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MR. FRANCIS'S

HISTORY OF WATERTOWN',

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HISTORICAL SKETCH

WATERTOWN,

IN MASSACHUSETTS,

FROM THE

FIRST SETTLEMENT OF THE TOWN

THE CLOSE OF ITS SECOND CENTURY.

By CONVERS FRANCIS,
CONGREGATIONAL MINISTER OF WATERTOWN.

CAMBRIDGE :
E. W. METCALF AND COMPANY.

M DCCC XXX.

NOTICE.
c Such parts of the following narrative, as were suited to the purposes
of a public occasion, were contained in an Address, delivered by the
writer, on the 17th of September, 1830, in commemoration of the close
of the Second Century of the town. The whole is now published in a
regular historical form, following the order of time. It1 is respectfully
inscribedto the inhabitaiits df Watertdwn, for whose use chiefly it was
composed. C. F.
Ch.1-: ":¦&.$
CaLy j
7-H

HISTORY OP WATERTOWN.

We live at a period of patriotic remembrances.
It has become the fashion of the times to gather up
memorials of the fathers of New England. A more
general interest, than ever before, is felt in tracing
their footsteps, and in searching their records. This
feeling is one of the manifestations of the pleasure we
naturally find in the exercise of that wonderful pow
er of retrospection, which enables us almost to ante
date our lives, to merge the distinctions of time in a
sense of fellowship with the past, to overleap the bar
riers of years and centuries, and ta add to the short
span of our own days the days of those who have
gone before us. But besides this, it is our good for
tune, that the ties of association with the memory of
our ancestors are, in a remarkable degree, minutely
local. Not only is their general history, in its whole
extent, so recent, comparatively, that we are able to
trace it in clear and distinct lines quite up to its com
mencement, without being lost in the shadowy re
gions of conjecture and fable, but we can identify the
men and their doings with the smallest subdivisions of
the republic, with our towns and hamlets. Our
whole land; in all its youthful strength and vast resour
ces, is a monument to the Pilgrims, who, when they
began their cheerless work, would have deemed it the
wildest dream of romance, had they been told of the
mighty edifice which was to be reared on their labors,
and who toiled and suffered with strong patience, and

with a trust in God that never wavered. But, below
these magnificent views, there are other reminiscen
ces, which, if they have no grandeur, are not without
interest and value. With the names and the deeds
of our fathers we can associate the green fields and
the beautiful groves of our villages, the virtues and the
enjoyments of an industrious neighbourhood, the
schools at which our children seek instruction, and the
sanctuaries where we call upon the name of our God.
Our recollections become domesticated feelings,
and have a lodgement among our most familiar pos
sessions. Our daily walks seem almost overshad
owed by the presence of a past generation ; for
their footsteps have not long disappeared from the
places, which, in the midst of the cares and pleas
ures of common life, we recognise and love as our
homes. To cherish and perpetuate some of these
village recollections of our fathers, is the purpose
of the following narrative.
The character of the Puritans has of late been a
favorite topic, both among ourselves and in England.
Its peculiarities have been traced with felicitous skill,
and its merits portrayed with powerful eloquence, by
some of the most gifted writers of our times. The
men of this generation stand in a position favorable
for doing justice to its claims. We are sufficiently re
mote from the excitement, in which the Puritans lived
and acted, to estimate fairly their excellencies and
errors, the value of their labors, and the consequences
of their principles. It cannot be a matter of wonder,
that two centuries ago they should have been the
objects of bitter sarcasm and abusive reproach, when
we consider that their faults were precisely such, as
would naturally be met with' the most unsparing hos
tility, and that they themselves in some cases mani
fested but little forbearance in applying epithets of
infamy to their adversaries. The nature of the con
test, in which they were so deeply concerned, was
adapted to bring out the sharp, stern, uncompromia-

ing qualities of human character, to confound a zeal
for trifles with a zeal for essential principles, and
sometimes to engage the aid of unholy passiqns in a
holy cause. We can hardly be much surprised, there
fore, at the foul asperity with which Parker, Whitgift,
Dugdale, and others of that day, spoke or wrote of
the Puritans, — the poor and pitiful abuse which they
heaped upon men, who were struggling for sacred
rights against the strong arm of power. We may
not conceal or deny their faults ; but, at the same
time, we may not forget the provocations they endur
ed. We may not forget the iniquitous proceedings
of the High Commission and the Star Chamber,
those disgraceful instruments of cruel persecution,
which brought their terrors to bear on the crimes of
not wearing a white surplice, of not baptizing with a
cross, and of refusing to kneel at the sacrament. We
cannot but remember, that the Puritans were goaded,
oppressed, and held in contempt under Elizabeth,
who was just as much a Protestant as was necessary
to make herself a pope, and no more ; that their
hopes of protection were grievously disappointed by
James, that notable professor of kingcraft, who had
said, when in Scotland, — " As for our neighbour kirk
of England, their service is an evil said mass in Eng
lish, — they want nothing of the mass but the liftings,"
— but to whom the possession of the sceptre suddenly
taught the bad lessons of intolerance towards all who
would not conform to that same kirk; that, under the
first Charles, measures were dealt to them, scarcely
milder than those of the Inquisition ; and that the
second Charles paved the way to his restoration with
promises to them, which he never meant to keep.
These and similar cirumstances rise to our remem
brance, when we are told of their hard and offensive
qualities ; and we are disposed to pardon much to the
feelings of wronged and injured man. For the want
of that amenity, which imparts a fascinating grace to
life and manners, there was an ample atonement in

the good which these men effected by their moral
heroism in the cause of God, and of the rights of hu
manity, — by the spirit of self-sacrifice, with which
they threw themselves into the pass.where the best
interests of man were to be defended. It is easy
enough to turn into ridicule their harsh and untracta-
ble temper, their rigorous adherence to unimportant
peculiarities, and their extravagance of religious zeal.
But, while these grew out of temporary circumstances,
and were shared perhaps in quite an equal degree by
the adversaries, from whom the reproach comes, shall
we forget that these men sowed that precious seed,
from which has sprung the rich harvest of blessings
enjoyed by our community? Shall we leave out of
the account, that, scorned and flouted as they were by
the proud hierarchy of their land, they were still the
trusty guardians of that vital principle of freedom,
the claims of which have since been so widely felt
and respected ? The world owes them much ; and
the progress of time and events is continually devel
oping more distinctly the amount of the obligation.
It is not strange, indeed, that while the prejudices of
party strife were fresh and strong, it should have been
said of the Puritan, — "As he is more generally in
these times taken, I suppose we may call him a
church-rebel, one that would exclude order, that his
brain might rule." * But the dispassionate judg
ment of England's philosophical historian, at a later
day and from a better point of view, has declared
the truth of the case in a memorable acknowledg
ment ; " So absolute," says he, " was the authority of
the crown, that the precious spark of liberty had been
kindled, and was. preserved by the Puritans alone ;
and it was to this sect, that the English owe the whole
freedom of their constitution." f
But the Puritan character is too wide and fruitful
a topic for this place. Its essential- elements were
* Owen Felltham's Resolves, &c. London, 1677. p. 6.
t Hume's History, Vol. V. p. 134.

noble and praiseworthy. It was the form taken by
the strong action of mental energies, not always wise
ly guided, but aiming with untired perseverance at
exalted objects. At the period when New England
was settled, the Puritans had for many years been
growing in numbers and strength.* But the hope
of religious liberty, from time to time disappointed,
was so far crushed, that at length many of them turn
ed their eyes away from home, and fixed them on
this western region, then lying a mere wilderness
under the shade of deep forests, and trodden by no
human foot but that of the savage. The enterprise
was, strictly speaking, an ecclesiastical concern, and
presents the singularly striking case of a nation receiv
ing its existence distinctly and wholly from religious
causes, f Our fathers loved their native land with
fond affection ; they had become attached in no ordi
nary degree to the soil on which they trod ; all the
charms of domestic and local associations were there,
— their pleasant firesides, and their beautiful fields.
They endured and forbore, till endurance and for
bearance were in vain. It must have been by a
strong moral effort^ that they could resolve, in the
cause of what they believed to be religious truth and
freedom, to sever the ties that bound them to their
homes, and to seek a refuge on these shores. While
wind and waves were bearing them onward, doubt
less they looked back with the exile's feeling to their
father-land; and had they not loved the rights of
conscience and their duty to God better than that
* In the reign of Elizabeth, Sir Walter Raleigh declared in parliament,
that the Brownists alone, in their various congregations, were increas
ed to the number of twenty thousand. — Sir Simonds D'Ewes' Journals
of the Parliaments during the Reign of Queen Elizabeth. London, 1682,
p. 517.
t " It concerneth New England," said the celebrated John Norton, in a
tract printed at Cambridge in 1659, " always to remember, that originally
they are a plantation religious, not a plantation of trade." — And
Increase Mather insists with emphasis, that " it was with regard unto
church order and discipline, that our pious ancestors, the good old
Puritan Nonconformists, transported themselves and their families over
the vast ocean to these goings down of the sun."

8
land, the hearts of the stoutest must haye sunk
within them. While they were laying here the
foundation of a structure, destined to rise in beauty
and greatness of which they could form no concep
tion, they struggled with want and sorrow, and died
in loneliness, but in strong faith. When we read the
simple, pathetic, and almost childlike story, which
they tell of themselves and their doings, we cannot
but wish that the veil might have been lifted from the
future, and that they might have enjoyed a cheering
foresight of the abundant good, that in the course of
God's providence was to crown their labors. But
the memorial of these undaunted Christians was not
forgotten before God. The shield of Heaven was
extended over the infant colony, till " a little one
became a thousand, and a small one a strong nation."
Previously to the time at which this historical sketch
is to begin, settlements had been made at Plymouth
and Salem. Of these the object I have in view will
not require me to take notice. The accounts of them
are familiar to us, or may easily be had from well
known sources. I shall accordingly pass to the im
mediate purposes of this narrative*— ..
The year 1630 was distinguished by the arrival of
Winthrop's fleet, bringing a colony, well qualified by
the variety of their occupations-, and by their spirit of
self-denial and perseverance, to form new settlements
in the wilderness. Among these were the men, who
first visited the place afterward called Watertown.
They were from the West of England ; and the ves
sel in which they came (the Mary &. John) arrived
on the 30th of May, somewhat earlier than the other
vessels. Their captain, in defiance of the agreement
he had made with them, refused to take them to
Charles River, and inhumanly turned them and their
goods ashore at Nantasket. The leading men of thig
company were Roger LudlowTj^dward Kossiter^Esq.
Rejjjpnn Maverick, and Rev. John Warham. Hav
ing been left in this unceremonious manner to take

care of themselves, they procured a boat from the
people at Nantasket, and proceeded to Charlestown.
There they found a few English people, who had
removed from Salem the year before, and several
wigwams. They took with them "an old planter
who could speak Indian," and directed their course
up Charles River, till they found the stream narrow
and shallow, and landed their goods. The bank of
the river is said to have been steep, and the place is
described as being " w'ell-watered." It was doubt
less very near the spot, on which the United States'
Arsenal is now situated. As their number was but
ten, they might well be not a little alarmed to learn,
as they did at night, that three hundred Indians were
in their neighbourhood. The planter, whom they had
brought from Charlestown, had probably been so well
acquainted with the natives, that he knew how to
gain their confidence ; for when, on this occasion, he
went to them and requested them not to come near
the English, they readily complied. The next day a
friendly intercourse took place between the two par
ties. Some of the Indians appeared at a distance,
and shortly after one of them advanced and held out
a bass. The English, probably understanding this as
an invitation to a better acquaintance, sent a man
with a biscuit, which the Indians took in exchange.
After this amusing mode of introduction, there seems
to have been perfect amity between them ; and, says
one of the company in his interesting narrative, the
Indians " supplied us with bass, exchanging a bass
for a bisket-cake, and were very friendly unto us." *
*The narrative here referred to was written by Capt Cltip, one of the
party, whose adventures he relates. It is entitled " Memoirs of Capt.
Roger Clap, relating some of God's remarkable Providences to him in
bringing him into New England," &c. This pamphlet, distinguished
by a pious simplicity, is the original source of the information we have
concerning this first visit to Watertown. From it Prince took his state
ment : See Chron. Hist, of Neio England, new ed. 1896. p. 277. — also,
Holmes's Annals, second ed. Vol. 1. p. 20'<J.
In connexion with the above mentioned traffic, for fish with the natives,
it may be proper to remark that Bass, which have become so rare in this
2

10
No permanent settlement, however, was made by
these men. They remained but a few days, and
then removed to Mattapan, afterward called Dorches
ter, " because there was a neck of land fit to keep
their cattle on." Hence, that part of Watertown
where these first visiters landed took the name of
Dorchester Fields, which was its common appellation
till a comparatively recent period, and which I have
heard some of our oldest inhabitants mention as being
in use within their remembrance. It likewise occurs
in the earliest town records. Tradition says that
these Dorchester settlers were for some time in the
habit of resorting to this place, which they had left, to
plant corn in the spring and gather it in the autumn;
but it is by no means probable, that they would have
been at so much trouble for what might have been
had near at hand.
Shortly after their removal, a permanent establish
ment was effected by another company. The colony,
who came to Massachusetts Bay, " were not much
unlike the family of Noah at their first issuing out of
the ark, and had as it were a new world to people,
being uncertain where to make their beginning." * —
They dispersed themselves in various directions, and
laid the foundation of several towns in this vicinity.
region, were found in inexhaustible abundance when our fathers came
hither. In a tract entitled " New England's Plantation, or a Short and
true Description of the Commodities and Discommodities of that Coun-
trey," written by Francis Higginson, one of the first pastors of the church
at Salem, and printed in London, 1630, it is said, — " There is a fish call
ed a Basse, a most sweet and wholesome fish as ever I did eat ; it is al
together as good as our fresh Sammon, and the season of their comming
was begun when we came first to New England in June, and so con
tinued about three months' space. Of this Fish our Fishers take many.
hundreds together, which I have seen lying on the shore to my admira
tion ; yea, their Nets ordinarily take more than they are able to hale to
land, and for want of Boats and Men they are constrained to let a
many goe after they have taken them, and yet sometimes they fill two
Boats at a time with them." Wood, in his " New England's Prospect,"
affirms that they were sometimes taken in nets " two or three thousand
at a set." p. 39.
* Hubbard's History of New England, p. 134.

11
In the course of the summer of 1630, a party of these
adventurous emigrants, with Sir Richard Saltonstall
and the Rev. George Phillips at their head, selected a
place on the banks of Charles River for their planta
tion. On the seventh of September, 1630, the Court
of Assistants at Charlestown ordered that " Trimoun-
tain be called Boston; Mattapan, Dorchester; and
the town upon Charles River, Watertown." * This
is considered, I believe, as equivalent to an act of
incorporation. Ten days must be added to the date
on account of the difference of style ; f and then the
second centennial anniversary of the day, on which
this order was passed, and from which we date the
foundation of the town, will be brought to the seven
teenth of September, 1830. Hubbard, the historian,
seems to have been at a loss to account for the name
given to this settlement ; "The reason for it," he says,
"was not left uponrecord, nor is it easy to find, —
most of the other plantations being well watered,
though none of them planted on so large a fresh
stream as that was." J This last mentioned circum
stance probably was the true cause of the selection
of the name in question ; and perhaps the discovery
of some good springs, which might have been made
first at this place, may have had some influence,
especially with people who are said to have suffered
at Charlestown by want of fresh water. || There is a
traditionary belief, that the name is to be ascribed to
the circumstance of the first company, who came
hither and landed at Dorchester Fields, having found
a spring of excellent water in the vicinity of the river.
But it should be remembered, that the name was not
selected till some time afterward, and can hardly be
* Prince, p. 315.
f To adjust the differences of style, ten days are to be added to a date
occurring in the seventeenth century, and eleven days to one in tho
eighteenth century.
{Page 135.
|| Johnson's Wonder-Working Providence, Book i. Chap. 17. and
Holmes 's Annals, Vol. I. p. 204.

12
supposed to have had reference to this circumstance.
The Indian name of the town was Pigsgusset. *
The territory thus called Watertown was, like
most of the towns at that early period, very large,
and its boundaries on the west side for a consider
able time somewhat undefined. Waltham, Wes
ton, and a part of Lincoln, besides what is now
called Watertown, were embraced within its original
extent, f It appears from the State Records, that
the bounds between Watertown and Newtown, now
Cambridge, were settled in 1634. J We have no
means of ascertaining with precision the number of
the first inhabitants ; but I find by the town records
that in 1636 there were one hundred and eight
townsmen. Probably the original number in 1630
was considerably less than this. ||
One of the first inquiries in a history so largely
ecclesiastical, as that of New England, regards the
origin and formation of churches. The true date of
the Watertown church is a subject of more perplex
ity and difficulty, than one would expect in a fact of
this nature. It has engaged the attention and divid
ed the opinions of some of our most accurate and
able antiquarians ; and I know not that any thing of
importance can be added to their statements and
reasoning. The most recent investigation of the
subject is by the Hon. James Savage, to whose ppin-
* Wood, on the last page of " New England's Prospect," gives this as
the Indian name of Watertown. Ogilby in enumerating the towns in
Massachusetts, says — " The ninth is called Watertown, anciently Pigs
gusset." America, being an Accurate Description, &c. Book II. Ch. 2.
— The same Indian name occurs once, at a very early date, in the town
records. t A map or plan of Watertown, curious and valuable for its antiquity,
was in existence a few years ago, but is now lost. It was sketched in
1640, only ten years after the first settlement of the town, and was ob
tained by the Rev. Mr. Ripley of Waltham from one of the oldest inhab
itants of his parish, to whom it had come through several generations.
This map and a copy of it were unfortunately destroyed in the fire in
Court Street, Boston, in November, 1825.
J Dr. Kendall's Century Discourse, p. 18.
1 See Appendix, A.

13
ion the greatest deference is due, and who makes
the First church in Boston and the Watertown
church precisely coeval, assigning the origin of both
to the thirtieth of July, 1630. In this opinion there
is good reason to acquiesce ; but it seems difficult,
if not impossible, to divest the subject of all uncer
tainty.* The first minister of Watertown was the Rev.
George Phillips, who continued in that office fourteen
years. In connexion with the Rev. Mr. Wilson,
he had previously been engaged, since their arrival
from England, in preaching in Charlestown and Bos
ton ; " their meeting-place," says Roger Clap, " being
abroad under a tree, where I have heard Mr. Wilson
and Mr. Phillips preach many a good sermon."f At
the first Court of Assistants, held at Charlestown on
board the Arbella, it was ordered that as speedily as
might be convenient, houses should be erected for
the ministers at the public charge. Sir Richard
Saltonstall undertook to have this done for Mr.
Phillips, and Gov. Winthrop for Mr. Wilson. Mr.
Phillips was to have thirty pounds a year, and Mr.
Wilson twenty pounds a year till his wife should
come. These sums were to be raised, not exclu
sively from the towns to which the ministers belonged,
but by a common charge on all the people, except
those at Salem and Dorchester. J They were ex
cepted because they already had ministers of their
own, settled with them, for whom they were to
provide. It may readily be supposed that the sufferings and
privations of men, who with a noble spirit took the
wilderness of a new world for their portion, must
* See Appendix B.
f Memoirs, p. 22.
| Prince, p. 314. On Nov. 30th of this year (1630), an order was pas
sed at the Court of Assistants to collect £60 for the maintenance of the
ministers, and the portions of the several settlements in this payment
were as follows : Boston £20, Watertown £20, Charlestown £10,
Roxbury £6, Medford £3, Winnesemet £1.

14
have been severe. During the winter after their arri
val at Massachusetts Bay, they were greatly distressed
by an extreme scarcity of provisions. Shell-fish,
ground-nuts, and acorns were the only food, which
many could obtain. " One, that came to the Gover
nor's house to complain of his sufferings, was pre
vented, being informed that even there the last batch
was in the oven." * Of the climate some of their
writers speak very favorably. One of them affirms,
that " a sup of New England's aire is better than a
whole draft of okl England's ale." Among the wild
animals, the wolf was a very common annoyance, and
against him they were obliged to keep special watch.
On one occasion in the night, we are told the report
of muskets, discharged at the wolves by some people
of Watertown, was carried by the wind as far as
Roxbury, and excited, so much commotion there,
that the inhabitants were by beat of drum called to
arms, probably apprehending an attack from the
Indians. In the town records, orders are found at
different times, "that whosoever shall kill a wolfe
in the town shall have for the same five shillings."
In some instances, alarm was taken at the report of
still more formidable animals in the neighbourhood ;
and it is not surprising that imagination sometimes
supplied whimsical terrors of this sort.f
The sufferings, to which the infant colony were
exposed at the outset, carried discouragement to the
hearts of many. The settlement at Watertown soon
sustained a heavy loss in the departure of its distin
guished leader, Sir Richard Saltonstall. On the
* Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts, Vol. I. p. 28.
f It is not a little amusing at the present day to read the following
statement, so gravely made by Wood ; — " Concerning Lions, I will not
say that I ever saw any myself; but some affirm that they have seen a
Lion at Cape Ann, which is not above ten leagues from Boston : some
likewise being lost in the woods have heard such terrible roarings as
have made them much agast, which must be either Devils or Lions ;
there being no other creatures which use to roar, saving Bears, which
have not such a terrible kind of roaring." — New England 's Prospect,

15
29th of March, 1631, in company with his two daugh
ters and one of his younger sons, he went to Boston ;
and after spending the night there with the Governor,
he proceeded the next day to Salem, sailed thence
on the 1st of April, and arrived in London on the 29th
of the same month. In the same vessel Thomas
Sharp and Mr. Coddington, men of distinction,
whose names are found among the earliest members
of the Court of Assistants, returned to their native
land.* Dudley in his letter to the Countess of
Lincoln, having mentioned that these and others
were about to take passage for England, adds,
" the most whereof purpose to return to us again,
if God \vill."f With regard to Sir Richard Sal
tonstall, this pupose, if ever entertained, was not
accomplished. He never returned to New Eng
land, though he left his two oldest sons to carry on
the good work which he had begun. The interests
of the colony, however, were always uppermost in
his thoughts and affections. He lost no opportunity
of rendering them all the service in his power, in the
mother country. On several occasions he interposed
his efforts and influence against the misrepresenta
tions and false charges of their enemies. When
Gardiner, Morton, and Ratcliffe, instigated by per
sonal resentment, endeavoured to injure the Massa
chusetts plantation by laying complaints against them
before the king and council, in which they were
accused of disloyal and rebellious intentions, Sir
Richard Saltonstall in connexion with others was
actively engaged in opposing their malicious attempts,
and gave ample- answers to all their allegations.!
His interest in New England extended beyond the
Massachusetts plantation. He was engaged in the
settlement of the Connecticut colony, as a patentee,
in company with Lord Say and Seal, Lord Brook,

*Winthrop's New England, Savage's ed. Vol. I. p. 49.
t Massachusetts Historical Collections, 1st Series, VIII. p. 45.
| Hubbard, p. 145.

16
and others. Winthrop informs us, that in 1635 "a
bark of forty tons arrived,, set forth with twenty ser
vants, by Sir Richard Saltonstall, to go plant at Con
necticut." * This vessel on her return was cast
away on the Isle Sable, a disaster which Sir Richard
ascribed to her having been detained at Boston and
at Connecticut River by persons unfriendly to his
enterprise, and for which he claimed satisfaction, in
a very, interesting letter addressed to Winthrop, Gov
ernor of the Connecticut colony.f In the political
convulsions, which agitated England after his return
thither, he espoused the cause of the Parliament.
with sufficient zeal to secure their confidence ; for
when a new high court of justice was instituted for
the trial of the Duke of Hamilton, the Earl of Holland,
the Earl of Norwich, Lord Capel, and Sir John
Owen, he was commissioned with others to sit for.
that purpose. J Among his services to the colony, it
may be mentioned that he was one of the early bene
factors of Harvard College, and left in his will a
legacy to that institution, then in its infancy. He
died about the year 1658.
The family of Sir Richard Saltonstall was an an
cient and highly respectable one in Yorkshire. He
was the son of Samuel Saltonstall, whose brother had
been Lord Mayor of London in 1597. With an hon
orable zeal and disinterestedness, he gave whatever
of influence or wealth he possessed to the Puritan
cause. When, at the petition of the Massachusetts
company, Charles the First confirmed their patent by
charter, Sir Richard was named as the first associate
to the six original patentees ; and when the govern
ment was organized before their departure for New-
England, he was ' chosen first assistant, in wrhich
office he continued while he remained with the col
ony. He was a gentleman of noble qualities of mind
* Vol. I. p. J61. ' f Hist. Coll. 2d Series, VIII. p. 42.
. JAn animated account of this trial and the executions is given by
Clarendon, Book XI. p. 2413.

17
and heart, and has always been deservedly regarded
as one of the venerated fathers of the Massachusetts
settlement. His liberal and tolerant spirit in relig
ious matters was truly remarkable for the times in
which he lived, and presents to the eye of the his
torical inquirer a trait of character as honorable and
attractive as it wras uncommon. When our ances
tors, who came hither to find a sanctuary from per
secution, were guilty of the melancholy inconsistency
of persecuting others, the indignation of Sir Richard
was justly moved, and he wrote an admirable letter
of expostulation and rebuke to Mr. Cotton and Mr.
Wilson, ministers of Boston.* This letter is a no
ble testimony to his charitable and Christian feelings,
and seems to me scarcely less to deserve the praise
of being beyond the age, than the celebrated farewell
address of John Robinson at Leyden.f
The congregation at Watertown, soon after its es
tablishment, was troubled by an altercation, of which
notice is taken by most of the early historians. Mr.
Richard Brown, a ruling elder of the congregation,
and a man of zealous temperament, had the boldness
to avow and defend the opinion, that " the churches
of Rome were true churches." In this sentiment, as
it would seem from the expressions used by Win
throp, the Rev. Mr. Phillips concurred. Brown
probably maintained that the Papal church was not
so fundamentally erroneous as to render salvation
impossible within her communion. This concession,
which we should now regard only as an ordinary
exercise of charity or justice, must have been ex
ceedingly offensive in those times of bigotry, espe
cially as it was then made only by the high church
* See Appendix C.
t An interesting account of Sir Richard Saltonstall is given in an
article on Haverhill, Hist. Coll. 2d Series, Vol IV. p. 155; where are
likewise notices of bis descendants. See also Prince, p. 333; Hutchin
son, Vol. I. p. 21 ; Eliot's Biographical Dictionary ; and Winthrop, in va
rious places. 3

18
party in England.* The open avowal of the opinion
reflects no little honor on the liberality of the elder.
Hubbard, however, is disposed to give Mr. Brown
no credit for good motives in defending this senti
ment ; it could not have come, he thinks, from his
"charity to the Romish Christians," but from his
love of disputation ; " the violence of some men's
tempers," he observes, " makes them raise debates
when they do not justly offer themselves, and like
millstones grind one another, when they want other
grist." f But we are not bound to receive the his
torian's interpretation of motives in this case ; and he
himself states, that " the reformed churches did not
use to rebaptize those that renounce the religion of
Rome and embrace that of the Reformation," — a
circumstance, which might have suggested to Brown
.considerations in favor of his view of the subject.
Whatever may have been the grounds of the opinion
in the mind of the elder, as we may readily suppose,
it was not suffered to pass without notice and repre
hension. On the 21st of July, 1631, the governor,
deputy-governor, and Mr. Nowell (elder of the Bos
ton congregation), went to Watertown to confer with
Mr. Phillips and Mr. Brown on the subject. An as
sembly, consisting of members from Boston and
Watertown, was called ; and thinking, as many in
other times have thought, that truth is to be decided
by vote, they all, except three, declared the arraigned
opinion' to be an error. But the matter did not rest
here. Brown was neither convinced nor silenced,
notwithstanding the power of numbers was against
him. He still maintained the ground he had taken ; and
in consequence of this, and other complaints against
him, on the 23d, of November 1631, the Court address
ed a letter to the pastor and brethren of the Water-
town congregation, advising them to consider wjiether
* It was a part of one of the articles of impeachment in the trial of
Archbishop Laud, that he held the church of Rome to be a true church-
f Page 143.

19
it were proper to continue Mr. Brown in the office of
elder. To this they replied, that if the Court would
examine the matter and prove the allegations against
Brown, they would do all in their power to redress
the evil. Much division appears to have prevailed
among the people at Watertown, on account of this
and other alleged errors of their elder ; and on the 8th
of December both parties went with their complaints
to the governor. Accordingly the governor, the dep
uty-governor, and Mr. Nowell again repaired to Wa
tertown, and having called the people together, told
them they would proceed to act either as magistrates,
or as members of a neighbouring congregation, or as
having received a reply to their letter which did not
satisfy them. Of these three modes Mr. Phillips, the
pastor, selected the second, requesting them to sit
merely as members of a neighbouring congregation,
a choice suggested, perhaps, by jealousy of encroach
ment on the liberties of the church. To this propo
sal the governor and his associates consented, and
the subject in question wras then discussed. After
much debate and much complaint on both sides, a
reconciliation for the present was effected ; they agreed
to observe a day of humiliation and prayer ; the pas
tor gave thanks ; and the assembly was dismissed.*
The excitement, however, continued, if it did not
increase, till it could be quieted only by displacing
Brown from his station in the church ; and conse
quently, towards the end of the year 1632, he, was re
moved from his office of ruling elder. He is described
as a man of violent spirit, impetuous in his feelings,
and impatient of rebuke. But it is no more than jus
tice to him to remember, that during the dispute in
which he was involved, he was doubtless exasperated
by reproach and severe treatment, and might perhaps
* For these particulars, see Winthrop, p. 67, 95, and Hubbard, p .143.
There is likewise a notice of Brown's case in the valuable " Ecclesias
tical History of Massachusetts," Hist. Coll. 1st Series, Vol. IX. p. 21.

20
have retorted on his opponents the charge of acrimonious
deportment. He was a man of respectability .and
importance in the town, and was the representative
of Watertown in the first and in several successive
courts of deputies. It appears by the Colony Rec
ords, that he was " allowed by the court to keep
a ferry over Charles River against his house. " Before
he came to this country, he had been an officer in one
of the churches of the Separatists (as they were called)
in London, and was much attached to the discipline
of that party. This circumstance renders it the
more remarkable, that he should have entertained
and declared the opinion concerning the Romish church,
which awakened so much indignation among his breth
ren here. He rendered a praiseworthy service in
protecting Dr. William Ames and Mr. Robert Parker,
two of the most eminent Puritan divines at that time
in England,! by carefully secreting them and convey
ing them on board their vessel, so that they were en
abled to escape from their pursuers.
The name of Brown stands among the foremost in
connexion with another excitement, which happened
in 1634. Mr. Endicott at Salem, in the earnestness
of his zeal against Popery, caused the red cross to be
cut out of the king's colors, with no warrant but his
own authority. This was done, says Winthrop, " up
on the opinion, that the red cross was given to the
king of England by the Pope as an ensign of victory,
and so a superstitious thing and a relique of antichrist."
On this occasion, Richard Brown, in the name of the
other freemen, complained to the Court of Assistants
against the rash proceeding at Salem. He argued
that it would be regarded in England as an act of re
bellion, and would draw upon the colony the displeas
ure of the king and the government. After some
consultation, the court agreed to send a letter to Mr.
f For an account of these men, see Neal's History of the Puritans,
Vol. II. pp. 69, 96, 280, &c.

21
Emanuel Downing, a friend of the colony in England,
expressing their entire disapprobation of the disrespect
ful transaction, and their determination to inflict ade
quate punishment. This letter was to be shown, in or
der to obviate any unfavorable impressions in the mother
country. But their expressions were studiously wary ;
for it was only the impropriety or imprudence of the
act, not the principle on which it was done,athat they
were disposed to censure.
In February of 1631-32,* an altercation of a po
litical nature occurred, which, for the spirit indicated
by it, is well worthy of notice. It was the intention
of the leading men in the colony to have made New
town, now Cambridge, the metropolis of the Massa
chusetts plantation. The project was in a short time
abandoned ; for among other reasons, it was soon ev
ident that Boston must be the chief place of com
merce. But while this plan was in prospect, the
Court determined to erect a fortification at Cambridge,
and accordingly passed an order " that sixty pounds be
levied out of the several plantations, towards making
a palisado."f The portion of this sum, which the
people of Watertown were required to contribute, was
eight pounds. When the warrant for levying their
part was sent, their pastor, elder, and others, taking
alarm at what they supposed to be an unjustifiable ex
ercise of power, " assembled the people, and delivered
their opinions that it was not safe to pay moneys after
that sort, for fear of bringing themselves and posterity
into bondage." For this resistance they were sum-
* Before the year 1752, when the neiv style took place, there was
sometimes a confusion in dates, owing to the practice of beginning the
year in March, so that in some ca^es a doubt arose whether January,
February, and part of March closed the old year, or began the new
one. This introduced the mode of double dating as above. After the
25th of March both modes of calculation agree as to the year. In trans
actions before the 25th of March in any year, it will be most proper to
give the dates as if the year began in January. In this way, the date
above stated should be February, 1632.
f Prince, p. 390, where the respective parts of the several towns in this
tax are given.

22
fficmed to answer before the Governor and Assistants.
They defended their opposition to the assessment by
stating, that they considered the government of the
plantation, as it then stood, simply as a mayor and
aldermen, who had no power to make! laws or levy
taxes, without the consent of the people. They were
informed, that they had misunderstood the subject,
that the government, as it was constituted, partook of
the character of a parliament, and might therefore raise
money for the public expenditures in the mode which
had been adopted. The pastor and his associates
were either satisfied with the explanation, or deemed
further resistance fruitless and imprudent. They ac
knowledged their opinion to be an error, and signed a
recantation. In order, I suppose, to make their sub
mission the more complete, and to prevent any injuri
ous influence which their weight of character might
have given to their opinion, they were required to
read this confession in the assembly at Watertown
the next Sabbath. But whether their retraction was the
result of a change of conviction or not, the view of the
subject, on which they grounded their objection to the
tax, was doubtless theoretically correct. The charter
gave the Governor and Assistants nc power to, raise
money by taxation. This power, however, was as
sumed for reasons of convenience, perhaps by a sort
of necessity ; and the people, finding it exercised just
ly and mildly, silently acquiesced in the assumption.*
It is worthy of remark, that in this occurrence we find
the earliest manifestation of that watchful jealousy
of unauthorized taxation, which was afterwards devel
oped so strongly, and with such serious consequences,
in the disputes between the colonies and the mother
country. The grievance complained of in this case,
like that of the duty on tea at a subsequent period
* For an interesting and satisfactory elucidation of this point, see Mr.
Savage's note on the subject, Winthrop, Vol. I. p. 70.

23
was in itself inconsiderable. In both cases, the
opposition was aimed at the principle, which was
thought to be full of danger, — not at the effects of it
in an individual instance, which might be trifling.*

In 1632 occurs the first notice of a fishery, which
not many years ago was a profitable branch of business
in the town, and is of considerable importance at the
present day. We are informed, that in April of that year,
" a wear was erected by Watertown men upon Charles
River three miles above the town, where they took great
store of shads." The permission to do this furnished
Dudley, the disaffected deputy-governor, with an oc
casion of accusation against the governor, to whom
at that time he bore no good will. When required to
specify his charges, among other complaints of an
abuse of power, he demanded to be satisfied by what
authority the governor " had given them of Water-
town leave to erect a wear upon Charles River." The
governor replied, that when the people of Watertown
asked for permission to build this wear, he told them,
as it was not within his official power to grant it, they
must petition the Court on the subject ; but since the
fishing season would be over before the Court should
be assembled, he advised them to proceed to their
object without delay, assuring them that the Court
would doubtless sanction an act so manifestly for the
public benefit, and that he himself would use all his
influence to secure their approbation of it. He further
remarked, as a justification of the proceeding, that the
people of Roxbury had built a wear without asking
permission of the Court. f The occasion of the appli
cation from the inhabitants of Watertown on this sub
ject is worthy of remark. Their crop of corn had
failed the preceding summer; and this failure they as-
* Hubbard, regarding only the amount of the tax required, implies,
with an air of petulance, that, as their share was but eight pounds, the
Watertown people needed not to have " stood so much upon their lib
erty, as to refuse payment." p. 144.
f Winthrop, Vol. I- p. 84.

24
cribed to the want of fish, which they used for manure.
In order to secure a more plentiful supply of this kind
of compost for their fields, they petitioned for the
abovementioned privilege. The use of fish for ma
nure was common among our fathers, and they are
supposed to have learned it from the Indians. This prac
tice, it is thought, impoverished the soil ; and instances
are mentioned, in which it is said to have rendered the
land nearly useless. Whether the opinion be well
founded, I must leave to others to determine.
In the difficulties, which grew out of the intercourse
between the Massachusetts settlers and the Indians
by whom they were surrounded, the inhabitants of
Watertown had no very conspicuous share. A few
instances are related of wrongs or grievances on both
sides. In March, 1631, Sagamore John made com
plaint to the Court, then in session at Watertown, of
two wigwams beirig burnt by the carelessness of Sir
Richard Saltonstall's servant. The court voted that
Sir Richard should compensate the Indians for their .
loss. This he did by giving them seven yards of cloth,
for which his servant was required, at the expiration
of his service, to pay him fifty shillings sterling.* As
the injury appears to have been undesigned, this trans
action indicates a solicitude 'to do justice to the In
dians, and to maintain good neighbourhood with them.
On another occasion, one Hopkins was convicted of
selling fire-arms, powder, and shot to an Indian, and
was sentenced to be whipped and branded in the
cheek. Of the danger of such a traffic with the na
tives, the first settlers were, with good reason, ex
ceedingly apprehensive ; but all their regulations to
prevent it soon proved inefficacious.
The only remarkable instance of Indian vengeance,
belonging to this narrative, was in the melancholy fate
of John Oldham. Before the settlement at Massa
chusetts Bay, this man had resided in Plymouth.
* Prince, p. 345.

25
The violent and disgraceful conduct, of which he in
connexion with Lyford was guilty at that place, is well
known.* He was banished from Plymouth, after
being obliged to pass between two files of armed men,
each of whom gave him a blow with a musket, and
bade him " go and mend his manners." He first went
to Nantasket, but soon after settled at Watertown,
and was a member of the congregation there at the
time of his death. He had either learned wisdom
from experience, and become a reformed man, or, as
has been thought by some, his faults were greatly
exaggerated by the Plymouth people ; for after his
removal to Watertown, he was highly respected, and
was a deputy from the town in the first General Court
in 1632. He became a distinguished trader among
the Indians, and in 1636 was sent to traffic with them
at Block Island. The Indians got possession of Old
ham's vessel, and murdered him in the most barba
rous manner. The fact was discovered by one John
Gallop, who on his passage from Connecticut was
obliged by change of wind to bear up for Block Island.
He recognised Oldham's vessel, and, seeing the deck
full of Indians, suspected there had been foul play.
After much exertion and management, he boarded
her, and found the body of Oldham cut and mangled,
and the head cleft asunder. Two boys, and two
Narraganset Indians, who were with Oldham, the
murderers had spared. This atrocious deed excited
great indignation in the Massachusetts settlements,
and was one of the immediate causes of the celebrated
Pequot war, in which that brave and fierce tribe was
entirely extinguished.!
Instances of superstition, sufficiently amusing at the
present day, are of course to be found in the annals
* See the particulars in Morton's New England's Memorial, p. 112,
&c, and in Baylies' Memoirs of Plymouth Colony, Vol. I. Chap. 8.
t Winthrop, Vol. I. p. 189, and Hutchinson, Vol. I. pp. 59, 75, &c. Of
the combined forces for the Pequot war the Massachusetts colony sup
plied 160 men, and of this number Watertown furnished fourteen.
4

26
of this period. Winthrop tells us, that at Watertowii
there was (in the view of divers witnesses) a great
combat between a mouse and a snake ; and, after a
long fight, the mouse prevailed and killed the snake.
The pastor of Boston, Mr. Wilson, a very sincere, holy
man, hearing of it, gave this interpretation ; " that the
snake was the devil ; the mouse was a poor contempt
ible people, which God had brought hither, which
should overcome Satan here, and dispossess him of his
kingdom." Such pious interpretations were the fash
ion of the age, and by no means peculiar to New
England. We shall be induced to forbear from a smile
of contempt at our Puritan fathers on this occasion,
when we find Archbishop Usher, one of the most pro
found scholars of his own or of any times, and Dr.
Samuel Ward, president ot Sidney College and Marga
ret reader of divinity lectures, gravely intimating to
each other in their correspondence, that there must be
some portentous meaning in the circumstance of a book,
entitled " A Preparation to the Cross," being found in
the maw of a cod-fish, which was sold in the market
at Cambridge.*
It seems a very remarkable complaint, so early as
1635, that " all the towns in the bay began to be
much straitened by their own nearness to one another,
and their cattle being so much increased." This is
said to be accounted for by the government having at
first required every man to live within half a mile
from the meeting-house in his town.f The want of
room appears, from some cause, to have been pecu
liarly felt in Watertown ; and on several occasions
the inhabitants emigrated and formed new settlements.
The first of these was in 1635, at the place afterward
called Weathersfield in Connecticut, where, as we are
told, some people of Watertown, before they had
obtained leave to go beyond the jurisdiction of the
* See Aikin's Lives of John Selden, Esq., and Abp. Usher, p. 317.
f See Mr. Savage's note, Winthrop, Vol. II. p. 152.-

27
Massachusetts government, " took the opportunity of
seizing a brave piece of meadow." This brave piece
of meadow, it seems, was coveted likewise by their
neighbours of Cambridge, some of whom, being about
to remove, had fixed their eyes upon this attractive
spot, and were vexed at having been anticipated in the
possession of it. The consequence was not a little
contention and ill-will. Indeed the Watertown plan
tation at Weathersfield was a scene of dissension, both
within and without. In the course of three or four
years, the church at that place, which consisted of but
seven members, fell into such a state of discord, that
the parent church at Watertown thought it necessary
to send two of their members to confer with them.
Mr. Davenport and others of New7 Haven were also
called in to effect a reconciliation ; but in vain ; the
dissension was not quelled for many years.*
Some scanty notices occur, which indicate the condi
tion and management of affairs in Watertown at this
early period of its history. It appears from the town
records, that a vigilant attention to the general inter
ests of the settlement was required of every individual ;
for in 1639 it was ordered, "if any of the freemen
be absent from any public town meeting, at the time
appointed, sufficient warning being given, he shall
forfeit for every time to the town 2s. 6d." In the
same year, it was ordered, that "the two fairs at
Watertown, the one upon the first Friday of the 4th
month, the other upon the first Friday of the 7th
month, shall be kept upon the trayning-place," — an
intimation that there must have been more business
in the town, than one would expect at so early a date.
Soon after this, an order is found in the records, by
which " the meeting-house is appointed for a watch-
house to the use of the town,"t and which may lead
* Hubbard, pp. 177, 307, 314.
fHere is the first mention of a. meeting-house in the town. It is
pretty well ascertained, that it stood on a rising ground between the

28
to the inference, that it \yas thought necessary to
maintain a patrol in the night, probably for fear of the
Indians. Mr. Phillips was the sole minister of Watertown till
1639. In that year the Rev. John Knowles, "a
godly man and a prime scholar," arrived in New
England, and on the 19th of December was ordained
second pastor of the Watertown church in connexion
with Mr. Phillips. The peculiarity of the proceeding
on this occasion drew upon the church the notice and
animadversion of their brethren in other places. At
that time it was the custom, when two were associat
ed in the ministry in the same place, to induct one
into office as pastor, and the other as teacher. This
ecclesiastical distinction, whatever it was, seems to
have been deemed important by many. But Mr.
Knowles, as well as Mr. Phillips, was ordained as
pastor ; * so that the Watertown church had two
pastors, and no teacher, which was thought to be a
censurable anomaly. Another irregularity was, that
at the ordination of Mr. Knowles no notice was given
of the transaction to the neighbouring churches, nor to
the magistrates. It was conducted wholly as an affair
of their own, and by themselves. This mode of pro
ceeding was probably owing to a very jealous solici
tude to maintain and to manifest their entire ecclesias
tical independence. T^p CnngregatioDal principle,
which recognises in everjr rftligioiic SQcSjUtEe rgEt
to "choose and ordain its owr* ™i"igtprg (though the
assistance of Others, by a general and laudable custom,
houses of Deacon Moses Coolidge and Mr. Daniel Sawin, on the north
side of the road to Cambridge. There was a common before it, which
was used as a training-field.
* Dr. Kendal is , therefore incorrect in saying that Mr. Knowles
" was teacher with Mr. Phillips." Cent. Discourse, p. 22. The fact,
that he was not so, was the very ground of complaint. It is true he is
called teacher in Palmer's Nonconformists' Memorial ; but surely the
statement of Winthrop (II. 18), and others of the early New England
writers, is of higher authority with regard to a matter which came under
their personal knowledge.

29
is requested on such occasions, as a matter of courtesy
and fellowship), was doubtless espoused and defended
by Mr. Phillips, whosj^nglMmsa&neix^ of
t his sortwere forTome time-jegarded with snspif-jrm ,
and wnTTvvTiTruTistrp^^ in his YJeJV.s_iill.Mr. Cotton
arrived and gave Jussanction to-tha-sam£_pnnciples.
It is probaTJTe, ThaTMr. Phillips was willing fo~carry
his theory into practice, at trie ordination of his col
league, and persuaded his church to adopt the course
for which they were blamed. The right, which they
assumed, iu proceeding without giving notice to other
churches, appears not to have been generally recognis
ed at that time.*
Mr. Knowles did not long remain at Watertown.
In 1642, in company with other clergymen he went
to Virginia, in consequence of the earnest intrea-
ties of some people in that colony, that their spiritual
wants might be supplied by faithful ministers from
New England. Mr. Phillips had been requested
to go on this distant service ; but he declined the
* See the case of the Maiden church (in 1651). Hubbard, p. 550.
With respect to the distinction of office in the ministry, before mention
ed, Lechford in treating of the ecclesiastical usages of the Massachus
etts colony has the following remarks : " Generally, for the most part,
they hold the Pastors and Teachers offices to be distinct ; the Teacher
to minister a word of knowledge, the Pastor a word of wisdome ; but
some hold them all one ; as in the church of Watertown there are two
pastors, neither will that church send any messengers to any other
Church-gathering or ordination." Plain Dealing, p. 4. What Lech
ford meant by the word of knowledge and the word ofioisdom, as designat
ing separate duties, I confess myself unable to comprehend. Proba
bly the distinction between pastor and teacher, founded on Ephesians,
iv. 11., was at no time very clear or well defined. If the one was de
voted chiefly to parochial duties, while the peculiar business of the other
was to study and expound the instructions of sacred truth, or if, as has
been said, the teacher's office was principally to explain doctrines, while
the pastor was to enforce them with suitable counsels and exhortations,
it is easy to see that their respective duties would be continually running
into each other, and that, as the line of separation could not be much
observed in practice, the distinction would soon become merely titular.
Such doubtless was the case ; and it may be presumed that pastor and
teacher sustained towards each other, in fact, only the relation of col
leagues or assistants, with no specific department belonging to each.
On this subject, see Mr. Savage's note, Winthrop, I. 31, and Hist. Coll.
1st Series, VII. 271.

30
invitation, and his colleague took his place. Knowles
and his assistants were heartily welcomed by the
people in Virginia, and their preaching was blessed
with an abundant success. But the Episcopalian
influence, which prevailed in the government of that
province, soon put a stop to their labors. As they
would not conform to the orders and usages of the
church of -England, they were compelled to leave
Virginia. Mr. Knowles returned to Massachusetts,
and was again in the ministry at Watertown, associat
ed with Mr. Phillips's successor. He continued there
but a short time, and then returned to England after
an absence of more than eleven years. Few men
were held in so high respect for piety, learning, and
talents. He was a native of Lincolnshire, and after
having been a student at Magdalen College, Cam
bridge, was chosen fellow of Katherine-Hall in 1625.
In this situation he was employed as a tutor, and had
at one time forty pupils, many of whom afterwards
became distinguished as members of parliament, or as
eminent preachers. In a moment of weakness, he
suffered himself to join others in giving a vote for one of
Archbishop Laud's bell-ringers, who had been proposed
as candidate for a fellowship in Magdalen College, —
an act which he never remembered, or spoke of, but
with sorrow and repentance. Some time after, he
received an invitation to be lecturer at Colchester,
which he accepted, and performed the duties of the
office with great ability and success. In that place
he formed an intimate acquaintance with the Rev.
John Rogers of Dedham, one of the most gifted and
awakening preachers of his age.* He was with him
at his death, and preached his funeral sermon. About
this time, the schoolmaster's place at Colchester
became vacant, and Mr. Knowles used his influence
* This was the man of whom Bishop Brownrigge used to say, — " Mr.
Rogers does more good with his wild notes than we [the bishops] with
our set music."

31
to have a person chosen in opposition to the recom
mendation of Laud. On this account, the Archbishop
was so angry, that he would suffer him to remain there
no longer ; and as his license was revoked, he departed
for New England. After his return to his native
country, he was a preacher in the cathedral at Bristol,
and was useful and greatly respected. Being one of
the many, who w:ere silenced by the act of uniformity,
he went to London, and there preached in private.
He remained in the city during the desolating plague
in 1665, fearless of danger, and rendered great service
by his labors and visits in that distressing extremity.
In 1672 he became a colleague with the Rev. Thomas
Kentish, and preached at St. Katherine's. The
attachment of Mr. Knowles to the duties of his profes
sion was strong, and unshaken by suffering. It was
his fate to meet persecution and severe trials, while
in London; and to the suggestions of his friends, who
were alarmed for his safety, he used to reply, — " In
truth I had rather be in a jail, where I might have a
number of souls, to whom I might preach the truths
of my blessed Master, than to live idle in my own
house, without any such opportunities." It is said
he was so fervent and earnest, that he sometimes
preached till he fainted and fell down. He died
on the 10th of April, 1685, at a very advanced age.*

* Mather (Magnal. Book iii. Chap. 3) and Johnson (Wonder- Work
ing Providence, Book ii. Chap. 15, and iii. 11,) have, each in his usual
style, given an account of Mr. Knowles and his doings. See also Win
throp, II. pp. 18, 78, 96; Palmer's Nonconformists' Memorial, ii. 349;
and Wilson's History and Antiquities of Dissenting Churches, I. 154.
Knowles's letters to Gov. Leverett in 1674 and 1677, evincing the inter
est he felt in the colony and in Harvard College, may.be found in Hutch.
Coll. 447, 514. Other letters from him are published in Hist. Coll., 3d
Series, I. 62, 65. — Lechford's passing notice of bim leads us to infer,
that he was thought to be peculiar in some of his ideas concerning
ecclesiastical matters : " And also I remember Master Knolles, now
one of the pastors at Watertowne, when he first came to be admitted at
Boston, never made any mention, in his profession of faith, of any offi
cers of the church h\ particular, or their duties ; and yet was received."
Plain Dealing, p. 10.

32
The mode of supporting ministers gave rise, about
this time, to some dispute. In Boston, and for some
years in other places, their support was derived from
voluntary weekly contributions.* But this was found.
to be too precarious a dependence, aud in many places
recourse was had to taxation. The introduction of
this mode gave great offence to those, who did not
like to be compelled to pay for the maintenance of the
clergy. Among others, " one Briscoe of Watertown"
was so indignant at the supposed grievance, that h6
wrote, and circulated privately, a book against this
way of supporting ministers. This book, of which I
presume no copy is now to be found, assumed a tone
not only of argument, but of severe and bold reproach.
The magistrates thought, that such an offence was not
to be overlooked. Briscoe was summoned before the
Court, and acknowledged his fault in the use of contu
melious expressions, and indeed in having published
the book before he had presented his complaints on
the subject to the proper authorities. He was fined
ten pounds, and one of his publishers was fined forty
shillings.f * So says Hutchinson, I. 376. The notice which Josselyn takes of
these contributions, as he witnessed them, is too curious to be omitted.
After remarking that the clergy lived upon the " bounty of their hear
ers,'' he proceeds to the following particulars : " On Sundays in the
afternoon, when Sermon is ended, the people in the Galleries come
down, and march two abreast up one He and jown the other, until they
come before the desk, for Pulpit they have none ; before the desk is a
long pue where the Elders and Deacons sit, one of them with a mony .
box in his hand, into which the people, as they pass, put their offering^
some a shilling, some two shillings, half a Crown, five shillings, accord
ing to their ability and good will ; after this, they conclude with a
Psalm." Account of Two Voyages to New England, p. 180. It is
easy to see that cases would not be infrequent, in which the " good will "
would by no means be equal to the " ability.*' "
f Winthrop, II. 93, and Hubbard, 4 12. See appendix D. This book ex
cited no little commotion. Hubbard gives vent to his indignation against '
Briscoe by saying, that such an absurd reasoner " fuste potius erudi-
endus quam argumento." Mr. Briscoe was a tanner ; and the year be
fore this dispute, his barn was bumVwhich was deemed a retribution
for his refusing " to let his neighbour have leather for corn, saying he
had corn enough." However churlish or unkind this refusal might have
been, yet surely here was no dignus vindice nodus. But these special

33
The disposition to emigrate still continued among
the Watertown people. In 1642, Thomas Mayhew,
whose name appears very early among the first set
tlers of Watertown, and who in the year just men
tioned was chosen one of the Selectmen (as the office
was afterwards designated), began the settlement of
Martha's Vineyard, and removed his family thither.
Lord Stirling laid claim to this and other islands.
From his agent, James Forett, Mayhew had, on the
10th of October, 1641, obtained a grant of the land,
and he was for many years governor of the island.
His son, Thomas Mayhew Jr., was pastor of the
church gathered there. This name is much and de
servedly honored in the annals of New England.
From these ancestors descended the Rev. Jonathan
Mayhew of Boston, one of the most enlightened theo
logians and most energetic patriots our county has
ever produced.*
Another plantation was commenced, by some of the
people of Watertown, at Nashaway, which was called
Lancaster. But the settlement was unprosperous,
and its progress slow.f
On the first of July, 1644, died the Rev. George
Phillips. The loss was heavily felt not only by the
town, but by the colony in general ; for he was one
of their best and most venerable men. , He was born
at Raymond, in the county of Norfolk, England.
Having given early indications of deep piety, uncom
mon talents, and love of learning, his parents sent
him to the university, J where he distinguished himself
by remarkable progress in his studies, especially in
judgments were quite common, according to the interpretation of things
in those days. Another instance may be found in the case of " one
Shaw at Watertown." Winthrop, I. p. 200.
* Holmes's Annals, Vol. I. p. 265, and Hutchinson, Vol. I. p. 151.
An interesing memorial of the Mayhews is to be found in Hist. Coll.
2d Series, Vol. III. p. 66.
f Holmes's Annals, Vol. I. p. 273, and Winthrop, Vol. II. p. 161.
t Prince (p. 375) supposes it to have been the University of Cam
bridge. 5

34
theological studies, to which he manifested an early
¦partiality. He was settled in the ministry at Boxsted,
Suffolk,* and his strong .attachment to the principles
of the old Nonconformists brought him into difficulty
with some of his hearers. They laid their complaints
on this subject before Mr. Rogers, of Dedham, who
gave this honorable testimony of his confidence in his
highly esteemed fellow-laborer, that "he believed
Mr. Phillips would preach nothing without some good
evidence for it from the word of God." As the storm
of persecution grew darker and more threatening, Mr.
Phillips resolved to take his lot with the Puritans,
who were about to depart for New England. He
joined the company, who arrived in 1630. On board
the vessel, by his religious ministrations, (as Gov.
Winthrop testifies in a letter written at that time)
he " gave very good content to all the company, as he
did in all his exercises, so as they had much cause to
bless God for him." Soon after his arrival, he was
smitten with deep affliction in the' loss of his wife,
who, though an only daughter, had left her parents,
to share cheerfully and affectionately the sufferings of
her husband. She died at Salem, and was buried by
the side of the lady Arbella Johnson, " who," as Mather
says, " also took New England in her way to heaven."
The ministry of Mr. Phillips at Watertown was
fruitful of religious blessings to his flock, and he gave
himself to his work with unwearied assiduity and
devout zeaL_ His church expressed very happily and
laudably their affectionate respect for the memory of
their pastor, by providing for the education of his eld
est son, Samuel Phillips, who was afterward the min-
* There is no little confusion in the old writers respecting this place
of Phillips's ministry. " Mr. Hubbard" (says Prince, p. 375) " styles him
an able and faithful minister of the Gospel at Boxsted in Essex, near
Groton in Suffolk : but Boxford being in Suffolk, and Boxsted in Essex,
and both near Groton, I suppose that Boxford, in Dr. C. Mather is a mis
take of the printer." Prince, in correcting Mather about the town, has
himself fallen into an error about the county, for Boxsted is in Suffolk
about 60 miles N. N. E. from London.

35
ister of Rowley. Mr. Phillips is said to have been an
able controversial writer. One of his hearers obtained
from him a written copy of arguments, which he had
used in conversation concerning the baptism of infants
and church discipline, and sent it to England where it
was printed, accompanied with an answer. Mr. Phil
lips thought it necessary to take notice of this book,
and he published a " Reply to a Confutation of
some Grounds of Infant Baptism ; as also concerning
the Form of a Church, put forth against me by one
Thomas Lamb." A preface for this work was written
by the Rev. Mr. Shepard of Cambridge. I have been
able to discover no copy of this publication, and I pre
sume it is not now to be found. Phillips also engaged
in a controversy, by letter, with his neighbour Mr.
Shepard, on some points of church discipline. The
discussion is said to have been distinguished by candor
and urbanity on both sides, but was never published.
This subject was one, in which the minister of Water-
town was deeply versed and pecularly skilful. He
was the earliest advocate in Massachusetts for the
Congregational order and discipline ; and his views
were for a time regarded as novel and extreme.* He
seems to have been more thorough and decided in
renouncing the ecclesiastical forms of the church of
England, than others were at that time ; for he declar
ed, that " if they would have him stand minister by
that calling, which he received from the prelates in
England, he would leave them." f It is mentioned
* " It is said that Mr. Phillips of Watertown was at the first more
acquainted with the way of church discipline, since owned by Congre
gational churches ; but, being then without any to stand by him
(for woe to him that is alone), he met with much opposition from some
of the magistrates, till the time that Mr. Cotton came into the country,
who by his preaching and practice did by degrees mould all their church
administrations into the very same form, which Mr. Phillips labored to
have introduced into the churches before." Hubbard, p. 186.
t This is stated on the authority of a letter from Samuel Fuller, the
physician of Plymouth, found in Gov. Bradford's Letter Book. See
Hist. Coll. 1st Series, Vol. III. p. 74. And yet, notwithstanding this appa
rently uncompromising spirit, the name of Phillips is found among the

36
as a singularity in Mr. Phillips's ecclesiastical conduct,
that he administered the ordinances to the churches in
Boston, when their pastor Wilson had gone to Eng
land ; for, strange as it. may seem, the right of a
minister to administer the ordinances to any church
but his own, was at that time so much denied or
doubted, that Phillips is said to have been the only
man, who was willing to venture upon such an
,exercise of the sacred office. He was evidently a
man of firmness and independence, conscientious in
forming and fearless in maintaining his opinions. He
was noted for his learning in the original languages of
the Scriptures, which he is said to have read through
six times every year, and to have remarked that he
always found something new in them. It is recorded
of him, with beautiful simplicity, that he was "a
godly man, specially gifted, and very peaceful in his
place, much lamented of his own people and others."
There is a tradition, that he lived in the house now
occupied by Mr. Daniel Sawin, opposite the old bury-
ing-ground. Among his descendants was the late
Hon. William Phillips of Boston, Lieut. Governor of
this Commonwealth.*
Mr. Phillips's successor in the- ministry at Water-
town was the Rev. John Sherman. The date of his
settlement cannot be ascertained. Our records make
no mention of the transactions concerning it. We
only know from them, that he was in the pastoral
office in the town as early as 1648. In that year is
recorded a grant of 120 pounds, to be equally divided
subscribers to the well known and interesting letter written on board the
Arbella, in which so much of kindness and respect is manifested towards
the church of England.
*The most ample account of Mr. Phillips is given by Mather, (Mag-
nal. Book iii.' Chap. 4,) from which others have for the most part drawn
their infoi'mation. The sorry muse of Johnson (Wonder- Working
Providence, Book i. Chap. 23,) has endeavoured to grace his name with
a well meant effusion of panegyric. Frequent, notices of him occur in
Winthrop. Eliot & Allen (Biographical Dictionaries) have given short
accounts of him. See also. Holmes's Annals, Vol. I. p. 276, and Brook's
Lives of the Puritans, Vol. II. p. 493,

37
between him and Mr. Knowles, who was then associ*-
ated with him in the ministry. Mr. Sherman came
to New England in 1634, and preached at Watertown
as an assistant to Mr. Phillips for a few weeks only.
The first sermon he delivered was on a day of thanks
giving, kept by the people of the town in the open air
under a tree. There were several clergymen present ;.
and, we are told, they " wondered exceedingly to hear
a subject so accurately and excellently handled by qne,
who had never before performed any such public
service." Shortly after this, he removed to New
Haven, and was earnestly requested to settle as a
colleague at Milford. This invitation he declined
from motives of delicacy towards the person who was
already settled in that place. He then, for a while,
quitted his professional duties entirely, went into civil
life, and was chosen a magistrate of the colony. In
this office he continued two or three years. After
the decease of Mr. Phillips, the church at Watertown,
anxious to form a permanent connexion with a man,
whose services, for the short time he was among them,
had been so very acceptable, invited Mr. Sherman to
become their pastor. He t returned to the duties of
the sacred office, and accepted the invitation, though
about the same time he was solicited to settle in the
ministry by one church in Boston, and by more than
one church in London.
The contest between the king and the Parliament,
by which England was at this time convulsed, excited
of course a very lively interest in New England. The
feelings, which the people had brought to this western
world, would not suffer them to be neutral in such a
conflict ; and they would naturally espouse with
zeal the cause of the Parliament. One Jenyson,
however, who was captain of a military company at
Watertown, and a man of considerable repute, seems
not to have sympathized with the general feeling on
this subject. He ventured, in conversation to call in

38
question the lawfulness of the proceedings of the Eng
lish Parliament; and for this offensive freedom of
speech he was in 1644 cited to answer before the
magistrates. He did not deny that he entertained
scruples respecting the conduct of the Parliament, but
complained that he should have been so suddenly
called to answer in public for a mere matter of opinion,
before any inquiries had been made, or any conversa
tion held with him, in a private and friendly way.
The Court were conscious that they had proceeded too
rashly with him ; but still they feared that with such
opinions he would be an unsafe man to hold a military
commission, though he acknowledged the Parliament
party to be the better and more honest men, and was
only not quite sure that, if he were in England, he
should feel authorized to appear in arms against his
king. One would suppose, that this expression of
loyalty was sufficiently guarded and moderate, to
save Capt. Jenyson from the censure of his brethren.
But such was the spirit of the times, that he found it
prudent to retract even this testimony of allegiance to
his sovereign ; and after the court had given him time
to consider the subject, he satisfied them by declaring
that, on further examination, he believed the cause of
the Parliament to.be entirely just, and that, if he were
in England, he would engage in its defence.
In the year 1647 there occurs, in the town records,
the first notice of some complaint and difficulty about
what was called "the remote meadow." Some al
leged that their portion of it was not laid out, and
others that what was assigned to them was bad. The
remote meadow was probably some tract of land in
the distant western part of the town, of which a di-'
vision had been made among the first settlers on some
principle deemed equitable. It is likely that the in
terfering claims and jealousies, which are common
in such cases, caused much dissatisfaction. From the
transactions at the town meetings, it appears that the

39/
meadow land was a source of uneasiness, and a sub
ject of votes, for several years.
At ^meeting of " the seven men," or Selectmen, on
the 28th of December, 1647, "Mr. Biscoe and Isaac
Stearnes were chosen to consider how the bridge over
the river shall be built, and to agree with the work
men for the doing of it according to their best discre
tion." This is the earliest mention of a bridge over
Charles river at Watertown. Till this time, we may
presume, the stream had been crossed only by ferries.
It has already been mentioned, that Richard Brown
was empowered by the court to keep a ferry opposite
his house. The first bridge was doubtless a rude and
temporary structure. Twenty years after the above
date, the land " upon the meeting-house common "
was ordered to be sold to. defray the expense of a
bridge at the mill, which was " to be built with
baskets ; " and the selectmen were directed " to order
the number of baskets, and the plan and manner of
placing them."
The term here used in relation to the architecture
of the bridge, I have been informed, was employed to
designate certain frames of wood, like boxes, placed
at regular distances, filled with stones, and connected
by timbers. Perhaps the term was borrowed from mil
itary affairs. At sieges, use has sometimes been made
of baskets filled with earth, and ranged on the top of
the parapet. These are about a foot and a half in
height, about the same in diameter at the top, and
eight or ten inches at bottom ; so that, when set to
gether, they leave a sort of embrasures at the bottom.
It would seem from subsequent notices, that the bridge
spoken of in the above extract was not designed for
the passage of carriages of any kind, but was merely a
foot or horse bridge. At that early period, commodities
were transported almost entirely in panniers on horse
back. Wheel-carriages were very rarely, if ever,
used ; and- when they did pass the river, they doubt
less forded it, as may now be done at low tide. With

40
this foot or horse bridge the people were satisfied for
more than fifty years after this date. It was placed a
few rods further down the stream, than the present
bridge. It is recorded in 1647, that the town disposed, of
their right " in the palisado that inclosed the woulfe
pen? I know not what we are to understand by
" the wolf pen," unless it were an enclosure surround
ed by a high and strong defence, into which the sheep
and cattle were driven for security from the wolves in
the night, and which was owned and used by all the
town in common.
At a meeting of the seven men in 1648, it was
"ordered that Mr. Biscoe and John Sherman* shall
mark certaine trees in the highway with a W, that
shall continue for shade ; and that whosoever shall
fall any trees so marked shall forfeit 18 shillings to
the town for every tree so fallen." It is somewhat
remarkable, that such a provision should have been
made only eighteen years after the first settlement of
the place. The example is worthy of imitation.
There are few things, which contribute more to the
beauty and comfort of a village, than rows of trees by
the road side ; and it is a matter of surprise and re
gret, that a mode of improvement so agreeable to good
taste, and attended with so little expense or trouble,
should be so much neglected at the present day.
In 1649 a vote was passed to build a school-house.
Whether this wras the first school-house erected in the
town, cannot be ascertained. Schools had been kept,
and teachers employed, several years before this time.
At the same meeting, it was agreed to build a gallery
in the meeting-house. Before and about this time,
* The name of this individual appears frequently in the transactions
of the town from the beginning, and he seems to have been in high
repute. Whether there was a family relation between him and the
Rev. John Sherman, I know not. There probably was, however; for
they both came from the same place, Dedham in England. He held
at different times the offices of captain, town clerk, and representative.

41
votes were likewise passed about the mill; and in
1653 it was ordered that " the mill shall be rated to
the ministry for this year, at a hundred and forty
pounds." At a public town meeting held in October, 1654, a
movement was made, though it seems to have proved
ineffectual, towards erecting a new house of worship.
It was " ordered by the inhabitants that there should
be a new meeting-house builded." They fixed upon
the place where it should stand, and voted to raise
150 pounds "to begin the work withal." It was
likewise ordered, "that Cambridge meeting-house shall
be our pattern in all points." Soon after this an agree
ment was made by the Selectmen with John Sherman
to build a meeting-house for the town, " like unto
Cambridge in all points." It was to be 'finished by
the last of September, 1656, and Mr. Sherman was to
receive for it four hundred pounds, together with
some parts of the old house. From notices of votes
at subsequent meetings in 1654, it appears there was
difficulty or disagreement about the place, where the
new house should stand ; and at last this point was
left " to the determination of three of the honoured
Magistrates," whose decision was to be final. But,
notwithstanding these preparatory measures, the meet
ing-house was not built. The purpose was abandon
ed for the present ; but was resumed at different pe
riods afterward, till it was accomplished.*
* As Johnson's Wonder -Working Providence was published in 1654,
the following extract seems to belong to this place. He describes
Watertown as " scituate upon one of the branches of Charles River, a
fruitfull plat, and of large extent, watered with many pleasant springs
and small rivulets, running like veines throughout her body, which hath
caused her inhabitants to scatter in such manner, that their Sabbath-
Assemblies prove very thin, if the season favour not, and hath made
this great towne (consisting of 160 families) to shew nothing delight-
full to the eye in any place." B. I. ch. 23. If the latter part of this
description be correct, perhaps it may furnish an explanation of the
abovementioned attempt to have a new meeting-house ; for if the pop
ulation were thus scattered, a great part of them must have found it
very inconvenient to attend worship in a house situated at the eastern
6

42
In 1662, " the proprietors of the farm lands'" are
mentioned as holding separate meetings for the regu
lation of certain affairs of their own. By this desig
nation is doubtless meant the same part of the town,
the inhabitants of which, as will be seen, were after
wards called The Farmers, and which is now Weston.
It would seem that, at this early period, the meet
ing-house was not divided into pews, held by individ
uals as their property. It was probably filled with
long and undivided seats, which were considered as
the common property of the whole town, and in which
places were assigned to individuals and families ac
cording to some authorized arrangement. That such
was the case would appear, at least, from the record
of a town-meeting in 1663, when a committee " made
their return of what they had jointly agreed upon
about the seating of the inhabitants in the meeting-:
house ; which being twice read, it was accepted by the
town." At the same time, it was. ordered, " that the
next Sabbath day every person shall take his or her
seat appointed to them, and not go into any other seat
where others are placed ; and if one of the inhabitants
shall act contrary, he or she shall for the first offence
be reproved by the deacons ; and for the second
offence to pay a fine of two shillings, and the like
fine for every offence after." The provision on this
subject was extended still further, by ordering that
for the future Nathaniel Treadaway and Joseph Tayn-
ter, with the deacons, are chosen and empowered- to
act in all emergent occasions, to place people in the
meeting-house, as need do require."*
extremity of so large a settlement. What Johnson means by placing
Watertown on one of the branches of Charles River, I cannot tell ; he
blundered in this statement, and it is to be hoped that he blundered^ in
saying the town presented " nothing delightful to the eye in any place."
* The watchful care of our ancestors to secure the quiet and good
order of the Sabbath services from all annoyances, is manifest from the
following amusing notice, at the same meeting with the above : " Thom
as Whitney was chosen to take care that no dogs come into the meet
ing-house upon the Sabbath days, or other times of publick worship, by

43
Minute and careful regulations as to the duties of
the Sabbath were enforced from high authority, as
will appear from the following record at a meeting
of the Selectmen in 1665 : " The pastor being pres
ent, the two Constables were chosen to take care of
the youth upon the Sabbath days and other times of
public worship in reference to the order of Court?
And that a vigilant guardianship was exercised over
manners and morals is evident from a notice, that
" James Hollen appearing before the Selectmen to
answer for his living from under family government,
and mispending his time by idleness, the Selectmen
gave him a fortnight's time to provide himself a mas
ter ; and in case he did it not in that time, that then
they would provide one for him."
In October, 1674, an attempt was made to pro
cure assistance in the ministry for the Rev. Mr. Sher
man. " The town declared by vote, that they do de
sire Mr. Thomas Clark to be helpful to Mr. Sherman
in preaching of the word amongst us ; and this in or
der to a further proceeding with him in reference to
settling amongst us by way of office, if God make
way for it." We learn nothing more concerning this
Mr. Clark, and nothing is said of the result of this
vote. It is probable, that Mr. Clark did not comply
with the request of the town, and that in consequence
of his refusal, the proposal to obtain an assistant for
Mr. Sherman was for the present dropped.
In the summer of 1676* a very remarkable mortality
whipping them out of the house, or any that be near to the house at
such times ; and to have for his pains and care thirty shillings the
yeare." A severe vote of a similar kind was passed against the dogs
so late as the year 1746.
* According to Hubbard, p. 648. But the Rev. John Eliot of Rox-
bury, in a letter to the Hon. Robert Boyle, places it in 1670. The let
ter is dated September 30th of that year, and gives the following curi
ous particulars : "There hath been a rare work of God this summer in
a great pond at Watertown, where all the fish died, and were not willing
to die in the waters, but as many as could, thrust themselves on shore,
and there died ; not less than twenty cart load, by estimation, lying
dead all at once round about the pond. An eel was found alive in the

happened among the fish " in a great pond in Water-
town," (by which is meant what is now called Fresh
Pond.) It is stated that they .died in immense num
bers and were floated to the shore, or swam to the
shore and died there. Setae, in the spirit of the times,
regarded this singular phenomenon as an extraordinary
and inexplicable interposition of Providence ; while
those, who were disposed to speculate about it, con
ceived it 'to be " the effect of some mineral vapour,
which at that time had. made an irruption into the wa
ter." Whether this be a satisfactory account of the
matter may be questioned ; but of the occurrence of
the fact, as related, there seems no reason to'doubt.
After the Restoration in England, many from what
ever cause had neglected to take the oath of allegiance.
At a town-meeting a committee was appointed to see
that every one, who had not taken the oath of fidelity
and allegiance, as the law required, should do so. There
was probably a general feeling in the colony, that it
was politic or necessary to remove from themselves all
suspicion of being unfriendly to the king and govern
ment in the mother country.
What kind of oversight was taken of the young
people, at this time, may be learned from the record
of some meetings in 1679. The Selectmen agreed,
that " they would go two and two through the towne
to see that all the chilldren be taught to read the Eng
lish tongue, and some orthodox catechism, and to take
the names of all youths from ten years old unto twenty
years old, that they may be publickly catechized by
the pastor in the meeting-house." Soon after this, a
vote was passed to do " something for placing of the
sandy border of the pond, and being cast into the water, she wriggled
out again as fast as she could, and died on the shore. An inhabitant
of the town living by the pond, his cattle used daily to drink there;
but then, for three days together, they refused there to drink, but after
three days they drank of the pond as they were wont to do. When
the fish began to come ashore, before they died, many were taken and
eaten, both by English and Indians, without any hurt ; and the fish
were very good." Hist. Coll. 1st Series, III. 177.

45
youth, that so they may be the better inspected in time
of public worship." A committee was chosen for this
purpose, and also to enlarge the meeting-house, that it
might accommodate as many as possible " both of the
youth and grown persons." This was to be done by
building galleries in the meeting-house, and twenty-
five pounds were added to the town rate for that ob
ject. It would seem from this arrangement, that the
children and the younger portion of the congregation
had distinct seats assigned to them on the Sabbath, in
order to place them more effectually under the watch
and care of the older people. The time, when such
regulations were thought useful and judicious, has pass
ed away ; but they deserve to be mentioned here as
proofs of the solicitude, with which our fathers attend
ed to the interests of the rising generation.
In the record of a meeting of the Selectmen, April 5,
1680, the following notice is found : " In reference to a
late order from Honoured General Court, in which the
Selectmen of several towns were ordered to make a
return concerning what was done, or further to be done,
referring to the subscription to the New College,
Deacon Henry Bright and William Bond were by the
Selectmen appointed to go down to Boston to make
said return." The sum contributed by Watertown
was £41. 16s. 3d. " The New College " must have
been the edifice called Harvard, which stood on the
spot where the building now bearing that name stands,
and was built in 1672 by contribution from the differ
ent towns in the colony. If the record refers to this
contribution, however, it is strange that it should be
so late as eight years after the erection of the college.
The growing infirmities of the Rev. Mr. Sherman
again turned the attention of the town to the subject of
procuring assistance for him. InNovember, 1680, it was
voted, "in regard of the bodily weakness that is upon
pastor Sherman, that he stands in need of a'helper to car
ry on the work of the ministry." It is not mentioned

46
that any measures were taken to obtain the proposed
help till November, 1684, when the town agreed to em
ploy for this purpose one of three, whose names were
specified ; Mr. Cotton, Mr. Leavitt, and Mr. Brattle.*
The first application was to be made to Mr. Cotton, and
" the utmost endeavours were to be used to gain him."
Whether the application was actually made to him, or
to either of the three, or, if made, was successful, we
are not told. It appears however, that assistance was
obtained for the pastor, since money was appropriated
todefray the expenses for that purpose.
But all further provision of this kind was soon ren
dered unnecessary by the death of the Rev. Mr. Sher
man. He was seized with a severe illness at Sudbury,
where he preached his last sermon from Ephesians ii. 8.
He recovered from the first attack sufficiently to be
able to reach home. But his disease, which was an
intermitting fever, returned with violence, and he ex
pired on the 8th of August, 1685, aged nearly seventy-
two years.
It is but justice to say, that a tribute of high praise
is due to the memory of Mr. Sherman. Few divines,
in the early history of New England, were so eminent
ly distinguished by intellectual gifts and Christian
graces. He was born December 26, 1613, in Dedham,
in the county of Essex, England. The parental influence
under which his first years were passed, implanted and
strengthened the principle of piety in his breast ; and
he received deep religious impressions, at an early, pe
riod, from the ministry of the celebrated John Rogers,
whose friendship he, as well as "his two predecessors
in the ministry at Watertown, possessed and prized
highly. It is related, that he was never chastised at
* This Mr. Brattle, I suppose to be the same, who was graduated at
Harvard College in 1680, and was ordained in 1696 pastor of the Cam
bridge church, (See Hist, of Cambridge, in Hist. Coll. 1st Series, VII. 55.)
Two persons of the name of John Cotton appear in the College Cata
logue, in 1678 and in 1681, both clergymen ; and one of these was prob
ably the person abovementioned. Of Mr. Leavitt I have met with no
notice.

47
school but once, and then it was "for giving the heads
of sermons to his idle school-mates, when an account
thereof was demanded from them." He was educated
at Emanuel College, Cambridge, but received no de
gree, because conscientious scruples compelled him to
refuse compliance with the required subscription. This
refusal appears to have been the result of a faithful and
anxious consideration of the subject. The consequence
was, that he retired from the University " under the
persecuted character of a College Puritan? He soon
left England, and sought an asylum in the western
world. When he came to New England (1634), he
was but twenty-one years of age ; but, young as he
was, his eloquent preaching and powerful mind gave
him a very high reputation, insomuch that when he
was at New Haven, Mr. Hooker and Mr. Stone, the
clergymen of Hartford, said in an assembly of minis
ters, before whom Sherman had preached, "Brethren,
we must look to ourselves and our ministry, for this
young divine will outdo us all."
After his settlement at Watertown, he maintained
fully the distinguished rank which he had before ac
quired, and was considered a great blessing to his peo
ple and to the neighbouring churches. He was chosen
fellow of the corporation of Harvard College, and ren
dered various and important services to that institution.
Once a fortnight he gave lectures, which were attend
ed by the students of the College, who walked from
Cambridge to Watertown to hear him, and by many
other persons from the vicinity. These lectures he
continued for thirty years, and they were regarded as
peculiarly able and valuable. Mr. Sherman improved
the powers of his mind, naturally strong and penetrat
ing, by profound and indefatigable study. His philo
logical learning is reported to have been much beyond
the usual attainments even of such as were considered
good scholars. But his favorite studies, out of his pro
fessional course, were the mathematical and astronomi-

48
cal sciences. In these pursuits he was the first man
in the country, at that time.* He left many astronom
ical calculations in manuscript, which were never pub
lished. So desirous was he of being useful, that he
sometimes undertook the humble task of preparing
almanacs for the community. In, these he inserted
pious and pertinent reflections, instead of that frivolous
and useless matter with which these publications are
so often filled.f The study of the exact sciences, on
which he bestowed so much attention, while it sharp
ened his powers of reasoning and discrimination, did
not impair the energy or eloquence of his preaching.
His sermons are said to have been so distinguished by
the beauties of a rich and fervid imagination, and by an
unaffected and impressive loftiness of style, that he
was commonly called " the golden-mouthed preacher ?
Though his discourses were frequently extemporaneous,
they were, always well arranged and full of thought.
Being a devout and unwearied student of the Scriptures,
his public instructions enlightened the minds as well
as warmed the hearts of his hearers. In conversation
it was his habit to say but little. But what he said
was pointed, and likely to be remembered ; and when
he was told by his more loquacious companions, that
he had learned the art of silence, he sometimes advised
them to attend more to that art themselves. So strong
was his memory, that his own mind, it was said,
* We are not informed what were the subjects of Mr. Sherman's lec
tures to the students of the College ; but it is probable, they were con
nected with the studies, to which he was so partial, and in which he
became so distinguished.
f The following is a specimen of these reflections : — " Let me entreat
one thing of thee, and I will adventure to promise thee a good year;
the request is in itself reasonable, and may be to thee eternally profit
able. It is only this ; duly to prize and diligently to improve time, for
obtaining the blessed end it was given for, and is yet graciously con
tinued unto thee by the eternal God. Of three hundred and sixty-
five days allowed by the making up of this year, which shall be thy
last, thou knowest not ; but that any of them may be it, thou oughtest
to know, and so consider, that thou may est pass the time of thy sojourn
ing here with fear."

49
became his library; and' so highly respected was his
judgment, that w7hen he was consulted, as he very
frequently was, his opinion wras generally considered
final. His mental powers remained vigorous and keen
to the time of his death ; and his last discourse was
listened to with admiration for its richness of thought
and energy of language. When the reforming synod,
as it was called, convened at Boston, in September,
1679, he was one of the joint moderators of that body
during the greater part of the session. In 1682 he
preached the sermon before the convention of Con
gregational Ministers in Massachusetts ; and this is
the first sermon on that occasion, now upon record.*
Mr. Sherman was the father of twenty-six children
in two marriages ; six in the first/and twenty in the
other. His second wife was grandaughter of the Earl
of Rivers, whose family belonged to the Roman Cath
olic party in England.f Her mother, daughter of the
Earl of Rivers, was married to Mr. Launce, a Puritan
gentleman, and was herself a Puritan, though of a Pop
ish family. The lady, to whom Mr. Sherman was
married, was at that time under the guardianship of
Gov. Hopkins of Connecticut. She survived her hus
band many years.J Among the descendants of this
minister of Watertown, the Hon. Roger Sherman, one
of the memorable committee who drew up and report-
* See a list of the preachers in the " Historical Sketch of the Conven
tion," c. p. 30.
f Clarendon relates that the house of the Countess of Rivers, near
Colchester, was plundered in 1642 by the rabble, on account of her
being a Papist. Vol. III. p. 1086.
I Mrs. Sherman died in 1710 ; and in the town record of that year is
the following notice of her funeral: "The selectmen being informed
that Mrs. Mary Sherman is deceased, being the widow of the Reverend
pastor Sherman, who was the pastor of the town for many years, from a
sense of the honour and respect the town had to their Reverend Pastor
and his widow since his decease, and to express the same in this their
last office of love, do order that Capt. Jonas Bond, Esq., who is one of
the said Selectmen, do provide wine and gloves sufficient for said fune
ral at the town's cost, not exceeding the sum of ten pounds, and Mr,
Bond to be seasonably repayed out of the present town rate."'
7

50
ed the Declaration of Independence, has sometimes
been erroneously reckoned. That distinguished patriot
descended from Capt. John Sherman, who came from
Dedham, England, and settled"in Watertown in 1635,
and who, as has been already mentioned, was probably
a relative of the minister.*
Mr. Sherman was succeeded by the Rev. John
Bailey, with whom his brother, Thomas Bailey, was
for a while associated. One of these brothers, about
two months before Mr. Sherman's death, had been
invited to become his assistant ; but whether he came
to Watertown at that time does not appear. A com
mittee was chosen at a town meeting on the 24th of
August, 1 685, to treat with " Mr. Bailey the elder,"
i. e. Mr. John Bailey, on the subject of settling in the
ministry at Watertown. Subsequently to this, there
was much debate about procuring a residence for the
expected clergyman. It was proposed to build a par
sonage ; but the report of the committee, appointed to
select a place for this purpose, was not accepted. The
next proposal was to hire a house for the minister ;
and the persons, to whom that business was entrusted,
found a suitable one. But neither does this step seem
to have' given satisfaction. A vote was then passed,
" that if a number of persons would build a conven
ient house to entertain the minister in near to the
meeting-house, the town would pay them that build it
rent for the said house, until the town do agree and
have actually removed this meeting-house, or built
another in the room of this, more convenient for the
inhabitants, somewhere else where the town shall
agree upon." From this vote, it would seem that
the difficulty in procuring a dwelling for the clergy-
* Mather has furnished the most elaborate account of the Rev. Mr.
Sherman, (Magnal. Book iii. Chap. 29.) See also Brook's Lives of the
Puritans, III. 482, and Eliot's and Allen's Biographical Dictionaries.
Allen has committed the error of making Mr. Gibbs the successor to Mr.
Sherman in the ministry at Watertown. See Appendix E.

51
man was connected with a proposal, then under
discussion, for a new place of worship. This subject,
as we have seen, had been before the town in 1654;
it was now revived, but was again set aside for the
present. The proceedings relative to the settlement of Mr.
John Bailey are stated, in the town records, with
considerable exactness. He was requested, through
a committee, to give the town an opportunity, at a
general meeting of the inhabitants, " to discourse a
little with him " on the subject. He complied with
the request ; and a meeting of the people was called,
at which certain persons were designated by vote
" to discourse with Mr. Bailey." At this conference,
he declared himself ready and willing to become their
minister, " if peace and love should continue amongst
them, and they would make his life comfortable."
Soon after, the town provided means to remove him
and his family from Boston, where he then resided,
lo Watertown. In the month of August a call was
formally given him " at a general town meeting,"
which he accepted, and was ordained October 6th,
1686.* Wnhin a month after this date, measures
*-In Judge Sewall's manuscript Journal is the following record : "July
25, 1686, Mr. John Bayley preaches his farewell sermon, and goes the
28th to Watertown. Oct. 6, Mr. Bayley ordained at Watertown. Mr.
Bayley not ordained as congregational men are." The informality on
this occasion, to which Judge Sewall alludes in the last sentence, was,
I presume, the omission of " the laying on of hands," a circumstance
which intimates that Mr. Bailey regarded his previous ordination in
England as valid, and therefore did not think it necessary to have the
token of consecration to the sacred office renewed. This circumstance
Mr. Bailey has himself mentioned in the following notice found in his
book of records, in which, it will be observed, he does not call the cer
emony of his induction into office at Watertown an ordination: "Upon
the 6th of October, 1686,1 was solemnly set apart for the pastoral work
at Watertown, without the imposition of hands. I am sick of it, and
unfit for it ; but the many particulars that attended this work I wholly
omit." These last expressions indicate the feeling of dread and re-
sponsibleness, with which this good man entered on his work. On this
occasion, he preached the sermon himself from 2 Cor. ii. 16. compared
with 2. Cor. xii. 9. The manuscript of this sermon I have seen ; from
the commencement of it we should infer that he was settled as a teacher,
not as pastor ; it is as follows : " Some other Scriptures I had thought

52
were taken to procure his brother to be his assistant,
it being declared, " with a very full vote, that the town
did earnestly desire that they might enjoy Mr. Bailey
the younger to be helpful to his brother in the minis
try." Indeed, before this time, the same desire had
been expressed. Mr. Thomas Bailey delayed his
acceptance of this invitation for a considerable time,
if we may judge from the date of his first coming to
reside at Watertown, which was November 2d, 1687.
But it is not unlikely, that he had before this, while
living in Boston, acted as assistant to his brother.
His ministry was of short duration. He died January
21st, 1688-9, aged 35 years, and was interred in the
old burying ground in Watertown, where a humble-
monument now stands over his grave. His brother
John, in his diary, says of him, " He died well, which
is a great word, — so sweetly as I never sawr the like
before." *
We learn from our records, that the mode of sup
porting the public school at this time was somewhat
different from the present. The salary of the school
master was tw7enty pounds. Every person who sent
children to the shool, was required to pay three pence
a week for each child he sent ; and whatever was
wanting of the teacher's stipend from this source was
made up by a payment from the town.
When in consequence of the troubles resulting from
the government of Sir Edmund Andros, a meeting of
representatives from all the towns. in the colony was
called at Boston, each town was" required to give
to have' given you, and partly had in my thoughts begun ; as that in
Zech. ii. 7. and that in 2 Cor. v. 20. But tho' these might better suit
others, yet the words I have read dd best suit myself; a pastoral work
being alwaies dreaded by me, I could never get inclined to it, nor ever
looked upon myself as fit for it."
* Scarcely any thing worthy of special notice is recorded of Thomas
Bailey. Some of his writings are preserved, in manuscript, in the cab
inet of the Massachusetts Historical Society. They consist of^Latin
, odes, or poems in various kinds of measure, and verses on the Gun
powder Plot in his own hand-writing, dated November 5th, 1669.

53
instructions to its members, whether to vote for
reassuming the charter or not.* The people of Water-
town chose two representatives to appear for them at
this meeting on the 22d of May, 1689, and instructed
them to maintain " the charter rights," and to agree
to the declaration set forth at a previous meeting of
representatives, till further orders should be received
from the English Government. The same course
was taken by a large majority of the towns on this
occasion. The alarm, spread through the colony at
this time, was however soon quieted by the change
which took place in affairs, when William and Mary
ascended the British throne.
October 14th, 1690, the town voted to request Mr.
Henry Gibbs to be an assistant in the work of the
ministry, Mr. Bailey being by the death of his brother
now left alone. In the application to procure this
assistance, they say, " in this time of our great want,
that the town might not be destitute of one to admin
ister the word and ordinances of Christ among us."
These expressions lead us to suppose that the labors
of Mr. Bailey must have been frequently interrupted
by ill health, or some other cause, and the town con
sequently left destitute of pastoral services. Mr.
Gibbs signified his acceptance of the invitation. His
salary, as assistant pastor, began on the 3d of the
following November.
In 1692 Mr. Bailey left Watertown, and returned
to Boston. f There he became, the next year, assistant
* Hutchinson, Vol. I. p. 344.
fThe following is Mr. Bailey's own notice of the last Sunday he
preached in Watertown, as inserted in his book of records. The minute
detail of his farewell, while it excites a smile, indicates an affectionate
interest, that is pleasing. " I did particularly bid farewell to my house,
old walks, all the three parts of the town, my assistant Gibbs, the
schoolmaster, deacons, selectmen, military persons, two constables, the
burying-place, my servant that lived with me formerly, this old church,
the three or four meetings in the town, this neighbourhood of mine, saints
but sinners also, old but young also, all my children which grieved me
most, friends and foes, the sweet singers of Israel, all widdows and
fatherless familyes, all moralized persons, all that heard me not now,

54
minister in the First Church. In that office he con
tinued till his death, which took place the 12th of
December, 1697, in the 54th year of his age. The
reasons, which induced him to remove frpm Water-
town, are not stated. No indications of dissatis
faction on his part, or on the part of the people, are to
be found.* Mr. Bailey has left on record, during hi&
residence in Watertown, 39 marriages, 361 baptisms,
and 117 admitted to the church.
The Rev. John Bailey was born near Blackburn in
Lancashire, England, on the 24th of February, 1644.
His mother was a woman of remarkable piety, and
she early imbued his mind with a serious sense of
God and of religion. An extraordinary instance is
recorded of the happy effect of his youthful piety upon
his father, who is represented to have been a licen
tious and profligate man. The mother one day called
the family together, and persuaded her son John to
pray with them. When the father returned probably
from one of his haunts of vice, and was told of the
affecting manner, in which the child had led the devo-,
tion of the household, he was smitten to the heart

the pulpit, pue-seats, arid galleryes (the, cushion I left as a token of
my love), all my administrations, him that digs the graves, neighbouring
towns and churches." What Mr. Bailey alludes to by " the three or
four meetings in the town," I know not.
* A diary was kept by Mr. Daniel Fairfield of Braintree, from 1697
to- 1711, with the following extract from which I have been furnished
by the kindness of the Rev. and learned Dr. Harris of Dorchester. We
learn from it, that depression of mind, and disease, were among the
causes of Mr. Bailey's removal to Boston. " 1697, Dec. 12th. Died in
Boston the Rev. Mr. John Bailey, who for many years preached the
Gospel of peace in the city of Limerick, in the kingdom of Ireland, but
being persecuted and silenced he removed to N. E. 1684. He was
highly honoured at his arrival, as he well deserved, being a more than
ordinary lively preacher. He was for some years the officer, of the
Church in Watertown, where his wife died, and his dear brother Thom
as, who was also a famous minister. Then, being very melancholy and
having the gout, he moved to Boston about the year 1693. He preached
in Boston at the South Church once a month, and at the Old Church
almost every Sabbath, and his turn in the Lecture ; till, falling sick last
fall, he died as above written, and was honourably interred on the 16th
day in the tomb of Mr. Thomas Deane."

55
by the touching circumstance. He became thought
ful and contrite, and proved at last a sincere, devoted
Christian. Among the many encouraging evidences
of the redeeming influence of maternal piety, there
are few more impressive than this. Young Bailey,
having received a good classical and general education,
began to preach at the age of twenty-two. His first
services in the ministry were at Chester. But he
soon went over to Ireland, and about fourteen years
of his residence in that country were spent at Limer
ick. There he labored with such an assiduous and
self-sacrificing spirit, that he laid the foundation for
that infirm state of health, from which he never after
ward wholly recovered.* His fidelity was severely
tried by such persecutions, as were the usual price
of noncomformity at that time. He was more than
once thrown into jail for attending the administration
of the ordinances at private meetings. Persecution
was not the only, nor perhaps the hardest, trial to
which his constancy was exposed. An effort was
made to draw him, by tempting promises, into the
bosom of the Episcopal Church. While he was at
Lemerick, his ministry was attended by persons of
distinction, who were related to the Duke of Ormond,
the lord lieutenant of Ireland. This circumstance
provoked his enemies not a little ; and upon occasion
of this excitement, the office of chaplain to the Duke
of Ormond was offered to him, if he would conform,
with the promise of a deanery immediately, and of a
bishoprick so soon as a vacancy should occur. The
man, whom it was thought expedient to silence by
winning him over to the hierarchy at such a price,
must have possessed no common influence. But
severity and allurement were alike lost on him. He
adhered to what he believed to be the cause of truth,
* Mather describes . the abundant success of Bailey's ministry at
Limerick, by saying, that " he seemed rather to fish with a net, than
with an hook, for the kingdom of God."

56
uhterrified and unseduced. He continued to preach
and to labor with untiring earnestness, and soon
became again the victim of the spirit of persecution.
The irreproachable purity of his character afforded
him no protection. The hardships of a long imprison-
meHt were inflicted on him. In the course of his trial
he said to his judges, " If I had been drinking, and
gambling, and carousing at a tavern with my company,
my lords, I presume that would not have procured
my being treated thus as an offender. Must praying
to God and preaching of Christ, with a company of
Christians that are as peaceable, and inoffensive, and
serviceable to his Majesty and the government, as any
of his subjects, — must this be a greater crime ? " And
so far was common decency set at defiance, that the
recorder replied, " We will have you to know that it
is a greater crime." During his imprisonment, he
was visited constantly by the members of his flock, to
whom he continued to impart religious instruction,
in such manner as his confinement would permit.
He was finally released, upon giving a pledge that
within a certain time he would leave the country.
Mr. Bailey accordingly looked to New England, as the
refuge of persecuted nonconformity. He and his
brother came hither, probably in the year 1684. In
that year he wrote a very earnest and affecting address
" to his loving and dearly beloved Christian friends in
and about Limerick." This was afterward printed at
Boston in the same volume with sketches of some- of
his discourses, entitled "Man's Chief End to glorifie
God, or Some brief Sermon-Notes on 1 Cor. x. 31."
To this volume was prefixed an Address to the
Reader, signed with the initials J. M. The writer of
this prefatory address, whoever he was, remarks, that
in publishing these pieces Mr. Bailey was " purely pas
sive, utterly refusing (whether out of melancholy,
modesty, or bodily infirmity I say not) to be any oth
erwise concerned than barely to allow of their publica-

57
tion."* In 1692 Mr. Bailey preached the Artillery
Election Sermon in Boston ; but this discourse, I
believe, was not published.
The distinguishing traits of Mr. Bailey's character
were ardent piety, great tenderness of conscience, and
an absorbing interest in the spiritual welfare of his
fellow men. His religious sensibility was exceedingly
keen and active ; and it was his prayer (to use his
own words) that " he might not be of the number of
them, that live without love, speak without feeling,
and act without life." It is evident that his temper
ament was hypochondriacal, and that he had a strong
habitual tendency to melancholy and despondence, — a
state of mind, which was doubtless aggravated, if not
caused, by the scenes he had passed through in Ireland,
and by the miserable condition of his health. He
delighted to urge powerful and heart-searching ap
peals upon the consciences of men, more than to
* This volume was printed by Samuel Green in 1089. I have read it
with no little interest, partly for the good sense, but more for the warm
and vhearty feeling, which it displays. The farewell exhortation to
the congregation in Limerick is peculiarly affectionate and pungent. It
is written with remarkable simplicity and directness. To this circum-
' stance Mr. Bailey himself alludes in the Postscript : " The plainness of
its dress," says he, " I take for granted will never offend you; for I
only now write to you just as I used to preach to you, and talk with you.
It is the market language that must save souls." In speaking of leav
ing them, he remarks, " It hath been my resolution of old, rather to
wear out than rust out ; and it would quickly kill me to go on spending
Sabbaths as of late I have done, and I suppose the offer of a thousand
pound per annum, to lead such an idle life, would signifie little to me.
Many offers and invitations have I had elsewhere ; yea, to places that
might seem at the first blush to please me ; but for your sakes they were in
vain, and took me up few thoughts." Again ; " The broadest seas cannot
hinder the mutual visits of our prayers : though we may never meet
more betwixt these old pleasant walls of the Abby (which grieves my
very soul, to turn my back on), yet let us often meet at the Throne of
Grace," &c. Further he remarks, " Conversion hath been the business
of my life these twenty years : by conversion I do not mean turning
men to an opinion, but from darkness to light, and from the power of
Satan to God. You have often heard me say, that I had rather turn
one to Jesus Christ, than ten to my opinion." It is to be wished, that
this noble sentiment were more heeded amidst the religious strife of the
present day. The " Sermon- Notes," likewise, are full of solemn coun
sels, good thoughts, and apt illustrations.
8

58
address the understanding, or to administer the conso
lations of Christianity ; " chusing rather," as he said
of himself, " to convert one sinner, than to comfort
ten saints." His sermons were not so much didactic
or argumentative, as hortatory and exciting ; and he
seems to have thought it far the most important part
of his duty, as a preacher, to bring the awful consid
erations connected with the sanctions of religion to
bear on his hearers with stirring power. But he dealt
as severely, at least, with his own heart, as with the
hearts of others ; and the rigorous standard, to which
he brought his feelings and conduct, may be seen in
the extracts preserved from his diary. His services
were much sought, and highly valued, both in Boston*
and Watertown. That minister must be considered
a happy man, who at the last hour has as little reason,
as had Mr. Bailey, to reproach himself with the want
of fidelity and devotedness to duty.f
Mr. Gibbs was now the only clergyman in the town,
and was engaged from time to time, but not ordained. J
* John Dunton, in the curious account of his visit to Boston, has re
corded the following notice of the Baileys : " I went next to visit Mr.
John and Mr. Thomas Baily. These two are popular preachers, and
very generous to strangers. I heard Mr. John upon these words, —
' looking unto Jesus,' — and I thought he spake like an angel. They ex
press a more than ordinary kindness to Mr. Wilkins, my landlord,
and (being persecuted in Limerick for their nonconformity) came over
with him from Ireland. Reader, I might be large in their character ;
but when I tell you they are true pictures of Dr. Annesly (whom they
count a second St. Paul) 'tis as high as I need go." Life Sf.Errours.
Vol. I. p. 95.
t See Appendix F. Mather preached the funeral sermon of John
Bailey, and in that has given many particulars of his life : Magnal.
Book iii. Chap. 7. See also Middleton's Evangelical Biography, Vol.
IV. p. 101. ; Emerson's History of the First Church, p. 146. ; Eliot, and
Allen. Dr. Eliot has fallen into an error in speaking of Thomas Bailey
as if he were the stated minister of Watertown, and in saying that
John " only preached occasionally there." John Bailey was the prin
cipal and stated minister of the town : his brother was only an assist
ant, and had a short ministry.
X About this time an order was passed by the town, providing that
certain persons named " shall the next Sabbath day, and after, as they
shall see reason, gather the contribution, and out of it satisfie the min
ister, keeping an account what every person contributes."

59
That ever-fruitful source of dissension in a village, the
erection of a new meeting-house, began at this period
to kindle strife among the inhabitants of Watertown.
We have already seen, that thirty-eight years before
this time some movements had been made towards
providing a new place of worship. After Mr. Bailey's
removal to Boston, the subject was called up afresh.
In 1692, the Selectmen passed an order, that on the
18th of November, the people should be assembled in
order to fix upon such a place for this purpose, as
should be " most convenient for the bulk of the inhab
itants." At this meeting nothing was effected.
Some, were earnest to change their place of worship,
ad others equally earnest to have it remain where it
was. Neither party was disposed to yield ; and in
this dilemma the Selectmen agreed to refer the mat
ter to the governor of the province, Sir William
Phipps, and the Council, requesting them to appoint a
committee to investigate and settle the difficulty.
The town concurred in this measure, and declared,
" that they would sit down by the determination of
that committee." This mode of bringing the disputes
of a town to an issue, by referring them to the magis
trates of the State, would be deemed singular indeed
at the present day ; but it seems then to have been
not uncommon. The proposed committee was ap
pointed by the Governor and Council. It consisted
of William Stoughton, John Phillips, James Russell,
Samuel Sewall, and Joseph Lynde, names of high
reputation in the affairs of the province at that time.
They made a report on the 18th of May, 1693. The
Selectmen, to whom it was sent, were dissatisfied with
some particulars in it, and designated certain persons
to wait on the committee, and treat with them on
these points. After a conference with these persons,
a majority of the committee acknowledged that it was
necessary to amend their report in some respects, and
requested to have it left with them for that purpose.

60
They took ample time for revising it ; for it was not
returned and made known to the town till April 17th,
1694.* This report, notwithstanding the high source from
which it came, did not allay the prevalent excitement.
A protest against it was put on record, and signed by
about 120 names. They utterly refused to bear any
part of the expense of building a meeting-house in the
place recommended by the committee, but declared
at the same time that if a house of worship should be
erected in the west part of the town, so as to be con
venient for " the Farmers," f they would gladly " be
helpful therein." It is remarkable that the protest
denies that the town had ever requested the interfer
ence of the magistrates in this matter, notwithstanding
that a vote to that effect is cm record. On the appear
ance of this opposition, the Selectmen applied to
the committee to know whether they would " stand by
their advice," or had any thing to say about the protest.
It does not appear that any answer was received.
But the building of the new house on the proposed
spot proceeded in defiance of the opposition. It was
finished, and on the 4th of February, 1696, it was
accepted, by a vote of the town, as the place of public
worship, " according to the advice and determination
of the honoured Committee."
The town was now considered as divided into three
parts, namely, the East end, the Middle part, and the
Farmers, or the West end. The abovementioned dis
pute was principally between the two first of these.'
It was soon determined by vote, that the new meeting
house should in future be the .place for all public town
meetings. Unhappily, the heated state of feeling
seems not to have abated for a considerable time, and
* See Appendix G.
t By this title were designated those, who inhabited that part of the
town which afterward became Weston, and its vicinity. Among the
protestors on this occasion, thirty-three were of " the Farmers," whose
names are placed separately from the rest.

61
its influence was seen in occasional disorders attend
ing the management of public affairs. On the 26th
of June, 1696, the town determined that "a day of
humiliation " should be observed. The Rev. Samuel
Willard and the Rev. Cotton Mather, both of Boston,
were requested to fix upon a time for this purpose,
and to perform the religious services of the occasion.
Meanwhile repeated invitations had been given
to Mr. Gibbs to become the minister of the town.
These he so far accepted as to officiate statedly in
the old meeting-house ; but there was, as yet, no
permanent settlement. In the summer of 1693, he
was, it seems, residing in Boston ; for at that time
the metropolis was visited with ap infectious and fatal
distemper, which compelled many of the inhabitants
to remove into the country ; * and on this occasion,
we learn from the records, that the people of Water-
town, fearing Mr. Gibbs would remove to so great a
distance that they should not be able to enjoy his ser
vices, voted to transport his goods and to establish
him among themselves in the house built for the min
ister. His engagements were renewed, at short
intervals, by special applications ; and this circum
stance, with some others, may lead us to infer, that
Mr. Gibbs consented to the arrangement somewhat
cautiously and reluctantly. If so, it was probably
owing to the divided and unquiet state of the town at
that time. During the progress of the dispute, he
had been repeatedly requested to engage himself for
the new meeting-house, when it should be completed.
No answer to these invitations is on record ; but
when the new house was at length finished, he deci
sively refused to transfer his services to that place, on
account, as he said, of the great dissatisfaction in the
minds of many with regard to the several votes that
had been passed. Accordingly he remained with the
*For the occasion of this sickness see Hutchinson, Vol. II. p. 71.

62
East part of the town ; and those who belonged to
the new place of worship were left to seek another
clergyman. From Mr. Gibbs's general character, and
from the caution manifested in his conduct, it is to be
presumed that he acted from a sense of duty in this
case. Measures were soon taken to procure a minister
for the new meeting-house. The church gave notice
to the Selectmen, that having met for that purpose on
the 28th of August, 1696, and having chosen the Rev.
Samuel Angier for their pastor, they requested a meet
ing of the town for concurrence. A meeting was
holden September 28th, and the town voted to co-op
erate in giving a call to Mr. Angier to the work of the
ministry among them.* Previously to this, on the
21st of September, there had been a meeting for
debate and compromise. Persons had been appointed
by the East end, and by the Middle part of the town,
respectively, to discuss their interests, and jeconcile, if
possible, their contending claims. Proposals were
made by each party ; but they were uniformly rejected
by their opponents. They parted, each more strongly
convinced than ever, of the injustice of the claims of
the other.
• Mr. Angier accepted the invitation, and was
inducted into office May 25th, 1697. The Rev. Mr.
Easterbrook of Concord had been chosen by the
church " to give the pastoral charge, and to be the
mouth and moderator of the church in the publick

* Here for the first time in our records the church is mentioned as
acting separately from the town in the preliminaries to the settlement
of a minister. This practice was not always adhered to after this time
in Watertown. At the present day it is, in many places, entirely
abandoned, the whole society acting as one body in giving a call. And
that the usage of ancient times was not always in favor of the distinct and
separate power of the church in this affair, is evident from the state
ment of Mather, that " many people would not allow the church any
privilege to go before them in the choice of a pastor. The clamour is,
we must maintain him." Ratio Discipline, p. 16. The clamour, as
Mather calls it, was not very unreasonable, one would think.

63
management of the whole affair." A committee had
been appointed to treat with other ministers " for
their assistance in the settlement of Mr. Angier ; " but
a provision was made, that if their assistance could not
be obtained, the church would proceed without it. It
was not obtained ; and Mr. Easterbrook was the only
clergyman, who appeared at the ceremony of Mr.
Angier's settlement. He presided in the business of
the occasion ; " with much gravity and seriousness
gave a most solemn and Scriptural charge to Mr.
Samuel Angier, and concluded by recommending the
whole to the favour and blessing of God." The pub
lic exercises of prayer and preaching were performed
by Mr. Angier.* For what reasons the ministers who
were invited refused to attend, we cannot now discov
er ; but probably they either judged the proceedings
of the Middle part of the town to be improper, or
they were unwilling to have any concern in a transac
tion which had been preceded by so much dissension.
Mr. Angier had been ordained before, and settled in
another place ; and in proceeding to his installation
without the assistance of other churches, which, as a
matter of custom and Christian friendship, had been
solicited, and refused, his church manifested an inde
pendence worthy of praise, and in conformity with
the provisions of the Cambridge Platform.
At this time, Mr. Gibbs had not been ordained ; so
that Mr. Angier was the only regularly settled cler
gyman in the town. An attempt was made to unite
them in the work of the ministry. July 2d, 1697, a
meeting of " the two precincts " t was held, at which
* These particulars are taken from a book of records kept at that
time by the church at the new meeting-house. This book was com
mitted to the Rev. Warham Williams, Mr. Angier's successor, by his
son, the Rev. John Angier of Bridgewater, and is now in the hands of the
Rev. Mr. Ripley of Waltham, as constituting a part of the records of
his church. It contains little, except the particulars about the call and
settlement of Mr. Angier.
t This term, used to designate the different parts of the town, here
occurs for the first time in the records.

64
Mr. Gibbs was invited to become an assistant to Mr.
Angier in the new place of worship. Of this proposal
Mr. Angier expressed in writing his entire approbation.
No answer to the application on the part of Mr. Gibbs
is on record. It is to be presumed, that he refused to
concur in the proposed measure.
In the mean time, the inhabitants of that section
of Watertown, which was afterward called Weston,
appear to have had a separate interest of their own in
ecclesiastical matters. October 2d, 1694, a vote was
passed as follows : " Our neighbours, the Farmers,
being upon endeavours to have a meeting-house among
themselves, the town consents that they may come as
far as Beaver Brook* upon the county road leading to
Sudbury," &c. Nothing however seems to have been
done at that time in consequence of this vote. Feb
ruary 1st, 1697, " the Farmers" were by vote released
from all obligations to pay ministerial rates in the
town, " any further " (as it is expressed) " than by way
of contribution when and so often as they come to hear
the word preached ; because they live so remote that
they cannot come without much difficulty to the meet
ing-house in the town, but do commonly at present go to
other towns which are nearer, and do contribute there
towards the support of the ministry where they go to
hear the word." It is also mentioned as a reason for
the exemption, that they would probably soon have a
house of worship and a minister of their own. That
part of Watertown had indeed now become, in every
thing but legal form, a distinct precinct, and orders
were passed from time to time in public meetings for
settling its boundaries. On the 16th of March, 1698,
a tax of two hundred and ninety-five pounds, to defray
the expenses of the meeting-house recently erected in
* The name of this brook is still retained, and familiarly known. It
was given by Gov. Winthrop and his attendants, " because the beavers
had shorn down divers great trees there, and made divers dams across
the brook." At the same time Master's Brook and Mount Feake were
named. See Winthrop, Vol. I. p. 68.

65
the Middle part, was assessed upon all the inhabitants,
" the Farmers only excepted, because they have built
a meeting-house more convenient for themselves."
The house here referred to was then in progress, but
was not sufficiently finished to be used for religious ser
vices till March, 1700. In the interval, the people in
this part of Watertown had chosen their officers, and
acted as a distinct parish. Mr. Thomas Symms, Mr.
Joseph Mors, Mr. Nathaniel Gookin, Mr. Thomas
Tufts, and Mr. William Williams were successively
called to the work of the ministry among them, before
they were entirely separated from Watertown. In
January, 1713, this precinct was in due form incor
porated, as a distinct town, by the name of Weston.*
The people of Watertown consented to this separation
on certain specified conditions, one of which was, that
" the Farmers" should still be bound, as before, to pay
their proportion in the expense of repairing or rebuild
ing the bridge over Charles River.
To return to the ecclesiastical affairs of the two
societies in Watertown. The attempt to unite them
was, as we have seen, ineffectual. The East part
now took measures to have their clergyman formally
and permanently inducted into the pastoral office. In
Judge Sewall's manuscripts,! the following record,"
relating to this subject, is found: "October 6, 1697.
A church is gathered at Watertown East End, and
Mr. Gibbs ordained. Mr. Fox ordains, Mr. Sherman
gives the Right Hand of Fellowship. This was done
in the afternoon in the open aer, tho' a cold day.
*For some remarks on the precise date of this incorporation, and for
the history of Weston subsequently, see Dr. Kendal's Century Sermon,
January 12, 1813.
t Chief Justice Sewall, here and before mentioned, was a man of high
reputation, and is said to have been an intimate friend of the Rev. Mr.
Gibbs. He was great-grandfather of the late Chief Justice Sewall of
Massachusetts, and died January 1st, 1730, aged 78. The manuscripts,
from which extracts are often taken, were journals of such occurrences
in his times as seemed to him worthy of notice, and frequently afford
valuable information. 9

66
The Western party, having the -Select-Men on their
side, got possession of the Meeting-house, and weuld
not suffer the assembly to enter there. The Lord be
mercifull to his people, pardon our sins, and heal our
gaping Wounds ! " Of the disorderly conduct here
alluded to, one of the effects of the lamentable strife
which had prevailed, I find no other notice.
Difficulties soon arose concerning the support of
public worship. In 1700, the government of the pro
vince, probably in consequence of some petition, inter
posed, and passed a resolve on the subject. In 1712,
the town was assembled to hear the advice of the
General Court, which was issued on the 4th of Novem
ber in that year ; and they then expressed their desire to
maintain the public worship of God according to the
rules of the court in 1700, but said nothing about the
advice of 1712. At another meeting on the 4th of
May, 1713, they determined that it was improper for
the town, as such, to act upon the advice and direction
of the Court, but that each congregation must act upon
it separately. Soon after, however, there was a vote,
at a general meeting of the town, to submit to the ad
vice of the Court. Still an attempt was made to dis
turb the arrangement, Which had thus been agreed
upon, and the East precinct entered on record an ear
nest protest against any such attempt. It was long
before the strife, awakened by this subject, was entire
ly appeased. The salaries of Mr. Angier and Mr.
Gibbs, it appears, were both paid from the common
treasury. Although an effort was made by the East
congregation to effect a division into two distinct town
ships, it was unsuccessful, and the two parts continued,
as before, one town.*
The foot bridge, which had for many years been the
only one over Charles^River in Watertown, having gone
to decay so much as to give occasion for complaints
against the town, a question arose at a public meeting
* See Appendix H.

67
on the 5th of September, 1718, whether it were better to
repair the old bridge, or to build a new one in the same
or another place. A committee was appointed to con
sider the question. They reported, that " to repair the
old bridge or build another in the same place will be
labour lost, or money sent down stream in a very little
time." They then advised to build one at a place
somewhat further up the river. This report was ac
cepted ; and furthermore the town voted, that they were
desirous that the proposed bridge " should be a good
and sufficient cart bridge for the accommodating the
public, and especially some particular towns." This
however was considered so great an enterprise, that
they would not consent to undertake it without the
assurance of assistance from the public ; " the charge
thereof being," as they express it, " unavoidably great,
far greater than Watertown and Weston can bear of
themselves." They applied to the General Court for
help in the affair, with what success does not appear.
In January, 1719, the town entered into contract with
Mr. Thomas Learned and Capt. Thomas Prentice to
build the proposed bridge under the superintendence of
a committee appointed for that purpose, and voted to
give them £160 for it. Besides this, they were to
have what they could obtain from the other towns that
were interested in the undertaking. This bridge seems
to have been regarded as the common cause of nearly
all the towns west of Watertown, and with some
reason, for a very great proportion of the people from
that quarter passed the river at this point, and went
to Boston over Roxbury Neck. Capt. Prentice and Mr.
Learned built the bridge faithfully, according to the
terms of their contract, and at the same place where
our bridge is at present. But when they had finished
their engagement, they found themselves losers by it,
and petitioned the town, through the Selectmen, for
compensation or relief. In this petition, dated November
6th, 1721, they acknowledged, that the money promised

68
by stipulation had been honestly paid," but complained
that " the bounty from other towns was far less than
what they might reasonably expect, considering the
great benefit they receive thereby." The considera
tion of their petition was deferred, in order that' they
might bring in an exact account of their expenses and
receipts. Such an account they presented, by which
it appeared that the bridge had cost £309. 17s. lid.,
and that they had received from Watertown, Weston,
and some other towns and private persons, the sum of
£184. 15s. lid'., leaving the amount of their loss £125.
2s. At the next town meeting, the petition was again
taken up, and again deferred, and finally appears not
to have been acted upon at all. Thus was completed
the first bridge for wheel-carriages in the town about
110 years ago. The place of the bridge, it is believed,
has remained the same from that time to this. Within
the memory of some now living, the bridge was so nar
row7 that only one carriage could pass at a time. When
We consider how common and trifling an affair it is
deemed to build such a bridge now, we are amused to
see how great and even perilous an enterprise it was
thought to be when first undertaken. But it should
be remembered, that the contrast between their ability
for such a work, and ours, is at least equally striking.
The Rev. Samuel Angier died on the 21st of January,
1719, aged 64, and was buried in a grave-yard now
belonging to Waltham. He was the son of Edmund
Angier of Cambridge, and was born in that town
March 17th, 1655. He was a descendant, on the ma
ternal side, from the celebrated Dr. William Ames of
England, author of " Medulla Theologian." He was
graduated at Harvard College in 1673, and was or
dained at Rehoboth, October 19th, 1679. From this
place he was dismissed, and afterward settled in Water-
town as before mentioned. Of his character and ability
as a clergyman, I know not that any account is to be
found. There are however many evidences, that he was

69
highly esteemed by the people of his charge. During
his ministry in Watertown, which lasted nearly twen
ty-two years, he received into the church 95 members,
and baptized 706 persons. He has very often, but er
roneously, been considered as minister of Waltham.*
The mistake will be obvious, if we remember that
Waltham was not incorporated till nearly twenty years
after his death ; although when it was incorporated, it
included most of the society over which he had been
settled. His son, the Rev. John Angier, was the first
minister of the East parish in Bridgewater ; and a
daughter of his was married to the Rev. John Shaw,
minister of the South parish in Bridgewater.
The efforts made to compose the difficulties existing
in the town seem, for the most part, to have resulted
in mutual complaints, rather than in any approximation
to a good understanding. May 13th, 1715, it was voted
to build a " new meeting-house in some convenient
place, where it may accommodate the inhabitants of the
most westerly part of the town better than either of
the other meeting-houses do that are already erected" ;
and the next year a committee was chosen to fix upon
a spot for that purpose. This was after the incorpo
ration of Weston ; of course, " the westerly part," here
spoken of, must mean what is now Waltham. The
inhabitants of this part, it would seem, might have been
well accommodated at the new meeting-house already
erected in the middle of the town, which was much
nearer to them than the old one ; and as the town had
now two places of worship, the support of which was
the cause of much trouble, if not burdensome, it is not
easily to be explained why they should wish for a third.
* Thus Mr. Farmer, in his valuable " Genealogical Register," says,
that Mr. Angier was " installed at Waltham," and in the Index to the 2d
Series of Hist. Coll. he is referred to as minister of Waltham. The place
where Mr. Angier's meeting-house stood is even now (after the separa
tion of Waltham) within the bounds of Watertown. The house, in
which he lived, is said to have been that now occupied by Mr. James
Gillpatrick, opposite the widow Harrington's.

70
The plan, however, was not carried into effect for sev
eral years ; indeed never in its original form.
After the death of Mr. Angier, the western congre
gation continued to maintain preaching, and employed
several individuals at different times to supply their
pulpit. Among these are mentioned the names of ,Mr.
Timothy Minut, Mr. Gibson, and Mr. Robert Sturgeon.
A definite division between the eastern and west
ern parts of the town was, at length, found necessa
ry. November 19th, 1720, the General Court, on
application from the inhabitants of Watertown, ap
pointed a committee* to run a dividing line between
the two precincts, and to decide on the expediency of
removing either or both of the meeting-houses to such
places, I suppose, as should be more central to their
respective congregations, when the proposed boundaries
should be fixed. This committee made a report the
next month, which was accepted. Samuel Thaxter,
Esq. was directed by an order of the Court, in con
formity with the report, to run the line between the
two precincts. This he did, and a notice of his doings
was entered in the town records. The line is described
as beginning on Charles River, proceeding " on a north
course forty-nine degrees east," and terminating at the
southwestern bounds of that part of Cambridge, which
is now called West Cambridge. The committee like
wise decided, that within two years the new or west
meeting-house should be removed to a rising ground
near the house of Nathaniel Livermore, which, I believe,
was in the vicinity of the place where the Rev. Mr. Rip
ley's meeting-house in Waltham now stands, and that
within ten years, the old, or east meeting-house should
be removed to an eminence called School-house Hill ; *
*This committee was composed of Isaac Winslow, JohnCushing, and
Samuel Thaxter, of the Council ; and John Clark, William Dudley,
John Chandler, and William Throop, of the House of Representatives.
t The hill here mentioned bore this name for a long time. It is now
called Meeting-house Hill, and is immediately behind our present place
of worship. It is the highest point of land within the limits of Water-
town.

71
or, that in each of the places thus designated a new
house of worship should be erected. With the order
of the General Court, issued in consequence of this
report, the town voted to comply. But, from the
doings of " the easterly congregation," which were
placed on record by their request, it would seem that
they entertained suspicions of some collusion on the
part of their western neighbours, or of a disposition
to thwart the course of proceeding recommended in
the report.
Nothing of this kind, however, was attempted. Ec
clesiastical councils were called, and gave their advice
on the occasion ; and both parts of the town soon took
measures to accomplish the object designated in the
order of the Court. Besides granting money, to be
raised by a levy, they appropriated to this purpose the
town's proportion of the 50,000 pounds of bills of credit
issued by the government.* The western precinct
made proposals for the new meeting-house (that, in
which Mr. Angier had officiated,) in order to remove
it to the spot which they were directed to occupy ; but
they could not obtain it. They next appointed a com
mittee to treat for the purchase of the Newton meet
ing-house, which was then to be sold. This purchase
was effected, for not more than eighty pounds. The
materials of the building were transported to the ap
pointed place, and there set up anew. This was in
1721. On the 14th of August in the next year, this
part of the town invited Mr. William Welsteed to be
their minister. But he declined the invitation, and
was afterward Settled at the Old North Church in Bos
ton. They next applied (December 18th, 1722) to
Mr. Warham Williams, who accepted their call, and'
was ordained June 11th, 1723. He was a son of the
Rev. John Williams of Deerfield, Mass., and in his
* The Act for this purpose was passed in 1720. See " Acts and Laws
of the General Court and Assembly of the Province of Massachusetts
Bay, &c. Anno Regis Georgii Septimo,"

72
childhood was, with the rest of his father's family, in
captivity among the Indians in Canada for two or three
years.* He died June 22d, 1 751 , aged 52.
The eastern precinct likewise proceeded, on their
part, to comply with the direction of the Court. Sev
eral meetings were held, in which it was determined to
erect a house for public worship on the height of land,
which(as before observed)was then called School-house
Hill ; and measures were adopted accordingly. This
part of the town, as well as the western part, endeav
oured to purchase the new or middle meeting-house,
choosing rather to remove this, if it could be had, than to
build a new one : but their proposal for this purpose, like
the other, failed of success. Accordingly, on the 14th
of January, 1723, they voted to build a new house for
worship on the hill before specified, leaving the dimen
sions of the building to be settled by a committee, pro
viding only that it should not be less than 50 feet long
and 40 feet wide. The object of this vote was to be
effected within twelve months ; and though no notice
is taken of the completion of the work, yet doubtless
jt was finished within that time. It appears, that in
consequence of the extraordinary expense, which the
town was now obliged to incur, the minister of the
eastern parish, Mr. Gibbs, relinquished a certain amount
of the salary which was due to him.
Watertown was now regularly divided into two dis
tinct parishes, the eastern and the western, each of
which had erected a new meeting-house. This was a
preliminary step to the final separation of the two par
ishes into distinct towns ; for several years, however,
they remained together, as one town. In what man
ner the society, to which Mr. Angier had ministered,
disposed of their meeting-house, we are not informed.
They had refused to sell it to either of the two pre
cincts when application was made for it. The society }
* An account of this captivity, in detail, may be found in " The Re
deemed Captive returning to Zion."

73
it is probable, finding themselves too feeble to exist
separately, were, gradually dispersed and joined them
selves to the other two parishes. Their meeting-house
being abandoned was, we may presume, in the course
of a few years demolished. It appears, however, that
for some time they acted as a distinct church and so
ciety, and that their proceedings were thought to be
irregular and censurable. That this was the fact, I
infer from a vote recorded by Mr. Gibbs's successor
concerning a Mr. Daniel Whitney, in which it is men
tioned, as an offence, that he " owned the covenant
among and submitted himself to the watch and disci
pline of those who acted as a third church in Water-
town, and that he had a child baptized by Mr. Robert
Sturgeon after the result of the council of churches
met at Watertown on May 1st, 1722." *
The Rev. Henry Gibbs died on the 21st of October,
1723, having just entered on the 56th year of his age,
and the 27th year of his ministry, reckoned from the
date of his ordination. He was buried on the 24th of
October, in the old grave-yard in Watertown. His
father was Mr. Robert Gibbs,f a merchant of Boston,
whose family was of Dorsetshire, England. Mr. Henry
* Of the Council here mentioned I find no other notice. Mr. Sturgeon
was (as before noticed) one of those who supplied the pulpit after Mr.
Angier's death. Persons are living, who remember to have heard him
spoken of as having been one of the clergymen in the town.
f Mr. Robert Gibbs was a gentleman of large property, and of con
siderable distinction, iu Boston. His house is mentioned by Josselyn,
who, describing Boston in 1663, says : " The buildings are handsome,
joining one to another as in London, with many large streets, most of
them paved with pebble stone : in the high street towards the Common
there are fair buildings, some of stone, and at the east end of the town
one among the rest, built by the shore, by Mr. Gibbs, a merchant, being
a stately edifice, which it is thought will stand him in little less than
£3000 before it be fully finished." New England's Rarities Discovered,
p. 1 & 2. In the time of Sir Edmund Andros, this house was once oc
cupied by soldiers, according to Judge Sewall, who records as follows :
" 1686, Dec. 24. About 60 Red-Coats are brought to town, landed at
Mr. Pool's wharf, where drew up, and so marched to Mr. Gibbs's house
at Fort Hill." There was a wharf called by Mr. Gibbs's name in that
part of Boston where he lived. 10

74
Gibbs was graduated at Harvard College in 1685, and
in June 1692 was married to Miss Mercy Greenough.
His situation at Watertown must have been, in many
respects, difficult and trying amidst the strife with
which the town was agitated, during a considerable
part of his ministry. But it reflects no little honor on
his firmness, prudence, and good sense, that he seems
to have been held in high respect by all the inhabitants
of the town, even by those who abandoned the old
place of worship, to which he was attached. No com
plaint or reproach appears against him, in the midst of
transactions which usually make it difficult for a cler
gyman to escape censure. This was not the result of
calculating policy, or selfish pliancy of disposition on
his part, but of real kindness of feeling and simple rec
titude of conduct. There can be no doubt that he was
a devoted and faithful minister. His services were
able and highly valued by his own parish, and among .
the neighbouring churches. Without any pretension to
what are commonly considered great or shining quali
ties, he had, what is far better, sound sense, warm piety,
and a well-directed zeal in doing good. Of his pecu
liarities and habits of life it is not easy, after the lapse
of more than a century, to learn much. Tradition has
preserved among his descendants the amusing, though
trivial particular, that he was accustomed to write his
sermons on the bellows in the chimney corner. The
strange and melancholy infatuation about witchcraft
prevailed in his time ; and of some of the scenes con-'
nected with this delusion he had an opportunity of
being an eye-witness. His feelings on one of these
occasions he recorded in the following passages in his
diary ; and while they intimate the superstitious mis
givings, to which he in common with others yielded,
they show at least that he was capable of holding his
mind in suspense on the subject, which was a degree
of moderation and good judgment not very common at
that period, even among intelligent men : " 1692, 30^

75
May. This day I travelled to Salem. 31st. I spent
this day at Salem Village to attend the publick exam
ination of criminals (witches), and observe remarkable
and prodigious passages therein. Wonder'd at what I
saw, but how to judge and conclude I am at a loss : to
affect my heart, and induce me to more care and con-
cernedness about myself and others, is the use I should
make of it." Mr. Gibbs was a benefactor both to his
church and to the College. In his Will, which was
proved November 11th, 1723, he made the following
bequest, part of which still constitutes a portion of what
is called the ministerial fund : " I do' give and bequeath
to the Eastern Church of Christ in Watertown, to
which I have borne a pastoral relation, for the encour
agement of the gospel ministry there, my four acres of
pasture land and three acres of marsh, situate in the
East end of said town, for the use of the said church for
ever. And I do give to said Church my silver bowl
with a foot." His legacy to the College he devised
in the following terms : " And further it is my will,
that within two years after my youngest child comes
of age, an hundred pounds be paid by my heirs for the
use of Harvard College, forty pounds thereof by my
son, and twenty pounds apiece by my daughters ; the
yearly interests to be exhibited to such members of the
College as need it, firstly to my children's posterity if
they desire it."
The writings of Mr. Gibbs bear a creditable testi
mony to his talents, piety, and sobriety of judgment.
They have that natural and direct character, which
indicates that the author's chief desire was to do good.
While they are free from all affectation of style and
extravagance of feeling, they breathe the warm and
tender spirit that is so well suited for the purposes of
edification. In 1721 he published a treatise entitled
" The certain Blessedness of all those, whose Sins are
forgiven, considered, confirmed and applyed, from
Psalm xxxii. 1, 2. Boston : printed by S. Kneeland

76
lor D. Henchman." It consists of a number of dis
courses condensed together in a systematical form..
For this book a preface was written by the Rev.
Benjamin Wadsworth, at that time minister of the
First Church in Boston, and afterward president of
Harvard College, who remarks, " The worthy Author
of these Sermons needs no commendation in a pre
face; being justly most valued by those to whom he
is most known." A little volume, full of affectionate
and practical counsels, was gathered from Mr. Gibbs's
papers, and published after his death, with the title,
" Godly Children their Parents Joy ; exhibited in
several Sermons &c, Boston : printed by S. Kneeland
& T. Green for D. Henchman. 1727." The preface
was written by Dr. Colman of the Church in Brattle
Square, Boston.* In 1704 Mr. Gibbs preached the
Artillery Election Sermon : it was published with a
title of somewhat formidable length, as follows ; " The
Right Method of Safety, or the Just Concern of the
*Dr. Colman expresses his opinion of the book as follows : " But I
forget that I am only writing a preface, and that but to a small book,
and a very good one that needs nothing of mine to be added to it. The
good people of Watertown, who press'd me to this service, will, I hope,
easily forgive me the length I iave gone ; and having shown this re
spect to the labours and memory of their deceased pastor as to)send this
posthumous piece to the press, I trust they will now treasure it up in
their hearts, put it into the hands of their households, and teach it dili
gently to their children, for whom, as well as for themselves, it is well
adapted to make saving impressions, if God add his blessing. The very
virtuous children of the deceased author will not need to be exhorted to
receive these instructions of their father with a double reverence, and
teach their children after them fo rise up and call him blessed. Yea I will
presume to add my wish, that the students at Cambridge (where the
learned author was so well known and honour'd while he lived) would
wear this little book about them, and make it a Vade mecum ; study the
plain and easy rules of it, and weigh well the powerful and-strong motives
in it ; till their whole soul receive the rich leven of it, and they go into
that wisdome taught in it, which will render 'em the joy and crown as
well of their country, as of their parents. Such are the sermons here
commended to you ; and such sermons as these, in the ordinary course
of preaching, will give a man character and praise eno' in the churches
of Christ, as a wise and faithful pastor, and as a judicious and learned
preacher. To say more of the gifts of one of the most modest and retir
ed men while he liv'd would be to offer some kind of violence to him now
he is dead."

77
People of God to join a due Trust in Him with a dili
gent Use of Means. As it was propounded in a
Sermon preached at Boston to the Artillery Company
of the Massachusetts Bay in New England, on the
5th of June, 1704, being the Day for their Election of
Officers." The text was Psalm xliv. 6.* These, I
believe, are the only published productions of Mr.
Gibbs's pen. He is said to have had a turn for poetry ;
and a specimen of it is appended to a manuscript
collection of his sermons, now in the library of the
Essex Historical Society. It is an " Attempt at
Versification on the Word of God," in twenty-four
stanzas, and manifests the piety much more than the
poetical gifts of the writer.f
The records kept by Mr. Gibbs are defective,
extending only from 1697 to 1703. During this
time, the number of his admissions to the church was
31, of marriages 21, and of baptisms 143.
January 14th, 1723, a committee was chosen by the
town to address the General Court for the purpose of
obtaining " the 2000 acres of upland and 1500 acres
of meadow formerly granted to Watertown, and not
yet taken up." It does not appear when, or for
what purpose, this grant had been made. The land,

* Judge Sewall has recorded that, in 1720, he " propounded Mr. Gibbs
for election preacher." This refers to the General Election; but the
proposal seems to have been unsuccessful, for Mr. Gibbs never preached
the sermon on that occasion.
f For many of the above particulars concerning Mr. Gibbs I am in
debted to the politeness of one of his descendants, Mr. William Gibbs
of Salem, a diligent and careful antiquarian. It should also be men
tioned that Mr. Josiah W. Gibbs, Professor of Sacred Literature in
"Vale College, and distinguished as an Oriental scholar and Biblical
critic, is among the descendants of this minister of Watertown. His
daughter, Margaret, was the wife of the Rev. Dr. Appleton of Cam
bridge: she was married June 25th, 1719, and died January 17th, 177J.
He had a son William, who was drowned in Charles River in Cambridge,
where he was at school, August, 1715 ; of which event Judge Sewall
has taken notice in his MSS. In a list of the eminent ministers of
New England,, made by the Rev. John Barnard of Marblehead, the
name of Mr. Gibbs of Watertown is placed in the second class. Hist,
Coll. 1st Series, Vol. X. p. 170. See Appendix I.

78
if obtained, was to be divided between Watertown
and Weston, according to the proportion of each in
the Province Tax. Their right to this grant, it would
seem, had become obsolete, or was disputed ; for they
speak of recovering it, in the records of the town meet
ings of 1725 and 1726, in which the subject comes
up again more than once. , They made but slow pro
gress in gaining the attention or consent of the Court
to their petition. But that finally they did succeed,
in part at least, we learn from the fact, that in August,
1728, persons were appointed " to seek out and survey
the 2000 acres of land granted to Watertown and
Weston," and likewise to procure a plan, or sketch,
of the land under the hand of the surveyor, to be
presented to the General Court, at their next session,
for their confirmation. The next year, a proposal to
sell the town's right in these 2000 acres was rejected
by vote. In connexion with the abovementioned
petition, it was voted (March 14th, 1726,) " to address
the General Court for a suitable tract of land to settle
their young people on." About ten years afterward
(December 1st, 1735), the representative of the town
was instructed to bring the subject again before the
Court, and to ask for a township, out of the unappro
priated land of the Province, to furnish a settlement for
their youth, "for such reasons as may justly be offer
ed." How cogent these reasons were, we cannot
judge ; for they are not stated. The necessity,
whether real or imaginary, for such a petition, implies
that the young men of the town were supposed to have
become too numerous to find room at home ; but why
a special provision was necessary to procure a settle
ment for them, instead of leaving them to take care
1 of themselves, it is difficult to discover.
The successor of Mr. Gibbs in the ministry of the
Eastern parish was the Rev. Seth Storer, who was
ordained July 22d, 1724. Of the proceedings in rela
tion to his settlement nothing is said in the .town

79
records, since it was a concern belonging only to the
precinct.* In January, 1731, the representative of the town
was directed to petition the General Court " to
demolish the great bridge over Charles River in Cam
bridge, and to erect a ferry in lieu thereof, under such
regulations as they shall see meet." The occasion or
reasons for this petition are not assigned. It may be
conjectured that the obstruction of navigation was the
grievance, of which the Watertown people complained ;
if so, their business on the river must at this time have
been of considerable amount. A vote was passed in
1734, to ask of the Court a grant of some of the unap
propriated land belonging to the Province, " to enable
them to support the bridge over Charles River in
Watertown " ; and it should be mentioned here, that
about twenty years before this time they had applied
to the Court for an order to have this bridge maintained
at the expense of the whole county of Middlesex.
These applications were doubtless unsuccessful. In
1734, also, another petition to the General Court was
agreed upon, the object of which was to obtain a grant
of land " to enable Watertown the better to support
the two grammar schools in the town." This request,
I presume, likewise failed of success. In order, as it
would seem, to effect the same object (partially at
least) in another way, certain tracts of land, lying by
the highways and belonging to the town, were sold ;
and in March, 1735, a vote was passed to create, out
of the money accruing from these sales, a stock or
fund, the interest of which should be annually appro
priated "for the support of the Grammar and English
schools in the town." Whether this fund was in fact
ever constituted, or, if so, how it was afterward dis-
*The following is Mr. Storer's own notice of*his settlement, in the
book of church records : "I was called to the work of the ministry by
the church and congregation in the Easterly precinct in Watertown on
February 3d, 1723-4, and was solemnly set apart for that work by prayer
and the imposition of the hands of the presbytery on July 22d, 1724."

80
posed of, are questions which I suppose we have no
means of settling. There is no such school fund in
existence at the present time.
An ineffectual attempt was made by the Western
precinct, in 1731, to obtain an incorporation, as a sepa
rate township. In April of that year, at a meeting of
both precincts, agents were appointed to appear before
the -General Court in opposition to the attempt, and
to show reason why the prayer of the petitioners
should not be granted. An incorporation was not
effected till seven years after this time.
A meeting of the town was called on the 10th of
September, 1731, "to hear the representation of the
honorable, House of Representatives relating to the
publick estate of the affairs of this Province now
laboured under, which representation is recommended
to the several towns by said House, for their serious
consideration : and for the town to give their advice
or directions with relation to said affairs laboured
under." At the time here specified, the great and
engrossing topic of public interest was the discussion
between Governor Belcher and the House, concerning
the support of the governor by a fixed salary ; and
to this subject, or to some question growing out of it,
the representation mentioned in the above statement
probably referred. It does not appear by the records,
that the people of Watertown took any measures
whatever in relation to the subject.
The jurisdiction, or at least the advice, of the Pro
vincial government seems to have been extended not
only to meeting-houses, but to school-houses. In
1733, certain measures were recommended by the
House of Representatives, to which the town gave
their consent, for the purpose of having two school-
houses, and employing two schoolmasters.
In 1734, a singular and somewhat amusing inter
ruption of traffic, amounting to a sort of act of non-inter
course, took place between Watertown and the

81
metropolis. There had been, till this time, no estab
lished and regular market in Boston ; but in the
spring of 1734 measures were adopted to provide three
places for this purpose in parts of the town distant
from each other.* What there was in this proceeding,
or in the arrangements connected with it, that gave
offence to the country towns, we are not told. But,
from some cause, the establishment of the Boston
markets excited not a little indignation. On the 17th
of May, the following vote was passed by the people
of Watertown : " Whereas the inhabitants of the town
of Boston, in the county of Suffolk, have of late set
up a market in the said town, which by many is
thought will prove prejudicial to people in the country :
voted, that whatsoever person, or persons, belonging
to Watertown, shall within the space of twelve months
from the 11th day of June next presume to carry any
wares or provisions from out of Watertown, and
expose them to sale in the markets that are voted by
the inhabitants of the town of Boston to be set up
there, shall be subject to pay a fine of twenty shillings
for each offence ; one fourth part thereof to the inform
er, and the remainder to be for the use of the poor
of the town of Watertown, to be recovered by the
Selectmen of said town before any of his Majesty's
justices of the peace for the county of Middlesex."
This vote was to be presented to the General Ses
sions of the peace for the county of Middlesex for
their confirmation. The formal and strong manner,
in which it is expressed, intimates the determined
feelings of men resisting what they suppose to be an
injurious oppression. It is not easy to perceive in
what consisted the mighty grievance, which led to
this interdict of traffic. Probably, the people from the
country, having been before accustomed to sell their
commodities wherever they pleased in the metropolis,
*See Snow's History of Boston, p..225.
11

82
regarded this restriction to certain places of sale as an
infringement upon their rights, and resented it accor
dingly. This agreement, on the part of the inhabi
tants of Watertown, to suspend all intercourse of sale
with the people of Boston at their markets, must have
soon proved as ineffectual, as it was foolish ; for, in
defiance of votes, people would not long refrain from
selling wherever and whatever they found it for their
interest to sell. It is to be presumed, that the prohi
bition shortly became a dead letter. Such a union
among all the neighbouring towns, as would amount
to a coercion upon the inhabitants of Boston, could
hardly have been expected. The whole affair is an
instance of that unwise jealousy, with which the
country is apt to regard the city.*
A successful effort Was at length made by the
Western parish in Watertown to become a distinct
town. At a meeting of the people of that precinct on
the 8th of December, 1737, a committee was appoint
ed to petition the General Court for an act of incor
poration, chiefly on account of the difficulties and incon
veniences arising from the necessity of transacting the

* That some opposition or resentment was anticipated from the coun
try people, on this occasion, may be inferred from the pains taken to
obviate any unfavorable impressions, in the following notice of the open
ing of the markets, in the News-Letter (a paper published at that time
in Boston) of June 6th, 1734 : " It's tho't the said markets, carried on
conformable to the restrictions, limitations, and regulations of the said
order, will. by experience be found very beneficial, as to this great
Town in general, and to our Country Friends in particular, in many res
pects, but more especially in having certain fixed places of resort both
for selling and buying the necessaries of life from day to day : And the
cheaper and better the commodities brought for sale are, certainly the
more vendable they will be ; which no doubt will induce our Country
Neighbours to endeavour to bring as good to the market as they can :
their interest, as well as the town's, has been jointly consulted and aim
ed at herein." It may be added, that the abovementioned experiment in
Bostota was unsuccessful at that time, and seems indeed to have been
nearly or quite as unpopular there, as in the country. In the course of
three years, "the South End market was converted into shops, the
North was taken down to be used in constructing a work-house, and
the one at the Town-dock was demolished by a mob." Snow's History
of Boston, p. 226.

83
business of the two parishes together. The petition
was granted, and the western precinct was incorpora
ted as a town, by the name of Waltham, on the 4th
of January (corresponding in new style to the 15th),
1738.* Our narrative has now brought us to the period
when the original territory of Watertown was divided
into three towns. Notices of transactions resulting;
from their former connexion, or from the conditions
on which they separated, frequently occur. That
portion of the whole, which remains under the old
name of Watertown, is of much smaller extent than
Weston or Waltham.
In 1738 mention is made, for the first time, I believe,
of an altercation resulting from conflicting claims about
the fishery. In that year, two complaints, one from
people in Newton, Needham, Weston, Medfield, and
Sherburne, the other from the Indians in Natick, were
presented to the General Court against the inhabitants
of Watertown, for stopping the course of the fish in
Charles River. The representative of the town was
directed to defend their cause in opposition to these
complaints. Instances of a similar difficulty, from the
interfering claims of neighbouring towns in this busi
ness, have since been not infrequent.
About this time a proposal was under discussion
among some of the towns in this vicinity, to combine
for the purpose of making a joint provision for their
poor. They appointed a committee to confer on the
subject of building a work-house at the common
charge and for the common benefit of the towns con
cerned. The report of this committee in favor of
the project, when read at a public meeting in Water-
town, was accepted, and a vote was passed to unite
with Cambridge, Waltham, Newton, Weston, and
Lexington in building such a work-house. The repre-
*For an accurate and interesting description of Waltham, see Hist.
Coll. 2d Series, Vol. TTT. p. 261.

84
sentatives of the towns concerned were instructed to
apply for an Act of the Court, which should enable
them to accomplish this object effectually and advan
tageously. Whether this plan was ever executed, I
am unable to tell. Probably it was not ; for, eleven
years after this time, the people of Watertown
appointed persons "to enquire of the neighbouring
towns, and see who of them will come into the affair
or scheme of the building of a work-house," an inquiry
which implies, that the previous proposal had failed
of success. And at a still later period, (March, 1760,)
a vote was passed " to join with Cambridge, Newton,
and Waltham in raising a sum of money, by lottery
or otherwise, for building a work-house." But the
project does not appear to have been accomplished.
It has been thought by some reflecting men, that large
establishments of this kind, in which several towns,
perhaps a whole county, should have a common inter
est, would possess many advantages over the usual
mode of supporting the poor.
The practice of arranging places for the people at
public worship, by the authority of the town, still
continued. May 15th, 1741, persons were chosen
" to new seat the meeting-house forthwith by such
rules as the town agrees on." In performing this
duty, they were instructed " to have regard to age,
honour, and usefulness, and to real and personal estate,
as it stands in the last invoice." This deference to
the distinctions of rank and property seems to us, at
the present day, not a little singular. But it was
then very common ; and one instance of it may be
observed in the arrangement of the Catalogue of the
graduates of Harvard College, till 1 773, when the
names began to be placed in alphabetical order. The
business of seating the people in the meeting-house
recurs, in the records, in 1748 and 1749.
At a public meeting in Watertown, June 29th,
1741, it was proposed "to know the mind of the

85
town, whether they are willing to encourage the build
ing of a bridge over Charles River from Cambridge to
Boston, and what they will do for that end." The
proposal was rejected by a negative vote. From this
record it appears, that the plan of a bridge between
Boston and Cambridge was under consideration at a
much earlier period, than is commonly supposed.
The proposal for a bridge from Boston to Charlestown
was made as early as 1720; but 1 am not aware of
any account, which states one to have been distinctly
projected from Boston to Cambridge at so early a
date as the above mentioned notice.*
The people of Watertown regarded the support of
their own bridge over Charles River as a burdensome
grievance, and complained heavily of the expense.
They made several efforts to obtain relief, in some
way, from the government of the Province. In May,
1744, the town, in connexion with Weston and
Waltham, voted to apply to the General Court for
a grant of land, for this purpose. More than thirty
years before, they had endeavoured to procure an Act
requiring the whole county of Middlesex to support
the bridge. These applications were unavailing ; but
they persevered from time to time in their attempts to
get assistance. It has been already remarked, that
when the town claimed of the Court the fulfilment of
certain grants of land; they obtained the 2000 acres
of upland ; but they do not appear to have been
equally successful with regard to the meadow land.
In May, 1752, they renewed their attention to this
subject in connexion with the bridge. Their repre
sentative was instructed to join with the representa
tives of Weston and Waltham in searching the Prov-
* We are however informed by Snow in his History of Boston, that
" there had been considerable effort to have the first bridge carri
ed from West Boston to Cambridge ; but the expediency of making
the experiment across the narrower part of the river was so apparent,
that the town of Boston had expressed an opinion almost unanimous
(1238 to 2) in favor of it." p. 318.

86
ince Records to find the grant of 1500 acres of mead
ow, and having thus proved their right to such a tract,
to ask of the General Court an equivalent for it in
some of the unappropriated lands belonging to the
Province, which might be applied for the relief of
" their great burden relating to said bridge, that they
may be the better enabled to bear that burden, which
the public in general enjoy and reap so great benefit
and advantage by." It does not appear that the town
ever obtained the 1500 acres of meadow, or the equiv
alent for which they petitioned ; and probably, the
expectation of help from the Provincial Government
in maintaining the bridge was abandoned.
It was owing, I suppose, to the state of the curren
cy,* that in March, 1749, the town voted to defer
the usual grant for the Rev. Mr. Storer's salary, and
appointed a committee to inquire, meanwhile, " into
the contract made with Mr. Storer at the time of his
settlement, and to make diligent enquiry what silver
was per ounce then, and what the necessaries of life
then cost, and how things are at this present time."
This committee reported at the next May meeting;
and sixty pounds were then granted by vote as Mr.
Storer's salary for the year from the first of March,
larger sums having been previously proposed, and
rejected. This appropriation was deemed insufficient
by a considerable part of the town ; and their opinion
prevailed so far, that when the Selectmen soon after
called another meeting on the subject, the salary was
raised to what seems to have been its regular amount
at that time, £66. 1 3s. 4d.
In 1753 the First Parish in Cambridge presented a
petition to the General Court, " that some of the
Easterly inhabitants of Watertown with their estates
might be annexed to said parish." The people of
Watertown appointed a committee to oppose this
petition. It was nevertheless granted ; and the next
*See Hutchinson, Vol. II. p. 392, &c.

87
year, the inhabitants of Watertown petitioned for a
part of Cambridge and a part of Newton, as an equiv
alent for what had been taken from them to be annex
ed to Cambridge. No grant corresponding to this
petition appears to have been made. Watertown was
thus finally reduced, from its originally large territory,
to the small extent included within its present bounda
ries.* In 1754, it was proposed to make an exchange
with Waltham in such a manner, that the inhabit
ants of some of the extreme parts of each town might
be better accommodated in attending public worship ;
but the proposal was rejected. A committee was
chosen to petition " that a number of the inhabitants
of Newton might be set off to Watertown." This
petition probably related to what was called Angier 's
Corner, which still remains a part of Newton, f
At this period a warm and acrimonious dispute
began in the town, and lasted for a considerable time.
December 17th, 1753, a proposition was submitted
to remove the meeting-house from the hill, on which
it stood, to some other place not specified. At that
time the proposition was rejected. But the rejection
seems only to have given new excitement to the
friends of the measure ; for, on the 20th of the next
February, a meeting was called, chiefly with refer
ence to this subject, and it was then voted that the
meeting-house should be removed from School-house

* Watertown still owns a part of a wharf on Charles River in the
western quarter of Cambridge.
fit may be worth while to insert here the following curious record,
as a specimen of the superintendence exercised by the Selectmen at
that time with regard to schools : " At a meeting of the Selectmen at
Mr. Jonathan Bemis's on the 4th of Dec. 1752, Mr. Sam'l Coolidge was
present, and the Selectmen gave him a thorough talk relating to bis
past conduct, and what he might expect if he did not behave well in
the school for the future : they declar'd unto him that they put him
into the school again for tryal, and if he behaved well he should not be
wrong'd, and that he was to begin the school the 11th day of this De
cember. Mr. Coolidge complained that he wanted a winter coat : de
sired Mr.'Bemis to get him a bear-skin coat, and get Mr. Meed to
make it : and to give the Selectmen an account thereof."

88
Hill " to the half acre of land lately given by Nath'l-
Harris Esq. to the town, and that the said house be
erected there anew," &c. There was evidently a trial
of strength on the question, and the vote passed only
" by three odds." The removal was agreed to, it
seems, only on the condition, that the town, as such,
should be at no expense about it. Accordingly seven
men undertook it on their own responsibility, and
gave a security that the town should be free from all'
charge. These men were appointed a committee to
see the business executed, and wrere directed to pro
ceed as speedily as might be. The old house was
accordingly taken down, and the materials transported
to the destined spot, to be again set up ; but before the
work could be Completed, the building in its unfinished
state was burnt to the ground. This took place in
May, 1754. No doubt was entertained that the fire
was the work of an incendiary : several persons were
examined and brought to trial, but evidence could not
be found sufficient to convict any one.
The people were thrown into a sort of consternation
by this event. The religious services of the Sabbath
were at first attended at the Rev. Mr. Storer's house;
but another more convenient place was soon provided
to answer the present purpose. They next proceeded,
" under the present awful frown of Heaven " (as they
called the sad effects of their own contention), to
appoint a day of fasting and prayer, and to apply to
Mr. Storer for advice and direction on the subject.
The day was observed, and several of the neighbouring
ministers were invited to attend and assist in the
services. A town meeting was held June 13th, 1754, at
which it was determined by vote to build a new house
for public worship, fifty-six feet long, and forty-tWo
feet wide, on the same place as before, viz., the half
acre of land given by Nathaniel Harris, Esq. Six hun
dred pounds were at first appropriated for this object,

89
and a building committee chosen, with directions to
have the house finished as soon as possible. A protest
against all these proceedings, by those who had from
the outset been opposed to the removal of the meet
ing-house from the hill, was presented and placed on
record. The asperity of the language used in this
protest sufficiently indicates the irritated state of feel
ing between the two parties. They, who signed it,
complained that their wishes had been slighted, and
their rights violated, in the whole business ; a griev
ance, which they thought the more intolerable, as they
claimed to be " the owners and possessors of much
the greater part of the rateable estate in the town."
They protested against paying any part of the cost of
the new house, among other reasons, because they con
ceived that the persons, who had at first given a formal
pledge to save the town from all expense on account
of the removal and rebuilding of the meeting-house,
were still bound by that engagement, since, when
they took upon themselves that obligation, they vol
untarily incurred the risk of all accidents and hazards ;
and consequently that the town ought not to be bur
dened with any charge whatever. Notwithstanding
this argument, the town did not require the committee,
formerly appointed, to fulfil their bond, probably
because the fire, in which the meeting-house had been
destroyed, was believed to have taken place under
such circumstances, as would not allow it to be fairly
considered as one of the hazards incurred by the
engagement. The bond was soon after relinquished
into the hands of the committee.
The building of the new meeting-house proceeded,
without any regard to the protest. It appears to have
been completed as early as February, 1755. Till
very recently, it was the only one in the town, and
with an addition hereafter to be mentioned, it is the
place of worship still used by the Congregational Soci
ety. This house is consequently somewhat more than
12

90
seventy-five years old.* It may easily be supposed,
that the former situation of the meeting-house, on the
summit of a high hill, must have been exceedingly
inconvenient, especially in the winter ; nor can we
wonder that a majority of the people were in favor
of the removal. It is to be regretted, however, that
this could not have been done in the spirit of peace
and of mutual concession. The effects of the unhap
py dispute, in ode form or another, are said to have
lasted several years.
The meeting-house being finished, the pews were
soon disposed of, being assigned, by the town,.to in
dividuals, according to their proportion in the sched
ule of taxes. It was voted, that " they should be
settled upon real and personal estate," the valuation
used for this purpose being the same by which the
rate for building the house had been made. The
object of this vote was, I suppose, to regulate the or
der of precedence in choice. When any one should
wish to sell his pew, the town was to have the refu
sal of it ; and when any person should remove from
Watertown, his pew was to revert to the town, upon
their reimbursing the money which he had paid for
it. Other regulations concerning the mode of obtain
ing and transferring the pews were established, though
evidently with much opposition.
Arrangements were made for selling " the minis-'
terial place,f exclusive of the marsh," if Mr. Storer's
* The account of cost of this meeting-house, as reported by the com
mittee, stands as follows :
To the contract with Messrs Pierpoint and Evans . £4840 Old Tenor.
To services done by persons, and materials procured, 360 : 1
To allowance for finishing the meeting-house . . . 51 : 0
Granted by 'the town . . . £4500 Old Tenor. 
Materials of former house sold . 151 : 1 5251 : 1
4651 : 1

£4651 : 1

£600 : 0
The sum of six hundred pounds, old tenor, was raised on the pews to
cancel the remainder due in the account.
t The parsonage here mentioned was, I am told, the place recently
occapied by Mr. David Livermore, and now in the possession of his
family.

91
consent could be obtained. He consented, and the
place was sold. The committee, to whom the busi
ness was entrusted, were instructed to offer Mr.
Storer the interest of the money arising from the sale,
or to procure another place, as he should choose. It
seems he preferred the latter proposal ; and the town
purchased the parsonage which was occupied by him
and his successors.*
At this time, Watertown owned a share in a tract
of land near Wachusett Hill, as we learn from a vote,
passed May 12th, 1755, to sell " their right in the
farm near Wachusett Hill." Mr. John Hunt, Lieuten
ant Daniel Whitney, and Ensign Jonathan Bemis
were appointed a committee to effect the sale. It
is not said in the records how the town came into
possession of this land ; but it was doubtless their part
of the 2000 acres before mentioned, which they had
elaimed and received in consequence of an old grant
made by the General Court. Waltham and Weston
had each a right in that grant, because it was made
before they were incorporated ; and accordingly these
towns are mentioned as having claims in the tract
near Wachusett. When Watertown's part in this
land was sold, the sum of £66. 13s. 4d., from the
proceeds of the sale, was (by vote, October 6th, 1755,)
appropriated towards the purchase of the new parson
age, although the committee, who were to buy that
estate for the town, had been expressly instructed to
give no more for it than would accrue from the sale
of the old parsonage. It does not appear on record,
nor have I been able to learn, what disposition was
made of the rest of the money, for which Watertown's
right in the land near Wachusett was sold.
Much dissatisfaction (on what ground, we are not
* The buildings, and a small part of the land, belonging lo this min?
isterial place, were sold in 1823. There is now no parsonage in the
town.

92
informed) was expressed concerning the choice of a
moderator at a town meeting on the 5th of March,
1759. In consequence of that uneasiness, and with
the consent of all parties, application was made to the
General Court, requesting them to set aside the pro
ceedings of that meeting, and to appoint a moderator
to act for the town. The Court complied with the
request, and appointed for moderator the Hon. Ben
jamin Lincoln, Esq., father of that distinguished officer
and patriot, General Lincoln. Mr. Lincoln came to
Watertown, and presided at the town meeting. Here is
another curious instance of an appeal to the Provin
cial government on town matters. We do not learn
what the difficulty was, which produced the necessity
of resorting to this expedient. At the meeting of
w^hich Lincoln was moderator, nothing but the ordina
ry business of the town was transacted.
A notice occurs, March 15th, 1762, that the Sec
ond Precinct in Cambridge had petitioned to have a
part of Watertown annexed to them. The people
of Watertown opposed this petition ; and it appears
to have been rejected.
In 1767 an application was made to the General
Court " to have the fishery in Watertown put under
some regulations, to prevent the many quarrels and
disputes that arise thereby." Legislative enactments
respecting this subject have been frequent in more
recent times.
The dark and stormy period of the Revolution was
now fast approaching. The excitement, by which
it was preceded, doubtless reached every village
in the land. The indignation called forth by the
act imposing certain duties on tea, paper, glass,
and other articles imported into the colonies, is famil
iarly known. When, towards the close of the year
1767, a meeting was held in Boston for the purpose
of promoting the use of home manufactures, and pre
venting, as far as possible, the importation of Europe-

93
an articles, sympathy and support in the measure
were sought by an appeal to the other towns. At
a public meeting in Wraterto\vn, January 1 1th, 1768,
a letter was read to the inhabitants from the Select
men of Boston, inclosing a copy of the votes, which
had been passed there in relation to the abovemen-
tioned purpose. After some debate, the people of
Watertown appointed a committee to report on the
subject, and at an adjourned meeting on the 18th of
January, they passed the following vote, the phraseol
ogy of which is somewhat amusing, as well as spirit
ed. " The town of Watertown, being alarmed at the
late impositions on the colonies, and perceiving the
streights and difficulties the people of this Province
must be brought into by lessening the medium of
trade, have considered with pleasure the attempts
made for laying aside the use of foreign articles we
may well do without, and the resolutions many towns
have come into for the promotion of industry and the
encouragement of their own manufactures; we do al
so cheerfully and unanimously vote, that we are ready
to join in any patriotick endeavours to lessen our im
portations, and thereby prevent out gold and silver
from giving us the slip, that we consent to lay aside
the use not only of the articles enumerated by the
town of Boston in their resolves, but of all foreign teas
as expensive and pernicious, as well as unnecessary,
this continent abounding with many herbs of a more
salubrious quality, which, if we were as much used to
as the poisonous Bohea, would no doubt in time be as
agreeable, perhaps much more so ; and whilst by a
manly influence we expect our women to make this
sacrifice to the good of their country, we hereby de
clare we shall highly honour and esteem the encour-
agers of our own manufactures and the general use of
the productions of this continent ; this being in our
judgment at this time a necessary means, under God,
of rendering us a happy and free people." Tt may

94
excite a smile at the present day to observe the strong
terms, in which bur fathers thought it necessary, in
their zeal for resisting what they considered aggres
sion, to denounce that refreshing beverage, the praises
of which Dr. Johnson has celebrated by describing
himself as one " who with tea amuses the evening,
with tea solaces the midnight, and with tea welcomes
the morning." They seem to have been apprehen
sive that their measures of hostility against tea would
be least likely to find a cordial acquiescence on the
part of the ladies ; and if tradition do not misinform
us on this point, their apprehensions were not with
out foundation. At the same meeting they gave in
structions to their representative, which, while they
manifest a warm determination to resist encroach
ments on their rights, indicate, by the respectful men
tion made of the king and the mother country, how
far they were at that time from any thought of re
nouncing their allegiance to Great Britain. After
charging him to conduct himself agreeably to the di
rections given by the town of Boston,r," who to their
immortal honour took the lead," they proceed as fol
lows : " we desire you would be upon your guard
against any who, under false pretences of patriotick
zeal to their country, may endeavour to draw you into
any rash or disorderly measures, either disrespectful to
the best of Sovereigns or undutiful to our Mother Coun
try ; but that you coolly and dispassionately join, and re
peatedly join if expedient, in all firm, vigorous, but most
legal and peaceable measures in ascertaining our char
ter privileges, and for obtaining relief of those grievan
ces which otherwise threaten us with impending ruin."
September 21st, 1768, Mr. John"Remington was
chosen by the town to attend the Convention, sum
moned at Boston to take into consideration the state
of public affairs, when a military force from England
was daily expected to be stationed in the metropolis.*
* See Gordon, History, &c. Vol. I. p. 164.

95
Votes and resolves for the purpose of discouraging
importations from England were again passed, March
8th, 1770, by Watertown, and a copy of them trans
mitted to " the committee of merchants in Boston."
In November, 1772, a committee of correspondence
was appointed, at a town meeting in Boston,* to write
circular letters to the several towns in the province,
enumerating the wrongs and grievances inflicted by
the British Parliament, and calling upon the people to
be active and watchful. The inhabitants of Water-
town, like those of most other places in the colony,
replied to this appeal in a tone of earnest and cordial
sympathy. A committee was chosen, and on the 5th
of February, 1773, an answer to the circular was
reported, which was accepted, and put on record.
This answer states, in very strong and solemn expres
sions, the conviction entertained of their dangers and
duties at the momentous crisis ; but it contains nothing
sufficiently peculiar to be extracted.
The agitating excitement, which led to the destruc
tion of the tea in Boston harbour, was of course felt
with peculiar intensity in the immediate neighbour
hood of the metropolis. The people of Watertown
met, January 3d, 1774, and expressed their sentiments
and purposes in relation to the whole subject, in the
resolves common at that period, preceded by a spirited
preamble. Adverting to the meeting which had been
held in Boston,! they say, " We are fully of opinion
the people had a right thus to meet and consult for
their common safety. W;e read that the Jews in a
state of captivity and slavery, under an arbitrary king,
when a decree was gone forth to destroy them, had
liberty to assemble together and defend themselves,
and consult how to ward off the blow that was coming
upon them, by preventing the wicked edict being car
ried into execution ; under Providence they were
* Gordon, Vol. I. p. 208. f Gordon, Vol. I. p. 223.

96
v i
wonderfully succeeded, having the kind influences of a
good Mordecai in their favour, who, not accusing
them of riot, sought their welfare, and was accepted of
the multitude of his brethren. And we are also fully
of opinion, that the people assembled at Boston on the
14th and 16th of December last had no design or
desire, that the tea on board the vessels in the harbour
should be destroyed, or any way damaged ; but on
the contrary were very desirous, and used their utmost
endeavours, that said tea. might be safely returned to
the owners thereof. But that the destruction of the
tea was occasioned by the Custom House officer's and
the Governor's refusing to grant a clearance and pass
for the vessel, that was designed to carry said tea
back to the owner from whence it came." The
resolves following this preamble, proscribed, with all
possible strength of expression, the use of tea in any
mode or quantity.
August 22d, 1774, the Selectmen were requested
by the town " to meet such persons as may appear at
a proposed meeting, to be held at Concord on the 30th
day of this present month, from the several towns in
this county, to consul^ what may be proper to do in
order to preserve the charter rights." In the next
month of the same year, the town ordered that their
militia should be exercised two hours every week, for
the three autumn months, and that a view should be
taken of the arms and ammunition in the town, to be
reported at a subsequent meeting.
Inconformity with the resolutions and advice of the
county of Suffolk,* the people of Watertown voted
(October 3d, 1774,) that their collectors of taxes
should pay no more mouey into the treasury of the
Province till further orders, but that the money should
all be paid into the town treasury. A pledge was
given to the collectors, that they should be,protected
* Gordon, Vol. I. p. 255.

97
and supported in carrying this vote into execution.
At the same meeting, their representative was
directed to unite with the representatives of the sev
eral towns, in forming a Provincial Congress.
November 2 1st, 1774, a committee consisting of
nine persons was appointed to carry into effect the
association and the resolutions entered into by the
General Congress at Philadelphia in the preceding
October, and likewise the resolutions of the Provin
cial Congress.
On the 27th of November, 1774, the Rev. Seth
Storer died, in the 73d year of his age, and in the
51st year of his ministry. He was born at Saco,
Maine, May 27th, 1702, and was graduated at Har
vard College in 1720, at the early age of eighteen.
His father was Colonel Joseph Storer of Wells in
Maine, who was much distinguished in the Indian
wars at that time.* The ministry of Mr. Storer, was
the longest, which occurs in the history of Watertown.
I am not able, after a diligent inquiry, to record any
particulars of his life or ministry. The general
impression which I have received of his character, is
*He is mentioned by Belknap, who tells us (Hist, of N. H. Vol. I. p.
211), that on the 9th of June, 1691, the Indians " attacked Storer's gar
rison at Wells, but were bravely repulsed " ; and by Mafher, (Magnal.
Book vii. Chap. 6th, Appendix,) who likewise speaks of " Storer's garri
son at Wells." His brother, Samuel Storer, was also distinguished for
his bravery and good conduct in the same war. Their father was Wil
liam Storer, one of the earliest settlers on the Eastern shores. It is not
clearly ascertained whether the family came from England or Scotland.
The name is said to have been formerly written sometimes Storer and
sometimes Story, even in the same instrument, when the same individ
ual was intended. An instance of this variety is found in the name of
Augustine Story in the famous deed from four Sagamores to John Wheel
wright and others, which is given in the Appendix to Belknap's New
Hampshire, Vol. I., and the authenticity of which has been so fully dis
cussed and denied by Mr. Savage in the Appendix to Winthrop, Vol. I.
Benjamin Storer, who is said by Hubbard (p. 631) to have been killed
by the Indians at Wells, in April, 1677, was doubtless one of this fami
ly. The Rev. Seth Storer had a sister named Mary, who was carried
away by the Indians from Wells, or Saco, to Canada ; she was brought
up near Montreal, was married to a Frenchman, Jean St. Germaine, and
died August 25th, 1747. Ebenezer Storer, Esq., treasurer of Harvard
College from 1777 to 1807, was a nephew of the clergyman.
13

98
honorable to him as a man, and- as a Christian. He
discharged the duties of his office, for half a century,
in a quiet, unobtrusive manner, but with scrupulous
diligence and fidelity. Moderate in his wishes and
fond of retirement, he never coveted applause or
sought to attract notice. He found his happiness in
the conscientious performance of his regular, tranquil
duties ; and he seems to me to have possessed much of
the spirit manifested by Hooker, when, with beautiful
simplicity of expression, he solicited his Archbishop for
" some quiet country parsonage, where," he said, " I
may see God's blessings spring out of my mother .
earth, and eat my own bread in peace and privacy."
The few, who remember Mr. Storer, testify that his
people regarded him with affectionate respect ; and
they recollect that in histoid age he was beloved by
young people and by children, which is one of the .
best evidences, that could be had, of the goodness of
his heart and the excellence of his character. His
intellectual powers were respectable, and well employ
ed. As a theologian, he was candid and mild in his
sentiments, and loved " the doctrine which is according
to godliness," much better, than " questions and strifes
of words." As a preacher, he was judicious, practical,
and edifying, his chief end being to produce that reli
gious improvement which is founded upon permanent
principles. I do not find that he ever published even
a single sermon, or any other production of his pen.
In the warm controversy, which arose in the town
concerning the removal of ,the meeting-house, during
his ministry, an occasion of offence to one or the other
of the parties was scarcely to be avoided ; and however
prudently and firmly he may have conducted himself,
he is said, for a time, lo have fallen under the displeas
ure of a part of the town, in consequence of that
transaction. It may easily be conceived, that this was
owing rather to the spirit with which the dispute
was carried on, than to any blameworthy feelings or

99
behaviour on his part. It was in the course of his
ministry, that New England was agitated by what
was called the great Revival of religion, a period of
strong excitement, when many a clergyman was ready
to say, in the exulting language used by Whitefield,
that he had every day " a constant levee of wounded
souls, and many quite slain by the Law." In this
commotion Mr. Storer and his parish seem to have had
no share. His name does not. appear among those of
the pastors, who gave their testimony at the meeting
in Boston, July 7th, 1743, nor among those who,
having been absent from that meeting, afterward
communicated their attestations in letters. He had
too much sobriety and calmness to be carried along
by the force of sympathy or spiritual rivalry, in an
excitement, the result of which, he might foresee,
would at least be of a doubtful character.
Mr. Storer has left on record 1419 baptisms, and
the names of 328 persons received into the church,
during his ministry.*
We come now to the period, in which Watertown
became more intimately connected with the public
proceedings of a fearful crisis. The second Provin
cial Congress assembled at Cambridge on the 1st of
February, 1775.f Their session was continued till the
16th of that month, when they adjourned to meet at
Concord on the 22d of March. At that time and
place, accordingly they were reassembled ; and after
transacting the important business before them, they
again adjourned to the 10th of May. In specifying the
time, however, they made a provision, that, if circum
stances should require it, they might be called together
sooner, and that, if this should be necessary, notice
should be given by the members in Cambridge and
* For the particulars, which I have stated concerning his family, I
am indebted to the kindness of the Rev. J. P. B. Storer of Walpole. Mass.,
one of the descendants of a brother of this Watertown minister.
f Jonathan Brown represented Watertown in this Congress.

100
the vicinity. In consequence of the expedition of the
British troops from Boston on the 19th of April, and
its bloody result, a meeting was suddenly summoned
at Concord on the 22d ; and having appointed a chair
man and clerk, they immediately adjourned to Water-
town. Here the Congress assembled, during the
remainder of the session, in the meeting-house. Jo
seph Warren, Esq., the early and lamented martyr in
the cause of freedom on the memorable 17th of
June, presided at their deliberations after the Hon.
John Hancock had been chosen delegate to the Con
tinental Congress at Philadelphia. A committee of
nine persons was chosen to collect the most exact
evidence concerning the facts in the affair of the 19th,
at Lexington ; and another committee to draw up an
account of all the transactions of that day.
The third and last Provincial Congress, consisting
for the most part of the same members who composed
the second, was chosen, and met at Watertown on
the 31st of May. They held their sessions, as before,
in the meeting-house. The Rev. Dr. Langdon, pre
sident of the College, preached a sermon before them,
appropriate to the occasion, from Isaiah i. 26. Jo
seph Warren, Esq.* was chosen President, and Samuel
Freeman, Jr., Secretary. This session lasted till the
19th of July. The Congress were busy in adopting
such measures, as the distracted state of the Colony
required. The suffering poor of Boston were particu
larly objects of attention ; and every thing was done
that could be done, to provide for their removal and
support. Means were likewise adopted to procure
arms, and to save provisions and supplies from falling
into the hands of the British.
* Warren went from Watertown, with all the alacrity of patriotic
feeling, on the morning of the 17th of June. Just before his departure,
I am informed, he entreated the ladies of the house, in which he board
ed, to prepare and procure as great a quantity of lint and bandages as
possible, observing, " The poor fellows will want them all before night."
He was succeeded, as President of the Congress, by the Hon. James
Warren of Plymouth.

101
This Provincial Congress was succeeded by a Gen
eral Court, or General Assembly of the Colony (as it
was sometimes styled), chosen in conformity with
the colony charter. They convened at the meeting
house in Watertown on the 26th of July.* The Hon.
James Warren was chosen Speaker, and Samuel
Freeman, Clerk. The General Assembly continued
their sessions at Watertown till the 9th of November,
1776, when they adjourned to meet at the State
House in Boston on the 12th of the same month.
Their measures were such as the state of the times
required. In the first session, acts were passed con
firming the doings of " the several Provincial Con
gresses," making and emitting bills of public credit,
declaring the rights of certain towns in Massachusetts
Bay to elect representatives, removing officers, civil
and military, who held their places by the appoint
ment of any Governor or Lieutenant Governor of
Massachusetts Bay, &c. At a subsequent session,
measures were adopted to encourage the manufacture
of powder and fire-arms, to fit out armed vessels to
defend the seacoast, to provide for a more equal
representation in the General Court, to raise troops
from time to time, and such other proceedings as are
familiarly known in the history of that period.
Among the few newspapers printed at that time,
was " The Boston Gazette and Country Journal." It
had been published for some time in Boston by Edes
& Gill,f and was distinguished by the spirited and
fearless tone, in which it defended the American
cause. The paper obtained, as we may readily sup
pose, great popularity and a wide circulation. Such
a publication, of course, could not be continued in
*The Council met in the house of the late Mr. Edmund Fowle, now
occupied by his widow. This house was selected for the purpose on
account of its vicinity to the meeting-house, which enabled the two
bodies to have easy and immediate intercourse.
f For an account of these printers, see Thomas's History of Printing
in America. Vol. I. p. 341.

102
Boston, while the town was in the possession and
power of the British. Notwithstanding the avenues
between the metropolis and the country were as much
as possible closed, Edes found means to escape by
night in a boat. Gill, who had less zeal or courage
than his partner, remained in Boston, and lived in
seclusion till the danger was over. When Edes fled
from Boston, he took w7ith him a press, and a few
types. With these he established himself at Water-
town, where he opened his printing-house, continued
the publication of the Gazette, and was employed as
printer by the Provincial Congress and the General
Assembly. Though his facilities for printing were
but poor and slender, his zeal and diligence enabled
him to surmount all difficulties.* "The Boston Ga
zette and Country Journal " was published in Water-
town from June 5th, 1775, to October 28th, 1776,
when, the British having evacuated Boston, the editor
returned and again established his paper there.
In this Gazette were published those letters of
Hutchinson, which were discovered at his house in
Milton, and inflamed into stronger violence the obloquy

*" The printing he executed at Watertown did not, indeed, do much
credit to the art ; but the work, at this time, done at other presses, was
not greatly superior. The war broke out suddenly, and few of any
profession were prepared for the event. All kinds of printing materi
als had been usually imported from England ; even ink for printers had
not, in any great quantity, been made in America. This resource was,
by the war, cut off; and a great scarcity of these articles soon ensued.
At that time, there were but three small paper-mills in Massachusetts;
in New Hampshire, there were none ; and Rhode-Island contained on
ly one, which was out of repair. The paper which these mills could
make, fell far short of the necessary supply. Paper, of course, was
extremely scarce ; and what could be procured was badly manufactur
ed, not having more than half the requisite labor bestowed upon it. It
was often taken from the mill wet and unsized. People had not been
in the habit of saving rags, and stock for the manufacture of paper was
obtained with great difficulty. Every thing like rags was ground up
together to make a substitute for paper. This, with wretched ink and
worn-out types, produced miserable printing." Thomas's History of
Printing. Vol. I. p. 343. The appearance of Edes's paper, at the time
referred to, corresponds to what might be expected from this descrip
tion.

ips
which the Governor had before incurred.* The pub
lication of these letters began in the first number of the
paper which was printed at Watertown, and continued
nearly a year. They were occasionally accompanied
with comments, intended to expose the duplicity of
Hutchinson, and to keep the public indignation warm.
Political essays of the most spirited character, exhor
tations and addresses to the people, were continually
appearing in the Gazette, some of them marked with
talent and fairness, and some with that heedless vio
lence which is always the growth of strong political
excitement. f It is remarkable that no particular ac
count is given in this paper of the affair at Lexington
and Concord on the 19th of April, nor of the battle of
Bunker Hill. Brief allusions are sometimes made to
these events ; and in July a short statement occurs of
the killed and wounded on both sides at Charlestown
on the 17th of June, but without comment. It seems
difficult to account for the omission of all details con-

* Gordon, Vol. I. p. 344.
f The following " Extract of a letter from a gentleman in America to
his friend in London," copied from the Gazette for November 6th, 1775.
is an illustration of the pleasantry, with which the resolute spirit of the
times occasionally displayed itself: the person alluded to in the letter,
I suppose to have been the celebrated Dr. Price :
" Tell our dear friend, Dr. P  , who sometimes has his doubts
about our firmness, that America is determined and unanimous, a very
few tories excepted, who will probably soon export themselves. Britain,
at the expence of three millions, has killed 150 Yankees this campaign,
which is £20,000 a head ; and at Bunker's Hill she gained a mile of
ground, half of which she has since lost again by not taking post on
Plough'd Hill. During the same time, 60,000 children have been born
in America. From these data, his excellent mathematical head will
easily calculate the time and expense requisite to kill us all, and conquer
our whole territory."
In the paper of April 1st, 1776, is the following jeu d'esprit in reference
to the evacuation of Boston: "We hear that last Lord's day se'nnight,
the Rev. Mr. Bridge of Chelmsford preached a most animating discourse
from these words in the 2d of Kings, vii- 7. ' Wherefore they arose,
and fled in the twilight, and left their tents, and their horses, and their
asses, even the camp as it was, and fled for their life.' This passage
of Scripture is a good description of the late flight of our ministerial
enemies ; fpr they left their tents, and their horses, and a number of
tories for asses."

104
cerning matters of such deep and agitating interest* as
these must have possessed.
The inhabitants of Boston, when they were driven
from home, and dispersed in the country, had several
town meetings in Watertown, which were summoned
by means of notifications in the Gazette. At one of
these, September 5th, 1775, Mr. William Cooper was
chosen representative of Boston in place of the Hon.
Samuel Adams, who had been elected to a seat in the
Council. Another meeting was held November 28th,
1775, to choose a representative for Boston in the room
of the notorious Dr. Church, who had been expelled from
the House, for attempting to carry on a secret and
criminal correspondence with the enemy. Committees,
appointed to manage affairs for the people of Boston,
frequently met and transacted their business at Water-
town. In 1776 the anniversary of the fifth of March
was observed, in the usual form, by the people of Bos
ton at the meeting-house in Watertown. The Hon.
Benjamin Austin was moderator of the meeting on
this occasion ; the Rev. Dr. Cooper offered the prayers ;
and the Rev. Peter Thacher of Maiden delivered an
oration on the dangerous tendency of standing armies
in time of peace, which is said to have been received
with warm and universal approbation.*
The inhabitants of Watertown bore their part of the
losses and burdens of the country, at this perilous pe
riod. One of their number was killed on the 19th of
April f ; and many others, during the war, either died
by sickness in camp, or fell on the field of battle.
* This oration was printed at Watertown by Edes, and the following
fable from Phaedrus was affixed to it for a motto :
Asellum in prato timidus pascebat senex:
Is, hostium clamore subito territus,
Suadebat Asino fugere, ne possent capi.
At ille lentus : " Q,useso, num binas mihi
Clitellas impositurum victorem putas ? "
Senex negavit. " Ergo, quid refert mea,
Cui serviam, clitellas dum portem meas ? " Lib. 1. 15.
f This was Mr. Joseph Coolidge.

105
Early in 1775 they granted money " to encourage the
learning of the military art," bound themselves by cov
enants to promote in certain specified modes the inter
ests of liberty, collected and secured arms* and am
munition, and in general entered heartily into the
measures for defence and protection, which were com
mon at that time. They raised their proportion of
soldiers, and granted them the usual bounty in addition
to the pay they received from the public chest. f
In the first stage of the great contest, the object of
the Americans unquestionably was not independence,
but the restoration, on just principles, of the ancient and
peaceful union between the colonies and the mother
country. But the natural consequence of open hostil
ities was to carry the feelings of people rapidly beyond
this point ; for the absurdity of continuing to profess
allegiance to a government, against which they were in
arms, must have pressed itself on their notice. Indica
tions, not to be mistaken, of a strong wish for bold and
decisive measures to sever the tie of allegiance, which
had now lost all its charm, were manifested early in
1776. When the Continental Congress sounded the
feelings of their fellow citizens on this subject, through
the medium of the Provincial Assemblies, they found
themselves anticipated, or at least promptly supported,
by the people in the disposition to take the final step.
One of the many instances of this state of feeling we
find in the following vote at a town meeting in Water-
* A committee was appointed " to mount the great guns," fyc. This ex
pression refers, I presume, to certain cannons, for which some British
officers came to Watertown to search ; but they searched in vain, the
pieces being effectually concealed in a barn. At the beginning of the
war, there was a depository of arms and military stores, under guard,
at the house of Mr. Edward Richardson, who kept an inn at the Eastern
part of the town, where one is kept now.
f In March, 1777, the sum which had been granted by the town, in
this way, to officers and soldiers, amounted to £604. At a later date,
May, 1778, the town " voted a further sura of £5 to each of the men
that went to the White Plains in the year 1776 ; and that the men that
went to the Northward in the year 1776 with Capt. Edward Harrington
be allowed a further sum of £1. 13s. 4d. each."
14

106
town on the 20th of May, 1776 : " A resolve of the
late HouseofRepre.sentatives, relating to the Congress
of the Thirteen United Colonies, declaring them inde
pendent of Great Britain, being read, the question was
put to know the mind of the town, whether they will
stand by, and defend the same with their lives and
estates ; and it passed in the affirmative unanimously."
Congress had likewise, in May, 1776, recommended to
the several colonies to frame and adopt such govern
ments, as their circumstances might require. These
Were to be not temporary regulations, such as had been
resorted to before, but so far permanent as to be un
limited with respect to time. The subject came be
fore the Massachusetts Legislature in September of the
same year, and some preparatory measures were adopt
ed. On the 7th of October, the people of Watertown
" took into consideration a resolve of the General
Court of the 17th of September last, relating to a form
of government ; and after some debate thereon, they
voted unanimously, that they give their consent that
the present House of Representatives, with the Council,
should form a plan of government for this state, to be
laid before the several towns in the same, for their con
sideration, before it be ratified.*
After the capture of Burgoyne's army, Watertown
Was selected as one of the places, at which it was pro
posed to quarter the officers. This proposal was zeal
ously resisted by the inhabitants. Taking alarm at
the prospect of having such inmates in their houses, at
a meeting in December, 1777, they declared their opin
ion " that the quartering the British officers among the
inhabitants of Watertown at this time would be very
dangerous to the peace and safety of the town, as well
as the publickj and therefore they cannot give their
* The effort at this time made towards obtaining a Constitution for the
State was unsuccessful. See Bradford's Hist, of Mass. from July 1775 to
1789, p. 117 and 158. The Constitution proposed in 1778 was jejected
by Watertown, as it was b^ a great majority of other towns.

107
consent thereto." Some of the people, however, were
inclined to furnish accommodations for the officers in
their families. To such the aboveme.itioned vote was
intended as a prohibition. It was also communicated
to the Deputy Quarter Master by the Selectmen. The
objection made by the Watertown people on this occa
sion amounted probably to nothing more, than the re
pugnance naturally felt by plain and sober citizens to
having military strangers and foreigners in the midst of
them. Some of the officers were quartered among
them, notwithstanding their remonstrances, and some of
them were stationed at Angier's Corner inrNewton, and
other places in the neighbourhood.
January 17th, 1778, the representative of the town
was instructed to use his influence and give his aid to
wards ratifying and confirming the Articles of Confed
eration and perpetual Union among the United States
of America, as agreed upon -and proposed by Congress.
It is time to return to the ecclesiastical affairs of the
town, which, in the midst of the momentous political
transactions of the period, lost the prominence usually
belonging to them in a New England village. Immedi
ately after Mr. Storer's death, the town voted, accord'
ing to the custom of the times, "to set apart a day for
fasting and prayer, to seek the Divine presence and di
rection relating to the settling another Gospel minister."
They invited those clergymen; who had borne the pall
at Mr. Storer's funeral, to officiate on the occasion.*
From that time the services of the pulpit were per
formed by various preachers, engaged from time to
time, as they were wanted. Among these was Mr,
Samuel Henshaw, who was paid " the sum of thirty
pounds in full for his preaching." Dr. Cooper, pastor
of the church in Brattle Square, Boston, resided in the
* These were the Rev. Mr. Cook of Cambridge (now West Cam
bridge) , the Rev. Mr. Cushing of Waltham, the Rev. Mr. Clarke of
Lexington, the Rev. Dr. Appleton of Cambridge, the Rev. Mr. Wood
ward of Weston, and the Rev- Mr. Merrian) of Newton-

108
country on account of the troubles in the metropolis,
and preached in Watertown for a considerable time.*
It was not till November, 1777, that any movement
was made towards the settlement of a minister. At that
time, the town voted unanimously to concur with the.
church in the choice of Mr. Daniel Adams. He accept
ed the invitation, and was ordained on the 29th of
April, 1778. " In consideration of the extraordinary
price of the necessaries of life," he was to have £150
in addition to his salary for the first year. A promise
was also given him that such grants should be made,
from time to time, as the state of the medium, or
other circumstances, might render just and reasonable.
At the ordination of Mr. Adams, I have been inform
ed, the sermon was preached by the Rev. Mr. Pren
tiss of Medfield, and the charge delivered by the Rev.
Dr. Appleton of Cambridge. I have not learned who
performed the other services of the occasion.
In 1778 Watertown again became the seat of gov
ernment for a short time. The small-pox prevailed
in Boston to such a degree, as to excite no little alarm ;
and it was on that account (as appears by the State
Records) that the House of Representatives request
ed the Council to grant them an adjournment. On
the 30th of May, 1778, they wese accordingly adjourn
ed to meet on the next Tuesday, June 2d, at Water-
town. There they assembled, and held the remain
der of the session. They resumed their session at
Boston in September, 1778.
The settlement of Mr. Adams was regarded by his
people as an event of happy promise ; but their pleas
ant hopes were doomed soon to be struck down by
the premature death of their pastor. In August fol
lowing his ordination he fell sick of the dysentery,
which was then prevalent, and after a violent and
* February J2thj 1776, the Selectmen " signed an order on the treas->
nrer to pay the Rev. Dr. Samuel Cooper £20 in part for his service in
the work of the ministry in Watertown,"

109
painful illness of about six weeks died, on Wednesday,
the 16th of September, in the thirty-third year of his
age. His ministry, consequently, was of less than
half a year's duration. On the Saturday following his
death, he was buried in the tomb of Mr. Capen, one
of his parishioners, and his funeral sermon was preach
ed by the Rev. Mr. Cushing of Waltham. He was
cut off in the morning of usefulness and of hope, and
his valuable labors were remembered with a melan
choly and touching interest, for the brevity which
God was pleased to assign to them.
The Rev. Daniel Adams was the only son of Elisha
Adams, Esq., of Medway, where he was born in Janu
ary, 1746. He was of the fifth generation from Hen
ry Adams, a Puritan emigrant, who came from Dev
onshire, England, about the year 1630, and settled in
Braintree, now Quincy.* He was prepared for col
lege under the tuition of the Rev. Jonathan Town-
send of Medfield, and was graduated at Harvard Col
lege in 1774. Being then of mature age, he imme
diately began the study of theology, which he pursu
ed, partly with the Rev. Mr. Bucknam of his native
town, and partly with the Rev. Mr. Riown of Sher
burne. He was received, as a preacher, with gener
al and high approbation ; and about the time when he
was called to Watertown, he also had an invitation to
settle at Princeton. Short as was his connexion
with his people, he won their confidence and attach-
* To the memory of this man, the late venerable and eminent John
Adams, the second President of the United States, who was one of his
descendants, erected a monument in Quincy with an inscription.
From this inscription the following is an extract. "In memory of
Henry Adams, who took his flight from the Dragon persecution, in
Devonshire, England, and alighted with eight sons near Mount Wol-
laston. One of the sons returned to England ; and, after taking some
time to explore the country, four removed to Medfield and the neigh
bouring towns ; two to Chelmsford. One only, Joseph, who lies here at
his left hand, remained here, who was an original proprietor in the
township of Braintree, incorporated in 1639." See Farmer's Geuea-'
logical Register.

110
ment in no common degree ; and those, who now re
member him, bear witness to the great respect, in
which his services and character were held. His ear
ly death was deeply and sincerely lamented by his
parishioners, and the kind attention, with which they
had treated him, especially during his sickness, was
continued to his family after his decease. His preach
ing is said to have been of the most edifying and im
pressive character. When the General Court, as be
fore mentioned, met in Watertown in 1778, Mr. Ad
ams was their chaplain,*" and his fervor and power in
discharging the duties of that station were long remem
bered, evincing the earnestness with which he enter
ed into the public interests of that anxious and trying
period. His power as a singer was very remarkable;
and it is related that at his funeral the choir of sing
ers, whom he had been accustomed to lead from the
pulpit, were so much affected, that it was with great
difficulty they could proceed in the performance of
their part at the solemnity. He left a widow, and
one son. Another son was born after the father's
death. Both his children are now living.* During
his short ministry, eight were baptized, and two ad
mitted to the church. I do not find, that any of his
writings were published.
The following obituary notice of Mr. Adams, which
is believed to do no more than justice to his memory,
appeared in Edes's Boston Gazette for September
28th,1778s " From Watertown we have the melancholy news
of. the death of the Rev. Daniel Adams, who, after a
most distressing illness of six weeks, resigned his val
uable life into the hands of that God who gave it,
with the most pious submission, in the 33d year of
his age, after having been settled in the ministry only
* One of these is Daniel Adams, Esq., of Medfield, who has obliging
ly furnished me with most of the abovementioned particulars respect
ing his father-

Ill
five months. He was the only son of Elisha Adams,
Esq., of Medway, who for a long time represented
that town in the Great and General Court. Those,
who knew the deceased, knew his many virtues. His
publick and private character were such, as did hon
our to mankind, to the holy religion he professed, and
to the sacred order to which he belonged. From his
first appearance, as a preacher, he was almost univer
sally admired. He never puzzled his own nor his
hearers' minds with nice metaphysical disquisitions in
polemick divinity, but preached and enforced, with
peculiar energy, the well known acknowledged pre
cepts of the New Testament, with such meekness and
simplicity as became a disciple of the blessed Jesus.
His genius for vocal musick was extraordinary ; and
in that part of divine worship, his harmonious voice
was heard from the sacred desk with a degree of rap
ture. The inexpressible grief of a fond wife, mourning
the loss of a most agreeable partner ; the parental
distress of elderly worthy parents, bemoaning the fate
of their most engaging only son ; the undissembled
sorrows of a whole town, lamenting the bereavement
of theif much respected pastor, demand a sympathet-
ick tribute of sorrow from every humane and feeling
heart. He has left a little son, too young to feel his
irreparable loss.
To him 'tis given to die : to us 'tis given
To live ! Alas, one moment sets us even.
Mark ! how impartial is the will of Heaven."
In November 1778, the town ordered an investigation
to be made into the doings of the committee, who
Were chosen in 1755 to sell the old parsonage and the
farm in Princeton, near Wachusett. The persons
appointed to inquire into the affair made a report to
the town in March, 1779, which was ordered to lie on
file. This report I have not been able to find, and
consequently cannot state the result. Whatever might
have been the circumstances, which led to the inves-

112
ligation, no further discussion of the subject seems to
have taken place. At the last mentioned meeting, a
committee was likewise chosen, to join with some of
the inhabitants of Newton in a petition to the Gener
al Court to annex them to Watertown.
In conformity with a resolve of the General Court
relating to a new Constitution of government for the
State, the town on the 24th of May, 1779, took the
subject into consideration, and voted by a large ma
jority against having a- new form of government at
that time.* At the same meeting, the fishery was
brought under discussion, and the town seem to have
been in doubt what might be the nature and extent
of their rights respecting it. Persons were appointed
to inquire whether the town had power to let out the
fishery ; if they had, it was to be leased for one year ;
if not, the committee were to petition the General
Court to grant the power in question, for the benefit
of the town. From this notice, we may presume,
that the fishery had not been let out before. It prob
ably began to be leased annually about the time when
the inquiry, which has just been mentioned, was insti
tuted. The well known depreciation of the currency at this
period was the cause of much embarrassment and
alarm. The perplexity and distress occasioned by it are
still fresh in the remembrance of many. On the 7th
of July, 1779, a meeting was held in Watertown on the
subject, and a committee appointed to take the mat
ter into consideration. They reported in favor of
acting in accordance with the resolutions that had re
cently been passed in Boston, and of sending delegates
to a Convention to be held at Concord, the next week,
for the purpose of devising some means of relief.
* A majority of the votes in the State were in favor of calling a Con
vention for this purpose. Delegates were accordingly chosen, and met
the next September at Cambridge. See Bradford's Hist, of Mass. from
1775 to 1789, p. 177

113
Other measures were recommended, and the report
was accepted. After the meeting at Concord, prices
were fixed by a committee, on ail the most important
articles of traffic, produce, labor, &c. ; and no depart
ure from these prices was to be allowed.*
August 23d, 1779, the town appointed two persons
to represent them in the Convention, which was to be
held on the first of the ensuing September at Cam-
brige, in order to frame a new constitution, or form
of government. Subsequently, instructions were given
to these delegates respecting their attendance at the
Convention. At the same meeting, delegates were
chosen to appear at a meeting to be summoned at
Concord on the first Wednesday of the next October,
in order to institute further regulations concerning the
currency and the prices. of articles.
Since the death of the Rev. Mr. Adams, the care of
supplying the pulpit had been entrusted to a commit
tee. Among those, whose services were procured at
this time, were Mr. Laban Wheaton, who afterward
studied the profession of law, and the now venerable
Dr. Prince, the present senior pastor of the First
Church in Salem, to whom the cause of science among
us owes so much, and who is permitted to enjoy the
bland and happy old age of the Christian scholar. On
the 13th of March, 1780, a meeting was called to
make choice of a minister. Mr. Richard Rosewell
Eliot, who had officiated in the pulpit during the win
ter, was unanimously chosen. As nothing is said of
any concurrence between the church and society, as
separate bodies, on this occasion, perhaps they acted
together bv one vote. Mr. Eliot, having signified his
acceptance of the invitation, was ordained June 21st,
1780. The Rev. Mr. Gushing of Waltham preach
ed the sermon on this occasion : the names of those,
who performed the other services, are not remembered.
* See Appendix K.
15

114
It may give us some idea of the state of the currency,
at that time, to learn that the town appropriated
£1600 to defray the expenses of the ordination.
In April, 1781, the town agreed to establish a poor-
house upon the south bank of the river, above the
bridge. A building was purchased for this purpose,
and a vote was passed to remove it to the place
designated. It would seem that this was the first
poor-house in the town. So long before as May,
1761, it had been determined to erect a work-house :
at that time, however, it was not effected ; and when,
in January, 1768, the proposal was renewed at a pub
lic meeting, it was rejected, and nothing more is said
of any similar undertaking till the date above stated.
At an adjournment of the same meeting, it was voted
"That their representative be directed to use his
endeavour in the General Court that the Tender Act,
which was lately repealed, be revived so far as it con
cerns the Tender." The vote was taken by yeas and
nays, and the names of the voters on each side were
entered on the town records.
Another attempt was made, in March, 1782, to
have a part of Newton annexed to Watertown. A
committee was appointed to confer with the people at
Angier's Corner on the subject, and to join with them,
and other inhabitants of Newton, in a petition for this
purpose. Nothing appears to have been effected by
this movement.
In 1784, a notice occurs of a lottery granted in aid
of a plan for enlarging the bridge ; and on the 20tb
of September, in that year, the town gave the follow
ing pledge : " Whereas the General Court have voted
a lottery to enlarge the great bridge over Charles
River 12 feet, — Voted, that we, the inhabitants of Wa
tertown, will engage to indemnify and save harmless
our managers, and that they will agree to take on their
own risque, their proportionable part of those tickets,
that may remain unsold after the expiration of the

115
term of time that hath or may be allowed by the
General Court ; provided the managers account with
the town for the expenditure of the money raised by
said lottery." The attempt to raise money in this
way proved^ a failure ; the tickets were not sold, and
the lottery was given up. The matter lingered along
till 1791, when the town chose a committee "to look
into the affairs of the Watertown Bridge Lottery, and
see what losses the managers have sustained " ; and
soon after they appropriated money to compensate
them for these losses, to redeem the tickets, and to pay
the charges.
On the 20th of September, 1784, the town voted
" to choose a committee to join with the several towns,
who are desirous of petitioning the General Court for
a repeal of a late act, empowering, or allowing, the
town of Boston to exact a toll of persons that supply
their market with the necessaries of life." This
refers to " An Act for regulating the market in Bos
ton," passed February 18th, 1784, and repealed Feb
ruary 11th, 1785. The Act was opposed and com
plained of by many of the towns in the country.* In
December following, Watertown appointed another
committee " to apply, in behalf of the town, to the
Corporation of Harvard College to lower the price for
passing the ferry between the towns of Charlestown
and Boston."
Measures were adopted in town meeting, in 1792,
to prevent the spread of the small-pox. Houses were
* The Hon. Mr. Savage has furnished me with a copy of the follow-
,ing" order of notice" on this subject:
"Tuesday, 9 Nov. 1784. Upon the petition of the agents of the towns
of Roxbury, Braintree, Stoughton, Dedham, Newton, Weston, Brook-
lin, Watertown, Needham, Lexington, and Walpole, — Ordered, that
the petitioners serve the Selectmen of the town of Boston with an at
tested copy of this order by leaving the same with some one of the said
Selectmen, 14 days at least before the next setting of the General
Court, to appear on the 2d Wednesday of the said next setting of the
General Court, to make answer to the said petition if they see cause."
In the margin it is said, " Relative to the Market Act."

116
provided, to. which persons infected -with that disease
by inoculation were to be removed ; and in case
they refused to remove themselves, or their families,
to the places thus designated by a committee, then the
committee were directed to prosecute them, as offen
ders, at the expense of the town.
The bridge over Charles River had been supported
by the joint contributions of Watertown, Waltham,
and Weston, the two last mentioned towns having,
from the time of their incorporation, borne their share
in this expense. In 1797 and 1798, they both made
an effort, by petitions to the Legislature, to be liber
ated from this burden. These petitions were opposed
by the people of Watertown, who appointed agents to
meet and answer them before the General Court.
The relief, which these towns claimed, seems not to
have been obtained. But on the 2d of March, 1798,
the General Court passed an Act, authorizing the
inhabitants of Weston and Waltham, as well as of
Watertown, to regulate the fishery " within the limits
of the said towns " ; and the proceeds accruing from this
source were to be divided among the three towns,
according to the proportion which each town bore in
the expenses of the bridge. This Act, which made
the right in the fishery in each town a joint concern of
the three towns, appears to have been considered by
the people of Watertown as unjust and oppressive.
At a meeting on the 20th of January, 1800, they voted
"to appoint a committee to make serious enquiry
into the constitutionality of the Act empowering Wes--
ton and Waltham to lease the fishery in Watertown."
This vote, however, they reconsidered ; and in March,
of the same year, they proposed, through a committee,
to Weston aud Waltham, to refer the determination of
the question respecting the constitutionality of the Act
of March 2d, 1798, to the Judges of the Supreme
Court, and to bind themselves to abide by the decision
of the Judges. This proposal, it would seem, failed

117
of success ; for in May following, the same committee,
who had been appointed in March, were empowered
and directed by Watertown to bring an action against
Weston or Waltham, which might be the means of
putting to test the constitutionality of the disputed
Act. In August, however, the people of Watertown
voted to make a proposition to Weston and Waltham
for " a settlement or compromise respecting the bridge
and fishery"; and the committee designated for this
purpose were empowered, in March, 1801, to give to
Weston and Waltham a complete and sufficient dis
charge for ever from any further expense in maintain
ing the bridge over Charles River, provided those
towns would give up to Watertown all the privileges
in the fishery, which were granted to them in common
with Watertown by the Act of March, 1798. On the
basis of these conditions a mutual agreement, or obli
gation, was drawn up with great formality and precis
ion, and signed by the agents of the three towns re
spectively. This agreement was read to the people of
Watertown at a public meeting on the 15th of March,
1802, when they voted to accept the contract, and
place it on record. The dispute was thus adjusted
satisfactorily to all parties, and their subsequent pro
ceedings were governed by this contract for several
years. At length, by an Act of the General Court,
dated February 3d, 1816, the right in the fishery was
secured and appropriated to Watertown within the
limits of the town, and Weston and Waltham were
discharged from any further cost or charge towards the
support of the bridge over Charles River in Water-
town. This is the footing, on which the matter now
stands. The manner in which the property in the pews had
been disposed of when the meeting-house was finish
ed in 1755, proved the occasion of some difficulty,
after the lapse of nearly fifty years. The pews had
not been purchased by those who occupied them, but

118
had been assigned to the individuals by the town,
according to the proportion each one had borne in
the whole cost of the meeting-house. This mode of
conveying the pews to the individual owners appears to
have been vague and informal ; and in process of time
cases occurred, which gave rise to the question,
whether the property in the pews obtained in this way
was of such a nature that it could be transmitted by
inheritance, or whether it was limited to the lifetime
of the original owner. The difficulty growing out of
this question was probably before the town in May,
1795, when they voted " to take council concerning
the state of the pews in Watertown meeting-house."
The committee chosen at that time were directed to
consult Mr. Parsons and Mr. Dexter, and to obtain a
written opinion from them on the subject. " Some
other gentlemen at the bar " were likewise to be con
sulted. From some cause the business seems to have
proceeded very slowly ; for it was not till March, 1799,
that Mr. Parsons and Mr. Dexter communicated their
written opinion, in which they said that the original
manner of assigning the pews- dW- not appear to them
to have the forms " necessary in fleeds to create an
estate of inheritance," and that the votes of the town
alone "could not be legally construed as giving an
estate beyond the life of the grantee." In conse
quence of this opinion from such high sources, and in
order to obviate all future uncertainty and difficulty,
the town passed a vote, whereby they " give, grant, and
confirm " to the original proprietors, and to their heirs
and assignees for ever, the pews which they severally
drew or held in the meeting-house, excepting those
pews which had reverted to the town ; and these were
in like manner confirmed to the individuals who had
purchased them of the town, and to their heirs, &c.
This vote was in April, 1800..
In 1811, a proposal to build a new meeting-house
for the town was under discussion. But the commit-

119
tee, to whom the subject was referred, reported
against the project, and it was abandoned.
The site of the United States' Arsenal in Water-
town was selected early in 1816, by Major Talcot,
who was stationed in the vicinity for the purpose of
taking the charge of the establishment. In June of
the same year, the State of Massachusetts ceded to
the United States the jurisdiction usual in such cases
over an extent of territory, which should not exceed
sixty acres. The work was begun immediately after
this cession; and in 1820, the buildings were com
pleted. Mr. Alexander Parris of Boston was employ
ed as architect ; and the whole was finished under the
superintendance of Major Talcot, the first commander
of the post. At present, somewhat more than forty
acres of land are in possession of the United States at
this place. A new magazine has been erected during
the last year. The two magazines are of stone, and
of the best construction ; the other buildings are of
brick. There are two large storehouses, two buil
dings for officers' quarters, two barracks, two work
shops, and a few other small buildings. They are
placed on the four sides of a parallelogram, which face
the cardinal points, the spaces between the buildings
being filled by a wall fifteen feet in height. The
area enclosed is about three hundred and fifty feet by
two hundred and eighty feet. The magazines are
placed at the distance of several hundred feet from
the other buildings. This establishment is both a
depot and an arsenal of construction.*
In May, 1817, two hundred dollars were assessed,
in addition to the usual tax, for the supply of the pulpit
during the ill state of the Rev. Mr. Eliot's health.
The name of Dr. Marshall Spring was so much and
so long connected with public interests, both in his pro
fession and in civil affairs, that the notice of it may
* These particulars respecting the Arsenal were communicated by
Major Craig, the present much respected commander of the post.

120
with propriety belong to this narrative. He was born
in Watertown, February 19th, 1741-2, was graduated
at Harvard College iri 1762, and died on the 11th of
January, 1818, aged 76 years. After leaving college,
he selected the profession of physic and surgery, to
the study of which he devoted himself with assiduity.
Ee resided for a short time at St. Eustatia, and then
returned to Watertown, where he spent the remain
der of his life. He received great assistance from
Dr. Josiah Converse, his maternal uncle, and after
ward inherited his property. Dr. Spring became one
of the most distinguished- physicians in the Country ;
and. perhaps no one can be mentioned, in whose- judg
ment "and, skill a more unreserved confidence was
placed. His: practice was very extensive, and his
house was the resort of great numbers of patients from
the neighbouring and from distant towns. He was
remarkable for a peculiar sagacity of mind, and for
acute observation of human nature. These qualities
influenced his medical practice, which is said to have
been, in many respects, original, and so different from
established modes as sometimes to draw upon him
obloquy from his professional brethren. But the
extraordinary success, which so often attended his
mode of treating diseases, served to vindicate his judg
ment, and secured for him confidence. His strong
good sense, and directness of mind, gave him a dis
gust for whatever savoured of pedantry, or of empty
formality, in the profession. It was the fortune of
Dr. Spring to be somewhat connected with political
affairs. At the time of the Revolution, he was a
decided tory, and thought the attempt of the colonies
to gain independence entirely rash, and inexpedient.
He despaired of success in an enterprise, which to
the timid or prudent seemed so hopeless, and which
even the sanguine acknowledged to be full of perilous
uncertainty. He avowed his opinions on this subject
so freely and fearlessly, that it is supposed he would

121
have been sent out of the country, under the law made
for that purpose in 1776, had he not been too impor
tant, as a medical man, to be spared. In 1789 he
was chosen a member of the Massachusetts Conven
tion on the question concerning the adoption of the
Constitution of the United States. Dr. Spring was
opposed to the Constitution, because he deemed it
deficient in the principles necessary for strength and
permanence. In the great political division of the
country at the change of the administration in 1801,
he took the side of the predominant party ; and when
reminded, by a political opponent, of the inconsistency
between this conduct and his former toryism, he
replied that " the voice of the people was as much the
voice of God now, as in 1776." He was, for several
years, a member of the Executive Council of Massa
chusetts, and discharged his duties in that station with
talent and fidelity. In the sharp encounter of wit,
in the ready and pungent repartee of free conversation,
Dr. Spring is said to have had very few equals. He
was highly respected and beloved till his death, by a
numerous circle of friends and associates ; and many
there are, who will never forget the benevolence of
his character, the playful amenity of his temper, and
the charm which he spread over social intercourse.*
The Rev. Richard Rosewell Eliot died on the 2 1st of
October, 1818, aged 66 years, and in the 39th year of
his ministry. His funeral sermon was preached by
the Rev. Dr. Stearns of Lincoln. He was born at
New Haven, Con., October 8th, 1752, and descended
in a direct line from the Rev. John Eliot, the memora
ble Apostle to the Indians, whose name and whose
praise will never die in the ecclesiastical history
of New England. Mr. Eliot was fitted for college
under the instruction of the Rev. Mr. Frost of Men-
don, and was graduated at Cambridge in 1774, being
* A more ample account of Dr. Spring may be found in Dr. ThaeJ}.
ef's American Medical Biography, Vol. II. p, 98,
16

122
a classmate of Mr. Adams, his predecessor in the min
istry. After leaving college, he taught a school at
Woodstock, Con., and at the same time pursued the
study of divinity under the direction of the Rev. Mr.
Leonard of that place. In 1779, he was appointed
a tutor in Harvard College, and held that office at the
time when he received and accepted the call to settle
in Watertown. He then attracted much attention as
an orator, and is said to have been surpassed by few in
the gifts and graces of good speaking, a power which the
infirm state of his health, and other causes, withheld
him from cultivating in the subsequent part of his life.
Mr. Eliot's theological views were liberal and enlarged.
For the harsh and stern features, which are some
times portrayed as belonging to the countenance of
religion, he had no partiality. He dwelt with peculiar
pleasure on the benevolence and the paternal charac
ter of the Deity, and considered divine truth as present
ing, in all its aspects, winning encouragement no less
than awful solemnity. Metaphysical and ethical sub
jects were among his favorite studies ; and in these,
he is said sometimes to have displayed no inconsider
able acuteness and discrimination. His preaching
was judicious, evangelical, and for the most part, prac
tical; and if his manner generally failed to be inter
esting or impressive, it should be remembered that the
very feeble condition of his health precluded, in a great
degree, that energy of delivery, which to most hearers
is necessary to render even truth attractive. The
style, in which his sermons were written, was per
spicuous, easy, and pure, marked by the good taste of
the school of Addison, and free from false ornaments
and from the artifices of composition. His mind was
active, and his feelings occasionally ardent, notwith
standing the depressing influence of a wasted bodily
frame ; and he was peculiarly disposed to interest
himself in mechanical inventions, and in certain plans
of improvement. His life might almost be regarded

123
as one long disease ; and when we consider with what
a leaden weight constant illness hangs upon the spirit,
how it paralyzes resolution, and wears away drop by
drop, as it were, the interest^ which men take in the
scenes and engagements of life, can we wonder, or can
we find no apology, if he did not accomplish so much,
or labor with so effectual force, as those may, to whom
God grants the blessings of a sound constitution and
good health ? His virtues and his piety were of a
retiring, quiet character ; his disposition was kind and
amiable ; and he was a man of sincere and honest
heart. He treated with respect and fairness the feel
ings of others, and he bore suffering and disappoint
ment with the submission of a Christian. Mr. Eliot
was reluctant to commit any of his productions to the
press. His published writings, accordingly, are few,
but are very respectable compositions, both in manner
and matter. They are the following : " A Discourse
delivered at Athol at the Consecration of a Lodge,
Oct. 13, 1803." " A Discourse delivered at Dedham,
at the Consecration of Constellation Lodge, Oct. 19th,
1803." " Two Sermons preached at Watertown,
Sept. 30th, and Oct. 7th, 1810," from Acts, ii. 47:
" Two Sermons preached at Watertown, Sept. 22d,
1816," from Deuteronomy xxxii. 47. In the third
of these is presented a very lucid and judicious view
of the nature of a Christian church, and of the char
acter which appertains to the ordinance of the Supper.
From the last, published about two years before his
death, is taken the following extract, which is honor
able to the feelings of his heart, as a minister : " When
I look round on the people of my charge, and view
them as pilgrims on their passage to a state of recom
pense and retribution, when I consider that during
the space of more than thirty-six years I have been
with them, in all seasons and in innumerable vicissi
tudes, have shared in their griefs, sorrows, and adver
sities, and have experienced their kind attention and

124
affectionate aids, when I have been called to pass1
through the furnace of afflictions, — when I consider
how many of my parishioners have already been joined
to the congregation of tjae dead, how soon those who
have been brought up under my ministry and who still
continue among the living, must pass into the invisi
ble and eternal world, how soon my ministerial labors
must come to a close, and how soon I shall be requir
ed, by an impartial and unerring Judge, to give an
account of my stewardship, my feelings are unuttera
ble!" There are recorded by Mr. Eliot, during his minis
try, 497 baptisms and 118 received to the church.*
After the death of Mr. Eliot the pulpit was supplied
by various candidates for the ministry. On the 12th
of April, 1819, the town voted to invite the writer of
this narrative to settle with them in the Gospel minis-
try, the church having previously, on the 31st of
March, made a nomination to that effect. The invita
tion was accepted, and the ordination took place on
the 23d of June, 1819. The introductory prayer was
offered by the Rev. Dr. Lowell of Boston; the Rev.
Dr. Osgood of Medford preached the sermon, from
1 Timothy, i. I5.f The Rev. Dr. Kirkland, President
of Harvard College, offered the ordaining prayer ;
the Rev. Dr. Ripley of Concord delivered the charge ;
the Rev. Mr. Palfrey of Boston gave the right hand
of fellowship ; and the Rev. Mr. Ripley of Waltham
offered the concluding prayer.
In the summer of 1819, the meeting-house was
enlarged by an addition of 16 feet in width. This
enlargement afforded space for the erection of 16 new
pews on the lower floor. The alteration was made

* The body of Mr. Eliot was deposited in the tomb of John Richard
son, Esq. His widow still resides in Watertown.
^This sermon was printed at the request of the society, and was the
last production published by the venerable and eloquent preacher. He
died December 12th, 1822.

125
by persons* who entered into a contract for the pur
pose with a committee appointed by the town.
The meeting-house erected in Watertown by the
Watertown and Newton Universalist society was
dedicated on the 15th of August, 1827. On the same
day the Rev. Russell Streeter was installed as pastor.
The church was publicly recognised July 23d, 1828.
The connexion of the Rev. Mr. Streeter with the
society was dissolved in 1829; and on the 15th of
May, 1830, the Rev. William S. Balch, their present
pastor, was installed.
On the 19th of August, 1830, the meeting-house
erected by a Baptist society in Watertown was dedi
cated, and the Rev. Peter Chase was installed as their
pastor. A church was formed at the same time.
On the 17th of September, 1830, the inhabitants of
Watertown commemorated the completion of the sec
ond century from the settlement of the town. An
address was delivered by the Congregational Minister,
at the request of the Selectmen ; and religious ser
vices, adapted to the occasion, were performed by the
Rev. Mr. Ripley of Waltham, and the Rev. Mr.
Balch and the Rev. Mr. Chase of Watertown.
The humble narrative, which has now been brought
to a close,* may suggest considerations of some practi
cal importance. The history of a town is indeed but
a small item on the broad records of man's doings, — so
small, that many will regard the interest taken in it as
mere antiquarian trifling. But it is not without its
use, at least to those who live on the spot, to which
the narrative belongs. Our towns are the minute sec
tions of a great community, each of which has an influ
ence and an interest, however inconsiderable, in the
welfare of the whole. They are the nurseries of the
state, sending forth a continual supply of members to
act and to be acted upon, amidst the complicated trans-
* See Appendix L.

126
actions and improvements of the country. These little
subdivisions are the elementary parts of that mighty
and unwieldy mass, which we call the nation ; and in
proportion as the parts are made sound and pure, the
whole receives a firmer and more healthy character.
In our community and under our institutions, this is pe
culiarly true. So free and numerous are the channels
of intercourse through a body politic, in which men
have equal rights, that scarcely the most inconsiderable
fragment of society can be said to stand alone. The
village has a bearing on the nation, and the nation on
the village. The inhabitants of every town, therefore,
should feel that they have relations to sustain, and du
ties to perform, of no unimportant nature. The sacred
interests of knowledge, of rational freedom, and of re
ligion, they should cherish with the deepest solicitude
of which the heart of man is capable. They should
never forget, that upon the members of every family,
upon the inmates of every home, lies a solemn respon-
sibleness to their country and to God, — that the domes
tic establishment is a seminary, which sends forth its
pupils through the land, and the influence of which, in
extent and duration, can scarcely be measured.
The care of education is a precious trust, for which
our towns, each and all, are accountable. While they
maintain a watchful concern in the cause of knowledge,
they are doing good not only to themselves, but to the
whole land. A power is thus put in operation, which
seeks out and draws forth the talents of every portion
of the community, which reaches forth a helping hand
to the minds marked by God for usefulness and dis
tinction, and calls them to the service of society ; and
by doing this from generation to generation, perpetu
ates a race of vigorous and enlightened guardians of
good institutions. It is this, which fans into a bright
and beautiful flame the spark of intellect, that might
otherwise be smothered, or burn dimly, in secret pla
ces. It is this, which spreads far and wide thatenlight-

127
ened energy of character, upon which must ever rest
the strong defence of the high interests of humanity.
The memorable example of our fathers, in this respect,
is worthy of all praise. Scarcely had they felled the
forest sufficiently to prepare room for their poor and
scattered dwellings, when they turned their thoughts
anxiously to the care of education. In the midst of
distress and danger, when, it might be supposed, they
had enough to do in procuring bread to eat and in de
fending themselves from the savages, they laid the
foundation of our venerable University and of schools,
the blessings of which are now a rich part of our in
heritance. The means of learning took root among the
deep foundations of the republic, and grew and flour
ished with it. We may not forget, that they belong
essentially, not to its ornament only, but to its welfare,
and that they cannot be slighted without peril to all
we hold most dear.
It should be remembered, however, that higher in
terests than those of knowledge are committed, as an
inestimable deposit, to every town among us ; I mean
the interests of morals and religion. Here, too, the
state has a claim upon all its parts ; for religion belongs
to the community, and blesses the community. They
make but a defective estimate, who treat it merely as
a concern between the individual and his God. It is
this ; but it is likewise more than this. It is a matter
between the members of society, as such, a matter in
which they have a strong mutual interest. Religion
goes beyond the breast of the individual and.beyond the
family circle. It travels through society, and scat
ters blessings as it goes ; it gives security to rights,
to property, and to enjoyments ; it controls if it does
not extinguish the passions from which spring encroach
ment and oppression ; it acts upon the whole while
it acts upon the parts, and spreads the broad wing
of its love over the community at large, as well
as over your own dwelling. Such views of its agen-

128
cy are too often excluded, or their importance un
derrated, by the narrowness of sectarian feeling, or in
the eagerness of party triumph. The subject was not
regarded thus by our ancestors. They considered re
ligion as the best friend and ally of their civil institu
tions, as the sanctifier and the protector, of whatever
they valued most highly in their political privileges.
And they judged rightly. We surely want something
to penetrate the whole mass of society, and operate as
a restraint upon that pestilent ambition, which aims
only at self-aggrandizement, and, so it can but build a
triumphal arch to its own glory, cares not how abject
and miserable are the crowds that gaze upon it. We
want something that will give a solemn sanction to
sound and wholesome laws, and to the sacred institu
tions of order and justice. We want something, that
will prevent passion or selfishness from sweeping away
the landmarks of venerable principles, that will not
suffer licentiousness, under the abused name of free
dom, to confound the essential distinctions, which God
has instituted in the very nature of human society.
The power, that will do all this, is to be found only in
moral and religious influence, an influence guarded and
guided so wisely, that it shall surround us like the air we
breathe, vitally important, and felt not by its pressure,
but by its refreshing and beneficial agency. None of
the shackles, imposed by creeds, or by the spirit of a
party, can supply the place of this great moral power.
The people of every village should feel the solemn ob
ligation of cherishing this guardian of their best posses
sions, and at the same time they should remember, that
the spirit, miscalled religion, which kindles the wild
fire of strife and fanaticism from town to town, is as
far from resembling the beneficent agency of true Chris
tianity, as the burning, fever is from resembling the
healthful and natural action of the functions of the body.
The principles, which have been stated, are the es
sential sources of all the good we can wish for our

129
country. These are the support of the privileges and
institutions, which make our country worthy of our
love. They are inseparably associated with the mem
ory of our fathers, who through successive generations
watched with pious care over the church of Christ, and
kept a sleepless eye fixed on the blessings of freedom.
Whatever there is of honest fame, or of virtuous ex
citement, in their sufferings and deeds ; whatever their
example affords, to which the nations of the earth
point, as to a source of instruction and a beacon of hope ;
whatever is registered of their high enterprise, their
noble daring, their firm endurance ; all these become
the nutriment of a consecrated patriotism, when they
are regarded as the expression of strong devotedness to
the cause of knowledge, of truth, and of piety. It is
thus that the feeling becomes a hallowed one, which
connects us with the men of former days, — men who
have left the impression of their wisdom and valor on
their own age, and on succeeding ages, who set forth
and defended principles, the power of which is now felt
in every fibre of the community, aud who, in times
when the hearts of multitudes quaked within them for
fear, looked unmoved on danger and death, resting on
a sublime sense of duty, and on the arm of Almighty
God. In the same elevated spirit the Christian citizen can
look forward to the future. His blessings rise to a
higher value, and glow with a richer beauty, when he
can hope that they will be transmitted to his children's
children, encompassed and strengthened by the helps
of knowledge and piety. His regard to the public
welfare thus acquires something of the nature of pa
rental affection, blending with its serious and perhaps
stern expression the mildness of that feeling, which
looks with fond care to coming generations. We
should love our country, as Christians and as enlight
ened men. We should show this love, not by hating
and reviling other nations, not by idle vaporing and
17

130
swelling boasts, not by plunging with mad zeal into
the conflicts of party ; remembering that if it be truly
said, Faction will freedom, like its shade, pursue,
Yet, like the shadow, proves the substance true,
it is also the fearful lesson of history, that faction is of
ten the assassin, as well as the companion, of liberty.
We must manifest a love for our native land in other
and better ways, — by cleaving fast to principles and in
stitutions established by the labors of the wise, and
sanctified by the prayers of the pious, and by such a
use of our gifts and privileges, that those who are to
come after us, may have as much good and as little
evil to tell of us, as we have to tell of our ancestors.
We must remember, that the good man is the best
patriot ; that fidelity in the use of our extraordinary
blessings will teach us most effectually how to prize
and to preserve the fair inheritance transmitted from
the Fathers of New England.

APPENDIX.

(A, page 12.)
The following is a list of the names, with the quantity of land
assigned to each, in a " grant of the Plowlands at Beverbroke
Plaines, devided and lotted out by the Freemen to all the
Townesmen then inhabiting, being 106 in number." — February
28, 1636.

Acres.

Acres.

George Phillips, pastor.

forty.

Francis Smith,

eight.

John Whitney,

ten.

John Eaton,

six.

Thomas Hastings,

two.

John Loveran,

twenty.

Richard Woodward,

six.

William Jennison,

ten.

Robert Betts,

one.

John Page,

thirteen.

John Grigs,

one.

Samuel Hosier,

five.

John Simson,

four.

John Winkell,

three.

Charles Chadwick,

three.

John Goffe,

four.

Robert Veazy,

one.

Nathaniel Bowman,

seven.

Henry Goldstone,

seven.

Brian Pembleton,

twelve.

John Smith, Sen.,

four.

Richard Browne,

nine.

John Tomson,

two.

John Lawrence,

three,

John Eddy,

nine.

John Tucker,

three.

William Bassum,

three.

Thomas Cakebred,

eight.

Benjamin Crispe,

three.

Robert Tuck,

five.

Edmund Sherman,

six.

Henry Cuttris,

one.

William Bridges,

five.

Richard Kemball,

twelve.

Gregory Taylor,

five.

John Barnard,

ten.

John Coolige,

five.

Edward Dikes,

three.

Daniel Patrick,

fourteen.

Thomas Brookes,

four.

Joseph Mosse,

two.

Timothy Hawkins,

two.

Ephraim Child,

sixteen.

Gregory Stone,

ten.

Robert Dockwood,

six.

James Cutter,

three.

Francis Onge,

six.

John Cutting,

ten.

John Gay,

five.

Daniel Perse,

one.

Simon Eire,

eighteen.

Barnaby Windes,

six.

Sir Richard Saltonstall

thirty.

John Kingsberry,

six.

Nathaniel Baker,

five.

Robert Feke,

twenty-four,

John Richardson,

three.

Isaac Stone,

eleven.

George Munnings,

four.

Thomas Smith.

two.

Henry Bright,

three.

John Rose,

three.

Nicholls Knapp,

six.

Miles Nutt,

three.

Richard Sawtle,

one.

John Hayward,

seven.

John Ellett,

four.

Thomas Filbrick,

nine.

132

Simon Stone,

fourteen.'

Robert Daniel,

eight.

Isaac Mixer,

four.

Edward How,

twenty-four.

Henry Dengayne,

one.

Thomas Maihew,

thirty.

John Stowars,

two.

Richard Beere,

two.

Edmund James,

five.

John Firmin,

nine.

John Warrin,

thirteen.

John Batcheler,

six.

William Knop,

seven.

Henry Kemball,

six.

William Palmer,

one.

Edmund Lewis,

five.

John Finch, •

four.

William Swift,

five.

John Winter,

three.

Edward Lam,

three.

John Smith, Jun.,
Roger Willington,
Christopher Grant,
John Nichols,
John Dwight,
Foster Pickram,
John Springe,
John Warnet,
Emanuel White,
Edward Garfield,
William Gutterig,
Hugh Mason,
Thomas Rogers,
Thomas Bartlett,
John Doggett,
Lawrence Waters,
Martin Underwood,
William Paine,
Garrett Church,
Abram Shaw,

Onfe»twos three. four.
seven.five. six. seven.
three. seven.three. three.five.two.six. four.
two.
twenty-fouf.
two. ten.

Though the number is stated to be 106, it will be found, on
counting, to be 108.

(B, page 13.)
The confusion on this question arises from the apparently
contradictory testimonies of the old writers, and from the vague
character of some of their expressions. Dr. Kendal, in the body
of his Century Discourse, considers the church in Watertown as
the sixth in age, among the Massachusetts churches ; but in a
note of some length, the fruit of subsequent researches, he as
signs to it an earlier date, and is disposed even to regard it as
second only to that at Salem. In this last estimate he is, how
ever, undoubtedly in an error. The mistakes of Johnson, ( Won
derworking Providence,) in his arrangement of the churches,
are now generally acknowledged ; and if his testimony be set
aside, as it probably should be, the opinions which others have built
on his authority as to this point, must fall with it. Mather (Mag
na!. B» III. ch. 4.) says that the Rev. Mr. Phillips and the other
settlers of Watertown, on the 30th of July, 1630, " upon a day set
apart for solemn fasting and prayer, the very next month after
they came ashore, entered into this holy covenant." He then
subjoins the covenant at length, and adds, that " about forty men
then subscribed this instrument in order unto their coalescence
into a church- estate." The day here designated was that, which
Governor Winthrop had appropriated for fasting and prayer on ac-

133
tount of the naaHrlent sickness, and on which Winthrop, Dudley,
Johnson, and Wilson " first entered into church covenant, and
laid the foundation of the churches both of Charlestown and
afterwards of Boston." (Prince, p. 310, &c.) At the same
time Sir Richard Saltonstall, and others of the settlement at Wa
tertown, subscribed a covenant. Mather's statement, as to the
origin of the Watertown church, would seem to be explicit and
decisive of the question. But, in a note at the end of Dr. Ken
dal's Discourse, Dr. Holmes, to whose faithful and valuable la
bors on the early history of this country high praise is due, has
endeavoured to show that the transaction to which Mather's ac
count relates, was not the actual formation of a church, but mere
ly an exercise preparatory to that act. His reasoning certainly
deserves much consideration, and is stated with fairness and
strength. Yet it does not seem to me entirely satisfactory and
convincing. Although, as he remarks, the fast on the 30th of Ju
ly related not primarily to ecclesiastical matters, but to the
prevalent sickness, yet the strong expressions used by the wri
ters, from whom we have the account, certainly seem to imply
nothing less than the actual formation of churches. According to
Prince, it was considered an important object in keeping the fast,
" that such godly persons among them, as know each other, may
publicly at the end of their exercise make known their desire,
and practise the same by solemnly entering into covenant with
God to walk in his ways," &c. ; and though their society con
sisted of very few, they promised, " after to receive in such by
confession of faith, as shall appear to be fitly qualified." This
last engagement implies, that they intended from that day to be
regarded as an organized church, prepared to receive others into
their number. Morton, in relating the same transaction, tells us,
that their purpose was to seek " for direction and guidance in
the solemn enterprize of entering into church fellowship." (New
England's Memorial, Davis's ed. p. 159.) Language like this
appears decisively to describe the formation of churches ; and if
it were not intended to do so, it is unguarded and ambiguous.
Mather introduces his account by remarking, that " they [Mr.
Phillips and others of the Watertown settlers] resolved that they
would combine into a church fellowship there as their first work,"
&c. ; and when he remarks, that " in after time they, that join
ed unto the church, subscribed a form of the covenant some
what altered, with a confession of faith annexed unto it," this re
fers, I conceive, not to a subsequent process of forming a church,
but merely to some modifications in their covenant, introduced
perhaps to make it more explicit and satisfactory. There is,
however, another account given by Mather, which is inconsistent

134
faith his own statement, above quoted, as to the**B*»of the Water-
town 'church. He places (Book I. ch. 5.) the churches at Charles
town, Dorchester. Boston, Roxbury, and Lynn, before that at
Watertown, in the order of time. I know not how this inconsistency
is to be explained, but by supposing that Mather, in the arrange
ment of the churches just referred to, followed, without examina
tion, some erroneous authority. We seem warranted to infer
that in the account, which assigns the Watertown church to July
30, 1 630, he was more likely to be correct, because, in that ac
count, a specific date is given for the transaction, connected with
the well-attested fact of the fast which was observed on that day ;
whereas, in the other account, a merely general statement is
made of one church following another, without any date assigned
to either, except the Charlestown church. On the whole, I
cannot but conclude, that the true date of the formation of the
Watertown church is July 30, 1 630, O. S. With regard to the
relative positions of the first churches in Massachusetts, in the order
of time, information may be found in Dr. Kendal's Century Dis
course, p. 19 ; Mass. Hist. Collections, 2d Series, Vol. I. pp. 9,
25 ; and Savage's note on Winthrop, Vol. I. p. 94.
The covenant mentioned above as recorded by Mather, into
which Mr. Phillips and others entered, and which was the foun
dation of this ancient church of our fathers, is so remarkable for
its hearty piety, and its entire freedom from a sectarian spirit,
that I have thought proper to insert it in this connexion. It is
as follows : "July 30, 1630.
" We, whose narhes are hereto subscribed, having, through
God's mercy, escaped out of the pollutions of the world, and been
taken into the society of his people, with all thankfulness do here
by, both with heart and hand, acknowledge that his gracious good
ness and fatherly care towards us; and, for further and more full
declaration thereof to the present and future ages, have under
taken (for the promoting of his glory, and the church's good, and
the honour of our blessed Jesus, in our more full and free sub
jecting of ourselves and ours under his gracious government, in the
practice of and obedience unto all his holy ordinances and orders,
which he hath, pleased to prescribe and impose upon us) a long
and hazardous voyage from east to west, from Old England in
Europe, to New England in America ; that we may walk before
him, and serve him without fear, in holiness and righteousness, all
the days of our lives : and being safely arrived here, and thus
far onwards peaceably preserved by his special providence, that
we may bring forth our intentions into actions, and perfect our

135
resolutions in the Ibeginnings of some just and meet executions,
we have separated the day above written from all other services,
and dedicated it wholly to the Lord in divine employments, for
a day of afflicting our souls, and humbling ourselves before the
Lord, to seek him, and at his hands a way to walk in, by
fasting and prayer, that we might know what was good in his
sight ; and the Lord was entreated of us. For in the end of that
day, after the finishing of our publick duties, we do all, before
we depart, solemnly, and with all our hearts, personally, man by
man, for ourselves and ours, (charging them before Christ and his
elect angels, even them that are not here with us this day, or are
yet unborn, that they keep the promise unblameably and faith
fully, unto the coming of our Lord Jesus,) promise, and enter
into a sure covenant with the Lord our God, and, before him,
with one another, by oath and serious protestation made, to re
nounce all idolatry and superstition, will-worship, all humane tra
ditions and inventions whatsoever in the worship of God ; and
forsaking all evil ways, do give ourselves wholly unto the Lord
Jesus, to do him faithful service, observing and keeping all his
statutes, commands, and ordinances, in all matters concerning
our reformation, his worship, administrations, ministry, ai<d gov
ernment, and in the carriage of ourselves among ourselves and
one towards another, as he hath prescribed in his holy word.
Further swearing to cleave unto that alone, and the true sense and
meaning thereof to the utmost of our power, as unto the most
clear light, and infallible rule, and all-sufficient canon, in all things
that concern us in this our way. In witness of all, we do eoo
animo and in the presence of God hereto set our names or
marks, in the day and year above written."

(C, page 17.)
The following is the letter alluded to, taken from the Mass.
Hist. Coll. 2d Series, vol. iv. p. 171.
" Reverend and deare friends, whom 1 unfaynedly love and re
spect. It doth not a little grieve my spirit to heare what sadd
things are reported daily of your tyranny and persecutions in
New England, as that you fyne, whip, and imprison men for
their consciences. First you compel such to come into your
assemblies, as you know will not joyne with you in your worship,
and when they shew their dislike thereof or witness against it,
then you styrre up your magistrates to punish them for such
(as you conceyve) their publick affronts. Truly, friends, this

136
your practice of compelling any in matters of worship to doe
that whereof they are "not fully persuaded is to make them sin,
for soe the apostle (Rom. 14 and 23) tells us, and many are
made hypocrites thereby, conforming in their outward man for
feare of punishment. We pray for you and wish you prosperitie
every way, hoped the Lord would have given you so much light
and love there, that you might have been eyes to God's people
here, and not to practice those courses in a wilderness, which
you went so farre to prevent. These rigid wayes have layed
you very lowe in the hearts of the saynts. I doe assure you I
have heard them pray in the publique assemblies, that the Lord
would give you meeke and humble spirits, not to stryve so much-
for uniformity, as to keep the unity of the spirit in the bond of
peace. " When I was in Holland about the beginning of the warres, I
remember some christians there, that then had serious thoughts
of planting in New England, desired me to write to the governor
thereof to know if those that differ from you in opinion, yet hold
ing the same foundation in religion, as Anabaptists, Seekers, An-
tinomians, and the like, might be permitted to live among you ;
to which I received this short answer from your then governor,
Mr. Dudley, God forbid (said he) our love for the truth should
be grown so could, that we should tolerate errours ; and when
(for satisfaction of myself and others) I desired to know your
grounds, he referred me to the books written here between the
Presbyterians and Independents, which if that had been sufficient,
I needed not have sent soe farre to understand the reasons of
your practice. I hope you do not assume to yourselves infallibil-
itie of judgment, when the most learned of the apostles confes-
seth he knew but in parte and saw but darkely as through a
glass. Oh that all those who are brethren, though yet they can
not thinke and speake the same things, might be of one accord in
the Lord. |Now the God of patience and consolation grant you
to be thus minded towards one another, afjer the example of Je
sus Christ our blessed Savyor, in whose everlasting armes of pro
tection he leaves you who will never leave to be
Your truly and much affectionate friend
in the nearest union
RIC : SALTONSTALL.
For my Reverend and worthyly
much esteemed friends, Mr. Cot
ton and Mr. Wilson, preachers to
the church which is at Boston in
New-England."

137

(D, page 32.)
It is proper here to advert to the use which has been made of
the case of Briscoe, in a pamphlet entitled " Vindication of the
Rights of the Churches of Christ," published at Boston, 1828.
The writer considers the statement of Winthrop and Hubbard in
this instance as furnishing decisive evidence, that the churches
(taking the word in its limited sense, as signifying only the com
municants,) were regarded as bodies politic, and exercised the
power of levying a tax for the support of their pastors. It is not
necessary here to go into an examination of this position. The
arguments, by which the writer attempts to sustain it, have been
most satisfactorily refuted in a very able Review of the pamphlet,
published in the " Christian Examiner," for 1828, vol. v. p. 500,
&c. I will only remark, that the writer of the " Vindication " seems
to have mistaken the object of Briscoe's complaint, which was
against the tax itself, not against the power by which it was im
posed. The support of the ministers had before been drawn
from voluntary contributions ; and when a tax was introduced
compelling every man to pay his proportion for this purpose, Bris
coe found fault with the change, as an offensive and injurious in
novation. This was the object of his opposition, which therefore
furnishes no evidence in favor of the abovementioned position,
since the power of the church to raise money was not the point
in debate. It is true that Winthrop, and Hubbard who merely
copies Winthrop, speak of Briscoe as being grieved because he
and others were taxed, when they "were no members.'" Much
stress is laid on this expression to show that the church, distinc
tively so called, possessed and exercised the power in question.
But the expression, in all probability, was used concerning a re
lation to the religious society, as such, in Watertown, not to the
body of the communicants exclusively. When the tax was in
troduced, and payment demanded by the proper authorities of
the town, it is probable that Briscoe and others, in the warmth of
their resentment, separated themselves from their former connex
ion, and declared they would have nothing to do with the support
of the ministry or of public worship. They therefore considered
themselves as " no members," and were angry because the tax
was still required of them. It is an extreme jealousy of taxation,
and not resistance to a power exercised by the church, which
appears in Briscoe's case. The town records show decisively,
that the appropriations for the support of the ministry were made
by the town, as such, not by the church, as a distinct body. The
tax for this purpose in 1642 (the very year in question) was or-
18

138

dered at a town meeting, in which other town affairs were trans
acted, such as choosing Selectmen, appointing persons to pack
and sell leather, Sic. ; and, in 1648, "at a general towne meet
ing, the towne granted to Paster Knowles and Paster Sherman
120 pounds for the yeare following, to be equally divided be
tween them ; the said sum to be raised by rate made by the sev
en men " (meaning the Selectmen). There is nowhere in the
records an intimation of the church, peculiarly so called, pretend
ing to hold or exercise the power of raising money by tax for the
support of their pastors. On the contrary, this is uniformly men-
tionedas the town's affair, and disposed of among other town
business.

(E, page 50.)
The body of the Rev. Mr. Sherman was deposited in the old
burying-ground in Watertown, and a plain monument raised over
it, which, having fallen into decay, was rebuilt in 1821 . His epi
taph is said by the Rev. John Bailey, in a book of records kept
by him, to have been written by Mr. Willard, doubtless the Rev.
Samuel Willard, pastor of the Old South Church in Boston, who
was married to a daughter of Mr. Sherman. It is as follows : —
Johannis Shermanni maximce pietatis, gravitatis, et candoris viri,
in theologia. plurimum versati :
in concionando vere Chrysostomi :
in Artibus liberalibus prascipu^ Mathematicis incomparabilis :
Aquitaraensis ecclesise in Nov. Anglia fidelissimi pastoris:
Collegii Harvardini inspectoris et socii :
Qui postquam annis plus minus xlv Christo fuit 'T*»(ir»s *
in ecclesia fidus
Morte matura transmigrant,
et a Christo palma decoratus est,
A. D. mdclxxxv Augusti,
jEtatis suae lxxii :
Memories.
Mather, at the close of his account of Sherman, has bestowed

* Immediately after this word Mr. Bailey, who transcribed this epi
taph into his manuscript boolc, has inserted in a parenthesis the follow
ing comment ; " i. e. one of the underrowers that steer the ship to
wards the haven." In thus explaining this Greek word according to
its derivation, rather than in its common and obvious sense, he has
made it present to the mind a metaphor somewhat striking and pleasing.

139
upon him the following epitaph, borrowed, with the alteration of
the name, from its application to another person :
Ut Pauli Pietas, sic Euclidea Mathesis,
Uno Shermanni conditur in Tumulo.
It may not be improper to insert here an epitaph on the Rev.
Jonathan Mitchell of Cambridge, written, as I suppose, by the
Rev. Mr. Sherman. I am induced to think it to be from his
hand, because Hubbard (p. 606) ascribes it to " a neighbour
minister," and because it is subscribed with the initials J. S. If
it be Sherman's, it may lead us to fear that his philosophy and
mathematics had not altogether fitted him for a poet ; although,
if compared with the sepulchral inscriptions in verse which were
common at that period, it will certainly appear very respectable.
Here lies the darling of his time,
Mitchell, expired in his prime,
Who, four years short of forty-seven,
Was found full ripe, and pluck'd for heaven;
Was full of prudent zeal, and love,
Faith, patience, wisdom from above ;
New England's stay, next age's story,
The churches' gem, the college glory.
Angels may speak him, ah ! not I,
(Whose worth's above hyperbole,)
But for our loss, were 't in my power,
I 'd weep an everlasting shower.

(F, page 58.)
When Mr. John Bailey came from Ireland to New England,
he brought a manuscript book, to which I have already had oc
casion to refer. In this book he kept a record of all the com
munions of his church, first in Limerick, beginning June, 1679,
and then in Watertown, in regular order till he left the town. In
these records are occasionally found some interesting particulars.
The following notice, while he was in Ireland, is worthy of being
transcribed. "The 44th Sacrament was upon the 11th of Oct.,
1683, in the evening, at Mr. Wilkins. It 's now too long a storye
to tell all the particular reasons why we had not one sooner ;
many have been the exercises, tryals, vexations, we have met
with since July the 1st. There hath a plott broken out
since then that hath occasioned a world of trouble, and some
have suffered, as Russell, Essex, Capt. Wolcott, Sic, and others

140
are like to suffer ; it hath made the papists proud, &c., but God
will,iin his own time, discover the worke of darkness ; I say no
more of it. We were shutt out of the Abby by the locking, of
the gates, and it 's sad to think we shall never come more into
our old place of worship. Then I was advised by the Bishops
not to preach ; I promised to forbeare a while because of such
a criticall juncture of time; after 3 Sabbaths I began again, &c.
and so the Bishop with the broad seall of his court certified to
the Mayor, who is very unwilling to do any thing against me,
that I did preach such a day, and so required the Act of Unifor
mity to be putt in force against me in 3 monthes imprisonment.
I was sent for before the Mayor, Recorder, and other justices, to
whom I opened my mind fully : the Recorder was for imprison
ment, but the Mayor was not only willing to forgive what was
past, but not to putt me on promising to forbeare for the future
(for he knew I would not promise it), but to warne me for the
future, telling me what to look for if I do so any more. So that
now in a sort the very neck of our liberty is broken, for there is
little likelihood of doing any thing in private. This is the sad
dest day I have seen ; all their former wayes have hitherto been
abortive, nothing fledged till this. The Lord is performing the
thing appointed for me, and yet what this may come to I know
not; but there is just ground of fear, because all things every
where goe down the wind." Again he writes: — "The 46th-
Sacrament was on Jan. 13, 1684, in the morning, at Mr. W's.
I was at one of clock to preach in the Irish town ; but I have
now nothing to say to this day*s worke, for I was imprisoned in
the afternoon, and so I suppose it may be the last Sacrament I
may give ; many things were said at the Table, which I now
being under confinement forbear to repeale," &c. The next
record, Oct. 6tb, 1686, speaks of his arrival in New England,
and of his being " set apart for the church in Watertown." From
this time notices follow, in a regular series, of all the communions
of the church in Watertown while he was with them. He gives
the heads of his sermons and remarks on these occasions, and is
so particular as to notice the weather, and other minute circum
stances. He speaks frequently of the communion being attended
by great numbers of people from the neighbouring and even distant
towns. At one time, he says, they were " so many, that they put
us hard to it to get elements sufficient."
Mr. Bailey seems to have used this book as a depository for
his notes about his private matters, as well as ecclesiastical affairs.
It contains the epitaphs upon his wife, who died and was buried
in Watertown, and upon his brother Thomas. They were writ-

141
ten by Mr. Moody, probably the Rev. Joshua Moody, of the
First Church in Boston, and are as follows :
Pious Lydia, made and given by God,
as a most meet help to John Bailey,
Minister of the Gospel.
Good betimes, — Best at last,
Lived by faith, — Died in grace,
Went, off singing, — Left us weeping,
Walked with God till translated in the 39th yeare
of her age, April 16, 1691.
Read her epitaph in Prov. xxxi. 10, 11, 12, 28, 29, 30, 31.

Here lyes the precious dust of Thomas Bailey

A painful preacher
An exemplary liver |

A tender husband I
A careful father [ | A cheerful doer

'A most desirable neighbour
A pleasant companion
A common good

A brother for adversity |
A faithful friend J

A patient sufferer
Lived much in little time.

A good copy for all Survivors.
Aged 35 years.
He slept in Jesus the 21. of January 1688.
Among the curious medley contained in this book are some
memoranda of Mr. Bailey's expenses; and at the end of one of
these accounts he exclaims, " I '11 proceed no further, it 's enough
to make a man mad to take notice of dayly expenses," &c.
The following entry among his marriage records is worthy of
notice. " There was by the General Assembly, sitting in Oc
tober or November, 1692, an order made for Ministers marrying
as well as Justices of the peace, which hath encouraged me to
do it at the importunity of friends," Sic. Hutchinson says that,
among our ancestors, " there was no instance of marriage by a
clergyman, during their charter ; but it was always done by a
magistrate, or by persons specially appointed for that purpose,
who were confined to particular towns or districts. If a minister
happened to be present, he was desired to pray." Vol. I. p. 392.
It may be well to take notice here, that in a blank leaf of Mr.
Bailey's book, "Man's Chief End to Glorifie God," &c, pre
sented to the Massachusetts Historical Society, there is the fol
lowing memorandum respecting his descendants : " Now living
of his offspring, in Boston, two great-grand-children, namely,
Sarah Belknap and Abigail Willis, and three great-great-grand
children, namely, Charles Willis, Jr., Nathaniel Willis, and Abi
gail Willis. May 28, 1771."

142

(G, page 60.)
This report as then presented, respecting both the ministry and
the meeting-house, stands in the town records as follows :
" Whereas iu a general Town Meeting of the inhabitants of
Watertown, upon the 27th of December last past, it was voted
that matters of difference "relating, to the settling of a minister and
the placing of the Meeting-bouse, should be left to the determina
tion of a committee, to be chosen by the Governor and Council :
And whereas upon the application of Mr. William Bond and
Lieut. Benjamin Garfield, the Governor and Council were pleas
ed to nominate us the subscribers to be a committee for the ends
aforesaid : We do advise and determine, that forasmuch as you
have once and again called the Rev. Mr. Henry Gibbs to labour
in the Lord's vineyard at Watertown, which he has so far accepted
as to spend some years with you, in which time yourselves and
others have had plentiful experience of his ability and real worth,
that therefore you do your endeavour that he may speedyly be
fixed among you in the work and office of the ministry.
" And whereas there has been of a long time, even ever since
the dayes of your blessed pastor Phillips, an earnest contending
about the place of meeting for the publick worship of God, hav
ing heard and duly weighed the allegations of both parties in your
publick meeting, and considering the remoteness of the most of
your inhabitants from the place where the meeting-house now
Stands, our advice and determination iu that matter is, that with
in the space of four years next coming there be a meeting-house
erected in your town on a knowl of ground lying between the
house of the widow Sterns and Whitney's hill,* to be the place of
meeting to worship God for the whole town. And if in the mean
lime, the minister see - cause to dwell in the house where the
Rev. Mr. John Bayly dwell'd, the town pay rent to the proprie
tors, as hath been accustomed since its building. So praying
God to unite your hearts in his fear, we take leave, who are your
truly loving friends and brethren.
t> ht io ,ciw William Stoughton.
Boston, May 18, 1693. Jqhn pmLLIps>
To our Brethren and James Russell.
Neighbours of Watertown. Samuel Sewall.
Joseph Lynde."
* The spot thus described by the committee was in one of the an
gles now formed by the intersection of two roads near the houses of
Mr. Charles Whitney and Mr. Joel Pierce, — a place sometimes called
the Four Corners. It is now remembered in the town, that a meeting
house was said to have once stood there.

143

(H, page 66.)
By the order of the Court in 1700, it would seem, all the in
habitants of the town (except the " the Farmers ") were required
to choose which of the two places of worsliip they would support,
and then sign their names to an obligation for that purpose. The
names of those, who subscribed for the support of the old meeting
house, were as follows :
J. Hammond, Senr. N. Wyeth.

R. Norcross.
S. Stone.
N. Barsham.
J. Stratten, Senr.
N. Coolidge, Senr.
N. Bright.
J. Mason.
P. Wellington.
W. Bond.
T. Bond.
J. Beers.
J. Eddy, Senr.
J. Train.
J. Bond.
W. Shattuck.
S. Jennison.
J. Stratten, Junr.
R. Goddard.

J. Goddard.
H. Spring.
N. Fiske.
T. Train.
R. Coolidge.
D. Benjamin.
D. Smith.
D. Fiske.
E.. Goddard.
R. Beers.
A. Benjamin.
J. Coolidge.
J. Dix, Senr.
G. Lawrence.
D. Church.
T. Whitney.
S. Hastings.

J. Bacon.
J. Childs.
J. Stone.
J. Holdin
C. Grant.
S. Randall.
Jno. Stone.
S. Stratton
C. Coolidge
J. Eddy, Junr.
M. Sawing.
J. Grant.
J. Treadaway.
T. Coolidge.
W. Shattuck.
J. Maddock.
E. Whitney.
. Eliz. Bond.

The names of those, who subscribed for worship at the new
meeting-house, were as follows :
J. Warren, Senr. Jno. Mars, Junr.
J. Brown.
T. Phillips
James Barnard'
S. Phillips.
G. Beal.

S. Cook, Senr
J. Mars, Senr.
J. Barnard, Senr
H. Clark, Senr.
S. Paris.
C. Church.
E. Cutter, Senr.
S. Cook.
Jm. Mars.

B. Whitney.
N. Sterns.
J. Wellington Senr.
for his land in Wa
tertown.
D. Harrington.

J. Warren, the Cap- B. Garfield
tain's son. Justice Phillips
R. Bloss. A. Gale.

144

(F, Page W-)
1 have been informed, that the monument* now standing
over the ashes of Mr. Gibbs and his wife, was erected by the
Rev. Dr. Appleton of Cambridge, who, as has been already said,
was married to their daughter. If this be true, it is probable
that the following epitaphs, inscribed on the monument, were
written by him. Hie
Depositee sunt reliquiae viri
vere venerandi
Henrici Gibbs, Ecclesiae Christi
apud Aquitonienses Pastoris
vigilantissimi,
Pietate fulgente, eruditione non
mediocri, gravitate singulari
spectatissimi :
Peritia in divinis, prudentia. in humanis,
accuratione in concionibus, copia in precibus,
praecellentis :
Qui per terumnas vita? doloresque mortis
requiem tandem invenit.
die Octobris 21. Anno Domini mdccxxiii.
iEtatis suae ivi.

Hie
Etiam deponitur corpus Mercy Gibbs
Conjugis suae dilectissimie,
Quae expiravit in Domino 24 Januariis
Anno Domini mdccxvi.
iEtatis 6U8B XLI.

(K, Page 113.)
It may be interesting to some to present, somewhat more in
detail, the doings of the town on this subject. The report men
tioned in the narrative, after a long preamble, recommended the
following resolves :
" 1st. That we highly approve of the late resolutions of the
merchants of the town of Boston, and elsewhere in this State,
and also of the doings of the said town of Boston, and their pro- '
posal for callng a Convention at Concord, in the County of Mid
dlesex, on the 14th day of this inst. July, for the purpose of de-
* This, and the monument erected to Thomas Baily, and to John
Bailey's wife, were repaired and put in order in 1821.

145
vising ways and means for bwering the prices of all the necessary
articles of life, both foreign and domestick, and for the effectually
appreciating our currency. 2dly. That the town will, by their
committee, meet at Concord on the 14th of July inst. for the pur
pose aforesaid. 3d!y. That, in order to co-operate forthwith with
the merchants in their glorious attempt for the lowering the pri
ces of every necessary of life, it is resolved, that the produce of
our respective farms shall not advance in price in the least degree
from what they now are, upon condition the late resolution of the
merchants respecting foreign articles shall continue : but the
same shall lower in the same proportion as foreign articles do, —
and that we will use our utmost exertions that the several mechan-
icks in this town lower in like proportion ; and in order that this
vote be carried into complete execution, voted 4thly, That a com
mittee of seven be chosen, whose business it shall be to ascer
tain, as nearly as may be, the prices of foreign and domestick ar
ticles, and to determine what proportion they ought in equity to
bear each to the other, and publish their doings monthly, and
cause the same to be posted up at the meeting-house and other
places of publick resort in the town, which shall regulate the
prices of all the articles mentioned in said notification for the time
therein specified : And if any person or persons shall be so lost
to all sense of honour, love of their country, or their own interest,
as to violate in the least degree the true intent and meaning of
this resolution, by selling their produce at a higher price than
established by said committee from time to time, said person or
persons so offending shall be deemed enemies to their country,
and cryed as such by the town-clerk, for six months after, at ev
ery publick meeting of the town : — this resolution to hold good
and valid until the State at large shall have adopted some perma-
nant mode of regulating the same. 5thly. That the Selectmen
be directed, without loss of time, to transmit copies of the pro
ceedings of this meeting to the towns of Newton and Waltham,
prayin° them to adopt some such method, in order that we may
be mutually assisting in the only feasible way possible, that wq
can think of, for the appreciating our currency, and thereby
rendering our independency sure, and securing to us and our
posterity peace, liberty, and safety."
On the 26th of July, 1779, the resolves passed in the Conven
tion at Concord were accepted and approved by Watertown, and
a committee was appointed " to regulate and settle the prices of
such articles as may be thought proper." This committee soon
after reported a list of prices for articles, in addition to those
agreed upon at Concord. " Hay and milk in Boston market "
19

146

were exempted from the regulation. . The following is the list of
prices, as given in the town records
"For the Innholders : — a dinner 18s. — horse-keeping per
night 17s. — oats per pottle 5s. — punch per bowl 30s. —
W. Ind. flip per mug 12s. — yoke of oxen per night at English
hay 18s.-

Tanner.
sole leather per lb.
curried calf-skins, single,
equal to 6 lbs. sole leather.
Labour.
a man per day, find himself
a man per day, and found

20s.

60s.
40s.

Teaming.
per mile, not exceeding 90
miles, out, per ton . 18s.
man and team per day, find
ing themselves . £5. 10s.
man and team, found, per day £4.
Shoemaker.
men's best shoes per pair £6. 00
women's best do. " 4. 10s.
Tailor.
making a man's best worked
coat .... £8.
do. do. waistcoat 4.
do. do. breeches 4.

Weaver.
for weaving 7-8 cotton and
linen cloth per yard 6s
do. yard wide tow . 6s
5-4 all wool . . .9s

3d. 3d.

Blacksmith.
narrow axe . . £7. 10s.
shoeing a horse round
with refined iron and
steel . . £5. 00
shoeing oxen in the same
manner . . . £10.00
Mechanics.
per day, finding themselves 72s.
do. and found . 52s.
Saddler.
beet saddle compleat . £70.
best curbed bridle . . £12.

best single-reined do.

£6.

Leather-dresser.
best sheep's wool per lb. 22s. 6d.
best wash'd leather dress
ed sheep-skins, single 56s. 3d.
Boating from Boston.
per boat-load . £18. 15s.

per hogshead
per barrell

shaving

Barber.

25s. 7s. 6d.

3s.

Hatter.
best beaver hat
best felt hat

£40. £4.

Joiner.
common mahogany desk £ 20.
do. round top case drawers £130.
do. four foot table . £ 27.
Currier.
currying calf-skins . 24s.
do. a hide . . £4.
TaUow-Chandler.
candles per lb. . . 18s.
hard soap per lb. . . 10s.
soap per barrell . . £15.

Potter.
quart mugs per doz.
do. single Butcher.
raw hides per lb. .
best tallow per lb.
flax per lb.
milk per quart
oats per bushel
barley per bushel
malt per bushel

50s. 5s.

3s.

12s. 2s.

£4. 10s.
£4. 10s.

147
Horse-hire per mile 5s. Chaise-hire per mile 5s. All arti
cles of European manufactures at the same rates, that shall be
affixed to them by the town of Boston."
A committee was likewise chosen to carry into effectual
and rigid execution the proceedings of the Convention at Con
cord.

(L, page 125.)
It may not be without use to subjoin to our annals a brief ac
count of the town, as it is at the present time.
Watertown is 61 miles from Boston, and is bounded on the
north by West Cambridge, on the east by Cambridge, on the
south by Charles River and by Newton, and on the west by Wal
tham. It is pleasantly situated on Charles River, which in its beau
tiful windings decorates the scenery, at the same time that it con
fers -more substantial advantages. In extent of territory, Water-
town is one of the smallest towns in Massachusetts, containing
only 3833T6¥ acres, including land and water, as will appear
from the following result of a survey taken by Mr. John G.
Hales of Boston :
Half of Charles River, length 375 chains,
by 2 chains wide - 75 acres.
Part of Fresh Pond - - 58-j
Small stream and Mill-pond - 3

1 0

 136*
Amount of land, including roads &c. 3697*

Whole contents within the lines - 3833*
The soil of Watertown is in general remarkably good. A
portion of the southeastern extremity of the town is sandy, poor,
and barren ; but, with this exception, the land is among the best
and most productive in the Commonwealth. The soil consists,
for the most part, of black loam, having a substratum of hard
earth, so that it suffers but little comparatively from drought in
summer. There is very little wood-land in the town, nearly all

148
the soil being cleared and cultivated. A large proportion of the
inhabitants, comprising nearly all those who occupy the north
part of the town, are employed in agriculture, and their farms
are under very good cultivation. The usual productions of the
villages in the vicinity of Boston are found here in abundance,
and a large supply is furnished for the market of the city. There
are a few country seats, beautifully situated, and in a state of
high and improved cultivation.
A branch of business, which has been of considerable impor
tance in Watertown, is the fishery of Charles River. It is annu
ally let out by the town for the highest sum that can be obtained.
Several years ago, it produced a revenue of between 600 and
800 dollars a year ; now it is much less profitable, being com
monly let out for 250 or 300 dollars a year. The shad fishery
is the only one of much value ; and the number of that kind of
fish taken in the river is considerably less, than it was 40 or 50
years since. If we go further back, the contrast is still greater.
Wood, describing Watertown about 150 years ago, speaks of
" the great store of shads and alewives," and then says, that " the
inhabitants in two tides have gotten one hundred thousand of
these fishes." New England's Prospect, p. 46.*
There are two paper-mills in the town ; at one of them, only
brown paper is made ; at the other, besides brown paper they
make printing paper, candle paper, glass paper, &c. Each of
these mills manufactures, on an average, 150 reams per week.
There are also two manufactories of cloth. "The Watertown
Woollen Factory Company " has an establishment near the bridge ;
this manufactures broadcloths and cassimeres, employs from 30
to 35 hands, and turns out about 250 yards per week. " The
Bemis Manufacturing Company " (incorporated in 1827) has a
much larger establishment about a mile above the bridge ; this
consists of two factories, a Woollen Factory, which manufactures
about 2500 yards of satinet per week, and a Cotton Factory,
which spins and warps for satinets, and makes about 2000 bolts
of cotten duck per annum.
The town has four public schools. Two of these are kept
the whole year, one by a male teacher, the other by a female.
The other two are taught by masters in the winter, and by fe
male teachers in the summer. The number of children in all these
schools is, on an average, about 240. There is one flourishing
* After some litigation, the profits of the fishery are now divided be
tween Watertown and Brighton, the proportion of seven tenths to the
former and three tenths to the latter town.

149

private school in the town ; and there are two or three, at which
reading and spelling are taught to little children. In December,
1829, a Lyceum was established, at a meeting of the inhabitants
called for that purpose, and a course of lectures was given, which
lasted till the end of April ; by a regulation of the society, the lec
tures or other exercises are to continue for six months from the
1st of November, being suspended during the summer months.
Connected with the Lyceum is a scientific and miscellaneous li
brary; there are two libraries besides this, one a Religious Li
brary, the other a Juvenile Library, to which all the children in
the town have access.
There are three meeting-houses within the limits of the town ;
one for Congregationalists, one for Universalists, and one for
Baptists. The number of inhabitants has not increased so rapidly in Wa
tertown, as in many other places. There has been, however, a
gradual increase. The following statements exhibit, I believe,
the most complete account that can be had of the population of
Watertown at different periods. All these, except the census
taken the present year, were collected and furnished to me by
the Rev. Dr. Freeman, Senior Pastor of King's Chapel, Boston,
a name which cannot be mentioned without the remembrance of
highly valued services in the cause of pure and rational religion,
and of an old age ripe in wisdom and in Christian virtue.
Number of Negro Slaves in 1754
of sixteen years and upwards : No.
Males .... 7
Females .... 5

12
See Coll. of Mass. Hist. Soe. 2d
Series, vol. III. p. 95.
Census ordered in 1763 and taken
in 1764.
No. of houses 103
No. of families . . . 117
No. of males under 16 . 172
No. of females under 16 . 136
No. of males above 16 . 179
No. of females above 16 . 195
No. of negroes . . 11
Whole number of souls 693
Census taken March, 1776.
No. of whites . . 1057

Census of 1777.
of males of 16 and up
wards

StrangersBlacks ....
Valuation of 1778.
No. of Polls .
Valuation of 1781.
No of Polls Census of 1783.
No. of whites
No. of blacks

185 1

210

222

771 9

Number of souls 780
Valuation of 1784.
No. of Polls . . .256
Supported by the town . 3
Census of 1790.
No. of families . . 164

160

Free white males, of 16 and
upwards . . . 319
do. under 16 . . 250
Free white females . . 511
All other free persons . 11
Total 1091

Census of 1800.

10

Free white males under
years
do. of 10 and under 16
do. of 16 and under 26
do. of 26 and under 45
do of 45 and upwards
Free white females under
years . . ' .
do. of 10 and under 16
do. of 16 and, under 26
do. of 26 and under 45
do. of 45 and upwards
Other free persons, except In
dians not taxed.

10

184 96
133113 87
196 83
101
116 93

Total 1207

Census of 1810.
Free white males under 10
years . . . 199
do. of 10 and under 16 . 96
do. of 16 and under 26 . 236
do. of 26 and under 45 . 166
do. of 45 and upwards . 91
Free white females under 10
years . . . 190
do. of 10 and under 16 . 129
do. of 16 and under 26 . 176
do. of 26 and under 45 . 145
do. of 45 and upwards . 94
Other free persons, except
Indians not taxed . 9
Total 1531

Census of 1820.
Free white males under 10
years of age . . 218
do. of 10 and under 16 . 102
do. of 16 and under 26 . 178
do. of 26 and under 45 . 192
do. of 45 and upwards . 98

Free white females under
10 years
do. of 10 arid under 16
do. of 16 and under 26
do. of 26 and under 45
do. of 45 and upwards

166 116
177 165
102

Foreigners not naturalized 57
Persons engaged in agri
culture . 145
Persons engaged in com
merce . . 13
Persons engaged in manu
factures . 179
Free colored males under
14 years
do. of 14 and under 26
do. of 26 and under 45 .
do. of 45 and upwards
Free colored females un
der 14 years
do. of 14 and under 26 .
do. of 26 and under 45
do. of 45 and upwards

0 1
2 2
1 2 1
0

Total 1518

Census of 1830.
Number of males under 5

years
do. between
do. between
do, between
do. between
do. between
do. between
do. between
do. between
do. between

5 and 10
10 and 15
15 and 20
20 and 30
30 and 40
40 and 50
50 and 60
60 and 70
70 and 80

Number of females under 5
years
do. between S and 10
do. between 10 and 15
do. between 15 and 20
do. between 20 and 30
do. between 30 and 40
do. between 40 and 50
do. between 50 and 60
do. between 60 and 70
do. between 70 and 80
do. between 80 and 90
do. between 90 & 100

101 9475
86
216 100 64
3525 15

100 100 80 98
177 111 52 50
35
14 3 1

151

Number of colored males
under 10 years . 3
do between 24 and 36 . 1
- do. between 36 and 55 . 1

Number of colored fe
males under 10 years . 2
do. between 10 and 24 . 3
do. between 24 and 30 1
Total 1643

In addition to the above statements of population, it should be
mentioned, that, in the book of church records kept by the Rev.
Mr. Angier, and mentioned in the course of the preceding narrative,
there is found the following notice, viz., " 180 families in Watertown
in April, 1733." This seems a much larger number of families,
than might be expected at so early a period ; but it should be
remembered, that this was before Waltham was separated from
Watertown, and that consequently the families in both towns were
included in the estimate.
Within a few years two new roads from Watertown to Boston
have been constructed and opened. One runs to Cambridge
Port and West Boston Bridge, and was finished in 1824, but not
opened till 1825. The other furnishes a passage to Boston over
the Western Avenue, or the Mill Dam (as it is sometimes called),
and was finished and opened in 1824. The latter road takes
nearly the same direction with one, which many years ago was
projected by the Rev. Mr. Eliot and others, but which at that
time failed of being accomplished, from unfavorable circumstan
ces, or because the plan was premature. Almost all the travel
through and from Watertown to Boston is now performed on
these new roads, the old road through Cambridge being much
less used than formerly.
Until a recent period, it was the custom to support the
town's poor by placing them at board, wherever the cheapest
terms could be obtained ; but within a few years, buildings have
been purchased in the town for an almshouse, to which is annex
ed a farm of good land. All the poor supported by the town are
now placed there. The establishment is under the care of over
seers appointed by the town, and is well and carefully regulated.
END.

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