YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY THE DANGERS ATTENDING AN IMMEDIATE REVIVAL OF CONVOCATION, DETAILED IN A LETTER THE EEV. G. HUTTON, EECTOE OF GATE BUETON. THE EEV. C. S. BIED, M.A. r.L.S., CANON OF LINCOLN, VICAK OP GAINSBOROUGH, AND LATE FELLOW OF TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE. AUTHOR OF "defence OP THE ENGLISH REFORMATION." LONDON : T. HATCHAED, 187, PICCADILLY. 1852. LONDON : G. J. PALMER, SAVOY STREET, STRAND. J53 BY THE SAMEJAUTHOR. On Sale. ROMANISM NOT PRIMITIVE. Cloth, 5s. FOUR SERMONS ON THE PARABLE OF THE SOWER. Chiefly for the Young. Preached before the University of Cam bridge. Cloth, 2«. 6c?. LECTURES ON THE DECALOGUE. Cloth, 2«. &d. SERMON ON THE FIFTH OF NOVEMBER, with Copious Notes. Is. FOR EVER. And other Devotional Poems. Silk, 2s. &d. LONDON : G. J. PALMER, SAVOY STREET, STRAND. A LETTER, <&c. My dear Sir, We had a conversation, you may remember, some time ago, on the subject of the revival of Convocation. I then said that I was not unfavourably disposed towards the project. I thought that a Convocation, remodelled and having the indis pensable addition of a lay house, might afford a wholesome vent. I hoped that clergymen, meeting one another, might find how much they agreed, where they imagined that there was nothing but disagreement. Under these vague impressions, though I.would not assist, yet I was not prepared to oppose, the efforts made for the revival. The truth is, I had at that time paid only a cursory attention to the question. It had seemed highly improbable, that it would ever become more than a spe culative one; and we have questions enough of a practical nature, to occupy our deeper thoughts in general. The late Government was resolutely opposed to the trial of the experi ment. The House of Lords had pronounced against it; andthe present Govemment might be conceived to be too cautious to run the risk, which must necessarily attend it. For all these reasons I had allowed myself, in common, perhaps, with many of my brethren, to listen to the abstract arguments on both sides with something of a philosophic indifference. But there are reasons (of which I will presently speak), which make the longer continuance of this indifference inexcusable. I have therefore carefully considered the subject, and have been led to a very decided conclusion, adverse to the proposed revival, at least at the present time. I say, at least at the present time ; for I do not affirm that the time will never arrive, when that which would now be dangerous, may seem safe. Better days may come. The existing heats may cool down; the irregular action (such as that of " Church Unions ") may cease ; the minds and hearts of men are in God's hands, and He may move them in one and the right direction. Whether, when those days shall arrive, men will wish for a Convocation, is not so certain. They may prefer to " let well alone." But that we must leave to them. Taking our own eyes off from the future, let us fix them on the aspect of the times. According to that aspect, the immediate dangers attending the projected revival appear greater, the longer they are con templated. The good, on the other hand, which it is alleged it might do, seems attainable by other means, unaccompanied with these dangers. Such is the conclusion to which I have been led by mature consideration. You have a right to be informed of it, and to hear from me the grounds of my persuasion. And I, on my part, have a right to appeal to you as a witness, that I have not been a prejudiced partizan, but have approached the examination of the subject with all possible candour and fair ness. The reasons why none of us ought to be any longer unde cided, arise from late events. I allude to the elections of proctors in August last, to represent the clergy in the present nominal Convocation — (for it is a mere " nominis umbra.") The one-sided character of almost all those elections, is a pheno menon of much consequence. If the clergy, as a body, had concemed themselves in them, it would have become a serious question, whether any govemment could properly resist the demand for a revived Convocation. It should be known, there fore, that a small proportion of the clergy attended the meet ings. For instance, not one in six belonging to this diocese attended that at Lincoln. We were not aware that it would be more than a pro forma, meeting, such as it had always been for the last hundred years. We had not been seriously requested to attend. The formidable word " contumacious" applied to absentees, had become a mere sound signifying nothing. We did not know, however, that on the late occasion, there was real cause for our attendance. We did not know that the old proc tors were prepared to resign, and that new ones were ready to be proposed. Still less did we know, that this was part of a systematic plan, pursued all over the kingdom, to send in men favourable to the revival, in order to produce the impression that the clergy unanimously desire it. The plan has succeeded, but the impression would be a false one. The late elections are not to be regarded as a criterion of the sentiments of the clergy at large. The country must wait till a dissolution of Pariia ment shall afford another opportunity to the clergy of manifest ing what these sentiments are. Meanwhile we must make up our minds. We are called upon to study the subject. We shall not be able to say again, that we are taken by surprise. On the next occasion we must attend the meetings, and he ready to give an unmistakeable and well considered decision. At the Lincoln meeting, as you are aware, I was proposed as proctor, on the spur of the moment, without my knowledge, and in my absence. An inquiry was naturally made, what was my opinion respecting the revival of Convocation ? My kind friends, who saw fit to propose me, the vicars of Louth and Boston, could not answer the question, because they had held no pre vious communication with me. I mention this circumstance, because it appears to me a call to come forward myself, and answer the question. To do so, appears but to pay a due tribute of respect to my clerical brethren. Let me now proceed to furnish the reply, by detailing the process of reasoning and re flection through which I have been led to my present conclu sion. Convocations do not constitute a necessary or divinely or dained mode of Church Government — otherwise there could be no dispute respecting the revival of ours. In that case, there B 2 would have been a strange remissness on the part of our Church rulers, who have so long endured their virtual disuse without remonstrance. But we do not find them mentioned in Scrip ture, either in the way of precept or command. Bishop Eidley says : " That all men should meet together out of all parts of the world to define the articles of our faith, I neither find it commanded of Christ, nor written in the Word of God."* If this can be said truly of general councils, how much more of inferior ones ! The Council held by the Apostles at Jerusalem (in which the people took part), was called to settle, and to settle with a desirable pubhcity and harmony, a matter of vital importance to all the Gentiles. That there should have been one Apostolic Council, and only one, proves the rule to be this, that councils are a legitimate, but not a necessary or ordinary, instrument to be used by the Church in the performance of her great function of upholding and spreading the faith — especially since the Apostles, after that Council committed to writing all tbat is to be believed by us. Convocations, then, appear fitted for emergencies or peculiar conditions of a Church; as, for in stance, when a Church is in its infancy, in a newly converted land, — or when it is struggUng with a hostile state, — or when it is emerging from corruption, and needs to declare its amended faith. But when a Church has been long settled, and possesses a good machinery for ordinary operations, there is no absolute obligation to hold Convocations. The whole question is one of expediency . The first four General Councils were not held till long after the departure of the Apostles, namely, in the fourth and fifth centuries. They did the Church an inestimable service in asserting and defending the articles of the Creed. But of Synods or Convocations in general, we have an unfavourable character given us by one who had attended many of them, but declared that he would attend no more. I allude to Gregory Nazianzen, Patriarch of Constantinople, who presided over the second General Council. His celebrated words are, " He would fly from all Synods of Bishops, for he had never seen the re- * "Conferences with Latimer," p. 132. Ridley's Works, Parker Soe. Ed. suit of any Council to be happy and propitious, nor one which did not contribute rather to the increase of evils, than to their removal."* It is sufficient to infer from these expressions, that the good which even the great Councils effected was at tended with much evil, and that Gregory did not look upon any Council whatever as a divine ordinance, or as infallibly assured of having the help and illumination of the Holy Ghost. Nevertheless, the idea of a Convocation, I confess, is a capti vating and imposing one. We picture to ourselves our right reverend prelates and our reverend brethren assembled in grave and dignified state. We imagine the assembly all it should be, and then we naturally admire it. We invest it with all the attributes which would be desirable. We suppose the love of the truth, and the love of each other, to reign in it. Nothing could be more beautiful, more eamestiy to be longed for, than the realization of such a picture. But we must not draw on our imagination for the idea of a Convocation, even an English one. We must sternly ask, what have Convocations in this country generally been ? and what would our Convocation probably be, if convened and allowed to act under the circumstances of the present times ? It can be no wonder, if after more than a century of prac tical disuse, we have but vague notions of the way, in which a Convocation, with life in it, would probably act. It can also be no wonder, if in our divided state we are ready to catch at any expedient which seems to promise a remedy. But the immense importance of a Church like ours not taking a false step, and entering on a course from which she could not after wards recede without loss and shame, should cause us to hesi tate, and not listen to hope till we have consulted experience. Let us look at the records of past times when our Convocations * See Bishop Gibson's " Preservative," or Lardner's " Credibility," for references to many similar speeches made by Gregory. See Arch deacon Sinclair's recent Charge for the words quoted. met for business as often as Parliament met. Bishop Burnet, in the " History of his Own Times," gives us a particular ac count of all the Convocations which he witnessed during a space of forty years. It is a wholly uniform account of dis sensions. The Lower House did nothing but contend with the Upper House. The most Presbyterian spirit prevailed in the Lower House. Do we wish to see such a state of things, and such a spirit renewed ? Certainly not. But what says a very sagacious observer of mankind, and profound reader of history, Mr. Burke ? He thinks the renewal a probable one. i" Convo- vocations," he says, "are a partof the Constitution, and may be called iuto act and energy whenever there is occasion, and whenever those who conjure up that spirit will choose io abide the consequences. It is wise to permit its legal existence ; it is wiser still to continue it as a legal existence only." These are words not to be despised from such a man. Burke has already secured to himself the name of a prophet. We all know that Mr. Pitt neglected his prophecy conceming the intensity and duration of the Eevolutionary War, to the loss of the early and only opportunity of shortening it by an exer tion of vigour. Let us not shght his prophecy conceming the dangers which he shadows forth so darkly and mysteriously, at tendant on the bold measure of a revival of Convocation. I grant that it is somewhat mortifying, to look around us and see other religious denominations holding their Conferences and Councils, whilst we are practically deprived of the liberty of holding ours. We are vexed at the disparaging contrast which is thus presented between ourselves and them. We are apt to regard the withholding of our liberty as an indignity. We see the Methodists enjoying their annual Conference ; the Quakers meeting and putting forth their yearly Epistle; the Romanists convening their Councils at Thuries and Oscott ; and the Presbyterian Church of Scotland holding its General Assembly. We know that the comparison between us and these bodies of Christians is turned by unreflecting persons to our disadvantage. But we should reflect, and teach people to reflect, that there is a great difference between our state and that of these bodies, which not only explains the contrast, but explains it to our advantage. The denominations around us all belong to one or other of two kinds of Churches, to neither of whioh do we belong. Their communions are either voluntary, that is, supported on the voluntary principle, or they are Presbyterian. They either want the support of the State and the possession of an endowment, or they want the government of Bishops. There is a necessity of one kind or another for their holding of assemblies of a popular character, from which necessity we are happily free. We are an Established Church, and we are an Episcopal Church, — both in one, — which none of these are. I trust we shall never be so childish as to seek a dangerous or doubtful liberty, for the mere sake of showing that we have it. This would be, indeed, undignified. Let us not grudge our neighbours their necessary privilege. We may perceive that it is not a safe one. Is not the greatest, and perhaps fatal, weakness of the Methodist body likely to be found lurking in their hitherto boasted Conference — the sup posed triumph of Wesley's skill ? May not a short time serve to show, that the proceedings at Thuries and Oscott have alarmed and aUenated the best portion ofthe Eomish laity ? And have we forgotten the ominous spectacle, seen by the world not many years ago, when nearly the half of the Scotch Presby terian ministers walked out of the room of their General Assembly, after a long debate, never to enter it again, but destined henceforth to oppose and weaken the Established Church of their country ? So much for the actual working of the Convocations of those around us ! Let us be content with our own pecuUar position, combining all we need, and enabling us to dispense with a mode of self-government suited only to those who want one or other ofthe elements of that combination. We have the Sovereign a member of our communion, and holding the throne on condition of supporting us.* We have the Bishops sitting in the House of Lords, as a spiritual estate * See Hooker's Eccl. Pol. b. viii, chap, on " Authority in making Laws.'' ofthe realm, watching over our interests, preventing hostile legis lation, and forwarding that which is favourable. We have them meeting together at the Archbishop's palace when they please (as they did last year, when they put out their well-timed and valu able address to their clergy, connected with the rubrical contro versy, and the false principles in which that controversy had origi nated). We have our Church courts ready to settle disputed cases of Church property, to try causes of alleged heresy, or to correct instances of immorality. Lastly, we have the parishes in our hands — the tithes, whether commuted or not, as our own — and the church-rates, which bear witness that we are the National Church. May we not well be contented with these solid advantages, which are enjoyed in their combination by none but ourselves ? I know that there are many among us, who would gladly give up some of these advantages to purchase the privilege of having a Convocation. There are many who ardently desire the sepa ration of Church and State. With these I cannot stop to argue. You and I, my dear sir, are not of their number. We view the union of Church and State as a benefit to both par ties. On this supposition, I proceed as a thing granted. I view the State as a well-disposed partner, whose regard and affection the Church at present possesses, and may continue to possess, so long as she does her pecuUar duty quietly and efficiently, and shows no uncalled-for jealousy. I feel satisfied that the State has no wish to interfere with the doctrines we teach— that we have fuU liberty to feed our people with the food we desire to give them, the food gathered from Scripture, and stored up in our Articles, Liturgy, and Homilies. In agreement with the sentiments expressed by our revered Bishop in his late charge, I question not the express assertion ofthe Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, including the two Archbishops, that in the sentence pronounced by them concerning the institution to Brampford Speke, there was no intention whatever of deciding the truth of any doctrine, or re- straining the liberty of any man's opinions, provided he will not take away the same liberty from his neighbour. The sen tence has left the doctrine what it found it. As to any theo retical objection to the present constitution of the Judicial Committee, it may be removed, and I doubt not will be, by an easy alteration, adapted to cases where none but Churchmen should decide, and where the presence of some of our prelates is required ex officio. ParUament can make this alteration, without our having a Convocation. So it is with most of the changes we need. We have means of pressing them on the attention of Govemment without a Convocation. The press is open to us. PubUc opinion may be influenced, and brought to bear on Govemment. If we have a good and strong case, and we state it calmly and clearly, we shall always prevail. There would be more chance of a Convocation injuring us, in every such case, by the tone it might assume, than promoting our object. I have spoken of the State as a partner. In this relation, what indignity is it that the Church is not so much at Uberty as if no such connection existed ? What indignity is it to a wife, that she cannot walk abroad and act as freely as a single woman ? What cares she for the taunts of the latter ? She can do what the other cannot, she can use not only her own energies, but the energies of her husband. She can put in motion resources and powers which the unwedded cannot* She has parted with a Uttle, to secure much. If she is but affectionate and worthy, she will have all the freedom she needs — and more she will not ask. If she cares for doing the most good, and not for her own glory or independence, she will re main as she is, and do nothing to disturb a relation for whieh she is thankful. But it is often said, and said plausibly, that Convocation is to a Church what Parliament is to a country, — and that the Church is as much crippled and impoverished without a Con vocation, as the country would be without a ParUament. 10 We all know the value of Parliaments. We all pride our selves in having such as ours. We know that the whole history of England has been that of a battle for free Parlia ments. They are the barometer of a nation's freedom. The Stuarts ruined themselves by opposing them in this country. In France, the termination of the battle for Parliaments was the reverse of what it was here ; and the consequence has been, that that unhappy country has oscillated between the wildest extremes of despotism and anarchy ever since, whilst we have steadily preserved a well-regulated liberty since the last of the Stuarts sat on our throne. It is true, that our reformed reli gion is to be thanked for our stability and happiness ; but the freedom of Parliament, and the purity of religion, have been inseparably linked in our history. The free use of the Scrip tures opens the door to all other freedom. It is, therefore, assailing an Englishman on his weak side, when the advocate for Convocations likens them to Parlia ment. It is enlisting his national pride and gratitude in be half of the revival. But plausible as is the idea of a Convocation as a Church parliament, yet it will not bear examination. We cannot safely reason from the kingdoms of this world to Christ's kingdom, which " is not of this world." The truths of reUgion do not experience mutation Uke the maxims of poUtical economy. They are not to be gathered by a scien tific use of experience, by a gradual development from age to age ; they are clearly revealed in Scripture, once for all, from the age of the Apostles. Debates on poUtics are necessary, because mistakes are continually made, and must be corrected ; but debates on the doctrines of Christianity cannot be neces sary, unless we are dissatisfied with our Eeformation, or dis trustful of the sufficiency of Scripture. To be continually stirring our foundations would be the most unwise and mis chievous of employments. And if we do not wish for a Convocation to unsettle doc trines, what other employment should we find it, which would be hke that of Parliament ? We cannot legisUte for the Church, unless we first sever our union with the State. We 11 cannot make a single canon, which would be binding, till it had received the sanction of the two Houses of Parliament and the Queen. We cannot alter a single rubric without the same authority. Not being a voluntary Church, we have no power to make new laws, and excommunicate those who will not obey them. The chief function of a Parliament, therefore, that of legislation, would be wanting in our Convocation, — unless we are prepared first, to resign our privileges as an Establishment — which, I trust, the great majority of us are far from being pre pared to do. No doubt many, as I have before said, are so prepared, and desire the revival of Convocation, because they foresee that it will tend to dis-establishing us. These persons, and these alone, can properly speak of Convocation as a Church parliament ; for in their hands it would both dogmatise and legislate, at aU risks, and in defiance of all authority. What doctrines, what canons, what new articles and rubrics, it would then put forth, I must leave it to my readers to conjecture. If it be said that there are minor matters — neither doctrinal nor legislative, but practical or parochial — sufficient to occupy Convocation, such, for instance, as recommendations to the clergy to adopt this or that arrangement of the Sunday ser vices (looking at St. Martin's, Birmingham, as an example), or to assist this or that reUgious or charitable society, in pre ference to others of the same kind, we may answer, that these matters can as well be recommended by pastoral letters or charges from the Bishops. There is no need of anything like a Church parliament to effect these purposes. And indeed, with regard to societies, it is to be feared that much harm would be done, if any attempt were made to prescribe, with an appear ance of authority, what societies Churchmen should exclusively support. The laity, as part of the Church, would be very jealous of clerical interference with their liberty in this respect. They consider that it is as open to them to judge, in this res pect, as it is to the clergy. In short, the clergy may be much better and more fittingly employed, than in becoming debaters in the supposed parUa ment, — a function for which they are eminently disqualified by their habit of speaking to their people as teachers without con- 12 tradiction, and by their eamestness in upholding their opinions and their fear of yielding any point, lest they should be giving up some portion of the truth. Yet without debaters, what par liament can there be? Its very etymology shows that debaters are its Ufe and soul. Now St. Paul's words occur to one's mind: "The servant of the Lord must not strive, but be gentle, apt to teach, patient." The clergy should be pastors in the true sense of the word ; leading their flocks to quiet pas tures, and beside still waters. Their business is to allay, not to excite, heats. They should be constantly engaged in doing good, studying the Scriptures, setting an example of love and meekness. They must not " strive, nor cry, nor let their voice be heard in the street." They must not be of the number of the " murmurers and complainers," so common at all times in the State, — and not unknown, as St. Jude tells us, in the Church, — " who despise dominion and speak evil of dignities." What would be the inevitable effect of a system of Church parhaments, but to generate a brood of these troublers of the Church ? What could be more alien from the very idea of a Church — " chosen out " from the world, — intended to leaven society with heavenly mindedness, and to diffuse harmony and peace? None would gain by the exhibition of strife and debate, which would take place, but the enemies of the Church and of religion. The parishes would lose their pastors who might be elected proctors, during the sitting of the Convocation. In all cases, they would be the scenes of an agitation. The lookers-on, disgusted with what they saw, and wearied with what they heard, would be in danger of flying to Eomanism or infidelity for relief: " Hoc Ithacus velit, et magno mercentur Atridae." I am aware, that a very different view of the probable effect of assembUng the clergy is hopefully and charitably entertained. It was this view which weighed much with you and me, when we conversed. We thought that when our brethren looked one another in the face in a solemn assembly, they would not be able to retain their animosities and jealousies. They would be 13 ashamed to speak openly what they had allowed themselves to say privately. Moreover, explanations would be made, which would remove misconceptions. They would find how much they agreed, rather than disagreed. A Convocation would be a clerical club enlarged. It would lead to mutual kind feeling and good opinion. But I am sorry to say that on closer inspec tion, this hope vanishes. The analogy fails. The scale of a Convocation is so large, that the features of a clerical club would be lost. There would be no opportunity for quiet con versation, or communion of spirit. Violent individuals would take the lead. It is said, indeed, " Look at the House of Com mons, and see how one who is a fierce demagogue out of doors, is awed into silence and modesty within." But here the analogy fails again, for this is explained by his finding that he stands in the presence of a band of men, the recognized leaders of the great parties in that House. He would find nothing of this kind in our supposed Convocation — an assembly waking up after a long sleep, and with so much that would be wholly new and untried. It would be a clear stage for a young zealot, or a self-sufficient theorist, or an ambitious medieevalist. I grant, that in due time there would arise a state of things like that in an old Assembly. Superior speakers and trusty counsellors, the possessors of real eloquence or of weighty wisdom, would assume their natural position. The House would smile down youth and vanity, or frown down fierceness and bigotry. But this could only take place on the supposition that time was granted. Could we be sure of that? It is to be feared that the evils attending the Convocation would curtail its duration. The Assembly would, probably, not last long enough, — but the evils which destroyed it might survive too long. Take the annual meetings of the National Society, which have been held on an unusually large scale for the last three or four years, as a specimen of the temper and spirit likely to be displayed in the Convocation. To judge by them, we have a poor prospect. Even in the presence of the hierarchy, and with the paltry subject of the management clause as the apple of discord, what a scene have we witnessed under the shade of 14 Westminster Abbey, — a scene such as I hope never to witness again ! Tbe clause, though somewhat unceremoniously forced upon the clergy, as the condition of a building grant from Govemment, I take to have been framed with the best inten tions, and calculated to ensure us the confidence of the laity, whom we ought by all possible means to remind that they form a part of the Church. That such a trifling regulation in the management of the school should excite such fierce opposition — that so small a spark should kindle such a flame* — that the connection between the Society and the Government, between the Church and the State, should be assailed — that the " Churchmanship" and " CathoUoity" of those who were will ing to accept the grant should be impugned — that such deep- mouthed threatenings should be uttered — and all for such a poor ostensible cause — is this an omen of good ? If all the " odium theologicum," which at present is pent up in the breasts of so many, out of sixteen thousand clergymen, and might be comparatively harmless if kept there, should find vent in a lower House of Convocation, what might we look for ? There would not be the presence of the Bishops to afford re straint. There would be something' more than management- clauses to dispute about What thunders and lightnings would burst forth ! And would these thunders and lightnings be confined to the walls of Convocation ? No — they would burst forth afresh in the organs of public opinion — their flashes would be seen in the daily newspapers — their echoes would be heard in the monthly and quarterly periodicals — they would be re peated and reverberated in pamphlets and " fly-sheets." Above all, they would reach the Houses of ParUament, and resound within their walls. Is this a desirable prospect? Yet is it not the only probable one ? I am really sorry to be obUged to speak so disparagingly of my brethren in these prognostications. But it is only when they are out of their sphere, that they act in a manner un worthy of themselves. And I am compelled to speak the * The late meeting at Lincoln, in the Bishop's presence, was not ominous of good. From the mere mention of the words, " High Church principles," arose no small excitement. 15 truth, in order to dissipate the fond hopes which rest upon a false analogy — whether between Convocation and a small clerical club, — or between Convocation and a large assembly like our House of Commons, which has acquired in the course of time a settled majesty and order. There remains one plausible argument more, in favour of the revival, which has to be examined. It is this: thatwe should, by means of a revived Convo cation, be enabled to bring the claims of our Church to the allegiance of the people more strikingly and prominently before their eyes. As it is expressed by the advocates of the revival, " they would see life in the Church." Dissent would be dimi nished. We all love our Church. We see in her the best and purest National Church that has existed since the conversion of Con stantine ; — scriptural in doctrine — primitive in regimen — mild and tolerant in practice. We view in her no creation of modern times, much less of Parliament, — ^but the old Church of the country, — reformed by her own act and will, from the corruptions which had accumulated upon her during the lapse of more than a thousand years. We firmly hold her to be Catholic, — because she is a branch, and a healthy branch, of Christ's Universal Church ; agreeing with the Early Church in the Creeds,* which it put forth to distinguish " Catholics," the inheritors of the one Scriptural faith, from " Heretics," who, under the pretence of * Our Churches agree with the " Catholics " of the early centuries in the Creeds, settled hy the first four Councils, as the Church of Rome does ; — ^but on a very diff'erent principle. She agrees with them, because they agree with Scripture. Art. VIII. "For they may be proved by most certain warrants of Holy Scripture." She nowhere speaks of " an illuminating power," necessarUy preserving Councils from error. On the contrary, she says in Art. XXL, " General Councils may err." When mathematicians agree with Euclid's propositions, it is not be cause they are Euclid's propositions, but because they are capable of demonstration. Yet if any mathematical heretics should arise and deny them, we should call ourselves " Euclidians," for the sake of distinction. tradition, broached new and false doctrines.* We at the same time entitle her Protestant, — and are not ashamed of the term, because it reminds us of the glorious contest, from which, by God's help, she emerged, clean from her former pollutions, and for ever protesting against the errors, both in faith and prac tice, of the unreformed Church of Eome. The wisdom — the necessity — of keeping alive this protest, has been brought home to us, by the recent loud and intolerable assumptions of that imperious Church; and also by the alarming fact, which would have formerly appeared incredible, that many of our own mem bers, and even ministers, have openly apostatized from our communion to hers. Having such a Church of our own to love and defend, we naturally desire to Uft her up as high as possible. We wish all men to admire and honour her as we do. It fills us with a mixture of sorrow and indignation, to see how little she is esti mated as she deserves. We behold thousands standing apart from her with little or no cause. Nay, we often hear them say, with a boastful kindliness, that they love our Church, though they have quitted her pale ; that they love her, and love all. This is a kindly speech, which at once disarms us and vexes us. It disarms us as regards the well-meaning individuals ; it vexes us as regards their thoughtlessness. Have they no care for unity, even when they own the presence of purity ? Surely if they have no fault to find with the old Church, it is their duty to adhere to her. In the name of unity, order, and law, she has the first claim on them. The law of God commands out ward unity, where there is no sacrifice of truth. The law of the land commands adherence to the Church of the land, established, though not created, by Act of Pariiament,— where there is no plea of conscience for separation. But how are we to make them sensible of their duty ? The advocates for *The early Fathers appealed to tradition, only because the heretics/rsi appealed to it, and not to Scripture. See Bishop Kaye's "Tertullian " third edition, note 7, to p. 279. So we appeal to the Fathers, because Rome does, and will not admit Scripture alone. We meet her in her own court of appeal, and defeat her there. 17 the revival of Convocation reply — by adopting the measure they advocate. I have already shown cause to doubt the efficacy of this remedy. I will now endeavour to show further cause. However anxious we may he to set off our Church, let us re strain our impatience till we see whether this would be a good mode of doing it. If Convocation is to be revived that men " may see life in the Church," it must, as we have before observed, be materially altered. Let us consider the necessary alterations. At present, the whole number of the clergy in the Lower House is stated as less than 150. Of this number, more than two-thirds represent the cathedral chapters. That is to say, the proctors for the chapters more than double those for the parochial clergy. This should not be. It originated in the fact, that our Convocations of old met chiefly for the purpose of settling what taxes Church-property should bear. Now the cathedral property exceeded the rest, so that it was natural that it should be guarded by the larger number of representatives. That property has lost its relative value in our times, from the transfer of prebendal incomes to the clergy-fund, under the Ecclesiastical Commission. And were it not so, the Ohurch has parted with the right of self-taxation, since the restoration of Charles II. So that the reasons for the disproportion of the proctors having ceased, the disproportion should cease with it : or rather it should be reversed. Also a new class of electors should be created. When more than financial wisdom is required in a representative, why should not the unbeneficed clergy have a voice in the election ? Curates, alas ! are often as venerable, and as wise, as vicars and rectors. Livings confer property, but not necessarily wisdom. Eich ones may even lessen it. The satirist's words may be verified : " The mind subsides, and wickedly inchnes To prove but mortal, e'en in sound divines.'' We may presume, then, that under the new constitution of a revived Convocation, all the clergy, whether beneficed* or un- * The beneficed must include the incumbents of district churches. c 18 beneficed, would have votes in the election of proctors. I do not say, that all would be eligible — because the performance of the office of proctor, and the previous necessary preparation for its new duties, would demand a degree of leisure, which does not fall to the lot of curates. There would be another change necessary. The Convocations of York and Canterbury are at present distinct assemblies, meeting, though it be but for form's sake, at York and in the metropolis. They would, of course, be amalgamated, and meet in one place. Moreover, the pre lates of Ireland would, as a matter of right, be summoned to attend ; since the Churches of England and Ireland form one united Church. For the same reason, the Irish chapters and clergy would be entitled to send proctors. And to make the new Convocation complete (such as it is in the American Epis copal Church), it would be requisite to add a house of laity ; according to some mode which would have to be devised. Since the laity form an essential part of the Church, and have as great an interest in its welfare and purity as the clergy, to exclude them, would be to return to the false and fatal principle, which characterizes the mediaeval times and the Church of Eome, that the Church, as regards God's promises of illumina tion, consists of the clergy alone.* Suppose the difficulties conquered, which would attend the making of all these changes. Suppose the altered Convocation sitting. The spectacle, no doubt, would be imposing, and would attract universal attention. But to reward that attention, to impress the people with the value of our Church, the assembly must not only sit, but act. I have already shown the danger of the mem bers quarrelling vehemently. If to avoid this, the assembly employed itself in apparent trifles, it would fall into contempt. Better to have no Convocation at all, than one which either * I find it reported in the newspapers of the date of September, 1850, that the Bishop of Chichester said at a visitation dinner at Lewes, " That if a synod of the Church be held in Convocation or otherwise, it is the unanimous opinion of the whole Bench of Bishops, without a single ex ception, that there should be a considerable infusion of the lay element in its constitution." 19 quarrelled or was inactive. Yet how could one or other of these alternatives be avoided ? To do the advocates for a Eevival justice, they have no idea of having an inactive Convocation, merely for show. They long to make the Church " self-acting i' " self-governing:' But before there can be action in the Convocation, before any parti- lar subject can be taken into consideration, the Queen's permis sion must be asked and obtained. A discussion without her permission would incur the penalties of a premunire. Now either the Queen would grant permission to discuss what ever subject is most important, and most in the minds of those who ure so eager to have a Convocation — or she would not. If the Queen refused the permission, the Convocation would sit with its hands tied. What effect would this produce ? There would be no exhibition of "Ufe," — of a desirable kind of life at least. There would be loud murmurs heard ; and probably soma disloyalty produced, such as marked the days ofthe three or four sovereigns who reigned immediately after the Revolution of 1688. There would be attempts to evade the restriction, and to kindle a flame, by allusions to prohibited topics. But all this would not supply the place of the " life " desired — the full power of " self-action." The Convocation would appear reduced to insignificance. Its grandeur and solemnity would contrast strangely with its doings. What should we gain by such an exhibition ? Those within our pale who already taunt us as " working in chains," would triumph in this confirmation ofthe reproach they have uttered. Those without our pale, who are on the watch to injure and degrade us, would mock our in action, and call it slavery. The lamented Duke of WeUington said well : " England cannot afford to have a little war." We may say with equal truth : The Church of England cannot afford to have a sham Convocation ! If, however, the Queen did not refuse the permission desired — if some Prime Minister, in spite of Burke's prophecy, was bold enough to advise her to grant it — then we have the other alter native, the discreditable exhibition of a noisy and discordant assembly. To convince any one more completely of this, if he is not convinced already, I must beg leave to specify some of G 2 20 the leading topics, which would infallibly engage the attention bf Convocation, the moment fuU freedom of discussion was ob tained. The " Gorham Case " would be the first. There are not a few among us, who would make it a point of conscience to suf fer no other topic to take precedence. They writhe under the supposed injury inflicted by the sentence, pronounced in Mr. Gorham's favour by the Judicial Committee and the two Arch bishops ; though, as has been before observed, it contained an express disavowal* of any intention to disturb them in their view of baptism, — only it refused them the liberty of disturbing their neighbour in his. It proceeded on the plain historical ground, that Mr. Gorham had but used a freedom, which the Church of England had silently granted to all her children since the Reformation, and which some of the most illustrious had used. Nevertheless, these men insist on having the power to take that freedom away. In demanding this power from the Convocation, they would necessarily assail the Reformers and their successors, the fathers of our Church. For Mr. Maskell, who was the Bishop of Exeter's chaplain, and took part in the examination of Mr. Gorham, has informed us, that in the course of the judicial trials, his eyes were opened to the fact (a very affiicting fact for him, and one which ultimately severed him from our Church), that Mr. Gorham, in taking the view he did of the operation of Divine grace in infant baptism, was but doing that which it was originally and purposely left open to him to do. Mr. Maskell's words are : " I was not prepared to learn, as I have learnt, that perhaps * The words of the sentence on this point are : — " We express no opinion on the theological accuracy of these opinions. "The case not requiring it, we have abstained from expressing any opinion of our own upon the theological correctness or error of the doc trine of Mr. Gorham." And more to the same effect. In fact, the question was not the animus edentis Ecclesice, i. e. of the Church at the time of her putting forth the articles and formularies, but rather the animus semper Ecdesim, of the Church uninterruptedly from that time to this,— whence was gathered the animus imponentis, by which, Paley says, subscribers are bound. 21 wiihout two exceptions, all the divines. Bishops and Arch bishops, doctors and professors of the Elizabethan age, — the age, be it remembered, of the present Common Prayer Book, in its chief particulars, and of the Book of the Homilies, and of the Thirty-nine Articles, — held and taught doctrines inconsistent (I speak advisedly) with the true doctrine of baptism;" that is to say, they all favoured Mr. Gorham's view. (" Second Letter, 1850.") Though I believe that he goes too far in saying this of the private sentiments of the eminent persons he mentions, the compilers of our Articles and Formu laries, yet I agree with him, that they did not intend to pro scribe a view like Mr. Gorham's. They left the door open.* In fact, how could they intend to excommunicate the Cal vinistic divines by proscribing a view wbich they must necessa rily take ? (I do not mean to say that Mr. Gorham takes his view on Calvinistic grounds — he has told the public that he does not.) Some of them were themselves Calvinistic — all were on the most brotherly terms with the disciples of Calvin. A Calvinist, it is well known, considers grace, when once given, as given past recall. It is true, some of them are able to dis tinguish between a higher and a lower grace ; the higher, in defectible ; the lower, not so. But others of them are unable to make this distinction. We may show it them in Augustine. But they will answer, Augustine is not St. Paul. They will demand Scripture. Now Scripture has not given us data suffi cient to determine this mysterious point. The operation of God's grace is not within the reach of precise definition. Are we, then, to do what our Eeformers and the compilers of our * Mr. Dodsworth pubhshed his view, similar to Mr. Maskell's. He was brought to take it, principally by observing the difference which exists between the Article on Baptism, put forth in 1536, and the Article put forth in 1552 (the present one). The alterations and omissions must have been designedly made. And they are all in favour of Mr. Gorham's liberty. Mr. Dodsworth sorrowfully bowed before this conviction, and left the Church— as did Mr. Maskell. But surely they had left it in heart long before. For, as Dr. Hook manfully said, to quit our Church for so small a matter, and enter the Roman, is like straining at a gnat, and swallowing, not one, but fifty camels. 22 services, would not do ?— are we to anathematize all views which are Calvinistic, merely because we do not agree with them ? Are we to do this under cover of the very formularies which the Eeformers compiled ? Ought we not rather to sup pose, that the positive language which appears to be used in those formularies is the language of charity and hope ? Few can doubt that this is the case as respects the language of the Burial Service — (whatever special pleading the Bishop of Exeter may have used, in his painful Letter to the Archbishop of Canterbury) — why not as respects the rest ? At least let us, while we rejoice in our own meaning, allow our brethren to have theirs. Let us not close a door so long left open. Bishop Horsley has declared, that our Articles and Formularies were expressly so framed as to admit the highest Calvinist and the lowest Arminian to walk hand in hand within the pale of our communion.* And the Bishop of this diocese, in his recent Charge, has brought to Ught a distinct proof, from a disputa tion carried on in Cambridge, in the year 1652, between Dr. Samuel Ward, the Divinity Professor, and the very learned Gataker, that the view taken by Mr. Gorham of prevenient (or, as it is commonly called, preventing) grace, is not a new or pecuUar view, but was taken by Gataker on that occasion. Throughout the public disputation not a doubt was made, that any one was perfectly at liberty to take it, though any one else was equally at Uberty to impugn it. Dr. Ward did not take it — and our Bishop agrees with him, and so do most of us ; but to take it was not then called heresy — and I trust it never will be called such. Are we wiser than our fathers ? Do we understand our formularies better than they who composed them ? Will our Church ever violate the condition she has * Bishop Horsley's own language, used fifty years ago, is as follows : — " I confess I cannot understand upon what principle .... our Armi nian brethren should insist that we should set forth their opinions, as if they were asserted in our Articles in their true and plain meaning, in con demnation of the .Calvinistic. I know not what hinders but that the highest supralapsarian Calvinist may be as good a Churchman as an Armi nian ; and if the Church of England, in her moderation, opens her arms to both, neither can, with a very good grace, desire that the other should be excluded." imposed on herself by her sixth Article, that she will not re quire anything to be believed as a matter of faith, unless it is read in Scripture, or can be proved thereby ? Shall we narrow our pale, and thin our ranks, when Eomanism is making gigantic efforts to destroy us? " Divide et impera'' is her motto ; — let us baffle her device by avoiding all occasions of division. To this end, let us not give such an opportunity, as a revived Convocation would afford to unquiet spirits among us, to discuss the " vexata qucestio" of Baptismal Eegeneration. Let us not betray to the whole world the disaffection which exists in too many of our body (I grieve and blush to say it) towards the Eeformation, and its most honoured instruments. The next subject which would enforce its claim to a hearing, would be the delicate one of the Queen's supremacy. It is not indeed probable, that she would ever give permission to moot this point ; — just as the Pope forbad the Council of Trent to meddle with the question of his supremacy. But we are sup posing that she gives permission to discuss any point we please. If so, we must be prepared for a perilous debate on this point. We know the opinions of many of the clergy upon it. They affixed their names to a declaration, of a very bold character, set forth by Archdeacons Manning and Wilberforce, and Dr. Mill. It is not for me, or any man of ordinary mind, to pass a judgment on that declaration ; denying, as it does, the Queen's supremacy in the sense in which it has been formerly acknowledged, and in which, as they confess, it was acknowr ledged by themselves at the time when they took the " Supre macy Oath," — and limiting it to " the temporal accidents of spiritual things!' These are words hard to be understood. They need a modem Pascal to deal with them — as the great genius of that name formerly did with the dark phrase, " next power/ or with the subtle distinction between " sufficient" and " efficacious grace!' But we may be sure, that in one shape or another, this difficult, deUcate, and dangerous question would be stirred up. The discussion would be attended with imputations of slavery against the supporters of the supremacy as it is, — and perhaps of perjury against the subscribers of the declaration. No good could come from such a debate, in the 24 present inflamed state of men's minds. The question would require the calmest discussion. It would meet with the very reverse. The Convocation would be convulsed. No credit would accrue to the Church by its being assembled. In all probabiUty the " Oawthorne Correspondence" would furnish the next matter for discussion. It would raise the question of the absolute necessity of episcopal ordination for the valid administration of the word and sacraments. We have had it already discussed in print, and ought to consider it settled. Our mild and tolerant Primate — as wise, as he is tole rant — in his answer to Mr. Palmer, supplied whatever might be thought wanting in his brief letter to the disguised apostate Gawthome, to the perfect satisfaction of Mr. Palmer, and of all moderate men, who know the sentiments of former Arch bishops and Bishops since the Eeformation, and the formula in which those sentiments are wrapped up — that episcopacy is necessary to the " bene esse!' but not to the " esse" of a Church — to its perfection, but not to its being. Yet many are still dissatisfied up to the present hour. What would hinder their calling up this invidious subject ? I term it invidious, because we may well be content, I think, with our own felicity in having preserved the ancient orders in our Church (as the preface to our Ordination Service reminds us, and goes np further), without unchurching those who paid the price of losing episcopacy to regain true doctrine and Christian liberty. It was their misfortune, not their fault, that their Bishops did not stand by them in their great struggle at the Eeformation. If they are to be blamed for not reverting to the primitive form of Church government since that time, let us remember how difficult it is for large bodies of men to go back to what is abolished, unless they can be convinced that there is an ex press Divine command; and how unpropitious is the memory of the Hierarchy which once oppressed them. Those among us who take the highest views on this subject, have thrown the greatest difficulties in the way of the restoration of episcopacy, by their leaning to Eome. The present King of Prussia sent over some learned divines to report on the state of our Church. Their report was unfavourable, from their observation of the 25 leaning to which I have referred. The cause of episcopacy has been thrown back, by the intemperate zeal of these its ad vocates, and by the principles on which they have advocated it— the priestly principles of Eome. These remaiks apply to the Presbyterians of the Scotch Ohurch ; and, in a less degree, to our orthodox Dissenters. We cannot but wish that they would all come back to the Episcopal Church, but we cannot expect it at present. In Scotland, they remember the treat ment they experienced in the days of the good Bishop Leighton. who thrice took a wearisome journey from Glasgow to London to entreat the King to moderate the violence of the other Bishops. In England, they are in great measure the descend ants of the 2,000 pious ministers, who were unwisely expelled from the Church at the Eestoration. That our Church does not consider episcopacy as indispensable, is clear from the fact, that the ministers who had been ordained abroad were allowed to hold Uvings under Queen Elizabeth without fresh ordination ; as also by the fact, that our divines, including Bishops, were sent by King James I. to the Synod, held at Dort by the Presbyterian Hollanders. How could the Church sit in judgment on such men as Doddridge in the last century, and Chalmers in this, and pronounce dogmatically that they exercised an invaUd ministry ? We may be assured that we should not, serve the cause of episcopacy by such unauthorised intolerance. It is curious, that the last occasion of the meeting of the old Convocation described by Bishop Burnet in the " History of his Own Times," is to the purpose. Some Churchmen had written strong books, denying the validity of baptism not ad ministered by the Episcopalian clergy, and calling upon the Dissenters to be re-baptized. Antiquity, we know (as is proved by the interesting case of Athanasius, related by Cave in his life of Bishop Alexander, of Alexandria), and the Church of Eome itself, were against them on this point ; admitting the validity of lay baptism, in the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, by water — however irregular. The ancient judg ment was well expressed: " Fieri non debuit ; factum valet." " The Bishops," says Burnet, " thought it necessary to put a 26 stop to the new and extravagant doctrine. So a declaration was agreed to, first against tbe irregularity of aU baptism by persons who were not in holy orders, but that, according to the practice of the primitive Church, and the constant usage of the Church of England, no baptism, in or with water, in the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, ought to be reiterated." " The Archbishop of Canterbury, with most ofthe Bishops ofhis province, resolved to offer it to the Convocation. It was agreed to in the Upper House, the Bishop of Eochester only dissent ing ; but wlien it came to the Lower House, they would not so much as take it into consideration, but laid it aside, thinking that it would encourage those who struck at the dignity of the priesthood. This was all that passed in Convocation," A. D. 1712. Here we have a spirit exhibited by the clergy which is not very edifying, whether as regards their modesty, or their tolerance. It does not hold out an encouragement to us to revive our Convocation, for the sake of showing what some call " life in the Church." On the very point raised by the " Gawthorne Correspond ence," a letter appeared in the "Times," withthe signature, never disavowed, of a clergyman, who was made an Archdeacon shortly afterwards, beginning with these astounding words : " Either the Archbishop of Canterbury is in heresy, or I am in heresy." Let us remember that Archdeacon Denison, who wrote these words, would be a member ex officio of the new Convocation. I might now proceed to mention the very exciting and dan gerous topics of confession, — absolution, — penance, — monastic I'n stitutions, dc, — topics calculated to alarm the laity, and pro duce great dissensions among ourselves— topics which belong peculiarly to our day, and would have been thought, twenty years ago, the last we should ever be called to discuss in our Church ; each of these, in its turn, would undoubtedly come before the Houses of Convocation — each would stir up an ex citement among the people. EeUgious newspapers would in crease in number. Debates in the Houses of Parliament on reUgious subjects, and the state of the Church, would be more frequent and more animated. The pulpit would acquire an 27 unhealthy, disputatious tone. Good Christians would be shocked and perplexed. Worldly persons would look on with smUes at the contentions of the religious. Scepticism would be the refuge of the weary half-thinkers. Others would betake themselves in despair to Church- authority, tradition, general consent, infallibility, and Eome, as the only remedies for into lerable strife — as the unhappy French have betaken themselves to Louis Napoleon. Surely I have said enough to make i^ probable, that, if we had a Convocation sitting, with full free dom of discussion at the present day, we might indeed strike men with the exhibition of " life in the Church," but it would be with a life most undesirable for the Church itself, ending in the destruction of spiritual life. Surely it were better to seek safer and more suitable means, of bringing home to the people the paramount claim of our Church to their allegiance, than that of holding an assembly, which must needs expose us to one of two most disagreeable altematives — either that of having a liberty ruinous to our best interests, or that of sitting in an ignominious fashion, forbidden to discuss the subjects which occupy aU men's thoughts. You will think me tedious, I fear, my dear sir, in the fore going attempt to convince all moderate men, who are prepos sessed in favour of a revival of Convocation, that their prepos session is founded on fallacious hopes, not capable of bearing the Ught of examination. I have argued some of the disputed points on which I touched— holding, that controversy is an opportunity for conveying information, and setting the truth before the readers, not merely for refuting error — that what is positive should accompany what is negative — that the contro- versiaUst should aim, not only at rooting up what is harmful or useless, but at having his steps tracked by the beneficial pro duce of the seeds he scatters as he goes along. May I not hope, that you will accept this explanation of my lengthiness in what has preceded ? But I have not done. The dangers I have set before you 28 have been principally two— the loss of all remaining peace within the Church, and the forfeiture of that degree of public estimation which we now enjoy. There are, however, other, and if possible, worse dangers than these, attending the pro posed measure. There is the possibiUty of a secession of one or other great body of the clergy from our communion. There is the consequent probabiUty of a separation of the Church from the State, owing to the weakness which would ensue, and the advantage taken of it by our enemies. The downfaU of the estabUshment might endanger also the other great and old institutions of the country — including the throne itself. If we begin to imitate our brethren of the United States of America ecclesiastically, we may end in imitating them poUtically. I can aver, of my own knowledge, that the American Episco palians, who urge us to copy the plan of their conventions, are as proud of their repubhcan freedom as they are of their eccle siastical independence. fVho are the men amongst ourselves who are the most urgent for the revival of Convocation ? It is notorious, that they are the men of the "Movement" which has disturbed our Church for the last twenty years. Though many have joined these men on the present occasion, who are agreed with them on the point of the revival alone, and for whom I have the highest regard, yet they are but auxiliaries. The cry for a Convocation has proceeded from the " Church Unions!' — and the " Church Unions" were set on foot by the men of whom I speak. In short, to give them the name by which they are best known, they are the " Tractarians." We all know, that though the " Tracts for the Times" ceased, when they had completely done their work, and culminated in Tract 90 — though the " British Critic" expired many years ago — and though many of the writers of the Tracts have gone from us to the Church of Eome — yet the party is by no means defunct. It has changed its tactics, and does not obtrude itself on public notice so boldly and uublushingly as formerly ; but it is, perhaps, the more for midable, and the more on the secret increase, on that very account, — because itis less seen and watched. Now I believe, that the reason why the Tractarian party is anxious to obtain 29 a Convocation, is this : thnt they may have an Arena on which to fight their last battle. This we ought to prevent. We ought not to give them such a battle-ground. We ought not to enable them to appear in a body. Whatever might be the issue of that final hand-to-hand contest, it would be disas trous, more or less, to the Church. It would weaken us, either way. If they were successful, which I cannot imagine they would be, thousands of the clergy, and tens of thousands of the laity, would immediately quit the Church, — which they would identify with the Eoman Antichrist. If they were defeated, (as I doubt not, and perhaps they themselves* doubt not, they would be) they would depart from us with pomp and eclat, and would carry with them a large body of youthful sympathisers, who had been drawn in by various means to support them during the debates in the Convocation. Both these events are to be deprecated, and if possible, prevented. " Cunctando restituemus rem!' To see the truth of this view, and understand our present position, let me take a brief historical retrospect- Let me show how this terrible intestine war first arose, and what two battles have been already fought. We of this generation in the Church are in a peculiarly cri tical state — ^one of those critical states which seem to occur periodically to try a Ohurch — at intervals of a century or two ; — from the undue predominance of one or other of the great contending principles within the Church, on the proper balance of which depend its health and tranquillity. There are, it is well known, two modes of viewing Chris tianity, two kinds of sentiment and feeling, or y)&o% as it may be called, always existing among Christians. The one regards religion in an objective light, the other in a subjective; that is, the one looks at what is done for us, the other at what is done * The " 'Voice from the 'North," pubhshed two years ago, earnestly de precated the agitation for a Convocation,- on the ground that the Convo cation would act in such a way, in order to meet the feelings of the people of England, that the writer and his friends would be compelled to leave the Church. He has since thought fit to leave the Church, without waiting to be thus compelled. 30 in us. The one makes Christianity corporate, the other makes it individual; that is, the one looks at the union with the Church, — Christ's body ; the other with Christ, — the Church's Head. In a healthy and happy state, these should exist in friendly union within a Church, and within each man's bosom. There should be a combination, or mutual fusion — for they both spring from great and scriptural truths. We are members of Christ individually, as we are united to Him by faith ; and corporately, as we are united to his body the Church, and to Him as its Head, by love. But neither of these principles should predominate to the virtual exclusion of the other. Like the chemical elements of water, oxygen and hydrogen, they should combine, and that in certain proportions. Thus, and thus only, will the genial showers and refreshing streams be gene rated, which are necessary to the life of the Church. In the Church of England we enjoy a religion happily tem pered with these principles, as it was bequeathed to us by the Eeformers. In the Church of Eome, the objective aud cor porate ri6o book V.) This passage occurs between two much longer ones containing high and mystical language, which two passages are quoted in the col lection of authorities added to Dr. Pusey's Sermon on the Eucharist, but this connecting and explanatory passage was left out J One of the Fathers of the Tractarian party is Froude. Mr. Keble had said in his beautiful " Christian Year" (written long before), that in the Eucharist, Christ was " not in our hands, but in our hearts." Mr. Froude, in the letter pubJished in his " Remains," reproves his friend : " How do you know that He is not in our hands ?" Hooker, at any rate, was with Keble. * Mr. Maskell, in his " Second Letter," whilst yet in our Church, has the following acknowledgment of the way, in which the writings of the Reformers and the Elizabethan divines have been treated. " It is small dis grace perhaps even now, certainly a few years ago it was so, not to be well read in the almost forgotten books of Grindal, Fulke, Whitgift, Jewel, and their contemporaries. To be acquainted with Hooker's work of the ecclesiastical polity had become raiAer a /asAiore ; but with that solitary exception, we must acknowledge, that the divines of the days of Queen Elizabeth were Uttle read and little valued by the party calling itself Anglo-Cathohc, High Church, and the hke." 37 state. The "British Critic" also, their acknowledged organ, testifies to its truth. But I will not dwell on these things' Suffice it to say, that the first battle of Tractarianism was fought on the subject of the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper; and was brought to an issue, when Dr. Pusey preached his cele brated sermon at Oxford on that subject, and being accused of teaching erroneous doctrines was tried by the appointed Oxford authorities, and silenced for a season ! This, I say, was the first battle of the Tractarians, fought on the ground of the Eucharist, and ended by a defeat. From that time to this, there has been Uttle said by them on that point. The people of England, who remembered that many of the martyrs died solely on account of their denial of Transubstantlation, and whose common sense and knowledge of Scripture caused them to re ject that doctrine, or anything approaching to it, with loathing and indignation, confirmed the verdict given against Dr. Pusey with a degree of unanimity not to be mistaken or defied. The ground was now changed, and the second battle was fought on the subject of the other sacrament. Baptism. This was a very skilful change of the field, because here they appeared to be merely defending the literal construction of the Baptismal Ser vice — (though with what consistency they who applauded the non-natural interpretation of the Articles, in Tract 90, can in sist on a literal interpretation of the Prayer Book, I know not) ; — ^but the arguments by which they supported their views were not the less dangerous and objectionable. Their chief cham pion on this point has been Archdeacon E. Wilberforce. His works on the " Sacramental System," the " Incamation," and " Baptism," have been received by the Tractarians with univer sal approbation. Now in these works, particularly that on the " Incarnation," I scruple not to say, there is the doctrine of a subtle Transubstantlation spread over all Church Ordinances ; not merely over the sacrament of the Eucharist, but over that of Baptism, and over aU the rites administered by priests who possess the ApostoUcal Succession. There is, I say, a subtie doctrine of this kind extended to all episcopal ministrations, preparing the mind unawares for that which had been con demned in Dr. Pusey— and even for the plain doctrine of Eome. 38 So that under the guise of a Baptismal controversy, the contest was substantially the same that it was before. The Archdeacon speaks of the "real" body of Ohrist being conveyed by Church ordinances, and by them alone', to the Christian ; and to make his meaning of " real" clear, he says, thatin the same sense in which our bodies have been afi'ected by the transmission of Adam's humanity, so are they by the participation of Christ's humanity, i. e. as truly and substantiaUy.* It gives me pain to write these things — while I write them, I am in twenty minds whether to publish them or not — and yet, they are so important, it is so necessary that they should be known, and the impending danger is so great if we do not stand on our guard against the further progress of opinions so essentially Eomish, that I cannot with hold what I am writing. Many will blame me for speaking ill of my brethren. But the interests of truth, the safety of our Church, and the good of my fellow-countrymen, compel me to speak as I do. The blessings due to the Eeformation are all at stake ; shall he who thinks that he sees this, more distinctly than his neighbours in general, be silent ? My judgment may be wrong, but I trust that my motives will not be impugned. Let me hasten to a conclusion. The second battle, of which I have spoken, came to an issue in the " Gorham Case." The Tractarians were once more defeated. Whatever we may think of the sentence on its own merits, we cannot but rejoice that they who meant to have made a contrary sentence the base of further operations, to the expulsion of those whom they most dread, and to the consummation of their long-avowed design of " unprotestantizing the National Church," and " receding more and more from the principles of the English Eeformation,"t were disappointed. I look upon it as a special Providence, that we had Judges and Prelates, who could conscientiously pro nounce that saving sentence. * I may be allowed to refer the reader to the " Christian Observer," March, 1850, where he will find an extended review of Archdeacon R. Wilberforce's work on the " Incarnation." t These are the words of the well-known declaration, deliberately made, and afterwards defended, in the " British Critic," 1842, Article on Bishop Jewel. 39 And now I ask any one, who doubts not the correctness of my preceding statement, whether he can doubt my inference that the Tractarians, who are yet among us, long for a Convo cation, with a desperate desire that they may either retrieve their fortunes in a last battle, or depart from us in a manner which would do them the greatest honour, and us the greatest harm ? Can he doubt, that if they succeeded in ruling the assembly, they would succeed in expeUing a vast body of the clergy from our Church, and would aUenate almost the whole of the laity ? The clergy, in general, are sound ; and so are the laity. The pubUc meetings on occasion of the Papal Aggres sion, two years ago, bear testimony to this fact. Those meet ings were all of one character ; none of a contrary kind being attempted to be held. They were, in almost all instances, as much and as openly opposed to Tractarianism, as they were to Eomanism. The nation seemed eagerly to avail itself of the opportunity of making known its sentiments, with respect to the " Movement," as well as the " Aggression." If, therefore, they saw the men of the " Movement " triumphing in the Con vocation, they would be irrevocably alienated from the Church of their fathers. Then what would happen ? Would it be possible to preserve the Bishops in the House of Lords ? If a prime minister could tell the Prelates, twenty years ago, to " set their house in order," with how much more truth, I do not say more decency, might the words be repeated in the case I am supposing ? If Mr. O'Connell, who at one time projected a tour through England for this purpose alone, — namely, to stir up the people to demand the expulsion of the Bishops from the House, — had been still aUve, how would he have hailed the coming event ? All the enemies of our ancient institutions would rejoice. It would be hard to predict where the ruin would end. The separation of Church and State would inevi tably follow the aUenation of the people from the Church. Could the monarchy long survive ? But we are supposing what is highly improbable, nay, almost impossible,— that the Tractarians would rule the Convocation. The very men of a moderate character, sound sons of our Eeformed Church, who have joined them at present in their cry forthe revival. 40 would turn against them in the Convocation itself. The sup position of their success is not to be entertained. The Lay House would be against them. They would infaUibly be worsted both in the Upper and Lower Houses. Then what would be the consequence ? As I said before, they would go out with a certain pomp and eclat. As things now are, they sUp from us one by one — attracting littie regard — making no procession, — and attended by no admirers and sympathisers. But numbers of them are waiting to go out in a very different manner. Mr. Neale, in his " Few Words of Hope on the Pre sent Crisis," 1850, says : " Itis to be feared that some, impatient of the insult their Church has received " (in the Gorham sen tence), " unwilling to wait for the time necessary to mature an united plan of action, and despairing of any redress," i. e., of any new declaration or dogma to be made by the Church on the subject of Baptism,) " will at once go over to Rome Clearly it is their duty to wait. The Church will emerge from this affliction, either the better for it, or the worse: if the latter, it will be time enough to leave her then." Are not such men gone already ? Is not their heart already with the Church of Eome — since, if they cannot assimilate our Church to her, they are prepared to join her ? Such being the case, shall we allow them to mature their plans, and give them a field day on which to exhibit them, and an arena, suoh as that of the Convocation, on which to appear before the whole world ? This is the reason of their so anxiously desiring a Convocation — simply, that they may have a court of appeal from the Queen's sentence, and may fight the battle over again which they then lost. That you may not think that I speak without book, in say ing this, let me remind you of their own sayings and doings, to which I have taken the trouble to look back. First, I find !Mr. Denison putting forth his protest against the sentence : " Whereas Mr. Gorham has formally denied the Catholic Faith." " And whereas such sentence is necessarily false!' " I do enter my solemn protest, &c., — and do warn, &c., — and 41 «o pledge myself to use all lawful means to obtain without delay some further formal declaration, hy a lawful Synod, c^c."— (Protest, Nov. 10, 1850.) On the 15th March, tbe same gentieman wrote to the Times, in these words :— " It is high time that the Church of England should decide in lawful Synod, whether heresy is to he maintained and taught by law." Then came a meeting of the London Church Union, "at tended," as it was stated, " by a large number of beneficed clergymen, appointed as delegates from Church Unions in most of the EngUsh Sees," at which meeting it was laid down,- " that the only proper means of dealing with such a case as that which had recently engaged public consideration, was by means of Convocation, and that Her Majesty should be peti tioned, dc/ Presently afterwards, a paper of " resolutions " was sent to the Times, signed by Archdeacons Manning, E. Wilberforce, and Thorp, by Drs. Mill and Pusey, by the Eev. Messrs. Keble, Dodsworth, Bennett, H. Wilberforce, and by four laymen, including Mr. Hope. Of these resolutions, the first was, that " The Church of England will eventually be bound by the sentence, unless it shall openly and expressly reject the erroneous doctrine sanctioned thereby ;" and the consequence of its not doing this, is expressed by the seventh : " Th&t thereby it would become formally separated from the Catholic body, and could no longer assure to its members the grace of the sacrament ;" and the chief means of avoiding this loss of its Catholicity, is declared in the eighth : " That all legal measures be taken without delay to obtain an autho ritative declaration by the Church of the doctrine of Holy Baptism, impugned by the sentence, as for instance, by praying licence for the Church in Convocation to declare that doctrine, dc." I need scarcely refer to the Bishop of Exeter's Letter to Archbishop Sumner, except to observe that it excites aU who agree with him, to do their utmost to obtain a Convocation, that the Church may purge herself from the guilt of a silent assent to the sentence. His words are (p. 78), " Because they (the Judicial Committee) absolutely shut their eyes against it {the law), I appeal from this legally supreme court to another and a higher tribunal." And in p. 89, 42 " Very serious doubts have been raised in the minds of many, whether the Church, if she continued passive under this judg ment, would uot forfeit her claim to be a portion of the Church of Christ!' Such language must have had great weight with those who respect his lordship, to urge them to seek a revival of Convocation. The great Meeting at St. Martin's Hall, on July 25, 1850, attended by delegates from aU parts, lay and clerical, came to the same conclusion in reference to the sentence. Petitions were immediately presented to the Queen for a speedy Convocation, and to the Archbishops and Bishops, desiring them to second the request, " that the Church in Synod assembled may have freedom to judge matters of doctrine and discipline!' Archdeacon Thorp, the President of the " Bristol Church Union," deUvered a Charge, counselUng "clerical agitation," — adding, " Is it nothing to have been cut off" for three centuries from Catholic commu nion ? Are we content to be cut off hopelessly for ever ?" and declaring, " The Church cannot affiord, after late experience, to stave this controversy" (the Baptismal) " off ; to wait an other chance, so long as she has no guarantee against the un restrained exercise of external authority." Lord Fielding, who presided at one of the London meetings, and was at tbe head of the " Coventry Church Union," refused to " wait the chance" of a Convocation; and in August, 1850, joined the Church from which we have been " cut off for three centuries." His plea was, that he could no longer bear to belong to a Church, which refused to call herself infallible. In the month of October, Dr. Pusey (concerning whose less obvious teaching a terrible exposure had been made in the meantime by Mr. Dodsworth, one of his most intimate friends and faithful disciples) appeared at a great meeting held by the London Church Union, where his appearance was hailed " with enthusiastic cheering" (to adopt the words ofthe report). He read his speech : " We aim," he said, " to have the fetters of the Church undone — her voice loosed!' He spoke plainly of " the synodal action of the Church," as tbe instrument bv wliich the fetters might be removed, and the tongue loosed. Such was Dr. Pusey's mind ; and Mr. Palmer told the world 48 presently afterwards, that " the London Union is Dr. Pusey's body, and Dr. Pusey the mind of the London Union." If so, (though Dr. Pusey modestly disclaimed it), we see how strong was the feeUng, that the Tractarian body were called to agitate for a revival of Convocation ; and we can have no difficulty in pronouncing for what purpose, in the hands of Dr. Pusey. And now, my dear sir, let me ask, whether I have not proved, that the cry for Convocation arose at the time of the defeat which the Tractarians experienced in the " Gorham Case ?" Can we doubt that it arose not only at the time of that defeat, but in consequence of it ? I do not call all " Tractarians," who attended the public meetings, — far otherwise — many, I know, were opposed to Tractarianism ; but the meetings were the off spring of Tractarian resentment and activity. The sudden cry, thus for the first time heard at public meetings, was a party war-cry. It was such in 1850; — and is it not such in 1852 ? Have the men of the movement changed their minds in the interim ? This is not to be imagined of such men as they are, who must be acknowledged to be in earnest, whatever else they be. No; we may depend upon it, an interval of two years has not abated their ardour for introducing their y\6og into our Church — for " changing its tone and spirit,' as Mr. Oakeley expressed it. Neither have they forgotten the smart of their discomfiture in their design of narrowing the pale of our com munion, and depriving us of our best blood. " Manet alia mente repostum. Judicium !" It may, indeed, be said, that events have taken place since their last disastrous battie, which may have mollified their minds. The " Papal Aggression " gave, as I have said before, an occasion to the people, to show their feeling towards Trac tarianism, in a way which could not be misinterpreted. But 1 cannot hope, that this produced any effect on those who are thoroughly imbued with the spirit of Tractarianism, unless it was to irritate their temperament, and deepen the loathing which they feel towards " Protestantism." It caused them to retire from pubUc view; but, doubtless, they have but nou rished their resentment, and carefully prepared their schemes 44 for carrying their final purposes. The interruption has been but temporary. No danger is so great, as our imagining that the Tractarians are altered, or have given up their designs. They are the same men they were two years ago, and their designs are the same. Whatever we may think to be the source of inspiration, which dictated Lord John EusseU's Letter to the Bishop of Durham, there can be no doubt that he was right in saying, that our chief danger Ues in the existence of this party — tbis cancer within our bosom. It must be rooted out — or so treated that it may die away of itself — otherwise the days of our Church are numbered. There is no choice left us. An unceasing struggle must be made by the sound part of the Church. If not, the patience of the people will be wearied out — they will distrust the Church as the appointed guardian of truth and their reli gious liberty — they will deem her unfaithful to her trust, com mitted to her by God and the country — there will be a revival of Puritanism, and tbe Altar and the Throne may once more sink before the popular fury. What says the Bishop of Ossory, whose charges are works which the future historian will consult ? He tells us, that our greatest peril arises from our overlooking the continued exis tence and unremitting exertions of this party, however its plan of operations may be changed. " The loss of a few mem bers," he says, " who were so resolved on following their prin ciples out fearlessly, and on publishing boldly the full deve lopment of them — and that in a style which was sure to offend and alarm all sober men — is no loss of strength to the party." " The injury is more than compensated by the lesson of caution, which has been given them." After more to the same purpose, he adds : " It were better, if it were needful, that the Church should be rent, than that it should be corrupted." One cannot but agree in these last words. Earnest men of all parties will agree in them. But my hope is, that, if we act wisely and cautiously, we may avoid both the rending and the further progress of the corruption. Let the present leaders of the party be treated as they deserve. Let them not be listened 45 to. ^6t it lie shown tbem that their scheraes are seen through eta go from us, one by one, in despair. Let them go,— not accompanied by a train of youthful foUowers, heated by s pubhc contest in such an arena as the Convocation would pre sent to them— to whom we might in vain cry, " Quo ruitisV when their feelings had been excited (for Tractarianism has been all along more a matter oi feeling X^ixwi of judgment), and their honour committed, by the part they had taken in the debates; — but sorrowful and solitary. We should sorrow over them, but not for their actual departure. They have long been lost to us in heart, and cannot be more lost to us. They can do us less mischief outside of our pale than inside. Let them go to their own place — Eome. The character of that place is, providentially, developing itself more and more every day. God has blinded the Church that has so long deserted Him, and clung to power at the expense of Christianity. Its worst and darkest features are exhibited by itself, more and more openly. What exhibition can be more revolting, than that which is seen in Ireland ? What more sickening, than that which is presented in France ? What more odious, than that in Italy? Was there ever a fiercer tyranny — a more deter mined hatred of God's word — than that which Tuscany has exhibited in crushing the Guicciardinis and the Madiais ? Only let us gain time to allow this daily development to go on, and make itself better known, and produce its proper effect on every true English mind ; and we may hope that, in the next generation, the Tractarian ^^os, deprived of its most violent spirits, wiU have subsided. Those who have but partially im bibed that ^6los will, as the Bishop of London expressed it, draw back from the edge of the precipice, to which, under the false pretence of " Ohurch principles," and " CathoUc union," they had been conducted. They will shrink from the abyss, when they have obtained a full view of its depth and horrors. Moreover, the decided bias of the people— the national feehng —must have its effect on those of the clergy who are not too far gone if only it has time to exercise its influence. Let us, therefore', yield nothing to the demands of the leaders of the art Let all objects of pursuit, aU desires, however lawful, E"^ ^' «PTided. ratiier than do anything which they might turn be suspc'.'" ' 46 to their immediate advantage. Eather let us run the risk of exasperating them, than that of giving them power, in the expectation that we could afterwards take it from them. There are other influences, besides those already mentioned, which win tend to abate the plague, if time be granted. The steady discountenance, which every Government must necessarily exer cise towards a party adverse to the union of Church and State, and known to be incUned to clerical despotism, must sooner or later have its due weight. The fidelity of the Sovereign to the coronation oath, and to the religion which set the reigning family on the throne, cannot but tell in the end. Under the reign of WilUam IIL, when the Popish Stuarts had been cast out, there was a similar state of things to that which exists at present. The King and the Government were steadily opposed to the party of that day which leaned to despotic principles, civil and religious. What was the conse quence ? That a cry for a free Convocation arose. Hear the historian of that period : " When they saw that preferments went in another channel, they set up a complaint over England of the want of Convocations, that they were not allowed to sit nor act with a free liberty to consider of the grievances of the clergy, and of the danger the Church was in. This was a new pretension, never thought of since the Reformation. Some books were written to justify it, with great acrimony of style." He specifies Atterbury's in particular, "Atterbury/ he says, " attacked the supremacy of the Crown, with relation to eccle siastical matters, which had been hitherto maintained by all our divines with great zeal. But now the hot men of the clergy did so readily entertain his notions, that in them it appeared, that those who are the most earnest in the defence of certain points, when they seem to be for them, can very nimbly change their minds upon a change of circumstances."— " Bumet's History of his Own Times" — the year, a.d. 1700. In short, the struggle in our Church, which some are willing to forget, is one for life and death. We must use wisdom and resolution ; we must deny ourselves whatever we might desire at another time, hut which would be turned to a dangerous account at the present; we must expel the Tractarian viras, sooner or later, or the Church is lost. Can we not bear to 47 It is safe to indulge ourselves — if Convocation is really u gence to be muoh coveted ? Supposing it to be s e thing in itself, abstractedly, yet, if it is perilous now, ^ •' ® ^'^^^l curb our desire, and abide patiently the coming p, ^ uays. Eather than be in haste — rather than put our Ohurch m the least danger— let us be content to spend forty years in the wilderness (as many would caU our present depri- n;, 1 need be, till the existing generation of unquiet and ng spirits shall have passed away, and another genera tion shall arise, better fitted in temper and good disposition to enter into the land of promise— (if Convocation must be caUed such). Should the view I have given be correct, of the origin and meaning of the present cry for Convocation- interrupted, as it may have been, by the national excitement against the Papal Aggression, and swelled, as it may be, now that it is again taken up, by the voices of many moderate men, ecclesiastical theorists — should it have originated (as who can doubt?) in nothing more than disappointment at the failure of the Trac tarian attempt to narrow the boundaries of our Church — and should its object be (as aU the public meetings at the time the first that were ever held in favour of a Convocation significantly showed) to supersede the Judicial Committee, to reverse the sentence, and, in fact, to overthrow the Queen's supremacy — estabUshing a clerical domination in its place, and expelling from our pale all who either hold Calvinistic opinions or have tolerant feelings towards non-episcopalian communions — should this view, I say, be correct, what must be the duty of any Prime Minister ? what must be the instinctive wisdom of the Sovereign ? what must be the determination of every patriotic subject, as weU as of every enlightened Churchman ? — what, but to oppose the cry, and to defeat all the efforts, whether openly or insidiously made— whether by alarm or persuasion, to draw the Church from its moorings ? " O Navis, referent in mare te novi Fluctus ? O ! quid agis F Fortiter occupa Portum. Nonne vides ?" SfC. ]yjay God open all our eyes to see the right and the safe way ! 48 I am not infallible. Bnt I think that my eyes are opened, and I cannot but tell others what I see. Believe me, my dear Sir, Yours very sincerely, C. S. BIED. Gainsborough Vicarage, Oct. 10, 1852. P.S. — I think it important to lay before my readers the fol lowing extract from Melancthon s Preface to the " Acta Ratis- bonensia :" — " I perceived that they" (the opponents of the Protestants at Eatisbon) " delineated the Church as a political body ; and there were circumstances in their description which I passed over, though I trembled at doing so. But when we came to speak of the power of interpreting Scripture, I saw that the foundations for confirming the greatest errors were laid. Their statement embraced three points : — " First, that there was a power of interpretation in the Church, according to the manner of men, very similar to the way in which lawyers speak of the judicial power to interpret laws. " Then was added, that it was not lawful for private persons, or a few individuals, to blame the decisions of the greater number, or to dissent from their determinations. " Lastly, that the determinations and decrees of Councils were to be obeyed ; from whence Eckius contended that Coun cils lawfully called could not err. It is always thus — poli ticians, when thinking of the Church, ever form the idea of a human state or worldly kingdom." Melancthon adds : " To admit this principle, would be to let the Trojan horse into the city." Let many of those who advocate the revival of Convocation, on principles very similar to those above mentioned, reflect whether they are not deli vering up the citadel to the Eomanists. The great error lies in confounding the Visible Church with the Invisible, and misapplying to the former the promises con fined by God to the latter. YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 3 9002 03720 0459 m.mm^^m