 1845 - 172
1. Turning of Tide— W. G. Ward. 2. Pusey's Letter-
Newman's Article in British Critic. 3. Newman
Studies Monophysite Controversy — Wiseman on Ang
lican Claims — Littlemore — Newman's Preparations.
4. Younger Men's Forward Movement. 5. Tract 90.
6. Sensation caused by Tract 90 — Protest of the Four
Tutors — Censure by Authorities. 7. Newman at Little-
more — The Three Blows: (a) Arianism, Question
Involved; (6) Bishops' Charges; (c) Jerusalem Bishop
ric, and their Effect on Newman. 8. Professorship of
Poetry — Monastery. 9. Newman went to Littlemore
permanently, 1842 — Retractation of Language against
Rome — Pusey Suspended — Newman's Last Sermon as
Anglican — His delay in going over. 10. Ward's
Leadership — His Ideal.— His Deprivation — Newman's
Censure vetoed. 11. Newman's "Development" —
Received into Roman Catholic Church.

CHAPTER IV.
Results

Anglican Church remained stable. 2. Oxford Reform.
3. Influence on English Church — Raising of Tone
— Scholarship — History and Historical School. 4.
Ritualism. 5. Indifference— Agnosticism. 6. Con
clusion.

220

Index

253

PRINCIPAL AUTHORITIES USED.
(The dates are those of the Editions used.)
Burgon. Twelve Good Men. 2 vols. 1888.
Church. The Oxford Movement. 1892.
The Christian Year. 1873.
Dictionary of National Biography, v.d.
Hampden's Bampton. Lectures. 1832.
Lely. Position of the Church of England (Statutes). 1899.
Lives. Arnold. By Stanley. 2 vols. 1858.
Eeble. (1) By Coleridge. 1880. (2) By Lock. 1893.
Surrell Froude. By Louise J. Guiney. 1904. Remains.
2 vols. (4 parts). Keble and Newman.
Manning. By Purcell. 2 vols. 1895.
Pusey. 4 vols. By Liddon and others. 1893-97.
Pattison. Memoirs. 1885.
Tait, Archbishop. 2 vols. 1891.
Whately. 2 vols. 1866.
Wilberforce, Bp. 3 vols. 1880-82.
Wiseman. By Wilfrid Ward. 2 vols. 1897.
Wordsworth, Bp. Charles. Annals. 2 vols. 1891-93.
Rev. Thos. Mozley. Reminiscences. 2 vols. 1882.
Dr. Jas. B. Mozley. Letters. 1885.
J. H. Newman. Works. Apologia. 1879. Sermons, Tracts,
Verses, Histories, etc., etc., v.d.
„ Controversy with Kingsley, with Apologia. 1864.
Letters and Correspondence during his Life in
the English Church. 2 vols. 1891. Edited
by Anne Mozley.

x PRINCIPAL AUTHORITIES USED
J. H. Newman. Earrly History. By F. W. Newman. 1891.
„ Life. By R. H. Hutton. 1891.
„ Life. By Abbott. 2 vols. 1892.
„ Literary Life. By Dr. Barrr. 1904.
Oakeley's Historical Notes on the Tractarian Movement.
Overton. Life in the English Church, 1660 to 1714. 1885.
Abbey and Overton. The English Church in the Eighteenth Cen
tury. 1878.
Palmer. Narrative of Events connected with the Tracts for the
Times. 1883.
A. P. Perceval's Collection of Papers connected with the Theological
Movement of 1833.
Swete. Patristic Study. Handbooks for the Clergy. 1902.
Tracts for the Times, v.d.
W. G. Ward. Ideal of Christian Church. 1844.
W. O. Ward and the Oxford Movement. By Wilfrid Ward. 1889.
Isaac Williams. Autobiography. 1892.
Wilberforce, Bp. Essays from Quarterly. 2 vols. 1874.

ABBREVIATED TERMS OCCASIONALLY USED
IN REEERENCE.
Apologia for Newman's Apologia Pro Vita Sua.
Letters for Newman's Letters and Correspondence during his Life in
the English Church.
Reminiscences for Rev. T. Mozley's Reminiscences.
Church for The Oxford Movement. By Dean Church.
Palmer for Palmer's Narrative.
Ward for Mr. W. O. Ward and the Oxford Movement.

CHAPTER I.
INTRODUCTORY.
1. The forms of belief held by English Protes
tants are many and various, and the difficulty
of classifying or enumerating them is practic
ally insuperable. Most of those, however, who
profess to have any religious belief, accept the
existence of a Supreme Being and a future
state of rewards and punishments. They have
indeed (not quite seriously) been sometimes
accused of worshipping a book, and the very
general adoption of the doctrine stated in
Chillingworth's The Bible and the Bible alone
the Religion of Protestants, coupled with the
right claimed and asserted of private judgment,
has not only given some countenance to the
charge, exaggerated though it be, but has led
to the great multiplication of sects, and hence
it is when any attempt is made to add fuller

2 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
details to the above-mentioned statements of
faith that enormous difficulty arises.
The first and fundamental element of re
ligious belief, the existence of the Supreme
Being, has given rise during many generations
to numerous speculations and disputes. What
is the nature of this Being ? Is it one, or is
there a Trinity in Unity ? and if so, what are
the nature, origin and status of the several
persons of the Trinity, and what is the nature
of their relationship to each other and to man
kind ? It is obvious that the Divinity and In
carnation of Christ and the Atonement by Him
involve difficult and serious questions which
must vitally affect the details of the faith held
even by those professing and calling them
selves Christians. The Unitarian Society, for
example, must have broad differences which
lie between it and the other Christian bodies.
In the same way, the doctrine of the future
state of rewards and punishments necessarily
gives rise to difficult speculations and discus
sions, upon which many different conclusions
have been arrived at. Thus a large body of
Christians, commonly called Calvinists, hold
that God has chosen a certain number in

INTRODUCTORY 3
Christ to everlasting glory before the founda
tion of the world, of His free grace and love,
without faith, good works or other conditions
of the creature, and that the rest of mankind
are passed by and ordained to everlasting dis
honour and wrath ; that the atonement of
Christ enured only for the benefit of the elect,
with the subsidiary doctrines of moral inability
in a fallen state, irresistible grace and final
perseverance. Another large body, commonly
called Arminians, on the other hand, hold that
God from all eternity determined to bestow
salvation on those who as He foresaw would
persevere to the end in their faith in Jesus
Christ, and to inflict everlasting punishment
on those who should continue in their unbelief
and resist to the end of life His Divine assist
ance, so that election was conditional and re
probation the result of foreseen infidelity and
persevering wickedness ; that the atonement of
Christ enured for the benefit of all who be
lieved in Him, with the subsidiary doctrines
that regeneration was only by operation of the
Holy Ghost which was the gift of God through
Jesus Christ; that all good works were attribut
able to God alone, and especially (as opposed

4 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
to the Calvinistic doctrine of final perseverance)
that the regenerate might fall away and die in
their sins.
There naturally arose many sects holding
variations more or less important of Calvinistic
and Arminian doctrines, and many other sects
holding special views flowing as they con
sidered from the fundamental articles of faith
as expressed in the Scriptures, but it is not
necessary for the purposes of this work to
pursue this branch of the subject farther
than to call attention to the great cleavage
of all which really separated Protestants into
two well-distinguishable camps, one of them,
which coincided with the Established Church,
recognised Episcopacy, and the other did not.
The Non- Episcopalian bodies, commonly called
" Nonconformists," roughly speaking regard
only as of real importance the direct com
munion of the creature with its Creator.
There are two, and two only, absolute beings,
and /the eternal salvation of the creature de
pends entirely on his direct communion with
the Creator and their mutual relationship
without the intervention of any third person
or corporation. The Episcopalian, on the

INTRODUCTORY 5
other hand, believes in the existence of what
he calls " The Church " as a substantive body
or corporation, which plays a vital, or at any
rate a most important part in the relation
between the creature and the Creator. He
believes in what he calls "The Sacraments"
as means of conveying grace from the Creator
to the creature, and as generally necessary
to salvation. He accepts the government of
the Church by bishops, and regards them as
having received a Divine commission which
they communicate to others by the laying
on of hands, and so keep up a body of men
set apart to rightly and duly administer the
Sacraments. From the death of Christ until
the scattered books, making up the canon of
the New Testament, had been collected, the
knowledge of the teaching of Christ must
have existed somewhere, and many Church
men contend that this deposit of faith was
given by Christ to His Church, who must be
the ultimate teacher on matters of faith, and
that the Bible was never intended to teach
doctrine, but only to prove it, and that the
dogmas of the Church must be sought for in
the formularies of the Church — its Catechism

6 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
and Creeds.1 But many Churchmen hold
opinions which might not be a disqualification
to their joining any ordinary Nonconformist
body. This work, however, does not deal
with the questions between the Church and
Dissent. The real question involved in the
Oxford Movement was between the Estab
lished Church and the Church of Rome. Is
there a Church? If so, where and what is
it? Is the Church of Rome a Church of
Christ and the English Church another ? Are
they two Churches, or do they in combination
either with each other, or with each other
and, say, the Greek and other Churches, make
up the entire Church of Christ ? How far do
variations from or corruptions of the original
faith and practice, if and so far as they can
be now ascertained, disqualify any body from
being deemed to be the Church or part of the
Church of Christ? Wide questions are in
volved in these considerations, and the diffi
culty in dealing with them arises partly from
the nature of the subject, and partly from the
nature and quality of the materials from which
the details of the original faith and practice of
1 See Note A. J. A. Froude on Dogma.

INTRODUCTORY 7
the Church must be ascertained. The prin
cipal of these materials, the writings of "the
Fathers," although they contain a large body of
literature, only begin at a considerable distance
of time from the death of Christ, although the
space is now fore-shortened by time, and are
naturally, from their scattered origins and im-
methodical and rather miscellaneous characters,
very difficult to understand or to systematise.
2. There is, however, no doubt that after the
death of Christ His teaching spread rapidly,
and a body of men holding that teaching, and
also believing in His supernatural character
and career, rapidly grew up. Scattered
disciples spread the faith here and there,
and accordingly bodies of Christians calling
themselves the Church of this place or that
gradually were formed — probably for a long
time with no definite co-relationship with each
other. The Church at Rome, however, seems
from obvious reasons to have gradually over
shadowed and dominated the Churches in the
other centres and assumed to itself the head
ship of Christianity, and its bishop claimed to
be head of the Christian Church itself. A
Church existed and flourished in England

8 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
many hundred years before the Norman Con
quest, but to what extent the Anglo-Saxon
Church allowed the interference of Rome is
matter of great dispute, but whether the inter
ference was great or small there was no dis
tinction between Church and State before
the Conquest. William the Conqueror and
Archbishop Lanfranc made great changes.
The authority of the Pope was recognised.
Special Romish doctrines such as transub
stantiation were disseminated, and the eccle
siastical and secular courts were separated, it
being arranged that civil matters should be de
cided by civil courts and ecclesiastical matters
by ecclesiastical courts, and of course the
boundaries of their jurisdiction being ill-de
fined this led to frequent misunderstandings
and disputes, and accordingly we find a con
stant struggle by the secular power to resist
the interference of the Bishop of Rome in the
internal affairs of this country. Concurrently
with this struggle, the corruption, religious and
moral of the Church, as governed by and iden
tified with Rome, had continuously increased
until at last came the Reformation, and this
event, or series of events, the Englishman

INTRODUCTORY 9
looks upon as constituting a point from which
the English Church made a distinct and new
departure. For what did the Reformation
do? It is supposed to have purified the
Church of Christ in this country from the
corruptions, or some of the corruptions, of
Rome, to have abolished its headship and con
trol, and to have placed under the control of
the secular Government, in the last resort, the
enumeration and statement of those dogmas,
which whether essential or not to salvation,
were to be essential to holding office and pre
ferment in the English Church. What the
Reformation did in fact effect, and how it was
done, are questions much too complicated for
this book to discuss at length. Large works
have been written and angry discussions have
taken place on the questions by persons ap
parently well qualified to discuss them, but
who arrive at very different conclusions.
There are, however, several points which
seem fairly clear.
The difficulty men had to free their minds
arose from the old idea at the bottom of the
idea of the holy Roman Empire, that the State
and Church were one, just as the body and

10 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
soul are one, but the insular position of Eng
land, the scandals of the papacy, and many
other special circumstances had weakened and
almost destroyed the idea in this country.
The revival of learning which threw ridicule
on the scholastic theology, and Luther's dis
cussions which raised fundamental questions,
opened men's minds wider to truer concep
tions of State and Church, of what they were
and what they ought to be, and to newer con
ceptions of the essentials of the Christian faith.
At the commencement of the reign of Henry
VIII. the power and authority of the Roman
Church were displayed and the dual authority
of the Church and State accentuated by the
style and authority of Cardinal Wolsey, and it
is from his fall that the era of the Reforma
tion really dates. Whether it was that Crom
well from a wide statesman's view, and Henry,
on his advice, determined there should only
be one authority in England in matters ecclesi
astical as well as civil, or whether Henry, irri
tated by the resistance of the papacy to his
divorce from Catherine, concluded that such a
constitution would best bring about his desire
for a union with Anne Boleyn, or whether an

INTRODUCTORY 11
avaricious desire to appropriate the revenues
of the Church was the determining factor, are
interesting questions. Probably all the motives
had their effect. It is certain that neither
Cromwell nor Henry was influenced in the
course he took by any desire to arrive at or
promote religious truth. Their object was
secular, and was to unite the civil and ecclesi
astical powers in one hand, perhaps for the
greater peace and benefit of this country,
perhaps for the greater glory and power of
the Tudor dynasty and the removal of any
obstacle to fulfilment of the immediate desire
of the king, perhaps for the wealth to be so
acquired or controlled. The measures taken
were, however, clear, drastic and business-like
in the extreme.
3. By the Act 23 Henry VHL, c. 20, affirmed
by Henry by Letters Patent in pursuance of
the Act, the annates or first-fruits, being the
first year's profits of every archbishopric and
bishopric, were no longer to be paid to Rome,
and by 26 Henry VIII., c. 3, was granted to
the Crown for ever not only the first-fruits or
first year's produce of all bishoprics, benefices
and other clerical preferments, but also a tenth

12 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
part of the annual revenues of such prefer
ments. These Acts largely stopped the enor
mous drain of money from England to Rome,
and the fund known as " Queen Anne's Bounty
for the augmentation of the livings of the
poorer clergy" was nearly 200 years after
derived from the first-fruits and tenths. Acts
were also passed by Henry by virtue of which
many monasteries were suppressed and their
lands confiscated.
There were four great Acts in the reign of
Henry VIII. by which the change was mainly
effected. (1) By the Act of Appeals (24 Henry VIII.,
c. 12) testamentary, matrimonial and divorce
causes, and rights of tithes, oblations and ob-
ventions, were from thenceforth to be heard
and determined within the king's jurisdiction
and not elsewhere — in such courts spiritual
and temporal as the nature of the causes should
require, and no papal or other foreign citations,
processes, interdicts or excommunications were
to be regarded.
(2) By the Act of Submission (25 Henry
VIII., c. 19) no new canons were to be made
in convocation without the royal licence, and

INTRODUCTORY 13
it was also provided that no manner of appeals
should be made to Rome, but all manner of
appeals should be made in accordance with the
Act of Appeals, and as the ultimate appeal
mentioned in that Act was to the archbishop,
the Act of Submission provided a further ap
peal from any court of the archbishop to the
king in the Court of Chancery, to be heard by
commissioners named by the king. This ulti
mate jurisdiction is now vested in the Judicial
Committee of the Privy Council.
(3) The Election of Bishops Act (25 Henry
VIII., c. 20) provided that no archbishop or
bishop was to be presented to the Bishop of
Rome, and also provided for the election, con
firmation and consecration of archbishops and
bishops. (4) The Archiepiscopal Licences Act (25
Henry VIII., c. 21) provided that the Arch
bishop of Canterbury might grant any licence
or dispensation which the Pope had been in
the habit of granting for causes not being con
trary to the Scriptures or the Law of God. It
is by virtue of this Act that the Archbishop
of Canterbury now grants special licences for
marriage at any time and place.

14 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
Henry moreover passed an Act of Suprem
acy (26 Henry VIII., c. 1) which enacted
that the kings of this realm should be taken
and accepted and reputed " the only Supreme
head in earth of the Church of England," but
this Act was repealed by Queen Mary, and
not afterwards revived.1
These measures completely freed the English
Church from the authority of Rome, and all
details of internal affairs became subject to
the control of the State. Although Henry
and his advisers were not influenced by any
desire to arrive at precise theological truth,
there were many men in the Church who,
awakened by the revival of learning, by the
dissemination of the Scriptures, owing to the
labours of Tyndale and others, by the teaching
of Luther, Calvin and other reformers, and by
conviction of the gross abuses of Rome, re
garded these measures as steps by means of
which a reformed religion might be established
1 See Note B at the end of this chapter for Dr. Tullooh's
view of the character of the English Reformation. See
also the Thirty-seventh Article and the Declaration prefixed
to the Articles for a statement of the position of the King
as Governor of the Church and his relation to Convocation,

INTRODUCTORY 16
in this country. The separation from Rome
involved two great struggles — one respecting
the shape of the formularies and Articles of
belief of the separated English Church, and
the other respecting conformity to those formu
laries and Articles, and incidentally the right
of religious belief in this country.
In the reign of Edward VI. two Acts of
Uniformity were passed, each accompanied
by a Book of Common Prayer in English, the
use of which was enjoined. The first book,
1549, speaks of the Communion Service as
" The jSupper of the Lord and the Holy Com
munion commonly called The Mass," but in
the second book, 1552, among other alterations
in a Protestant direction, the use of the word
" Mass " is discontinued, and it never reap
peared in the Prayer-book. In Edward's reign
too it was enacted that the administration of
the Sacrament should be in both kinds and
that the marriage of priests be permitted.
Queen Mary having repealed the Reforma
tion Acts in force at her accession, the statutes
against foreign jurisdiction were revived by
Queen Elizabeth by the Act 1 Elizabeth, c. 1,
with the exception of Henry's Act of Suprem-

16 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
acy (26 Henry VIII., c. 1), which so continued
repealed. Elizabeth also passed an Act of
Uniformity (1 Elizabeth, c. 2) which revived
with some alterations the second Prayer-book
of Edward VI., e.g., the two sentences of the
first and second books of Edward VI. were
combined into the present form of administra
tion of Holy Communion. The great Act of
Elizabeth's reign was the Act (13 Elizabeth,
c. 12) entitled " An Act to reform certain dis
orders touching Ministers of the Church,"
which required clerical subscription to the
Thirty-nine Articles agreed upon by Convo
cation in 1562, for the avoiding of diversities
of opinions and for the Stablishing of Consent
touching true religion. The declaration pre
fixed by Charles I. to the Thirty-nine Articles
was drawn up by Archbishop Laud in 1628,
and is added to the Prayer-book prescribed
by the Act of Uniformity of 1662. Omitting
discussion of the canons of 1603 or of the
Hampton Court Revision in 1604 of the Prayer-
book, the great Act of Uniformity of 1662
(14 Charles IL, c. 4) required the use of the
Book of Common Prayer as we now have it
(qualified by the Amendment Act of 1872),

INTRODUCTORY 17
and which is in fact the Elizabethan Book of
Common Prayer with certain additions and
alterations presented by the convocations of
Canterbury and York. The additions and al
terations were numerous, but not of radical
importance. The first struggle thus resulted in the
Book of Common Prayer and the Thirty-nine
Articles substantially as we now have them.
They are obviously a compromise between the
mere lay statesmen and the religious reformers
who desired to embody in the formularies and
Articles those principles and doctrines which
are commonly called Protestant as opposed
to Romish on the one hand or Latitudinarian
on the other.1
The other consequential struggle arose from
the idea that the secular and religious autho
rities were necessarily one. There was one
State and one Church. The idea that each
unit of the State should be at liberty to formu
late his own belief and his own form of worship
was scarcely conceivable then, but that right
which really included the right to have teachers
1 See Notes C and D at the end of this chapter for an
Anglican view of the origin of the Prayer-book and Articles.
2

18 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD. MOVEMENT
1
of those special views was gradually conceded,
and it is only within comparatively recent
times that religious disabilities which assumed
that every one who did not conform was for
many purposes outside the civil pale have
been practically removed. It was only after
a great struggle that the London University
was authorised, and a still greater struggle
that Oxford and Cambridge were thrown
open. The struggle for uniformity is not yet
settled, but it is now mainly between persons
who all profess to be members of the Estab
lished Church.
The Movement which so broadened down
to religious toleration and almost to religious
equality was not an isolated Movement. Co^
temporaneously a struggle went on for civil
liberty and equality, and in the life of the
community it is impossible to sever the two
movements. And a third influence quieter
and more insidious was the increase of learn
ing, especially in history, philosophy and the
physical sciences. All these together make
modern history a very complicated study, and
it is absolutely impossible to divide it into
compact and separate departments.

INTRODUCTORY 19
The Tudor period, when the modern Move
ment really began, is marked by disturbances,
as might be expected when changes of such
far-reaching importance were begun and at
tempted to be developed. Persecutions and
counter-persecutions were the natural pheno
mena of the time, there being little doubt that
the Government of the time was influenced
mainly by political motives, while many, per
haps most of the sufferers, were martyrs who
suffered for conscience' sake.
4. In the Stuart period the political struggle
with Rome was practically over, but with
weak kings and the strong development of
Protestantism, aided by the political mistakes
of Charles I. and James II. , the flight of James
left the Established Church in possession of
power, but with great liberty to Nonconfor
mists and a Crown resting on a Parliamentary
title. In this period Romanism had been
stunned, but there were many divines who
taught what they considered to be Catholic
doctrines, but which to the rabid Independent
were not distinguishable from those of Rome,
especially those respecting the authority of
the Church, the Apostolical Succession and

20 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
the efficacy of the Sacraments. The divine
right of kings was naturally a burning ques
tion during this period, but little was heard of
it after the reign of Anne. The divines just
referred to may be regarded as the founders
of the modern High Church branch of the
Church of England. The other conformists
who took no special part may be looked on
as the general body of the Church, but not
Low Church as now understood. The Broad
Church may perhaps have had some historical
origin in the interesting men known as the
Cambridge Platonists. During the time of
the Georges the Church sank into a state of
sloth and lethargy, theological learning was in
decay, the services were slackly performed.
It was mainly a machinery by which a moder
ate living was provided for moderate men
from whom very moderate things were ex
pected. The laity did not expect any great
learning or spiritual fervour from their clergy,
but they desired to be baptised, married and
buried according to the ritual of the Church,
and it was good form to attend once a
week to hear the Church Service read.
The Universities of Oxford and Cambridge

INTRODUCTORY 21
were practically dead. There were, however,
here and there in country livings and among
the Fellows of colleges traditions preserved of
the old High Church doctrines and of the old
broad views, but it was not until Wesley's day
that life began to move again in the Church.
Wesley, a Church of England clergyman, and
his followers impressed strenuously on the
minds of the people the importance of the
question, What shall I do to be saved ? Its
answer, Justification by Faith, was simple.
He undoubtedly woke up the spiritual life of
the country, though his teaching and measures
led ultimately to an organisation separate from
that of the Established Church. The few
representatives of the High Church and Broad
Church despised the Wesleyans for their en
thusiasm and ignorance, forgetting that they
themselves were little but dead bones. The
destruction of baronial power by the wars of
the Roses and the Tudors, and the political
movements in the reigns of the Stuarts which
completely curbed the kingly power, had re
sulted in making the government of this
country a Constitutional Monarchy. The
king was no doubt the head, but he could

22 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
only act on the advice of his responsible
ministers, and they were responsible to and
removable by Parliament. The theory of the
divine right of kings could not survive the
Act of Settlement. The whole theory of
Government rested on a contract between
king and people.
5. The wars which began with William of
Orange and ended with Waterloo prevented
much attention being given to the solution of
political problems, but the exhaustion of the
country consequent on that prolonged struggle,
the enormous misery of the mass of the people,
and the partial destruction of respect for the
throne which had taken place during the reign
of the Georges, had brought the country to
such a perilous state that responsible states
men had no alternative between revolution
and parliamentary reform, and hence the Re
form Bill of 1832 was at last passed. The
great Reform Act of 1832, which on the face
of it merely reformed the House of Commons,
was really a great revolution. It marked the
end of the oligarchical period, when the govern
ment of the country was really in the hands
of the aristocratic and landed classes, mainly

INTRODUCTORY 23
belonging to the Church of England, who filled
the House of Lords, and by their influence
controlled the Lower House. The Reform
Act, however, by abolishing pocket boroughs,
by extending the suffrage, and by redistribu
tion, placed power in the hands of the middle
classes largely embued with the Nonconformist
spirit, and was the beginning of the political
movements whose aim was political and re
ligious equality. The Reform Act was a
new departure, as important politically as the
measures of Henry VIII. severing the English
Church from Rome were important ecclesi
astically. If any one did not appreciate the
importance of the political movement, the
measures proposed by the first reformed
Parliament must have been a rather rude
awakening. The Reform Act of 1832 was
however no isolated movement. The stupend
ous political, social and religious eruption
known as the French Revolution had not
merely obliterated the ancient political, social
and religious organisation of France, but had
set free an enormous amount of speculation
which spread over all Europe and largely de
stroyed the old acquiescence of men in things

24 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
as they were, and led them to inquire more
carefully into the foundations of Society and
of Religion itself, and thus caused enormous
alarm among those who considered themselves
to be the guardians of social order and of the
means of salvation. The wildest speculations,
political, social and religious, were the common
places of the day.
In the endeavour to ascertain the state of
affairs in 1832, attention has been drawn to the
two lines of development in English history,
ecclesiastical and political, but the other quieter
and more insidious influences arising from the
discovery of printing and the consequent dis
semination of knowledge must not be over
looked. Bacon first taught men to look at
phenomena from the real scientific point of
view, that is the inductive, and although his
philosophy appears to have lain dormant for
many years because the necessary materials
had not been accumulated, the spirit was there
and worked. The Deistic controversies had
accustomed men to discuss abstruse theo
logical dogmas from rather wider points of
view than had in earlier ages been possible.
Locke had brought a great deal of hard

INTRODUCTORY 25
common sense to bear in his theory that all
knowledge was acquired through the senses.
Gibbon had shown how history should be
studied and written, and had incidentally in
sinuated that many Christian beliefs were
mere illusions. Scott, by his romanticism, had
helped to teach men to throw themselves into
remoter periods, and try to see them as the
men of those periods did. Germany, by a suc
cession of philosophers whose teaching showed
that Locke and his school had taken too hard
and narrow a view, and that there were more
things in the intellect and soul than had been
dreamt of in that narrow school, had done
useful service, and although almost entirely
unknown at first hand in this country, the
speculations of S. T. Coleridge had to some
extent familiarised the minds of reading men in
this country with some of the results of German
philosophy. 6. The Act of 1832 not merely transferred
power from the aristocratic and landed classes
to the middle and possibly soon to the lower
classes, but opened a vista of immediate con
sequential radical reform in Church and State,
one of the first of which was the proposed

26 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
suppression of some at least of the many
bishoprics in Ireland. The only seats of
liberal education in this country, Oxford
and Cambridge, were closed to all except
members of the Established Church. As
institutions for the promotion of sound learn
ing they were practically extinct, as seminaries
of religious teaching they were asleep.1 Al
though toleration of religious belief was now
allowed and active persecution was practically
at an end, Nonconformity was heavily handi
capped in the race of life. The Established
Church itself, safe for many years in posses
sion, had practically gone to sleep. As before
stated, here and there a little of the old High
Church learning and feeling had survived, in
other places a little of the old broad or pla-
tonist feeling, in many more places such teach
ing as there was was Evangelical, caught
from the fervour of Wesleyanism, but in the
vast majority of places there was a dull per
formance of the services without learning,
without enthusiasm, one might almost say
without belief, certainly without any active
vivifying influence. The only survival of real
1 See Note E to this chapter on the state of Oxford.

INTRODUCTORY 27
religious belief, and of active religious teach
ing, seemed to be in the Nonconformist
bodies, and mainly in the Methodist Societies
which had now assumed almost the dimen
sions and position of a Church. To appreciate
more accurately, however, the intellectual and
spiritual outlook of the time, it is necessary
to subtract the achievements of the Victoria
Era. The great conquests of physical science,
the molecular theory, the theory of the cor
relation of physical forces, the theory of evolu
tion, the discoveries of biology, the comparative
study of institutions, political and religious,
the study of the Sacred Books of the East,
the investigation of the origin of the Old and
New Testament and their critical study, the
new philosophy, — all these things must be
taken into account and subtracted from the
present mass of knowledge and theory, before
we can fully appreciate and estimate the
emptiness and ignorance of the learning of
the earlier times. Speaking generally of the
leaders of the Movement, Professor Jowett
(W. G. Ward and the Oxford Movement, p.
432) says : " None of the leaders were I think
at that time acquainted with German except

28 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
Dr. Pusey, who employed his knowledge for
the most part in the refutation of the old
German Rationalism. To say the truth, the
learning of that day was of a rather attenuated
sort. The energy and ability of that genera
tion were out of all proportion to their attain
ments. Hardly any one had read the works
of Kant and Hegel which have since exercised
a great influence upon Oxford study. Very
little was known of Plato. The philosophy
of that day was contained in Aristotle's Ethics
and Rhetoric and in Butler's Analogy and
Sermons." It was in this state of things that the
Oxford Movement began.

NOTE A.
Mr. J. A. Froude on Piety and Dogmatic
Theology.
History of England, vol. ix., c. 16, pp. 301-2.
"The rules of life as delivered in the
Gospels were too simple and too difficult :
too simple, because men could not thus readily
shake off the dark associations which had
grown around the idea of the Almighty ; too
difficult, because the perfect goodness thus as
signed to Him admitted no compromise, re
fused the Ritualistic contrivances which had
been the substitute for practical piety, and
exacted imperatively the sacrifice which man
ever found most difficult — the sacrifice of him
self. Thus for the religion of Christ was ex
changed the Christian religion. God gave the
gospel ; the father of lies invented theology ;
and while the duty of obedience was still
29

30 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
preached, and the perfect goodness of the
Father in heaven, that goodness was resolved
into a mystery of which human intelligence
was not allowed to apprehend the meaning.
The highest obedience was conceived to lie in
the profession of particular dogmas on inscrut
able problems of metaphysics, the highest dis
obedience in the refusal to admit propositions,
which neither those who drew them, nor those
to whom they were offered, professed to be
able to understand. Forgiveness and mercy
were proclaimed for moral offences ; the worst
sins were made light of in comparison with
heresy ; while it was insisted that the God of
love, revealed by Christ, would torture in hell-
fire for ever and for ever the souls of those who
had held wrong opinions on the composition of
His nature, however pure and holy their lives
and conversation might be."

NOTE B.
Dr. Tulloch on the Special Character of
the English Reformation.
Rational Theology, p. 37.
" The Reformation in England was singular
amongst the great religious movements of the
sixteenth century. It was the least heroic of
them all — the least swayed by religious pas
sion, or moulded and governed by spiritual and
theological necessities. From a general point
of view, it looks at first little more than a
great political change. The exigencies of
royal passion, and the dubious impulses of
statecraft, seem its moving and really power
ful springs. But, regarded more closely, we
recognise a significant train both of religious
and critical forces at work. The lust and
avarice of Henry, the policy of Cromwell, and
the vacillation of the leading clergy, attract
31

32 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
prominent notice ; but there may be traced
beneath the surface a widespread Evangelical
fervour amongst the people, and, above all, a
genuine spiritual earnestness and excitement
of thought at the Universities."

NOTE C.
The Prayer-Book.
Hook, Lives ofthe Archbishops of Canterbury,
vol. xi., advt. p. x.
" During the Middle Ages our own Church
was not in possession of a Book of Common
Prayer. Various dioceses . . . adopted dif
ferent formularies under the style of * Uses '.
In the words of the Prayer-book there had
been great diversity in saying and singing in the
Churches of this realm, some following Salis
bury use, some Hereford use, and some the use
of Bangor, some of York, some of Lincoln. It
was a grand idea to determine upon the adop
tion of one use for the entire Church. A step
was taken in advance when the two Prayer-
books of Edward VI. were adopted. But
we may regard it as a providential mercy that
the reformers of that reign were obliged to
leave their work incomplete, for it is impossible
33 3

34 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
to conjecture the extent to which the weak
ness of Cranmer and his coadjutors would have
carried them in the way of concession (especi
ally when they called in the aid of foreigners)
if they had not been stopped in their career.
A wise course was adopted on the accession
of Queen Elizabeth, at the instigation of Parker,
when the Prayer-books of Edward VI. were
made the basis of the public formularies
adopted in the reign of the great Queen, —
Parker not seeking to please foreigners or
sects in communion with them, but to adhere
to positive truth. The Prayer-book then
established remained in force until its further
and final reformation, through the Amendments
adopted by the two Convocations of Canter
bury and York, was ratified by the Act of
Uniformity under King Charles II. The
Prayer-book then reformed has continued
unchanged until the present time."

NOTE D.
The Thirty-Nine Articles.
Hook, Lives ofthe Archbishops of Canterbury,
vol. ix., p. 328.
" No wonder that complaint was . . . made
of a diversity of preaching on the part of the
preachers ; nor are we surprised that in con
sequence of this complaint it was considered
necessary, not indeed to devise a scheme of
theology, but to take measures to create an
agreement upon certain of the more prominent
points of controversy, amongst those whose
business it was to instruct a people whose
ignorance was, taking the mass of them, pro
found. . . .
" This was the origin of the far-famed Thirty-
nine Articles. Parker clearly understood the
nature of the task which devolved upon him.
He was not to draw up a new scheme of
doctrine. It had been already ruled that, in
the Church of England, the preachers were to
35 3*

36 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
accept the tradition of the Church and to carry
it on, except when synods, on comparing the
tradition with Holy Scripture— the fallible
tradition with the infallible Word of God-
had found the tradition to be at fault. Amid
the entangled web of human controversy
Parker had to point out what, in their teach
ing, the preachers were to avoid ; or if there
was recourse, in any instance, to dogma, it
was simply because it was only by a statement
of fact that the nature of a controversy could
be debated. Certain things the English clergy
were not to teach, because, upon those par
ticular points, the Church of England had
spoken authoritatively ; beyond this there was
liberty. They were not to inquire what
Luther or Calvin opined, but what the Church
in all ages had taught, and what the English
Church in her late synods, held under the
authority of the sovereign, had decreed.
" That the Thirty-nine Articles were in
tended to be articles of peace is an assertion
which cannot be substantiated by history.
There was no immediate attempt to force men
to concur in opinion ; this Parker knew to be
an impossibility ; the desire was to prevent them

THE THIRTY-NINE ARTICLES 37
from disputing in public, by showing that on
certain controverted points the Church, in
synod, had given judgment ; and men were
called to act modestly by * hearing the Church '.
That the Thirty -nine Articles as drawn up by
Parker were controversial articles we may
admit — we may even contend; but, as we
have shown, the controversy was not directed
against the Catholic party, as is sometimes
supposed. The Catholics were in possession
of most of the Churches ; the Romanists, using
the word in its strict sense, had already left
the Church — that is, those who insisted upon
the papal supremacy had quitted their perfer-
ments and had gone abroad ; a large party,
the vast majority of the clergy, remained in the
English Church, reprobating popery, but re
taining a love for mediaeval practices if not
always for mediaeval doctrine, and among
those there were some who were willing to
abjure allegiance to the Pope, but who could
not make up their minds to take the oath of
royal supremacy as tendered by the Govern
ment. This large body of both clergy and
laity Cecil, as a statesman, had no wish to
offend ; the Queen had an abhorrence of

38 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
Calvin and the Calvinistic tenets; and the
Archbishop himself was accused, and he ad
mitted to a certain extent the justice of the
charge, that he treated this body of men with
leniency ; he declined when they conducted
themselves peaceably to press upon them the
Oath of Supremacy. Add to this what has
been before affirmed, that all political parties
were at this time afraid, not of the Catholics,
but of the ultra-Protestants, and it will be
admitted that when modern controversialists
would assume an exclusive Protestant char
acter for the Thirty-nine Articles, they speak
from conjecture, not from history. So far
from denying that they are opposed to much
which is now called Romanism, the historian
must affirm it; but his affirmation must be
equally strong, that they are in the same de
gree opposed to much which in these days
would be regarded as Protestantism.
"The Articles will never be clearly under
stood unless their strictly controversial char
acter, as well as their position in combating
the two extremes, be fully admitted. They
are sometimes censured as containing an im
perfect statement of doctrine; this criticism,

THE THIRTY-NINE ARTICLES 39
however, vanishes when, on an appeal to his
tory, it is found that no general statement of
doctrine was intended, and that a statement
on certain controverted points of theology or
religious practice then in vogue was all that
was intended, as, indeed, it is all that we find.
'To the careless reader it may appear that this
statement is contradicted by the first five
Articles ; but upon examination it will be
found that they had a controversial aspect,
and stand opposed, not to Romanism, much
less to Catholicism, but to ultra-Protestantism.
The Nicene doctrine, so clearly stated in the
Articles, was accepted by Catholics of every
shade of opinion, whether Anglo Catholics or
Roman Catholics ; they were when not opposed
only partially accepted by ultra-Protestants,
of whom the Queen and statesmen who now
imposed the Articles had a just abhorrence —
the Anabaptists, the Arians, the Libertines,
and - Unitarians ' of every form ; and to these
perhaps the learned reader will add the Calvin
ists, for although Calvin accepted the doctrine
of the Trinity, he did not receive the Nicene
definition of that Divine truth — the definition
adopted in the Articles."

NOTE E.
State of the University of Oxford before
the Accession of Queen Victoria.
Article by Mr. C. A. Fyffe in The Reign of
Queen Victm^ia (Smith, Elder & Co., 1887),
vol. ii., pp. 288, 291.
" It may be doubted whether any so-called
learned society, professing at the same time to
be an educational body, ever sank lower than
the University of Oxford in the last century.
There were, no doubt, throughout the worst
times some few men who privately pursued
study ; but when this has been said, all has
been said. The University and the Colleges
neither taught, nor maintained discipline, nor
examined. The professors had, with rare ex
ceptions, ceased to lecture ; there was no
examination for degrees ; there were no dis
tinctions for merit— within the Colleges the
Fellowships were with some few exceptions
40

OXFORD UNIVERSITY BEFORE VICTORIA 41
appropriated to persons born in particular
localities, or educated at particular schools,
or connected by descent with the founder ;
moreover, the great majority of Fellows were
bound to be clergymen. The scholarships
were in part attached to schools, the remainder
were usually bestowed by favour, as pieces of
private patronage. In some cases, as at New
College, the nomination to a school scholar
ship carried with it the certainty of a College
scholarship and fellowship ; such nominations
were therefore sought as soon as a child was
born, and the Fellow of New College was in
fact appointed in his cradle. Every under
graduate on matriculation was compelled to
subscribe to the Thirty-nine Articles, and to
declare himself a member of the Church of
England. The University was thus closed to
Nonconformists. Most of those who came
up, came with the view of taking orders, and
the University was regarded both within and
without as in the main a training place for the
clergy. But the instruction given amounted
to little or nothing ; life was loose and coarse,
and at the end of three or four years' residence
a man might take his degree and go away with

42 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
no more knowledge than he brought up with
him. Among the resident Fellows there was
scarcely a pretence of learning or of the love
of it. They were dull, often hard-drinking
men, who had gained their posts without ex
ertion, and held them without profit to them
selves or others, waiting for the time when a
college living should enable them to marry
and to devote their days to domestic ease.
" It was at the beginning of the present
century that light began to break in upon
these dark places. It was felt to be a scandal
ous thing that the University should give its
degrees without any examination ; and the
first step in reform was the establishment of
an examination for the B.A. degree, accom
panied by the publication of the names of the
twelve men who had most distinguished them
selves. This rudimentary separation of the
sheep from the goats soon afterwards developed
into the Honour Lists in Classics and Mathe
matics ; and from this time the spirit of emu
lation, though working in a comparatively
narrow circle and under many discouraging
conditions, brought back to Oxford elements
of vitality which had been absent for genera
tions. Peel, Keble, Arnold, Whately, Milman,

OXFORD UNIVERSITY BEFORE VICTORIA 43
adorned the early class-lists. Ere long the
better Colleges began to think of opening their
Fellowships to general competition. Whether
there existed any authority but the legislature
which could legally alter the existing statutes
with antiquated preferences and restrictions,
was more than doubtful. Two Colleges, how
ever, took the law into their own hands.
Oriel, throwing open its Fellowships, made
itself the home of a body of men of whom
many were destined to leave their mark on
English life. Balliol, opening its scholarships
as well as its Fellowships, gained an educa
tional pre-eminence which it retains to this
day. Beyond this reform did not far extend.
The Tractarian Movement, which began soon
after 1832, gave indeed a certain stimulus
to learning, but it was primarily to learning
of a theological kind. ... At the accession
therefore of Queen Victoria, Oxford had in
deed risen some degrees above the low- water
mark to which it had sunk under the Georges.
Men of eminence were not wanting to it. Its
studies, however, were still narrow, its consti
tution radically bad, its usefulness restricted
to members of the Church of England, its
spirit exclusive and ecclesiastical."

CHAPTER II.
THE LEADERS.
Whately — Keble — Froudj; — Newman—
Pusey — and Others.
Without attempting anything in the nature
of biography, it may nevertheless be useful to
give an introductory sketch down to the com
mencement of the Movement of the more dis
tinguished men whose names are associated
with it.
1. Archbishop Whately would have been
very much surprised if it had been suggested
to him that his name would be mentioned in
this connection, since he left Oxford for Dublin
in 1831, and regarded both Evangelicalism and
Ecclesiasticism as mere forms of bigotry, but
he undoubtedly helped to create an atmo
sphere in Oxford which rendered the Move
ment possible.
Whately was born in 1787, the son of a
44

THE LEADERS 45
Prebendary of Bristol ; he was educated pri
vately, entered Oriel in 1805, took a double
second in 1808, became Fellow in 1811, and
married in 1821. In 1822 he left Oxford for
the living of Halesworth in Suffolk, but re
turned in 1825, when he was appointed Prin
cipal of St. Alban Hall. He was appointed
Archbishop of Dublin in 1831, and then finally
left Oxford. He was an oddity with ability
and force and complete freedom from conven
tionality. In his early Oxford days he was
known as the "White Bear," from his white
hat, rough white coat, and huge white dog.
Later on he gave amusement to the public and
scandal to the Dons by exhibiting in Christ-
church Meadow the exploits of his dog
" Sailor," a large spaniel whom he had taught
to climb the high trees hanging over the
Cherwell, from which it would often drop into
the river below. He was a great eater and
smoker, and a loud talker. At St. Alban's he
used to lecture his undergraduates lying on a
sofa with one leg over the back or end. He
was not a student nor an accomplished scholar.
His range of reading was narrow, but his
favourite authors were suggestive and fur-

46 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
nished ready texts which gave employment to
his powers of thought, and of tracing out
ideas in all their ramifications. Stuart Mill
in speaking of Whately's philosophical investi
gations, and in language apparently adopted by
Whately's biographer, says : " Of all persons in
modern times entitled to the name of philoso
phers, the two, probably, whose reading was
the scantiest in proportion to their intellectual
capacity were Archbishop Whately and Dr.
Brown. But though indolent readers they
were both of them active and fertile thinkers."
His final test being common sense, the regions
of imagination and taste scarcely existed for
him. The daily occupation of his brain was
to seize on some notion of what he considered
a practical order, to follow it out and to bring
it home turned from a mere germ into a com
plete production. Where Whately was, there
was everlasting discussion on Politics, Philo
sophy, Church Constitution, Church Doctrine,
and other subjects which might for the time
interest academic circles. He was perpetually
"chopping logic" either with himself or the
companions whom he used as anvils upon
which to hammer his thoughts into shape.

THE LEADERS 47
His position as a Churchman was somewhere
between the High Churchman and the Low
Churchman. His common sense rejected the
dogmas of the one as not justified by suf
ficiently clear authority, and despised the
intangible and emotional creed of the other.
Oriel College in Whately's time contained, ac
cording to the Rev. Thomas Mozley,1 some of
the most distinguished personages, the most
vigorous minds, and the most attractive char
acters in Oxford. Its most prominent talkers,
preachers, and writers, says Mr. Mozley,
" seemed to be always undermining if not
actually demolishing received traditions and
institutions," and in this new Oriel sect — the
Noetic as it was called — Whately was one of
the pre-eminent. Mr. Mark Pattison says : 2
"The Noetics knew nothing of the philoso
phical movement which was taking place on
the Continent ; they were imbued neither with
Kant nor Rousseau, yet this knot of Oriel men
was distinctly the product of the French Re
volution. They called everything in question ;
they appealed to first principles and disallowed
1 Beminiscences, vol. i., pp. 18, 19.
2 Memoirs, p. 79.

48 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
authority as a judge in intellectual matters.
There was a wholesome intellectual ferment
constantly maintained in the Oriel Common-
room." Whately's real contribution to the
Movement was the creation of an atmosphere
of discussion in which traditions, institutions
and doctrines were freely discussed and their
origin and authority looked into. Whately
was a voluminous writer, and as a man was
honest, straight and free from any trace of
meanness. 2. In the same year, 1811, that Whately was
elected Fellow of Oriel, there was also elected
Fellow of the same College a youth not quite
nineteen named John Keble, a striking con
trast in many respects to Whately. Keble
was born in 1792, being thus eight years older
than Dr. Pusey (1800), nine than Newman
(1801), and eleven than Hurrell Froude (1803).
He was the elder son of a Gloucestershire
country clergyman of some family with Cava
lier and Nonjuring traditions, and a man of
character and scholarship, who prepared both
his sons for Oxford. John Keble entered
Corpus Christi College early in 1807, having
gained a scholarship the previous December,

THE LEADERS 49
and in 1810, when little over eighteen, he ob
tained a double first in Classics and Mathe
matics, and in April, 1811, just before his
nineteenth birthday, he was elected to an open
Fellowship at Oriel. In the following year he
gained both the Chancellor's essays, the Eng
lish and the Latin. For some years he was
employed with private pupils and after his
ordination in parochial work, but in 1818 he
was appointed tutor at Oriel, and so remained
till 1823, when he left Oxford for a curacy near
his father, and after some time took the small
living of Hursley, where he remained till his
death. When Keble left Oxford in 1823 he was
followed by several pupils — Robert Wilber
force, Isaac Williams (afterwards curate to
Newman) and Hurrell Froude, afterwards
Fellow and Tutor of Oriel, and the link
between Keble and Newman.
Keble, shy, modest and country-bred, had
come up to Oxford, as Dr. Pusey said, " a fresh,
glad, bright, joyous boy". As a tutor in the
society of the pupils who joined him in the
country, his nature expanded and their inter
course was free, affectionate, joyous and play-
4

50 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
ful. The gardener's comment was : " There is
master, the greatest boy of them all ".
At Oxford, although he was as Newman
said the first man in Oxford, he was absolutely
free from common pride. He was from the
first, what he always remained, shy, modest,
unambitious. He pushed no claims. The
only piece of ecclesiastical promotion which
came in his way was the Archdeaconry of
Barbados, offered him in 1824 by Bishop
Coleridge. He would probably have accepted
gladly the Provostship of Oriel, vacant in 1827
through Copleston's appointment as Bishop of
Llandaff and Dean of St. Paul's. The head
ship lay between Hawkins and Keble, but
Hawkins was a resident tutor in full work,
also a double first class man and a man of a
shrewd practical wisdom and keenness. The
balance was turned against Keble by Newman
and Pusey, neither of whom then knew Keble
intimately, and in the end Keble withdrew from
the candidateship. Keble was not, however,
the completely perfect man his admirers and
biographers would represent him to have been.
His training, says the Rev. Thomas Mozley,1
1 Reminiscences, vol. i., p. 219.

THE LEADERS 51
" had not that admixture of roughness which is
necessary to fit a man for the work of the world.
He could only live in a calm and sweet atmo
sphere of his own. He had not the qualities
for controversy and debate which are necessary
for any kind of public life. He very soon lost
his temper in discussion. It is true there
were one or two in our College who might
have tried the temper of an angel, but there
was really no getting on with Keble without
entire agreement, that is submission." In later
life this frame of mind developed into some
thing like a modified feeling of papal infalli
bility. In 1831 he undertook to edit Hooker's
works, and towards the end of the year he
was elected Professor of Poetry. His theory
was (letter to Sir J. T. Coleridge, 13th Feb.,
1832) to consider poetry as a vent for over
charged feelings, or a full imagination, and so
account for the various classes into which
poets naturally fall, by reference to the various
objects which are apt to fill and overpower
the mind so as to require a sort of relief.
Then there would come in a grand distinction
between what he called primary and second-

52 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
ary poets, the first poetising for their own
relief, the second for any other reason. The
principal poets are examined by this test and
classed accordingly. The lectures were de
livered in Latin and have never been trans
lated. It cannot be said that they ever
attracted much notice, partly because the
audience must have been very limited, but
mainly because there was nothing very strik
ing or original in the subject or its treatment
by him beyond what any man of Keble's
knowledge, reading and general culture might
be expected to produce when set down to per
form a task. However, the professorship did
fulfil what Keble's friends had in view. Dur
ing its continuance it naturally brought him
up from his country cure, renewed his ac
quaintance with Oxford and Oxford men, and
extended and consolidated his influence as an
unworldly scholar and a loyal and devoted
priest of the Anglican Church. It was more
over a recognition of Keble's poetical claims
as the author of The Christian Year, the work
by which he will most probably be longest
remembered and most recognised. In that
age writing verses was looked upon as a

THE LEADERS 53
natural accomplishment for a cultured person.
We are told that Warren Hastings, after his
retirement, frequently presented his guests at
breakfast with a copy of verses he had com
posed over-night. Keble had been practising
the art for a long time, but the work began
about 1819, and was only first published in
1827. He was first and last a Churchman.
Mr. Herbert Paul, in the third volume of his
History of Modern England, says : " There are
some men for whom the Church of England
is too large, and others for whom it is too
small. It was exactly the right size for Mr.
Keble." With some allowance for rhetorical
effort this fairly describes Keble's attitude
towards the Church during his whole life, and
it was only natural that his verse should be
coloured with those views. He would be
repelled if not disgusted by the hysterical
outbursts of Methodism, and would have no
sympathy with the deadness of feeling shown
by other extremes in the Church. Verses
were written as he felt called upon to give
expression to his ideas, with the result that
when collected into a volume they were pro
perly entitled The Christian Year; Thoughts

54 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
in Verse for the Sundays and Holydays through
out the Year. And the note which is fairly
carried out is expressed in the advertisement :
"That next to a sound rule of faith there is
nothing of so much consequence as a sober
standard of feeling in matters of practical re
ligion ; and it is the peculiar happiness of the
Church of England to possess in her authorised
formularies an ample and secure provision for
both," and it refers to that soothing tendency
in the Prayer-book which it was the chief pur
pose of those pages to exhibit. There are many
beauties in The Christian Year, but Keble can
hardly be called a great poet. He might be
called a Nature poet, for he has painted with
great tenderness many views of the gentle
English landscape and learnt much from
Wordsworth and his school. The country
atmosphere permeates his verse, and a main
object seems to have been to expound the
lessons written in the book of earth and sky,
but the outside world with its doubts, per
plexities and despair is outside his range.
After leaving Oxford, Keble gave his spare
time to the study of general and theological
writings and patristic literature, and began

THE LEADERS 55
the study of Hebrew. He was obviously
much impressed by Butler's argument in the
Analogy based on continuity, and his poems
are filled with the same idea of continuity.
It is this idea as opposed to the hysterical and
arid parties in the Church which led him to
lay so much stress on the soothing tendency
of the Prayer-book. The great idea he strove
to impress was that domestic feeling the
Christian should entertain to his Maker and
Redeemer. God was not a devouring being
whom it was necessary to appease. He was
the Father. We are His children. His house
is the domestic abode of all who duly and
reverently accept and obey His gentle rule.
The verses, for example, in the Morning
hymn : —
The trivial round, the common task,
Would furnish all we ought to ask ;
Room to deny ourselves ; a road
To bring us, daily, nearer God ;
and in the Evening hymn :—
When the soft dews of kindly sleep
My wearied eyelids gently steep,
Be my last thought, how sweet to rest
For ever on my Saviour's breast,

56 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
express the soothing continuous domesticity
of home and duty Keble considered that the
Church through its authorised forms expressed.
The book was, and remains, an enormous suc
cess, and joined with his great academical
reputation, and his known soundness in the
faith, and his self-denying character, gave him
immense weight in Oxford and in the Church,
and so he was selected to preach the Assize
Sermon on the 14th July, 1833, — no doubt
selected in the ordinary course as a distin
guished man to discharge a somewhat ordinary
duty, — but which he afterwards published under
the title of " National Apostacy Considered,"
and which Newman and others regarded as the
commencement of the Movement. Down to
this time, however, the only publication of
Keble deserving any notice was The Christian
Year, and he can hardly be described as a
very High Churchman. He had not accepted
the high Sacramental view adopted as the
struggle proceeded, and the stanza —
O come to our Communion Feast :
There present in the heart,
Not in the hands, the Eternal Priest "
Will His true Self impart,

THE LEADERS 57
though altered after his death with his consent,
given a few weeks before his death, into " As
in the hands," rather shows that his natural
spontaneous expression was not inclined to
the objective presence.
3. Richard Hurrell Froude was the elder
brother of the better known James Anthony
Froude. Their father, Robert Hurrell Froude,
was Rector of Dartington, and from 1820 on
for many years Archdeacon of Totness in the
Diocese of Exeter. Richard Hurrell Froude
(commonly called Hurrell Froude), the eldest
of eight children, was born in 1803, being
about fifteen years older than Anthony. He
is described from the first as a stormy kind
of child, handsome and odd, and some say
adored by his relatives. He seems really to
have been an ill-conditioned and unmannerly
kind of lad. His mother, in a letter written
in 1820 to an imaginary correspondent, but
really intended for Hurrell himself, describes
him as " very much disposed to find his own
amusement in teasing and vexing others, and
almost entirely incorrigible when it was ne
cessary to reprove him. ... In all points
of substantial principle his feelings were just

58 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
and high."1 And Mr. Paul, in his life of
J. A. Froude, describes Hurrell Froude as
harsh and cruel, and gives a number of
instances of his almost incredible cruelty to
his young brother Anthony. He was sent
early to the Free School, Ottery St. Mary,
under the Rev. George Coleridge, and then to
Eton, where he remained until he matriculated
at Oriel in April, 1821. His tutor was John
Keble, and when Keble left Oriel for the
Curacy of Southrop, he was followed by
Hurrell Froude and later by Robert Wilber
force and Isaac Williams, as pupils — to read
for their degrees. Hurrell Froude took his
degree in December, 1823, a second class in
Classics and Mathematics. Early in 1826
Hurrell Froude and Robert Wilberforce were
elected Fellows of Oriel. The editor of
Newman's correspondence says the election
was momentous to Mr. Newman, as bringing
him into intimacy with the friend whose
intimacy he ever felt powerful beyond all
others to which he had been subject, and
Newman, writing to his mother on 31st March,
1826, said, with some exaggeration, "Froude
1 Guiney, Life, pp. 6, 7.

THE LEADERS 59
is one of the acutest and clearest and deepest
men in the memory of man". Fellowships
at Oriel depended not so much on what a
man had read, or what honours he had taken,
but on a man's whole momentum and equili
brium, not what he had read, but what he
was like — originality and distinction were the
test, and the Fellowships were thrown open
to the whole University. Froude soon formed
a deep friendship with Newman. Their view,
like Keble's, that a tutorship involved a cure
of souls, and not merely a routine of lectures,
was not accepted by the new Provost Hawkins,
with the result that the old tutors were by
degrees left without pupils, Froude giving up
the tutorship in 1830. Froude's health, how
ever, giving signs of weakness, he went abroad
in December, 1832, with his father and New
man. They visited Rome in April and saw
Dr. Wiseman, when the Froudes returned to
England, leaving Newman. On 25th July,
1833, the Hadleigh Conference began, at which
Hurrell Froude was present, but not Keble
or Newman. The impression Froude made
on his friends and acquaintances was that he
was not learned, but relied too much on his

60 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
own insight and reasoning, and was too hasty
in coming to conclusions, and often intemperate
in the expressing of them. Although it was
evident that his health was still giving way,
when Newman returned he plunged into the
controversy by his side. The first tract was
written by Newman in September, 1833, and
Froude contributed four, though one is attri
buted to Newman. In October, 1833, Froude
left England for Barbados, and after acting
for some time as domestic chaplain to the
bishop, he became mathematical master at
Codrington College, but returned in March,
1835, and, after a few days at Oxford, returned
to his country home, to die on 28th February,
1836. Besides the four Tracts for the Times,
and a few casual contributions to magazines,
he has practically left nothing except the
Remains, collected by Newman and Keble in
1838 and 1839. Though not published by
him and only collected by Keble and Newman,
they were in the nature of a party manifesto.
They consisted mainly .of journals, diaries,
memoranda, poems, sermons, ecclesiastical
papers, and especially a history of the contest
of Thomas h Becket with Henry II. , and gave

THE LEADERS 61
great material for the opponents of the party
to show the ascetical and ecclesiastical ten
dencies of the writer and his friends. Dr.
Arnold's view is expressed in his letter to
Dr. Hawkins dated 5th August, 1838 : " I have
read Froude's volume (i.e. vol. i. of Remains),
and I think that its prominent character is ex
traordinary impudence. I never saw a more
remarkable instance of that quality than the
way in which he, a young man and a clergy
man of the Church of England, reviles all
those persons whom the accordant voice of
that Church, without distinction of party, has
agreed to honour, even perhaps with an excess
of admiration." They are only referred to
here for the purpose of showing something of
the ideas of one who was so much regarded
by Keble and Newman as Froude. It is
otherwise a little difficult to see the immense
prominence given to Hurrell Froude by all
those who took part in or wrote in a friendly
spirit about the Movement. Hurrell Froude
himself said : " Do you know the story of
the murderer who had done one good thing
in his life ? Well, if I was ever asked what
good deed I had done, I should say I had

62 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
brought Keble and Newman to understand
each other." x Newman says (Apology) : " Hur
rell Froude was a pupil of Keble, formed by
him, and in turn reacting upon him. He
had an intellect critical and logical as it was
speculative and bold. His opinions arrested
and influenced me even when they did not
gain my assent." They became acquainted in
1826, and were in the closest and most affec
tionate friendship from about 1829 to his
death in 1836. There can be no doubt that
they acted and reacted on one another, and
that Froude taught Newman or led him to
accept much Catholic doctrine. Froude's ideal
was the Mediaeval Church, with Thomas a
Becket as the type. He looked on Liberalism
and not the Pope as Antichrist and on the
Church as supreme ruler of the world, and
on the Reformation as a rebellion against
authority. He delighted to describe himself
as pushing his friends forward to do things,
or a poker stirring up the fire burning in them,
and which he was incapable physically of doing
himself. He was no doubt a brilliant talker,
consummate dialectician and ardent prose-
1 Remains, vol. i., p. 438.

THE LEADERS 63
lytiser. Dean Church 1 says of him : " Like
Henry Martyn he was made by strong and
even merciless self-discipline over a strong
and for a time refractory nature. He was a
man of great gifts with much that was at
tractive and noble, but joined to this there
was originally in his character a vein of per
versity and mischief always in danger of
breaking out, and with which he kept up
a long and painful struggle. His inmost
thoughts and knowledge of himself have been
laid bare in the papers published after his
death." Many of his friends considered him
either directly, or indirectly, the real leader
of the Movement. Dean Church, after re
ferring to the Hadleigh Conference and the
beginning of the Tracts, says : " Keble had
given the inspiration, Froude had given the
impulse ; then Newman took up the work,
and the impulse henceforward and the direc
tion were his ".2
4. John Henry Newman.— -It is a natural
question whether any one can be properly
called the leader of the Movement. It was
1 The Oxford Movement, by Dean Church, p. 36.
2 Ibid., p. 32.

64 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
probable, almost certain, that in the existing
state of opinion and politics some consider
able movement must occur and the men en
gaged in it are merely parts of the phenomena,
but in this particular Movement the leader
ship seems to be seriously disputed only
between the friends of Keble, Pusey and
Newman respectively, and on the whole the
consensus of opinion seems to be that New
man was most entitled to be called the leader.
John Henry Newman was born in the City
of London on 21st February, 1801, the son
of John Newman and Jemima Fourdrinier
his wife, the eldest of six children, three boys
and three girls. The Rev. Thomas Mozley,
who married Harriet Newman, says : John
Newman was of a family of small landed
proprietors in Cambridgeshire, and had an
hereditary taste for music of which he had
a practical and scientific knowledge together
with much general culture. He was chief
clerk and afterwards partner in a banking
firm in London which stopped payment early
in 1819. He died 29th September, 1824.
Dr. Wm. Barry in his work says the family
was understood to be of Dutch origin, and

THE LEADERS 65
that its real descent was Hebrew, but he
gives no evidence, except that in an earlier
generation the family had spelt its signature
Newmann, and he refers to his Jewish cast of
features and intellectual qualities. The Four-
driniers were French by descent and Hugue
nots who after the Revocation of the Edict of
Nantes had settled in London as engravers
and paper-makers, and had conformed to the
Established Church. Mrs. Newman, says Dr.
Barry, taught her children a "modified Cal
vinism," and they were expected at a proper
age to go through the spiritual process known
as " Conviction of sin," to be followed in due
course by "Conversion," terms more familiar
among English Dissenters of the Wesleyan
type than among Churchmen. In a matter
involving so much speculation, it would per
haps be safer to infer that as a matter of
heredity and allowing for the father's musical
tastes, John Henry Newman derived his bril
liance as a writer and his love of and skill
in music from the French side of his descent
rather than from the very problematical He
braic descent suggested by Dr. Barry. The
two brothers, Francis William and Charles
5

66 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
Robert, were under great obligations to their
elder brother, but their ultimate religious de
velopment led to painful personal and family
estrangement. Francis, after obtaining a
double first and going through various ex
periences, such as a missionary expedition
to Persia, became a faddist, theist, and
radical. He survived till 1877. Charles in
early life became a convert to Robert Owen,
the philanthropic Socialist, then called an
Atheist, but he broke loose and tried to
originate a "New Moral World" of his
own. A clerkship in the Bank of England
was obtained for him, but he failed to retain
it. At his request he was sent to Bonn, but
failed to take a degree, and owing to erratic
tendencies bordering on the verge of insanity,
all attempts to help him failed, and he was
maintained till his death in 1884 by his two
brothers and his brother-in-law, the Rev. Thos.
Mozley. It is a curious speculation as to
what led to this extreme and apparently
erratic development in the three brothers —
whether it arose from some want of mental
ballast or the inexorable working out, to their
conclusions, premises either unsound or incom-

THE LEADERS 67
plete, but the results in the three cases were
certainly very curious. There was nothing
remarkable about the three sisters. They
remained members of the English Church in
which they had been brought up ; Harriet
and Jemima were in sympathy with their
eldest brother, and his frequent and regular
correspondents. They looked up to him
naturally with affectionate appreciation, but
neither followed him to Rome. Harriet was
married to the Rev. Thomas Mozley, and
Jemima became the wife of John Mozley of
Derby, while the youngest, Mary, died early.
When John Henry Newman was about seven,
he was sent by his father to the large private
school at Ealing, Middlesex, kept by Dr.
George Nicholas, of Wadham College, Oxford,
and which reckoned about 300 pupils. He is
said to have been a precocious, imaginative,
sensitive boy who passed rapidly before the
other pupils, but took no part in out-door
games. Even then he was devoted to litera
ture. In December, 1816, his father set out
with him for Oxford, and when not quite
sixteen he was matriculated at Trinity College,
which Dr. Nicholas pronounced " most gentle-

68 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
manlike ". In June, 1817, he went into resi
dence and won a Trinity scholarship (£60 a
year for nine years) in the following May.
Early in 1819 his father's bank suspended
payment, but after a month settled in full
with its creditors, but thenceforth Newman's
pecuniary prospects were much clouded.
Newman was a hard worker, and with his
great abilities his friends looked forward con
fidently to a brilliant degree, but when he
went in for examination in November, 1820,
he lost his head, broke down, and after vain
attempts for several days, had to retire, only
first making sure of his B.A. degree. His
name did not appear at all on the mathematical
side of the paper, and in classics it was found
in the lower division of the second class of
honours, which at that time went by the con
temptuous title of "Under the line," there
being as yet no third or fourth classes. The
explanation was that he had over-read himself.
In October, 1819, he wrote his mother that
he was reading between eleven and twelve
hours a day. He had dabbled in other things.
With his friend Bowden he had published a
poem, and carried on for some time a small

THE LEADERS 69
periodical, and in the summer term of 1819
had attended Buckland's lectures on Geology.
He had broken down before, and did so after
wards when examiner, and being called up
for his degree examination a day sooner than
he expected, lost his head, with the result
stated. There had been some idea of going
to the Bar, and in 1819 he was entered at
Lincoln's Inn,1 and in 1819 and the beginning
of 1820 he attended Modern History Lectures,
but his failure in the schools making his pro
spects at the Bar doubtful, and his religious
views becoming more pronounced, he decided
in 1821 to take Orders.2 His scholarship con
tinuing for several years still, he remained at
Oxford, and the year following the Degree
Examination he devoted to more or less desul
tory reading — mineralogy, chemistry, music and
the Scriptures — but from the time he thought
of standing at Oriel, he gave considerable time
'He entered 19th November, 1819: "John Henry
Newman of Oriel College, Oxford, Esq. (age eighteen).
First son of John Newman of Southampton St., Esq."
He left the society on his own petition 11th March, 1825,
having paid absent Commons seven and a half years, but
not having kept any terms for call to the Bar.
2 Letters, p. 47.

70 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
to Latin composition, logic and natural philo
sophy. His friends heard with great surprise
and doubt that he had determined to make
an attempt for an Oriel Fellowship, but New
man never accepted his failure in the Degree
Examination as the real measure of his
powers. A reaction set in, and he determined
to retrieve his position. His hopes were well
founded, for to the surprise of his friends he
was elected Fellow on 12th April, 1822, the
messenger carrying the news finding him
playing the violin. Newman1 ever felt this
12th April, 1822, to be the turning point of
his life, and of all days most memorable.
It raised him from obscurity and need to com
petency and reputation. He never wished
anything better or higher than in the words
of the epitaph, "To live and die a Fellow
of Oriel". Dr. Copleston in a letter to Dr.
Hawkins, 2nd May, 1843, speaking of the
defect of examinations as a test, says : " You
remember Newman himself was an example ;
he was not even a good classical scholar, yet
in mind and power of composition, and in
taste and knowledge, he was decidedly su-
1 Letters, p. 73.

THE LEADERS 71
perior to some competitors who were a class
above him in the schools ". Newman, speak
ing of -the meeting with the Fellows, says :
"I could bear the congratulations of Cople-
ston, but when Keble advanced to take
my hand I quite shrank, and could have
shrunk into the floor, ashamed of so great
an honour". His first difficulty as a Fellow
was his extreme shyness. He did not at once
find his place in the loud and constant argle-
bargle of dialectic in the Common Room, so
he was handed over to Whately as a cub to be
licked into shape, and an anvil upon which
Whately might beat out ideas. The process
was educative, and Newman says that Whately
not only taught him to think correctly but to
rely upon himself. Whately in the preface to
his Logic, and much to Newman's gratification,
acknowledged assistance obtained in its com
position from Newman, a great part of which
was no doubt done in his capacity of anvil.
Whately was on the point of leaving Oxford
for his living (he left in fact in 1822), but
Newman was considerably under his influence
while he was in Oxford, and a mutual regard
followed, and to this is no doubt largely due

72 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
the fact that Whately in 1825 made him his
Vice-Principal of Alban Hall. Newman on
election as Fellow at once set himself to make
up, as far as he could, the deficiency in
scholarship referred to by Dr. Copleston, and
was of course as a new and noted Fellow busy
with private pupils for some years, but be
tween 1822 and 1825 he saw most of Hawkins
and fell under his influence. On 13th June,
1824, he was ordained deacon (priest in due
course), and became curate for two years of
St. Clement's, Oxford, and a large amount of
time and work was taken up in his parochial
duties, and in collecting the funds for building
a new Church. He also, until he became
curate, studied theology under Dr. Lloyd, the
Professor of Divinity, who was one of the high
and dry school. In 1825 Whately returned
to Oxford as head of Alban Hall, and New
man became his Vice- Principal, until his ap
pointment as Tutor of Oriel in 1826. On that
appointment Newman gave up his curacy and
vice-principalship and thenceforth devoted him
self to his College duties as tutor with zeal
and assiduity, not merely discharging his
ordinary duties, but endeavouring to render

THE LEADERS 73
it unnecessary for his pupils to go to private
tutors, and in other respects taking a strong
personal interest in them. It may be use
ful to summarise so far as conveniently may
be the state of his opinions at this stage.
The statement of Dr. Barry that Mrs. New
man had reared her children in a modified
Calvinism can hardly be accepted. The Rev.
T. Mozley, after his wife's death, asserted that
Mrs. Newman had reared them in extreme
Calvinism, but this was omitted in a second
edition, and is strongly denied by Mr. F. W.
Newman,1 and the Cardinal himself says : 2
"When I was fifteen (in the autumn of 1816)
a great change of thought took place in me. I
fell under the influences of a definite creed,
and received into my intellect impressions of
dogmas which through God's mercy have
never been effaced or obscured. Above and
beyond the conversations and sermons of the
excellent man long dead, the Rev. Walter
Mayers of Pembroke College, Oxford, who
was the human means of this beginning of
1 Early History of Cardinal Newman, by F. W. New
man, p. 72.
2 Apologia, p. 4.

74 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
divine faith in me, was the effect of the books
which he put into my hands, all of the school
of Calvin ... of the Calvinistic tenets, the
only one who took root in my mind was the
fact of heaven and hell, divine favour and
divine wrath, of the justified and the unjusti
fied."1 Two other works in the autumn of
1816 produced a deep impression on his mind,
Milner's Church History and Newton on the
Prophecies, and in consequence Newman be
came convinced that the Pope was the Anti
christ, and says his imagination was " stained "
by the effects of that doctrine till 1843. While
an undergraduate, Newman heard Hawkins
preach his celebrated sermon on Tradition,
and accepted the proposition that the Sacred
Text was never intended to teach doctrine,
but only to prove it, and that if we would
learn doctrine, we must have recourse to the
formularies of the Church, for instance, the
Catechism and the Creeds. Seeing much of
Hawkins from 1822 to 1825, Hawkins, dis
cussing much, taught Newman to weigh his
words and to be cautious in his statements,
and was the means of great additions to his
1 Apologia, p. 6.

THE LEADERS 75
belief. He gave Newman the treatise on
apostolical preaching by Sumner, afterwards
Archbishop of Canterbury, from which he
was led to give up his remaining Calvinism,
and to receive the doctrine of Baptismal Re
generation. About 1823 the Rev. William
Jamesj Fellow of Oriel, to use Newman's
common expression, " taught " him the doctrine
of Apostolical Succession. Dr. Lloyd's lectures
took his pupils through Sumner's Records of
Creation, Graves on the Pentateuch, Carpzov
on the Septuagint, Prideaux's Connection, and
other standard works of that kind, and New
man also read considerably, and about 1825
was much impressed by Butler's Analogy, by its
inculcation of a visible Church, the oracle of
truth and a pattern of sanctity, of the duties
of external religion and of the historical
character of Revelation, and especially by its
doctrine that Probability is the guide of life
and the practical exclusion of emotion from
the religious feelings. His knowledge was
also extended by his studies for the Memoirs
of Apollonius Tyanaeus and the Argument on
Miracles, as connected with it, which he had
undertaken to write for the Encyclopedia

76 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
Metropolitana. When Whately returned to
Oxford, he and his Vice-Principal naturally
became very intimate, though their minds
were very different, and ultimately diverged
widely in opinion, but what he did for New
man1 in point of religious opinion was first
to teach him the existence of the Church as
a substantive body or corporation, and next
to fix in him those Anti-Erastian views of
Church polity which were one of the most
prominent features of the Tractarian Move
ment. By 1826, when Newman began to
devote himself mainly, as already stated, to
the duties of his College tutorship, his Calvin
istic and Evangelical views were gradually
dropping away from him, and he had accepted
a considerable number of dogmas held by the
high and dry Churchmen of the day, but
having no real coherence and no real link
binding them together and making them into
one coherent system.
In 1826, however, Hurrell Froude was
elected Fellow of Oriel, and he was also Tutor
from 1827 to 1830 ; Robert Wilberforce became
Fellow and Tutor (Dornford, a Fellow and
1 Apologia, p. 12.

THE LEADERS 77
Tutor, was their senior). Newman's happiest
time at Oxford began in 1826. His tutor
ship 1 gave him position, he had written one or
two essays which had been well received, and
he began to be known. He preached his first
University sermon. In 1827 he was appointed
by Dr. Howley, then Bishop of London, one
of the preachers at Whitehall. In 1827 and
1828 he held the University office of Public
Examiner in Classics for the B.A. Degree, and
for the Honour List attached to the examina
tion. In 1828, on Mr. Hawkins becoming
Provost of Oriel, he was presented to the
Vicarage of St. Mary's, the University Church.
(He resigned the tutorship in 1832 and the
vicarage in 1843.) In 1830 he served as pro-
proctor, and in 1831 and 1832 he was one of
the University Select Preachers. Newman 2
says : " It was to me like the feeling of spring
weather after winter ; and if I may so speak,
I came out of my shell, I remained out of it
till 1841 ". The views of the tutors on Church
matters, a subject of constant discussion, were
naturally sobered and solidified, so to say, by
Keble's Christian Year, which was published
1 Apologia, p. 1 16. 2 Ibid.

78 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
in 1827. The year 1828, as above mentioned,
was noted by the election of Hawkins as
provost, mainly through Newman and Pusey,
in preference to Keble, Hawkins being con
sidered the more practical man. It was in
fact the preference of discipline over senti
ment, and in 1828 Newman began the sys
tematic reading and study of the Fathers.
Whately's influence over Newman had been
waning for some time, and in the same degree
the influence of Keble and Froude over him
had increased, and the formal break came in
the beginning of 1829. The affair of Mr.
Peel's re-election was the occasion of it.
Peel's conduct in the question of Catholic
Emancipation had, Newman considered, taken
the University by surprise, and Newman op
posed him on academical and not at all on
ecclesiastical or political grounds, but Whately
was much annoyed by the line Newman took ;
he saw a serious meaning in the act and that
Newman was separating from Whately's own
friends. In 1830, as a consequence of his de
veloping opinions, Newman ceased to be secre
tary of the Church Missionary Society, and to
be a member of the Bible Society. In the

THE LEADERS 79
same year Mr. Rose proposed to him to write,
as part of a theological library, a history of
the principal Councils, a work which he under
took, but which grew into one of rather a dif
ferent kind, and at last appeared at the end of
1833 under the title of The Arians of the
Fourth Century, of which Dean Church 1 says
that " though an imperfect book, [it] was one
which for originality and subtlety of thought
was something very unlike the usual theological
writing of the day ".2
Difficulties also soon began to arise with the
Provost Hawkins, the practical man and dis
ciplinarian. By the resignation of two senior
tutors and the appointment of Froude and
Wilberforce in their places, the provost found
himself faced by tutors whose views of the
1 Church, p. 132.
2 " In the Arian heresy it was contended that the Son
sprang not from the nature of the Father but was created
from nothing. He had an existence before the world, even
before time, but not from eternity. He was therefore in
essence different to the Father and belonged to the order
of creatures, whom, however, He preceded in excellence.
As there was a period in which He was not, so there was
an infinite distance between Him and the nature of the
Father " (Hook, Church Dictionary, 15th edition, p. 60).

80 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
pastoral nature of their office did not coincide
with his. At first and on different grounds the
provost and tutors worked heartily together
and with success for the enforcement of disci
pline and the purification of the College, and the
academical prospects of the College improved.
There was, however, at bottom, a grave and
latent difference of principle between the
provost and the tutors, which was likely to
lead, and did in time lead, to a collision be
tween them. There was a standing difference
of opinion among religious men of that day
whether a College tutorship was or was not an
engagement compatible with the ordination
vow. Newman, not content merely with his
College lectureship, and setting himself against
the system of private tutors by himself prepar
ing candidates among his pupils for honours,
cultivated with them relations of intimacy and
friendship and almost of equality, but his main
object was the exercise of his pastoral office.
He says fa "1 think the tutors see too little of
the men and there is not enough of direct re
ligious instruction. It is my wish to consider
1 Letters, p. 151.

THE LEADERS 81
myself as the minister of Christ. Unless I find
that opportunities occur of doing spiritual good
to those over whom I am placed, it will become
a grave question whether I ought to continue
in the tuition." At length the quarrel came.
The immediate occasion was a claim of the
tutors to use their own discretion in their mode
of arranging their ordinary terminal lecture
table — a claim which on the provost denying
it they based on the special relation existing
between each tutor and his own pupils, in con
trast with his accidental relation to the rest
of the undergraduates whom he from time to
time saw in lecture. The provost practically
made the relation the same in both cases, but
Newman, Wilberforce and Froude refused to
accept this view, and after correspondence
through 1829 to June, 1830, the provost closed
it by signifying to Newman, Wilberforce and
Froude his intention to stop their supply of
pupils, and he thus gradually deprived them of
their office as their pupils took their degrees
and left. By the Long Vacation of 1832, New
man's pupils had all but a few passed their
B.A. examination, and the two or three who
remained he gave over into the hands of the
6

82 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
provost, and Newman so relinquished the
tutorship. When Newman became Vicar of St. Mary's,
the hold he had acquired over his pupils led
to their following him there, and receiving
directly religious instruction from his sermons,
though from the first he had kept his pastoral
relationship in view. After the appointment
he had naturally a wider and perhaps more
legitimate scope for the exercise of his pastoral
duties and instincts, and his four o'clock
sermons on Sundays became " an institution "
largely attended and in growing numbers, not
merely by his own pupils, but by members
generally of the University. The charge made
in the heat of controversy against him, and
revived by the Rev. Charles Kingsley, that in
this series of sermons J he had some insidious
desire to lead men Romewards, and that, with
that view, he would preach even a whole
sermon for the purpose of launching some
sentence, or even word, which might adhere
and germinate, was of course preposterous
and the figment of a fanatical imagination.
1 Vol. i. of the Parochial and Plain Sermons was pub
lished in March, 1834.

THE LEADERS 83
Dean Church says the Movement had its spring
in the consciences and characters of its leaders,
that to them religion really meant the most
awful and the most seriously personal thing
on earth. It had not only a theological basis,
it had still more deeply a moral one, and the
indications of its ethical temper and habits
are forcibly given in Newman's earliest preach
ing. When he became a parish priest his
preaching took a singularly practical and plain-
spoken character, and as he began he continued,
but growing in purpose and directness as the
years went on. A passionate and sustained
earnestness after a high moral rule seriously
realised in conduct is the dominant character
of these sermons.1 The Parochial and Plain
Sermons are clear and emphatic, but without
exaggeration in their recognitions of the actual
facts of life, and their stern denunciation of
the religion of the day with its laxity and
easiness and general concurrence with the
tendencies of modern civilisation, and it is
probable that these sermons reacted on the
preacher by creating in him a dissatisfaction
i Church, p. 20.
6*

84 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
with the Protestant ideal of life, its insufficient
renunciation of the world, and its want of
those aids to religious life which fill so large a
part of Roman Catholic life. In the first stage
of the Movement moral earnestness and en
thusiasm gave its impulse to theological in
terest and zeal, and little appeared to be owing
to adventitious aids. J. A. Froude says : " His
appearance was striking. He was above the
middle height, slight and spare. His head
was large, his face remarkably like that of
Julius Caesar. The forehead, the shape of the
ears and nose were almost the same. The
lines of the mouth were very peculiar, and I
should say exactly the same." 1 According to
Principal Shairp : 2 " The service was very
simple, no pomp, no ritualism ; for it was
characteristic of the leading men of the Move
ment that they left these things to the weaker
brethren. Their thoughts at all events were
set on great questions which touched the
heart of unseen things. About the service
the most remarkable thing was the beauty, the
silver intonation of Mr. Newman's voice as he
1 Short Studies, fourth series, p. 192.
2 Quoted Church, p. 141.

THE LEADERS 85
read the lessons. . . . When he began to
preach a stranger was not likely to be much
struck. There was no vehemence, no declama
tion, no show of elaborated argument, so that
one who came prepared to hear a great intel
lectual effort, was almost sure to go away
disappointed." Mr. Gladstone, in a speech
delivered in the City Temple in 1887, says of
Newman's manner in the pulpit that there was
not much change in the inflection of the voice,
action there was none, the sermons were read
and his eyes were always bent on his book ;
but the man must be taken as a whole, and
there was a stamp and a seal upon him, there
was a solemn sweetness and music in the tone,
there was a completeness in the figure taken
together with the tone and with the manner
which made his delivery singularly attractive.1
Newman had great personal influence.
Archbishop Temple when an undergraduate
(born 1821, degree 1842), in a letter to his
mother,2 dated 31st May, 1841, says: "Mr.
Newman must be a very wonderful man to
1 Account in Hutton's Life, pp. 90, 91.
2 Life of Archbishop Temple, edited by Archdeacon
Sandford, vol. ii., pp. 456-57.

86 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
have such immense power over all that come
into contact with him. You may see this
most strikingly in the way that all his ac
quaintance imitate his manner and peculi
arities ; it looks like affectation certainly, but
I confess I believe them to be above that. I
think the reason is that in their minds his
manner is so connected with every good feel
ing that mere association leads them to imitate
him, and many I think do it unconsciously. It
is, however, very absurd to see them all hold
their heads slightly on one side, all speak in
very soft voices, all speak quick and make
long pauses between their sentences, and all
on reaching their seats fall on their knees ex
actly as if their legs were knocked from under
them. He preached on Christian wisdom, etc."
The Rev. Thomas Mozley,1 after saying that
Newman's appearance was not commanding
to strangers, that he did not carry his head
aloft, but had a slight bend forwards, and was
thin, pale, and with large lustrous eyes, says :
" His dress — it became almost the badge of
his followers— was the long-tailed coat, not
always very new . . . and it was so long kept
1 Reminiscences, vol. i., p. 205.

THE LEADERS 87
up by the new Oxford school as to be likely
to become as permanent as the distinctive garb
of the Quakers ".
Hurrell Froude's health giving way, it was
decided that he should winter abroad accom
panied by his father, and at their invitation
Newman, being then practically free from
College duties, and worn out by writing his
book,1 agreed to join them in a tour to Italy
and the Mediterranean, and the party accord
ingly set sail in December, 1832. The accounts
of this journey are extremely interesting, but
the details are outside the scope of this work,
though there are a few points which may be
touched upon. They kept clear of Catholics
during their tour, and as to Church services
they attended the Tenebrae at the Sistine, for
the sake of the Miserere, but that was all.
They saw nothing but what was external.
Froude and Newman made two calls on
Monsignore Wiseman shortly before they left
Rome, but Froude's statement that they asked
Wiseman on what terms they could be received
into the Roman Catholic Church cannot be
accepted. No statement as to the subject of
1 Arians ; finished middle of 1832, published end of 1833,

88 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
their conversations is contained in the Apology.
Froude's statement must have been an ex
aggeration, one of those caricatures of alle
gation he frequently indulged in, as when he
described the Hadleigh Conference as "a
conspiracy," but as he was a man incapable of
mere invention, the probability is that there
was some conversation about the points of
similarity and difference between the Churches ;
and the possibility of reunion — a very natural
subject— may and probably was mentioned,
though not in the way of such request as
Froude's words would imply. The Froudes
left Rome for England early in 1833, but
Newman remained, and at the end of April,
without a companion, for a second time went
to Sicily, and got back to England by Palermo
in July, 1833. While in Sicily he had a violent
fever, but when his servant thinking he was
about to die asked for directions, he said : 1 " I
shall not die," and repeated, " I shall not die,
for I have not sinned against the light, I have
not sinned against the light," though Newman
says he has never been able quite to make
out what he meant. Before starting from
1 Apologia, p. 34.

THE LEADERS 89
his inn for England, he sat on his bed and
began to sob violently, and when asked what
ailed him could only answer, " I have a work
to do in England". When becalmed in the
Straits of Bonifacio, he wrote the lines " Lead,
kindly Light," with respect to which when
asked by a correspondent some time ago
what meaning precisely he attached to the
words —
And with the morn those Angel faces smile
Which I have loved long since and lost awhile,
he admitted his inability to say what it was.
It is probable that he had no precise idea what
he meant by saying he had a work to do in
England, but in Rome he had begun to think
he had a mission, and when they took leave
of Monsignore Wiseman, who courteously ex
pressed a wish that they might make a second
visit to Rome, Newman said with great gravity,
" We have a work to do in England ". This
feeling, which Newman calls a presentiment,
grew stronger in Sicily, and in his hysterical
state found utterance in the words quoted, " I
have a work to do in England," though he had
no precise or definite idea of the work to be

90 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
done. Subject to the delay from calm and a
few days' rest at Lyons, Newman proceeded
straight to England, where he arrived on 9th
July, 1833.
There were many points on which the
opinions of Newman and Froude did not co
incide, but Newman considers that Froude
taught him to look with admiration towards
the Church of Rome, and in the same degree
to dislike the Reformation, that he fixed deep
in him the idea of devotion to the Blessed
Virgin, and led him gradually to believe in
the Real Presence. By this time Newman
had completely lost all his distinctive Cal
vinistic and Evangelical beliefs. He was not
even a high and dry Churchman, but an ad
vanced Churchman, enthusiastic for his Church
and its priesthood, their rights and privileges,
and eager to work for their defence. His
idea of the position of the Church with re
lation to the State and his want of grasp of
the Catholic idea of the status of the Church
were shown in 1829, by his letter of 13th March,
1829, in which he says : " There will not be
that security for sound doctrine without change
which is given by Act of Parliament ", From

THE LEADERS 91
the long illness in Sicily and consequent weak
ness, the solitude of the sea and hurried
journey home, Newman plunged at once into
the Movement. He learned the position of
general politics and their probable effect on
the Church, and the steps being taken for its
defence, especially at meetings, chiefly in Oriel
Common Room, to unite and associate in its
defence. On 14th July, 1833, came Keble's
famous sermon on National Apostasy. Be
tween 25th and 29th July was the conference at
Mr. Rose's Rectory at Hadleigh. Although
Newman was not at Hadleigh and there was
some difference of opinion, especially as to the
precise mode in which to move in the defence,
Newman took his place among the leaders and
moved with increasing power and prominence.
He had serious doubt whether any useful
purpose would be served by combinations.
Nothing striking was ever done by a com
mittee. The individual had always accom
plished any great work, as for example Luther,
and no committee or board brought about
the Reformation, and therefore Newman fa
voured each individual doing his own work,
though in general unity and co-operation with

92 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
the others, having the same or similar aims.
Hence in September, 1833, Newman published
his tract, the first of the Tracts for the Times,
which was undoubtedly the strongest overt
act yet taken in the Movement. At the end
of 1833 he published his history of the Arians,
and in March, 1834, the first volume of his
Parochial and Plain Sermons, but by this
time the Movement was under full way and
had passed beyond the limits of these pre
liminary notices.
Some illustrations of Newman's style are
set forth in the note to this chapter. It has
been observed that his style both in prose
and verse seems to have become much more
brilliant and unfettered after he became a
Roman Catholic than it was before;
5. Edward Bouverie Pusey, D.D., Canon
of Christchurch and Professor of Hebrew,
Oxford. — Dr. Pusey was by many people re
garded as the head of the Movement. It was
in fact frequently called the Puseyite Move
ment, and its adherents were commonly called
Puseyites, and that long after the Movement
itself was spent. As a fact he only joined it
comparatively late and long after it was well

THE LEADERS 93
on its way, under the impetus given by New
man, Keble and Froude, but his adhesion was
regarded as of great importance. His family
and connections, his professorship and im
mense reputation for learning, all contributed
to his weight. He gave us, says Newman,
"a position and a name". Pusey was born
on 22nd August, 1800, at Pusey House,
Berkshire, His father was the Hon. Philip
Bouverie, the youngest son of Jacob, first
Viscount Folkestone, the name of Bouverie
having been exchanged by him for that of
Pusey as a condition of succession to the
Pusey estate. His mother was the daughter of
Robert, fourth Earl of Harborough. Edward
was the second son, and after preparatory
schools and Eton he entered Christ Church
in 1819. As a young man his health was
delicate, but he was industrious and able, and
in the Easter term, 1822, obtained his First
Class in the Classical Honour Schools. In
1823 he gained a Fellowship at Oriel College.
He graduated B.A., 1822, and M.A., 1825, in
due course, and the intervening years deter
mined the drift of his future life. At Oriel
he was brought in contact and intimacy with

94 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
Keble and Newman, and though Keble ceased
to reside after his mother's death in 1823,
Pusey went into lodgings with Newman. Dr.
Lloyd, Professor of Divinity, exercised great
influence over him, and strongly advised him
to reside in Germany so as to acquire famili
arity with the language and theological litera
ture of that country. Pusey in pursuance of
this advice spent about two years, June, 1825,
to June, 1827, at German Universities, especi
ally Berlin, Gottingen and Bonn, devoting
himself to the Oriental languages, not content
merely with Hebrew, but carefully studying
Arabic and Syriac, as well as the general
theological literature of the time. He became
on friendly terms with Tholuck, Bunsen, Eich-
horn, Schliermacher, Neander, Freitag and
other German scholars, and read hard under
their guidance. On his return to England he
became involved in controversy with Mr. Hugh
James Rose, who had delivered a course of
lectures at Cambridge tracing German ra
tionalism almost exclusively to the absence of
that control which is provided in the Church
of England by formularies of faith and de
votion and by its episcopal form of govern-

THE LEADERS 95
ment — inferring that the English Church being5
so protected need not fear any lapse into
German rationalism, which had resulted from
the want of them. Pusey did not adopt that
view, and tried to show that the English
Church showed symptoms of dead orthodox-
ism which would result in the decadence of
religious life here as among German Protes
tants. Many of Pusey's expressions were
misunderstood ; he was supposed to sympa
thise not merely with pietism but also with
rationalism, if not to be himself a rationalist.
He defended himself at great length against
such a charge, and never reprinted his first
book or its sequel, and in a will drawn up a
few years before his death he forebade any
one to do so. No doubt Pusey's well-known
general liberal opinions helped to fasten this
charge of liberalism in religious belief also
upon him.
On the 1st June, 1828, Pusey was ordained
deacon, and on 13th November, 1828, the Prime
Minister, the Duke of Wellington, recom
mended him for appointment as Regius Pro
fessor of Hebrew, to which was annexed a
Canonry of Christ Church, and on 23rd

96 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
November, 1828, he was ordained priest, and
so entered on what was really his life's pro
fession and work. Pusey's aim in life was
undoubtedly the priesthood, though he does
not seem to have been well fitted for or even
very desirous of the ordinary pastoral work,
but the office he now obtained gave him
exactly what he was fit for and what he de
sired — an office in the Church ecclesiastical
and academical, and also connected with the
preparation for orders of such as desired
either ordinary assistance or help to more
advanced study in Biblical linguistics. He
accordingly did not treat his duties as pro
fessor in any perfunctory manner, but by
himself and his assistants converted his chair
into a real machine for the teaching and study
of the Biblical languages. He did not, how
ever, confine himself merely to the duties of
his chair as a teaching office. His first great
work during the years following his appoint
ment to the chair was the completion of the
Catalogue of Arabic Manuscripts in the Bod
leian Library. This involved enormous labour
and took up the best part of his time during
seven of the most active years of his life.

THE LEADERS 97
In his own words : " When engaged on the
Arabic Catalogue at the Bodleian, I have as
I rose from the drudgery envied the very
bricklayers whom I saw at work in the
streets ".
The ordinary life of Oxford in 1828-1829)
was greatly interrupted by the question of
Catholic Emancipation. Sir Robert P'eel bad-
represented the University since 1817, and
for many years had been an opponent of eman
cipation, but after O'Connell's return for
Clare in 1828 the King's speech in opening
the session announced relief, and when on
5th February, 1829, the Oxford Convocation
voted a petition against the Roman Catholic
claims, Peel offered to resign his seat. An
election followed, resulting in 755 voting for
Inglis and 609 for Peel. This election divided
men sharply in Oxford. It separated Newman
from Whately. Keble was strongly against
Peel, but Pusey strongly supported Peel, not
merely because as a young Liberal he had
taken an interest in the question and was
glad to see the conversion of the Government,
but also because he had the example and
influence of his friend Dr. Lloyd, then Bis-

98 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
hop of Oxford, formerly Peel's tutor and his
supporter in the House of Lords. Whately,
Blanco White, Shuttleworth and the Provost
of Oriel were Pusey's allies against Keble,
Newman, Hurrell Froude and Robert Wilber
force. Dr. Lloyd died on 31st May, 1829, and
his strong influence being removed, Pusey
was ultimately thrown more into contact with
the minds which together with his own were
to give being and shape to the Movement
of 1833. Lord Henley published A Plan of
Church Reform, with a Letter to the King,
which was much discussed. It was taken for
granted that the first effort of the Reformed
Parliament would be to reform the Church.
Arnold's pamphlet on The Principles of
Church Reform which appeared early in 1833
reflected the general panic. At the close of
1832 Pusey completed his Remarlcs on the
Prospective and Past Benefits of Cathedral
Institutions. Other writers discussed all or
portions of Henley's proposals, but Pusey con
cerned himself with the scheme only so far as
it related to the redistribution of Cathedral
endowments, defending the services they
rendered to the Church and theology gener-

THE LEADERS 99
ally, and illustrating his arguments by his
experience of German Universities. Pusey's
pamphlet was favourably received, and many
of its proposals have passed into shape, or at
least into the general thought of the Church.
Pusey, as already stated, did not come into
the Movement until comparatively late. He
opposed Mr. Rose, not for defending ortho
doxy, but because he was of opinion that he
was mistaking some friends for foes, and in
his work on Cathedral Institutions he tried
to arrest assaults on the outer fabric of the
Church by an improved use of part of her
endowments. He worked privately with the
same objects, but when the Movement began
he did not join it. He was not invited to
the meeting at Hadleigh, nor to the meetings
subsequently held at Oriel, but he soon began
to circulate the Tracts. In November he
signed the Address to the Archbishop, and on
21st December, 1833, Tract No. 18 was issued
with his initials. Pusey contributed only
seven Tracts to the entire series of ninety.
The first was on Fasting. Mr. Isaac Williams
(Autobiography, pp. 70-72) gives an account of
the occasion of this Tract. Pusey said to New-

100 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
man : " ' You are too hard on the Peculiars as
you call them. You should conciliate them ; I
am thinking of writing a letter myself with that
purpose.' ' Well,' said Newman, ' suppose you
let us have it for one of the Tracts.' ' Oh !
No,' said Pusey, 'I will not be one of you.'
This was said in a playful manner, and before
we parted Newman said : ' Suppose you let us
have that letter of yours which you intend
writing and attach your name or signature
to it. You would not then be mixed up
with us, nor in any way responsible for the
Tracts.' 'Well,' said Pusey at last,, 'if you
will let me do that, I will.' " And so the
Tract was published with his initials, which
gave the Record and Low Church party
his name, which they at once attached to
all. Newman says of Pusey's joining fa "I had
known him well since 1827-28 and had felt for
him an enthusiastic admiration. I used to call
him 6 /iieya?. His great learning, his immense
diligence, his scholarlike mind, his simple
devotion to the cause of religion, overcame
me ; and great of course was my joy when in
1 Apologia, pp. 61-63.

THE LEADERS 101
the last days of 1833 he showed a disposition
to make common cause with us. His Tract on
Fasting appeared as one of the series, with the
date of December 21st. He was not, however,
I think, fully associated in the Movement till
1835 and 1836, when he published his Tract
on Baptism and started the Library of the
Fathers. He at once gave us a position and
a name. Without him we should have had
little chance, especially at the early date of
1834, of making any serious resistance to the
Liberal Aggression. But Dr. Pusey was a
Professor and Canon of Christ Church ; he
had a vast influence in consequence of his deep
religious seriousness, the munificence of his
charities, his Professorship, his family con
nections, and his easy relations with the Uni
versity authorities. He was to the Movement
all that Mr. Rose might have been, with that
indispensable addition which was wanting to
Mr. Rose, the intimate friendship and the
familiar daily society of the persons who had
commenced it, and he had that special claim
on their attachment which lies in the living
presence of a faithful and loyal affectionate-
ness. There was henceforth a man who could

102 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
be the head and centre of the zealous people
in every part of the country who were adopting
the new opinions, and not only so, but there
was one who furnished the Movement with a
front to the world and gained for it a recogni
tion from other parties in the University. In
1829 Mr. Froude or Mr. Robert Wilberforce
or Mr. Newman were but individuals ; and
when they ranged themselves in the contest
of that year on the side of Sir Robert Inglis,
men on either side only asked with surprise
how they got there and attached no signifi-
cancy to the fact ; but Dr. Pusey was, to use
the common expression, a host in himself : he
was able to give a name, a form, a personality,
to what without him was a sort of mob. And
when various parties had to meet together in
order to resist the liberal acts of the Govern
ment, we of the Movement took our place by
right among them.
"Such was the benefit which he conferred
on the Movement externally ; - nor were the
internal advantages at all inferior to it. He
was a man of large designs ; he had a hopeful
sanguine mind ; he had no fear of others ; he
was haunted by no intellectual perplexities. . . .

THE LEADERS 103
"Dr. Pusey's influence was felt at once.
He saw that there ought to be more sobriety,
more gravity, more careful pains, more sense
of responsibility in the Tracts and in the whole
Movement. It was through him that the
character of the Tracts was changed. When
he gave to us his Tract on Fasting he put his
initials to it. In 1835 he published his elaborate
Treatise on Baptism which was followed by
other Tracts from different authors, if not of
equal learning, yet of equal power and op-
positeness. The Catenas of Anglican Divines
projected by me which occur in the series were
executed with a like aim at greater accuracy
and method. In 1836 he advertised his great
project for a Translation of the Fathers : — but
I must return to myself."
6. Hugh James Rose, and others. — One of
the men who prepared the way for the Move
ment was Mr. Hugh James Rose, a Cambridge
man, Pusey's old antagonist. He had the
reputation of wide learning, practical ability,
and great disinterestedness and zeal. He in
sisted on the importance of combined action
in defence of the Church, and in 1832 under
took the editorship of the British Magazine,

104 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
a periodical which besides discharging in some
degree the duties of a magazine, anticipated
in not a few respects the Tracts for the Times.
It ,also contained poems expressive of the
faith and feelings of the Oxford party, some
of which were afterwards collected into the
volume known as the Lyra Aposlolica. He
was Rector of Hadleigh, and invited some
friera<ds, more or less like minded, to stay with
him at the Rectory just after midsummer,
1833. This was the famous Hadleigh Con
ference, which, however, separated without
arriving at any definite conclusions.
The Rev. William Palmer of Worcester
College, Oxford (not William Palmer of Mag
dalen), had been educated at Trinity College,
Dublin, and came to Oxford in 1828 to read
in the libraries there. His work, enriched by
notes of Bishop Lloyd, was published at the
Oxford University Press in 1832, under the
title of Origines Liturgies. It impressed
strongly the almost forgotten fact that the
Prayer-book was mainly a translation from
¦earlier Office Books, and powerfully contri
buted to the devotion to the traditions of the
Anglican Church which arose from olose study

THE LEADERS 105
otf the antiquities of its ritual, and was in fact
for a long time the main storehouse from
which many Anglican Churchmen drew their
knowledge of the ritual of the Church and its
historical descent. Newman says of him : 1
" Mr. Palmer had many conditions of authority
and influence. He understood theology as a,
science ; he was practised in the scholastic
mode of controversial writing : and I believe
was as well -acquainted as he was dissatisfied
with the Catholic Schools. . , . But he was
deficient in depth." He had not grown into
an Oxford man and wanted personal influence.
Isaac Williams was born in Wales in 1802,
and from Harrow went to Trinity College, Ox
ford, and having been introduced to Keble
spent the Long Vacation, 1823, reading with
him and his other pupils, Hurrell Froude and
Robert Wilberforce, at Southrop. Keble made
him an old-fashioned High Churchman. He
became Fellow and Tutor of his College, and ac
cepted Newman's offer of curacy of St. Mary's.
At first Williams threw himself heartily into
the Movement both poetically and practically.
His poetry was looked upon as the outpouring
1 Apologia, p. 40.

106 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
of a very beautiful mind deeply impressed with
realities. He was candidate for the Professor
ship of Poetry in succession to Keble as before
mentioned. He represented moderation in
teaching, though curiously his Tract on Re
serve in Religious Teaching singled him out as
a dangerous Tractarian. Newman, however,
gave signs of going where Williams could not
follow, and at last the strain broke. Williams
left Oxford and took a country living.
Walter Farquhar Hook brought in know
ledge of active parochial work, and the social
centre of the group was the Hon. and Rev.
A. P. Perceval, Vicar of East Horsley, who
had corresponded intimately with Keble on
religious and social subjects, and was now en
gaged on a catechism on Church doctrine.
Blanco White, a converted Spanish Roman
Catholic priest, born in 1775, came to Oxford in
1826, the University having conferred on him
the degree of M.A., and was welcomed widely
as a witness to the truths of the English Re
formation. He was made a member of the
Oriel Common Room and found himself among
a company of able men in the University all
of whom in various ways were interested in him

THE LEADERS 107
— as a type of Latin Christians. He educated
Oxford men in many things of which they were
practically ignorant. He explained to New
man and Hurrell Froude the order and use of
the Breviary, and is generally believed to have
taught Hampden so much of the Scholastic
Philosophy as enabled him to write his famous
Bampton Lectures and gave him the bias with
which to read scholastic literature. His intel
lect was destructive rather than constructive or
receptive and he ultimately became a Socinian.
Charles Marriott, the solitary saintly eccen
tric scholar, who was drawn into the Move
ment almost in spite of himself, devoted himself
largely to the Library of the Fathers — translat
ing himself or correcting or helping the trans
lation of others.

NOTE.
Illustrations of Newman's Style.
(1) Hymn— "Lead, Kindly Light."— 16th
June, 1833.
(2) Dream of Gerontius — verse from Choir
of Angelicals. — January, 1865.
Praise to the Holiest in the height,
And in the depth be praise :
In all His words most wonderful ;
Most sure in all His ways !
(3) Musical Sounds — extract from sermon
on " Developments in Religious Doctrine ".
Illustrations of the distinction between super
natural and eternal laws and our attempt to
represent them, that is, our economies. — Puri
fication, 1843.
"Let us take another instance, of an out
ward and earthly form, or economy, under
which great wonders unknown seem to be
typified ; I mean musical sounds, as they are
108

ILLUSTRATIONS OF NEWMAN'S STYLE 109
exhibited more perfectly in instnumeiital har
mony. There are seven notes in the scale ;
make them fourteen ; yet what a slender out
fit for so vast an enterprise! What science
brings so much out of so little ? Out of what
poor elements does some great master in it
create his new world! Shall we say that all
this exuberant inventiveness is a mere inge
nuity or trick of art, like some game or fashion
of the day, without reality, without meaning ?
We may do so ; and then, perhaps we shaE
also account the science of theology to be a
matter of words ;, yet as there: is a divinity in
the theology of the Church, which those who
feel cannot communicate1, so there is also in
the wonderful creation of sublimity and beauty
of which I am speaking. To many men the
very names which the science employs are
utterly incomprehensible. To speak of an idea
or a subject seems to be fanciful or trifling,
and of the views which it opens upon us to be
childish extravagance ; yet is it possible that
that inexhaustible evolution and disposition of
notes, so rich yet so simple, so intricate yet so
regulated, so various yet so majestic, should
be a mere sound, which is gone and perishes ?

110 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
Can it be that those mysterious stirrings of
heart, and keen emotions, and strange yearn
ings after we know not what, and awful im
pressions from we know not whence, should
be wrought in us by what is unsubstantial,
and comes and goes, and begins and ends in
itself ? It is not so ; it cannot be — No ; they
have escaped from some higher sphere ; they
are the outpourings of eternal harmony in the
medium of created sound ; they are echoes
from our Home ; they are the voice of Angels,
or the Magnificat of Saints, or the living laws of
Divine Governance, or the Divine Attributes ;
something they are besides themselves, which
we cannot compass, which we cannot utter, —
though mortal man, and he perhaps not other
wise distinguished above his fellows, has the
gift of eliciting them.
" So much on the subject of musical sound ;
what if the whole series of impressions, made
on us through the senses, be, as I have already
hinted, but a Divine Economy suited to our
need, and the token of realities distinct from
them, and such as might be revealed to us,
nay, more perfectly, by other senses, as dif
ferent from our existing ones as they from

ILLUSTRATIONS OF NEWMAN'S STYLE 111
each other?" (University Sermons, 1843, pp.
348-50). (4) Extract. Close of sermon on parting of
friends. Farewell sermon as Anglican, 25th
September, 1843.
"And, O my brethren, O kind and affec
tionate hearts, O loving friends, should you
know any one whose lot it has been, by
writing or by word of mouth, in some degree
to help you thus to act ; if he has ever told
you what you knew about yourselves, or what
you did not know ; has read to you your wants
or feelings, and comforted you by the very
reading ; has made you feel that there was a
higher life than this daily one and a brighter
world than that you see ; or encouraged you,
or sobered you, or opened a way to the in
quiring, or soothed the perplexed ; if what he
has said or done has ever made you take an
interest in him, and feel well inclined towards
him ; remember such a one in time to come,
though you hear him not, and pray for him
that in all things he may know God's will and
at all times he may be ready to fulfil it"
(Sermons on Subjects ofthe Day, p. 409).
(5) Extract. Letter to Times by Catholicus.

112 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
On the Tamworth Library and Reading Room
and ridiculing Lord Brougham's Discourse on
Knowledge. February, 1841.
"Nothing eomes amiss to this author;
saints and sinners, the precious and the vile,
are torn from their proper homes and reck
lessly thrown together under the category of
knowledge. 'Tis a pity he did not extend
his view as Christianity has done, to beings
out of sight of man. Milton could have
helped him to some angelic personages, as
patrons and guardians of his intellectual
temple, who of olid time, before faith had
birth,
Apart sat on a hill retired
In thoughts more elevate, and reasoned high
Of providence, fore-knowledge, will and fate,
Passion and apathy, and glory, and shame, —
Vain Wisdom all, and'false philosophy.
And indeed he does make some guesses that
way, speaking most catholically of being - ad
mitted to a fellowship with those loftier minds '
who ' by universal consent held a station apart '
and are ' spoken of reverently ' as if their
names were not those of ' mortal men ' ; and
he speaks of these 'benefactors of mankind.

ILLUSTRATIONS OF NEWMAN'S STYLE 113
when they rest from their pious labours, look
ing down ' upon the blessings with which their
• toils and sufferings have clothed the scene of
their former existence ' " (Discussions and Argu
ments, p. 290).
(6) Who's to blame ? Extract from letters
to the Catholic Standard by Catholicus, on the
Crimean War. March, 1855.
"If you want your work done well which
you cannot do yourself, find the best man, put
it into his hand, and trust him implicitly. An
Englishman is too sensible not to understand
this in private affairs ; but in matters of State
he is afraid of this being done over much.
He prefers the system of checks and counter
checks, the division of power, the imperative
concurrence of disconnected officials and his
own supervision and revision — the method of
hitches, cross-purposes, collisions, dead-locks,
to the experiment of treating his public ser
vants as gentlemen. I am not quarrelling
with what is inevitable in his system of
self-government ; I only say that he cannot
expect his work done in the best style if this
is his mode of providing for it. Duplicate
functionaries do but merge responsibility, and

114 SHORT HISTORY OK OXFORD MOVKMUNT
a jealous master is paid with formal hoartloss
service. . . .
" Kngland surely is the paradise of little
men and the purgatory of great ones. May
I never be a Minister of State or Field
Marshal! I'd bean individual self-respecting
Briton, in my own private castle with the
Times to see the world by, and pen and paper
to scribble off withal to some jwiblie print, and
set the world right. Public men are only
my employes; I use (hem as I think fit and
turn them off without warning - Aberdeen,
Gladstone, Sidney Herbert, Newcastle, what
are they muttering about services and ingra
titude '( Worn they not paid '. Hadn't they
their regular quarter day ? Raglan, Burgoyno,
Dundas — I cannot recollect all the fellows'
names- can thoy merit aught? Can they be
profitable bo ine their lord and master ? And
so having no tenderness or respect, for their
persons, their antecedents, or their age- not
caring that in fact they are serving me with
all their strength, not asking whether if they
manage ill it be not perchance because they
are in the fetters of Constitutional red tape
which havo weighed on their hearts anil

ILLUSTRATIONS OF NEWMAN'S STYLE 116
deadened their energies till the hazard of
failure and the fear of censure have quenched
the spirit of daring, I think it becoming and
generous — during, not after their work, not
when it is ended, but in the very agony of
conflict — to institute a formal process of in
quiry into their demerits, not secret, not in
dulgent to their sense of honour, but in the
hearing of all Europe and amid the scorn of
the world — hitting down, knocking over, my
workhouse apprentices, in order that they
may get up again and do my matters for me
better. . . .
" In England sensitively suspicious of com
bination and system, three precautions have
been taken in dealing with the soldier and
the parson (I hope I may be familiar with
out offence) — precautions borrowed from the
necessary treatment of wild animals. (1) To
tie him up, (2) to pare his claws, and (3) to
keep him low ; then he will be both safe and
useful ; the result is a National Church and a
Constitutional Army " (Discussions and Argu
ments, pp. 342-44, 357).

CHAPTER III.
THE MOVEMENT, 1833 TO 1839.
1. The statement of Dean Church (whose au
thority Churchmen will accept) is that " What
is called the Oxford or Tractarian Movement
began, without doubt, in a vigorous effort for
the immediate defence of the Church against
serious dangers arising from the violent and
threatening temper of the days of the Reform
Bill Y
This does not seem quite consistent with
his statement quoted above (p. 83), that the
Movement had its spring in the consciences
and characters of its leaders, that to them
religion really meant the most awful and
seriously personal thing on earth, and that it
had not only a theological basis but had still
more deeply a moral one. But what the Dean
no doubt meant was that the leaders were in-
1 Church, p. 1.
116

THE MOVEMENT, 1833 TO 1839 117
fluenced by no mean petty or private motive,
but only took the part they did from the high
est motives and in defence against dangers
threatening what they believed to be an in
stitution calculated to help the cause of re
ligion. Whatever the motive, however, the
Dean admits that the Movement began (1) in
defence of the Church, and (2) against certain
threatened dangers. The history of the Move
ment, therefore, involves an inquiry into (1) the
threatened dangers, and (2) the steps taken in
defence. It will be convenient to take them
in that order. The antecedents of the Move
ment usually referred to, such as the temper
which preceded and created the great French
Revolution ; the interest in the Middle Ages
aroused by Sir Walter Scott ; the questionings
of S. T. Coleridge ; the influence, slight as yet,
of German philosophy; the Evangelical re
vival and the theologians of the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries — all had their effect in
creating an atmosphere in which the ideas of the
Movement flourished, as Newman said of the
rapid spread of the ideas of the Tractarians,
there was something "in the air," but they
were all past and had been more or less as-

118 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
similated or acquiesced in. Their effect was
not confined merely or even primarily to the
Church. They or most of them had a great
effect in moulding men's opinions and helping
to create that desire for progress and improve
ment which was expressed in the cries for
reform in Church and State. The real danger
threatened was that arising from the spirit of
iliber,a!lism which had arisen. Liberalism was
the enemy. The nation had outgrown its
clothes, and was determined that its govern
ment and institutions should be remodelled in
accordance with what were considered then to
be modern ideas, and therefore that all neces
sary changes should be made with that object.
The cry was for reform of Parliament ; in a
country pretending to be governed by repre
sentative institutions it was absurd that the
system of rotten boroughs should be allowed
to exist, and representation, as in Old Sarum,
reduced to a farce, and when Parliament had
been made into a real or more real instrument
of government, it was obvious that it must be
used to rectify the evils of which people under
the unreformed Parliament had suffered so
long. It meant the destruction of the old

THE MOVEMENT, 1833 TO 1839> 119
regime of privilege and exclusiveness, and there
fore among other things relief from religious
disabilities, the improvement of the general
law, and what touched English Churchmen to
the quick, possibly separation of Church and
State, and at any rate, the reform of the Church,
interference with its rights and privileges, and
in the first place the correction or modification
of such scandals as the Irish Church Establish
ment and the English Cathedral Establishment,
and the like. Even before the Reform Act
was passed the force of public opinion had
brought about some changes in the law. In
1828 the Test and Corporation Acts (9 Geo.
IV. c. 17) were passed, by which some relief was
given to Dissenters* and in 1829 the principle
was further carried out by the concession of
Roman Catholic Emancipation (10 Geo. IV. c.
7). On 7th June, 1832, the Reform Bill
passed the House of Lords, and the new
Parliament was to meet in 1833. Some idea
of the frame of mind created among English
Churchmen by these measures may be gathered
from the language of Rev. W. Palmer, whom
Keble,1 writing to> Mr. Perceval, describes as
1 Pusey, vol. i., p. 264.

120 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
" the mildest and most unpretending of men ".
Mr. Palmer says -fa "At the beginning of the
summer of 1833 the Church in England and
Ireland seemed destined to immediate desola
tion and ruin. We had seen in 1828 the re
peal of the Test and Corporation Acts cutting
away from the Church of England one of its
ancient bulwarks and evincing a disposition to
make concession to the clamour of its enemies.
In the next year — the fatal year 1829 — we
had seen this principle fully carried out by
the concession of what is called 'Roman
Catholic Emancipation,' a measure which
scattered to the winds public principle, public
confidence, and dispersed a party which, had
it possessed courage to adhere to its old and
popular principles, and to act on them with
manly energy, would have stemmed the torrent
of revolution and averted the awful crisis
which was at hand," etc., etc.
The " awful crisis " arrived in February, 1833,
when Lord Stanley's Irish Church Tempo
ralities Bill was introduced, and on 30th July,
1833, it passed the House of Lords, and by it
ten dioceses, that is to say, one-half of the Irish
1 Palmer's Narrative, p. 96.

THE MOVEMENT, 1833 TO 1839 121
Episcopate, were suppressed. The former
measures repealing the Test and Corporation
Acts, Roman Catholic Emancipation and the
Reform Act might have been recognised as
Acts of political and social justice not really
hostile to the Church of Christ, but this Act
of Lord Stanley seemed to be a new departure
in an irreligious direction and a presage of
worse measures that might follow.
Measures of this kind, interfering with
the rights and privileges of the Church, na
turally received the support of Protestant
and Catholic Dissenters, but English Church
men also bitterly complained of the support
given by some members of the Church itself.
Thus in 1832 Lord Henley had published his
pamphlet entitled A Plan of Church Reform,
with a Letter to the King, in which he dis
cussed such scandals as non-residence, sinecures
and pluralities, and insisted on the claims of
the dense populations of manufacturing towns,
and proposed a Board to manage all Episcopal
and Capitular estates, the equalisation of
bishops' incomes, reduction of the staff of
Cathedrals, new bishoprics, bishops no longer
to sit in the House of Lords, and Convocation

122 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
to be revived. Pusey dealt with this scheme
only so far as related to the distribution of
Cathedral endowments. Early in 1833 ap
peared Arnold's pamphlet on The Principles
of Church Reform,1 in which after a defence
of the National Establishment and a statement
of the extreme danger to which it was exposed,
he proposed what seemed to. him the only
means of averting this danger — (a) by a design
for comprehending the Dissenters within the
pale of the Establishment without compromise
of principles on either side, and (b) by various
details intended to increase its actual efficiency.
This pamphlet caused an enormous sensation.
By making the Establishment co- extensive
with the nation, it virtually destroyed the ex
clusive rights and privileges of the existing
Establishment, and therefore was merely a
form of Disestablishment. The air was full of
discussions on questions of this nature, all in
volving unsettlement of existing conditions of
the Church and interference with its existing
rights and privileges. It is not within the aim
of this work to discuss these questions or to
narrate either the course or the result of the
1 Stanley, Life of Arnold, pp. 292, 293.

THE MOVEMENT, 1833 TO 1839 123
discussions, but they have been referred to for
the purpose of showing what it was that Dean
Church had in mind when he spoke of
threatened dangers. It was in this state of
things and in this frame of mind that the
leaders of the Movement took steps for the
defence, as they considered, of the Church
against these dangers.
2. It will be remembered that the crisis re
ferred to by Mr. Palmer arrived in February,
1833, when Lord Stanley's Bill for the Sup
pression of the Irish Bishoprics was introduced,
and that it passed the House of Lords on 30th
July, 1833, so that when Newman reached
home on 9th July, 1833, from his foreign tour,
he found himself in the midst of the agitation
caused by that Bill and threatened Act, and the
general fear of danger to the English Church
exacerbated by the dealings with the Irish
Church. English Churchmen, of course, had
not failed to observe and discuss the course of
events ; no overt act of defence had yet been
taken, but the feeling was that now the time
had arrived to act.
While Newman and Froude were abroad,
Palmer had been in communication with Rose

124 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
and Perceval upon the dangers of the times,
and did what he could to resist " a dangerous
proposal" that Unitarians should be treated
as members of the Christian Community and
invested with all the privileges of Churchmen.1
Palmer mentions a fact illustrating Newman's
feelings at that time in reference to the sup
pression of the bishoprics. He says 2 that the
then Bishop of London offered to Newman the
office of Whitehall Preacher at that crisis, but
that Newman having learned that the bishop
had not taken a part against the Bill for the
Suppression of the Bishoprics, declined to
accept the appointment.
It being considered necessary to bring to
gether for conference a few representative men
of like minds on the subject of the Church
and the best mode of averting the threatened
dangers (men in full agreement on the main
questions but with great differences in tem
perament and habits of thought), Mr. Rose
summoned a small meeting which was held
at his parsonage at Hadleigh in Suffolk be-
1 Palmer, p. 39. (Pattison, p. 172, speaks of Palmer's
book as " his dreary narrative ".)
2 Palmer, p. 46.

THE MOVEMENT, 1833 TO 1839 125
tween the 25th and 29th July. Besides Mr.
Rose it was attended by Mr. William Palmer
of Worcester, Mr. Perceval and Mr. Hurrell
Froude. Keble and Newman were not pre-.
sent, but they were in active correspondence
with the others, notwithstanding their want of
confidence in meetings or committees. The
small company of four, however, proceeded to
discuss fully for three days the whole state of
things and the dangers besetting the Church.
In that they were all of one mind, but when
it came to propose remedies they could not
agree ; each person had his own view of what
would be advisable. In the end no definite
mode of action was agreed on, though all felt
the publication of tracts or essays to be an
important feature, or rather an imperative
necessity.1 Upon returning to Oxford the Conferences
recommenced, and it was proposed to form
an Association of Friends of the Church, and
after a considerable amount of discussion a
declaration framed by Palmer was adopted as
the basis of the undertaking, and concluded
1 Palmer, p. 47 et sea. Adopted by Church, p. 95.

126 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
with a declaration of principles and purposes
in the ifollowing terms : —
(1) To maintain pure and inviolate the
doctrines, the services and the discipline of the
Church — that is, to withstand all change which
involves the denial or suppression of doctrine,
a departure from primitive practice in religious
offices or innovation upon the Apostolical pre
rogative orders and commission of bishops,
priests and deacons.
(2) To afford Churchmen an opportunity of
exchanging their sentiments and co-operating
together on a large scale.
The formulary thus agreed on was printed
and was privately and extensively circulated in
all parts of England in the autumn of 1833.
The intention of Mr. Palmer and his more
particular friends was not to form a society
merely at Oxford, but to extend it throughout
all England, or rather to form similar societies
in every part of England. Although the de
claration at first met with some success, the
plan of an association or of separate associa
tions, however, came to nothing. The discus
sions which led to the preparation of the
declaration had revealed considerable differ-

THE MOVEMENT, 1833 TO 1839 127
ences of opinion on several points. Jealousy
was expressed in several high quarters of the
formation of any associations, and the notion
was also unacceptable to Froude and others.
Froude objected to any association less wide
than the Church itself, and Newman had a
horror of committees and meetings and great
people in London. He felt that the Church
and the clergy wanted plain speaking, and that
eould not be got by papers put forth as joint
manifestoes, or with the revision a,nd sanc
tion of " safe " and *' judicious " advisers. He
thought it was better for each man to write
as he felt, though in concert and sympathy
with others for the cause and interests of the
Church. Newman expressed this in a letter 1
to Rose, dated the 15th December, 1833 :
" Each tract should be separate — we want
sharp-shooters, not regular troops ".
The result was that the association would
not work. For a time Palmer's line and New
man's line ran on side by side, but Palmer's
plan, though not entirely without result, had
soon done all it could do and gradually faded
out of sight ; while Newman, without formal
1 Letters, vol. ii., p. 2.

128 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
consultation with Palmer and the others, is
sued a number of Tracts, which became known
as the Oxford Tracts, and which he caused to
be circulated with the utmost diligence, and
upon them attention was soon concentrated.
Palmer had, however, undertaken a kind of
mission to different parts of the country ex
plaining the intention and designs of the as
sociation, and, meeting with a good deal of
general approbation, and feeling that there was
a sound and healthy feeling general in the
Church, prepared a declaration of attachment
to the Church to be subscribed by the clergy,
and which after some revision assumed the
form of an address to the Archbishop of
Canterbury, and in February, 1834, this docu
ment, with the signatures of about 7,000 clergy,
was presented to his Grace at Lambeth by a
deputation representative of Convocation, the
Universities and the Church at large. This
was followed by an address from the laity of
the Church, recording their firm attachment to
the faith and worship of the Church and her
Apostolic form of government. This address
when presented to the Archbishop in May,
1834, contained about 230,000 signatures.

THE MOVEMENT, 1833 TO 1839 129
These declarations were mainly of importance
in relieving much of the feeling of despair
which the Reform Act had created in the
minds of Churchmen, and, by creating confi
dence in their numbers and zeal, strengthening
their determination to defend then rights and
privileges. But it is time now to follow the
main stream of the Movement, that* is, the
Tracts for the Times. Rose was obliged by
his health to leave Hadleigh, and at the end
of the Long Vacation went to Durham as Pro
fessor of Divinity, then became Principal of
King's College, London, but died very early,
and Palmer soon went to a small living in
the country, and practically passed out of the
Movement, leaving a clear field to Newman
and his friends, and the Oxford Movement be
came in effect the Tractarian Movement.
3. Stated roughly, the earlier form of the
Movement was a practical conservative at
tempt to defend the Established Church against
certain threatened dangers, while the later
form of the Movement, beginning with an at
tempt to establish some principle to which to
appeal in the defence, developed mainly into
an attempt to identify the Established Church

130 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
of England as a branch or part of the Church
Catholic, but with no more precise terminus,
and thus theories and investigations were
launched and prosecuted which led some of
the leaders to results they had never antici
pated when they began.
" The ring of these early Tracts," says Dean
Church,1 "was something very different from
anything of the kind yet known in England.
They were clear, brief, stern appeals to con
science and reason, sparing in words, utterly
without rhetoric, intense of purpose. They
were like the short sharp utterances of men
in pain and danger and pressing emergency.
The first one gave the key-note of the series."
It is here set out in full : —
"TRACTS FOR THE TIMES. No. I.
" Dated 9th Sept., 1833.
"To Mv Brethren in the Sacked Ministry, the Pres
byters and Deacons op the Church op Christ
in England, Ordained thereunto by the Holy
Ghost and the Imposition op Hands.
"Fellow-Labourers, — I am but one of your
selves — a Presbyter ; and therefore I conceal
J Church, p. 110.

THE MOVEMENT, 1833 TO 1839 131
my name, lest I should take too much on
myself by speaking in my own person. Yet
speak I must ; for the times are very evil, yet
no one speaks against them.
" Is not this so ? Do not we - look one upon
another,' yet perform nothing? Do we not
all confess the peril into which the Church
is come, yet sit still each in his own retirement,
as if mountains and seas cut off brother from
brother ? Therefore suffer me, while I try to
draw you forth from those pleasant retreats,
which it has been our blessedness hitherto to
enjoy, to contemplate the condition and pros
pects of our Holy Mother in a practical way ;
so that one and all may unlearn that idle
habit, which has grown upon us, of owning
the state of things to be bad, yet doing nothing
to remedy it.
" Consider a moment. Is it fair, is it dutiful,
to suffer our bishops to stand the brunt of
the battle without doing our part to support
them ? Upon them comes ' the care of all the
Churches '. This cannot be helped ; indeed
it is their glory. Not one of us would wish
in the least to deprive them of the duties, the
toils, the responsibilities of their high office.
9 *

132 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
And, black event as it would be for the
country, yet (as far as they are concerned) we
would not wish them a more blessed termina
tion of their course than the spoiling of their
goods and martyrdom.
"To them then we willingly and affectionately
relinquish their high privileges and honours ;
we encroach not upon the rights of the
Successors of the Apostles ; we touch not
their sword and crozier. Yet surely we may
be their shield-bearers in the battle without
offence ; and by our voice and deeds be to
them what Luke and Timothy were to St.
Paul. " Now, then, let me come at once to the
sub j ect which leads me to address you. Should
the Government and the Country so far forget
their God as to cast off the Church, to deprive
it of its temporal honours and substance, on
ivhat will you rest the claim of respect and
attention which you make upon your flocks ?
Hitherto you have been upheld by your birth,
your education, your wealth, your connections ;
should these secular advantages cease, on
what must Christ's Ministers depend? Is
not this a serious practical question? We

THE MOVEMENT, 1833 TO 1839 133
know how miserable is the state of religious
bodies not supported by the State. Look at
the Dissenters on all sides of you, and you
will see at once that their Ministers, depending
simply upon the people, become the creatures
of the people. Are you content that this
should be your case ? Alas ! can a greater
evil befal Christians than for their teachers
to be guided by them, instead of guiding?
How can we 'hold fast the form of sound
words,' and 'keep that which is committed
to our trust,' if our influence is to depend
simply on our popularity ? Is it not our very
office to oppose the world ? Can we then
allow ourselves to court it ? to preach smooth
things and prophesy deceits ? to make the
way of life easy to the indolent and rich, and
to bribe the humbler classes by excitements
and strong intoxicating doctrine ? Surely it
must not be so ; — and the question recurs,
On what are we to rest our authority when
the State deserts us ?
" Christ has not left His Church without
claim of its own upon the attention of men.
Surely not. Hard Master He cannot be, to
bid us oppose the world, yet give us no ere-

134 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
dentials for so doing. There are some who
rest their Divine mission on their own unsup
ported assertion ; others, who rest it on their
popularity ; others, on their success ; and
others who rest it upon their temporal dis
tinctions. This last case has, perhaps, been
too much our own ; I fear we have neglected
the real ground on which our authority is
built — Our Apostolic Descent.
" We have been born, not of blood, nor of the
will of the flesh, nor of the will of man, but of
God. The Lord Jesus Christ gave His spirit
to His Apostles ; they in turn laid their hands
on those who should succeed them, and these
again on others ; and so the sacred gift has
been handed down to our present bishops,
who have appointed us as their assistants, and
in some sense representatives.
" Now every one of us believes this. I know
that some will at first deny they do ; still they
do believe it. Only, it is not sufficiently,
practically, impressed on their minds. They
do believe it ; for it is the doctrine of the Or
dination Service, which they have recognised
as truth in the most solemn season of their
lives. In order, then, not to prove, but to

THE MOVEMENT, 1833 TO 1839 136
remind and impress, I entreat your attention
to the words used when you were made
Ministers of Christ's Church.
" The office of Deacon was thus committed
to you : ' Take thou authority to execute the
office of a Deacon in the Church of God com
mitted unto thee ; In the name,' etc.
" And the Priesthood thus : ' Receive the
Holy Ghost, for the office and work of a
Priest, in the Church of God, now committed
unto thee by the imposition of our hands.
Whose sins thou dost forgive, they are for
given ; and whose sins thou dost retain, they
are retained. And be thou a faithful dis
penser of the Word of God, and of His Holy
Sacraments ; In the name,' etc.
" These, I say, were words spoken to us, and
received by us, when we were brought nearer
to God than at any other time of our lives.
I know the grace of ordination is contained
in the laying on of hands, not in any form of
words ; — yet in our own case (as has been
usual in the Church) words of blessing have
accompanied the act. Thus we have confessed
before God our belief that the Bishop who
ordained us gave us the Holy Ghost, gave us

136 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
the power to bind and to loose, to adminster
the Sacraments, and to preach.1 Now how is
he able to give these great gifts ? Whence is
his right ? Are these words idle (which would
be taking God's name in vain), or do they ex
press merely a wish (which surely is very far
below their meaning), or do they not rather
indicate that the speaker is conveying a gift ?
Surely they can mean nothing short of this.
But whence, I ask, his right to do so ? Has
he any right, except as having received the
power from those who consecrated him to be
a bishop? He could not give what he had
never received. It is plain then that he but
transmits ; and that the Christian Ministry is
a succession. And if we trace back the power
of ordination from hand to hand, of course we
shall come to the Apostles at last. We know
1 The text is that set out by Dean Trench, Oxford Move
ment, p. 112. The reprint, dated 1839, though the Preface
is dated Feast of All Saints, 1834, is addressed, " Thoughts
on the Ministerial Commission Respectfully Addressed to
the Clergy. — I am but one of yourselves — a Presbyter,"
etc., and instead of " our belief that the Bishop who ordained
us gave us the Holy Ghost," etc., it says, " our belief that
through the Bishop who ordained us we received the Holy
Ghost," etc.

THE MOVEMENT, 1833 TO 1839 137
we do, as a plain historical fact ; and therefore
all we, who have been ordained clergy, in the
very form of our ordination acknowledge the
doctrine of the Apostolic Succession.
" And for the same reason, we must neces
sarily consider none to be really ordained who
have not thus been ordained. For if ordination
is a Divine ordinance, it must be necessary ;
and if it is not a Divine ordinance, how dare
we use it ? Therefore all who use it, all of us,
must consider it necessary. As well might we
pretend the Sacraments are not necessary to
salvation, while we make use of the offices in
the Liturgy ; for when God appoints means of
grace, they are the means.
" I do not see how any one can escape from
this plain view of the subject, except (as I
have already hinted) by declaring that the
words do not mean all that they say. But
only reflect what a most unseemly time for
random words is that in which ministers are
set apart for their office. Do we not adopt
a Liturgy in order to hinder inconsiderate idle
language, and shall we, in the most sacred
of all services, write down, subscribe, and
use again and again forms of speech which

138 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
have not been weighed, and cannot be taken
strictly ?
" Therefore, my dear brethren, act up to your
professions. Let it not be said that you have
neglected a gift ; for if you have the Spirit of
the Apostles on you, surely this is a great gift.
'Stir up the gift of God which is in you.'
Make much of it. Show your value of it.
Keep it before your minds as an honourable
badge, far higher than that secular respecta
bility, or cultivation, or polish, or learning,
or rank, which gives you a hearing with the
many. Tell them of your gift. The times
will soon drive you to do this, if you mean to
be still anything. But wait not for the times.
Do not be compelled, by the world's forsak
ing you, to recur as if unwillingly to the high
source of your authority. Speak out now,
before you are forced, both as glorying in your
privilege and to insure your rightful honour
from your people. A notion has gone abroad
that they can take away your power. They
think they have given and can take it away.
They think it lies in the Church property, and
they know that they have politically the power
to confiscate that property. They have been

THE MOVEMENT, 1833 TO 1839 139
deluded into a notion that present palpable
usefulness, produceable results, acceptableness
to your flocks, that these and such like are the
tests of your Divine commission. Enlighten
them in this matter. Exalt our Holy Fathers
the bishops, as the representatives of the
Apostles, and the Angels of the Churches ;
and magnify your office, as being ordained
by them to take part in their ministry.
" But, if you will not adopt my view of the
subject, which I offer to you, not doubtingly,
yet (I hope) respectfully, at all events choose
your side. To remain neuter much longer
will be itself to take a part. Choose your side ;
since side you shortly must, with one or other
party, even though you do nothing. Fear to
be of those whose line is decided for them by
chance circumstances, and who may perchance
find themselves with the enemies of Christ,
while they think but to remove themselves
from worldly politics. Such abstinence is
impossible in troublous times. He that is
not with Me is against Me, and he that
gathereth not with Me scattereth abroad."
4. List of the Tracts with their dates,
authors and subjects : —

140 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT

TRACTS FOR THE TIMES.

No.

Date.

Author.

1833.

1.

9th Sept.

Newman

2.
3.

4. 21st
5. 18th Oct.
J. Keble
J. W. Bowden
6.
29th „
Newman
7.
J» ,1
»»
8.
31st „
R. H. Froude
9.
., H
»»
10.
4th Nov.
Newman
11.
11th „
>»
12.
4th Deo.
Thos. Keble
13.
5th „
J. Keble
14.15.
12th „
13th „
A. Menziea
(W. Palmer. Re
vised and completed
by Newman)
16.
17th „
B. Harrison
Subject.
Thoughts on the Minis
terial Commission.
The Catholic Church.
On alterations in the
Liturgy.
Adherence to the Apos
tolical Succession the
safest course.
The Nature and Consti
tution of the Church
of Christ and of the
Branch of it estab
lished in England.
The present obligation
of Primitive Practice .
The Episcopal Church
Apostolical.
The Gospel a Law of
Liberty.
On shortening the
Church Services.
Heads of a week-day
lecture delivered to
a country congrega
tion.
The Visible Church.
Letters I. and II.
Richard Nelson. No. I.
Bishops, Priests and
Deacons.
Sunday Lessons. Prin
ciple of Selection.
The Ember Days.
On the Apostolical Suc
cession in the Eng
lish Church. See
Apologia, pp. 115-16.
Advent.
THE MOVEMENT, 1833 TO 1839

141

No. Date. 1833.
17. 20th Dec.
18. 21st „
19. 23rd „
20. 24th „
1834.
21. 1st Jan.
22. 6th „
23. ,, ,,
24. 25th „
25. „ „
26. 2nd Feb.
27. 24th „
28. 25th March
29- ,, j>

30. „ „
31. 25th April

Author.
B. Harrison
E. B. Pusey
Newman

Thos. Keble
A. P. Perceval
B. Harrison

Reprint (Bp.
Beveridge)
Reprint (Bp.
Beveridge)
Reprint (Bp.
Cosin)
The same
J. W. Bowden

The same
Newman

Subject.

The Ministerial Com
mission. A trust
from Christ for the
benefit of His people.
On the benefits of the
System of Fasting,
enjoined by our
Church.
On Arguing concerning
the Apostolical Suc
cession.
The Visible Church.
Letter III.

Mortification of the
Flesh a Scripture
duty.
Richard Nelson. No.
IL The Athanasian
Creed.
The Faith and obedi
ence of Churchmen
the strength of the
Church.
The Scripture view of
the Apostolic Com
mission.
The great Necessity and
Advantage of Public
Prayer.
The Necessity and Ad
vantage of Frequent
Communion.
The History of Popish
Transubstantiation.
Concluded. Christian Liberty, or
Why should we be
long to the Church
of England ?
Continued. The Reformed Church.

142 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT

No. Date. 1834.
32. 25th April
33. 1st May
35. 8th „
36. 11th June
37. 24th „
38. 25th July
39. ,, ,,

40.

») >»

41. 24th Aug.
42. „ „

43. 21st Sept.
44. 29th „
45. 18th Oct.
46. 28th „
47. 1st Nov.
48. 30th „

Author.
C P. Eden
Newman >>
A. P. Perceval

Reprint
Newman Reprint
Thos. Keble
Newman Reprint

Thos. Keble
Reprint
Newman Reprint
Newman Reprint

Subject.

The standing Ordi
nances of Religion.
Primitive Episcopacy.
Rites and Customs of
the Church.
ThePeople's Interest in
their Ministers' Com
mission.
Account of Religious
Sects at present exist
ing in England.
Bp. Wilson's Form of
Excommunication.
Via Media, No. I.
Bp. Wilson's Form of
receiving Penitents.
Richard Nelson. No.
III. On Baptism.
Via Media, No. II.
Bp. Wilson's Medita
tions on his Sacred
Office. No. I. Sun
day.
Richard Nelson. No.
IV. Length of the
Public Service.
Bp. Wilson's Medita
tions on his Sacred
Office. No. II. Mon
day.
The grounds of our
Faith.
Bp. Wilson's Medita
tions on his Sacred
Office. No. III. Tues
day.
The Visible Church.
Letter IV.
Bp. Wilson's Medita
tions on his Sacred
Office. No. IV. Wed
nesday.

THE MOVEMENT, 1833 TO 1839

143

No. Date. 1834.
49. 25th Dec.
50. 26th „

1835.
51. 6th Jan.
52. Undated
53. 24th Feb.
54. 2nd „
55. 25th March
56. ,, „
57. ,, j,

59. 25th v „
60. 25th March

61. 1st May

Author.
B. Harrison
Reprint

R. F. Wilson
J. Keble
Reprint
J. Keble
Reprint
J. W. Bowden
J. Keble

58. 19th April J. W. Bowden

R. H. Froude
J. Keble

A. Butler

Subject.

The Kingdom of
Heaven.
Bp. Wilson's Medita
tions on his Sacred
Office. No. IV. Wed
nesday (continued).

On dissent without
reason in conscience.
Sermons for Saints'
Days and Holidays.
No. I. St. Matthias.
Bp. Wilson's Medita
tions on his Sacred
Office. No. V. Thurs
day.
Sermons for Saints'
Days and Holidays.
No. II. The Annun
ciation of the Blessed
Virgin Mary.
Bp. Wilson's Medita
tions on his Sacred
Office. No. V. Thurs
day (continued).
Holy Days observed in
the English Church.
Sermons for Saints'
Days and Holidays.
No. III. St. Mark's
Day.
On the Church as
viewed by Faith and
by the World.
Church and State.
Sermons for Saints'
Days and Holidays.
No. IV. St. Philip
and St. James.
The Catholic Church a
witness against illib-
erality.

144 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT

No. Date. 1835.
62. 1st May

63. ,, ,,
64. 11th June
65. 29th „
66. 25th July
67. 24th Aug.
68. 29th Sept.
69. 18th Oct.
70. 28th „

1836.
71. 1st Jan.

72. 6th „

73. 2nd Feb.

74. 25th April
(Printed as
appendix to
Tract No. 77)

Author.
Reprint
R. H. Froude
Reprint Pusey

Reprint

Newman

Reprint

Newman

Subject.
Bp. Wilson's Medita
tions on his Sacred
Office. No. V.Thurs
day.
The Antiquity of the
Existing Liturgies.
Bp. Bull on the Ancient
Liturgies.
Bp. Wilson's Medita
tions on his Sacred
Office. No. VI. Fri
day.
On the Benefits of the
system of Fasting
prescribed by our
Church. Supple
ment to Tract 18.
Scriptural views of
Holy Baptism.
Scriptural views of Holy
Baptism (continued).
S criptural views of Holy
Baptism (concluded).
Bp. Wilson's Medita
tions on his Sacred
Office. No. VH.
Saturday.
On the Controversy
with the Romanists.
(No. I. Against Ro
manism.)
Archbishop Usher on
Prayers for the
Dead. (No. n.
Against Romanism.)
On the Introduction
of Rationalistic Prin
ciples into Religion.
Catena Patrum. No. I.
Testimony of Writers
in the later English
Church to the doc
trine of the Apos
tolical Succession.

THE MOVEMENT, 1833 TO 1839

145

No. Date. 1836.
75. 24th June

76. 29th Sept.

77. 1st Nov.
(First issued
with Tract
No. 74)
1837.
78. 2nd Feb.

Author.

Newman

79. 25th March
80. Undated

81. 1st Nov.

Pusey

H. E. Manning and
CJNlarrieit-.

Newman
I. Williams

Pusey

Subject.

On the Roman Brev
iary as embodying
the substance of the
devotional Services of
the Church Catholic.
Catena Patrwm. No. H.
Testimony of writers
in the later English
Church to the doc
trine of Baptismal
Regeneration.
An earnest Remon
strance to the Au
thor of The Pope's
Letter.

Catena Patrum. No.
III. Testimony of
writers in the later
English Church to
the duty of maintain
ing Quod Semper, quod
ubique, quod ah omni
bus traditwm est.
OnPurgatory. (No.III.
Against Romanism.)
On reserve in Com
municating Religious
knowledge. Parts L-
III.
Catena Patrum. Testi
mony of writers in
the later English
Church to the doc
trine of the Euchar
istic Sacrifice with an
historical account of
the changes made in
the Liturgy as to
the expression of
that doctrine.

10

146 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT

o. Date.

Author.

1837.

!. 1st Nov.

Newman

1838.
83. 29th June
84. 24th Aug.

Thos. Keble

85. 21st Sept.
1839.
86. 25th March

Newman

I. Williams

1840.
87. 2nd Feb.
88. 25th March

Newman

Subject.

Preface, title-page and
contents to vol. iv.,
i.e., Tracts 78-81,
both inclusive. It
was intended that
each volume should
contain the Tracts
issued in an aca
demical year.

Advent Sermons on
Antichrist.
(Conclusion from page
35 by G. Prevost.)
Whether a Clergy
man of the Church
of England be now
bound to have Morn
ing and Evening
Prayer daily in his
Parish Church.
Lectures on the Scrip
ture proof of the Doc
trines of the Church, i

Indications of a Super
intending Providence
in the Preservation
of the Prayer-book
and in the changes
which it has under
gone.

Reserve in communicat
ing Religious Know
ledge (conclusion).
The Greek Devotions
of Bp. Andrews.
Translated and ar
ranged.

THE MOVEMENT, 1833 TO 1839 147
No. Date. Author. Subject.
1840.
89. Undated J. Keble On the Mysticism
attributed to the
early Fathers of the
Church.
1841.
90. 25th Jan. Newman Remarks on certain pas
sages in the Thirty- j
nine Articles.
Appended to volumes i. and ii. as Tracts for the Times
are papers styled " Records of the Church," such as
" Translations of Justin Martyr on Primitive Christian
Worship," " Irenaeus on the Rule of Faith," " St. Cyprian
on the Unity of the Church," etc.
This list is based on the Tracts for the Times ; Pusey's
Life, vol. iii., Appendix ; Burgon's Twelve Good Men, vol.
i., Appendix D, and the references in the Lives referred
to in the list of authors prefixed hereto, but the greatest
assistance has been obtained from the Pusey Appendix
from which the writer has obtained most of the names
and dates of the several Tracts and some incidental in
formation. No. 8, attributed in Pusey to Newman, seems
to have been written by R. H. Froude, see L. J. Guiney's
Life of Froude, and Burgon's Appendix D to vol. i., p. 492,
quoting Marriott's statement in a letter to Rev. A. Burn
(Chichester, 29th Jan., 1840) : " You ought to know that
Froude was the author of the Tract ' The Gospel a Law of
Liberty,' " the subject of Tract 8. No. 81, attributed to
Pusey in the Appendix to his Life, is there said to be
sometimes attributed to B. Harrison, but according to
Burgon, who says he had the assistance of Harrison
in preparing his Appendix, that Tract was by Harrison
10*

148 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
and had prefixed a Tract by Dr. Pusey. As to No. 32,
by C. P. Eden, Burgon refers to the Life of Eden. No.
51, attributed in the Pusey Appendix to R. F. Wilson, is
said by Burgon to be of uncertain authorship. After the
first edition No. 65 is a Tract of thirty-two pages containing
the unabridged form of Bishop Wilson's Meditations for
Friday and Saturday, and the Notes to the Scriptural views
of Holy Baptism, Tracts 67, 68 and 69, are reckoned as
No. 70.
Down to the middle of 1839 the progress of
the Movement and especially of the Tractarian
development was strenuous, prosperous and
confident. The idea entertained 'during the
early ages, expounded by Mr. Bryce in his Holy
Roman Empire, that the Church and the State
were one and coterminous, was not and could
not be entertained by English Churchmen in
view of the facts of the legalised existence of
Roman and Protestant dissenters ; but a form
of that idea, i.e., the idea that an Established
Church was a vital part of the State, was held
by them, and so strongly that the tampering
with such connection, whether by the suppres
sion of Irish bishoprics or threatened inter
ference with the English Church, justified the
use by Mr. Keble and his friends of so strong
a term as "National Apostasy". Newman

THE MOVEMENT, 1833 TO 1839 149
himself had returned in July fully recovered
from his recent serious illness, full of life and
vigour, and so rejuvenated that some of his
friends hardly recognised him, and able and
willing to take up the work he had to do,
which he had rather mistily talked of in Rome
and Sicily. In 1833 Newman was firmly con
fident of his position, based on three proposi
tions : 1 (1) The principle of dogma. His battle
was with liberalism, by which he meant the
anti-dogmatic principle and its developments.
(2) The truth of a certain definite religious
teaching based on that foundation of dogma —
viz., that there was a visible Church, with
sacraments and rites which were the channels
of invisible grace and which he thought was
the doctrine of Scripture of the early Church
and of the Anglican Church. In 1834 and
following years he put this ecclesiastical doc
trine on a broader basis after reading Laud,
Bramhall, Stillingfleet and other Anglican
divines on the one hand, and after study
ing the Fathers on the other, but when he
began the Tracts for the Times he rested the
main doctrine upon Scripture, on the Anglican
1 Apologia, p. 48.

150 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
Prayer-book and on St. Ignatius's Epistles.
(3) The third point was his view of the Church
of Rome, which he considered to be Antichrist ;
but as time went on he became less bitter on
the subject and did not give up the notion
altogether in any shape till 1843 ; but the two
first propositions Newman says he always re
tained. The Tracts began by the issue of
Newman's three dated the 9th of September,
1833, and the issue continued rapidly till about
the end of 1835, when, the influence of Pusey
having made itself felt, the Tracts from being
merely . short sharp addresses, designed, as
stated in the advertisement prefixed to volume
i. of the Tracts, to strengthen the Anglican
Church against the inroads of Popery and of
Methodism, and to rouse the members of the
Church to comprehend her position and their
own duties, with only so much of doctrine
and argument as might be necessary to ac
count for their publication or might answer
more obvious objections to the views there
in advocated, became argumentative treatises
and promised to form a deeper and fuller
body of Anglican theology based on the lines
laid down by the theologians of the seven-

THE MOVEMENT, 1833 TO 1839 151
teenth century, and with these were ponderous
.catenae of patristic or Anglican divinity by
which the continuity and authority of various
points of such doctrine were intended to be
established. Pusey had contributed Tract
18, dated 21st December, 1833, but did not
fully join the Movement till 1835 or 1836.
He published his Tracts on Baptism,1 August
to October, 1835, being Nos. 67, 68 and 69,
and started the Library of the Fathers in 1836.
The distribution of the earlier Tracts was ener
getic though primitive. The Rev. T. Mozley
describes the difficulties of circulating them.
After referring to the prejudice against Tracts,
which had become a favourite medium for the
spread of the truth as currently believed, but
from which the clergy and educated classes
had been exempt, and the practical difficulties
with publishers about publishing, circulating
and the like, he says the Tracts had to be
circulated by post, by hand, or anyhow, and
many a young clergyman spent days in riding
about with a pocketful, surprising his neigh
bours at breakfast, lunch, dinner and tea. The
correspondence that ensued was enormous.
1 Apologia, p. 42,

152 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
Nobody was too humble in intellect or in
clerical position not to be invited and enrolled
an ally.1 Newman says he called upon clergy
in various parts of the country (as upon a
Northamptonshire clergyman who inquired
whether Whately was at the bottom of them)
whether he was acquainted with them or not,
attended the houses of friends and wrote
various letters, and later on2 he describes
how young curates fresh from Oxford had
down from London parcels of the Tracts and
other publications, placed them in the shops
of local booksellers, got them into newspapers,
introduced them into clerical meetings, and
converted more or less their rectors and their
brother curates. If it may be permitted to use
the language of Company Promoters in con
nection with a religious Movement, it might
be said that it was well " boomed ". Towards
the end of 1834 the first forty-six Tracts were
collected into a volume with an advertisement
prefixed explaining their object. The first
sentence is : " The following Tracts were pub
lished with the object of contributing some-
1 Mozley, Remmiscences, pp. 312-13.
2 Apologia, pp. 58, 59.

THE MOVEMENT, 1833 TO 1839 153
thing towards the practical revival of doc
trines, which although held by great divines
of our Church at present have become obso
lete with the majority of her members, and are
withdrawn from public view even by the more
learned and orthodox few who still adhere to
them ". Then it refers to the Apostolic Suc
cession and the Holy Catholic Church as
principles of action in the minds of their
predecessors of the seventeenth century, the
increase of sectarianism, that the Sacraments,
not preaching, are the sources of Divine
Grace, that the Apostolical Ministry had a
virtue in it which went out over the whole
Church when sought by the prayer of faith,
that fellowship with it was a gift and a privi
lege as well as a duty, that Mefrhpdjsm and
Popery are in different ways the refuge of
those whom the Church stints of the gifts of
grace, and calls attention to the neglect of
the daily service, the desecration of festivals,
the scanty administration of the Eucharist, in
subordination and such deficiencies, and that
an injunction to men to depend on their pri
vate judgment cruel in itself is doubly hurt
ful as throwing them on such teachers as speak

154 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
daringly and promise largely, and not only aid
but supersede individual exertion, and that
those neglected doctrines faithfully preached
would repress that extension of Popery for
which the multiplying divisions of the re
ligious world were preparing the way.
For about a year after the Hadleigh Con
ference matters progressed quietly, Mr. Palmer
was pathetically busy with his addresses and
associations, and the University found con
genial amusement and interest in discussing
the false quantity made by the Duke of
Wellington on his installation as Chancellor,
but in the meantime the Tracts were increas
ing rapidly in number, and although the early
energetic distribution was no longer persisted
in, and perhaps unnecessary, they had attracted
attention and caused inquiry all over the
country and not merely in Oxford. And con
currently Newman was Sunday by Sunday de
livering with increasing power and influence
those Sermons which attracted the members
of the University in great numbers and formed
a powerful and luminous commentary on the
great ethical and religious questions which
underlie all the forms of religious faith. The

THE MOVEMENT, 1833 TO 1839 155
influence of Mr. Palmer and his friends with
their mechanical processes naturally decayed,
while the influence of Newman and his friends
with their strenuous appeals to the learning,
intelligence and consciences of men as natur
ally increased.
5. Towards the end of 1834 the fears of
immediate violent interference with the Eng
lish Church had largely died down, but a new
and important question appeared which raised
in effect the claim of Oxford to be an exclusive
preserve for members of the Church and a
training ground for its clergy, and not merely
a place of education for the nation at large.
This question was brought forward by the
Liberals, and was whether subscription to the
Thirty -nine Articles should still be required at
matriculation from all persons who desired to
enter the University. Oxford had always been
one of the great schools of the Church, and
had even more than Cambridge been regarded
as the home of dogmatic orthodox Church
teaching, and was for all practical purposes an
ecclesiastical institution in the closest connec
tion with the Church. Unlike Cambridge, it
required every one who matriculated to sign

156 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
the Thirty-nine Articles. The proposal there
fore to abolish the subscription at matricula
tion with the express object of admitting
Dissenters, came as a shock to all who con
sidered themselves to be sound Churchmen
without any taint of Liberalism. This pro
posal produced two pamphlets of interest, one
by a writer who signed himself Rusticus, and
who was, in fact, well known afterwards as the
Rev. F. D. Maurice, who defended subscription
on the ground that the Articles were signed
not as tests or confessions of faith, but as
" Conditions of thought " under which learners
were willing to learn and teachers to teach,
but this reasoning obviously cut away the
ground on which the orthodox rested their
defence of subscription. The other pamphlet
directly indicated and enforced the proposal.
It was by Dr. Hampden, who had delivered
the Bampton Lectures in 1832. His theory
was that all creeds and formularies were
merely the inventions of philosophy and in
vasions of Christian Liberty. The importance
of the pamphlet was said to have arisen from
its reasons and not from its conclusions, its
ground being that already developed in his

THE MOVEMENT, 1833 TO 1839 157
Bampton Lectures, namely, the distinction
between the " Divine facts " of revelation and
all human interpretations of them and infer
ences from them, and this was used as an
argument against the old system of the Uni
versity, and his reasons created alarm among
the sounder Churchmen. Put more precisely,
in this pamphlet he had maintained that re
ligion was distinct from theological opinion,
that it is but a common prejudice to identify
theological propositions, methodically deduced
and stated, with the simple religion of Christ,
that under theological opinion were to be
placed the Trinitarian doctrine and the Uni
tarian, that a dogma was a theological opinion
formally insisted on, that speculation always
left an opening for improvement, and that the
Church of England was not dogmatic in its
spirit, though the wording of its formularies
might so sound. In November, 1834, Hamp
den sent Newman a copy of the second edition
of the pamphlet, and in his letter acknowledg
ing its receipt, Newman says : " While I re
spect the tone of piety which the pamphlet dis
plays, I dare not trust myself to put on paper
my feelings about the principles contained in

158 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
it ; tending as they do in my opinion to make
shipwreck of Christian faith "f A war of pam
phlets ensued between those who insisted on
the religious character of University educa
tion and those who insisted on the injustice of
exclusion and the hurtfulness of tests applied
to young and ignorant men. In the end the
heads of houses were induced to submit to
the Oxford Convocation the proposal to abo
lish subscription at matriculation, and it was
in May, 1835, rejected by a majority of five to
one, and this large majority was a genuine
expression of the sense of the University.2
In August, September and October, 1835,
Pusey had issued the Tracts by him on
Holy Baptism. These being on the same
subject could scarcely be called Tracts, but
made a bulky volume of 400 pages which
on reprinting was cut down to about 200
pages, and was considered a very learned
and complete treatise on the subject. In
November, 1835, the preface to volume ii. of
the Tracts, after referring to the altered state
of public information and opinion relating
to the grounds of adherence to the Church
1 Apologia, p. 57. 2 Church, p. 158.

THE MOVEMENT, 1833 TO 1839 159
created by discussions in various quarters and
among other writers by the writers of the
Tracts, the author refers especially to the
doctrine of the one Catholic and Apostolic
Church, and to the fact that the prospect of
the loss of State protection had made it neces
sary to look out for other reasons for adher
ence to the Church besides that of obedience
to the civil magistrate, that the work would
not be the work of a day, and that relapses,
abuses and perversions must not occasion sur
prise. From the end of 1835 or the beginning
of 1836 men outside Oxford began to be alive
to the new and not very intelligible ideas re
ferred to in the Tracts and the preface to
volume ii. The question of subscription was
of course a question of very far-reaching im
portance, but an event was about to occur
which although of far less intrinsic import
ance in general University polity yet attracted
enormous interest in the University and the
Church, and, coupled with the ideas just re
ferred to, naturally occasioned great alarm.
6. On the 19th January, 1836, Dr. Burton,
the Regius Professor of Divinity, unexpectedly
died, and in a few days the news came that

160 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
the Prime Minister, Lord Melbourne, would
appoint Hampden to the vacant chair. Great
commotion arose at Oxford, a petition to the
throne was presented, but rejected, and every
influence was used by the High Church and
Tory party to prevent such an appointment
being made : but Dr. Hampden became Pro
fessor. He was a man of mature age, having
been born in 1793, and of ability, who had ob
tained a double first class and a Fellowship at
Oriel. On marriage he left Oxford and en
gaged in parochial and other work for some
time, but ultimately returned to Oxford. He
was of assistance to Dr. Hawkins in taking
part in the tuition at Oriel when the provost
fell into difficulties with the tutors. In 1833
he became Principal of St. Mary Hall, and in
1834 Professor of Moral Philosophy as against
Newman the other candidate. But he was a
Liberal both in religion and politics. The Rev.
T. Mozley says : " Hampden was one of the
most unprepossessing of men. He was not
so much repulsive as utterly unattractive.
There was a certain stolidity about him that
contrasted strongly with the bright, vivacious
and singularly lovable figures with whom the

THE MOVEMENT, 1833 TO 1839 161
eyes of Oriel men were then familiarised . . .
his face was inexpressive, his head was set
deep in his broad shoulders and his voice was
harsh and unmodulated. Some one said of
him that he stood before you like a milestone
and brayed at you like a jackass. . . . He
made one thing as dull as another."1
In 1827 he had published an essay on the
Philosophical Evidence of Christianity, and in
1832 had delivered his famous Bampton
Lectures on the Scholastic Philosophy Con
sidered in its Relations to Christian Theology,
but he was best known at Oxford by his
pamphlet, already referred to, advocating the
admission of Dissenters to the University.
The opposition was so strong that Hampden
offered to resign the appointment, but the
Prime Minister declined to accept it or to
yield to University clamour, and accordingly
in October, 1836, Hampden entered on his
office. It is easy to understand the feelings
of the High Churchmen at an appointment
1 Reminiscences, pp. 351-52. Lord Panmure said :
" Macaulay's History is not a history ; it is merely pot
house gossip " (Life of Earl Granville, by Lord Edmond
Fitzmaurice, vol. i., p. 141). 11

162 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
which carried with it the power of instruct
ing and guiding half the rising clergy of Eng
land. The Bampton Lectures which formed
the foundation of the objection to Hampden,
although delivered so long ago as 1832, were
practically unknown to most men at the Uni
versity. The subject was dry and difficult
and the treatment unattractive. They were
in fact neither listened to nor read till later
events called attention to them, when it was
found that their theory left nothing standing
but the authority of the letter of the Scrip
ture. All else was " speculation," " human in
ference," " dogma," and he did not pretend to
take even the creeds out of that category.
He distinguished between the " Divine facts "
of Scripture and the authority of its bare letter
and the glosses placed on them or deduced
from them by the Church, whether in the
shape of creeds or other formularies, and so
implicitly denied the authority of the Church
and treated its most authoritative assertions
as mere dicta. It was this theory on which
he based his plan of comprehension in his
pamphlet on the admission of Dissenters. Men
were familiar with that as raising a distinct

THE MOVEMENT, 1833 TO 1839 163
concrete issue who would never pay any atten
tion to abstract investigations and discussions
like those contained in the Lectures. It was
the reasoning in the pamphlet which startled
and aroused men quite as much as its conclu
sions, and by degrees it filtered into men's
minds that this reasoning was in essence
identical with that in the Lectures, and, not
withstanding Hampden's professions of ab
solute orthodoxy, both alike unsound and
dangerous. It was felt that efforts should be
made to neutralise the effect of the appoint
ment so far as was then possible, and natur
ally the first step was to mark their disagree
ment with Hampden's unsound positions and
to censure his errors, but a preliminary diffi
culty arose in the comparative ignorance of
the majority of his specific teaching, and
therefore a pamphlet was written by Newman
called Elucidations of Dr. Hampden's Theolog
ical Statements, and said to have been drawn
up in one night. One special point made was
that according to Hampden there might be in
terpretations and inferences from Scripture,
but no certain or authoritative one, none that
warranted an organised Church. Hampden's
"11*

164 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
friends said that the Elucidations were merely
garbled extracts and unfair, and that many
took their estimate of Hampden from those
extracts, while the other side contended that
they fairly represented the subject discussed.
A great mass of literature, however, was issued
on the question, and in the result the heads of
houses, without stating Hampden's unsound
doctrines, but to mark their distrust, brought
in a proposal to deprive Hampden of his vote
as professor in the choice of select preachers
till the University should otherwise determine.
This was defeated in Convocation by the veto
of the two proctors, but when new proctors
came into office the proposal was introduced
again, and carried in May, 1837, by 474 to
94. This seems a petty exhibition of impo
tent rage and had no real effect, and in the
end after some futile attempts to rescind the
vote the agitation on this question gradually
died down. Passions, however, had risen high
during the discussions, and were not confined
merely to Hampden's alleged unsoundness but
also extended to the tendencies of the Trac
tarian Movement, and members of the Evan
gelical party, who in 1837 joined in the pro-

THE MOVEMENT, 1833 TO 1839 165
test against Hampden's appointment, avowed
their desire that the next time they were
brought up to Oxford to give a vote it might
be in order to put down the Popery of the
Movement.1 The suspicions of the Tract
writers and their friends had been gathering
head for some time, and were also given ex
pression to in a violent article in the Edin
burgh Review (April, 1836) by Dr. Arnold,
on what he called the " Oxford Malignants ".
In 1836 Dr. Pusey projected a great work, a
series of translations and also editions of the
Fathers which was announced as a "Library
of Fathers of the Holy Catholic Church An
terior to the Division of the East and West,"
under the editorship of Pusey, Keble and
Newman. Pusey always took a great interest
in this work, and it became the main task of
Charles Marriott's life. It had a fair circu
lation, and a considerable number of bishops
wepe among its subscribers.
x 7. Rome had never forgotten or become re
conciled to the loss of England at the Refor
mation, and had not lost hope that at some
time she would return to the one fold, the
1 Apologia, p. 63.

166 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
Church of Rome, and therefore remained an
interested spectator of the events passing in
the English Church, and judging that a
psychological moment had arrived, Dr. Wise
man, who had returned to England by 1836,
delivered in London lectures on the doctrines
of Catholicism, the first effect of which was to
create an impression through the country which
was shared in by the Tract writers and their
friends, that they had for their opponents in
controversy, not only their brethren, but their
hereditary foes.1 Newman, not content merely
with his writings and sermons, had for some
years in Advent and after Easter delivered
lectures on some theological subject in Adam
de Brome's Chapel, an appendage to St. Mary's
on the north side, and these lectures after
wards became the volume on The Prophetical
Office of the Church Viewed Relatively to Ro
manism and Popular Protestantism, the volume
on Justification, and the lectures on Anti
christ and on Rationalism and the Canon of
Scripture, which afterwards became Nos. 83
and 85 of the Tracts. The force, breadth of
view and grasp of subject which marked these
1 Apologia, p. 64.

THE MOVEMENT, 1833 TO 1839 167
lectures caused them to be listened to with
great interest, and when collected into volumes
their influence was powerful and wide. Dr.
Wiseman's lectures and the views taken of
them led to the publication of The Prophetical
Office ofthe Church. It had employed Newman
for three years, from the beginning of 1834 to
the end of 1836, and was composed after a
consideration and comparison of the principal
divines of the seventeenth century. It was
recast twice, and lastly, after considerable re
trenchments and additions, was rewritten for
publication and published in March, 1837. It
attempted to trace out the rudimental lines on
which Christian faith and teaching proceed and
to use them as means of determining the re
lation of the Roman and Anglican systems to
each other. It insisted on points of agreement
as well as of difference, but its main scope was
an attempt at commencing a system of theo
logy on the Anglican idea and based on Angli
can authorities. It aimed at a consolidation of
their judgments. What Newman wished was
to build up an Anglican theology out of the
stores which already lay cut and hewn upon
the ground, the past toil of great divines,

168 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
though this could not be the work of one
man. And he also desired to find a basis in
reason for his belief and to avow that basis.
He says in the introduction : " What we need
at present for our Church's well-being is not in
vention nor originality nor sagacity nor even
learning in our divines, at least in the first
place . . . but we need peculiarly a sound
judgment, patient thought, discrimination, a
comprehensive mind, and abstinence from all
private fancies and caprices and personal
tastes — in a word, Divine Wisdom ". The sub
ject of the volume was, in fact, the famous
doctrine of the Via Media, a receding from ex
tremes, but still with a definite shape and char
acter. The obvious objection to it was that it
was not objective and real ; it was merely a
paper religion, and not a real religion like Pro
testantism or Popery. It, however, implied no
doubt of, but on the contrary assumed, the
three fundamental points above mentioned,
namely, dogma, the sacramental system and
anti-Romanism. The object, therefore, of those
who accepted the doctrine of the Via Media
was to make it a living Church in a posi
tion proper to itself and founded on distinct

THE MOVEMENT, 1833 TO 1839 169
principles, and a number of works originated
in this object. The essay on Justification, writ
ten in 1837 and published in March, 1838,
was aimed at the Lutheran dictum that justifi
cation by faith only was the cardinal doctrine of
Christianity. In the preface he speaks of sug
gestions towards the consolidation of a theo
logical system built on those formularies to
which all clergymen are bound, and implies that
the dissertation was a tentative inquiry. In
his University Sermons there is a series of dis
cussions on the subject of Faith and Reason,
being the commencement of an inquiry into the
ultimate basis of religious faith prior to the
distinction into creeds. In like manner New
man published in 1838 a pamphlet on the Real
Presence, designed to place the doctrine on
an intellectual basis by denying the existence
of space except as a subjective idea of our
minds, and there was a stream of articles in
the British Critic written directly or indirectly
with the same object. In 1838 the Rev. W.
Palmer published his treatise on the Church of
Christ which was begun under the circum
stances which induced Newman to re-write his
Prophetical Office of the Church, and was a

170 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
work highly spoken of by Newman and all
persons acquainted with its subject, but which
from its dry learned scientific treatment failed
to catch the attention of persons accustomed to
the spice and flavour of the writings of the
Tract writers and their friends, and was some
time before it obtained the recognition it de
served, and, in fact, was in the nature of a
theological treatise or text-book.
Towards the end of 1838 a proposal was
made, and was zealously pushed forward by
Mr. Golightly and other opponents of Trac
tarianism, to raise a subscription and erect a
monument in Oxford to the martyrs of the
Reformation — Cranmer, Ridley and Latimer.
This was apparently an innocent and reason
able proposal, and some members of the
party gave in their adhesion to it, but it
soon became obvious that it was also calcu
lated and intended to be, at any rate in
directly, a test question which would place, and
did place, the Tractarian party in a difficulty,
for recent investigations had shown that in
their view the Reformers had been parties to
many reprehensible acts and were untrust
worthy theologians. Although among other

THE MOVEMENT, 1833 TO 1839 171
things much was due to them for the respect
shown to the essentials of Catholic truth and
usage and much for what was beautiful and
devotional in the Prayer-book, their own
language was in the direction of Calvin and
Zwinglius, and so there was a reaction among
High Churchmen from the excessive veneration
they had formerly enjoyed. Although, there
fore, Dr. Pusey was at first disposed to sub
scribe, Newman and his friends for the most
part, as was expected and perhaps intended,
held aloof, and so marked themselves as not
loyal to the Reformation as understood by the
promoters of the memorial. The subscription,
however, was raised and the memorial erected,
but they had no real effect upon the Tractarian
Movement beyond the creation of a certain
amount of prejudice, and they altogether failed
as an effective protest against such Movement.
It may, however, be said of Newman and of
every one who adopted the doctrine of the Via
Medja^, that at this time the language used by
Hurrell Froude fairly described them, namely,
"we are Catholics without the Popery, and
Church of England men without the Pro
testantism ".1 The doctrine of the Via Media,
1 Remains, vol. L, p. 404.

172 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
however, involved very difficult questions.
Had it any, and, if so, what solid basis ?
Why choose arbitrarily the divines of the
seventeenth century as the foundation of the
desired substantive living religion ? If, as
Newman said, the work of building up an
Anglican theology (that is, the work of investi
gation, harmonising and consolidation of the
stores already existing) could not be the work
of one man, who was to choose the men for the
work ? Who was to decide in case they dif
fered, or if others criticised their conclusions ?
Was it to be Pusey, or Keble, or Newman, or
was there to be a Council of Oxford to define
authoritatively the tenets and details of this
doctrine ? To the plain outsider, the holders
of the doctrine were like men sitting on a
fence, and regard being had to their expressed
views, there did not seem much doubt on
which side they would ultimately jump off.
THE MOVEMENT, 1839 TO 1845.
1. Newman himself considered that in the
spring of 1839 his position in the Anglican
Church was at its height, but notwithstanding
the smoothness with which matters had pro-

THE MOVEMENT, 1839 TO 1845 173
ceeded there were some premonitory signs of
the storm which was shortly to burst. There
was the Martyrs' Memorial just referred to.
Men like Jas. B. Mozley, Mark Pattison and
others, suspected of leanings even towards
Puseyism, found the suspicions to be in their
way when applying for Fellowships. The
Bishop of Oxford in his charge in 1838 made
some animadversions on the Tracts for the
Times, in consequence of which Newman offered
to withdraw those over which he had control if
he were informed which were those to which
the bishop had objections, but the bishop did
not think it necessary to proceed to such a
measure. There was also to be reckoned with
the growing sullen displeasure of men whose
settled beliefs were being attacked when the
attack was passing from the academic to the
practical stage. The publication of Hurrell
Froude's Remains, the first part of which had
appeared early in 1838 and the later part in
1839, added largely to the uneasiness and
alarm which were being generally felt by mod
erate men. Their general character is stated
above in the sketch of Hurrell Froude, but
by degrees men began to realise the mean-

174 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
ing and effect of the fact that they avowedly
condemned the Reformation, and its condemna
tion was acquiesced in and adopted by the two
editors, Newman and Keble, in their preface to
the second part of the Remains, the theory of
the Via Media not dealing directly with the
Reformation. The general feeling created by
them was alarm at the attack on the Reforma
tion, and disgust at the morbidity and un-
wholesomeness of the self-revelations they
contained. The equilibrium of the Via Media
party was disturbed by the adhesion of a
number of able young men who had not gone
through the investigations, discussions and
struggles of the previous six years, who were
comparatively free from the lingering con
servatism of the older members, and in fact
began at the stage those older members had
so painfully arrived at, and whose more daring
logic and speculation are said to have forced
the pace. The foremost of these was Mr.
William George Ward, sometime Fellow and
Mathematical Lecturer at Balliol. He was a
man of immense ability, acuteness and energy,
but his tastes were mathematical rather than
classical. He had no historical sense or attain-

THE MOVEMENT, 1839 TO 1845 175
ments, but he had a gift for taking premises
and working them out to their ultimate logical
conclusions. He had a certain taste for the
ology, was given to society, and without being
coarse or profane he was jovial and fond of
music, inclining occasionally rather to the buffo
style, but extremely popular with all classes.
He was ordained deacon as an Arnoldian,
and priest as a Newmanite, and signed the
Articles in a different sense on each occasion.
The other prominent men of his school were
Oakeley, Faber, Dalgairns, and others of the
same kind. " While Newman passed from the
study of antiquity to the conception of a
United Universal Church, and from that con
ception to a reluctant doubt of the lawfulness
of separation from Rome, Ward by an exactly
opposite process passed from admiration for
the Roman Church to the conception of the
necessity of Union with the Church Universal,
and hence to a doubt, suggested by the fact
that the Anglican Church had once enjoyed
such communion, as to whether it might not
still have it potentially. The link in the past
which drove Newman towards Rome in spite
of his love of England kept Mr. Ward in the

176 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
English Church in spite of the attractions of
Rome."1 From 1839 Ward and his friends
practically repeated to Newman and his friends
their treatment of W. Palmer and his more
moderate party. It would be hopeless and
unnecessary to attempt to give anything like
a detailed account of the war of essays and
articles which raged round this new develop
ment, but some writings must be referred to.
2. About February, 1839, Pusey put forward
in the shape of " A Letter to the Bishop of
Oxford " a defence of Tractarianism from the
charge of holding corrupt and dangerous princi
ples approximating to Romanism. It adhered
anew to the Apostolicity of the Christian Epis
copate and Ministry iri England, and fully re
cognised the bishop's authority as a succes
sor of the Apostles. He also vindicated the
authority of the Scripture and of the Church,
maintaining the orthodox view of the weight of
universal tradition. He also dealt with the doc
trine of justification, the Sacraments, prayers
for the dead, invocation of saints and other
teaching of the Tractarians, and on the whole
1 Ward, pp. 137, 141.

THE MOVEMENT, 1839 TO 1845 177
the Letter was considered to have strength
ened the Tractarian cause.
In April, 1839, Newman had an article in
the British Critic entitled " The State of
Religious Parties," which Newman says : best
describes his state of mind at the early part of
1839. It reviews the actual state of things
and looks towards the future. After citing
evidence from opponents as to the success of
the Movement, including a bishop's charge
that " under the specious pretence of deference
to antiquity and respect for primitive models
the foundations of the Protestant Church are
undermined by men who dwell within her
walls, and those who sit in the Reformers'
seat are traducing the Reformation," the
article proceeds to account for it as a reaction
from the dry and superficial character of the
religious teaching and the literature of the
last generation or century, as a result of the
need for a deeper philosophy and as the evi
dence and partial fulfilment of that need. It
was absurd to refer it to the act of two or
three individuals. It was " a spirit afloat ".
1 Apologia, p. 94.
12

178 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
" It was an adversary in the air, a something
one and entire, a whole wherever it is, un
approachable and incapable of being grasped,
as being the result of causes far deeper than
political or other visible agencies, the spiritual
awakening of spiritual wants." And after re
ferring to the variety of the antecedents of its
chief preachers, he admitted that some of the
disciples of the Movement needed to be kept
in order. He then passed on to the subject
of antiquity, the basis of the doctrine of the
Via Media, and, lastly, the author proceeded
to the question of the future of the Anglican
Church which was to be a new birth of
the Ancient Religion. Liberalism, he said,
merely occupied the ground between contend
ing powers, Catholic Truth and Rationalism.
Then indeed would be the stern encounter
when two real and living principles, simple
and entire and consistent, one in the Church
the other out of it, at length rush upon
each other, contending not for names and
words or half views, but for elementary notions
and distinctive moral characters. This state
of things could not last, men would take one
view or another, but it would be a consistent

THE MOVEMENT, 1839 TO 1845 179
view, Liberalism or Erastianism, or Popery, or
Catholicity, but it would be real, and concluded
by saying that all who did not wish to be
democratic or pantheistic or popish must look
out for some Via Media.1 Many years after
Newman describes this article as the last
words which he ever spoke as an Anglican to
Anglicans. Taken literally, this is not quite
accurate, but qualified as the last words spoken
by him as an undoubting Anglican, it is prob
ably quite accurate, and interesting accord
ingly. The article had brought matters to a
clear issue. The parties were the Anglican
Via Media on the one side, and the Popular Re
ligion of Rome on the other. The issue was,
the Anglican stood on antiquity or Apostolicity,
the Roman on Catholicity. "The Anglican
said to the Roman there is but one faith, the
ancient, and you have not kept it ; the Roman
retorted there is but one Church, the Catholic,
and you are out of it. The cause lay thus,
Apostolicity v. Catholicity."2
3. About the middle of June, 1839, New
man began to study and master the history
i Apologia, p. 103. 2 Ibid., p. 106.
12*

180 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
of the Monophysites and was absorbed in the
doctrinal question.1 It was in the course of
this reading that a doubt came upon him of
the tenableness of Angelicanism, and by the
end of August he was seriously alarmed.
Newman says : " Here in the middle of the
fifth century I found as it seemed to me
Christendom of the sixteenth and nineteenth
centuries reflected. I saw my face in that
mirror, and I was a Monophysite. The
Church of the Via Media was in the position
of the Oriental Communion, Rome was where
she now is, and the Protestants were the
Eutychians." 2 In the Dublin Review for
August, 1839, there was an article by Dr.
Wiseman on the " Anglican Claim ". It was
on the Donatists with an application to
Anglicanism, but a friend in September called
Newman's attention to the words of St.
Augustine which had escaped him at first,
1,1 The Monophysite heresy, originated by Eutychus,
an Oriental theologian, asserted that Christ had only
one nature, and that His Divine and human natures
were so united as to form only one nature, yet without
any change, confusion or mixture of the two natures "
(Hook's Church Dictiona/ry, fifteenth edition, p. 509).
2 Apologia, p. 114.

THE MOVEMENT, 1839 TO 1845 181
fxfd- ,-.-<--'- lA- ''*>' "¦'•-'
"Securus judicat orbis terrarum," and re
peated them again and again, and after he
had gone they kept ringing in his ears,
"Securus judicat orbis terrarum" — the de
liberate judgment in which the whole Church
at length rests and acquiesces is an infal
lible prescription and a final sentence against
such portions of it as protest and secede.
Newman had seen a ghost. He mentioned
his state of mind to two friends— one of
them Mr. Henry Wilberforce, who felt the
shock, severely, but the doubt was not gen
erally known, and Newman by degrees be
gan to grow calm and the vivid impression
on his imagination faded away, but he could
no longer speak with the same clearness and
confidence as before respecting the validity
of the Anglican position, and never settled
down again exactly into his old position.
He no longer maintained the Via Media or
attacked Rome as schismatical. His new
position was, Rome is the Church, and we
are the Church ; and we need not inquire
which of the two has deflected most from
the Apostolic Standard.1 This was the view
1 Ward, p. 145.

182 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
he put forward in the article on " The
Catholicity of the English Church," which
appeared in January, 1840, and was the first
result of his restored tranquillity of mind.
But he had never really got over the effect
of Dr. Wiseman's article on the Donatists,
and began to prepare for a move from Oxford,
from St. Mary's and his Fellowship. He
bought about ten acres of land at Littlemore
and began to plant, and asked his brother-in-
law, Rev. T. Mozley, for plans, intending to
build and establish a kind of monastic es
tablishment connected with the University.
Littlemore was a part of "St. Mary's Parish,
about two or three miles from Oxford. New
man had built a church there some years
before, and went there in Lent, 1840, and gave
himself up to teaching in the parish school
and practising the choir.
4. Newman was in a very difficult position
now. The younger men carried out their con
clusions to their utmost limits and defended
them by ascribing them to Newman, but when
challenged with a request for a reference in
his writings they could only reply that he
had said so and so, and that what they alleged

THE MOVEMENT, 1839 TO 1845 183
was implicitly contained in what he had
already said. On the other hand, even at a
later date, when asked by Pusey whether he
agreed with some proposition of Ward, he
could only reply, " I do not know the limits
of my own belief " (Letter, Newman to Pusey
in October, 1842). On the other hand, New
man had led a multitude of younger men to
a considerable distance in the direction of
Rome, and he was expected to keep them
from going the whole distance and joining
that Church. The actual cause of his dealing
with the Articles in the beginning of 1841,
was the restlessness of those who neither
liked the Via Media nor his strong judgment
against Rome. Their tangible difficulty was
subscription to the Articles. Newman says :
" It was thrown in our teeth : How can
you manage to sign the Articles? They are
directly against Rome. Against Rome? I
made answer, what do you mean by Rome ?
and then I proceeded to make distinctions."1
He says that by Roman doctrine might be
meant one of three things : (1) The Catholic
teaching of the early centuries ; or (2) the
1 Apologia, p. 78,

184 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
formal dogmas of Rome as contained in the
later Councils, especially the Council of Trent,
and as condensed in the Creed of Pope Pius
IV. ; or (3) the actual popular beliefs and
usages sanctioned by Rome in countries in
communion with it over and above the dog
mas, and these he called " dominant errors ".
Newman alleged that Protestants commonly
thought that in all three senses "Roman
Doctrine " was condemned in the Articles, but
Newman thought that though Catholic teach
ing was not condemned the dominant errors
were, and as to the formal dogmas, that some
were and some were not, and that the line
had to be drawn between them. Each creed
was obscured and misrepresented by a cir
cumambient " Popery " and " Protestantism ".
The main thesis of his essay was therefore
this : The Articles do not oppose Catholic
teaching, they but partially oppose Roman
dogma, they for the most part oppose the
dominant errors of Rome, and the problem
was to draw the line as to what they allowed
and what they condemned. The Articles he
considered were elastic, and he wanted to
ascertain what was the limit of that elasticity

THE MOVEMENT, 1839 TO 1845 185
in the direction of Roman dogma — and what
a man subscribing might hold rather than
what he must.
5. The result of this investigation was the
celebrated Tract 90 of the Tracts for the Times,
entitled, "Remarks on Certain Passages in
the Thirty-nine Articles," and published in
February, 1841. It was intended to establish
the thesis above stated, and therefore to show
that the Thirty-nine Articles were not hope
lessly irreconcilable with the Catholic teaching
the Tract writers had defended on the authority
of the great Anglican divines, although this
was alleged by some advanced Tractarians
as well as by their opponents. This could
only be done by a strict examination of the
language of the Articles themselves ; when it
was objected that the ideas of the framers of
the Articles were well known, and that the
object was to place an insuperable barrier
between the English Church and everything
Romish, the answer was that the Articles
were legal documents and were to be inter
preted according to the strict meaning of
words, and not by the opinions of the framers
or promulgators, either as theologians or ec-

186 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
clesiastical politicians, that they were in fact
intended to be comprehensive and not such
as to drive away extreme men of either view
in the Church. The principle was compromise,
and was visible not only in the Articles but
also in the Sacramental offices of the Prayer-
book, which left so much out to satisfy the
Protestants and left so much in to satisfy
the Catholics. The Tract went therefore
through the Articles which were looked on
as either Anti-Catholic or Anti-Roman. It
went through them with a dry logical way of
interpretation such as a professed theologian
might use, and as they would be examined
and construed by a purely legal court. He
argued that they could not have been intended
to contradict the Canons of the Council of
Trent, as was popularly supposed, because they
had been composed several years before those
Canons were published or the Council itself
completed, that they were directed not against
Catholic doctrines but against the popular
abuses of those doctrines. They condemned
"Masses," but they did not condemn "the
Mass ". They condemned the Romish doctrine
of Purgatory, but the Romish was not the

THE MOVEMENT, 1839 TO 1845 187
Greek, and there might be many others. Some
of the interpretations seemed far fetched and
artificial.1 The whole Tract seemed to the
ordinary plain mind too subtle and too clever,
and from that it was only a step to describe
such a treatise, explaining away what had been
believed to be a sure test, as dishonest and
immoral. 6. Tract 90 at once became the sensation of
the day. Mr. James Mozley in a letter to his
sister dated the 8th March, 1841, says : " A new
Tract has come out this week and is beginning
to make a sensation. It is on the Articles
and shows that they bear a highly Catholic
meaning, and that many doctrines of which
the Romanist are corruptions may be held
consistently with them. This is no more than
what we know as a matter of history, for the
Articles were expressly worded to bring in
Roman Catholics. But people are astonished
and confused at the idea now, as if it were
quite new. And they have been so accustomed
for a long time to look at the Articles as on a
par with the Creed, that they think, I suppose,
1 Church, pp. 284-87. Froude, Short Studies, fourth
series, pp. 214, 215,

188 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
that if they subscribe to them they are bound
to hold whatever doctrines (not positively
stated in them) are not merely condemned.
So if they will have a Tractarian sense they
are thereby all Tractarians. It is of course
highly complimentary to the whole set of us
to be so very much surprised that we should
think what we held to be consistent with the
Articles which we have subscribed."
On the same day, the 8th March, 1841, four
senior tutors, Mr. Tait, Mr. Churton, Mr.
Wilson and Mr. Griffiths, protested against
the teaching of the Tract. They indicated
five heads of doctrine : (1) Purgatory, (2)
Pardons, (3) Worshipping and adoration of
images and relics, (4) Invocation of Saints, and
(5) the Mass, and in view of the tendency of
the teaching as mitigating the differences be
tween England and Rome, and as breaking
down the guarantee which subscription was
supposed to afford, that Roman doctrine should
not be preached by Anglican Ministers, and
requested that the writer's name should be
made known, so that some person besides the
printer and the publisher should acknowledge
himself responsible. On the 15th March, 1841,

THE MOVEMENT, 1839 TO 1845 189
a week later, at a meeting of the Vice-Chancel
lor, heads of houses and proctors which refused
to wait for Newman's defence, although known
to be coming, and in fact dated 13th March,
1841, a resolution was carried with respect to
Tract 90 : " That modes of interpretation such
as are suggested in the said Tract, evading
rather than explaining the sense of the Thirty-
nine Articles and reconciling subscription to
them with the adoption of errors which they
were designed to counteract, defeat the object
and are inconsistent with the due observance
of the above-mentioned Statutes," i.e., the
statutes of the University, that every student
should be instructed and examined in the
Thirty-nine Articles and should subscribe to
them. Newman wrote the following day to
the Vice-Chancellor acknowledging the au
thorship, and immediately afterwards pub
lished a letter to Dr. Jelf in explanation of
the Tract, especially with reference to the
criticisms in the Four Tutors' Protest. The
conclusion was : " The Tract is grounded on the
belief that the Articles need not be so closed
as the received method of teaching closes them,
and ought not to be for the sake of many persons.

190 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
If we will close them we run the risk of sub
jecting persons whom we should least like to
lose to the temptation of joining the Church
of Rome." It is now generally considered
that the conduct of the authorities was violent
and ignorant, but with the exception of Dr.
Routh none of them were men of learning or
distinction, and they were strongly prejudiced
against and full of fear of Rome. The Bishop
of Oxford, however, informed Newman that
in his view the Tract was objectionable and
might tend to disturb the peace and tranquil
lity of the Church, and advised that the Tracts
for the Times should be discontinued. New
man at once wrote to the bishop (29th March,
1841) expressing his willingness to comply,
and giving up his place in the Movement, but
vindicating the Tracts generally, and Tract 90
particularly, from the charges made against
them. The great point was that the Tracts
were not suppressed. Number 90 was neither
suppressed nor withdrawn ; on the contrary,
on the 29th March, 1841, the date of the letter
to the bishop, a second edition appeared with
additions and qualifications to meet objections
made to it in its original form. Newman

THE MOVEMENT, 1839 TO 1845 191
in a letter dated 9th May, 1841, says : "The
bishops are very desirous of hushing the
matter up, and I certainly have done my ut
most to co-operate with them on the under
standing that the Tract is not to be withdrawn
or condemned 'V Newman had forgotten the
warning he had received some thirteen years
before against " understandings " 2 (" I greatly
dislike the word 'understanding,' which is
always misunderstood")? There followed of
course a violent war of pamphlets between
the supporters and opponents of the Tract, in
which Mr. Ward took a very prominent part, but
which it is not necessary here further to refer
to. Feelings ran so high that in June, 1841,
Mr. Ward felt it proper to resign his mathe
matical and logical lectureships in the College.
7. In the summer of 1841 Newman was at
Littlemore without any harass or anxiety on
his mind — he had determined to put aside all
controversy and set himself down to a trans
lation of St. Athanasius — but between July
and November he received three blows which
he says " broke him ".4 (1) In the Arian
i Apologia, p. 138. 2 Ibid., p. 90.
3 Ibid., p. 388. ^Ibid., p. 139.

192 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
History he found the very same phenomenon
as in the Monophysite, though he had not ob
served it in 1832. He saw that in the history
of Arianism the pure Arians were the Protes
tants, the semi-Arians were the Anglicans,
and that Rome now was what it was then.
The truth lay not with the Via Media but
with what was called " the extreme party ".
(2) The bishops one after another began to
charge against him. It was a formal deter
minate movement. (3) There came the matter
of the Anglo-Prussian bishopric at Jerusalem.
The plan was to have a Protestant Bishop of
Jerusalem, nominated alternately by England
and Prussia, consecrated by English bishops
and exercising jurisdiction over English and
German Protestants in Palestine. This was
in effect a contradiction of the Tractarian
argument for the Catholicity of the English
Church, since it involved close communion
with Lutherans and Calvinists, and Newman
protested strongly against the proposal. The
protest, dated the 11th November, 1841, pur
ported to be by Newman as a priest of the
English Church and Vicar of St. Mary the
Virgin's, Oxford, and its foundations were :

THE MOVEMENT, 1839 TO 1845 193
(1) that the Church of England had a claim
on the allegiance of Catholic believers only on
the ground of her own claim to be considered
a branch of the Catholic Church ; (2) that
the measure implied some sort of recognition
of the doctrines of Lutheranism and Calvinism
which were heresies ; and (3) that the dioceses
in England were connected together by so
close an intercommunion that what was done
by authority in one immediately affects the
rest. The protest was of course disregarded
and the project carried into effect. The Jeru
salem bishopric was the ultimate condemna
tion of the old theory of the Via Media; its
establishment demolished the sacredness of
diocesan rights. If England could be in
Palestine, Rome could be in England. But
from the end of 1841 Newman says: "I was
on my death-bed as regards my membership
with the Anglican Church, though at the time
I became aware of it only by degrees "-1 New
man had for some time been pressed with the
difficulty of his position as a beneficed clergy
man of the Anglican Church, and as early as
1 Apologia, p. 147.
13

194 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
October, 1840, had consulted Keble about his
resignation of St. Mary's, contemplating a re
tirement in the first instance to Littlemore.
Keble, however, was in favour of his retaining
the living, at any rate, for the present. The
inference from retirement would be that New
man could no longer go on except in mere lay
communion with the Anglican Church. There
was also the practical difficulty that retirement
from St. Mary's involved retirement from
Littlemore, and so the matter was allowed
to go on temporarily, but from this time
Newman had a curate at St. Mary's who
gradually took more and more of the work.
In the same year Newman made arrange
ments for giving up the British Critic in the
following July, which were then carried into
effect. Towards the end of 1841 Newman
began to write "shakily," and in December
preached his four sermons at St. Mary's on
Wisdom and Innocence and began to con
template eventualities more definitely; but a
question was arising which though not directly
theological, yet had great influence in marshal
ling parties and consolidating animosities.
8. In October, 1841, Keble gave his last

THE MOVEMENT, 1839 TO 1845 195
lecture as Professor of Poetry, and a contest
arose as to the appointment of his successor.
The two candidates were Mr. Isaac Williams
and Mr. (afterwards Archdeacon) Garbett.
Apart from theological bias, there seems to be
little doubt that Mr. Isaac Williams, who was
a poet rather of the Keble school and a man
of scholarly and refined tastes, would have
been a most proper and worthy successor,
although his competitor, Mr. Garbett, was
also an accomplished man of high culture
and considerable reputation for acquaintance
with general literature, though he had given
no public evidence of his claims to such an
office. Some of Mr. Williams' friends injudici
ously asked for support for him on the ground
that his religious views would ensure his
making the office minister to religious truth.
The other side at once took advantage of this
slip, and so the question became almost en
tirely theological. The innocent and ignorant
electors who had been puzzled by such publi
cations as Keble's tract on the Mysticism of
the Fathers in the Use and Interpretation of
Scripture, and Williams' own tract On Re
serve in Communicating Religious Knowledge,
13*

196 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
however sound their doctrine may have been,
could not rid their minds of the idea that
they had a Jesuitical character calculated
to Romanise the Anglican Church, and there
fore to be put down. The result of the
whole discussion was that when the Univer
sity met in January, 1842, the contest was
settled. A comparison of votes gave a ma
jority of 921 to 623, or about 3 to 2, to Mr.
Garbett, and Mr. Williams withdrew, but it
was a distinct defeat to the Tractarians as a
party and encouraged their opponents accord
ingly. It was of course only a more formal
and public manifestation of the feeling above
referred to, which prejudiced men suspected
of Tractarianism or Tractarian leanings in
their applications for Fellowships and other
appointments. Newman himself as preacher
at St. Mary's had suffered from the same
dislike. It was said that some heads of
houses had altered their dinner hour in Hall
so as to make it difficult for men to attend
the services and listen to his sermons. In
his letter to Keble of October, 1840, about
giving up St. Mary's, Newman says the au
thorities of the University " have shown a dis-

THE MOVEMENT, 1839 TO 1845 197
like of my preaching — one dissuades men from
coming ; the late Vice-Chancellor threatens to
take his own children away from the church,
and the present having an opportunity last
spring of preaching in my parish pulpit gets
up and preaches against doctrine with which
I am in good measure identified," and so on.
But now, after Tract 90, Newman was a
person not merely disliked, but one who
required to be " watched " and to be kept
under "observation". He was pursued to
Littlemore. What was he doing there ? He
was a sly insidious person and could be after
no good. Newman complains that one day
when he entered his house he found a flight
of undergraduates inside, that heads of houses
as mounted patrols walked their horses round
his poor cottages, and that doctors of divinity
dived into the hidden recesses of that private
tenement uninvited and drew domestic conclu
sions from what they saw there. The matter
came before the bishop, and on the 12th April,
1842, he wrote to Newman a very considerate
letter, in which among other things he says :
" In " — a newspaper — " however, of April 9th
there appears a paragraph in which it is as-

198 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
serted as a matter of notoriety that a so-called
Anglo-Catholic Monastery is in process of erec
tion at Littlemore, and that the cells of dormi
tories, the chapel, the refectory, the cloisters
all may be seen advancing to perfection under
the eye of a parish priest of the diocese of Ox
ford," and giving an opportunity for explana
tion as to the alleged revival of monastic orders
without previous communication with him, so
that he might be able to contradict, what if
uncontradicted would appear to imply a glar
ing invasion of ecclesiastical discipline on New
man's part, or neglect and indifference to his
duties on the bishop's part. Newman replied
on the 14th April, 1842, and after reminding
the bishop that a year ago he submitted en
tirely to the bishop's authority, stopped the
series of Tracts and withdrew from all public
discussion of Church matters of the day, he
says that he had turned to the preparation for
the press of his translation of St. Athanasius
and intended to employ himself in the like
theological studies, and in the concerns of his
own parish and in practical works, that with
a view to personal improvement he had for
many years, at least thirteen, wished to give

THE MOVEMENT, 1839 TO 1845 199
himself to a life of greater religious regularity
than he had hitherto led, and that he had been
thinking of himself alone and not aiming at
any ecclesiastical or external effects, but that
it would be a great comfort to him to know
that God had put it into the hearts of others
to pursue their personal edification in the
same way, and unnatural not to wish to have
the benefit of their presence and encourage
ment . . . that he proposed to live there him
self a good deal as he had a resident curate at
Oxford, that the population at Littlemore was
at least equal to that of St. Mary's in Oxford,
and the whole of Littlemore was double of it,
that it had been very much neglected, and in
providing a parsonage house at Littlemore as
that would be, and would be called, he con
ceived that he was doing a very great benefit
to his people, and that a partial or temporary
retirement from St. Mary's Church might be
then expedient, and he then proceeds : " As to
the quotation from the " — newspaper — " which
I have not seen, your Lordship will perceive
from what I have said that no ' monastery is
in process of erection,' there is no ' chapel,' no
' refectory,' hardly a dining-room or parlour.

200 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
The cloisters are my shed connecting the
cottages. I do not understand what ' cells of
dormitories ' means. Of course I can repeat
your Lordship's words that ' I am not attempt
ing a revival of the Monastic orders in any
thing approaching the Roman sense of the
term,' or ' taking on myself to originate any
measure of importance without authority from
the heads of the Church'. I am attempting
nothing ecclesiastical, but something personal
and private." It is perhaps not an unfair
criticism of this letter to say that it does not
err on the side of excessive candour, but it is
fair to remember that it was written under
an obvious feeling of irritation at being hunted
down and misrepresented, and therefore he
answered argumentatively and so to say " by
the card ". He gave a fuller explanation in
the Apology, page 177 : "As I made Little
more a place of retirement for myself, so did I
offer it to others. There were young men in
Oxford whose testimonials for orders had been
refused by their Colleges ; there were young
clergymen who had found themselves unable
from conscience to go on with their duties and
had thrown up their parochial engagements.

THE MOVEMENT, 1839 TO 1845 201
Such men were already going straight to Rome,
and I interposed . . . from fidelity to my
clerical engagements and from duty to my
bishop and from the interest I was bound to
take in them and from belief that they were
premature or excited. Their friends besought
me to quiet them if I could. Some of them
came sto live with me at Littlemore. They
were laymen or in the place of laymen. I
kept some of them back for several years
from being received into the Catholic Church.
Even when I had given up my living I was
still bound by my duty to their parents or
friends, and I did not forget still to do what
I could for them. The immediate occasion
for my resigning St. Mary's was the unex
pected conversion of one of them. After that
I felt it was impossible to keep my post there,
for I had been unable to keep my word with
my bishop." And he sets out letters referring
more or less to these men.
The case of Mr. Sibthorp, a Fellow of Mag
dalen, who had a chapel at Ryde, but not con
nected with Littlemore, was an illustration
of precipitateness against which Newman was
guarding. He was received into the Church

202 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
of Rome in the middle of October, 1841, in
spite of Newman's friendly warning, and ap
parently after only a few days' consideration,
but reverted in about two years, that is in
October, 1843. Newman himself was natur
ally in a state of great difficulty, and it was
in this period that his letter to Pusey above
referred to was written. It is dated 16th
October, 1842, and was in answer to Pusey's
inquiry whether he went entirely with Ward.
He says : " As to my being entirely with Ward,
I do not know the limits of my own opinions.
If Ward says that this or that is a develop
ment from what I have said, I cannot say yes
or no. It is plausible, it may be true. Of
course the fact that the Roman Church has
so developed and maintained adds great weight
to the antecedent plausibility. I cannot assert
that it is not true, but I cannot with that
keen perception that some people have ap
propriate it. It is a nuisance to me to be
forced beyond what I can fairly accept."
9. Newman having considered it expedient
to leave St. Mary's for the present, may well
have considered it expedient that he should
also leave Oxford, at any rate for a time, and

THE MOVEMENT, 1839 TO 1845 203
accordingly about the end of 1842 he went to
Littlemore to live there exclusively. There
was little left for him really to do except to
settle his accounts with the Movement and
the Church. He collected round him some
younger friends and followers who lived in
community a life of regular religious observ
ances. He had retired permanently from
active leadership. He had resigned his place
in the Movement, given up the contest to
others, and his part in it had passed into the
hands of others. For the rest of the time
until just before he was received into the
Catholic Church in October, 1845, he remained
too uncertain either to maintain the Anglican
position or to adopt the Roman. He was
waiting for certitude ; though he had gradually
come to the opinion that the Anglican Church
was formally in the wrong and the Roman
Church formally in the right, no valid reason
could be assigned either for remaining in the
Anglican or joining the Roman Church. In
February, 1843, however, he made a formal
retractation of strong language he had used
against Rome. In the course of his writing
as an Anglican he had said many hard things

204 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
of the Church of Rome, and he now withdrew
all these things. He had followed the con
sensus of the divines of the Anglican Church,
who had ever used the strongest language
against Rome, and he had thrown himself into
their system and adopted their views and state
ments, whereas he now saw that he should have
exercised less faith in them and more criticism.
He could not have published the Tracts or
other works professing to defend the Anglican
Church without accompanying them with a
strong protest or argument against Rome, but he
now saw that the one obvious objection against
the whole Anglican line was that it was Roman ;
so he withdrew the expressions accordingly.
The next event of notice was that on the
24th May, 1843, Pusey preached his sermon
on the Holy Eucharist as a comfort to the
penitent. It was full of the fervid language
of the Fathers, like the sermons of the high
Anglican divines, but was strictly within
Anglican limits. Dr. Faussett, the Margaret
Professor of Divinity, however, delated it to
the Vioe-Chancellor, who commenced pro
ceedings. The Statutes provided that in such
a case the Vice-Chancellor should demand

THE MOVEMENT, 1839 TO 1845 205
a copy of the sermon, and summoning to him
as assessors six doctors of divinity should
examine the language complained of, and if
necessary condemn and punish the preacher.
A copy having been asked for, was sent by
Pusey with a request that he might be heard.
The Vice-Chancellor, however, appointed six
doctors, one being the delator, who sat in place
of the Regius Professor who was himself under
the ban of a special statute. No answer was
given to the request for a hearing, and after a
private deliberation, the sentence came out that
on the 2nd of June, 1843, Dr. Pusey had been
accused and condemned for having taught doc
trine contrary to that of the Church of Eng
land, and that by the authority of the Vice-
Chancellor he was suspended from preaching
within the University for two years. This
was an arbitrary act done in defiance of the
most elementary rules of justice, and disgusted
all reasonable and moderate men.
In September, 1843, Newman preached his
last sermon as an Anglican, and in the same
month he resigned his living of St. Mary's, the
immediate occasion being that an inmate of
Littlemore had just conformed to the Church

206 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
of Rome. The only remaining step for him to
take was submission to the Church of Rome,
but that did not take place for two full years.
He says he could not do so earlier without
doubt and apprehension, that is, with any true
conviction of mind or certitude. He therefore
remained in lay communion with the Church
of England, taking no clerical duty, but attend
ing its services as usual and abstaining alto
gether from intercourse with Catholics, from
their places of worship and from those religious
rites and usages, such as the Invocation of
Saints, which are characteristics of their creed.
He could not go to. Rome while he thought
what he did of the devotions she sanctioned
to the Blessed Virgin and the Saints. He did
not give up his Fellowship, for he could not be
sure that his doubts would not be reduced or
overcome, however unlikely he might consider
such an event. He says 1 it was made a sub
ject of reproach to him at the time and was at
that day that he did not leave the Anglican
Church sooner, and he seems astonished at the
reproach. But it does seem to plain men a
very curious thing that he should have re-
1 Apologia, p. 185.

THE MOVEMENT, 1839 TO 1845 207
mained quiet for two years at Littlemore, hav
ing regard to the stage of opinion he had
reached, to the acts he had done, and to the
importance to his salvation according to his
own view of joining the one true Church. The
explanation probably is that although a brilliant
controversialist, he was not equally great in
arriving at a judgment, just as a great advo
cate often proves a feeble judge, because the
power of drawing a definite and sound conclu
sion implies faculties of quite a different kind
from the power of stating powerfully one side
of a question or of criticising equally power
fully the other side. This seems to be the
view taken by many capable men of Newman's
powers, but allowance must be made for their
theological bias. Thus Archbishop Tait, in a
discussion at Addington in 1877, said Newman
had a strange duality of mind, and that in all
matters of belief he first acted on his emotions
and then brought the subtlety of his reason to
bear till he had ingeniously persuaded himself
that he was logically right, and that the result
was a condition in which he was practically
unable to distinguish between truth and false
hood.1
1 Tait, Life, vol. i., p. 89.

208 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
Dr. James B. Mozley,1 in a letter dated the
14th May, 1845, to the Rev. W. Scott, says :
" It is actually to take place some time or
other " (that is, Newman's going over). " We
must be prepared for it. What Newman says
of himself is that he is borne along by an irre
sistible course of mind in the direction he is
going — that he has withstood it and yet it will
take him ... he cannot help the working of
his own mind."
The Rev. W. Palmer says : 2 " He was always
unable to determine intellectually where the
truth lay, and he yielded at last to an im
aginary and enthusiastic impulse which' he
supposed to be celestial. But at this time
no one knew what his real sentiments were
or what he was meditating." Dr. E. A.
Abbott3 sums up his view of the case by
saying that Newman's going over was merely
" an act of volition ".
10. From the time Newman abstained from
taking any active share in the Movement, the
extreme party came more prominently for
ward and asserted more uncompromisingly its
1 Letters, p. 168. 2 Palmer, p. 235. zLife, p. 385.

THE MOVEMENT, 1839 TO 1845 209
Roman tendencies. Mr. Ward had succeeded
Newman as the acknowledged leader of the
Movement, and Dean Stanley says 1 that " by
his unrivalled powers of argument', by his
transparent candour, by his uncompromising
pursuit of the opinions he had adopted and by
his loyal devotion to Dr. Newman himself, he
was the most important element of the Oxford
school at this crisis ". Ward had the support
of Mr. Oakeley, and their writings, especially a
series of articles in the British Critic, eventu
ally brought matters to a crisis. The question
whether the Anglican Church was in any sense
a branch of the Church Universal was answered
more and more doubtfully, and it was openly
denied to have any of the external notes of a
Church. Next, the protest against Roman cor
ruptions grew gradually more feeble, Roman
doctrine was more and more fully accepted,
until in Mr. Ward's book, The Ideal of a Chris
tian Church, Rome was practically acknow
ledged as the divinely appointed guardian and
teacher of religious truth. Finally, the old
idea of working towards reunion and calling
1 Edinburgh Review, April, 1881. Ward, p. 213.
14

210 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
for concessions on both sides disappeared, and
the ultimate aim proposed for the English
Church was not reunion with but submission
to Rome.1 Rome attracted them because it
had kept up the recognition of the super
natural element in religion by the offices of the
Church and its administration of the Sacra
ments ; they loathed the doctrine of justifica
tion, and taught that careful and individual
moral discipline was the only possible basis
on which Christian faith and practice could
be reared ; and they were affected by what
they believed to be the paramount place given
to Sanctity in the Roman theology and pro
fessed system. Mr. Ward postulated from
the first what he afterwards developed in the
Ideal, the existence at some time or other
of a perfect Church in creed, communion, dis
cipline and life. He was much struck by the
idea that while the Primitive Church might
have been corrupted into the Roman, it could
not have been into the Protestant Church.
With respect to the Articles, he rejected the
distinction between what was Catholic and
1 Ward, pp. 211, 212.

THE MOVEMENT, 1839 TO 1845 211
what was Roman. As the controversy pro
ceeded he substituted Roman for Catholic, and
absolutely identified Roman with Catholic.
This of course was far beyond Tract 90 and
the teaching of the early Tractarians, and the
discontent of readers of the British Critic
became so great that the paper was discon
tinued in October, 1843. Mr. W. Palmer
having denounced the Romanising tendency of
the articles in the British Critic, Mr. Ward be
gan a reply, intending merely a long pamphlet,
but it grew into a large volume of 600 pages,
The Ideal of a Christian Church Considered in
Comparison with Existing Practice, Containing
a Defence of Certain Articles in the British
Critic in Reply to Remarks on Them in Mr.
Palmer's Narrative. This was published in
June, 1844. It incorporates the teaching above
referred to, and, stated shortly, after starting
with an " ideal " of what the Christian Church
may be expected to be in its various relations
to men, it assumes that the Roman Church, and
only the Roman Church, satisfies the conditions
of what a Church ought to be, and it argues
in detail that the English Church, in spite of
its professions, utterly and absolutely fails to
14*

212 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
fulfil them.1 But the sting of the book was
in the claim, "we find the whole cycle of
Roman doctrine gradually possessing numbers
of English Churchmen. . . . Three years have
passed since I saw plainly that in subscribing
the Articles I renounce no Roman doctrine,
yet I retain my Fellowship which I hold on
the tenure of subscription and have received
no ecclesiastical censure in any shape."2 This
was a plain challenge, and so when the Uni
versity met in October the Board of Heads of
Houses took up the matter. A Committee
examined the book, and in December, 1844,
the Board announced that they proposed to
submit to Convocation three measures : (1) To
condemn Mr. Ward's book ; (2) to degrade him
by depriving him of all his University Degrees ;
and (3) whereas the existing statutes gave
the Vice-Chancellor power of calling on any
member of the University at any time to
prove his orthodoxy by subscribing to the
Articles, to add to this a declaration to be
henceforth made by the subscriber that he
took them in the sense in which "they were
both first published and were now imposed by
1 Church, p. 371. 2 Ward's Ideal, pp. 565, 567.

THE MOVEMENT, 1839 TO 1845 213
the University," with the penalty of expulsion
against any one, lay or clerical, who thrice re
fused subscription with this declaration. A
great cry arose that this third proposal was a
new test, and it had to be abandoned or all
would have been lost. The proposals were to
come on on the 13th February, and the Vice-
Chancellor on the 23rd January, in giving
notice of it, announced that the third proposal
was withdrawn. A circular, however, which
obtained 400 or 500 signatures, asked the
Board to propose on the 13th February a
formal censure of the principles of Tract 90.
When Convocation met, the book (The Ideal)
was condemned by 777 to 386 votes, the de
privation by 569 to 511, but when the Vice-
Chancellor put the third it was vetoed by the
two proctors, and so Newman escaped formal
censure, and it was not attempted to be revived
after the expiration of the proctors' year of
office. There was an element almost of farce,
and somewhat in keeping with Mr. Ward's
character, connected with what to Churchmen
was a really trying time. In the winter of
1844 Mr. Ward became engaged to be married,
but it was considered advisable that the en-

214 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
gagement should not be made publicly known
till after the 13th February, and it came to
the knowledge of his friends, to their great
astonishment and amusement, soon after the
proceedings. It was considered that the public
would not be disposed to take a fair view of
the subject, and the broad fact that the English
clergyman who advocated clerical celibacy was
himself about to marry, would have been an
effective weapon in the hands of his opponents.
The marriage took place on 31st March, 1845,
and in September, 1845, Mr. and Mrs. Ward
were received into the Roman Catholic Church.
11. Newman in a letter dated 16th November,
1844, had said : " My one paramount reason
for contemplating a change is my deep un
varying conviction that our Church is in
schism and that my salvation depends on my
joining the Church of Rome. . . . What keeps
me yet is what has kept me long — a fear that
I am under a delusion ; but the conviction
remains firm under all circumstances, in all
frames of mind." The fear referred to in the
last letter arose from the question, what inward
test had he that he should not change again
after he had become a Catholic? He had

THE MOVEMENT, 1839 TO 1845 215
still some apprehensions of this, though he
thought a time would come when it would
depart. However, some limit must be put to
those misgivings, so, at the end of 1844, he
resolved to write an essay on Development,
and then if at the end of it his convictions
were not weaker, to take the necessary steps
for admission to the Church of Rome. He
began the essay in the beginning of 1845, and
worked at it till October. He says : "As I
advanced my difficulties so cleared away that
I ceased to speak of 'the Roman Catholics'
and boldly called them Catholics. Before I
got to the end I resolved to be received, and
the book remains in the state in which it then
was, unfinished." It was a curious mode of
proceeding. A plain man having formed
certain opinions writes a book to explain
them to others. Newman writes a book to
enable himself to form opinions and so come
to some conclusion.
In the meantime Dr. Wiseman had been
watching these movements with great interest.
His lectures of 1835, repeated 1836, which pro
duced considerable effect had been delivered
during a casual visit to London, but in 1840

216 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
he had returned to this country permanently
as bishop in partibus and President of Oscott.
By means of articles written or inspired by
himself, some private correspondence himself
with friends, and correspondence and inter
views of friends with Newman, Wiseman —
although it was inexpedient for him to become
in any way publicly identified with the Move
ment or to be apparently mixed up with it — yet
largely influenced its development. It produces
rather a disagreeable effect to read Newman's
pathetic account of his spiritual struggles, and
Mr. Ward's rather opinionated and ignorant
demonstrations of Rome's supremacy, and then
to read of the astute Roman ecclesiastic at
Oscott watching and quietly giving a help
now and then, when and where he considered
it desirable, to guide Anglicans to the haven
where he would have them go. After Ward's
deprivation Wiseman expected to hear almost
immediately of Newman's reception into the
Roman Church, but months passed away and
the impatience at Oscott grew almost past
endurance. The younger men at Littlemore,
however, would not wait longer. Dalgairns
and Ambrose St. John went away for a holi-

THE MOVEMENT, 1839 TO 1845 217
day and were received into the Roman Church.
Stanton went away and wrote to Newman
early in October that he should be received at
Stonyhurst, and then Newman, who had re
signed his Fellowship on 3rd October, 1845,
broke his somewhat inscrutable silence by
proposing that they should be received to
gether. He wrote: "Father Dominic the
Passionist comes here on the 8th to receive
me. Come back on that day."1 Newman
says that at the beginning of October Father
Dominic was passing through London to
Belgium, and as he was in some perplexity
what steps to take for being received himself,
he assented to the proposition that the priest
should take Littlemore on his way with a
view to receiving him. Newman says further :
"He does not know of my intention, but I
mean to ask of him admission into the one fold
of Christ".2 On the pouring wet evening of
8th October, Stanton and Father Dominic
arrived almost together. The next day New
man, Bowles and Stanton having made their
1 Wiseman, Life, vol. L, pp. 429, 430.
2 Apologia, pp. 234, 235.

218 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
confessions, received at his hands conditional
baptism and were received into the Roman
Church. When the essay on Development
was published, the following words were sub
joined to the advertisement : " Postscript. —
Since the above was written the Author has
joined the Catholic Church. It was his inten
tion and wish to have carried his volume
through the press before deciding finally on
this step. But when he got some way in the
printing he recognised in himself a conviction
of the truth of the conclusion to which the
discussion leads so clear as to preclude fur
ther deliberation. Shortly afterwards circum
stances gave him the opportunity of acting on
it, and he felt that he had no warrant for re
fusing to act on it."
On the Saturday and Sunday, the 21st
and 22nd February, he was in his house at
Littlemore alone. He slept on Sunday night
at his friend Mr. Johnson's, at the observatory.
Various friends came to see the last of him,
Dr. Pusey, Mr. Copeland, Mr. Church, Mr.
Buckle, Mr. Pattison and Mr. Lewis, and he
called on Dr. Ogle, his old tutor at Trinity.
On the 23rd he left Oxford, and never re-

THE MOVEMENT, 1839 TO 1845 219
visited it till 26th February, 1878, when he
stayed with the President of Trinity College,
of which he had recently been made an
Honorary Fellow, and in the evening dined
in Hall in his academical dress.

CHAPTER IV
RESULTS.
1. It has been said that the secession of New
man gave the Church of England a blow under
which it reeled and from which it has not yet
entirely recovered. This, however, seems to be
much too strong a statement to be adopted
without a great deal of qualification. There
is no doubt that Newman's secession, pre
ceded and followed as it was by that of a
number of his pronounced and devoted fol
lowers, gave an enormous shock to many
serious members and friends of the Anglican
Church. It was feared that the Church if not
disrupted and ruined, would at any rate be
dangerously weakened by the secession of so
many able and devoted men. Still more it
was feared that the forces typified if not em
bodied in the Church of Rome, would be dis
proportionately increased by the transference
of power from the Anglican to the Roman
220

RESULTS 221
Church, that Protestantism would decrease
and Romanism increase, and consequently the
perpetual fear of Papal Aggression and domi
nation was appreciably increased.
History, however, has shown that these fears,
if not unfounded, were greatly exaggerated,
and that the evil effects anticipated have not
been realised. This has been due to several
causes. In the first instance, the steady loyalty
of Pusey and Keble to the Established Church
acted as ballast to the ship tossed about as it
was in the tempest, and prevented its being
capsized. Pusey and Keble were two solid
old-fashioned English Churchmen, firmly at
tached to the Anglican Church. Their names
had given weight and respectability to the
Movement, and had obtained for its advocates
a hearing from the great body of the Church,
which the subtlety of Newman, the learning of
Palmer, and the intellectual gymnastics of
Ward would never have obtained, and there
fore now in the hour of stress and trouble, men
turned to Pusey and Keble asking for guidance
and they were told to sit still. In the next
place, sufficient allowance has not been made
for the vis inertice which operated in the

222 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
Anglican Church as in all other societies. It
must not be forgotten that though the Move
ment was an Oxford Movement, it did not
include all Oxford men, much less all Church
men. There was a compact band of men in
or closely connected with Oxford who were
keenly interested and working with intensity
to push their views among the general body
of the Church. But the number of able
scholars, preachers and writers who devoted
themselves to this work, and their converts
and followers, were only a small portion of the
Church. They did not make, and could not
be expected to make, any profound impression
on the average cleric. His intellect and at
tainments were too narrow, and his interests
too parochial and too practical, to allow him
to take more than the slightest interest in a
Movement which discussed Church matters
from a point of view much too academical for
him to appreciate, and which certainly did not
and could not so influence his springs of ac
tion as to compel him even to consider whether
he could any longer conscientiously hold his
living or fellowship, or continue in communion
with the Anglican Church.

RESULTS 223
The result was, as might be expected, that
beyond a comparatively small band of men
intimately connected with the Movement, the
main body of the Anglican Church remained
in their old Church and there was no stampede,
nor indeed any serious secession to Rome from
the general body of the Church.
Such a blow must, however, have had a
stunning effect, it must in the ordinary course
of things have taken some considerable time
for the Church to recover its equanimity, and
the endeavours of those sound Churchmen
Who, although High, were not Romanist in
their teaching were directed rather to retain
ing within the Church those whose minds had
been unsettled by the more advanced and
aggressive teachers, than to emphasising and
expounding the views of those teachers.
Naturally both Oxford and the Church
began to feel that the Movement was rather
a thing of the past, and the more violent
emotions provoked by it subsided.
2. Oxford, however, soon became absorbed
in a matter immediately affecting College and
University interests, and the turmoil of the
discussion caused the Movement, for some

224 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
considerable time, to be almost entirely for
gotten. The liberal spirit that had so alarmed
Oxford and the Church at large, and which
had really been the immediate cause of the de
fensive steps which developed into the Oxford
Movement, had been hard at work since the
Reform Act in destroying abuses, rectifying
evils which were remediable, and generally
in reconstructing society in accordance with
liberal ideas. It was inevitable that in due
course attention should be directed to the two
ancient Universities. They were supposed to
be enormously rich, but with an output ludi
crously small in proportion to their income.
Regarded as homes of reaction and centres of
opposition to Liberal ideas, and as the theo
logical seminaries of a single sect in which
theology was neglected and in which no
secular studies (except the barren learning of
classical texts) were admitted except in the
most grudging and parsimonious spirit, what
wonder if Liberal Statesmen determined that
national property administered by the Uni
versities should be utilised for the national
good. Accordingly in 1850 a Royal Commis
sion was appointed by Lord John Russell for

RESULTS 225
the purpose of holding an inquiry into the
" state, discipline, studies and revenues of the
University and Colleges of Oxford," and two
years later a similar commission was appointed
for Cambridge. The Oxford Commission in
cluded some very able men — Dr. Tait, after
wards Primate ; Dr. Jeune, afterwards Bishop
of Peterborough ; Dr. Liddell, afterwards Dean
of Christ Church ; and Professor Baden Powell.
The secretary was the Rev. A. P. Stanley,
afterwards Dean of Westminster, assisted by
Mr. Gold win Smith. Their report was a very
strong one : it recommended that all clerical
restrictions should be abolished, that a new
governing body should be created, that under
graduates should be admitted without becom
ing members of any College or Hall, that
subscription to the Thirty-nine Articles at
Matriculation should be abolished, that Mathe
matics and the new studies such as Modern
History and Natural Science should have their
fair share of rewards, that the Professorships
should be revived and extended and unprofit
able Fellowships reduced, that the condition
of celibacy should be abolished in case of Pro
fessors or University Lecturers, and above all
15

226 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
| that the principle of open competition should
be applied to Fellowships and Scholarships.
The measure introduced by the Government
did not carry into full effect all the recom
mendations of the report. It did not abol
ish subscription to the Thirty-nine Articles
on matriculation, and removed clerical restric
tions only where three-fourths of the Fellows
of a College were already in Orders, but in
most other respects it embodied the proposed
reforms in a fairly adequate form. By an
Amendment in the Commons, the theological
test at matriculation was abolished, and by a
later vote it was abolished in the case of all lay
degrees. The House of Lords disallowed this
as to the M.A. Degree, but left the B.A. open
to Nonconformists. This Bill became law in
the summer of 1854, and the executive Com
mission constituted by the Act began its work
and gradually transformed the Oxford of
Keble, Newman and Pusey into a compara
tively modern and useful institution. In 1871
the Universities Tests Acts were passed by
which no person was required on taking any
degree (other than of divinity) in the Uni
versities of Oxford, Cambridge or Durham, or

RESULTS 227
for holding any University or College office
there, to subscribe any Article or formulary of
faith or to conform to any religious observance,
and in 1877 Parliament again interfered with
the internal affairs of Oxford, the general
object being to improve the machinery of
government and the teaching bodies of the
University and Colleges, and clerical Fellow
ships were almost entirely abolished. It was
not in human nature that so violent a rupture
with the past as was implied in the abolition
of tests should come early or easily, but the
effect of the throwing open of Fellowships
and other measures above referred to, was to
flood Oxford with a large number of able
young men filled with Liberal ideas, consumed
with the love of knowledge, and burning with
the desire to improve everything. It would
be absurd to represent the Oxford Movement
as responsible for this revolution in Oxford.
The Oxford Reform is only referred to for
the purpose of accounting for what appeared
to many to be the extremely superficial im
pression made on the University by the events
of 1833-1845, but there can be no doubt that
the strong dislike entertained by the average
15*

228 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
man for what he roughly considered the
Romanising tendency of Oxford engendered
by the leaders of the Movement, supplied a
strong support which enabled the Liberal
Statesmen of the day to force through mea
sures of University Reform which were bitterly
opposed by the vast majority of the aristo
cratic and professional classes. Mr. G. C.
Brodrick, who left Oxford in 1856 and re
turned as Warden of Merton in 1881 (in his
Memories and Impressions, 1900), says among
other things which struck him as changed in
the 'interval of his absence was the prodigious
increase in the number of resident ladies, the
specialisation of studies at the expense of
general culture, the loss of its old world aspect,
and especially its fast ceasing to be a pecu
liar seminary of Anglican clergy and training
school for the English country gentry, the
increase of inter-collegiate lecturing and trans
fer of instruction in natural science to the
Museums, and side by side with the older
academic studies a widening of interests in the
directions of Art, Music, Archaeology, Belles-
lettres and the like culture.
3. The most obvious and interesting inquiry

RESULTS 229
respecting the results of the Movement is of
course what permanent effect, if any, it has
had on the Anglican Church, but it is as
difficult as it is interesting. The caution
against being misled by the fallacy post hoc,
propter hoc, applies with special force, and
even where it is apparent that the Movement
must have had some influence in shaping
subsequent developments in the Church, that
influence was only one among many causing
or occasioning those developments. The Move
ment itself was not an ultimate source of change
or development, but it was merely an incident
in history, and it may be that in future time it
may come to be regarded as a comparatively
small backwash caused by the progress of
Liberalism in religion and politics. The Move
ment, however, left behind it a more vivid
and definite idea of the Anglican Church as a
branch of the Church of Christ, whose members
were not merely individuals in direct relation
with their Creator, but were members of the
body with which remained the deposit of Faith,
the institution of Episcopacy, andXhe right and
due administration of the Sacraments. The
more complete organisation of the Church

230 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
which this led to, and the great amount of
truth believed to underlie such a system, led
to great and permanent results in society, such
as greater interest in religious practices and
exercises, influence over the higher and more
educated classes, unlike the poorer and more
ignorant persons to whom Wesleyanism mainly
appealed, and especially a fruitfulness in good
works such as the building and restoring
Churches in great numbers throughout the
land. The raising the tone of the Church
operated among both laity and clergy. The
disgraceful negligence which previously char
acterised the conduct of the services of the
Church and the care of the fabrics and furni
ture of its buildings has almost entirely passed
away, and leaving out of consideration the
conduct of extreme men, the services are not
only more numerous and more regular, but
are conducted almost universally with fitting
decency and decorum. The prominence given
to the sacramental and sacerdotal side of the
Church has not only conduced to those im
provements, but by directing attention to the
functions of the priest as such, has incidentally
required him to live up to the character.

RESULTS 231
Looseness of living, even undue participation
in secular sports and amusements, have come
to be looked upon as incompatible with such
an office, and the influence of the laity in de
spising a man who falls short of the "form"
required by his position has had no small
effect in preventing the clergy from failure to
maintain at any rate a decent and becoming
style of language and life. Another undoubted
result has been to make the Church much
more scholarly than it was. Both before and
since the Movement, there has always been a
great mass of clergy whose qualifications for
their office have been very moderate. They
may make, and many of them do make, fair
parish clergymen, but to pretence of scholar
ship they have very little. There is probably
no profession which makes less external de
mand for constant study and self -improvement
after admission than the Church does on a
man once admitted to the priesthood. It
would be absurd to suppose that even before
the Movement the ranks of the clergy con
tained only men of the classes above indicated,
because it is well established that here and
there, scattered about the country and fairly

232 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
represented in the Universities, were many
men well versed in the classical writings of
great English Churchmen, and fairly well in
formed in ecclesiastical history, so far as it was
then known and understood. Such men were
the father of Mr. Keble, and Dr. Routh, the
President of Queens. That class of men,
however, has been enormously increased since
the Movement began. It is not pretended
that men of the class of Hooker, Palmer and
Lightfoot are plentiful, and the poor in ability
and learning will always be with us, but if it
may be so expressed, a great middle class of
clergy has been almost created since 1845. The
immense shaking up of the Church occasioned
by the great controversy, naturally directed
attention to the whole range of theological
study; even men of moderate abilities and
attainments turned some attention to the
questions which lay at the foundation of their
faith, or at any rate of their professional status
and rights. Men who did not accept the more
advanced views of the sacerdotal position of
the clergy, insensibly absorbed some of the
feelings that animated the advanced members
that they were a caste set apart to administer

RESULTS 233
and expound sacred mysteries, and they would
have been less than human if they had not
been led to some extent to satisfy the inter
est so created, and to remove the stings of
self-reproach which must afflict every right-
minded man who becomes aware that he is not
sufficiently equipped for a task he has taken
in hand. Beyond this moderate advance the
abler men in the Church both at the Uni
versities and in the country set themselves
seriously to work in theological study, and not
content with becoming merely learned men
themselves, made strenuous efforts to raise the
standard of theological learning among the
clergy at large, and especially among the
younger men. This led to the vivifying of the
theological chairs, the greater assistance given
to such studies in the Universities themselves,
the systematisation of theological teaching cul
minating in theological honour schools, and
in the multiplication of theological colleges
intended mainly for the promotion and encour
agement of post graduate theological study.
The effect of this long-continued effort has been
that not only has the Church been enriched by
the works of such men as Lightfoot, Westcott,

234 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
Hort, and many others too numerous to men
tion, but the general scholarly tone of that
large and increasing middle class of the clergy
has been enormously raised. The honest earn
est student could not keep his studies within
the limits of strict ecclesiastical history and
literature, and so close his eyes to secular
history and literature. The two overlap and
are inextricably intermingled. It was found
necessary, therefore, to make explorations
beyond the stricter professional limits if the
subjects included in those limits were to
be adequately investigated or their bearings
thoroughly grasped. Scientific study required
resort to original authorities, the comparison
and weighing of authorities, the critical ex
amination of texts, and generally the taking of
nothing for granted ; but it required the strict
scrutiny and consideration of evidence, to be
followed by the rejection of all that did not
satisfy the reasonable tests already applied by
competent men who desire only to discover the
truth or the nearest approximation thereto.
When the new regulations respecting the
studies of the University of Oxford came to
be put in force, and the study of history was

RESULTS 235
given a fairly due share of encouragement,
there was already at Oxford a fair number of
men trained in the habit of historical investiga
tion. The concurrence of these circumstances
undoubtedly gave a great impetus to historical
studies at Oxford, and led to the development
of a historical school which has shed lustre on
the University. It is only necessary to refer
to the writings of Mr. Freeman, Mr. J. A.
Froude, Mr. Bryce, Dr. Stubbs, and Mr. J. R.
Green to show the character and high standard
of the work done by Oxford men in this de
partment of learning, but while giving full
weight to the encouragement given to all
modern learning, to recent legislation, and to
the improvement time itself might be expected
to bring about, it must be admitted by fair-
minded men that the Oxford historical school
owes a great deal of gratitude to the Oxford
Movement. The accentuation of the difference between
the two streams of tendency followed natur
ally from the prominence given in the con
troversy to the importance of the Sacraments
and the necessity of valid orders. The Low
Churchmen, resting on appeals to the emotions

236 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
and on the direct communion of the soul with
its Judge and Redeemer, regarded reliance on
external means of grace, if not as actual
hindrances to salvation, yet as dangers if and
so far as they did not directly contribute to
that attitude of mind which regarded salvation
as a thing to be directly asked for and directly
given, and the assumptions of men who
claimed mysterious powers resting on their
orders to act as intermediaries in administer
ing authorised means of grace, and who taught
that such means were generally necessary to
salvation, were consequently regarded as
sacerdotal and unfounded assumptions, in
distinguishable in their essentials from the
assumptions of Rome. Hence the Evangelical
party felt bound to make clear that they were
free from any taint of the unclean thing, and
they felt and denounced bitterly what they
considered unsound doctrine and treasonable
conduct on the part of the High Church
clergy. The two views are in fact irreconcil
able and the two tendencies are incapable of
coalescing, but some amount of the original
bitterness among the Evangelicals has died
out, and the two streams are for the present

RESULTS 237
running side by side. The strong arm of the
State has prevented either side from expelling
the other from the Church or seriously ostra
cising it. In latter times, too, the strength of
Evangelicalism seems rather to be on the de
crease, probably because there is no essential
difference, if there is any difference except in
form, between the Low Churchmen and the
saner members of the Nonconformist Churches.
There seems to have been no real development
in the Evangelical party which for all prac
tical purposes, except numbers, remains as it
was before 1845. The main efforts of Pusey
and Keble after Newman's secession, as
already stated, were necessarily directed to
retaining in the Church those whose minds
had become unsettled and were filled with
doubt whether outside Rome they could be
considered as members of the true Church, and
their attention therefore remained directed
largely to that phase of the controversy.
There was a large and increasing body of men
who accepted the Anglican Church as an un
doubted branch of the Church of Christ with
valid orders and the power to duly administer
the Sacraments, and they, with attention

238 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
awakened by the great controversy, with
interest in the theological dogmas they had
accepted, and with the professional bias of
their class, and the honest desire to confirm
themselves and others in the faith, devoted
themselves and encouraged others to theologi
cal and historical studies as before mentioned.
Without pursuing the subject into further
detail, it might be expected, and the expecta
tion has been realised, that the impetus has
on the whole led the High Church clergy to
become a more learned body than their Low
Church brethren, and learning which began
to be acquired with perhaps somewhat narrow
professional aims declines to be so cabined
and confined, and gradually travels outside
the mere professional limits, with the result
that when the student returns within those
limits he brings with him the wider outlook
and the more moderate views of the man who
knows more than the mere technical learning
of his particular profession. There seems to
be no antecedent probability that either the
Low Church or the High Church clergy would
excel the other in devotion to ordinary parish
work, or in endeavours for the spiritual good

RESULTS 239
of their parishioners. Both are equally inter
ested in the elementary and religious education
of the young, in promoting temperance and
the general sobriety and decency of life, and
both take as their main business in life to
help and so far as possible to secure the
salvation of the souls committed to their
charge. In some respects the Evangelical
has the advantage of endeavouring to induce
his people to appeal directly to their Maker,
and this one would suppose could be done
more effectually by private appeals than by
public services, but the temptation arises that
public appeals, owing to the effect of the
sympathy of numbers on both hearers and
speaker, are apt to lead the Evangelical to
rely more and more on~his weekly oratorical
efforts than on private appeals which are
listened to with shyness if not repulsion, and
which are frequently extremely difficult to
ensure attention to. The Evangelical theory
can really only be carried into effective
practice by men specially gifted for that pur
pose, and such men must always be in a very
small minority. The High Church theory by
its reliance more on the Church as an institu-

240 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
tion and on the efficacy of the Sacraments as
means of grace, is not so dependent on the
special ability of the minister, and their theory
naturally leads them to multiply services, and
to multiply the opportunities of so administer
ing to the spiritual necessities of their flock, and
their private and public appeals naturally are
persuasions to become members of the institu
tion in fact as well as in name, and partakers
of the privileges to be so obtained. Hence
the multiplication of services by High Church
men and the desire to make such services as
attractive as possible, and also instructive, not
merely by direct teaching from the pulpit, but
by such display of symbols and the creation
of such an atmosphere as will develop feel
ings of reverence for the unseen, awe for the
mysteries so symbolised, and a " comfortable "
feeling that they are partakers in the benefits
then being distributed, and so laying up for
themselves treasure in heaven. It is not
suggested that High Churchmen teach that
mere membership of the Church and participa
tion in the services and sacraments are suffi
cient when a proper spirit is absent, but it
seems fair to say that in addition to that spirit

RESULTS 241
reliance on that participation is strongly felt
as of essential importance, and there is a
tendency to overrate the importance of the
external acts at the expense of the subjective
feeling, and perhaps to encourage the per
formance of such acts in the hope that in due
course the proper feeling will come. In minds
so attuned, and informed by study of Church
History of the practice of asceticism by good
men from the earliest times, it is easy to see
that a spirit of self-denial would spring up
among devoted High Churchmen, and would
be practised openly for the good thereby to
be obtained personally, for an example of
simplicity of life to others, and for the exten
sion of Church work by the economy so ex
ercised in the consumption of Church funds.
The general impression seems to be that the
High Churchmen have made the most devoted
and effective parish priests. It is not easy to
test this statement, for it would be absurd to
deny that in the ranks of Low Churchmen
have been many men whose sanctity of life,
devotion to work, and personal self-denial are
not surpassed by any men in the High Church
ranks, and it must also be borne in mind
16

242 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
while the Low Churchman has worked with
out any special attention being directed to
him, the High Churchman, distinguished by
the high qualities above referred to, has
frequently had them brought into prominence
by being brought before the Courts, and so
in popular language advertised. When all is
said, however, and considered, there can be
no doubt that the standard of tone and work
expected and obtained from a clergyman has
been enormously raised since 1845. It is
unnecessary to consider which party has now
the best claims to superiority in this respect,
but it may perhaps be safely asserted that it
is mainly due to the revival in the Church
caused by the Movement, and in the first
instance was begun by the High Churchmen.
4. The most obvious and remarkable develop
ment of the Movement is that now known as
Ritualism. Neither Newman, Pusey nor Keble
could be described as a Ritualist. Their con
cern was with teaching and establishing sound
doctrine. They insisted on sober, decent, or
derly and devout services, but laid no stress
on ceremonies, dress and ornaments as if they
were matters of real moment. Newman left

RESULTS 243
the services at St. Mary's practically as he
found them. Pusey was never a parish clergy
man, and Keble never advanced beyond a
sober and devout mode of worship. As the
echoes of the controversy died away, and those
High Churchmen who had fought the battle
and remained in the Church still continued
their teaching of what they considered Cath
olic truth and denied the claim of Rome as
the sole successor of the Church of the early
days, many men who had made little or no
investigation into the foundations of Anglo-
Catholic pretensions to be a living member of
Christ's Church, if not the only pure and un
defiled branch of it, accepted its doctrines
and claims as settled things, and made them
the starting point for what became really a
new departure. Why should Rome have a
monopoly of the use of ancient vestments, of
Church ornaments, of the adventitious aid of
splendid music and ceremony, of incense, and
of the priestly power of absolution following
on systematic confession ? And if the sacri
fice of Christ was repeated at the consecration
of the elements, why should not the celebration
be led up to and treated as the culminating
16 *

244 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
point of worship and performed with every cir
cumstance which could impress the worship
pers with the awful nature of the rite being
performed, and at the High Celebration of
which it was enough that the worshipper should
be partaker merely by his presence and de
votional feeling ? It is easy to see that many
men starting from the point above indicated
would answer those questions in favour of the
Anglican Church, and hence the development
of what has come to be known as Ritualism.
The use of incense, processions, dress prac
tically indistinguishable from that of Roman
priests, and generally of services approximat
ing as nearly to those of Rome as the limita
tions of the Prayer-book and the fear of the
law would allow, have followed almost as of
course. It would not be right to say that the
mainspring of this development generally is
either vanity or a childish aping of the Church
of Rome, though they probably had a power
ful influence on the weaker-minded men who
have adopted the practices, and who are often
minded to go a step farther than any one else,
almost for the mere sake of doing so, but with
the great majority of Ritualistic clergy it is fair

RESULTS 245
to believe that they have adopted the practices
referred to in the honest belief that they were
authorised by law, or if not, that they were
venial excesses going no more beyond the law
than the Low Churchmen had fallen short of
it, and in either event in the belief that they
are merely clothing sound doctrine in its proper
and becoming dress. The foundation of Sister
hoods cannot be said to have originated with
the Ritualists, as they were encouraged by
some of the Tractarians themselves, but there
can be no doubt the very great and perhaps
undue multiplication of Sisterhoods, and of
societies such as the Confraternity of the
Sacred Heart, is due to Ritualistic zeal and
energy, and if the idea was not borrowed from
Rome, it is difficult to resist the impression
that it has been largely influenced and sup
ported by the desire to utilise a force of which
so much use has been made by the Church of
Rome. So long as Ritualism remains a mere
eccentricity on the part of a small section of
the Church, no serious mischief will be done,
but if it should absorb the large body of High
Churchmen who have hitherto abstained from
the adoption of the more pronounced practices,

246 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
it would seem that the fear and loathing with
which High Church teaching and practices
are regarded by Low Churchmen and Protes
tant Nonconformists must hasten the coming
of Disestablishment, and as a necessary con
sequence the disruption of the Church, as men
with such differing tendencies as Low Church
men and High Churchmen have, cannot
voluntarily remain long members of the same
body. When those events occur the Broad
Churchman will be able to find a home in
neither camp, and as there will be no State
Church emoluments and exclusive privileges
to enjoy, he will be under no temptation to
endeavour to prove his right to remain a mem
ber of a society whose dogmas in either view he
is unable to accept, and of which he can only
remain a member by explaining away or tacitly
ignoring the dogmas of both parties which the
Church formularies were alone framed to admit.
The Tractarian controversy, as we have seen,
was followed at Rome and especially by Dr.
Wiseman with great interest. This interest
arose from a hope and belief that the neces
sary result would be a large secession of the
Anglican clergy, and that this would be a

RESULTS 247
large step in the conversion of the country at
large. But when it was seen that there were
only a comparatively few secessions, though
those were of prominent and able men, and
that the great mass of the clergy stood firm,
and that the mass of the country remained
practically untouched, the interest naturally
tended to die out. This was helped by the
natural dislike entertained by born and bred
Catholics for the new men who had come
over. They were tainted with their education
and early training, and were looked on with
suspicion and dislike. There was also the
rather squalid question of what to do with
the men who came over. Newman himself,
in a letter to his sister, discusses his future
and speculates on the living he might make
by writing for The Times and by the sale of
his Anglican sermons. He was ultimately
absorbed and provided for, but it was quite
another question whether an indefinite number
of Anglican clergy who seceded could expect
to continue their clerical career in the Church
of Rome. There was in fact no secession in
such numbers as to materially modify the
character of the Church of Rome in this

248 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
island. Rome itself was too far off to be
disturbed by a petty ebullition in a foreign
Protestant University like Oxford, which had
apparently calmed down with no appreciable
resultant benefit to Roman interests. Rome
was too immovable, too solidly fixed for its
centre of gravity to be altered in the most
infinitesimal degree. The few distinguished
converts were suspected of Liberalism, and so
far from liberalising Rome, were themselves
barely tolerated. Moreover, Rome does not
compromise. She does not seek converts by
yielding points of principle. If they come
they must submit to the new authority with
unquestioning and absolute obedience. Man
ning only succeeded by becoming more Roman
almost than the Romans. The effect of the
Movement on the Church of Rome was there
fore practically nothing.
5. A common complaint among the clergy is
of the great and growing spirit of indifference
and aloofness shown to all religious dogma
by laymen and especially by educated laymen,
and there can be little doubt that this com
plaint is well founded. Many causes have
contributed to produce this state of mind.

RESULTS 249
Foremost has been the great attention paid to
the study of the natural sciences and the im
mense progress made in all their branches,
followed as it has been by the absolute
antagonism shown to all forms of revealed
Christianity by distinguished scientific men,
who assert that the teachings of science are
irreconcilable with the teaching of the Bible
and the Church, and that the last-mentioned
teaching must therefore be rejected as un
founded, or at any rate as founded only on
probabilities, apparently inconsistent in many
ways with established facts. Then, again,
modern philosophers following and developing
the doctrine of Mansel, teach that the know
ledge attainable by human intellect must lie
within certain limits, and that everything
beyond those limits which includes all super
natural religion, must be unknowable and
therefore rest merely on speculation and not
on any rational basis of ascertained fact. The
more extensive study of the origins of history
and the destructive criticism based thereon
has destroyed many old beliefs, and reduced
many classical stories which used to be re
peated as undoubted truth to the class of

250 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT
popular myths, while the wider study of other
religions, and particularly those of Asia, has
tended to place the Bible as one merely of
the Sacred Books of the East, with which it
has much in common. It seem paradoxical
to assert that the efforts of the great leaders
of the Oxford Movement to place the Christian
Faith and the Anglican form of it on the firm
basis of authority should be responsible, even
in part, for the undermining of the faith of
laymen which really is the cause of the in
difference and aloofness above referred to ;
but there can be little doubt that the result of
the attack on the doctrine of the Bible and
the Bible alone as the religion of Protestants,
and the effort to rest religion mainly on the
authority of the Church, coupled with the
study given to early ecclesiastical history and
literature, developed as it has been, have helped
with other causes to bring about such indiffer
ence and aloofness, even when it has not re
sulted in absolute disbelief of the Christian
theory, and this indirect help to the destruc
tion of the basis of belief which has led to
agnosticism, must be reckoned among the
indirect results of the Movement.

RESULTS 251
6. There are no scales in which to weigh
the amount of good and evil respectively
caused by the Movement, and there is no
analytical process by which to apportion to
that Movement its precise share in causing or
shaping the events and policies which suc
ceeded to it. It may be that those events and
policies would have occurred if there had been
no such Movement, but then the occasion would
have taken another form. /The Oxford Move
ment was merely the expression of the reaction
which followed the somewhat rapid if not
violent realisation and development of Liber
alism in the early part of last century, and
might never have occurred if such realisation
and development had begun earlier and moved
with less friction. It was merely an incident,
if not an accident, and now that it has receded
somewhat into the past, it can be seen that
any good or evil which resulted from the
Movement would in all probability have come
even if the Movement had never occurred,
yet, on the other hand, the Movement itself
was not the alarming and dangerous thing it
was represented and feared to be, but was
merely an interesting episode. v

INDEX
Abbott, Dr. E. A., on Newman's secession, 208.
Act of Appeals, 12.
Act, Archiepiscopal Licences, 13.
Act, Election of Bishops, 13.
Act to reform certain disorders touching ministers of the
Church, 16.
Act of Submission, 12.
Act of Supremacy, 14 ; repealed, 16.
Act of Uniformity of 1662, 16.
Anglican Church, Tracts published to strengthen the, 150;
result of the Oxford Movement, 229.
Apostolic Succession, doctrine of the, 75, 137, 153.
Apostolicity v. Catholicity, 179.
Appeals, Act of, 12.
Archiepiscopal Licences Act, 13.
Arian heresy, 79 note.
Arianism, view of, 192.
Arians, The, of the Fourth Century, 79, 92.
Arminians, belief of the, 3.
Arnold, Dr., his opinion of Froude's Remains, 61 ; his pam
phlet on The Principles of Church Reform, 98, 122 ; his
article on the " Oxford Malignants," 165.
Articles, Thirty-nine, declaration prefixed to the, 16.
Bacon, his philosophy, 24.
Balliol College, 43.
Bampton Lectures, character of the, 162.
253

254 INDEX
Baptism, Tract on, 101, 103, 151, 158.
Barbados, Archdeaconry of , 50.
Barry, Dr. William, on the origin of the Newman family, 64 ;
on the Calvinistic views of Mrs. Newman, 65, 73.
Beveridge, Bishop, Tracts for the Times, 141.
Bishoprics, Suppression of the Irish, Bill, 123.
Bishops, Election of, Act, 13.
Bodleian Library, completion of the Catalogue of Arabic
Manuscripts, 96.
Boleyn, Anne, 10.
Bonifacio, Straits of, 89.
Bouverie, Hon. Philip, 93.
Bowden, J. W., Tracts for the Times, 140, 141, 143.
Bowles, received into the Church of Rome, 217.
British Critic, articles in, 169, 177, 209 ; discontinued, 211.
British Magazine, 103.
Broad Church, origin of the, 20.
Brodrick, G. C, on the changes in Oxford from 1856-1881,
228.
Brougham, Lord, criticism on, 112.
Bryce, Mr., his Holy Roman Empire, 148 ; his writings, 235.
Buckle, Mr., 218.
Bunsen, 94.
Burgon, Dean, Twelve Good Men, 147.
Burton, Dr., Regius Professor of Divinity at Oxford, his death,
159.
Butler, A., Tracts for the Times, 143.
Butler, his argument on continuity, 55 ; his Analogy, 75.
Calvin, 14.
Calvinists, belief of the, 2.
Cambridge Platonists, 20.
Cambridge University, condition of, 26 ; Royal Commission of
enquiry appointed, 225.
Canterbury, Archbishop of, addresses of attachment to the
Church, presented to, 128.
Cathedral Institutions, Remarks on the Prospective and Past
Benefits of, 98, 122.

INDEX 255
Catholic Emancipation question, 97 ; concession, 119.
Catholicity v. Apostolicity, 179.
Catholicus, letters by, 111, 113.
Charles I., his declaration prefixed to the Thirty-nine Articles,
16.
Cherwell, 45.
Chillingworth, The Bible and the Bible alone the Religion of
Protestants, 1.
Christian Year, The, 52-54, 77.
Church, Dean, on the character of Hurrell Froude, 63 ; his
opinion of The Arians of the Fourth Century, 79 ; on the
origin of the Oxford Movement, 83, 116 ; on the character
of the Tracts for the Times, 130.
Church, Mr., 218.
Church of England, 7 ; separation from the Church of Rome,
14 ; condition in the Stuart period, 19 ; in the Georges
period, 20 ; proposed formation of an Association of
Friends of the, 125 ; declaration of principles, 126 ; effect
of Newman's secession, 220.
Church of Rome, 7. See Rome.
Church, Ideal of a Christian, 209, 211 ; condemned, 213.
Church Temporalities, Irish, Bill, 120, 123.
Church, The Prophetical Office of the, 166 ; scope of the work,
167.
Church Reform, A Plan of, with a Letter to the King, 98, 121.
Church Reform, The Principles of, 98, 122.
Churton, Mr., his protest against Tract 90, 188.
Clement's, St., Oxford, 72.
Clergy, improvement in their character and scholarly tone,
230-234.
Codrington College, 60.
Coleridge, Bishop, 60.
Coleridge, Rev. George, 58.
Coleridge, S. T., his speculations, 25, 117.
Copeland, Mr., 218.
Copleston, Dr., appointed Bishop of Llandaff, 50 ; on the test
of examinations, 70.

266 INDEX
Cosin, Bishop, Tracts for the Times, 141.
Cranmer, 34.
Crimean War, 113-115.
Cromwell, Oliver, 10.
Damaibns, 175 ; received into the Church of Rome, 216.
Development, Essay on, 215, 218.
" Developments in Religious Doctrine," sermon on, 108-111.
Disabilities, religious, removal of, 18.
Discussions and Arguments, extracts from, 113-115.
Dominic, Father, at Littlemore, 217 ; receives Newman into the
Church of Rome, 218.
Dornford, Fellow and Tutor of Oriel, 76.
Dublin Review, article in the, 180.
Ealing, 67.
Eden, C. P., Tracts for the Times, 142.
Edinburgh Review, article in the, 165.
Edward VI., Acts of Uniformity, passed, 15 ; Prayer-books,
15, 33.
Eichhorn, 94.
Elizabeth, Queen, her Acts, 15, 16.
Emancipation, Catholic, question, 97 ; concession of, 119.
England, Church of, 7. See Church.
Episcopalians, belief of the, 4.
Established Church, 4, 6 ; condition of, 19, 26.
Eutychus, originates the Monophysite heresy, 180 note.
Evangelical revival, influence of, 117.
Evangelicals, their views, 236-241.
Fabbr, 175.
Fasting, Tract on, 99, 103.
Faussett, Dr., 204.
Fitzmaurice, Lord Edmond, Life of Earl Granville, 161 note.
Folkestone, Viscount, 93.
Fourdrinier, Jemima, 64.
Freeman, Mr., his writings, 235.

INDEX 257
Freitag, 94.
French Revolution, result of the, 23, 117.
Friends, parting of, sermon on, 111.
Froude, James Anthony, 57 ; on Piety and Dogmatic Theology,
6 note, 29 ; on Newman's appearance, 84 ; his writings, 235.
Froude, Robert Hurrell, 57.
Froude, Richard Hurrell, pupil of Keble, 49, 58, 105; his
character, 57, 63 ; education, 58 ; elected Fellow of Oriel,
58, 76 ; friendship with Newman, 59, 62 ; tour abroad, 59,
87 ; at the Hadleigh Conference, 59, 125 ; his four Tracts
for the Times, 60, 140, 143, 144 ; the Remains, 60, 171
note, 173 ; religious views, 62 ; leader of the Oxford
Movement, 63.
Fyffe, C. A., his article on the state of Oxford University, 40-43.
Garbett, Archdeacon, candidate for the Professorship of
Poetry, 195 ; his election, 196.
Georges period, state of the Church in the, 20.
German philosophy, influence of, 25, 117 ; rationalism, view of,
28, 94.
Cerontius, Dream of, 108.
Gibbon, E., his view of history, 25.
Gladstone, W. E., on Newman's delivery, 85.
Golightly, Mr., his proposal to erect a monument to the martyrs
of the Reformation, 170.
Green, J. R., his writings, 235.
Griffiths, Mr., his protest against Tract 90, 188.
Guiney, Louise J., Life of Hurrell Froude, 58 note, 147.
Hadleigh Conference, 59, 91, 104, 125.
Halesworth living, 45.
Hampden, Dr., his pamphlet on abolishing subscription to the
Thirty-nine Articles, 156 ; appointed Regius Professor at
Oxford, 160 ; Principal of St. Mary Hall, 160 ; political
views, 160 ; characteristics, 160 ; his essay on the Philo
sophical Evidence of Christianity, 161 ; character of his
Bampton Lectures, 161-163; unsound doctrines, 163.
17

258 INDEX
Harborough, Robert, Earl of, 93.
Harrison, B., Tracts for the Times, 140, 141, 143.
Hastings, Warren, his verses, 53.
Hawkins, Mr., appointed Provost of Oriel, 50, 77 ; his influence
over Newman, 72, 74 ; sermon on Tradition, 74 ; relations
with the Tutors, 79-82.
Henley, Lord, A Plan of Church Reform with a Letter to the
King, 98, 121.
Henry VIII., King, his influence on the Reformation, 10 ;
Acts, 11-14.
High Church, founders of the, 20 ; Clergy, their views, 236-241 ;
learning, 238 ; character, 239, 241 ; multiplication of
services, 240.
Hook, Dean, Lives of Archbishops of Canterbury, 33, 35, 106.
Hook, Church Dictionary, extracts from, 79 note, 180 note.
Howley, Dr., Bishop of London, 77.
Hursley living, 49.
Hutton, R. H., Life of J. H. Newman, 85 note.
Ideal of a Christian Church, 209, 211 ; condemned, 213.
James, Rev. William, 75.
Jelf, Dr., 189.
Jerusalem, Anglo-Prussian bishopric, protest against, 192.
Jeune, Dr., member of the Oxford Commission, 225.
John, St., Ambrose, received into the Church of Rome, 216.
Johnson, Mr., 218.
Jowett, Professor, on the leaders of the Oxford Movement, 27.
Justification, Essay on, 169.
Keble, John, his career, 48 ; elected Fellow of Oriel, 49 ; at
Hursley, 49 ; his pupils, 49, 58, 105 ; character, 49-51 ;
elected Professor of Poetry, 51 ; his theory of poetry, 51 ;
The Christian Year, 52-54 ; attitude towards the Church,
53; religious views, 55; his sermon on "National Apos
tacy Considered," 56, 91 ; Tracts for the Times, 140,

INDEX 259
143, 147, 195 ; last lecture as Professor of Poetry, 194 ;
tract on the Mysticism of the Fathers in the Use and
Interpretation of Scripture, 195 ; his loyalty to the
Established Church, 221.
Keble, Thos., Tracts for the Ti'mes, 140, 141, 142, 146.
Kingsley, Rev. Charles, his charge against Newman, 82.
Lanfranc, Archbishop, 8.
Laud, Archbishop, draws up the declaration to the Thirty-nine
Articles, 16.
Laymen, their indifference to all religious dogma, 248-250.
"Lead Kindly Light," 89, 108.
Lewis, Mr., 218.
Liberalism, danger of the spirit of, 118.
Liddell, Dr., member of the Oxford Commission, 225.
Littlemore, plans for a monastic establishment at, 182, 198.
Lloyd, Dr., Professor of Divinity at Oxford, 72 ; his lectures,
75 ; influence over Dr. Pusey, 94 ; Bishop of Oxford, 97 ;
his death, 98.
Locke, his teaching, 24.
Low Church, 20 ; clergy, their views, 236-241 ; learning, 238 ;
character, 239, 241.
Luther, Martin, 14.
Lyons, 90.
Lyra Apostolica, 104.
Manning, H. E., Tracts for the Times, 145.
Marriott, Charles, his work of translating the Library of the
Fathers, 115, 165 ; Tracts for the Times, 145.
Martyrs of the Reformation, memorial to, 170, 173.
Mary, Queen, her repeal of the Reformation Acts, 14, 15.
Mary's, St., Oxford, 77.
" Mass," use of the word discontinued, 15.
Maurice, Rev. F. D., on subscription to the Thirty-nine
Articles, 156.
Mayers, Rev. Walter, 73.
Melbourne, Lord, appoints Dr. Hampden Regius Professor of
Divinity at Oxford, 160. 17*

260 INDEX
Menzies, A., Tracts for the Times, 140.
Methodist Societies, position of, 27.
Mill, Stuart, on Archbishop Whately's philosophical investiga
tions, 46.
Ministers of the Church, Act to reform certain disorders
touching, 16.
Monophysite heresy, 180 note.
Mozley, Dr. James B., on Newman's secession, 208 ; on Tract,
90, 187.
Mozley, John, 67.
Mozley, Rev. Thomas, his Reminiscences, 47 note et seq. ; on
the character of Keble, 50 ; on the family of John Newman,
64 ; his marriage, 64, 67 ; on the appearance and dress of
Newman, 86 ; on the difficulties of circulating the Tracts,
151 ; on the characteristics of Dr. Hampden, 160.
Musical Sounds, sermon on, 108-111.
" National Apostacy Considered," sermon on, 56, 91.
Neander, 94.
Newman, Charles Robert, 65 ; his career, 66.
Newman, Francis William, 65 ; his career, 66 ; Early History
of Cardinal Newman, 73 note.
Newman, Harriet, her marriage, 64, 67.
Newman, Jemima, her marriage, 67.
Newman, John, 64.
Newman, John Henry, his friendship with Hurrell Froude, 58,
62 ; birth, 64 ; parents, 64 ; brothers, 66 ; sisters, 67 ; at
school, 67 ; breaks down in his examination, 68 ; entered
at Lincoln's Inn, 69 ; takes holy orders, 69 ; elected Fellow
of Oriel, 70 ; his shyness, 71 ; under Whately's influence,
71, 76 ; curate of St. Clement's, Oxford, 72 ; Vice-Principal
of Alban Hall, 72 ; appointed Tutor of Oriel, 72 ; religious
views, 73, 90, 175 ; under the influence of Hawkins, 74
religious studies, 75 ; his first University sermon, 77
various appointments, 77 ; Vicar of St. Mary's, 77, 82
studies of the Fathers, 78 ; opposition to Peel's re
election, 78 ; his work on The Arians of the Fourth Century,

INDEX 261
79 ; relations with his pupils, 80 ; character of his sermons,
82, 154 ; his appearance, 84, 86 ; delivery, 85 ; personal
influence, 85 ; dress, 86 ; tour in Italy, 87 ; attack of fever,
88 ; hymn, 89, 93 ; Tracts for the Times, 92, 140, 141, 142,
144, 145, 146, 147, 150 ; iUustrations of his style, 92, 108-
115 ; on Pusey's joining the Movement, 100 ; his opinion
of Mr. Palmer, 105 ; sermon on Musical Sounds, 108-111 ;
farewell sermon as Anglican, 111, 205 ; criticism on Lord
Brougham, 112 ; on the Crimean War, 113-115 ; on the
Bill for the Suppression of Bishoprics, 124 ; on the Associa
tion of Friends of the Church, 127 ; recovery from his
illness, 149 ; his position based on three propositions, 149 ;
his view of the Church of Rome, 150, 175, 202 ; on the
distribution of the Tracts, 152 ; his opinion of Dr. Hamp
den's pamphlet on abolishing subscription to the Thirty-
nine Articles, 157 ; pamphlet on Elucidations of Dr.
Hampden's Theological Statements, 163 ; lectures on The
Prophetical Office of the Church, 166 ; scope of the work,
167 ; adopts the doctrine of the Via Media, 168 ; essay on
Justification, 169 ; pamphlet on the Real Presence, 169 ;
article on " The State of Religious Parties," 177-179 ; study
of the Monophysite heresy, 180 ; his doubt of the tenable-
ness of Anglicanism, 180 ; article on " The Catholicity of
the Church," 182 ; plans for a monastic establishment at
Littlemore, 182, 198 ; on the meaning of the Roman
doctrine, 183-185 ; his Tract 90, 185-191 ; defence of it,
189 ; at Littlemore, 191, 203 ; view of Arianism, 192 ;
movement of the bishops against him, 192 ; his protest
against the proposed Anglo-Prussian bishopric at Jerusalem,
192; unsettled views, 194, 203, 206, 214; sermons on
Wisdom and Innocence, 194 ; under " observation," 197 ;
explanation of his retirement to Littlemore, 198-201 ; re
tracts his words against Rome, 203 ; resigns the living of
St. Mary's, 205 ; Essay on Development, 215 ; resigns his
Fellowship, 217 ; received into the Church of Rome, 218 ;
leaves Oxford, 218.
Newman, Mary, 67.

262 INDEX
Newman, Mrs., her Calvinistic views, 65, 73.
Nicene doctrine, acceptance of, 39.
Nicholas, Dr. George, 67.
Noetics, their views, 47.
Nonconformists, belief of the, 4.
Oakeley, Mr., 175, 209.
O'Connell, elected for Clare, 97.
Ogle, Dr., 218.
Oriel College, 43.
Origines Liturgicx, 104.
Owen, Robert, the philanthropic Socialist, 66.
Oxford, Bishop of, his opinion of Tract 90, 190 ; his animad
versions on the Tracts for the Times, 173.
Oxford or Tractarian Movement, leader of the, 64 ; origin, 116 ;
antecedents, 117 ; threatened dangers, 118-123 ; steps for
the defence of the Church, 123 ; Hadleigh Conference, 124 ;
proposed formation of an Association of Friends of the
Church, 125 ; address to the Archbishop, 128 ; later form
of the Movement, 129 ; Tracts for the Times, No. 1, 130-
139 ; list of, 139-148 ; results on the Anglican Church, 229.
Oxford University, condition of, 26, 40-43 ; result of election,
97 ; proposal to abolish subscription to the Thirty-nine
Articles, 155 ; Royal Commission of enquiry appointed,
224 ; members, 225 ; report, 225 ; measures for the reform,
226-228 ; changes, 228 ; development of a historical school,
235.
Palmer, Rev. William, 104 ; his work Origines Liturgicx, 104 ;
on the Catholic Emancipation measure, 120 ; on proposed
privileges to Unitarians, 124 ; at Hadleigh Conference,
125 ; his proposed Association of Friends of the Church,
125 ; address to the Archbishop of Canterbury, 128 ;
Tracts for the Times, 140 ; treatise on the Church of
Christ, 169 ; on Newman's secession, 208 ; denounces the
Romanising tendency of the articles in the British Critic,
211.

INDEX 263
Parker, Archbishop, his influence on the Prayer-books of
Edward VI. , 34 ; draws up the Thirty-nine Articles, 35-39.
Parliament, reform of, 118.
Parochial and Plain Sermons, 82, 92 ; their character, 83.
Pattison, Mr. Mark, on the Noetics, 47 ; at Littlemore, 218.
Paul, Mr. Herbert, on the religious views of Keble, 53 ; on the
character of Hurrell Froude, 58.
Peel, Sir Robert, and the Catholic Emancipation question, 78,
97 ; re-election, 78.
Perceval, Hon. and Rev. A. P., Vicar of East Horsley, 106 ;
at the Hadleigh Conference, 125 ; Tracts for the Times,
141, 142.
Platonists, the Cambridge, 20.
Powell, Professor Baden, member of the Oxford Commission,
225.
Prayer, Books of Common, 15, 17, 33.
Priests, marriage of, 15.
Printing, result of the discovery, 24.
Prophetical Office of the Church, 166 ; scope of the work,
167.
Protestants, number of forms of belief, 1.
Pusey, Dr. Edward Bouverie, 92 ; his refutation of German
Rationalism, 28, 94 ; his birth and parents, 93 ; in Germany,
94 ; ordained deacon, 95 ; Regius Professor of Hebrew,
95 ; ordained priest, 96 ; completion of the Catalogue of
Arabic Manuscripts, 96 ; support of Peel's election, 97 ;
his pamphlet Remarks on the Prospective and Past Benefits
of Cathedral Institutions, 98, 122 ; tract on Fasting, 99,
103 ; on Baptism, 101, 103, 151, 158 ; joins the Movement,
101, 151 ; influence, 101, 103 ; his project for a translation
of the Fathers, 103, 151, 165 ; Tracts for the Times, 141,
144, 145, 151 ; his defence of Tractarianism, 176 ; sermon
on the Holy Eucharist, 204 ; proceedings against, 204 ;
suspended from preaching, 205 ; visit to Newman, 218 ;
loyalty to the Established Church, 221.
" Queen Anne's Bounty," 12.

264 INDEX
Rationalism, views on, 28, 94.
Real Presence, pamphlet on, 169.
Reform Bill of 1832, 22, 119.
Reformation, 8, 10 ; result of the, 9 ; motives, 10 ; Acts of
Henry VIII., 11-14 ; character, 31 ; martyrs of the, proposal
to erect a monument to, 170.
Religious disabilities, removal of, 18.
" Religious Parties, State of," article on, 177-179.
Remains, publication of, 60, 173.
Reserve in Religious Teaching, tract on, 106, 195.
Revolution, the French, result of, 23, 117.
Ritualism, development of, 242-246.
Roman doctrine, meaning of the term, 183.
Rome, Church of, 6 ; influence, 7 ; separation from the Church
of England, 14 ; effect of Newman's secession, 220 ; interest
in the Tractarian controversy, 246 ; effect of the Movement,
248.
Rose, Hugh James, 79 ; Hadleigh Conference at his Rectory,
91, 124 ; his lectures on German rationalism, 94 ; contro
versy with Dr. Pusey, 94 ; characteristics, 103 ; editor of
the British Magazine, 103 ; Rector of Hadleigh, 104 ;
Principal of King's College, London, 129 ; death, 129.
Routh, Dr., 190.
Russell, Lord John, appoints a Royal Commission of enquiry
into Oxford University, 224.
Sacrament, administration of the, 15.
Sandford, Archdeacon, Life of Archbishop Temple, edited by,
85 note.
Schliermacher, 94.
Scott, Sir Walter, influence of his writings, 25, 117.
Scott, Rev. W., 208.
Settlement, Act of, 22.
Shairp, Principal, on Newman's voice, 84.
Shuttleworth, 98.
Sibthorpe, Mr., received into the Church of Rome, 201.
Sicily, 88.

INDEX 265
Sisterhoods, foundation of, 245.
Smith, Mr. Goldwin, Secretary to the Oxford Commission, 225.
Southrop, Curacy of, 58.
Stanley, Dean, Life of Arnold, 122 note ; on the characteristics
of Mr. Ward, 209 ; Secretary to the Oxford Commission,
225.
Stanley, Lord, his Irish Church Temporalities Bill, 120, 123.
Stanton, received into the Church of Rome, 217.
Stuart period, state of the Church in, 19.
Stubbs, Dr., his writings, 235.
Subjects of the Day, Sermons on, 111.
Submission, Act of, 12.
Sumner, Archbishop of Canterbury, his treatise on apostolical
preaching, 75.
Suppression of the Irish Bishoprics Bill, 123.
Supremacy, Act of, 14 ; repealed, 14, 16.
Tait, Archbishop, his protest against Tract 90, 188 ; on
Newman's duality of mind, 207 ; member of the Oxford
Commission, 225.
Temple, Archbishop, on the personal influence of Newman, 85.
Test and Corporation Acts, repeal, 119.
Thirty-nine Articles, declaration prefixed to the, 16 ; origin,
35 ; character, 36-39 ; proposal to abolish subscription to
the, at Oxford University, 155.
"Thirty-nine Articles, Remarks on Certain Passages in the,"
185-191 ; protests against, 188.
Tholuck, 94.
Times, Tracts for the, 60, 99, 106 ; No. 1, 92, 130-139 ; list
of the, 139-148 ; their character, 150 ; distribution, 151 ;
publication, 152 ; No. 90, 185-191 ; protests against, 188.
Tractarianism, defence of, 176.
Trench, Dean, Oxford Movement, 136 note.
Tudor period, changes in the, 19.
Tulloch, Dr., his view of the character of the English Refor
mation, 14 note, 31.
Tyndale, 14. 18

266 INDEX
Uniformity, Act of, 1662, 16.
Unitarians, belief of the, 2 ; proposed privileges, 124.
University Test Acts of 1871 passed, 226.
?
Via Media, doctrine of the, 168, 171.
Victoria, Queen, condition of Oxford at her accession, 43.
Victorian Era, achievements of, 27.
Ward, William George, Fellow and Mathematical Lecturer at
Balliol, 174 ; his characteristics, 175 ; religious views, 175 ;
resigns his lectureships, 191 ; leader of the Movement, 209 ;
his book The Ideal of a Christian Church, 209, 211 ; con
demned, 213 ; engaged to be married, 213 ; marriage, 214 ;
received into the Church of Rome, 214.
Ward, Mrs., received into the Church of Rome, 214.
Wellington, Duke of, 95.
Wesley, influence of his teaching, 21.
Whately, Archbishop, 44 ; his career, 45 ; appointed Archbishop
of Dublin, 45 ; characteristics, 45-48 ; his philosophical
investigation, 46 ; religious view, 47 ; contribution to the
Oxford Movement, 48 ; influence over Newman, 71 ;
Principal of Alban Hall, 72.
White, Blanco, 98 ; at Oxford, 106 ; character of his intellect,
107 ; a Socinian, 107.
Wilberforce, Henry, 181.
Wilberforce, Robert, pupil of Keble, 49, 58, 105 ; Fellow and
Tutor of Oriel, 76.
William the Conqueror, 8.
William of Orange, his wars, 22.
Williams, Isaac, pupil of Keble, 49, 58, 105 ; extract from his
Autobiography, 99 ; his birth, 105 ; curate of St. Mary's,
Oxford, 105 ; character of his poetry, 105 ; Tract on Reserve
in Religious Teaching, 106, 195 ; Tracts jor the Times,
145, 146 ; candidate for the Professorship of Poetry, 195.
Wilson, R. F., Tracts for the Times, 143 ; protest against
Tract 90, 188.

INDEX 267
Wiseman, Dr., 59, 87 ; his lectures on the doctrines of
Catholicism, 166, 215 ; article on the " Anglican Claim,"
180 ; President of Ascott, 216 ; interest in the Tractarian
controversy, 246.
Wolsey, Cardinal, 10.

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