YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

Bought with the income
of the
ALFRED E. PERKINS FUND

DIARIES

ASD

CORRESPONDENCE

THE EARL OF MALMESBURY.

VOL. IV.

DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
JAMES HARRIS,
FIRST EARL OF MALMESBURY;
CONTAINING AN ACCOUNT OF
HIS MISSIONS TO THE COURTS OF MADRID,
FREDERICK THE GREAT, CATHERINE THE SECOND,
AND THE HAGUE;
AND OF HIS SPECIAL MISSIONS TO
BERLIN, BRUNSWICK, AND THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.
EDITED BY HIS GRANDSON,
THE THIRD EARL.
VOL. IV.

LONDON:
RICHARD BENTLEY, NEW BURLINGTON STREET,
PuftltJii&tr in (Bxttimxn to ?6er JMajfiitj).
1844.

^

LoHDOW ;
Printed by S. & J. Bentley, Wilson, and Fley,
Bangor House, Shoe Lane,

DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE.

ENGLAND.

[It was in 1800 that Mr. Pitt, for the third time, con
templated renewing his attempts to make Peace with
France, and he offered the Mission again to Lord Malmes-
bury. Lord Grenville wished to appoint his brother, Mr.
Thomas Grenville, and Lord Malmesbury, whose deaf
ness and infirmity had much increased, readily consented.
This Mission, however, never took place, and it was left to
Mr. Addington, who superseded Pitt, with a new set of
men, to make the Peace of Amiens, and to bear the odium
of that hollow (and to the English) unsatisfiictory Treaty.
After a long hiatus I find Lord Malmesbury's Diary re
sumed In 1801, as foUows.]
Feb. 1, 1801.— It had long been in contemplation, as
a necessary measure in the minds of many of those who
brought about the Union with Ireland, to establish a new
Test law here, and to do away many of the restrictions
now imposed on the Catholics there. The idea was to
substitute an Oath, binding those who took it to an alle
giance to the King and Constitution, instead of a Sacra
mental Test ; and this would, in effect, (as it was to
extend to Great Britain,) enable Catholics to sit in Parlia
ment, hold offices, &c., &c.
Mr. Pitt, either from indolence, or from perhaps not
paying always a sufficient and due attention to the King's
pleasure, neglected to mention ministerially to His Ma
jesty, that such a measure was in agitation, till he came at
VOL. IV. B

2 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [I8OI.
once with it for his approbation.''- But the opposers of
the measure, at the head of whom are the two Chancellors
of England t and Ireland, and Lord Auckland, took care
that it should reach him in a way the most likely to dis
please him ; and the King, at the Levee on "Wednesday,
the 28th January, the day after the measure was commu
nicated to him by Pitt, intimated to Wyndham (Secretary
at War), that " he should consider any person who voted
for it, as personally indisposed towards him." This being
immediately spread about, gave rise to the rumour of Pitt
going out ; and from what T can collect, even now (Feb.
2nd), he has not yet come to a fair explanation with His
Majesty, or seen the King on the subject.
In the Cabinet Lord Westmoreland and the Chancellor
are decidedly against it — and perhaps Lord Liverpool, but
he does not attend. The Duke of Portland hesitates, but
will ultimately vote against it. Lords Grenville, Spencer,
Dundas, Camden, are strongly for it — all the Bishops are
against it.
Feb. 5. — Dissension stUl very great — King will not give
way, and Pitt maintains his opinion. If this continue, a
change must take place. The idea seems to be, not to
call in Opposition, but to form an Administration of such
of Pitt's friends who do not think as he does on this par
ticular point. The Speaker J is mentioned — Lord Auck
land mentions himself.
Feb. 6. — Same steadiness prevails on both sides — Mi
nisters determined to go out if King does not give way ;
that is to say, Pitt, Lords Spencer, Grenville, Dundas, and
Wyndham — others doubtful. They declare they will sup
port any new Government, and propose one made up of
Pitt's friends, not thinking like him with respect to the
Catholic question.

* See Con-espondence between George III. and Mr. Pitt on this subject
published in 1827, by Philpotts, Bishop of Exeter. '
t Lord Loughborough, who resigned the Great Seal on the I4th of April,
and was succeeded by Lord Eldon.
X Mr. Addington, afterwards Lord Sidmouth.

1801.] ENGLAND. 3
The Speaker to be first Lord of the Treasury — Duke of
Portland to remain, also Lord Chancellor.
Pitt has not, even to this day, written to his brother,
Lord Chatham, on the subject. Lord St. Vincent talked
of for the Admiralty. This measure, so likely to be at
tended with the most ruinous effects to the country, is to
be attributed in part to Pitt's carelessness, and in part to
his want of real respect for the King ; for had he been
provident enough to prepare the King's mind gradually,
and to prove to him that the Test proposed (supposing the
measure to reach to Great Britain) was, as far as went to
Allegiance and Supremacy, as binding as the present oath,
no difficulty could have arisen. Instead of this, he reckons
on his own power, never mentions the idea at St. James's,
and gives time for Lord Loughborough directly, and for
Lord Auckland indirectly, through the Archbishop of Can
terbury and Bishop of London, to raise an alarm in the
King's mind, and to indispose and exasperate him against
the framers of this measure — ^this very blamable in Pitt.

Saturday, Feb. 7, 11 a.m. — Ministers determined to re
sign — profess doing it in perfect good humour, and declare
that the Government shall have their full and unqualified
support on every other measure but this, which neces
sitates their resignation, and on which they can come to
no compromise. It does not appear that Pitt has ever
had to this day an audience with the King, or that any
attempt whatever has been made to conciliate their opi
nions. All has passed through the Speaker (Addington).
The new Ministry is not yet made up — Addington to be
First Lord of the Treasury and Chancellor of Exchequer ;
Lord Hawkesbury, Secretary for Foreign Affairs ; Duke of
Portland to remain; Mitford,* Speaker ; such, at least, is
the present idea : Canning goes out.
It looks at times to me as if Pitt was playing a very
selfish, and, in the present state of affairs, a very criminal
part ; that he goes out to shew his owii strength, and
under the certain expectation of being soon called upon
* Sir John Mitford, afterwards Chancellor of Ireland, and created Lord
Redesdale. He died in 1830. B 2

4 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l^Ol.
again to govern the country, with uncontrolled power.
But besides the culpability of this conduct, (which it is
perhaps unfair to attribute to a man of his established
character,) it may be a very erroneous calculation. His
followers will leave him in shoals ; and it remains to be
seen, whether they will range themselves under the ban
ner of the new Administration, formed out of the shreds
and parings of his; or whether it is not more likely that
they will form Opposition ; and the next change (and that
a very near one) may be. Fox and Opposition taking pos
session of the Government.

Twelve o'clock, Feb. 7. — The resignation no longer a
secret ; bruited about ; talked of in the streets.
Lord Macartney said to be destined for the Board of
Controul, in the room of Dundas ; but this I heard denied
in the evening.
SuoAT, Feb. 8, 2 p.m. — Canning, after having kept
away for several days, came to tell me of the resignation,
and of the Speaker's being appointed first Lord of the
Treasury. He said he himself had not hesitated about going out;
that Pitt had pressed him to remain in ; but that his
mind was made up. He confessed he had been one of
those who had strongly advised Pitt not to yield, on this
occasion, in the closet.'^' That for several years (three
years back) so many concessions (as he called them) had
been made, and so many important measures overruled,
from the King's Opposition to them, that Government had
been weakened exceedingly ; and if on this particular oc
casion a stand was not made, Pitt would retain only a
nominal power, while the real one would pass into the
hands of those who influenced the King's mind and opi
nion out of sight.
Canning sneered at the Speaker's being Pitt's successor,
and intimated as if he considered it as an unfriendly
conduct in the Speaker towards Pitt. Mitford succeeds
* Canning remained firm to his opinion in favour of Catholic Emancipa
tion, and eventually sacrificed himself to his consistency upon it.

leOl.] ENGLAND. 5
him, and Grant, Mitford. Further information either
Canning had not, or would not communicate it. He
said, Pitt's wish was, that all his friends should remain
in their present offices, or get higher ones ; and he be
lieved this they would all do, and that a tolerably strong
Administration might be composed.
He said he suspected those who had tainted the King's
mind, but would not name them. He glanced at Lord
Westmoreland as being one.

Tuesday, Feb. 10. — The resignation now publicly
known, and canvassed, as well as the merits of those who
are coming in. Addington resigned the chair. The new
Administration treated with great derision, and even
slight, in both Houses. Lord Carlisle took the lead on it
in the House of Lords with more wit than wisdom.
Blamable conduct in those who have resigned, par
ticularly in those who were more immediately connected
with Pitt, to declare openly that he and his friends intend
to give their full unqualified support to the new Govern
ment, and privately to sneer and deprecate it. Canning
told me Pitt had made him promise not to laugh at the
Speaker's appointment to the Treasury ; and this was all
he could possibly undertake.
Lord Gower resigns the Post-office ; Lord G. Leveson
the Treasury ; G. Rose and Ch. Long go out ; Steele re
mains ; so does Ryder.*
Lords Loughborough and Auckland appear to have
over-cunning' d the business, and not to have resolution
or firmness of character to act openly on what they have
combined (I apprehend) secretly. The consequence is,
that the Chancellor will resign (against his will), and the
other remain just where he is (against his expectation) ;
and both under the dread, particularly Lord Auckland, of
Pitt's return to power ; and that they shall incur, as they
well deserve, his displeasure. Lord Hobart is to have
the Board of Controul. This a little comforts Lord Auck
land, who, however, affects to say he is a bold man who
consents to make a part in this new Administration.
• Afterwards Lord Harrowby.

6 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [1801.
Wednesday, Feb. 11.— New Speaker (Sir J. Mitford)
elected ; proposed by Lord Hawkesbury, seconded by H.
Browne. No new light thrown on the real cause of this
change. Pitt's adherents now openly cry down the new
government, stiU declaring their intention to support a
weak, flimsy government, as they call it. On the other
side, the courtiers canvass separately for the King, and
shew their loyalty, (injudiciously, in my opinion,) by
endeavouring to make this a personal case for the King ;
this may breed a most dangerous faction, if not stopped
in time.
The Prince of Wales appears to side against the Crown
and Pitt, and takes up and cherishes the avowed partisans
of Jacobinical opposition. He gives a dinner to-morrow
to the new Proselyte lords, Darnley and Oowper ; and his
language in the streets is such as would better become a
member of Opposition than the heir to these kingdoms.*
The Duke of York remains firm to the King, and is as
discreet in his language as proper in his conduct.

Thursday, Feb. 12. — Pelhamf called on me at twelve ;
he said he had since refused office, and now occupied it
in consequence of the King's almost commands, conveyed
to him through the Duke of York ; that he had told Mr.
Addington this fairly, and that, although he would sup
port him freely and sincerely, yet it was but right he
should know on what grounds this support was given.
He told me in confidence that he was to have the conduct
of the war, and lead in the House of Lords, up to which
he was to be called ; that on his first declining it, this
had been mentioned to Lord Hobart, but now, on his
accepting, the King said this proposal should be consi
dered as not having been made to Lord Hobart, and the
office given to Pelham. He goes to-morrow to Stanmore,
to settle about the county election, and returns on Tues
day, when Fitzharris (now at Durnford) is to come to
town to meet him. Pelham told me the King had men-
* He became more decent soon after this. — Oi'ig. Note.
t Afterwards Lord Chichester.

1801.] ENGLAND. 7
tioned me for the Foreign Department, and regretted my
being too unwell to accept it.
Lady Sutherland called on me this evening. Her
leanings with those gone out, and with an evident expec
tation that they will come in again. This a little explains
Lord Carlisle's conduct, and accounts for Lord Gower's
persisting in his determination to resign. Wyndham
came later ; he is in spirits ; said it was all a sad story ;
told me Colonel Yorke (Lord Hardwicke's brother) was
to succeed to this office as Secretary at War ; agreed and
admitted that it was highly blamable not to have settled
the measure with the King before the Union was brought
forward ; that this was inexcusable ; he had no share in
it ; was never consulted, &c., &c., and, on the whole,
seems glad to get out of office.

Saturday, Feb. 14. General Bude.* — Said the King
had declared this was the first time he had ever had any
difference of opinion with Mr. Pitt ; that he (the General)
thinks Mr. Pitt was wrought upon by bad advisers ; that
Dundas wanted to extricate himself from the difficulties
in which the country was involved, and thought it credit
able to cover his retreat by Pitt's going out at the same
time. Lord Grenville he also supposes as not having acted
straightforward ; he wished also to go out, and is very
obstinate and " tetu" in his opinions ; he has already
dismissed his servants, and let his house to Lord Temple,
his nephew.
Lord Glenbervie to be Paymaster ; Dundas furious with
this arrangement ; said the Irish peerage was given on
the express condition of his going to the Cape. It is
said Lord Hardwicke is intended for Ireland.
General Sir Charles Stuart to be Commander-in-Chief
there. Lord St. Vincent accepts the Admiralty, and retains
the command of the Channel Fleet. East India Company
give Dundas 2000/. a-year ; to be made up 4500/.
Difficulties respecting Pelham's having the War Depart-
* General Bude had a place about Court.

8 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [1801.
ment ; Lord Hobart tenacious of it, and Dundas against
his being at the head of the Board of Controul, on account
of a difference of opinion respecting East India politics ;
this I heard from W. Elliot and Wyndham ; Pelham in
this case to be at the head of Board of Controul ; Lord
Glenbervie to be Paymaster, (not Postmaster,) vice Can
ning ; Lord Charles Spencer Postmaster, and Lord Francis
to come in for Oxfordshire.
Addington told Lord G. Leveson this day, when he
called on him, to give in his resignation, that he was
sorry that he did not remain his colleague as long as he
held his present office, which he did only " as a sort of
locum tenens for Pitt," to whom he should be most happy
to return it whenever that could be brought about
(rather a weak speech to make to a person just resigning
from his connexion with Pitt).
Canning much out of sorts ; it seemed the tone to-day
for Pitt's friends to blame his conduct, as if they began
to feel the loss of place.
General Bude, who talks the language of St. James's,
censures Pitt much ; said the King declared this was the
first and only difference of opinion between them, and
that the measure took him quite by surprise, and hurt
him very much.
If Lord CornwaUis gives up the Ordnance, Bude said
he hoped the Duke of York will have it.
Lord Hardwicke still talked of for Ireland. Dundas
declines the pension from the East India Company.
(N. B., but afterwards accepts it for a term equal to the
duration of their Charter.)
While all these arrangements are making at home, and
during this scramble for office, all public business is at a
stand ; we forget the host of enemies close upon us, and
everybody's mind thinks on one object only, unmindful
that all they are contending about may vanish and dis
appear if we are subdued by France.

Sunday, Feb. 15. — Lord Hobart persists in being Se
cretary of State with direction of the war.
Tom Grenville. — Full of alarm — particularly about

1801.] ENGLAND. 9
Ireland ; blames Pelham for accepting office ; ridicules
Addington — says he might now sing, " My hat, my cane,
and wig, I have hung upon a peg."
Sad accounts of Berlin ; King literally obliged to be
governed by the voice of the people ; and Emperor of
Russia ordered his cruisers to take all ships of all nations
going to England. Strange neutral law this. Said
Dundas had refused the pension because it was only
2,000/. T. Grenville observed Ireland would be well
governed with a Stuart Primate, a Stuart Commander-
in-Chief, and perhaps Lord Bute Viceroy. He disapproved
Lord Hardwicke's nomination.
Lord Uxbridge.— From him I find the tone of Court is
to lay the whole blame on the Grenvilles ; that it was
their doing — particularly the Marchioness of Bucking
ham ; her insolence extreme — said she would not answer
the King when he spoke to her on Thursday at the Draw
ing-room. Windham. — Pelham certainly not to have the direction
of the war ; Windham is for his accepting. T. Grenville
and Lord Spencer against it ; the latter influenced by
his wife, who leaves the Admiralty with much regret.
Wm. Elliot. — Just come from Dundas, who pressed him
to take the government of the Cape ; he persists in his
refusal on principle. Lord Glenbervie had solicited it
¦ — got a peerage, under the idea of supporting it with
dignity — and, the moment Pitt went out, he went to
Addington and asked for office.

Feb. 16. — Pitt's conduct generally disapproved — at
least, so I collect from the people who visit me — and all
sort of idle conjectures as to the real cause of his going,
and every fanciful one credited, in preference to the plain
and simple one.
Home Tooke chosen for Old Sarum.* Lord Camelford
should be confined for this act of madness and wickedness.
* The Rev. John Home Tooke (a clever demagogue) was tried for high
treason in 1794, and acquitted. He took his seat for Old Sarum in 1801,
and the same year Government brought in a bill, which passed, making
clergymen ineligible for the House of Commons.

10 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [1801-
Almeida* with me ; he to have the Foreign department
at home. Told me he could not get a sight of Lord
Grenville, and that Lord Hawkesbury's appointment was
not regularly notified ; he also said Portugal had sent to
Paris, to treat for a separate peace on any terms. Aranjo
in London.
Tuesday, Feb. 17. — King got a bad cold; takes
James's powder. God forbid he should be ill !
French fleet, under Gantheaume, of eight sail of the
line and four frigates, escaped out of Brest — one dis
masted, and others injured by storms. A squadron of
ours after them, under Sir Robert Calder.

Wednesday, Feb. 18. — Fitzharris with Mr. Addington ;
received him kindly ; said he had him in his thoughts
the moment he took office ; offered him a seat the mo
ment those who were coming into office were in Par
liament. Tom Pelham, not having the war department, refuses
the Board of Controul and the Peerage, but offers to assist
Government in the House of Commons, and hold a seat
without office in the Cabinet. He has, in my mind, acted
with great temper and forbearance, as well as public
spirit, as there can be no question but he has been
tricked by Lord Auckland, and had the fullest claim to
be War Minister ; nothing else could be meant or implied
when he was repeatedly pressed to accept office.
Lord Glenbervie (Silvester Douglas) talked of for the
Board of Controul.
King better ; Lady Radnor saw him yesterday evening,
and he clearly had only a bad cold. Peace signed between
France and Austria — a most inglorious one for Austria —
the Emperor treats in the name and for the German Em
pire without any authority, and gives away one -fifth of
its soil. Insolent, vapouring declaration from the Consuls
to the nation on this occasion.
* Portuguese Minister at London.

1801.] ENGLAND. 11
Thursday, Feb. 19. Tom Pelham. — He told me the
whole of his story. When he left London on Friday, it
was given him to understand in a way he could not
doubt, that he was to be Secretary of State, with the
conduct of the war, and Minister of the House of Lords.
The King himself said nearly as much, and the Speaker
(Addington) confirmed it. The Duke of Portland con
sidered it as so far settled, that he consulted him in the
choice of a proper officer to succeed General Knox in the
West Indies. Pelham went, therefore, to Stanmore on
Friday, under the full persuasion that this, and no other
office, was intended for him. He proposed to his father
to be raised to an earldom, or that he should himself be
made a baron. The first was what Pelham wished for,
and was agreed to by his father. On Sunday morning
he receives a letter from the Duke of Portland, who says
that he fears it will be impossible for him to have the
War Department at present, and as impossible for him
not to accept the Board of Controul. Pelham expresses
great surprise in his answer ; declines the Board of
Controul, but offers his support to Government with a
peerage. On his return to town (Monday evening) he
sees the Duke of Portland, who repeats what he had
written ; explains the whole, in his way, and intimates
that the thing might still be done, and new arrangements
made ; but no cause alleged for Lord Hobart's being
named, but his not being liked by the India Company,
and of course not a fit person to be at the head of that
Board. On Tuesday Pelham dines with Addington ; a large
Ministerial dinner. Lord Hobart artfully tried to draw
Pelham into an avowal that he will at all events come
up to the House of Peers, and holds the language of the
Minister in that House to him. Pelham avoids the
question ; waits till all the Company is gone, and then
sees Addington. An unsatisfactory conversation follows.
Addington can give no reason but that it was impossible
to do otherwise, and, after an hour's discourse (it was
very late), Pelham goes away, leaving the matter unex
plained, and with having made a sort of promise to sup-

12 DL4RIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l801.
port Government in the House of Lords, and in the
Cabinet out of ofice. But, on Wednesday morning, on
thinking the point over, he conceives this unadvisable;
for, if he once appeared in the House of Lords, Lord
Hobart having the lead there, he never could assume it ;
and he, therefore, writes to Addington to say he had
decided to remain in the Lower House and support the
Government. The Board of Controul quite out of the question. An
office he knew nothing about ; of no consequence but for
its patronage ; and, while Mr. Dundas remained, it would
still be influenced by Dundas, and all the merit and
praise be considered as his. He said, the Duke of York
was greatly vexed, and that Colonel Calvert (Adjutant-
General) had written to him to say so. After having
talked the matter quite over, I advised Pelham to go
directly to the King to explain himself the whole to him.
That, although at the Queen's house, the King would
certainly see him, and it was what was due both to the
King and to himself I told him not to mind etiquette,
but to drive up to the Queen's house, and send in his
name. This he promised me to do (an hour ago, three
P.M., Thursday).
The whole he says is a trick of Lord Auckland and his
abettors ; perhaps a little helped by Pitt, who does not
like Pelham ; but still more to be attributed to Adding-
ton's weakness, who, desirous of pleasing everybody, will,
if he begins in this way, soon please nobody. 
Adams and Garthshire to be Lords of the Admiralty.
Thursday, Feb. 19, half-past five. — Pelham came
back to me from Court ; he had seen and consulted the
Duke of Portland, who approved his seeing the King, but
said it could not be to-day, as the King was unwell, and
that on such occasions it was not usual to disturb him
but on great public business (N.B. This the first symp
tom of the King's serious illness) ; that he would write
to the King, and prepare His Majesty to receive Pelham
to-morrow. To this Pelham assented. I am sorry for it.
I believe the Duke of Portland friendly and sincere, and

1801. J ENGLAND. 13
anxious Pelham should have the office first offered him ;
yet he is so indolent, so torpid, and so easy, that there is
no reliance to be had in him when anything that requires
the least exertion or argumentative explanation.
Pitt told Addington he was sure Pelham would accept
the Board of Controul. This confirms me in the idea
that he luishes Pelham to be there, rather than Secretary
of State, strange as it is, after Lord Auckland's behaviour
to him.
The King certainly was not informed yesterday of the
office being to be given to Lord Hobart, for he asked the
Duke of Portland what title Pelham's father would take,
and that it must not be Earl of Sussex, which he in
tended for one of his sons.
Hatton, a lawyer, to be Uunder Secretary of State in
room of Wickham, who wants to be Governor of Malta.
Hatton is brother to Finch Hatton, who married Lord
Stormont's daughter by his first wife (a Pole or Saxon).

Feb. 20. — Home Tooke spoke in yesterday's debate
without any effect — no notice at all taken of him.*
Wm. Elliot. — Nothing settled as to Ireland. Lord
CornwaUis approves the resignations, and maintains the
expediency of the measure that gave rise to them, but
desirous not to distress Government by coming away pre
cipitately. No successor named. Duke of Montrose has
refused it. Lord Hardwicke offered it. Abbot, they say,
to be Secretary to the new Lord-Lieutenant.
Heard from understrappers that it was Lord Auckland
who advised Lord Hobart to get possession of office.
Nothing yet settled as to Ireland. Lord CornwaUis, as
Elliot assures me, approves the resignations here ; per
sists in the expediency of the measure of Catholic Eman
cipation ; and has expressed his intention of coming
home, but will not leave Ireland in a way that may be
injurious to the public service. Council held to-day at
St. James's to swear in more Privy Councillors. King
very far from well.
* He spoke on February 19th in support of Mr. Start's motion for an
inquiry into the failure of the expedition against Ferrol.

14 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l80l.
Saturday, Feb. 21, 11 a.m. Lord Glenbervie. — Said
he was not to go to the Cape, but to be Paymaster ; not
in the Cabinet ; was quite in the dark, &c. ; sure the
ostensible and real reasons of all that had passed were
different ; for it was supposing wise men to become fools
to act as Pitt, Lord Grenville, &c., had done, on such
motives alone as they avowed. It was Lord Grenville
wanted to drive a nail through the King's head ; he
looked yesterday very much down. The King, he said,
seemed quite well, and evidently only a cold. So said
Lord Glenbervie ; but the fact is otherwise. King very
bilious. Five o'Clock. William Elliot. — Arrangements stiU
may be made which may bring Pelham into high office.
Duke of Portland may go to another post. Lord Hawkes
bury kissed hands for the Seals. Lord Grenville in great
haste to return to Dropmore.
In the midst of all this a loan of twenty-eight millions
is raised without difficulty, and on easy terms ; the inte
rest (1,700,000/) equal to nearly the united revenues of
Sweden and Denmark !
Bad accounts from Queen's house ; the answer at the
door is, the King is better ; but it is not so — ^he took a
strong emetic on Thursday, and was requested to take
another to-day, which he resisted.
Sunday, Feb. 22, 12 o'clock. — His Majesty still bilious;
not better ; apprehensions of his getting worse. Fatal
consequence of Pitt's hasty resignation. Princess Amelia
unwell. Queen not well. At Carlton House they dance
and sing.
6 P.M. — Lord Hardwicke, it is said, takes Ireland. Lord
Hobart to be War Secretary of State, with 2000/ a-year
appointment. (N.B. He has already 4000/ in other em
ployments under Government.) Lord Lewesham to have
the Board of Controul.
11 P.M. — King much worse; Dr. J. WiUis attended
him all last night, and says he was in the height of a
phrenzy fever — as bad as at the worse period (when he
saw him'^ in 1788.

1801.J ENGLAND. 15
If this should increase, and a Regency Bill become
once more in agitation at such a period as this ; or if it
should terminate in His Majesty's death, there are two
descriptions of persons to whose conduct all the misfor
tunes that inevitably must arise from either of these
great calamities must be attributed — those who secretly,
and unknown to the Ministry, practised on the King's
religion, and disposed him to resist the intended measure
of Catholic Emancipation, and those ]\Iinisters themselves,
who, after having neglected to prtpare His Majesty for
it, considered themselves as ill treated, and resigned.
Both have a very great responsible charge against them.
Amongst each there is little doubt that many acted
from principle, and conscientfously ; but it is also, I fear,
not without some degree of truth that others are to be
found who had their own private interests in view, or
who acted in order to gratify their private resentments,
or promote their ambitious views ; and these men, let
them be who they will, may be considered as the most
consummate political viUains that ever existed. They
ought to be held in execration by the country, and their
names handed down to posterity with infamy; for they
wUl have been the first cause of the destruction of the
intellects or life of a Sovereign, to whose kingly virtues,
and to whose manly and uniform steady exertion of them
during a reign of forty years, this country, and every
subject in it, owes the preservation of its liberties and
everything that is valuable to him. These liberties are
now most fearfully put in hazard, whether we look at
the active, persevering, and implacable enemy we have
from without, or to the weakness, wickedness, and schisms
existing in our own bosom.
Dundas accepts the 2000/ per annum pension from
East India Company.

Monday, Feb. 23. — The three WUUs's now caUed in.
His Majesty's pulse at ninety only, but delirium very
strong ; very difficult to persuade him to go to bed.
Prince of Wales sees Lord Moii-a, who is chief, and, they

16 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [1801.
say, sole adviser ; he was shut up this morning with the
Duke of Clarence.
Lord Hardwicke has actually accepted Ireland.

Tuesday, Feb. 24, 10 p.m. Lord Uxbridge. — Said,
from the Duke of York, that the King was better;
inveighed against Pitt; talked of Arthur Paget; said
Lord Hawkesbury had given room to hope he should
have Berlin. It is supposed, and from good grounds, that
about three months ago Lord Auckland wrote to his
brother-in-law, the Archbishop of Canterbury, a letter,
stating that he held it his duty to inform him, as head of
the Church, that a measure was in contemplation, which,
if carried into effect, would put the Church in danger ;
that it was one resolved on by the leading members of
the Cabinet, and that he submitted it to the Archbishop's
judgment whether it would not become him, as Metro
politan, &c., to state this danger to the King. Lord
Auckland recommended secresy as to himself. The Arch
bishop consulted, they say (though of this he was certain),
the Bishop of London and Primate of Ireland, and they
both agreed that it was his duty to speak to the King.
If this be fact, Lord Auckland made a mockery of
religion, and rendered it subservient to the most selfish
political ends.
Wednesday, Feb. 25. — His Majesty not better ; yet
signed, about four p.m., the repeal of the Brown Bread
Bill ;* declaring very distinctly his opinion on it, and
saying it was a very good bill.
Addington two hours with the Queen yesterday.
10 P.M. — Pitt's friends wish and advise him to draw
towards the Prince of Wales, and endeavour to form a
Regency, if necessary, under his sanction. Pitt, I hear,
actuaUy saw the Prince on Monday ; but they did not
meet or part like persons likely to think the same. The
* In accordance with the report of a committee on the high price of
provisions, a resolution passed the House of Commons, December 18, 1800,
prohibiting the use of bread finer or dearer than a certain standard. This
act was repealed in the following year.

1801. J ENGLAND. 17
Chancellor (Lord Loughborough) I also hear saw the
Prince this morning, but rather did harm than good.
Amongst the advisers of Pitt, to a reconciliation with
the Prince, are Lord Spencer, T. Grenville, and Pelham.
I doubt Canning and that description of his friends to be
of this way of thinking.
Thursday, Feb. 26.— Confirmed that Pitt had seen
the Prince on Monday, but no good came from it ; Pitt
very unwell — much shaken — gouty and nervous. Chan
cellor says, (incautiously enough,) that when he carried the
King the Brown Bread Act to pass by commission on
Tuesday evening, at 4 p.m.. His Majesty was in the perfect
possession of his understanding.
King's pulse at 130 Tuesday night ; this makes in
favour of his mental derangement, and proves it to be
only the effect of delirium in consequence of fever, but it
puts his life in very great danger.
Opposition very active. Lord Fitzwilliam at the head
of it. Prince of Wales sent Francis to him, to say he
should want his advice.
Ten, p.m. — Tom Pelham said if a Regency becomes
necessary, which is much to be feared, that the two con
tending parties at the last Regency Bill should each to a
degree give way ; that those who opposed the then
Regency Bill, and maintaining the opinion, that the Heir
Apparent had a right to assume the Regency in case of
King's incapability to act, should no longer insist on this
point ; and that Pitt, and those who maintained then
contrary opinions, should now not bring them into dis
cussion, but that both should concede something, in order
that the formation of the measure might take place
without putting the country, at a moment like this, into
a state of fermentation. Such was Lord Spencer, Duke
of Portland, and Tom Grenville's opinion ; but although
Pitt admitted it apparently, yet there was reason to
believe he did not thoroughly acquiesce in it. He (Pitt)
had been sent for by the Prince on Monday ; and Pelham
apprehended from what he heard, was more stiff, and less
accommodating than he should have been. Pitt was to
VOL. IV. c

18 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [1801.
see the Prince again to-day ; and in the meanwhile Lord
Egremont, who was very eager and anxious at this moment,
had been at Carlton House, and strongly advised the
Prince to continue Pitt at the head of the Government,
and not to wrangle for an unlimited Regency, but to take
such a one as the two leading parties might agree on.
In discoursing of this, Pelham said it was necessary
and becoming that nothing should be done which might
be in contradiction to the King's known intentions and
probable wishes ; that, therefore, though Pitt was cer
tainly at this moment Minister of the country, and ought
to remain so, yet Addington was the man who possess
ed the King's confidence ; that Addington, therefore,
should be put into high office, Pitt remaining Minis
ter, in order that His Majesty, on his recovery, might
find nothing done contrary to his wishes, or materially
altered during his illness ; that he (Pelham) was in hopes
this might be effected, though they were weU aware of
the uncertain fickle disposition and character of the
Prince, and how little any reliance could be placed in
him. I mentioned to him, as a proof of this, his having sent
Francis to Lord Fitzwilliam (I believe on Sunday) to beg
he would stay in town, as he should soon want his ad
vice; and that Lord Fitzwilliam had directly sent a
message to Fox, who came to town on Monday, and lived
in Lord Fitzwilliam's house. Pelham did not know the
first of these facts. I strongly pressed him to go to Pitt,
to urge him to be supple and accommodating, and to try
to persuade him to desist from any idea of a Regency Bill
like the last ; that the case was different — it was now
well understood what the King's complaint was ; that
there was no room to fear a lasting derangement of intel
lects ; that he would either recover, or sink under the ill
ness ; and that the physicians actually said that, at his time
of life (sixty-three), the probabiUty of one of these events
happening much sooner than in 1788, was very great ;
that, therefore, all that was required was a representa
tion of the Executive power, for the purpose of carrying
on the necessary acts of Government while the King's

1801. J ENGLAND. 19
faculties were suspended, and that the giving greater or
less power to the Regency, either in the person of the
Heir Apparent, or to any Minister adjoined to him, would
be useless to him and to them, and manifestly an in
jurious measure to the public. Pelham undertook to see
Pitt to-morrow.
With respect to arrangements, at this moment every
thing is hung up ; but he thinks it will end in his having
the seals for the Home department, and the Duke of
Portland going to another Cabinet office. The Duke of
Portland had offered to take Ireland, and consulted Pel
ham on it ; Pelham much embarrassed how to advise.
The Duke goes and offers himself to Addington, who
foolishly enough says, that Abbott must be Secretary.
The Duke replies, that when he (a Cabinet Minister)
makes an offer of this sort, it cannot be supposed that
he would take any Secretary but one of his own choice ;
and thus this matter rests.
I persuaded Darnley to put off his motion.* He is evi
dently ashamed of what he is doing, but too vain, and
too much hampered with his new connexions to be a free
agent. The King on Monday, after having remained many
hours without speaking, at last towards the evening, came
to himself, and said, " I am better now, but I will remain
true to the Church." This leaves little doubt as to the
idea uppermost in his mind ; and the physicians do not
scruple to say, that although His Majesty certainly had a
bad cold, and would, under all circumstances, have been
ill, yet that the hurry and vexation of all that has passed
was the cause of his mental illness ; which if it had shewn
itself at all, would certainly not have declared itself so
violently, or been of a nature to cause any alarm, had not
these events taken place. Just as the King was taken ill,
in 1788, he said, after the last Levee he held in the closet,
to Lord Thurlow and the Duke of Leeds, on the first ad
vising him to take care of himself, and return to Windsor,
— ¦" You then, too, my Lord Thurlow, forsake me, and
suppose me ill beyond recovery ; but whatever you and
Mr. Pitt may think or feel, / that am born a Gentleman
* For an Inquiry into the State of the Nation.

20 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l80l.
shall never lay my head on my last piUow in peace and
quiet, as long as I remember the loss of my American
Colonies." I had this fact from the Duke of Leeds,
who was present ; and it describes precisely the state of
the King's mind at that moment, as does what he said
on Monday, — " I will remain true to the Church," — shew
beyond a question, the object uppermost in it now, and
the goad in each case of his delirium.
Lord Spencer very much hurt at what has passed, and
feeling a great deal for the share he has had in it ; and
Pitt, though too haughty to confess it, feels also a great
deal. Duke of York's behaviour incomparable ; he is their
great and only comfort and support at the Queen's House,
and without his manly mind and advice, neither the
Queen nor Princesses would be able to bear up under their
present distress.
Prince of Wales, on Sunday, the 22nd, the second day
of the King's illness, and when he was at his worst, went
in the evening to a concert at Lady Hamilton's, and there
told Calonne, (the rascally French ex-minister), — " Savez
vous, Monsieur de Calonne, que mon Pfere est aussi fou que
jamais 1 " Lord Hobart still maintains possession of his
office, without a shadow of right. It is now in contempla
tion to give the Ordnance to Lord Chatham ; Duke of
Portland to be President, and T. Pelham, Secretary of
State. Nobody admitted at the Queen's House, not even Ge
neral Bude.
Thursday, Feb. 26., 12 o'clock. — King supposed and
hoped to be rather better.
Two, P.M. J. Stuart Wortley. — Said, that as long ago
as Sept. 3, Lord Loughborough (on his return from Wey
mouth) called on the Duke of Portland, to ask him what
he thought of the measure at that time in discussion in
the Cabinet, with respect to the Catholic Emancipation.
The Duke replied, he believed it a necessary measure.
" Have you thought," said the Chancellor, " of all the con
sequences to which it may lead \ I have put my thoughts
on paper relative to it, and wish you would let me leave

1801.] ENGLAND. 21
them on your table." A few days afterwards, the Duke
told Lord Loughborough that his paper had convinced him
of the danger of the measure, and that he now wished to
know how it could be prevented. They agreed to state
it to the Archbishop of Canterbury. Lord Auckland, in
consequence of a secret intelligence with Lord Lough
borough, wrote his letter about the same time. (See
Tuesday 24th.) This was done. The Archbishop wrote
to the King, then at Weymouth ; and the King wrote
a long letter to Pitt, expressing his knowledge, and
his disapprobation of such a measure. Yet did Pitt
take no pains to prepare him afterwards for it, but brought
it on, ex abrupto.
King at Windsor about the 6th or 7th instant — read
his Coronation Oath to his family — asked them whether
they understood it — and added, " If I violate it, I am no
longer legal Sovereign of this country, but it falls to the
house of Savoy."
Lord Bute has been in town, but seen none of his own
family — it is thought he will accept nothing. Sir Charles
Stuart not able on the score of health to go to Ireland.*
Three, p.m. Lord Darnley. — Had seen the Prince last
night; in great agitation of mind and spirits, as at the
last Regency. Complained of being treated with no
attention at the Queen's House ; never informed how the
King was ; held Opposition language, and encouraged
Darnley in Opposition principles. He shewed me a coax
ing, undignified letter from the Prince to him.
Ten, p.m. Pelham. — Good arrangements in his mind
respecting the Regency. Prince promises to be passive ;
and unless Pitt stiffens, no difficulties likely to occur.
Lady Salisbury said the King was well enough to have
the Queen and Princesses at dinner-—" qui prouve trop
ne prouve rien." Any degree of fever would render this
improper in any body ; and if you take away the fever,
you leave the intellectual derangement without a cause
or hopes of recovery. I fear there is so much fever, that
his life is in imminent perU. Duke of York deeply af-
* Ho died the 25th of March following.— Orig. Note.

22 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l80l.
fected, and worn out with his assiduous attentions at the
Queen's House.
Lord Egremont so anxious that the Prince should be
passive, that he wrote a letter to Admiral Payne (Jack)
from Godalming, urging what he had said in conversation
at Carlton House ; and this had effect on the Prince, who
also pledged himself to Pelham not to oppose what might
be proposed ; but he is so fluctuating, and so little to be
depended on, that it is impossible to be safe under these
assurances. Friday, Feb. 27, 3 p.m. Lord Radnor. — Lord Thurlow
told him a very short time after the King's recovery, in
1789, that the first thing the King said to him on getting
weU was, " What has happened may happen again : for
God's sake make some permanent and immediate provision
for such a Regency as may prevent the country from being
involved in disputes and difficulties similar to those just
over. Lord Thurlow (then Chancellor) reported this to
Pitt : they both agreed as to the infinite expediency of
such a measure, but differed as to the mode in which it
should be framed. Lord Thurlow, not long after, went
out in ill humour, and Pitt thought no more about it.
Moreton Pitt dined with me ; he for the Catholic Eman
cipation ; offered to state his reasons, which I decUned
hearing. Ten, p.m. — I was told this evening by Pelham, that His
Majesty had for a long time since been dissatisfied with
Pitt's, and particularly with Lord GrenviUe's " authorita
tive manners" towards him, and that an alteration in his
Ministry had been often in his mind ; that it was with
this view be had sent for Wyndham and myself in August
last to Weymouth ; that he meant Wyndham should be
his First Minister, and I have the Seals' for the Foreign
Department ; and although he never came to a direct ex
planation, either with me, who staid only three days at
Weymouth, or with Wyndham, who staid longer, yet my
informant says he is sure of the fact. I do not recollect
anything which passed while I was at Weymouth, in se
veral very long conversations His Majesty honoured me

1801.J ENGLAND. 23
with that goes to ascertain it positively. He communi
cated with me most confidentially, and without reserve,
on every matter of public business, and treated me in
such a way as to prove his full confidence in me. He
also more than once said, and in a very expressive way,
" I beUeve you, and I always did and always shaU think
the same on all great points, as weU such as relate to
home as to foreign poUtics." To this I may add, what
was quite new to me, the pains the Queen took to shew
there were no remains of old animosity,* and the care
that every evening I should be put to thejirst party with
the Princesses. This did not strike me at the time as
having any other meaning than a general demonstration
of good-will towards me and Catherine ;¦]¦ but on con
necting it with what I now have heard, and heard from
so good authority, I suppose it had. The ill success of
the Austrians, the proposals brought forward for peace by
Pitt through Otto, perplexed the King, and diverted his
attention from his purpose ; and Wyndham also, by his
odd, absent, and unacquiescent manner, did not encourage
His Majesty in his views. I have now no doubt that it
transpired somehow or other through the Chancellor, who
has been acting various parts lately.
This also explains to me why the King, to the surprise
(real or assumed) of Pitt, was so uncommonly ready to
make me an earl, and why he said to me aloud, at the
levee, " I can assure you I never did anything with more
pleasure ;" and the same day, Wednesday, the 20th Octo
ber, after the levee, he said, in the closet, to the Duke
of Portland, who told it me afterwards at dinner, " I be
lieve Lord Malmesbury to be the best foreign minister I
have ; he is too good for Lord GrenvUle." Neither the
Duke nor I quite knew what this meant, but we con
sidered it as a singular speech. The repeated particular
inquiries His Majesty has since made about my health,
and in the last instance his declaring his concern (through
* On account of Lord Malmesbury's vote against Ministers on the Regency
bill in 1788. The Queen took a strong part against the Prince of Wales on
that occasion, and against those who advocated his claim.
t Lord Malmesbury's eldest daughter, who afterwards married General
Bell.

24 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [1801,
Pelham) that I was too unwell to take the Seals, leave
me little doubt of the truth of what I this day heard
of his dislike of Lord GrenviUe, and of his object in
summoning Wyndham and me to Weymouth in August.
Lord Darnley, in consequence of my advice and earnest
solicitation, put off to-day, in the House of Lords, his
foolish motion for an inquiry into the state of the nation
till further notice.
The Prince of Wales sent for Addington ; asked him if
he was Minister. " No, sir," replied he," not I, but Mr.
Pitt." " In that case, pray send Mr. Pitt to me." Ad
dington, I am told, hesitated, and said, most awkwardly,
he would consult the Duke of York.
" No advice can be wanted on such occasions, Mr. Ad
dington," said the Prince ; " and if you decline acceding
to my request, be so good as to obey my commands."
Saturday, Feb. 28, 3 p.m Tom Grenville. — Said
Fox, whom he had met and walked with, was violently
against our war with the northern nations — not only as
a measure, but in its principle, and contended their claims
were just. T. Grenville surprised at this. I recoUect
Fox saying, in 1783 (he then being Secretary of State),
that the principles of the Armed Neutrality being now
universaUy admitted, it was needless to attempt to resist
them ; and he even was ready to give way to them as
the price of an alUance with Russia.*
He told Grenville he was come to London on his pri
vate concerns. GrenviUe believes he has not seen the
Prince. / believe he has. Grenville apprehends the
appearance of a weak Government here, may encourage
the Court of Berlin to take Hanover. Lord St. Vincent,
it is said, assisted a day or two ago at a sort of Cabinet ;
finding nothing like business going on, he got up, and
said, if he was not wanted, he must go away, as really he
had no time to throw away, and so left the Cabinet.
Dundas has taken back the boxes, &c., from Lord
Hobart, who is rebecome nothing. T. GrenvUle supposes
* Vide the Russian Correspondence in vol. i. of this work.

1801.] ENGLAND. 25
Fox's eagerness to declare his opinion on the principles
of the rights of neutrals arises from his wish to make
peace at any price and rate, and that he holds this lan
guage with a view to be able to give up the point more
easily, should the making of peace fall to their lot ; and
this looks as if he thought it possible ; and though he
says he has not seen the Prince, and the Prince confirms
it, yet I strongly suspect the contrary, and that at Carlton
House they are caballing at the same time with Pitt,
Lord FitzwUUam, Fox, and Lord Moira.

Sunday, ]\Iarch 1. — ^Better accounts of the King, both
in the Physicians' report and from private information in
the morning ; in the evening, however, a slight increase
of fever.William EUiot said he hoped he had secured a seat in
ParUament for himself; one in Ireland, not Roxburgh
shire, as I hoped.
Monday, March 2nd, 10 p.m. — Lord St. Vincent a
most active First Lord of the Admiralty.
The King was reaUy better, and, at his worst, he said,
never so Ul as when Warren reported him, in his last
iUness, convalescent. Public business, he also said, could
go on very weU a week longer without any Regency
measure, and in a week he hoped the King would be well
enough to do aU the common acts required of him.
Eleven, p. m. — BuUetin not good ; " The King-'s fever
increased last night, and has not since abated." I fear
more now for his Ufe than for anything else.

Tuesday, ^Iarch 3. — King so much worse last night,
that his life was despaired of ; about ten he feU into a
profound sleep, and awoke in about six hours quite re-
fr-eshed, and quite himself His :\lajesty said he was
thirsty, and, on being asked what he wished to drink,
said, if allowed, a glass of cold water; this was given
him ; it put him into a perspiration ; he feU asleep
again, and woke in the morning with the fever abated,
and better in every respect.

26 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [I8OI.
The crisis of his disorder; crowd of people round
Queen's House, and their expressions of joy very great.^
Prussia holds hostile language ; threatens to ^ seize
Hanover. It occurs to me that the money (a million)
belonging to the King should be put a couvert. Pitt's
declaration to Ireland, (if true,) like Cardinal Wolsey's
Ego et Rex meus.
Otto, French agent for prisoners in London, recaUed by
Buonaparte, under the pretext of our conduct towards
their fishing-boats ; — insolent, impudent, and lying ex
cuse. Letters from Vienna of the 12th ; all balls and files;
shame and disgrace on them."*^
Ten, p.m. Lord Glenbervie. — Said Lord Wellesley had
concluded a very advantageous treaty with the Nizam, by
which we gained a great share of the Mysore country, and a
vast extent of riches and population, security and power.

Wednesday, March 4. Lord Tichfield. — Dr. Reynolds
told the Duke of Portland to-day, at one o'clock, that
the King's fever abated, and that all the symptoms were
favourable, but that much time would be necessary to
complete the cure ; that the King's mind, whenever he
came to himself, reverted at once to the cause of his
disquietude ; that it was highly advisable he should see
no one, none of his own family ; that this retarded his
recovery the last time, and that he, seeing then two of
the Princesses too soon, and talking to them out of the
window, produced a disagreeable relapse.
Three, p.m. Canning. — Cool, temperate, and uncommu
nicative ; holding new and moderate language ; smoothing
the way for Pitt's return to power ; regretted he had so
much of the milk of human kindness, that he never would
punish those who had now, or at other times, betrayed
him. Thought he was embarrassed to come in without Lord
Spencer and GrenviUe, but this he (Canning) did not
consider as a difficulty ; they were neither of them eager
* The treaty of Luneville between Austria and France had been signed,
forced upon the former by Moreau's victories over the Archduke Charles.

1801.J ENGLAND. 27
for office. Very clear, from all Canning said, that Pitt
inclines, and expects to return to power.
March 4. Lord Pembroke. — Fred. St. John, in the
Kent East Indiaman, taken by a French privateer, not
far from the Bengal coast ; sent ashore in a boat ; Lord
Wellesley uncommonly kind to him.
I received an account of the beginning of the King's
Ulness from Fitzharris, who had it from Addington.
On Friday, Feb. 13, (the fast day,) the King remained
so long in church, and the weather was so snowy and
cold, that His Majesty became excessively chilled on
returning home — to that degree, as to have cramps all
over him. Mr. Addington caUed the next day, and ad
vised him to go out of town for a few days. On Sunday
morning His Majesty wrote to him to say he should not go
out of town, but not assigning illness as his reason. Mr.
Addington called, and found him with a severe cold on
him, and almost a total loss of voice. Mr. Addington
did not see His Majesty again tiU the following Tuesday,
when he found him in his chair, wrapped up in a black
velvet cloak ; he had taken frequent doses of James's
Powder, and he remarked that his manner was more hur
ried, and his countenance more heated than usual.
On Thursday Mr. Addington called, and found His
Majesty so much better, as to congratulate him on his
apparent recovery. The next day he met His Majesty
at the Council, where he behaved with great dignity and
calmness. He did not see him after this, but on the
following Sunday, Feb. 22nd, the Duke of Cumberland
caUed on Mr. Addington, and informed him of the un
pleasant turn His Majesty's disorder had taken.
William Elliot. — Said the measure respecting our con
duct towards the French fishermen, and which had pro
duced the recall of Otto, and an impudent note from
Buonaparte, never known to Cabinet, but settled by Pitt
and Dundas ; likely now to be disavowed, and Otto to
remain. The First Consul overbearing, and assuming to
a degree. This foolish ; as there can be no doubt that
the French fishing-vessels do more than fish, and that

28 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l80l.
Otto is a very dangerous man to be allowed to remain
here. Addington's mind is full of peace — no great proof of
strength of character, wisdom, or statesman-like know
ledge, in such times as these.
March 4, 9 p. m. Tom Pelham. — Addington was
likely to contest power with Pitt, if Pitt really should
desire to resume it.
Lord Hobart now ready to be Secretary of State for
Home Department, and give Pelham the War ; this Pel
ham declines, and determines to take the Home Seals, in
case he comes in at all.
I advised with him respecting the money in the stocks
in the name of the Regency of Hanover. I am very
anxious the King should not lose it, and from what I
know of some of the Hanoverian Regents, they would be
ready to pay their court to the King of Prussia, at any
rate. Pelham thinks I had better see the Duke of York ;
I desired him to mention it to him — he said he would.
Irish Catholics suspicious and displeased with Pitt.
The moderate part of them expected nothing — the violent
require much more ; say the having a seat in the Irish
Parliament, now it is melted into the English, is of no
value. The Protestant part of the country say it was
positively understood by them, that no farther enfran
chisement should be granted to the Catholics ; and all
sides seem to agree, that no solemn pledge was made to
them. The declaration made by Lord CornwaUis, on the re
signation of Ministers, never intended to be pubUshed —
doubtful how he communicated it, whether by giving it
to the leading persons among the Catholics, such as O'Brien,
McDonald, &c., to read, or whether he allowed them to take
copies. The part attributed to Lord CornwaUis, was an
extract from Lord Castlereagh's letter ; and that supposed
to be Pitt's, was drawn up by Dundas and him— its style
is calculated to raise a commotion in the country. The
whole of it a very injudicious and incomprehensible con
duct.

1801.] ENGLAND. 29
Lord Hobart. — In the evening said nothing on public
affairs — rather out of sorts.
Lord Glenbervie. — Being anxious to get office and
power, offers Dundas to leave to his entire disposal all
the Scotch patronage, if he will let him have the Board of
Controul, and be the nominal Scotch Minister — very
uneasy lest Pitt should recover his power, and revenge
himself on those who are now accepting office. // mendie
des siffrages en sa faveur.

Thursday, March 5. — King's fever continues to abate.
Two, P.M. Lord St. Helens. — Said he had seen His
Majesty for four or five days previous to his illness —
that he was agitated and hurried — and often thought
aloud— said evidently what was on his mind, but not
intended to be part of the conversation.
Four, p.m. William Elliot. — Thinks Addington means
Peace at any rate.
Half-past Five, p.m. Duke of York. — Most comfortable
assurances respecting the King. Talked over the money
in the stocks belonging to Regency of Hanover— desired
me to get more accurate information. On my saying
Addington meditated Peace, he said it would produce the
worst of effects, if the King on his recovery found any
such measure had been agitated ; blamed gentlj'', but
feelingly, those who had deserted the King ; was himself,
as usual, all kindness, right-headedness, and uprightness ;
and on my saying how much the conduct he observed on
the present occasion must endear him to everybody, and
in particular to those who were truly and sincerely at
tached to him. His Royal Highness was affected to the
greatest degree, and could scarce restrain his tears. He
said Pelham must be employed, that it was the King's par
ticular wish ; and he added, speaking to me, " You were
the first person in the King's mind on Lord Grenville's
resignation ; but His Majesty knew your state of health,
and would not embarrass you with a proposal that you
could not undertake to accept, and which he was well
aware it would hurt you to refuse when coming from
him." The Duke said he would call again in a day or two.

30 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. . [I8OI.
He looked thin and fatigued, but in high spirits on the
state of the King's health.
Ten, a.m. Lord Carrington. — Batavia taken — news
come through an American ship from America : quaere as
to the truth.
Lord Whitworth. — Said Paul -was sulky, melancholy, and
black — going on with sequestration of English property.
Wrote to Amyand, and one of Directors of the Bank,
desiring him to come to me.

Friday, March 6, 12 o'clock. — Xing much better.
Mr. Thomas Amyand, and one of the Bank Directors, at
my request called on me. I desired him to procure me
exact information as to the sum vested in the Three per
Cent. Consolidated, I had mentioned to the Duke of York
and Pelham. In whose name it stood 1 — what was its
amount 1 — and who paid the dividends ? This he under
took. He said, that he believed in 1785, the house of
Frieter and Co., at Leipsic, remitted 300,000/ from the
Elector of Saxony, in part of payment of a debt due to the
Elector of Hanover ; that about half the sum, 150 million
francs had passed through their hands, and the remainder
through those of another correspondent of Frieter and Co.
in London.
On my asking him, whether the menaces of the Northern
powers alarmed him and others who dealt in the Hambro'
trade, he said. By no means — trade could not be stopt.
He said, on the first rumours of this event, a flock of
Frenchmen (about six weeks ago) had come over — were
so eager to buy or contract for English goods, and parti
cularly cottons and caUcos, at the sale at the India House,
that they raised the price ten per cent. That they said,
and spoke as from authority, that we need be under no
uneasiness, for if all the ports in Germany and the Baltic
were shut against us, Dantzic and Boulogne would re
main open, and be made free ports. This remarkable.
Buonaparte will do himself exactly what he prevents the
North from doing, and, by this means, increase his trade
and views at their expense.
Five, p.m. William Elliot— Lord Minto has leave to

1801.] ENGLAND. 31
return — Lord Hawkesbury only wishes him to stay till a
successor is appointed, which cannot be till the King is
well. Sir W. Farquhar. — Dr. Gisborne (one of physicians
attendant on the King) says, his pulse are at 72, and
everything quite in a promising way.
The Prince of Wales told Lord Darnley on the 4th in
stant, after complaining of the ignorance in which he was
kept of what was passing at the Queen's House, that the
King's mind was completely deranged, whatever his bodily
health might be. This is most unfeeling language ; if
true, it little became him to say so — but it is not. He
knew as much of what was going on at the Queen's
House as he chose to know — nothing was concealed from
him. Darnley, the dupe of it, and of his affected confi
dence in him.
Saturday, March 7. — Received from T. Amyand an
account of the King's money in the Bank — 1,100,000/
Three per Cent. Consols — in the name of the Lords of
the Electoral Regency of Hanover ; dividends received,
and additional transfers accepted by Messrs. C. Humber,
George Best, &c.
Ten, p.m. Tom Pelham. — His Majesty recovered in mind,
as well as body. Duke of York with him for the first time
this morning. The King received him most affectionately.
The Duke found him looking pale and ill, but perfectly
collected. He inquired what had passed — if any resig
nation had taken place 1 Duke of York said none could,
without His Majesty's leave. " Has the Chancellor re
signed V " No, sir," said the Duke, "he never will give
the Seals into any hands but yours." This pleased the
King, who himself had ordered Willis yesterday to go
to Pitt, Addington, Lord Loughborough, and Lord Eldon,
to say he was recovered. Willis (I believe the clergy
man) wrote to Pitt ; and Pitt, in his answer by him
(which was most dutiful, humble, and contrite), said he
would give up the Catholic Question. This the King told
the Duke of York, and was disposed to expatiate on it.
The Duke most judiciously stopped him, by saying, " Sir,

32 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [I8OI.
since this point, which has given your Majesty so much
uneasiness, is settled, it is better now to forget all that
has passed." "You are right, quite right, Frederic," said
the King ; then went on with common inquiries about
what had been done and said during his illness. The
Duke of York, with that excellence of head and character
belonging to him, said, " aU parties have behaved equally
well — all party spirit has ceased, and one common
universal anxiety about your Majesty pervades them all.
But, Sir," said he " it will take us too much time to tell
you all this now." On this the King said, " Frederic, you
are more nervous than I am ; I really feel quite well, and
/ know full well how ill I have been ;" and then re
peated his questions.
The King, in directing Willis to speak or write to Pitt,
said, " Tell him I am now quite well, quite recovered from
my illness ; but what has he not to answer for, who is
the cause of my having been ill at all V This, on being
repeated, affected Pitt so deeply, that it immediately pro
duced the letter mentioned above, and brought from him
the declaration of his readiness to give way on the Ca
tholic Question.
King inquired of the Duke of York how he found the
Queen, and thanked him for the care and affection he had
shewn her and his sisters. " I saw them and the Dukes
of Kent and Cumberland yesterday," said the King,
" because I could send them away at any time ; but I
wished to see you alone, and for a long time, and there
fore put it off till to-day."
Idea of a Council at Buckingham House on Tuesday ;
but it is hoped not, and that the Chancellor by himself
will carry the King the Loan Bill to sign.
In inquiring about the Queen's health of the Duke of
York, the King expressed great solicitude, lest she and
the Princesses should have suffered a great deal of un
easiness on his account. " They certainly did. Sir," replied
the Duke ; " but the only uneasiness now remaining on
their minds, and on all our minds, is, lest your Majesty
should, as you get well, not take sufficient care of your
self" The King, much moved by this, said, " I will, you

1801.] ENGL.^ND. 33
may depend on it. I have, I fear, neglected this too
much, and presumed a great deal more than I ought on
the strength of my constitution. Be assured, I wiU be
more careful for the future."
Tex, p.m. — Prince of Wales yesterday evening and this
morning with the King ; liis behaviour there right and
proper. How unfortunate that it is not sincere ; or ra
ther that he has so effeminate a mind, as to counteract
all his own good qualities, by ha^ing no controul over
his weaknesses I
On Monday His ^lajesty will sign warrants and money
biUs, and public business be resumed. Addington very
unweU. From Pitt's letter, and from other circumstances
and rumours, I now am confirmed in my ideas that Pitt
wishes to remain at the head of Administration ; and
that, if he does, he will remain with less power, but with
better and more sane judgment ; and the acquiring the
last wUl, in my mind, amply balance the decrease of the
first. He has discovered himself, from what has passed,
to have an overweening ambition, great and opiniative
presumption, and, perhaps, not quite correct constitu
tional ideas Avith regard to the respect and attention due
to the Crown. Possibly this is neither in his real cha-
lucter, nor are his real sentiments, but caused by listening
to bad and sUly advisers, and above all, to an un
interrupted course of political prosperity (as far as re
lated to his personal administration), without a single
chech of adversity, for nineteen years. But, whatever
may be the cause, he has lost much of his popularity, and
of the pubUc good opinion, from his conduct at this
period ; and if he retains office, he wUl find his foUowers
much diminished, and by no means so incUned to vote
impUcitly with him as before. His absolute power (if I
may use the word) wUl therefore be broke in upon ; and,
from the weU-timed check of adversity he has now re
ceived, two very great and good changes may be operated
in his character : he may learn moderation, becoming
pliancy, and a right respect to the Crown. It wUl stand
him in good stead also, if he apply these concUiatory
qualities in his intercourse with individuals of weight and
VOL. IV. D

34 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [1801.
consequence, whom hitherto he has treated, not uncivilly,
but with slight and great inattention ; and it will do
what is still better, it will force him to give exertion to
his abilities, and not to suppose that everything must
bow down to them, and he not be responsible for any
sinister incidents which arise from his want of fore
thought, or from not condescending to consult with others
on subjects he himself cannot be master of In short,
it may stand him in Ueu of that apprenticeship which he
never served in his profession, and be an efficacious though
violent means of giving him experience, prudence, diffi
dence, and several very essential qualities he most wanted
in a statesman. If so, it is impossible not to rejoice at
his still holding office ; his abilities are superior to those
of all others.
Addington unweU — a bilious fever. Fleet not sailed
from Yarmouth ; ice said to be in the Sound. Nineteen
sail of the line ready. No troops to go.

March 8, Sunday, 12 o'clock. — King continues to re
cover. From report I hear Lord Auckland aims at the
Seals for the Home Department, on hearing of Duke of
Portland's intended resignation.
Canning. — Begins by saying things are very bad, yet
rejoices in King's recovery. Why then, I asked him, are
things badl Pitt, he says, will not make a forward
movement towards the King ; nor Addington a tender of
giving up his claim to be First Minister. I reply, Pitt
is in the wrong, supposing, as I hear he does not, persist
in the Catholic motion.
C. — He does not persist ; it is asleep ; wiU be for
gotten ; yet Pitt will not stir unless Addington begins.
M. — Does Addington know that 1
C. — He cannot but know it.
M. — But suppose he should not : is it not idle to let
the public welfare, now inseparably and immediately con
nected with that of each individual in the kingdom, go to
ruin, from the want of two individuals coming to a right
understanding 1

1801.] ENGLAND. 35
G. — Pitt is to blame, highly to blame, I confess ; but
he thinks it unbecoming him to take the first step.
M. — Surely this is a very erroneous idea : can there
be one more calculated to gratify the proudest man, than
the feeling his own consequence so great, that not only
the hope of his Sovereign, but the welfare of the public,
depend on what he is to do 1
C. — You are right ; yet I fear Pitt does not see it in
this light.
M. — Do you, who are in the habits of seeing him, and
to whom he listens, make it manifest to him.
C. — He may mistake my motives.
M. — He cannot : he well knows that your rapid ad
vance in pubUc Ufe is an act of his own private friend
ship, as weU as of your poUtical merits and conduct, not
of solicitation on your part : he knows you also now to
be independent. It is therefore to his private friend
ship you are obliged, and you ought towards him to
behave as a private friend, unbiassed by any other con
siderations, either of opinion, temper, or possible mis
construction. C. — I had resolved to say nothing. I was displeased
with Pitt, and am out of humour ; but I will think it
over. M. — Think it over, but consult no one : Pitt owes it to
the King and to his country to recant to a certain degree :
it is not an act of humiUation ; it cannot be, under any
circumstances, from a subject to his Sovereign ; and in
the present case, it is one of dignity as well as duty. If
the Government of the country loses Pitt's abUities, and
Opposition (which must be the case) acquire them
through any fault of yours, how much wiU you have to
answer for ! » _
C. — You almost drive me from my purpose. I believe
you are right. I wiU think it over, and see you to
morrow. M.  Consult only your piUow, and none of your
friends and companions : they are aU in a state of fer
mentation—incapable of giving you sound, dispassionate
advice. I that am tied to my chair, and never expect to

36 DIARIES AND CORRESPONT)ENCE. [1801.
move ten yards from it, see without prejudice. // is
your duty. It is your duty to persuade Pitt, if you can,
to humble himself before the King : it wiU be the most
dignified humiUty ever heard of
C. — I wiU consider it over, and see you to-morrow.
N.B. 1 gave this advice with great warmth and eager
ness, being fuUy persuaded that if Pitt does what I re
commend, he wUl return to office with great and good
effect ; with less power, but power enough ; and that his
behaviour will be infinitely more becoming a subject and
i\Iinister in a country like this than before, as he vsdU
have received the lesson of adversity I wish him to
receive. In the course of our conversation, I defended j\Ir. Ad
dington, on whom Canning was disposed to press rather
hard, by ever reverting to the idea that he would not
voluntarily give up office, or go voluntarily to the King to
say, " now the Catholic Question is asleep and forgotten,
I am ready to resign my office to ]\Ir. Pitt." I argued,
supposing that to be true, which, however, was only as
sumed, it was foUy not to come to an explanation with
Mr. Addington on the point ; that the King had chosen
him because Pitt would resign, and Addington avowedly
accepted the place on the same grounds ; that now,
therefore, that Pitt was disposed to concede on the only
subject which had produced aU this fracas, he was boimd,
not Addington, to make the first move, and to use his
endeavours that aU which had passed should be con
sidered as a bad dream, and as such forgotten ; and I
again and again urged the extreme foUy of suffering the
country to be involved in endless calamities, because two
men were either too proud or too weak to come to a right
understanding ; that if they would, aU might be re
covered ; that Pitt held the magic wand like Prospero,
and, if he did not employ it, deserved the highest cen
sure. Canning said Addington was influenced by selfish
friends, Bragge, Adams, his brother, &c. I said it
would be very strange if such very nothingy men were
to stand in the way of so great a measure, and one of

1801.J ENGLAND. 37
such public utility ; that I hoped if, on closer investiga
tion, it appeared that there had been any persons who,
while they were externally acting with Pitt, secretly in
flamed the King's mind against him on account of this
CathoUc question, and alarmed His Majesty's conscience,
merely to serve their own purposes, that such men would
not be suffered to remain in office with impunity, and
that Pitt would not forget that, to preserve power and
make it respected, it is necessary to know how to chastise
as well as how to reward ; how to reprimand as weU as to
praise ; and to that sort of apathy which had been ob
served towards bad or insufficient public men in every
line during his ministry, were owing the worst traits
in it.
^Ionday, March 9. Lord Darnley. — Endeavours to
prove the propriety of his conduct ; he is not going into
headlong Opposition — he knows the Prince of Wales does
not depend on him, but that it is better lie, and men
who think Uke him, should be about him, than those
who think differently, and wish to make the Prince sub
servient to their private purposes. I told him he was
not of a size for this purpose : that he would be drawn
into the vortex without being heeded, or having done
the smallest good. Darnley's fault is vanity ; he means
well, but acts badly.
Five o'clock. WiUiam Elliot. — He thinks now Minis
try mean to try for Peace ; it is his decided ojjinion.
Addington stUl ill of a rheumatic fever.
Half-past nine, p. m. Tom Pelham. — Dundas with the
Duke of York yesterday, to say that as the great obstacle
of the Catholic question was suspended, he thought Pitt
might retain office and still be at the head of affairs, and
he proposed to the Duke to forward this idea in the King's
mind. The Duke said he was sincerely and truly desirous
of seeing Pitt return to office, and would wilUngly do what
he could with propriety ; but before he pledged himself
to any positive measure, he wished to consult Pelham —
to this Dundas most readUy assented. This morning, at
9, the Duke of York sent for Pelham, and informed him

38 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l80l.
of what had passed ; Pelham agreed with him as to the
eligibUity of Pitt's remaining at the head of Administra
tion, but rather disapproved the idea of the Duke taking
any step whatever with the King. It might not please
the King— it might lead him to suppose the Duke was
setting himself up for a maker of Administrations, and if
it did not produce this effect on the King's mind, it most
assuredly would on that of the Prince of Wales, and
create a great deal of unpleasant feeling in that quarter.
The Duke acquiesced most perfectly in aU this, and
desired Pelham to lose no time in repeating it to Pitt
and Dundas, who he knew were together at Wimble
don. Pelham immediately rode there ; he met Pitt on
the Common, returning, and rode back with him. Pitt,
without hesitation, agreed as to aU that he said in regard
to the Duke of York — that he was sure of the Duke's
good wUl towards him, but that he thought His Royal
Highness should, on no account, mix himself up in politi
cal arrangements of this sort, but consider himself as
belonging to the King, and independent of aU Ministers ;
Pitt then went into the question deeply — stated the pros
and cons — mentioned several difficulties ; the principal
one was, how Addington would feel it, even suppose the
King was inclined to his retiring, of which he was not
yet sure — that, besides, he had friends to consult, and he
was apprehensive of the effect it would have on the Irish
Catholics. He talked a great deal on aU these points,
and the result seemed to me, that he inclined greatly to
return to office, but wished that the King should move
towards him, and Addington spontaneously offer him
his place. Pelham combated all this in the way it natu
rally was to be combated ; and as he already saw the
drift of Pitt's conversation, he took less pains to argue
the collateral points, than to shew the importance of his
remaining Minister, and to prove that if he, Pitt, really
wished the pubUc good, and had the pubUc good at heart,
he should not stand out in any point of etiquette with
the King, or expect that Addington, tUl he was told the
King's wishes, could or would spontaneously come for
ward. This led him into detaUed arrangements, and the

IBOl.] ENGLAND. 39
different offices which were vacant, or could be vacated ;
and it was evident that Pitt had thought the whole over
and over again ; that his mind was full of it, and that he
was anxious to come in, but that his pride led him to
wish that it should be by entreaty, not by any voluntary
forward movement of his. Pelham, when he left Pitt,
returned to Dundas, who, having much less pride, and
fewer scruples than Pitt, spoke much more decidedly on
the subject. He did not hesitate as to what Pitt should
do in respect to the King ; and, as for Mr. Addington, he
said if he was so tenacious of office, he should be gratified
by a Cabinet place, and if not satisfied with that, be
overlooked entirely in an arrangement so essential for
the public good ; and, after all, said Dundas, very unad
visedly, probably unintentionally, if these new ministers
stay in and mahe Peace, it will only smooth matters the
more for us afterwards. This betrayed a great deal, and
struck Pelham's mind, as it did mine when he told it me,
that from the beginning there has been ever some second
and back view in all this ; and that really what appears
in the French papers and in ours, has some degree of
truth, viz., that Pitt went out because he felt himself
incapable either of carrying on the war, or of making
peace. On his return to London, the Duke of York, who
was quite satisfied with all Pelham had done, told him
the King had expressed a wish to see Pitt— Pelham meet
ing Pitt accidentally on his way to the House, told him
this ; and Pitt said he had received such an intimation
from WiUis, and that he was really embarrassed how to
act ; if he saw the King before anything was determined
on, it would give rise to the most awkward reports, and
he would consider of it tiU the next morning. Pelham
very handsomely desired not to stand in anybody's way ;
but this Pitt would not hear of, and in their ride from
Putney, said he thought there should be three Secretaries
of State — one for the Colonies (Lord Hobart), one for
the Foreign affairs (Lord Hawkesbury), and one for the
Home and War department (Pelham). That Lord Corn
waUis should either remain in Ireland, or be at the head
of the Board of Controul ; Lord Chatham have the Ord-

40 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [I8OI.
nance, and the Duke of Portland the Presidency. But all
this was under the idea of his, Pitt's staying out ; and I
have no doubt a very different Cabinet would be formed
if he comes in again.
The impression the whole of this taken together leaves
at this moment on my mind is, either that Pitt is in
clined to let this Ministry remain in office long enough
to make peace, and then to turn them out ; or that he,
&c., mean and wish to keep the government of the coun
try in their hands. That, if they can, they will try to
be entreated by the King to do so ; and if this does not
succeed, they will gratify their pride another way, by
vapouring on the sacrifices they are ready to make for
the good of the public. The whole is a very sad story —
the work of mean and bad passions ; a trial of strength
which a great subject presumes to institute with his King,
and a King to whom he owes all his greatness. It began
in this, continues in this, and will end in it, and ruin
follow to the common weal.

March 10, Eleven, a.m. WUUam Elliot. — Says Lord
CornwaUis writes him word all is quiet in Ireland, but
that he laments the Catholic question having been given
up. Says ninety-five out of a hundred Irish members
would have voted for it. Quaere 1
Half-past one, p.m. — Charles Fox was announced. As
an old friend and acquaintance he said he came to see
me, and at the same time confessed his chief reason was,
that having never kept copies of what he wrote when
Secretary of State, he wished I would shew or give him
a copy of an official letter he wrote me when I was at
Petersburgh in or about May 1782, on the subject of the
Armed Neutrality. He said it was written in consequence
of a Cabinet held at the Duke of Grafton's in Olarges-
street ; and that, as far as he could recollect, his private
sentiments, which he believes he wrote me in a private
letter, were for my going farther than he could instruct
me to do in his official despatch, if he made it conform
able to the Minute of Cabinet. That he had this Minute
somewhere, but could not find it. I told him I remem-

1001. J ENGLAND. 41
bered little more than that his general sentiments on the
Armed Neutrality were, that it was a point not worth con
testing, since all Europe have subscribed to it ; and if we
could get any great advantage by acquiescing in its prin
ciples, it would be well so to do. That / differed from
him at the time, and that it was the subject of several
conversations we held together on my return home in
1783. He desired me to let him see a copy of what he
wrote, which I promised I would as soon as I could get
it from Park Place.* We of course did not talk much
of the present times. He said the King was quite re
covered ; he knew it from unquestionable authority. On
my saying it was a fortunate event, he said he certainly
was glad of it ; but that " things were come to such a
pass nothing could do either harm or good."
Three, p.m. Mrs. Harcourt. — Held the language of the
Court; outrageous with Pitt, &c. ; said the Prince's
behaviour was very bad ; always went at a time he was
sure he could not see the King, and then complained of
being slighted. Yesterday went at an hour he was cer
tain he should be refused. His Majesty having taken
physic ; and on being refused, sent word to Lord Ux
bridge, with whom he was to dine, by Jack Payne, that,
as the King would not see him, he really felt too much
to think of dining in company. Sad grimace. They all
knew him full well at the Queen's house, yet all loved
him. The Princess of Wales had behaved very well.
Ten, p.m. Tom Pelham. — Confirmed all said before about
the Prince. Complains of not being received by the King,
and goes at hours he knows the King cannot see him.
Dundas tells him that Addington will probably not make
a voluntary offer to Pitt to give up to him ; yet Pitt seems
to expect he should. Duke of Portland undertakes to see
Addington, and to persuade him to go to the King to in
form His Majesty of Pitt's having dropped the Catholic

* I find no letter from Fox bearing exactly upon this point (probably be
cause Lord M. returned it to him), but his letters published in the first vol.
of this work express (like those of his predecessors in office) a sense of the
importance of the Empress' friendship, and his readiness to purchase it by
great concessions and unbounded flattery.

42 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l801.
question, and that he, Addington, now submits it to His
Majesty whether it would not be proper to continue Pitt
in office. This the Duke said he could do with perfect
consistency, as it is conformable to the language he has
held aU along. He and Pelham both agree that Adding
ton should see the King before he sees Pitt, and that the
arrangement, whatever it is, should appear to originate
with the I^ng, and come from the King to Pitt, and not
vice versa. Pelham rather injudiciously teUs Dundas of
this, and Dundas rather unfairly teUs it to Pitt, who im
mediately goes to the Duke of Portland and insists on
his not using any influence with Addington to induce
him to give way ; and that if he wiU not do it proprio
motu, it wiU not satisfy him.

Wednesday, March 11. — King quite well; saw Ad
dington and ChanceUor. No buUetins to be given out
after to-day, nor any inquiries expected to be made any
longer. Prince of Wales saw His Majesty for the first
time to-day. Sir W. Farquhar told me Pitt also was in
high health.
Nine, p.m. W. EUiot. — Fox quite paramount in the House
of Commons yesterday — brow-beat the Speaker — held
very odd language — hinted at Parliamentary Reform.*
Four, p.m. Tom Pelham. — Pitt's visit to the Duke of
Portland defeated that part of the plan, and Pitt seems
to stiffen in his determination not to aUow that any
means shaU be taken to direct Addington's conduct.
In the mean while, to the great surprise and satisfaction
of almost everybody, Lord CornwaUis writes to Lord Cas-
tlereagh a letter in his own hand, stating that as the
Catholic Question is given up, and very wisely so in his
opinion, considering the repugnance the King had to it,
he considers those who have resigned as bound to con
tinue their services. That, in ordinary times, perhaps a
* The debate of the 10th of March rested on the eligibility of Mr. Home
Tooke to a seat in Parliament (he being in Priest's orders). Lord Temple
moved for evidence to prove his being so before he moved for a new wit
for Old Sarum. Fox opposed the motion, and took the opportunity of
alluding to the nature of that Borough, which in fact consisted of an old
encampment and two or three cottages.

1801.] ENGLAND. 43
contrary conduct might be permitted ; but in these, it
would be "liiglily criminal" if they acted otherwise.
Dundas much pleased at this letter — Lord Spencer still
more so ; but Pitt, probably in secret communication
with Lord Grenville, docs not seem to be influenced
much by it. Lord Oastlereagh, eager for his remaining
in power, told him, if he declined office now, he never
could expect to rosuiuc it with credit or authority.
It is really difficult to account for Pitt's obstinacy ;
whether it is the consequence of an excess of pride and
haughtiness, which, after he has treated his Sovereign
with indignity, make him expect that, instead of express
ing a concern for what he has done, he should be courted
and entreated to remain in power ; or, whether there is
really some second and back view, and that he and others
wish to let the new Ministry try to patch up a Peace,
and then that they should reap the advantages of it, by a
return to power, is a point impossible to resolve.
It is, however, not difficult to pronounce, that both
motives are mean ; and that, while Pitt is acting upon
them. Fox will gain so much ground in the House of Com
mons, as to become a most powerful and dangerous rival.

Thursday, March 12. — ChanceUor and Addington had
seen the King yesterday, and also the Prince of Wales.
Five, p.m. Duke of Portland. — Felt deeply and sincerely
the difficulty of the times. King's getting so well a most
fortunate event. The Duke then stated to me nearly
everything I had heard from Pelham (except what imme
diately related to himself, and his going out) ; looks upon
Pitt being at the head of Government as of the last con
sequence ; and he is so earnest for it, that considering his
agreement with Pitt as at an end, he determines to see
Addington to-morrow ; Pitt's hesitation unaccountable ;
he yields entirely on the Catholic Question, and goes so far
as to declare " he never will stir it." On talking of this
question, the Duke said it was to have gone much farther
than appeared at first — was to substitute a new Test Oath,
and ultimately to make several alterations in the Chu,rch
establishment. Duke of Portland blames Pitt much —

44 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [I8OI.
agreed with me that it is the most culpable pride possible,
if it was pride ; but that that alone, strong as it was in
his character, did not appear sufficient to prevent him
doing what his ambition certainly prompted him to do,
and which he confessed to be right. Pitt's argument, that
he will support Government out of office, idle. Pitt and
Office cannot be separated. Sorry Addington not quite so
ready to give way as he ought — it would be the most
honourable thing possible to give up to Pitt ; and the
Duke of Portland said he would try to prevail on him to
make this tender to the King, who, the Duke says, would
certainly be very glad to see Pitt again in full possession
of his power. In speaking of the King, the Duke said, on
the Wednesday, 18 th of February, before he was taken ill.
His Majesty was quite himself, and talked to him most
sensibly and judiciously on aU subjects. Said, " he was
an old Whig ; that he considered those statesmen who
made barrier treaties, and conducted the ten last years of
the succession war, the most able ones we ever had." He
spoke in a loud tone of voice. On Friday the 20th, the
Duke saw him again, and then was most excessively
alarmed. On Saturday the illness declared itself One
material difference between this and the first long Ulness.
Then, sleep never relieved the King ; he woke sometimes,
after ten hours' sound sleep, to use Warren's phrase, like
a giant refreshed by wine— move turbulent than before ;
now sleep always recovered him, and he woke quiet and
composed. In speaking several weeks ago to the Duke of Portland
on the Catholic Emancipation, he said, " Were he to agree
to it, he should betray his trust, and forfeit his Crown ;
that it might bring the framers of it to the gibbet"  very
strong words for him to use ; and the Duke said, he was
sure ^' the King had rather suffer martyrdom, than submit
to this measure."
King now quite weU— wishes to do some business, and
have some occupation, but not to be overcharged with it.
On speaking of Lord GrenviUe, we both agreed that he
was the most close character possible — never relieved his
mind by trusting any one; that now he was alone at

1801.] ENGLAND. 45
Dropmore, and probably very uncomfortable, but he kept
it all to himself.
_ The result of what the Duke said left stiU a chance of
Pitt's retaining office. No final arrangements to be made
till next week.
Saturday, March 14.— Pitt saw the King at three,
and actually resigned ; Addington at four to-day. King
aired to Kew. I do not hear what passed with respect
to Mr. Addington. I examined to-day carefully a sea
chart of the Baltic, and took notes of it.
Sunday, March 15. — Wryford, my old butler, gets an
office of 100/. a year, and my old valet Howden the same,
through George Rose and Wyndham. This gives me great
pleasure. Ten, p.m.— Lord Oastlereagh. — Much talk about the
Neutral Powers ; he very right — ^very clever and steady.
Monday, March 16. — Addington stiffens against any
share of power with Pitt ; replies very coldly and for-
maUy to a letter from Lord Camden (his intimate friend),
in which Lord Camden intimates a wish that Government
should be assisted with the abilities of their friend Pitt in
office. Pitt has taken a house in Park Place, and it is said his
income is about 1000/ a year. Sir Robert Calder, it is
feared, is gone on, and not foUowed De Gantheaume into
the Mediterranean ;*" great expectation of success against
the Danes.
Tuesday, March 17. — Report that the government in
HoUand is to be changed by proclamation, and that the
same form of government which exists in France is to be
declared. Hereditary Prince of Orange to be First Consul,
the Stadtholder having, says the report, declined it. This
is just possible, from the close connexion between France'
* Sir R. Calder had been blown off from his blockade of Brest, and Gan
theaume had got out, and gained Toulon with his fleet.

46 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [I8OI.
and Prussia, and from the strong leanings / know the
hereditary Prince of Orange had to put his family and self
under the protection of France.
Two, P.M. — Bishop of Oxford. — Censures Pitt — croaks
as to the times. — N. B. He belongs to the GrenviUes.
Three, p.m. — Canning. — He had written, not spoken, to
Pitt in the way he said he would ; he preferred this, that
his sentiments might remain on record. His letter, which
he repeated, was in substance what I so strongly urged.
Pitt left it unnoticed for several days, and on Thursday
the 12th answered him shortly, but very kindly; say
ing, he was grieved to differ from him in opinion, but
his mind was quite made up on the subject.
Saturday the 14th, Pitt resigned, and in the evening
Canning went to him, and held a long conversation, which
ended by Canning putting two very material questions to
Pitt, and which, according to his own account, he put in
the most solemn way possible, declaring that he would
regulate his conduct by the answers he received, if Pitt
could and would give him the true and real ones. The
first was, whether Pitt and Addington had from the begin
ning to this day acted in concert ; and whether Addington
had in no instance withheld anything from him, or be
trayed a strong wish to preserve office rather than restore
it to Pitt. To this question Pitt, without hesitation,
and in the most unqualified manner, replied, that it was
impossible to have behaved with more confidence, more
openness, more sincerity, than Addington had done, from
the first moment to this ; and that the manner in which
he had conducted himself, added to his long friendship
for him, and raised him higher than ever in his good
opinion. Canning's second question was, (and he again appealed
to Pitt's sincerity,) whether Pitt was more satisfied with
him for resigning office, than with others who retained
their places. Pitt answered, that he certainly could not
but be pleased with Canning's having resigned office,
taking him in the light of an individual and private friend,
but, as a public man, he very truly and sincerely said,
lie was more pleased and more obliged to such of his

1801.J ENGLAND. 47
friends who had kept their places. After saying this.
Canning told me that he recanted aU he suspected, aU he
really might have said, and aU that was attributed to him
as having said, with respect to ]\Ir. Addington. In sending
him in his resignation to-day, that he had written to him
in terms of the highest respect, with assurances of such
support as he could give him.
If all Canning says is true, and I confess appearances
look as if it was, the whole transaction is enveloped in a
thicker cloud than ever ; for why, after avowedly and
publicly saying, he would not touch on the question of
the Irish CathoUcs, but give it up ; why Pitt, having done
this, and hearing from Addington the King's wishes, and
Addington's readiness to make over his ]\Iinistry to him,
why he rejects this, and yet promises a constant and un
varied support to Government, is quite incomprehensible.
I cannot but suspect that more is meant than meets the
ear ; that Pitt advises Addington to make peace, vriU
assist him in it, and that peace once made, he wiU then
no longer object to take office.*
This is my own private opinion, and I think many
smaU facts, which taken together prove a good deal, go to
make it a reasonable conjecture.
Canning keeps the place of Receiver-General of the
Alienation Office. He said the Duke of Portland was to
go out, or rather to be made President of the Council, and
T. Pelham, Secretary of State.

Wednesday, March 11. — Rumour as if the King was
not so weU ; had talked too much when Lord Hardwicke,
&c., kissed hands for the Privy Council.
Lord Glenbervie dined yesterday with Trotter, where
he met Otto. Little doubt but that the first act of the
new Administration wiU be a trial for Peace; and as
* The whole story may be told with a quotation from the " Arabian
Nio-hts." According to Eastern Custom, when a man divorces his wife,
another man must marry her, and divorce her again, before the first can
take her back again ; and this happens more than once in the stories related
in that book The second husband is called a Hullah. Mr. Addington
is Britannia's Hullah, and is too safe a man to play Pitt the trick one of
them did, viz., refuse to divorce the wife again.— Original Note.

48 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [1801.
little doubt that Buonaparte wiU listen to their overtures.
The generals who command the French armies in Ger
many and Italy, see in themselves as good a right to be
First Consul, as he has. They are not disposed to obey
him, and he certainly fears to bring the armies back into
France. Yet if we consider a moment at what a period
we make peace — that it must be by concessions dispropor
tionate to our successes, and of course inglorious, and that
we cannot possibly reduce the war estabUshment so as to
ease the burthen now laid on the public, without making
it insecure and unsafe, the measure is surely an unwise
and weak one.
The Invincible, a 74, commanded by Admiral Totty,
wrecked off Yarmouth yesterday morning, — only the ad
miral, three lieutenants, the purser, and one hundred and
ninety-five seamen saved, — had the best pilots and best
master possible. She was going at the rate of twelve
knots an hour, when she struck on the sand, carried off a
large piece of her keel, and soon after went down. The
admiral, and those who were saved, jumped overboard at
the last moment, and were picked up by fishermen.
March 19. — Lord Whitworth. — Letters from Riga to
Mr. Bonar say that an Ukase was just arrived there to
prevent the exportation of any of the productions of
Russia to the Prussian dominions ; difficult to under
stand this, unless we are to suppose Paul thought the
Prussian merchantmen connived at executing the com
missions sent from hence.
Eight, P.M. — Tom Pelham. — Long conversation with him
on the new arrangements ; settled that he is to have the
Seals for the Home Department.
It gave me great concern to hear that, on the day of
the Council, (1 believe Monday,) the King, in conversing
with the Duke of Portland was so extremely nervous as
to alarm the Duke exceedingly. His Majesty took him
by the hand, and pressed it against his bosom ; talked of
the great obligation he had to him for making way for
Pelham — " for Lord Pelham," said the King, " for I wUl
not hear any more of Mr. Pelham ;" and then, moving

1801.] ENGLAND. 49
towards the window-seat, sat down, and wanted the Duke
to sit by him. This betrays very weak nerves, but not,
I think, any mental derangement. It was unfortunate
that His Majesty, in the Council subsequent to this audi
ence, also talked too feelingly of the satisfaction the new
administration caused him. Several indiscreet counsellors
were present, and the report of the King's being again
unwell got abroad, and I indeed had heard from Lord
Morpeth that it was so this morning.
It is to be feared that he may faU into a state of
enfance, and this makes the necessity of an immediate
Regency BUI indispensable.
Friday, March 20. — Uncomfortable accounts from the
Queen's house ; the Queen unweU ; the King extremely
nervous and low-spirited, and the physicians seem less
to dread any mental derangement, than that the intellec
tual faculties should be impaired so much as never to
recover their former tone. Medical persons observe this
to happen frequently after such an acute illness as the
King has just had, particularly at his period of Ufe (sixty-
three,) and when one of the causes of it was vexation of
mind. Lord Darnley's motion to come on ; he confident in
himself, and sadly vain.
Saturday, Marph 21. — Twenty-five Peers and three
proxies voted with Lord Darnley ; debate long, and not
amusing ; a most remarkable speech of Lord Auckland,
who, getting up for the apparent purpose of noticing
something that had been said respecting a point of finance,
took the opportunity of animadverting on the late resig
nations ; " lamented the loss of Pitt's abilities, &c., and
went on by saying, that " there was something behind in
aU this he could not comprehend ; some mysterious mo
tives, {honourable motives, he did not doubt,) that were the
cause of it, since, without some such explanation, their
throwing up office was like a general getting into a post-
chaise, and leaving his army in the middle of a battle."
What could induce him to be thus imprudent, it is diffi-
VOL. IV. E

60 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [I8OI.
cult to say. Lord Auckland has received from Pitt
obUgations that no minister but one possessing the power
of Pitt could bestow, or any one less eager for office than
Lord Auckland ask ; yet scarce has he left office than
Lord Auckland insinuates that he did it from some con
cealed motive, and that the ostensible one is insincere.
Lord Spencer answered him with spirit, but treated him
too gently ; Lord Grenville, having spoken twice, was
sUent. The King, it is hoped, is better; but why not pass
a Regency Bill 1 
Sunday, March 22. — Lord Auckland's speech the topic
of conversation at the Opera, and he much abused for it.
King slept well, but still low and depressed ; apprehen
sions I described stiU great ; unequal to business.

March 23. — Lord Hawkesbury has seen and conversed
with Otto ; peace certainly in the minds and intentions
of new Ministers, and, I fear, peace without reflection or
consideration. Four, p.m. — Canning. — Confirms my notions respecting
the Ministers' intentions to make peace. I inquire of him if
Pitt does not disapprove ; Canning says no, he always was
too pacific, but he is now quite enfeebled and won over,
and this is the real reason of his declining resuming power
and business. Laments it, and the consequences of it ;
says he will retire into the country ; violent against Lord
Auckland's speech.
Conversation on armed neutrality.

March 24. — Canning. — I related and explained to him
what passed with regard to the armed, neutrality from
1780 to 1783 ; compared Fox's declaration now with his
instructions then. Fox appears never to have positively
affirmed " we were justified in asserting our claims of
visiting ships at sea as a legal right ;" but he always
maintained it " to be a measure of the greatest conse
quence to England, and which could not be given up
but as a great sacrifice, and for which great and real

1801.] ENGLAND. 51
advantages should be obtained." Lord CarUsle, Lord
Lansdowne, Lord Fitzwilliam, and Fox have coalesced.
It is said they informed the Prince of Wales, through
Lord Moira, of this step, tendered him an offer of their
services, and that they should hold their conferences at
Carlton House. The Prince, it is said, replied, that he
was under too much anxiety for the King's health
to think of politics ; that he thanked them for their
communication, but not only declined their proposal, but
observed that, out of respect to the King, he considered
it as his duty to acquaint Mr. Addington with it, and
this he immediately did.
Three, p.m. — General GrenviUe. — King much better ; a
Drawing-room on Thursday. Lord Auckland sent me a
printed copy of his speech. If any one but he had
spoken it, there would have been much to approve in
it, and Uttle to censure ; but from him it must appear,
not as the feelings of an honest, independent mind, but
as the action of an ungrateful man.
Wednesday, March 25. — Strong symptoms of new
Ministers' intention to open their administration by an
attempt to end the war. Vansittart, who is Secretary to
the Treasury, in the place of Rose, sent to Copenhagen.,
Conciliatory, softening language, to be held at Berlin./^'
Lord Hawkesbury sees Otto, and it seems no longer to be
doubted as having for object to try the ground.
Thursday, March 26. — Strong division yesterday in
the House of Commons on Grey's motion, for a Committee
to inquire into the state of the nation — minority, 105 ;
majority, 293. Fox spoke well ; so did Grey ; Pitt very
well — defended and supported new Administration very
powerfuUy. Addington spoke late — not with much
effect ; but he seems not well in health, and very weak.
Eight, p.m  Tom Pelham. — Said that it would be a
fortnight before he could take Office. He intended Fitz
harris for his private and confidential Secretary.
I received letters from Lord Minto, in answer to those
I wrote to him to inform him of what had passed and
E 2

52 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [18OI.
was passing here. He says he stands pledged to vote
and act for the GathoUc Question ; that he has pressed
for his recall, and written his sentiments to Lord Gren
viUe and Wyndham. I am sorry he has committed him
self to the first of these ; the last is his sincere friend.
Drawing-room to-day very crowded. Queen looking
pale ; Princesses as if they had been weeping. They
insinuate that the King is too ill for the Queen to appear
in public, and to censure her for it. Dukes of York and
Cumberland there.
The Prince of Wales was at the Drawing-room, but
behaved very rudely to the Queen.
Friday, March 27. — Lord Whitworth. — Came to tell
me that a negotiation for peace was likely to be opened,
and that if it took place, he was to be the person em
ployed. He had just seen Lord Hawkesbury and Mr.
Addington, and they both told him to come to me, and
acquaint me with his nomination ; that it was a secret
as yet, not to be told any one else.
Ten, p.m. — Strong language from Staremberg, the Aus
trian Minister, who abuses and depreciates his own Court
most indecently.
Saturday, March 28. — Lady Spencer, whom Mrs.
Robinson* saw this morning, says great concessions are
to be made, in order to obtain peace — the Cape, Gib
raltar, and Minorca — (Gibraltar, Lord St. Vincent says,
is of no value) — this Lord Lansdowne's language, who
wanted to give it away in 1783, but for an equivalent.
I fear Ministers have shewn too much eagerness for
negotiation. Buonaparte will avail himself of it — either
to be insolent (if he feels strong in his seat), or to betray
them into a bad peace by an affected complaisance, if he
is insecure in it. There is reason to suppose the distant
French armies are not disposed to be very obedient, and
that those who command them consider themselves as
possessing as good claims to govern France as the First
Consul. He dare not, therefore, bring them back into
* Lord Malmesbury's sister.

1801.J ENGLAND. 53
France, and is by no means sure that they will keep the
countries they now are in possession of, for him or his
purposes. I dread a naval armistice ; if we accede to it, it will
be like the foremost jockey, giving time for the others to
come up with him whUe the race is running. But
this, and concessions as to the claims of the neutral na
tions, and probably some boon or act of complaisance to
Paul, will, I apprehend, be proposed to us ; and my best
hope is, that Buonaparte, giddy with success and vanity,
and reckoning too much on our too easy compUance, wUl
convey these proposals in such overbearing and insolent
language, as even the present pacific enduring Ministers
will be offended at, and the nation reject with disdain
and contempt. K Buonaparte is supple and cunning, the
evU wUl be very great indeed.
Sunday, March 29. — Pitt, I am told from authority,
encourages Addington in his pacific plans — states the
finances of the country to be such as require peace. I
always perceived these to supersede in Pitt's mind every
other consideration, and that even when he declaimed
the loudest, and with the greatest emphasis, for a con
tinuation of war, his real and genuine opinion went for
peace. No news from the Baltic. Unfavourable reports from
Egypt. The French appear to have got two ships, with
reinforcements and stores, into Alexandria ; and the
Turks by no means hearty and zealous in giving us their
support. Ten, p.m. — No answer from Paris.

Monday, March 30th. — I went to Richmond. William
EUiot told me when I set out, that T. Pelham had seen
the Duke of Portland, who had said nothing as to his
change of office in the Cabinet, and that, till Lord Corn
waUis comes, it must remain as it is. Lord Hardwicke
(who is recovered) to go on the 17th to Ireland.
Early in April I went with my famUy to Brighton.
Pelham, who was with us part of the time, received a

54 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [I8OI.
proposal from Lord Hawkesbury to go to Russia. — The
news of Paul's assassination reached us in April ; and
it was in consequence of the change of system in favour
of this country, which was expected, that the proposal
was made to Pelham. As, however, it was considered by
him, that his being made Secretary of State, and his
father to be raised to an Earldom, was a settled point, this
proposal appeared to him a very singular one. He advised
with me as to his answer. I admitted the immense im
portance of having an able man at Petersburgh at the
outset of a new reign, and the vast advantage the country
and himself might derive from his going. But that I
would insist, in the first instance, on being placed in the
Cabinet, and my father being created an Earl, since they
were points determined on previous to this proposal, and
ought not to be delayed by it. Pelham wrote to this
effect, decUning the offer, but on the terms I have just
mentioned, and, receiving no answer, the business dropt,
and Lord St. Helens was appointed. Nothing could be
so slovenly written as Lord Hawkesbury's letter ; and it
is difficult to say what his object was in pressing this
Mission on Pelham, at a moment when he was to come
into the Cabinet and high Office.

[The following is an extract of a letter from Mr. Ross
to Lord Malmesbury, from Petersburgh, where, he was
attached to the Embassy.]
I have been over the Palace where the scene was acted,
accompanied by a Scotch surgeon. Dr. Grieve, who was
much in the confidence of the late Emperor, and who gave
him a draught on the very night he was murdered, about
an hour before it took place. For a long time before his
death, but particularly for the last ten days, his mind was
in a constant state of irritation. His naturally suspicious
temper preyed upon himself, and conjured up to his fancy
an enemy in every person he saw. He suspected that
some plot was going on, but could not fix on the authors
of it. It is more than probable, that had he lived forty-
eight hours longer, his sons would have been shut up in

1801.] ENGLAND. 55
the fortress. He taxed Pahlen with being concerned in
it, who adroitly turned it off by remarking, that supposing
such to exist, it was essential to his secmity that he should
be acquainted with it, and that he would answer for this
with his head. The last evening of his life he even had
some suspicions of Dr. Grieve ; and whUst he was shaking
the draught, he went to the end of the room, and turning
quickly round, and fixing him, he said, "Mais apropos,
mon cher, ne vous faites vous pas une affaire de conscience
de gudrir I'ennemi de vos compatriots 1 " Dr. Grieve's an
swer was, " Que tout homme de son ^tat ne devrait avoir
d'autre, but que de bien remplir les devoirs de I'huma-
nitd" With this he was satisfied, and embracing him he said,
" Je n'en doute pas, et ne m'en suis jamais dout^." About
an hour after, the conspirators entered.
Those who were to be the immediate actors, (about
ten in number, at the head of them were Platon Zubow,
and General Benningsen, an Hanoverian by birth, es
teemed an exceUent officer, and a very resolute man,
since made Gtjvemor of Lithuania, together with the
Adjutant on duty, who had always a free entry to
the Emperor,) had supped together, and drank freely. On
coming to the outer folding-door, his valet-de-chambre,
who always stood as a sentinel, (dressed en Hussar,)
between this door and the inner one, seeing the Adju
tant on duty, opened the door of the chamber where the
Emperor was in bed; but suspecting something wrong,
immediately after, from the number of people at that hour,
he shut it again, and called to the Emperor. The man was
immediately struck, but not killed, (he is now in the ser
vice of the Empress Dowager,) and the party proceeded
into the room. Paul, alarmed by the noise, had jumped
out of bed. It is thought he had attempted to find the
door to the Empress's apartment, but failed, and was
found by General Benningsen behind a screen, in his shirt.
He immediately threw himself into one of his attitudes,
and began to expostulate with them, but almost imme-
diatelv he received from one of the party a blow on the
temple, supposed to have been given by the butt end of a
pistol, and, after some struggling, was strangled with a

56 DLA.RIES AND CORRESPONT)ENCE. [I8OI.
sash. The business took up nearly three quarters of an
hoiu". It is not the least singular part of it, that an Hano
verian should have assisted in despatching him, and that
his body should have been given afterwards to three Scotch
surgecms, to cut up — Drs. Green, Whaley, and Guthrie.
The persons concerned in this transaction could not
trust the Emperor's own battalion of guards. The officers of
the other were gained over, and their men were marched
up to the Palace, with Pahlen and another of the Zubows
at their head, whilst the affair was carrying on. The next
morning aU was quiet. The people were seen embracing,
and giving each other joy in the streets ; and from that
time to the present, everybody has his own story. This
account (from the quarter from whence I got it) comes, I
think, nearer the truth than most others which have been
circulated. The Empress Dowager openly expresses her
detestation of the persons concerned in it. It was through
her influence that Pahlen has been banished. She has
taken into her service the persons who were the principal
sufferers by her husband's death. The Emperor pays her
every attention.
During my stay at Brighton, Nelson forced the passage
of the Sound, and fought the battle of Copenhagen. The
landing of our troops also took place in Egypt, and in a
way to promise success.

[Sir Ralph Abercrombie had landed his army in Egypt
on the 8th of March. On the 21st, he totally defeated the
French, but was mortally wounded, and died on the 28 th.
I found this event so beautifuUy aUuded to in a familiar
letter from ]\Irs. Parkhurst to Lord Malmesbury, that I
could not resist giving the extract.]
" Over Sir R. Abercrombie I do not much lament. — fuU of
years, and fuU of honours — he seems with his own hands
to have made a monument of glory, and then calmly en
tered it. When death must come, it never comes better
than disguised as Glory. Such ashes should rather be
revered than deplored."

1801.J ENGLAND. 57
On my return to London in May, and till I left it in June,
I had little or no intercourse with public men. Pelham's
marriage with Lady Mary Osborne took place ; but his
nomination to the Secretary of Stateship (partly from no
very cordial good will towards him, I believe, in Adding
ton, &c., and partly from the rooted habits of procrastina
tion which belong to the Duke of Portland, who was to
make way for him,) was postponed till August, when the
King was at Weymouth. It then was settled in the
manner agreed on ; but some very important branches
of business were lopped off from his department and given
to Lord Hobart.
Negotiations for peace going on very secretly, but
very earnestly, during the months of August and Sep
tember, between Lord Hawkesbury and Otto ; and from
the little which 1 could coUect, it seemed as if the latter
was the much more able Negotiator ; the event since has
proved it.
In July, the Princess of Orange, the Hereditary Prince
of Orange, General Larrey, the Greffier Fagel, and his
brother, passed three days at Park Place, to take leave
on her going to the Continent. I avoided all politics at
so disagreeable a moment, and under such a fluctuating
state as Germany, and even we ourselves were in, and
contented myself with strong, but sincere, assurances of
my zealous attachment to the interests and well-being of
the House of Orange. Nothing could be more kind and
friendly than the Princess, and on getting into her coach,
after embracing Lady Malmesbury and my daughters, she
could not refrain from tears.*
When I came to London, on the 14th July, I found,
from Lord Pelham, that it was in contemplation to en
able the King to give a large sum of money to the House
of Orange, — 220,000/ This, Addington said, was the
value of the ships seized at the breaking out of the war,
* The Princess probably thought of the adverse days of 1786, when Lord
Malmesbury was struggling with her to restore the Stadtholderate to its
power, of the triumphant result of those efforts in 1787 ; but even with this
experience of the caprice of Fortune, she could not have imagined, at this
hopeless moment, that her House would regain, in 1814, more than all it
had lost

58 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [18OI.
and surrendered to us in behalf of the Stadtholder ; and,
as such, Addington wished it should be employed to his
advantage. The indelicacy, as well as the something like injustice
of this idea, struck me at once, and I found it had also
struck more forcibly the Princess, who wrote to the
Greffier a most excellent ostensible letter, to be shewn
Addington. Lord Pelham, Lord Auckland, and myself
were to be the three trustees for the Princess in her
interest in 60,000/ ; and it wUl appear by the letters,
that the remaining 120,000/, instead of being paid at
once, was to be converted into an annuity of 20,000/
a year to the Prince of Orange. The letter of the
Princess to Mr. Fagel was intended as an answer
to one written to her by Mr. Addington. His letter
dwelt on the value of the ships, and rated the money
to be given to the House of Orange according to their
value. It was a weU-meant, but most iU executed intention.
First, the letter and style were ill suited, either to the
high situation of the writer or rank of the person to
whom it was addressed, and, in fact, Addington was made
so ashamed of it by what I remarked on it (which I did
without scruple), that he begged to have it back again
and suppress it.
The idea of an annuity also, instead of a lump of
money given at once, was mine, and from the principle
that it should be considered as a retaining fee, un subside
d'attente, to the House of Orange, a connexion with
which we should never lose sight of, and whose conse
quence and high name it was our interest, independent
of what was due to the present representatives of it, to
maintain and uphold.
The Princess of Orange and her suite left London for
the Continent on the 16 th of July, and saUed next
day from Dover.

Tuesday, Sept. 29.— After an absence of three months,
I came for a few days to London. On getting out of my

1801.] ENGLAND. 59
carriage in St. James's Park, I rriet Mr. Addington (the
Minister) ; he was in uncommon high spirits, from which
I readily inferred that the peace negotiation was likely
to terminate successfully. At my own house 1 found
Fitzharris and WUliam Elliot ; they also said, from all
they had observed during the course of a day, that Lord
Hawkesbury and Otto were on the point of signing the
preliminaries ; * yet it was known that, about ten days
ago, there was a hitch in the negotiation on the part of
Buonaparte, which seemed to look as if he wished to
break it off. Wyndham came in the evening, full of ap
prehensions : he said, he considered the peace made at
the time and in the way it was, would be as the most
mistaken of measures — as the death-blow to the country.

Wednesday, Sept. 30. — Great secrecy in the Cabinet
as to peace. Lord Pelham (now Secretary of State for
the Home Department) called on me. We went over all
the politics of Europe, both foreign and domestic ; but,
by his avoiding the slightest reference to the negotiation,
he convinced me of what we suspected, and that peace
was reaUy agreed to. Lord G. Leveson averse to peace,
but ignorant of the state of the negotiation.

London, Thursday, Oct. 3. — Wyndham in morning and
evening — quite in despair. The preliminaries were, I
believe, settled this evening conclusively. Pitt coun-
seUed, and, of course, directed the whole. The other
* The Preliminaries of the Peace of Amiens between His Majesty and the
French Republic were signed October 1st, 1801, in London, by Lord
Hawkesbury, Secretary for Foreign Affairs, and Monsieur Otto, at that time
residing in London as an agent for the exchange of prisoners. Great Britain
acquired Ceylon in the East, and Trinidad in the West Indies. Egypt was
to be restored to the Porte, whose possessions and territories, as well as those
of Naples and Portugal, were to be preserved entire. France retained her
other conquests and recovered her colonies.
On the 3rd November an address of thanks for the Peace was moved in
both Houses : in the Lords, opposed by Lords Grenville, Spencer, Fitz
william, &o., but carried in a division of 94 to 10. In the Commons, after a
l6ng debate, in which the treaty was approved by Pitt, Fox, Sheridan, and
censured by Wyndham, T. Grenville, &c,, the address was carried without
a division.

60 DIARIES .\ND CORRESPONDENCE. [1801.
members of the Cabinet do not appear to have been
recalled with full confidence on this occasion. What
had passed was communicated to them ; but they do not
all appear to have been advised with (as their office
implies) on what was to be done. The Chancellor (Lord
Eldon) rather against peace— so the Duke of Portland, so
Pelham ; but they were either lukewarm about it, or
overruled. Lord Westmoreland angry at not being of
more consequence,
Friday, Oct. 1, — Colonel Drinkwater early told me of
the signature of the preliminaries. It was kept a secret
to aU London but the Lord Mayor ; but Addington wrote
a circular letter to half England — to Cirencester, Reading,
and George Rose, &c. Childish exultation and joy at an
event of which the issue at best must be doubtful. I
returned to Park Place in the evening. During the
month of October, I observed that the people's joy, which
was immoderate at flrst, abated, and that the more think
ing and wiser part of the community began to demur as
to all the certain advantages that must follow peace.
Lord Bathurst, Lord Pembroke, Lord Camden, and Lord
Radnor, all disapprove of it. Lord Grenville and all his
family are violent against it — more like party violence
than pubUc wishes ; Lord Spencer induced by them to be
the same. On the 2nd of October Lord Pelham came to
Park Place ; I had a very long conversation with him,
and gave him every information in my power respecting
my two Negotiations at Paris and at Lisle. I told him I
disapproved of peace as a measure, and could I have pre
vented it I would ; but the measure being concluded, I
thought it my duty to make the best of it, and not to
add to the evil by contributing to raise a violent and
factious opposition to it ; that, however, not being able
to attend, it was of little consequence what my opinion
was, or indeed would be.

Oct. 29. — Lord G. Leveson came to consult with me
as to what he should do in Parliament, and what he

1801.] ENGLAND. 61
should say if my Negotiations were referred to. I de
sired him to state, should that happen, just what I had
said to Pelham, that if it should be found that the terms
were the same I proposed at Lisle, not to contend that
point, but to point out the much higher ground we stood
on now respecting France than at that period, though
France perhaps now stood somewhat higher respecting
Europe ; but that the great difference was in the state
and strength of the French Government ; that had we made
peace at Lisle, France would have been under what was
then termed a moderate Government— moderate in every
sense of the word — composed of a motley set of men,
half royalist and half mod^ris, and all thinking sincerely
and in earnest that the wisest of all measures for France
was, by peace, to consolidate the power she had attained,
and not to risk that by attempting to gain more. It is
not so now. The Government of France, while Buona
parte remains as First Consul, is like that of Persia under
Kauli-Khan : it knows no bounds, either moral or civil — is
ruled by no principles ; and to pretend to say that Buo
naparte's ambition is circumscribed, or that, with the
means of doing everything he will do nothing, is talking
criminal nonsense ; that this is the great difference
between September 1797 and October 1801 ; and on
this alone I wished him to make a stand, if the subject
was mooted. — Secret article in favour of the Electorate of
Hanover. On this the King said, "If Ministers think
they can win me over to their opinion as to a peace with
these feUows, by stipulations about Hanover, they are
mistaken." Lord Rosslyn (late Loughborough) gives his
proxy to the Chancellor (Lord Eldon), his successor ; he
is dying, they say. On the 12th a Frenchman, called
Lauriston, occasional aide-de-camp to Buonaparte, brought
over the ratification. A Jacobin saddler in Oxford-road
saw him pass in his way to Otto's, who lived in Hereford
Street ; he assembled the mob, persuaded them he was
Buonaparte's brother, and Lauriston was drawn about by
them in a hackney coach to all his visits. Government
did not know it in time, and John King, (Under-Secretary
of State,) when I met him, treated it very Ughtly ; yet

62 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [iSOl.
it was a most disgraceful circumstance, and a sad pre
cedent. Opposition, that is to say, Fox, Sec, I am told
are preparing themselves to coalesce with Addington's
ministry, and think that they can come into office under
his shelter. They aU support the Peace, by saying any
peace must be good after such a war — but a bad com
pliment to their new intended ally.
Part of the 26th, the 27th, and 28th of November, I
was at Windsor. I went there to present to the King
and Queen copies of the new edition of my father's works.
I saw them both alone on the morning of the 26th, and
was with them that and the next evening at their card
party at the Lodge. I likewise saw Princess Mary on
the 27th, in the morning; each evening the Queen named
me of her party, and played at cribbage with me. I was
with the King alone near two hours. I had not seen His
Majesty since the end of October, 1800, of course not
since his last iUness ; he appeared rather more of an old
man, but not older than men at his age commonly ap
pear ; he stooped rather more, and was apparently less
firm on his legs ; but he did not look thinner, nor were
there any marks of sickness or decline in his countenance
or manner ; these last were much as usual ; somewhat
less hurried, and more conversable, that is to say, allowing
the person to whom he addressed himself more time to
answer and talk, than he used to do when discussing on
common subjects, on public and grave ones. I at all
times for thirty years have found him very attentive, and
full as ready to hear as to give an opinion, though per
haps not always disposed to adopt it and forsake his own.
He was gracious even to kindness, and spoke of my father
in a way which quite affected me. He expressed great
satisfaction at seeing me less ill than he expected ; asked
how I continued to keep well ; and, on my saying, amongst
other reasons, that I endeavoured to keej) my mind quiet,
and dismiss all unpleasant subjects from intruding them
selves on it, the King said, "'Tis a very wise maxim, and
one I am determined to follow ; but how, at this parti
cular moment, can you avoid it %" And without waiting
he went on by saying, " Do you know what I call the

1801.] ENGLAND. . 63
Peace 1 — an experimental Peace, for it is nothing else. 1
am sure you think so, and perhaps do not give it so gentle
a name ; but it was unavoidable. I was abandoned by
everybody. Allies and all. I have done, I conscien
tiously believe, for the best, because I could not do other
wise ; but had I found more opinions like mine, better
might have been done."
I thought the subject might agitate the King, and
therefore tried to lead him from it ; he perceived my drift,
and said, " Lord Malmesbury, you and I have lived on the
active theatre of this world these thirty years ; if we are
not become wise enough to consider every event which hap
pens quietly, and with acquiescence, we must have lived
very negUgently. What would the good man who wrote
these exceUent books (pointing to the copy I had just
presented to him, and which lay on the table, of my
father's work) say, if we were such bad philosophers,
having had such means of becoming good ones V and
then His Majesty reverted again to the peace, spoke of
the state of Europe, of France and this country ; and, by
the turn of conversation it happened, that the King and
myself, almost in the same moment, agreed that it was a
most erroneous and dangerous maxim which prevailed,
that Jacobinism was at an end or undiminished ; that
it was only quieter because it had carried one point, but
we should soon see it blaze out again, when it had
another in view ; and from that the King passed to the
Court of BerUn, which he spoke of with great displeasure,
even acrimony : " This is the young man," said he, " of
whom the great Frederic said — 'on ne lui arrachera
jamais la couronne,' and we shall live, possibly, to see
him without even his Electoral dominions." His Majesty
expressed resentment against Lord GrenviUe, spoke
friendly of Pitt, and slightingly of Lord Hawkesbury — ' he
has no head for business, no method, no punctuality,' said
the King. Of the Prince of Orange, he said he was, at
the bottom, a good man, but with some sad defects ; that
he had left the country very rapidly, and asked me if I
knew why (now I did know why, but thought it wiser
not to say so). Of the Princess he spoke in terms of the

64 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [1801.
highest commendation ; also of Fagel, the present Gref
fier. Of Nagel, he said, he was a very good courtier, but
not a man of business (His Majesty here is mistaken).
He asked me a great deal about Russia ; mentioned Lord
Auckland with no great praise. Of Lord Pelham he said,
he was Ukely to be a good man of business, and was glad
Fitzharris was under him ; inquired about Alfred — if I
still meant him for the Church, and if it still was his own
free choice ; of Lord Minto, that he was grown more
conversable, and had done vastly weU at Vienna, Of the
Emperor he expressed but a mean opinion.
The Queen kept me only a quarter of an hour ; she
said she should see me again in the evening, as I must
be tired with standing so long with the King : spoke
kindly of my father, and of my dear children. Princess
Mary was aU good humour and pleasantness ; her man
ners are perfect, and I never saw or conversed with any
princess so exactly what she ought to be. While I was
at Windsor, I lodged with Colonel Sneyd, who com
manded the Staffordshire militia. On my return I called
at St. Leonard's (General Harcourt's).
April 8. — Rode with Mr. Pitt in Hyde Park — he
joined me, and began immediately on the peace : he
owned that he had, when the preliminaries were signed,
thought that Buonaparte had satisfied his insatiable am
bition, and would rest contented with the power and
reputation he had acquired — that for a moment, there
fore, he was disposed to believe he was become more
moderate, more reasonable, and that, having so com
pletely attained every object of his wishes, that he would
remain quiet, and consider a restoration of peace and
tranquUlity as a wise and salutary measure, not only for
France, but for the maintenance of his own high situa
tion, and preservation of his popularity — that, however,
all that had passed since went to convince him he had
been in error, and that the electing himself president of
the Italian republic, the attainment of Louisiana, the
two Floridas, and the island of Elba, left no doubt on his
mind, that he was, and ever would remain, the same
rapacious, insatiable plunderer, with as little good faith

1802.] ENGLAND. 65
and as Uttle to be reUed on, as he formally found him to
be ; and that, in consequence, he (i\lr. Pitt) was obUged
to return to his former opinions, and to declare that no
compact, no covenant, made with him, could be secure ;
that stiU he did not regret having spoken in favour of
the Peace — it was become a necessary measure ; and rest
for England, however short, was desirable ; that the dura
tion of it would depend on ourselves, and on the conduct
we adopted ; that except the positive and real situation
of the country, which was one of peace, every thing
should bear the aspect of war ; that we shoiUd appear
warlike in our provincial measures, warlike in our diplo
matic ones, and, above aU, warUke in our military and
naval establishments, so that it might be made evident to
Buona'parte that England will submit to no insult, or
suffer any injury. 1 asked him to define insults and
injuries. " Acts," said he, " which may affect, either
immediately or in their consequences, the dignity, honour,
safety, or real greatness of the country." He explained
farther by saying, 'the torpid and disgraceful state of
pubUc spirit in aU the great European Courts puts it, 1
fear, out of our means to prevent Buonaparte's attempts
to encroach, or aggrandise himself on the Continent ; for,
unassisted as we probably shall be by the Courts he is
trampling on, it wiU not, from the nature of our force
and insular position, be practicable for us to hinder
him ; but any attempt on his part to contest, attack, or
molest our commercial or colonial interests, made directly
on our rights and possessions, or through the rights and
possessions of others ;' (and he illustrated this position by
supposing a usurpation of HoUand as of the Cisalpine
repubUc, and an attack on Spanish America,) would, in
his mind, caU upon us for immediate resistance, and not
only be a justifiable, but an indispensable, cause for war ;
that the being prepared for this would prevent it, and
we should take care to make Buonaparte see we were
prepared by every act of our Government ; that if Govern
ment did this, as he trusted, and was indeed assured they
must, there was only a shade of difference between his
opinion and the opinions of those who had formerly been
VOL. IV. F

66 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l802.
his colleagues in office, and -^hom he ever should consider
as his friends. They stiU had the same end in view —
to watch and contract the overweening ambition of Buo
naparte ; they differed, and the question was, which was
the best way of doing so : whether by carrying on a war
which would weary out the patience of the country, and
dwindle away its resources without its being able to
make any important impression on our enemy, or by
relieving it from the state of warfare it had been in
for so many years, recruit its resources of every kind
under the quiet of peace, and by being in such a state
of defence and preparation as could, in the shortest
period, enable us to come forward with a force equal to
repel any insult, and resist any act of aggression or hos
tility. Pitt then enlarged on the pecuniary resources of
the country, and said with confidence, ' that a very few
years of peace would be fuUy sufficient to enable England
to go on (if provoked to it) with many years of war, and
that, during this period, it was, he thought, not indulging
an unlikely hope that some one of the great Continental
powers might awake to a due sense of its honour and
interests ; and that in a future contest we might derive
from some part of Europe, at least, that aid and co-opera
tion it was out of the question to look for or expect at
this moment.'*
This was by far the best, indeed, the only good apology
I have as yet heard for the peace, if it can so be called,
for it breathed war as much as any of Wyndham's speeches.
Of him Pitt said, that ' nothing could be so well mean
ing or so eloquent as he was ; his speeches were the finest
productions possible — of warm imagination and fancy,
yet stiU he must condemn such parts of them as hold out
the French nation as the first in point of military and
political abilities, and, therefore, deservedly the first in
Europe. This part of it was a language he strongly
reprobated as not correct, and as unbecoming the mouth
of any Englishman.'
.After giving his general principles on the peace, as a
* The events that took place from 1807 to 1815 proved how right Pitt
was in his opinions, though he did not live to see them realised.

1802.] ENGLAND. 67
measure, we fell into a discourse on the conditions of the
Treaty itself, to several parts of which I made objections,
and also animadverted on others which were omitted. He
agreed that it had been rather hastily drawn up, but
that he did not conceive any thing very likely to occasion
disputes ; or that justifiable disputes would arise, either
from the wording of the articles inserted, or from any
points that were omitted, and this led us to that parti
cular omission of all former treaties, and the loose state
in which the rights and possessions of both countries
would be placed. As to the Continental treaties, Pitt
observed (meaning those from the peace of Munster to
the peace of 1783), they had been so completely done
away by that of Oampo Formio and Luneville,* that it was
idle to consider them as in force. The commercial ones,
he owned, were of more importance, and he confessed he
saw, in their not being renewed, room for regret and a
difficulty of explanation ; that the most material ones
were our convention in 1786 with Spain, respecting the
right of cutting logwood in the Bay of Honduras, and that
of 1787, called the East India Convention, made by Lord
Auckland at Paris ; that they both gave us valuable and
important privileges, and the last particularly was an
avowal, on the part of France, of the supremacy of our
territorial jurisdiction in Bengal. That he saw but one
way of defending the omission of this last, which was to
maintain, that this jurisdiction was so universally admitted,
and had been so long established, that it was become a
prescriptive right, which required no stipulation with any
European power to continue, and the exercise of which
nothing but force could deprive us of ; that, therefore, if
the French refused to admit the sense of this Convention,
we had nothing to do but to declare the territorial
jurisdiction as indisputably belonging to us, and that they
would, by annulling it, lose the usual privilege it gave
them, viz., the importing of a certain quantity of salt,
and the receiving of a certain quantity of saltpetre and
opium. That this mode of reasoning, however, could not
apply to the Lord Carmarthen's Convention with Del
• In 1797 and 1801.
k2

68 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [1802.
Campo in 1786, as the sovereignty of Spain was a Power
weTever disputed in those parts, and aU the privileges
we obtained from this Convention arose out of this cir
cumstance ; that, therefore, he at that moment saw no
opening for us to obtain these pnvUeges, unless the Con
vention was renewed ; and he regretted that that, and
our other commercial Conventions with Spain, had been
renumerated. Our conversation was long and interesting.
He said, he was glad to have had an opportunity of
explaining himself fully to me on a subject on which I
had been always well acquainted vrith his opinions, and
on which I naturaUy must a good deal employ my own
thoughts. I frequently saw the Russian Ambassador (Count
Simon Woronzow) in the course of March and AprU ; his
professions towards the country are very friendly, but
those respecting the present Ministry very hostile. He
admitted their meaning and principles to be good, but
charged them with extreme weakness, extreme ignorance,
and a total want of statesmanlike habits. Lord Hawkes
bury he seemed particularly angered with, and communi
cated to me several papers which had passed between
them, about Mr. Buxter, the Russian Consul, that he said
were unparalleled in their tone and style, when coming
from a Secretary of State to the Ambassador of a
friendly and a great Court. On the face of the affair,
and according to Woronzow's statement. Lord Hawkes
bury appears to have been in error ; but Woronzow takes
it up too warmly, and his reply to Lord Hawkesbury was
conceived in such terms as never were employed in a
correspondence of such a nature. Woronzow mentioned
a more legitimate cause of complaint against the inatten
tion of the Foreign Office, by saying, that an offer he had
made officiaUy in the Emperor's name, and by the Em
peror's order, on the 27th of March, to the guarantee of
the Treaty of Peace between Turkey and France, and
which offer he conveyed by sending Lord Hawkesbury a
copy of the Emperor's letter,, had been left without any
answer, and that it was impossible for him not to take
official notice of this. I mentioned this part to Pitt, and

1802.J ENGLAND. 69
he, rather unwarily, said, " it was very wrong ; I will tell
Lord Hawkesbury of it ; it shall be set right ;" avowing
thus his direction over Lord Hawkesbury and the present
Government. On the 7th April Woronzow dined with me. He was
more exasperated than ever against Lord Hawkesbury;
talked of him in the most injurious manner, and as I was
fearful this might, on his return to Russia, influence his
general political respect, and give it an unfavourable turn
respecting this country, I thought the best mode was to
make it a personal affair between the two men, on which
matter neither the interests nor the measures of the two
empires were involved. It appeared very indifferent
what he said of Lord Hawkesbury in Russia, but very
material that he should represent the country in a
friendly and favourable light. I told Pitt what I had
done, and he quite agreed with me. At the same time,
acquainted as I am with the general character of the
Russians, and the sort of use peculiar to Woronzow, I
am not without my misgivings that Russia is drawing
herself from us, and towards France, ¦''"¦ and that he ex
presses this anger and dislike to the conduct of our
ministers now, in order to lay to their charge the altera
tion which may take place in the sentiments and beha
viour of his own court.

April 11. — Monday, March 26th, I met the Duke of
York in the streets ; he asked me for news ; I said,
without any great reflection, " Peace, Sir, in a week,
and war in a m,onth" At the next Drawing-room,
(this day,) the King said to me, " You are a great
prophet ; I believe your prediction will be true." I had
forgot what I had said to the Duke of York. The King
brought it to my mind, and added, " I should prophesy
the same ; I am persuaded you are right ; the first half of
it is already fulfilled," (the Definitive Treaty was signed
March 27th,) " and I expect the other will not fail." His
* I was but too right in my conjectures ; the German indemnities
proved it.-^Orig. Note.

70 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [1802.
Majesty then repeated what he had said to me before,
that he was never more embarrassed than to know how
to make up his mind on this measure of peace ; he was
told one day it was necessary — we had no supplies —
and the next, he observed, we overflowed with wealth ;
that he hoped he had done right, but he was sure it was
a fearful experiment. All this, and a great deal more to
the same effect was said almost loud enough for the per
sons round us to hear, and certainly so to those who were
good listeners. He ended by saying, " I can always talk
to you as I think, because, for thirty years and more, I
believe our opinions in foreign concerns have never dif
fered." Lord Grenville sat with me, reading over parts of my
Correspondence at Lisle and Paris, for several hours. He
is greatly against the peace itself, and, besides condemn
ing the measure in itself as weak, dangerous, and ill-
timed, he considers the way in which the Treaty is drawn
up as highly blamable, full of diplomatic errors, and with
many important omissions, none of which were left out of
the Lisle project ; that of not recovering treaties the most
dangerous one ; and amongst those treaties the East
India Convention of 1787, and the Honduras one, of 1786,
the most fatal omissions in their effects. He went over
all we should lose in India and in South America, and
the endless quarrels and disputes we were exposing our
selves to. All he said was like the reflections of a man
who had thought much and seriously on the subject, and
who was preparing himself to debate the matter in Par
Uament. April 12. — In a short conversation I had this day
with Mr. Addington, I found his exultation on the pros
perous state of the country in point of finance very great,
but that with respect to the advantages of peace less than
before ; and the whole bent of his language went to the
necessity of a strong and powerful peace establishment. —
This corresponds with what Pitt said to me Sept. 25th.
April 27, and May 2. — Mr. Jackson, who was sent

1802.] ENGLAND. 71
as Minister to Paris during Lord ComwaUis's Negotiation
at Amiens, was with me ; he said, " That impressed as he
was on going to Paris with the ideas of the character of
the present French nation, yet their attempts to deceive,
their duplicity, their bad faith, insolence, and vanity,
surpassed his utmost belief" That the way in which
they treated everybody of every description dependant on
them, was insupportable ; that Buonaparte's manners were
sarcastic, vulgar, and impertinent, but certainly with a
degree of cleverness and esprit; that Talleyrand (the
Minister of Foreign Affairs) was the most barefaced teller
of untruths he ever met with ; and that no one but Barb6
Marbois had even a desire of passing for an honest man.
Jackson illustrated what he advanced by many things
which had happened to others, and some few to himself,
during his four months' stay at Paris. That, in addition
to these quaUties, they joined a weak and puerile degree
of jealousy and suspicion ; that they watched every
body, foreigners and natives, and always interpreted their
behaviour in the way little and illiterate minds conceive ;
that through their duplicity their rooted hatred to this
country was evident, and it was to him perfectly clear,
that they were only lying by to wait for what they might
think a safe and favourable opportunity to crush us ; as
a proof of this, he instanced Lucien Buonaparte's speech
at the opening of the Concordat, in which he excites Ire
land to rebel, and says, " le sort de ce Pays a dependu
d!une nuit propice." That the society of Paris is void of
amusement, because void of security ; that no one trusts
his neighbour, and that Buonaparte's great end is to dif
fuse suspicion everywhere — considering it as his best hold.
In speaking of the Negotiation, he was compelled to
say, its having terminated so disadvantageously to us
was greatly to be attributed to Lord CornwaUis, " his
drowsiness',' and his total want of practice and expe
rience in matters of that kind; that Merry wrote all the
despatches, and that although he. Merry, thought very
well, and was a strong-headed man, yet he was far from
being an equal to cope with those opposed to him at
Amiens.

72 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l802.
Jackson said, that at the time Buonaparte went to
Lyons, and had been himself elected President of the
Italian Republic, it was the general and unconcealed
opinion at Paris, that the Negotiation for Peace must
break off ; that it was quite impossible for England not
to consider this event as one which cancelled the Pre
liminaries ; and that even Buonaparte and his adherents
expected that we should at least raise our claims, and
were prepared to give way in case we persisted in them.
They felt the hazard of the step, saw the danger of their
fleet in the West Indies, and would actually have given
up Malta, rather than have renewed hostilities at that
moment. That the French ratifications were executed
and exchanged in a great hurry the very morning of the
procession of the Concordat to the Church of Notre Dame,
because Buonaparte felt it would be absurd to talk of a
general Peace being restored before this exchange had
taken place.
That Merry, who had come from Amiens on purpose,
was sent by Lucien Buonaparte at nine in the morning ;
and that he found the French instruments ready, but
neither the Dutch nor Spanish ; and that on his rather
demurring on this, he was pressed to conclude, being
told it was of no consequence ; and, in fact, Buonaparte
himself, at least the same day, talked to Azara, (the Spa
nish Ambassador,) and to Schimmelpenninck, (the Dutch
one,) on this step in a way and style he would have
treated his lowest dependants, and they bore it as submis
sively. Jackson observed, how wrong we were in allowing an
Ambassador to come from them, or be sent to them ; that
we had with blamable complaisance left the choice to
them, and that they of course had chosen a representative
of the first rank, while we were ignorant that they, in
their new code of etiquette, had broke through all the old
forms and ceremonials, and that an English Ambassador,
now at Paris, would be obliged either to be in one per
petual state of dispute, to submit to avanies no Ambas
sador ever suffered before ; that now all the chief mi
nisters in France took precedence of our Ambassador,

1802.J ENGLAND. 73
under the absurd notion that they made integral parts of
the Constitution, and that in no public ceremony any
fixed rank was allowed to Ambassadors, who formerly dis
puted the joas with princes of the blood;* that the timidity
and radotage of Philip Cobenzel, the Imperial Ambassador,
and the Jacobinical principles of Azara (the Spaniard), had
allowed them to establish this principle ; that the other
Ambassador (Gallo), from Naples, was disposed to assert
his right and rank, but the weak and dependant state of
his court render his attempts fruitless. That he himself,
Jackson, was unpopular at Paris, merely from not being
servile and subservient ; and that the general base and
humiliating conduct of the Foreign Ministers was dis
graceful to a degree. He told me that he had made Lord
Hawkesbury the same report he had made me ; that he
saw it did not please, that it did not agree with his
system and conduct, and that for this reason, more than
from discrediting Jackson's penetration or urbanity, he
was disposed to call the truth of it in question.
Tuesday, May 11. — A long confidential conversation
with Lord Pelham this morning ; he feels and laments
the system his colleagues pursue, and the inability with
which they pursue it ; he read me the protest he made
in the Cabinet at the beginning of March, against signing
the Definitive Treaty of Peace in the same terms as Pre
liminaries, and stated for reason the same motives brought
forward by the opposers to Peace, viz., Elliot, Lord Gren
ville, &c. Yet his brother Ministers have put the burthen
on him, of answering all the attacks made in the House
of Lords ; and, although acquainted with his sentiments,
expect him to take the lead there.
Lord Pelham hesitated when he gave this reason for
* Until late years, foreign Ministers resident in London had no prece
dence ; but not liking to be nondescripts, and having shewn susceptibility on
the subject, the "fountain of all honours " decided upon giving them the
pas after the English Marquisses, and before the Earls, an arrangement
which appeared absurd and offensive to such as studied and valued the like
priveleges, for they argued that it was inconsistent with the fiction of our
" Peerage," which is an integral equality, and that we might now expect the
foreign Consuls to walk between the Bishops and the Barons.

74 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l802.
his dissentient voice, whether it would not have been
right to resign his office ; but he felt the sort of confusion
such a step would produce in the Cabinet ; and as on all
other points he agreed with his colleagues, he considered
it better to remain in. He told me he had carried the
petition of right to the King from the Prince of Wales,
in order to place the decision of his claims on the amount
of the revenues of the Duchy of CornwaU, during his
minority, in the courts of Law. The King was very
placid and good-humoured about it, and weU pleased that
it should not be again discussed in Parliament.
Much discourse about the Continent, on which we ge
nerally agreed. Addington and Lord Hawkesbury dread
aUiances ; think commercial treaties useless, and seem to
have filled their minds on foreign connexions with the
silliest and most dangerous ideas.
Lord Carysfort does not go to Russia.

From May till October, 1802, I was in the country. I
was not in the way of hearing anything from sufficient
degree of authority to make it worth while to notice it.
I was in Gloucestershire, Herefordshire, Hampshire, and
Wiltshire ; and I could, from gei^eral conversation, and
from the temper of the people, perceive, that their satis
faction at the Peace began very much to decrease ; and
that the encroachments France made on every side, both
on the Continent of all Europe, and in that of America,
and her intolerable insolence, the oppressive and infamous
derision of Germany, under the mock title of a plan of
Indemnities — her arrogance in insisting on our controlling
the press, and giving up the French emigrants ; aU these
circumstances, which were very early to be foreseen, but
which the childish fondness for Peace had made many
overlook, now appeared to begin to operate, and the
country at last to apprehend that neither credit, satisfac
tion, nor even security, had been attained by the Treaty
of Amiens. The New Government people I conversed with
during the summer, and the Duke of Portland and Lord
Glenbervie held a language that went to reprobate rather
than defend the conduct of the Administration of which

1802.] ENGLAND. 75
they make a part ; and strong symptoms of its weakness,
and of its want of the confidence of the country, began
to shew themselves.
October 20th. — I received a letter from Canning, dated
Walmer, 18th, expressing a strong and urgent wish to see
me, 1 told him I should be in London, the 29th or
30th ; and on the last of these days he came to see me
at eleven o'clock in the evening.
He said that Mr. Pitt told him that he went out, not
on the Catholic Question simply as a measure in which
he was opposed, but from the manner in which he had
been opposed, and to which, if he had assented, he would,
as a Minister, have been on a footing totally different
from what he had ever before been in the Cabinet. This
obliged him to resign ; but as his sincere wish was, that
his going out should neither distress the King nor the
country, he had required no one to follow him. Those
who did, did it voluntarily, and against his desire. That
he quitted office, leaving behind him means and prepara
tions so likely to ensure success, both in the expedition to
Egypt* then pending, and in the proposed attack on the
Northern powers,t as to free him, in his own breast, com
pletely from any deserved reproach of deserting his post
at an hour of distress, and abandoning war measures
when they were in an unprovided or inauspicious situa
tion : and it had been his anxious hope and endeavour to
leave behind him such a Ministry as would be most
agreeable to His Majesty, and who, on all great national
points, would act on the same principles as he had acted.
It was to forward this his favourite purpose that he had
pledged himself, but himself singly, to advise and support
the present Ministry. This pledge he considered as
solemnly binding, not redeemable by any lapse of time,
nor ever to be cancelled without the express consent of Mr.
Addington. He perhaps had, in the first instance, gone too
* Under Sir R. Abercromby, who landed at Alexandria on the 7th
March, 1801, and was completely successful,
t The result was Nelson's victory at Copenhagen, which, with the death
of the Emperor Paul, broke up the Northern Coalition.

76 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l802.
far, and pledged himself too deeply ; and his ParUamentary
conduct during the last session was to be explained by
the strict and solemn engagement into which he had
entered. He owned he was often very sorry to feel it
incumbent on him to support measures he could not
wholly approve ; sorry, not for peace, but for a peace
made in such an unskilful, hasty, and conceding way.
That had he remained in power, he felt it would have
been necessary, at aU events, to recur to a pacific nego
tiation (and his facility respecting the Naval Armistice*
proved this), but he also felt that it either would have
failed entirely, or terminated in a Treaty very different
from that signed at Amiens ; that defective, however, as
this Treaty was, and inadequate to the high situation in
which the country then stood, he, at the time, thought
he saw means of turning it to advantage, and confessed
he had entertained the idea, that if we, whilst observing
faithfully and honourably the stipulations of the Treaty,
had not been in such haste to disarm, but continued to
have worn a war aspect as long as any doubtful points
remained, and indicated plainly to Buonaparte that we
had the means and determination to resist France, if
France did not, with equal good faith, abide by her re
gulations, Buonaparte would have confined his ambition
to continental encroachments ; probably he would have
exercised it in a very unjustifiable and oppressive man
ner, yet that he would not have done it in so very
outrageous a one, as necessarUy to call forth the interpo
sition of Great Britain, with whom he (Pitt) was also then
induced to suppose Buonaparte would be glad to preserve
peace, and, by forming commercial connexions, and estab
lishing a commercial intercourse, share with her the trade
of the world. In short, that Buonaparte would have
been wise and moderate enough to be satisfied with the
great advantages he had obtained by the peace, and, by
availing himself of them judiciously, gained popularity,
* Negotiations for a naval armistice were entered into between the British
Government and the First Consul, in Sept, 1800, They lasted a month, and
fell to the ground, Buonaparte wishing to introduce a clause which would en
able him to throw supplies into Egypt.

1802.] ENGLAND. 77
and secured his authority. It was under this notion
that he had defended the forbearance of Ministers.
Canning asked him, after hearing this, whether he did
not now acknowledge that he was grossly mistaken with
respect both to Buonaparte's msdom and his moderation ;
and again, whether his having countenanced forbearance
in the present Ministers had not been mistaken by them ;
and if they had not construed it into an opinion that, on
one side, the Continent should be wholly abandoned, and
on the other, have induced them to act towards France
with the most unbecoming and degrading complaisance,
by making a system of what he intended only as an ex
pedient, or, at most, as an experiment, and thus exposed
the country to insults, and to all the dangerous conse
quences of bearing insults from an arbitrary, daring,
hostile pOwer, Pitt admitted they had. Canning further
urged, whether their dangerous consequences were not, even
at this present moment, pressing very hard on us, and
whether the mandatory representations of France respect
ing the Press,* and the Emigrants, (demands which bore
directly on the independence and honour of this country,)
without adverting to the formation of the Italian Repub-'
lie, the partition of the German Empire, the annexion of
Piedmont to France, and the dictating a government to
Switzerland, did not place us in the fearful dilemma
either of resuming a state of war, or of bearing insult
after insult, practised on ourselves and on Europe, till
such time as France should feel herself quite ripe, and
able to crush us. To this Pitt also assented.
The conclusion then. Canning observed, to be drawn
was, that if measures perfectly different from those now
promised were not adopted, the country would be placed
in a most perilous situation, " Yes." " But is it within
the compass of the abilities of the present Cabinet, even
supposing the principle to be in them to effect this, to
assume a character of resolution and vigour sufficient to
* August 1 7th, 1802, Monsieur Otto sent into Lord Hawkesbury a note
of haughty remonstrance, requesting that the attacks of the Press on the
French Government should be put a stop to, and that the members of the
French Royal family, and other distinguished emigrants, should be sent out
of His Majesty's dominions.

78 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l802.
awe Buonaparte, and induce him to alter his plans ?"
" No." " But if we suppose in him, which from every
thing we observe and hear, is proved almost to a cer
tainty a decided malus animus, a rooted determination
to fall on this country the moment he is ready, are the
present Ministers then of sufficient powers to meet the
event — to become war Ministers and directors of such a
war — stiU less to serve, possibly to save, the country —
then should there not be a change of Ministers V " Yes."
" Is not then the time arrived when you, Pitt, are called
upon, by the strongest and most paramount of aU duties,
to come forward and resume your position V " I do not
deny it ; I wiU not affect a chUdish modesty ; but re
collect what I have just said — I stand pledged ; I make
no scruple of owning that I am ambitious — but my am
bition is character, not office. I may have engaged myself
inconsiderately, but I am irrecoverably engaged." " You
nevertheless admit, that at this moment it is a duty for
you to resume office V " I do." " And that you are
withheld from performing it, solely from the solemn en
gagements you say you have contracted T " Yes." " But
you said these engagements could be dissolved, if Mr.
Addington chose it 1" " Most certainly.''' " Does it not
then follow, that it is also a duty in you to apply to Mr.
Addington to release you from them 1 He has all along
declared he looked upon himself as your locum tenens,
and ready to resign his office back to you, whenever the
country or you require it at his hands." " Not distinctly
this, in any conversation with me, but something, I own,
very similar to it." — " I repeat, therefore, is it not your
duty, after the sentiments you have avowed, and the dan
gers you admit the country to be in, to require this release
from him V — " I cannot bring myself to do it. It is
impossible to prevent its wearing the aspect of caballing
and intriguing for power. I may be overfeeling about
character." " It remains then to ask you, whether, if
Addington were voluntarily to offer you his place, or the
King, from his proper movement, were to propose it to
you, or if Parliament were to caU for a change of Minis
ters, whether in any of these cases you would look upon

1802.] ENGLAND. 79
yourself as freed from your engagements, and accept of
office V " Yes ; in either of them, or in any other shape,
than by my direct and personal application to Mr. Ad
dington for leave to retract my promise, if any such can
be devised, and I find the country and my friends ready
to range round me." " Of this you can have no doubt."
" It will, however, be absolutely essential for me to be
assured of it. I am weU aware, for example, of Lord
Grenville's personal friendship for me, but I am appre
hensive we differed so widely in the sentiments we deli
vered last year in Parliament,* that our public and
political connexion may be loosened." Canning told him
then that Lord GrenviUe intended very soon visiting him
at Walmer, and that then he would hear from Lord Gren
viUe himself how much he was under an error.
This is the substance of what passed between Mr. Pitt
and Canning (one of his most confidential friends) during
an intercourse of six weeks, in September and October
last. He continued to state that Lord Grenville went to
Walmer soon after. He and Pitt had a free and unre
served exchange of their ideas and opinions on the present
position of pubUc affairs ; and finding that they now
agreed most perfectly on all of them. Lord GrenviUe
(informed of what had passed) declared, in the most
express terms, that whenever Pitt would resume the lead
in the King's councils, he (Lord Grenville) was ready to
support him most strenuously and invariably ; that he
would do it with the same zeal and assiduity, whether
in or out of Office, as might best suit Pitt's arrangements;
and he entreated Pitt to consider what he now said as
the truest and most genuine description of his wishes and
feelings. After saying this much of himseU, he ventured
to promise the same for his brother Thomas ; and Lord
Spencer undertook to pledge himself, that if Pitt would
again take office, all his friends would support his Go
vernment with the whole of their weight and influence,
without fettering him in the first instance with any
* In the debates on the Peace of Amiens, Mr. Pitt defended it on general
grounds ; but Lord Grenville severely censured the terms, and voted against
the Address in the House of Lords.

80 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l802.
engagements for them, and without any expectation of
being brought with him into Office, on his first return
to power. Their sole object was to see him in power,
and to maintain him in it to the ftdl extent of their
means. This naturaUy led to a conversation similar to that
which is already related, and which ended in the same
assurances and expressions on the part of Pitt — of his
disapprobation of what is going on, his readiness to take
Office, but coupled with the same invincible objection to
make ^& first move towards it himself It was suggested
to him, that he might at least abstain from giving his
advice to the present Ministers when asked ; that this
would be an intimation of his general sentiments. To
this he replied, it would not be an intimation, but a dis
tinct and clear declaration that he meant to withhold
his support, and amount precisely in its effect to his
saying what he never would say, either directly or by
impUcation, " the time was come when Addington should
retire, and he take his place ;" that he certainly should
keep out of the way of being advised with on every
measure of Cabinet, but he could not refuse his advice
on any abstract question, when asked. AU he could say
was, that if, after having asked hi^opinion, it was not
followed, he certainly should not consider himself bound
to support any other than his own, and would maintain
that as well in as out of Parliament. After obtaining
this knowledge of the state of Pitt's mind upon the situa
tion of public affairs, and his present disposition as to the
acceptance of Office, it became a matter of deliberation
how to remove the great obstacle which impeded the
accomplishment of so desirable an event, and also how to
obviate those which in the course of the business might
arise on the part of the King.
In regard to the first, the only three modes which
could be devised have already been pointed out. First,
either by making Mr. Addington's resignation a volun
tary act. Secondly, the producing it through the King's
authority. Thirdly, by forcing hiin to it through the
intervention of Parliament.

1802.] ENGLAND. 81
The first was in my opinion the most desirable, but
also the most difficult, since no one but Pitt himself had
a right to touch on the subject to Addington. It could
scarcely be expected that any members of this Ministry,
however different their opinions might be from his, would
address themselves to him on a point which must, either
immediately or eventually, lead to their loss of Office.
No private or intimate friend of his could be found likely
to undertake so unpleasant a commission, and it could
not be undertaken by a common acquaintance. It was,
indeed, once in contemplation to draw up a paper, to be
signed by several independent members of all descrip
tions of each House, calculated to impress Mr. Addington
with the necessity that now existed for his removing
from Office, and making room for Mr. Pitt, and that this
should be sent to him, not as from any particular person,
but from several who thought and felt alike ; but, on
consideration, this was found liable to many objections.
In the first instance, as it would tend to premature
publicity, and that in its shape and manner it would
bear rather the form of a conspiracy and cabal than of a
grave and patriotic representation.
On the second, (namely, the doing it by the King's
authority,) the difficulties were as great, since this could
only be attained by representing to the King, in the
closet, the necessity of removing Mr. Addington, and
reinstating Mr. Pitt ; and such an audience, it is well
known, would produce (let who will ask it) a very dif
ferent effect on His Majesty's mind from that intended.
The third and last mode, therefore, was the only one
deemed practicable, and it was determined, after much
discussion amongst Pitt's friends, (unknown to Pitt, at
least uncommunicated to him,) that, on the first day of
the Session, notice should be given of a motion to be
made on that day fortnight, that if, before that period,
no additional strength should have been given to
His Majesty's Councils, the state of public affairs was
become such as to make it necessary to move an Address
to the Crown on the subject. Movers and seconders were
thought of in both Houses, and this part of the business,
VOL. IV. G

82 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE, [l802,
if nothing happens before the meeting of Parliament to
render it unnecessary, is a measure determined on.
The remaining difficulty, and that not a small one,
was the making easy and palatable to the King, a step
that, however consonant it might be to His Majesty's
concealed but real sentiments, yet was evidently hostile
to the Government he had chosen, and apparently pro
tected. It was still more important that it should be
done in a way not to irritate his mind, or affect his
health; and it was on this point that it was thought
proper to apply to me partly for advice, and partly be
cause it was supposed I might be usefully employed in it.
To smooth the way (it would, indeed, have been an
insurmountable stumblingblock), Canning said that the
Catholic Question was to be completely abandoned, and
that both Pitt and Lord GrenviUe were ready to declare
they considered it as gone by and dead ; that the
strongest assurances of this might be given to the King,
That the idea was not the displacing one set of men
for the purpose of bringing in another, but to blend the
two Administrations as far as was possible, and to do
every thing that was fair and honourable towards Mr.
Addington and those who came in with him, by giving
them titles, places of emolument, or by letting them re
main in the offices they now held. That the end was, to
stop while it was yet time, the mischiefs that had ensued,
and must ensue, from pursuing measures of concession to
France, and to give the country its right tone, and restore
it to its right level and rank, both at home and abroad.
That this did not mean war, but only the wearing an
aspect of preparation and defence, and holding such a
language of firmness, spirit, and dignity, as became a
great nation, and which, when it was held judiciously
and decently, ever prevented, and never produced, hos
tilities, particularly from such a character as Buonaparte,
who, if he found we bore his insults and ¦ arrogance,
would attack us much sooner, than if we made it ap
pear to him that we knew the nature of an insult,
and would not be insulted with impunity.
This being promised, it was proposed to get at the King,

1802.] ENGLAND, 83
through the Duke of York, as the person who could approach
His Majesty with the greatest facility, and the Prince, with
whom the King was most in the habit of discoursing on
political economy. It was therefore asked me, through
Canning, if I had any objection to wait on the Duke of
York, and explain to His Royal Highness so much of what
I had heard as would enable him to lay the substance of it
before his Majesty ; thus, to get at the King's feelings on
the subject, and to prepare him for the measure which it
was in agitation to take in Parliament, I was too well
acquainted with the Duke of York's opinions and senti
ments ; too much in the habit of discoursing freely and
confidentially with His Royal Highness, to have any
difficulty of seeing him on this occasion. I was also
deeply impressed with the importance of the subject, and
fully convinced of the indispensable necessity of the
measure itself, or of one similar to it, I had not also
to learn that the King was infinitely hurt at what was
going on; that he lamented most feelingly the tame and
submissive tone we held to France, and that, both on the
peace itself, and what had arisen out of it, his feelings
were as strong as possible. But I had my doubts, and I
expressed them, as to the King's being ever again cor
dially disposed to take Pitt, and, above all. Lord Gren
ville, into Office, I was told, (and an authority was
quoted, though not named, but of the veracity of which
Pitt himself was satisfied when he heard it,) that the
King lately had often been heard to express his regret,
that Pitt was not now in Office, and his fears that his ill
state of health would disable him from ever resuming it.
That, as for Lord GrenviUe, he is himself persuaded, but
from reasons known to himself, and which he did not
explain, that his peace is now made at Windsor, and
that the moment it is known he has abandoned the
Catholic question, every objection to him will cease.
When I had heard all I have now put on paper (and I
had listened to it with the utmost attention), I asked
Canning whether it was from himself alone, or in the
name of others as well as himself, that he had spoken.
He said, he spoke the sentiments of all those who were
G 2

84 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [1802.
anxious to restore Mr. Pitt to power, but in the name
only of some few (he named them) to whom the choice
of means, the best calculated to effect it, had been con
fided. " My coming to you is at their desire, and it is on
their behalf that I request that you would see the Duke
of York ; and I am also commissioned to desire you to
assist at such meetings as may be hereafter held by them
on this and other public subjects." I replied, that I was
so convinced of the absolute necessity of Mr. Pitt's resum
ing office, that I was very ready to see the Duke of York,
if it was supposed my doing so could at all contribute to
so desirable an end ; but that I would not go to him as
deputed by any man, or set of men, or as for any special
purpose, but simply as one whom he admitted to his con
fidence. That this would only change the mode of doing
what they wished, as far as related to myself, but that
the end proposed by them would be precisely the same ;
for I would communicate to the Duke of York histori
cally and as from certain authority, every thing which
was suggested to me by them, or which suggested itself
to me as the most likely to prevail on him to mention
the matter to the King. That I doubted of success on
this point, as I knew how very cautious the Duke of
York was in speaking to His Majesty on any point rela
tive to his Ministers, and that, unless the King began, I
was nearly sure he would not bring the subject on.
That, in regard to assisting at their conferences, I had
no scruple to say, my opinion and my sentiments went
heartily with them, as weU as my fears and anxieties ;
that I saw the evil, and the only chance of checking it,
exactly as they did ; and, perhaps, from having lived a
great deal on the Continent, and knowing it more, I saw
it still more strongly, and that, as my wishes most warmly
coincided with theirs, so long as they acted on the same
principles, and pursued the same ends they now professed,
but that I declined attending any conferences, from the
same reasons I declined attending Parliament, I should
ever be found ready to advise, or act, in my indivi
dual capacity, as far as I was able, when called upon.
That, beyond this, I would not undertake to go ; since

1802.] ENGL.-VND. 85
such a line of conduct was the only one I was disposed
for, and, indeed, equal to adopt.

Monday, November 1.— I waited on the Duke of York
at the Horse-Guards, The conversation of itself very
soon took a turn on his part which gave me an opportunity
of introducing, unaffectedly, what I had to say. His Royal
Highness spoke with great anxiety and alarm on the
situation of affairs, and deplored the deficiency of ability
and want of vigour in the present Administration, to
oppose and resent the insolence of France. After agree
ing with him fully on both of these points, I said, I,
however, was happy to hear and to be able to tell His
Royal Highness, from unquestionable authority, that Mr.
Pitt felt and thought precisely the same, and that he
was now become fully convinced that it was his duty to
accept Office. I then mentioned what I knew to be the
state of Pitt's mind upon the present situation of public
affairs, and of his present disposition as to the acceptance
of Office, if it should be proposed to him. The Duke
expressed great satisfaction at it, declared Mr. Pitt must
come in, that it was impossible he should not; that the
public called for him, and would force Mr. Addington to
give way. He then mentioned some proofs that this was
the public wish, from what passed at a dinner given on
the opening of the West-India Docks, and from several
things he had heard Brook Watson and others say. In
reply, I observed, that this might ultimately be the case,
and the public might force Mr. Pitt in, and Mr, Adding
ton out ; but that must be a slow mode of producing
what was wanted immediately ; that delay might realize
the danger so highly apprehended ; besides, the doing
this through the pubUc must necessarily be a matter of
publicity, and if any opposition was attempted (as it was
but natural to suppose there would be) on the part of
Mr. Addington and his friends, it would give a handle
for the disaffected and seditious to come forward. It
therefore, in my mind, though a sure and necessary step,
should be reserved for the last resort. In this the Duke

86 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l802.
acquiesced. It would, I observed, be infinitely more
desirable if it could be intimated to Mr. Addington that
such a step was in contemplation, and would be taken ;
and that as Mr. Pitt was known to be disposed to resume
Office, to represent to Mr. Addington how much honour
he would acquire by so disinterested a measure as a
voluntary resignation, and how much satisfaction to his
mind from the confusion and disputes he would be the
cause of preventing by it. The Duke agreed in this, but
said he feared Mr. Addington was too vain to appreciate
justly either the limits of his own abiUties, or the extent
of the danger : that, however, it was manifest that some
of Mr. Addington's friends were more awake to both, and
that he had reason to beUeve Lord Auckland and Lord
Hobart were prepared to withdraw from him ; that if he
(Addington) saw this, he would, perhaps, be frightened
into resignation.
I said his resignation would be certainly a very desir
able event, but I, in my individual and particular feel
ings, should consider it as an unfortunate one, if it should
tend to distress and hurt the King ; that the country
would be but half saved if this was to happen. The
Duke said, " You well know we never talk to His Majesty
on public affairs ; but from the few things I have heard
him say, I cannot but suppose His Majesty considers the
state of them to be very humUiating to this country."
" Perhaps then," I said, " if His Majesty also knew that
Mr. Pitt had entirely given up the Catholic question his
return to Office would be even an agreeable circumstance
to him ;" and I then stated to the Duke of York the cer
tainty I was under that this was the case. " It is a great
point, certainly," repUed the Duke, " but I rather think
His Majesty bears no great Ul-wiU towards those who
were the original promoters of it ; if he did, he would
have opposed Lord Castlereagh's having a place in the
Cabinet ; but although," continued the Duke of York,
" Mr. Pitt abandons the Catholic question, what will
those who supported it, in common with him, do 1 The
Duke of Cumberland said the other day, that Pitt and
Lord GrenvUle were on the coldest terms, and seldom

1802.] ENGLAND, 87
saw each other." This gave me an opportunity of saying
what I knew of Lord GrenviUe's sentiments, and of his
late visit at WaUner, and I related it to the Duke of York
nearly as it was to me by Canning, The Duke expressed
much satisfaction at this, and again asserted, with vehe
mence, the indispensable necessity of Air, Pitt's coming
in. I again repeated that the first wish in my mind cer
tainly was, that this event should happen ; but it would
cease to be my wish, and become my fear, if I was not
quite sure it could be brought about in a way which not
only would not displease His Majesty, but which would
clearly and distinctly prove that those who promoted it
had it at heart as their governing principle, to do what
they thought was agreeable to His Majesty, and most
consonant to his feelings. The Duke, as he always does
when the King's name is mentioned, avoided any explicit
answer, and, on my urging the point stUl further, he
said, with a good deal of reserve and embarrassment, that
he wished as much as I appeared to do, that His Majesty
should be informed early of what was going forward, and
be informed of it fairly and impartiaUy ; that it was not
in his power to do this ; all he could undertake was,
that if any occasion offered, either in the common course
of conversation, or when he was doing official business
with His Majesty, that if I would authorize him to men
tion it, he most certainly would. With this I was satis
fied, and pressed the point no further on him. Before I
ended my visit the Duke expressed a desire I would see
him again if I obtained any more information on this
very important subject.
The day after this conversation passed, it was thought
right to draw up a paper to be signed, if approved, by
persons of eminence in different public avocations, in each
House of ParUament, to be presented by them to Mr.
Addington ; its object, as wUl appear from the paper
itself, was to prevaU on him to remove spontaneously,
and prevent the matter being brought before the public.
[As this paper was altered, and appears afterwards in
its amended shape, I have omitted the first copy here, the
sense of it being given by Lord M.]

88 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l802.
When this paper was shewn to me, I observed on the
propriety of my reading it to the Duke of York, not only
because such a confidence, after what had passed, was due
to him, but from its containing, in substance, the whole
marrow of the business ; and, by putting him in posses
sion at once of the great end to be obtained, would
enable him, better than anything I could say or suggest,
to explain it to His Majesty, and prepare his mind for the
step, in case the Duke of York should ever have an op
portunity or an inclination so to do ; and I carried it to
His Royal Highness, at the Horse Guards, on Wednesday,
November 3rd.
I found the subject had made considerable impression
on him. In my last interview with him, he had heard
me, indeed, with great attention ; but he was then rather
cautious and reserved in his answers, carefully avoiding
remarks, or giving advice, and every thing looking like
participation. Now, he was eager to renew the subject,
anxious to know what I had to say, strong in the expres
sion of his opinions as to the absolute necessity of a
change, and in his wishes that means could be devised to
produce one, without creating great dissensions and dan
gerous resistance. He heard the paper attentively ; and
when I had finished, said it was ably written, but that
he was apprehensive that, however respectably signed, it
would not have any effect on Mr. Addington ; and that
he could not help imagining that, though very cautiously
and carefully drawn up, it might be so represented as to
appear to the country an unconstitutional measure, and
to His Majesty as trenching on his prerogative.
After dweUing on this, the Duke went on by stating
that, in his opinion, the mode the best calculated for the
purpose, and at the same time one which he thought
neither the King nor the country could misconceive, would
be, that some person or persons high in rank, independent
in character and fortune, should see Mr. Addington, and
distinctly and clearly state to him the contents of this
paper, adding, that they did it with the most friendly
views towards him, and to prevent the subject being
brought forward in Parliament. He named the Dukes of

1802.J ENGLAND. 89
Bridgewater, Marlborough, and Beaufort, and Lord Staf
ford, as persons of the description he meant ; at the same
time that he scarce could suppose either of them would
undertake so difficult and disagreeable a task. That it
would perhaps be easier to find among Mr. Addington's
friends one who might be prevailed upon to break the
matter to him, or that it might be imparted to him by
some one of his colleagues in Office, who saw the situation
of the country in its true light, and who was wise and
disinterested enough to urge such wholesome advice. The
Duke, after insisting on this, as by far the best way to
proceed, and having during the whole time nearly taken
the conversation on himself, begged me to recollect, that
he was talking to me quite as a private and as a confi
dential friend. He entreated me never to commit him,
and ended by giving me the strongest assurances that he
would do every thing ip his power to smooth the business,
though it was of the last consequence to him that it never
should be supposed he was in any shape concerned in it.
For this I readily engaged myself ; and when I had to
relate what had passed, 1 contented myself with saying,
that His Royal Highness had heard me with great atten
tion, and approved the language of the paper ; but I
added, as an inference I had drawn from his manner,
that he did not quite approve the mode of bringing it
forward. And this by a very natural question which was
put to me, gave me an opportunity of mentioning as from
myself, the advice and opinion he had given ; and I urged
it strongly as a more eligible and less exceptionable method.
It was agreed that it would be judicious at least,
to try it first ; and after some deliberation. Lord Eldon,
the ChanceUor, was pitched on as the only person at
aU fit to be trusted with so delicate and important a
commission. It was settled, that the communication to
him should be confined simply to a faithful picture of the
dangers which threatened the country, the necessity of
Pitt's resuming Office, and the certainty that it would
be called for early in the session. This communication
was made on Saturday, the 6th November, and was re
ceived by the Chancellor with the utmost interest and

90 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l802.
satisfaction. And, though he evidently saw something
behind, and guessed what it was, he did not press for any
thing beyond what was agreed to be said to him ; nor
was any answer or acknowledgment of an intention to act
pressed for from him.
It was left to operate in his mind, and there were
strong symptoms of its working very kindly.
November 11. — The two letters which follow will state
the further progress of this transaction, or rather, an un
expected impediment that has arisen in it — not at all
unexpected indeed by me, neither did it take the others
quite by surprise, as on the morning I left London (Nov.
4th), Canning informed me, that he had received some
accounts which gave him uneasiness as to the steadiness
of Lord Grenville, and alarmed him, lest he should depart
in the end from what he had said at Walmer, and re
turn to his old family politics.
" He cannot be persuaded," added Canning, " but tha.t
Lord Buckingham would be a good and popular Prime Mi
nister; and whenever his family come upon him with this
idea, it bears down before it every other consideration."
I said this was nothing new to me ; that I had been
convinced of it for many years ; and that although I be
lieved Lord Grenville and his party had rather see Pitt
first Minister, than either Addington or Fox, or any in
different person, yet that they had much rather see Lord
Buckingham first Minister than Pitt. This is necessary
to explain a part of the letters which follow.

LETTER FROM MR. CANNING TO LORD MALMESBURY.
Dogmersfield, Tuesday, 9th Nov,, 1802,
My dear Lord Malmesbury, — I reached the place of my
first destination (Dropmore) from town, on Sunday, and
found the master of the house just returned from a fa
mily and party conclave, held at his eldest brother's
house (Stowe) consisting of the three brothers * and Lord
Spencer ; the result of which has completely justified the
* Lords Buckingham, Grenville, and T. Grenville.

1802.] ENGLAND. 91
apprehensions which I told you I had begun to entertain
from my correspondent's last letters, that his counsellors
would induce him to depart from the resolution which he
had avowed, and either to insist on a more thorough
change, or to decline having any part for himself, or those
belonging to him, in the arrangement.
It turns out just so. He stated to me, with the utmost
frankness, that though his own opinion remained nearly
the same, and though for himself he would wiUingly have
sacrificed any feelings of reluctance to a compromise, yet
he owed the utmost deference to the opinions of those
who had acted with him for the last eighteen months ;
that they thought he could not, without disgracing him
self, consent to have anything to do with Addington and
his coadjutors, or to sit in any council of which they
should form a part ; and that (he would fairly own) he
found the question which he on his part had agreed to
consider as given up, was by no means so readily to be
put aside by others, though there was, on the other hand,
no sort of desire to push it to extremity now, or at any
other time. And that upon all these grounds he had no
thing left for him to do, but to desire that he and his
might be considered as nothing in any arrangement which
might be made ; and he proposed to write to this effect to
Bath, by yesterday's post.
He assured me, however, at the same time, that though
aU personal interest on his part, and that of his friends, in
the success of the projects which we had talked over to
gether, was thus entirely done away, he nor they were not
at aUthe less anxious for the success of those projects, nor
would less readUy lend what assistance they could to their
accomplishment. The return of the one person* they stUl
imanimously considered as essential, and would promote
it as far as lay in their power, though they could not
bring themselves to think of returning with him into such
company. I am sorry, but not much surprised, at this
determination, and stUl less inclined to blame it, for
(whatever else it be) it is at least manly and consistent.
At first, it struck me as throwing insuperable obstacles in
* Mr, Pitt.

92 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE, [1802.
the way of our progress ; but upon mature reflection, and
after discussing the matter fully with Leveson and Mor
peth here, our joint opinion is, that it affords greater fea
sibility for the return of the one person (supposing him
not to start at the imputable shabbiness of returning
alone), inasmuch as it takes away most of the difficulties
of jarring alarms, and must make the concession on the
part of those who must give way much less mortifying,*
I write in this sense to Bath to-day. At the same time,
we are not without hopes that the imperfections of such
an arrangement might be only temporary ; that, supposing
the most formidable crisis to arise some months hence, it
would then be possible for the one person to complete it
much more civilly, and with much better public effect,
than if the whole were done at once at this moment.
All this is for your private information. How much
of it need transpire to the quarter f where you are pledged
to any such further communication as you might think
worth making, you must judge. If you do not think such a
communication necessary, the best way of making it is,
(as it strikes me) not as anything new, but as a further
and more satisfactory confirmation of the truth of what
you had hinted before, that those persons would not put
themselves in the way ; that their sole object was to see
the one person in his place ; and so far from desiring to
be considered with him, they were determined not to be
included in any arrangement, knowing well the difficulties
that must attend it, and desirous that an object so salu
tary should meet with no impediment, or even delay, from
any consideration personal to them. This sounds (as in
truth it is) magnanimous ; and if there be anywhere any
lurking dislike, or distrust of any of them, which would
create a hesitation about a change in which they were to
be brought forward, this declaration, which you may now
state positively and confidently, must effectually remove it.
What I am more doubtful about is, whether it is
necessary for you to say anything about the question,^
* To Addington, for whom it would be less mortifying to give way to
Pitt alone, than to Pitt and Lord Grenville.
t The Duke of York. J The Catholic Question.

1802.] ENGLAND. 93
which we thought at an end, but which (as I have said)
still exists in sufficient force to form a part of the dis
inclination which these persons feel to taking such a part
as was first intended. You best know how far you gave
it to be understood that they were quite prepared to
abandon it. You certainly were authorized by me, and
1 by them, so to understand them. It would not be fair
that this impression should be left to work, if it is a
false one ; yet it is not worth while to excite unpleasant
feelings, by making any unnecessary communication upon
it. Of this you must judge. But if the communication
is made necessary by any stress laid, either in the manner
of mentioning or of receiving the former statement, then
I am desired to say, that the following is the form of
words in which the actual state of these persons' minds
upon that question would be truly expressed.
Supposing an arrangement made, in other respects such
as that they could hope to be of use by taking a share in,
they would feel as to that question a sincere desire to
find, if possible, such a solution of it as might be satis
factory to the King, and at the same time not inconsistent
with the maintenance of their public characters.
This you see leads to nothing, and is necessary there
fore only, if a contrary impression has been taken which
might lead to offers, and those offers to a discussion
wholly unexpected, and such as would justify the offerer
in considering himself as having been deceived ; other
wise it need only be stated (if at all) as one of the ingre
dients which go to making up their minds not to put
themselves forward on the present occasion.
Let me know what you think of all this, and how
much of it you communicate. George Canning.

Bath, Friday, Nov. 12th, 1802.
My dear Canning, — I was much more surprised when
I heard what you related to me, as having passed between
Pitt and Lord Grenville at Walmer, than at what you
now tell me was said to you on Sunday last at Drop-
more ; but as you spoke to me in Spring Gardens from

94 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l802.
authority, and in Lord Grenville's name, I did not at
that time feel at liberty to admit a doubt or express an
opinion. I agree with you, that what he now says is
perfectly consistent with every part of his past public
conduct and known principles, except (and it is a most
important exception) with what he declared at Walmer,
and remember this was his last profession of faith; that
it was clearly and distinctly explained ; and that, consi
dering the firmness of his character and strength of his
understanding, it is difficult to find a reason which can
justify any quaUfication of its tenets, much less a devia
tion from them. The avowal of them (if I understand
you right) was not drawn from him by any tricks, either
diplomatical or sentimental, but a free and unbiassed act
of his own choice. With a^ provident thinking mind like
his, he must have foreseen what would inevitably be said
to him by the persons he was to meet at Stowe, and,
foreseeing it, should he not have been prepared (and
he certainly possesses the powers) rather to convert them
to his doctrines, and his purpose, than suffer himself to
be reconverted to theirs "? And this, be assured, my
dear Canning, is widely different from the wise, prudent,
and public-spirited plan you have traced out. I am
truly sorry for it, as I cannot but apprehend the non-
concurrence, even the neutrality of this party wiU not
only impede the measure itself in its progress, but be felt
very forcibly by the person on whom the whole rests.
Pitt is not now here, but he returns on Sunday ; and I
am not sure he could receive your letter before he went,
though he certainly did that from Dropmore.
I sincerely wish I may be mistaken in my fears, and
that you and my two young friends* may be right, for
every day, and every hour of the day, convinces me more
and more of the immense importance of replacing the
Government of this country in the hands it was in two
years ago.
It seems to me quite necessary to communicate some
thing to the Duke of York, and, in this communication,
that it is impossible to sink the question entirely. The
* Lords G. Leveson and Morpeth.

1802.] ENGLAND. 95
Duke of York expects to hear from me ; and what you
now write to me relative to it differs so completely from
what I was authorized to say in my first interview, that,
although I did not then commit my authority, I spoke
so very plain that, both as a matter of policy, and as
one of fair and honourable dealing, it is indispensable
that I should not let him remain with the impression I
then gave him, much less that he should state it as a
point agreed on elsewhere. But I wiU not write at aU
tiU I hear again from you, and then do it in the way and
in the words you recommend. The delay in writing will
be of no consequence, as he never visits the King in the
country, and the King wiU not be in town tUl Wednes
day next.
The account you sent me by Ross of the result of your
conference on Saturday last, was much more satisfactory
than what passed at Dropmore. It wUl, I do not doubt,
operate, and be productive of very good effects. I am
anxious to hear more from you, though perhaps you will
have little more to say before the meeting. At all events,
pray lose no time in answering this letter, or rather that
part of it which relates to what I am to send to the Duke.
It has occurred to me, just as I am finishing my letter,
that as the Duke told me in the course of our last con
ference, that his father, he thought, had no great remain
ing Ul-wUl towards the favourers of the question, (quoting
Lord Castlereagh's coming into the Cabinet as a proof,)
that I may introduce what I have to state of the change
in Lord GrenviUe's sentiments by reminding him of this,
and by deducing from it, that this change cannot be very
material, although it is my duty to inform him of it, and
then employ the words in your letter. It is quite un
necessary to take any other notice of anything that passed
at the conclave, or even that it has taken place, as,
although it does, in my mind, very deeply affect our
main object, yet it has nothing to do with that part
in it which we wish to distribute to the Duke, and
with the King it would, I fancy, rather facilitate than
impede. Don't be apprehensive, from anything I have said, that

96 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l802.
I shall speak with acrimony of Grenville, or in a way as
if I blamed him, and wished others to do the same. It is
only in writing to you that I do not hold it necessary to
suppress this feeling, or conceal my opinion.
Yours, &c. Malmesbury.

Before this letter reached Canning, I received another
from him, as foUows : — Dogmersfield, Friday, Nov, 12th, 1802,
My dear Lord Malmesbury, — I return to town to
morrow, and shaU be there till the day (Thursday or
Friday next) on which I am to meet Pitt at Dropmore,
on his return to town.
From town, I shall probably be able to tell you in a
day or two what is the prospect of success in obtaining
signatures, or what (supposing that desperate) is the sub
stitution for that part of the plan. In the mean time, I
send you a corrected copy of the paper, which, you will
observe, is so framed, as that, in the case of signatures
not being to be had, it could be given in as a sort of
notice to Addington of the intention to make him quit, in
order to obviate the objection of taking him by surprise.
Tell me what you think of this, in case the other should
not prove feasible ; not imagining, however, that we have
any thought of giving it up, if it can be managed. Is
not such a notice, taking it for nothing better, better than
nothing to precede the Parliamentary measure 1 Give
me, and get me an opinion,
I commit the paper to your discretion. If signable
people should faU in your way, or if unsignable, but
such as would be likely to be swayed by understanding
the whole measure as thoroughly as this explains it,
use it.
If you write early in the week (which pray do) direct
to me at Lothian's Hotel. Ever, &c, G, 0.

To this I wrote the following answer : —

1802.] ENGLAND. 97

Bath, Sunday, Nov. I4th, 1802.
My dear Canning, — I will not lose a moment in an
swering yours of the 12th. According to your desire, I
direct to Lothian's Hotel.
The correct copy you inclosed appears to me to be per
fect, and well calculated for either of the purposes you
state. I fear you wUl never obtain a sufficient number
of such names as alone can command effect, and that
ultimately you must have recourse to the common legal
practice of giving notice to quit, before you proceed to
move for a writ of ejectment.
The signatures certainly would be the preferable mode ;
but it seems very difficult to collect them in time, or,
indeed, at all, without the risk of a publicity which might
mar the whole.
Lords Camden, Carrington, and G. Rose are here ; also
the Earls of Essex and Buckinghamshire. The first three
would, I conceive, be certain followers, but would not
assist in the present stage of the business, either by ad
vice, or use influence. Lord Essex is, I have little doubt,
eager for the event, and Lord Buckinghamshire, of course,
quite the contrary. Besides these, I have not seen or
met any one of sufficient consequence, to ask whether
they can write their names or not.
I have not had any opportunity yet of talking with
Pitt, who returned from a distant part of the country yes
terday. I shall see him on Tuesday or Wednesday, at
dinner, and wish, by return of post, you would tell me
how far you think it expedient for me to go ; — if beyond
what we agreed on in London, and how far beyond* it.
If you mean that, by getting you an opinion, I should en
deavour to learn his, 1 must necessarily enter much deeper
into the subject than, at the time, we thought advisable.
Remember that on this point, and on what made the
subject of your last letter, 1 await your answer.
Ever yours, &c, (Signed) Malmesbury,
On Monday I received, by the coach, the following
letter and inclosure : —
VOL, IV. H

98 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE, [l802,
Lothian's Hotel, Sunday, Nov, 14th, 1802.
My dear Lord M.,— I found your letter on my arrival
in town last night, I have not time to say anything in
answer to it; but I am anxious to transmit to you a
newly-corrected copy of the paper, in the hope of its
reaching you before you have made use of that which I
sent you on Friday, By comparing the two copies, you
wiU see that the new alterations are made almost whoUy
with the view of softening passages and expressions, so as
to fit them for the inspection of the father,* to whom
they wiU very probably be submitted in the first instance ;
and the mention of the question is introduced in a way
which I think you wUl approve ; at once quieting, with
out committing, one party, and dutiful and flattering to
the other ; whUe, at the same time, it makes the trans
mission of the dupUcate of the paper to Pitt perfectly
natural and necessary, which before looked, perhaps, too
much Uke the threat which it is, in fact, intended to be.
Return me the other copy. Yours, &c. G. C.

(Copy.)
At a moment of unprecedented embarrassment and
public anxiety, it is hoped that the ChanceUor of the
Exchequer wiU not consider the communication con
tained in this paper, as being either in intention or in
substance, in the smaUest degree personally disrespectful
to him.
Nothing but motives of a very different nature could
have induced the persons who transmit it to him to take
this mode of expressing to him their sentiments on the
present state and prospects of public affairs ; sentiments
which, as they feel them very deeply, and in common (as
they sincerely believe) with a very large proportion of
the public, they think themselves bound to commimicate
to him, without reserve, previous to the opening of the
session. * The King.

1802,] ENGLAND, 99
It appears to them unnecessary to dwell on the actual
situation of affairs.
It is but too evident, that instead of having derived
from the conclusion of the late war those blessings of
tranquillity, economy, and confidence, which have usually
attended the restoration of peace, the country finds itself
in a state which necessarily calls for expensive prepara
tion, a state of increasing insecurity and of continual
alarm. Without wishing to seek for any other cause for this
state of things, beside that which is to be found in the
unexampled situation and conduct of France with regard
to other nations, it is the entire persuasion of all those
who are parties to this statement, that the only method
of tranquillizing the apprehensions and anxiety which
generally prevail, and of enabling this country to meet,
with advantage, the dangers which threaten it, would be
by the administration of the Government being replaced
in the hands of Mr. Pitt.
This would, as they think, afford the best chance of
averting war.
And they are confident that it would offer almost the-
only hope of carrying it on, if unavoidable, with that
vigour and success which can arise only from unanimity
at home, and of reconciling the great mass of the people
to those burdens and difficulties with which it must
necessarily be attended.
In stating this proposition to Mr. Addington, they
know and appreciate all the advantage which it derives
from its conformity with those opinions and wishes which
he is understood to have acknowledged, without reserve,
in the first moments of his appointment, and which the
increase of the public dangers must still more strongly
have impressed upon his mind.
It is with the view of offering to him an honourable
opportunity of declaring and acting upon those opinions
and wishes, that they have taken the liberty to make to
him this communication.
They have been the rather induced to do so in this
way, and at this moment, because in addition to what
H 2

100 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l802.
«iey themselves feel, and beUeve Mr, Addington to feel,
of the benefit which would be derived to the country
under the exigency of times like the present, from the
restoration of the invaluable services of his predecessor ;
and in addition to what they know of the prevalence of
the same feeling in their respective neighbourhoods, and
(in so far as individuals can collect or estimate a national
sentiment) throughout the nation at large ; there is every
reason to apprehend, from the present state of parties
and opinions in Parliament, that this particular subject
must, in all probability (as things now stand), be brought
forward there as matter of distinct and very early discus
sion. And they are unfeignedly anxious that Mr, Addington,
instead of being called upon to meet the public msh,
should have it in his power to anticipate it.
They hope and beUeve that Mr. Addington, in his
earnest and sincere endeavours to render to his country
the greatest service which it is, at the present moment,
capable of receiving, would not encounter the smaUest
difficulty from any recurrence to a question, the discus
sion of which is now laid at rest.
And it is for the purpose of conveying, in the most
respectful manner, to Mr. Pitt, this expression of the
reliance which is placed upon his dignified sense of duty
to his Sovereign and to the pubUc, that they think it
right to transmit to him a duplicate of this paper, not
feeling themselves at liberty to withhold from him the
opinions which they have communicated to Mr, Adding
ton upon a subject in which, as they think, ]\Ir. Pitt's
own character (as well as the safety of the country) is
deeply involved.

This I answered immediately as follows : —
Bath, Monday, Nov. 1.5, 1802,
My dear Caxxixg,— I received your parcel by the
coach about an hour ago. The paper, as now amended,
certainly meets the great object, as you state, much better

1802.] ENGLAND. 101
than the other. It ought not only to satisfy His Majesty,
but the manner of introducing and declaring the inten
tions respecting the Catholic question, will prevent those
who may communicate it to him officially from attempt
ing to renew and awaken his alarms on this sore point,
and thus indispose him against any change.
As to the second improvement, that of softening down
the threat, it is perhaps a wiser, but it may not be so
sure a mode of proceeding ; but if you think enough
left in it to preserve that character, I am satisfied.
I am eager to hear from you to-morrow ; you will, I
trust, in the mean while, not disapprove my joining with
the three* persons I mentioned yesterday, in endeavour
ing to persuade Pitt to remain on here, and not attend
the opening of Parliament.! I am, &c. Malmesbury.

On Tuesday, the 16th November, I received the follow
ing letter from Canning : —
Lothian's Hotel, Monday, Nov. 15th, 1802.
My dear Lord Malmesbury, — I trust you will have
received the packet in due time, which I took all possible
pains to convey to you safely by the mail-coach of
yesterday, containing the latest amendments of the paper,
which, in that state, the sooner you can communicate to
the young person,^ and get his opinion (it is his, not
Pitt's, I intended) upon it, the better. I know it may
not be easy to get this, and I state it rather as what
I wish than what I expect.
I do not despair quite so much about signatures as
you do, and as I did; but to-morrow and Wednesday
will probably decide.
We have several names that would do to follow a
* Lords Camden and Carrington, and Mr. Rose.
¦t Parliament was called together on the 16th, and the King's speech de
livered on the 23rd November.
J The Duke of York.

102 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l802.
leader, and, by the time I mention, we shall have made
three attempts, the success of all of which would set us
up ; of any two, would help us materially, and the failure
of all would let us down to the next stage — the pre
sentation — which, however, I am afraid would be more
difficult than the signature. It is not that there are not
plenty of wellwishers, but such as would give sufficient
weight are not easily to \)% found, and cannot be sent for.
The first three of the names you mention could be of no
use till at a later stage of the business ; but why not
Lord Essex \ You know better than I what oppor
tunities you may be able to find of talking with him, and
whether he can be talked to safely ; but I think he
might do. At all events, I hope he will be up for the
meeting, and I think an intimation to the effect, that
there would be use in his coming, would do no harm. If,
after all, neither imposing signatures nor spokesmen can
be "had, the last resort is to send the paper unsigned, with
something like the enclosed prsescript. This, however, is
only in case of a last extremity ; but as that extremity
(if at all) may arrive soon, certainly before there is more
than room for one interchange of letters between Bath
and London, perhaps it would be as well to communicate
this, as provided against the worst, at the same time
with the amended paper.
Oh, that Pitt could be kept where he is till after Tues
day ! This would be worth every thing to us. And
there are rumours in town that he means to stay, but I
dare not believe any thing so good. If you could find
out this, you would do an essential service. Perhaps
he may not mention it to me, though I am expecting to
hear from him.
With regard to the communication upon the question,
I really think with you, that it may very well be de
ferred till you have an opportunity of personal communi
cation. As the persons are out of contemplation for the
present, their tenets may be explained at leisure. At
present, I am afraid the explanation might create alarm,
and be construed to mean more than it does. On this
ground, I consented the more readily (for the suggestion

1802.] ENGLAND. 103
was not mine) to reinstate the mention of the question in
the papers.
I think this is all that I have to say to you. I will
write again on Wednesday.
Ever, dear Lord Malmesbury, &c. G. C.
P,S, — Parma* comes in good time, since it was to
come at all ; but, to be sure, it opens a long list of ap
prehensions and alarms beyond those of which one was
already warned.
Is Lord Pembroke returned 1 and where to be found 1
I hope Lady Malmesbury is going on as well as I hear
Pitt is.

PROPOSED PRjESCRIPT (iNCLOSEd).
It is thought to be most respectful to Mr, Addington
and Mr, Pitt, that the enclosed paper should be trans
mitted to them without the signatures, which are ready
to be affixed to it.
The suggestions which it contains are offered, not on
behalf of those who would subscribe them, but of the
public. And the consideration which, it is trusted, both Mr.
Addington and Mr. Pitt wiU give to them, must be inde
pendent of any weight which they could be supposed to
derive from the names of individuals.

To this I replied the same day in the following
terms : — Bath, 16th Nov.
My dear Canning, — I must answer in a hurry yours
of yesterday ; the post came in late, and leaves but little
time to answer you, and to write (as I must) to the Duke
of York.
I was puzzled about whose opinion you wished me to
* The infant Duke of Parma dying on the 9th October, the First Consul
issued a decree on the 23rd, annexing the province to the French Republic.

104 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [1802.
get, because on the particular point you wanted one, the
Duke of York had very distinctly given his — viz., " that
notice at all events should be given, and much better
through a spokesman than in any other way." If I
omitted this in my narrative to you, I made you a very
imperfect report.
Lord Essex is gone ; but I said enough to him to have
learnt, beyond a doubt, that the step will have his full
concurrence ; but I really could not trust him with a
sight of the paper, as he travels to-morrow with Dis-
browe (Lord Hobart's* brother-in-law).
If a spokesman and signatures fail, by all means em
ploy the prcBScript. I am not quite sure it would not
come with still greater effect, by leaving Mr, Addington's
imagination to suppose signatures were more numerous
and more tremendous than those you are sure of
I have conformed, and shall conform strictly to what
you say, in any conversation I may have with Mr, Pitt ;
and in the mean while I have great satisfaction in assuring
you, that he will decidedly stay on here. It has the
entire approbation of his three friends. Lord Camden
said, that it was politically most right for him, and that
he had very much at heart his being absent from ParUa
ment on the 22nd.
The Catholic Question being mentioned, as it is in the
paper I am going to send the Duke of York, makes it
quite unnecessary for me to take any notice of what you
wrote to me in your first letter from Dogmersfield, re
specting the GrenviUes ; and if I ever communicate it, it
had better be kept for a personal interview. Pray tell
me what mode you determine on, and when the paper is
to be communicated to the two parties concerned ; and
pray, as much as possible, take care Pitt is not seduced
by his Ministerial friends and correspondents to depart
from his resolution. I hope they do not suspect his in
tention, and that for that reason they will be kept secret
till the time draws so near as to make persuasions in
effectual. Believe me, &c, Malmesbury,
* Lord Hobart formed part of Addington \s Administration.

1802,] ENGLAND. 105
I wrote to the Duke of York by the same post as
follows : — Bath, 16th Nov., 1802.
Sir, — Having had nothing of importance to communi
cate to your Royal Highness, I have not troubled you
with any letter since my arrival here ; but having now
received an exact copy of the paper, of which I read a
rough draft to your Royal Highness in London, I consider
it as my duty to transmit it to you, together with a prse
script to be used eventuaUy,
Three ways of communicating it to Mr. Addington are
proposed — either by a spokesman, by sending it with sig
natures, or unsigned, but with the prasscript.
The first is thought to be the most preferable, but also
the most difficult, from the choice of a person of sufficient
weight, and willing to undertake such a commission.
The second is not free from the same objections, as,
although members may be found to sign, yet a leader is
wanted ; and it is the last mode which I apprehend will
be found to be the only feasible one. The representation
should be made immediately, or it will not be dealing
fairly with Mr, Addington.
Your Royal Highness will probably soon hear of its
effects. I shall discover easily when it has been sent to
Mr. Pitt, to whom I, as yet, have only spoken very gene
rally on aU commonplace public points I exhort him,
as much as I can, not to attend the meeting. It is very
desirable he should not commit himself politically, still
more that he should be absent, if any motion personal to
him is brought forward ; and most of all, that he should
completely recover his health, in case his Majesty should
again command his services.
Your Royal Highness wiU be so gracious as to return
me the paper and prsescript, when you have read, and,
if your Royal Highness pleases, copied them.
I have, &c. Malmesbury.

On the 19 th I received the following reply from the
Duke :—

106 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [1802.
Horse Guards, 19th Nov., 1802,
My dear Lord, — I lose no time in acknowledging the
receipt of your letter, and in returning you many thanks
for the communication of the enclosed papers, which I
return, having, according to your permission, taken a
copy of them.
You are perfectly well acquainted with my sentiments
upon the subject, and therefore will easily conceive how
anxious I shall be to hear the result.
Believe me, &c. (Signed) Frederick.

While this correspondence was passing, I frequently
saw Mr. Pitt, (who was at Bath,) Lord Camden, Lord Car
rington, and Mr, G, Rose. 1 rather avoided than sought
opportunities of entering into regular conversation with
Mr. Pitt, as I felt it was a difficult point where to draw
the line, how to avoid saying too much, and by that
means embarrassing and perplexing him, or saying too
little, and appearing secret and mysterious. With Lords
Camden and Carrington I had some occasional discourse ;
and, without entering at all deeply into the subject, or
giving them room to suppose I knew anything was going
forward, (of which, I fancy, they had no suspicion,) I
could easily discover that they were both very anxious
for Pitt's resuming office, very uneasy at the state of the
country, and (Lord Carrington particularly) disliking and
despising Mr, Addington and his Administration, Lord
Camden was very anxious to keep Pitt on here, and pro
mised to use every means in his power to effect it. I had
a longer conversation with Mr, Rose. He expressed, in
the most marked terms,, his extreme concern that Pitt had
supported the present Administration so long ; that it
was being over- scrupulous ; and that, as they planned
and executed measures before they communicated them
to him, or advised with him concerning them, it was
unfair and tricking, the calling for him to assist them
afterwards, 'and to make him responsible for what he had
no concern in.

1802. J ENGLAND. 107
Rose then took a general review of Mr. Addington's
Administration, and dwelt on almost every measure, both
foreign and domestic, with censure and reproof. He par
ticularly reprobated the step taken with respect to Switz
erland,* which, he said, was idle and dangerous ; and
that now they had, without Pitt's knowledge and advice,
got into a scrape, they wanted him to extricate them
from it. But Rose said Pitt would not hear of it, and
was determined to remain on here tiU after Christmas.
This Rose told me on the 16 th instant, as we were walk
ing together ; and Pitt himself had, indeed, said nearly
as much to me the day before, and 1 had strongly and
warmly exhorted him to abide by this resolution.
On Wednesday, the I7th, Canning, as I was going to
call on him, about twelve o'clock, at the White Hart,
came into my house.
Several motives had induced Canning to see Pitt.
Lord Mulgrave, who had been made acquainted with the
paper, and who had been solicited to sign it, (without
being told, however, of any of the details, which, from
Canning, I found were known, in toto, only to Lord Mor
peth, Lord G. Leveson, Sturges, [son to the Prebend of
Winchester,] and myself,) had, perhaps, inadvertently
betrayed the scheme, by writing to Pitt, This premature
confidence. Canning thought, might be very hurtful ; and
as Lord Mulgrave himself was also coming to Bath, and
to stay. Canning wished to see Mr. Pitt first.
In addition to this motive, as Pitt did not come up to
town, it was essential to avail himself of this determina
tion, so favourable to our views, to try to prevail on him
to withhold his advice, and, in short, to say to him many
things which could not be written, or which, when written,
never so fully or so quickly answered the purpose.
Canning had seen Pitt before he saw me, and was
* Switzerland was a prey to dissensions fomented by French intrigues.
In an unfortunate moment one party appealed to the First Consul. He sent
Ney with 40,000 men. The Diet was dissolved on the 28th October, and
the Swiss lost their independence.
The British Government sent a Note of remonstrance October 10th, and
despatched Mr. Moore to Switzerland to sound the state of parties and to
oifer pecuniary assistance, but he arrived too late.

108 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l802.
highly pleased with the whole of his discourse and man
ner. He said it was as favourable as possible ; that he
(Pitt) was more confirmed than ever as to the propriety
of his coming in, and reprobated, without reserve, se
veral of the measures lately taken. He expressed him
self so strongly, that it became a matter of deliberation
with us whether it would not be better to trust him
entirely, and to show him the whole ; and, after a good
deal of debate between us, we agreed that Canning should
say to Pitt that I was in possession of the whole transac
tion ; that I was to remain at Bath, and that if Pitt
wished to know either all, or any particular part of it, if
he would express this wish to me, I would tell it him.
Pitt, Rose, and Canning dined with me. The conver
sation was general ; but the next morning Canning said
he had been very explicit with Pitt ; had told him the
part I had taken, and of my going to the Duke of York ;
that Pitt very much approved this, very much ; and that
he had settled it with him in the way we had agreed on,
viz., that I should answer any question he pleased to put
to me.
Canning returned to town on the evening of the 1 8th ;
but, before his departure, we had much conversation, the
result of which was, that I had better not intrude any
information or confidence on Pitt, nor refuse him any he
asked ; that I had better suppress every thing about Lord
Grenville, since Pitt had just received a most kind letter
from him, and since Pitt declared and felt he could not do
without his abilities in Parliament, if he again was put at
the head of affairs ; that Lord Mulgrave had explained
away his apparent breach of confidence, by saying it was
not expressly intrusted to him as a secret ; that he was,
therefore, not bound to keep it (rather Jesuitical) ; and
that he, from acting always, and since Pitt went out,
under his directions, he was particularly circumstanced,
and could not dispense with consulting him now, and
asking him whether he ought or ought not to attend the
opening of the Session.
On talking over the names, I found those of great lead
ing men to sign were wanting ; there were hopes of

1802.] ENGLAND. 109
getting Lord Lowther (through Ward, a friend of Sturge's),
and Peel, of Liverpool, through Rose ; that Pitt had seemed
to hint that a Peers going in to the King might do good.
I expressed my disapprobation of this method ; that I
knew it was displeasing to the King ; that it never (but
once in 1783, when Lord Buckinghamshire went in on
the India Bill,) was attended to, and was against its
being resorted to but in the last moment ; but that there
existed an embarrassment on this point about Lord Oar-
lisle, who had volunteered this service ; and though he
was unequal to the task, yet it would be difficult to
take it from him and give it to another, could even
another Peer be found. Lord Pembroke was mentioned,
— a most unexceptionable man, but he is still at Paris.
Lord Worcester is to try to get the Duke of Beaufort.
General Egerton to act, if possible, as representative for
the Duke of Bridgewater, and the Duke of Somerset to
be tried through the Duchess. All this leaves the execu
tion of the measure, i. e. the presenting the paper, very
loose and uncertain ; and as it met completely Pitt's
vidshes, that nothing should be done immediately, it was
agreed with him, that no Parliamentary step should be
taken till after Christmas, on our part, and that every
means should be tried to prevent any eager or over-zealous
independent member from bringing any motion forward of
a similar tendency to that he had in contemplation ; to
prevent even any which could produce a division in either
House. This I considered difficult, as it was impossible
for Lord Grenville not to notice in the House of Lords
what was passing ; and it was very difficult, in a debate
on such a question, to hinder the House dividing. There
was some little difference of opinion between Pitt's ideas
and mine, as to the right time of his resuming Office, He
seemed to think the moment of a certain war was the
best. I contended for the contrary. That if he came in
after the Swiss business was over, and it would probably
be settled not very creditably for us, he would then find
enough to do — would not be responsible for the situation
in which he found the country — be relieved from the
odium and disgrace of having contributed to it, and be at

110 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE, [l802.
liberty to submit to it for a while, and, if he could, main
tain the country at peace for a year or more, or, indeed,
till such time as Buonaparte's insolence and oppression
rendered the duration of it any longer impossible. He
(Pitt), besides the benefit the country would derive from
a year's more quiet, would have it in his power to put it
in a state of defence, (it was now without the first means
of defence,) and by manifesting his firm and steady desire
to preserve peace as long as possible, deprive his enemies
here and abroad from fixing on him very improperly the
title of a War Minister ; from asserting, as they did, that
war was his principle, and the leading character of his
government. This, I said, I knew by experience was the
language held and believed on the Continent, and that it
was also accredited here by the silly and disaffected ; and
that it was, in fact, the greatest drawback to his Adminis
tration, That therefore, if he waited till the war was
inevitable, he would confirm this opinion ; whereas, if he
came in after an Act of Concession, however disgraceful,
he might remain at peace, being at liberty to lament the
folly of his predecessors, without at once seeking redress
for it by the sword.
Before Canning left Bath, we took an opportunity of
stating to Mr, Pitt, how very dangerously he committed
himself, by allowing himself to be consulted partially, and
by giving advice on some insulated measure, while the
great system, of which this made only a part, was kept
secret from him. This had its effect ; and Pitt declared,
that while he remained here, he would decline giving any
advice at all ; and as a proof of this, said he had received
a letter, enclosing a long despatch from Lord Hawkesbury,
(he did not say on what subject,) and that he intended to
send the despatch back without any opinion, alleging for
a reason, the impossibility of judging with safety or pre
cision on a measure or measures, with the beginning and
end of which he could not be acquainted.
This was the substance of several hours' conversation
with Canning, and passed on the 17th and 18th,
On the 19th, Mr, Pitt called on me, but G, Rose and
Lord Mulgrave were with him, and nothing passed.

1802.] ENGLAND. Ill
On Sunday the 21st, Pitt called on me, at half-past
eight in the morning. He entered immediately on the
subject by saying, " I know you are one in a plot, not
quite so desperate as Col. Despard's ;"* (he was just taken
up for administering oaths to soldiers, and others, to dis
claim their allegiance ;) and then went on, by expressing
a wish to converse fully and confidentially with me. He
said he understood I was at liberty to communicate to
him the measure intended to be taken ; that Canning had
told him enough to leave him little doubt of what this
was ; and one of his friends, (Lord Mulgrave,) who had
thought it right to consult him, had nearly repeated to
him the words in which the representation was drawn up.
And he did not doubt they were proper and well adapted
to the end proposed, he therefore would not press me to
be more explicit just now, on this particular point. He
then went on by saying, the question he wished to put
was, who were the other persons consulted on this occa
sion. He feared, if he was well informed, they were too
few — too much in the same predicament, and way of
thinking, and considered as too much attached to him,
and too inimical to Mr. Addington. I told him their
names, with which I observed he was acquainted before,
and had now asked them with a view to be better enabled
to assert more positively what he had just said ; viz., that
a measure originating with, and arranged by, persons of
this description, and those so few, would look like a plot
or cabal ; and that whether he really did or did not know
of it, whether he knew directly, or, as was the case, acci
dentally, it would be impossible for him to escape the
imputation of conniving at it, or avoid suspicions that he
"was a party to it ; and that such a suspicion, independent
of his own feelings, would defeat the end of his coming
into Office, even supposing any good could result from it ;
that it was, therefore, his wish, and one which he had
entertained and expressed to Canning before he left Bath,
and in which since, on reflection, he had been confirmed
more and more, that no further canvas should be made
* Coloirel Despard had laid a plot to kill the King on his way to Parlia
ment. He was hanged with six others on the 21st February.

112 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l802.
for names, supporters, or signatures, to promote, or com
pel Mr, Addington's resignation. If the opinion that his
coming into Office was as generally desired and entertained
as we supposed it, it was much better for him, and for
the thing itself, to leave it to work out its own way ; that
this must happen, if this opinion was a prevailing one in
the public mind ; and that if it was not, his coming into
Office at all was useless and improper ; that as to himself,
he had to say, that he should consider it himself as a pa
ramount duty, if called upon in this way ; at the same
time that various reasons led him to wish the business
should not be hurried ; and that although he felt himself
much recovered, and felt well enough to be idle, yet that
he was by no means sure that his health was sufficiently
re-instated to enable him to undergo the labours and anx
ieties of Office ; and till he could ascertain this, his ac
cepting it would be wrong towards himself and others ;
that he, therefore, was very desirous that the canvas should
be checked ; and that, as he before said, the business should
be left to work itself
My reply to him was, that, although the public
opinion respecting his return to Office was certainly as
strong and as universal as we thought and he had heard,
yet, that I much feared it would never be brought to
express itself in a way to produce the effect we wanted,
without prompting and exhortation, unless some public
calamity pressed so hard upon the country as to force it
to call out. That, though his resuming Office would
always be a most welcome event, yet its taking place at a
well-timed moment would add most essentially to its ad
vantages, and that it would be a much greater service to
the country, could he come in to prevent a disaster than
to extricate us from one, or help us to encounter it, after
it was actuaUy come upon us. That, this being my
opinion, I could not quite approve all canvas being put
an end to, although I was very ready to acquiesce in the
general principle he laid down, — not to force or pre
cipitate the step, and to leave the whole to do itself, as
far as was possible ; but that, I conceived nothing of
this kind ever arose of itself, quite alone and unaided.

1802.] ENGLAND. 113
" Yes," said he, " often in a way not only unknown, but
in a manner as if it had no concerted beginning." I said
to this, that in such cases the beginning might be par
tially concealed or unknown, but that I could not help
thinking it always did exist somewhere or somehow, and
that I conceived a spontaneous act of the country at
large, or a general expression of their wishes, never was
produced, without some previous encouragement and pre
paration, except in the case I had before alluded to, — of
some very pressing public danger, Pitt still maintained
his opinion, and insisted earnestly on a cessation from
any further canvas. And, besides the reasons he had
already alleged, he said, it was well known that Canning
was avowedly hostile to the present Government ; that
his being brought l"ack through such means (for the
means must ultimately be known), it would be next to
impossible for him to escape the censure of being impli
cated in the plan, and accused, for the sake of returning
to Office, of forming a cabal against a set of men for
whom he continued to have a great personal regard, and
from whom he hitherto had not withdrawn his support.
But that, as he was now decided to remain ait Bath, he
could not give his support in Parliament, and as to ad
vising and being advised with, it was his intention to
wave every thing of the kind ; that he, indeed, ought
conscientiously to decline it, since much had been done he
did not approve, and his support often solicited in behalf
of measures of which he knew only a very small part ;
that he had alway prepared the way for this, and, added
he, " as I neither shall attend Parliament, nor allow it to
be said that I am consulted, and approve what is brought
forward by Ministry, it will appear manifestly that there
is some alteration in my opinion and sentiments, and I
think that this will be as likely to bring forth the public
opinion (supposing it to be as reported) as soon and as
distinctly, and certainly both for me, and for general
good effect, much more desirably than in consequence of
the solicitations and representations of a few young men,
however respectable, headed by one so very near to, me
in habits of political and private intimacy as Canning."
VOL. IV, I

114 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l802.
I admitted the force of this last reasoning, and as
sented entirely to the doing nothing decisive imme
diately — no action ; specifying that every thing of that
sort should be postponed till after the Christmas recess ;
not, however, concealing my alarms, lest, during the
intervening period, events might take place to dis
tress and disgrace the country, or some over-officious
country gentleman get up and bring the measure, in
his own awkward way, prematurely before Parliament,
and thus commit votes and speakers. That, also, Wynd
ham in the House of Commons, and Lord Grenville in
the House of Lords, might be forced (in order to main
tain what they had said) to take a part which might
pledge them too far, and disqualify themselves, and many
others, from uniting under him, for the sole purpose we
wish to see him again at the head of the Government ;
that this was to prevent war, not to make it ; and this
led me to observe how much better it would be, if he
could come into Office at the end of one difficult mea
sure, and before a new difficult one arose; as, for ex
ample, at the pause (1 feared it would be but a short
one) which would succeed the termination of the Swiss
remonstrance, which would be probably either a conces
sion or a retraction (" a retreat," said Pitt) ; that coming
in then, he would not be responsible for what was past, as
it would have been made appear by his staying here he
had had no concern in it, and the past would be a reason
and authority for him to put the country into that state
of defence which alone could keep war at a distance, or
enable us to resist it if attacked. This, he admitted
most fully, and considered it was a very wise thing to do.
I went on by saying, that if he came in at such a
moment, and could preserve peace, even but for a year,
and till war was manifestly forced upon us, he would do
away that clamor raised against him (and no one better
than myself knew how undeservedly) of his being fond of
war. This, he must know, was the Jacobin cry. It was
believed on the Continent, and affected to be believed by
the factious and disaffected here. " I know it," said
Pitt ; " the Jacobins cry louder than we can, and make

1802.] ENGLNAD. 115
themselves heard, I also feel its consequence, and agree
quite with you. In short, we are agreed on every point,
but in that of not checking the canvas." Not to be checked
entirely, I said ; but, perhaps, to check it moderately, for
that it was impossible for me to rest any faith, or admit
any satisfactory expectation to my mind, that the public
opinion, left to itself, would operate rightly ; it was
always too rapid, or too torpid, in its progress ; too soon,
or too late ; and that, although he could not reprobate
and abhor cabal, intrigue, and duplicity more than I did,
yet his could not be quite a fair opinion on a matter
on which he was both judge and party ; that no conduct,
however correct, could hinder suspicious minds from
foUowing the bent of their dispositions ; and that it was
enough to have an intimate conviction, as certainly he
had, that if any such suspicion as that he alluded to fell
on him in the present instance, it was false and un
merited — (he said, it was an imputation he could not
endure), I went on by saying, that it was possible for
him to have an individual opinion, distinct and separate
from his character and name, and that if he was called
upon to reason and act upon it, as if that name and
character belonged to some one else, I could not but
believe he would act and think as we did,
Pitt said, it might be so, but that he did not know
very weU how to separate himself from himself. At the
same time, he felt himself safe in our hands, and would
claim the right of free and unreserved discussion with me
on the subject. Here our conversation ended ; the result
of which was, that it appeared to me that Lord Mulgrave
and G. Rose were against the plan Canning proposes ;
that it was in consequence of their instances that Pitt
is now against a further canvas (as he calls it) ; but that
they agree with us as to the great object in view entirely,
and that on this, and on the time (which is to be after the
Christmas vacation) we are unanimous. On the whole, they
may be right ; certain it is, that the four young persons*
* Canning, Lord G, Leveson, Lord Morpeth, and Mr. Sturges Bourne.
The last was made Secretary of State for the Home Department, and Lord
Warden of the New Forest, by Canning, when he became Premier, in 1827.
I 2

116 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l802,
who compose the secret committee are not of sufficient
fathom for so great a purpose, and I was very sorry to
hear their numbers so confined,
I omitted, in its right place in the conversation which
I have just related, to insert that on Pitt's repeating his
desire all further canvas should be stopped, I, speaking
of myself, said, that my opinion on that particular point
was a perfectly unprejudiced one, and that I did not give
it in order to persist in a plan which I had been instru
mental in concerting ; since the plan was concerted, and
had got the length of perfect formation before it was
communicated to me, that I should be sorry to be consi
dered in any other light than as an eager and strenuous
advocate for the end, and to obtain the end. I had a
wish, in common with those who concerted the means,
but as to devising the means, or to any collateral consi
deration whatever, I felt wholly neutral. It was the end,
and the end solely, I looked to, as an event which alone
could preserve the dignity and security of the country ;
and every thing which went hand in hand to obtain this
end made me as eager and zealous as any one, and in
duced me readily to accept that share in the attempt to
facilitate it, which it had been proposed to me to take
(it was a very essential one indeed, said Pitt) ; that the
contributing, in any degree, to lead the King's attention
towards it, to prepare him for it, to dispose him to seek
it by stating the removal of obstacles which he might
suppose to exist, was a very agreeable task to undertake :
that this task became even an imperious duty, when,
by the subject being opened to His Majesty in a cautious
way, and by a proper person, the risk would be done
away of its possibly irritating his nerves or disturbing
his mind, and thus endangering his health ; that if this
were to happen, I should think the country but half
saved, even though he (Pitt) came again into Office, sur
rounded by all his friends, and invested with fuU autho
rity. To this Pitt, with great warmth, replied, " You
may be sure my feelings are stronger even than yours on
this point ; and I not only affirm, that if the event can
not be produced without affecting, in the smallest degree.

1802,] ENGLAND. 117
the King's health and tranquillity, but that, if it has not
his full and uncompelled concurrence, it shall not happen
at all; to feel and to say this, is little more than feeling
and speaking like a gentleman ; and neither the public
voice, nor the solicitations of my friends, ever shall pre
vail on me to come into Office against the King's consent,
much less to try to force his consent from him. What
you, therefore, have done, and may do, is the first of all
things to be done and ascertained ; the one on which the
others all hinge, and the one on which I have no scruple
of saying my wishes and approbation, and I will even say
hopes, go completely with you."

I received by this day's post the following letter from
Canning : — London, 20th Nov., 1802.
My dear Lord Malmesbury, — I can just keep my word
with you by writing by this day's post, though I have
nothing new to say, and no time to say it in, having lost
the far greater part of the day in going down to the
House of Commons to be sworn, and waiting there in vain
for forty members to make a House for swearing.
The only thing that passed at Bath, which I am not
quite sure of having mentioned to you, is, that the allu
sion to the question was settled to be omitted. I will,
on Monday, send you a copy of the paper as it stands
after this omission, and one or two trifling alterations
more, and will then state to you the statable reasons for
this last change.*
I shall be glad of a single line by Monday's post, if it
be only to assure me that every thing remains as I left
it. From the language that I have just heard held about
health, I do indeed hope that no great struggle will be
made by Addington to effect a change in the resolution
so wisely taken. But by others I should think there
would. Ever, &c. (Signed) G, C.
* I have not thought it worth while to repeat this paper with the omission
of the paragraph alluding to the Catholic Question.

118 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [1802.
P.S. — I found your letter here.
I have seen Lord GrenviUe and T. Grenville to-day ;
nothing can be more temperate and considerate than
their intentions ; so you might say if you faU in with the
person* who may Uke to know it, as I shall not have time
to write to him to-day.

Not meeting Pitt in the course of the morning, I wrote
him a note to tell him what was said in Canning's letter
relative to Lord Grenville and Tom Grenville, and on
the 22nd I wrote the following letter to Canning : —
Bath,. Monday, 22nd Nov., 1802.
My dear Canning, — I had a long and interesting con
versation yesterday morning. [Here, after repeating the
above written conversation with Mr. Pitt, Lord Malmes
bury proceeds as follows] : —
Checking the canvas seems his great object, and you
will, I believe, hear from him to-day on this subject.
It embarrassed me your omitting the allusion to the
question. If, after what I have said to the Duke of York,
it should be found to be alive and broad awake, I have
sadly misled him, and must undeceive him, but I will
wait for your letter to-morrow, and answer to this, before
I write. The Duke's answer to me was very short : " You are
perfectly acquainted with my sentiments, and, therefore,
wiU easily conceive how anxious I shall be to hear the
result." His letter is dated the 1 8th ; remember he is
in possession of the paper, and may have made use of it.
I hope the Grenvilles will act up to their assurance of
temperance and conciliation ; as matters now stand, much
depends on nothing being done in Parliament ; no divi
sion, no committing opinions by speeches.
Ever yours, Malmesbury.
* Mr. Pitt.

1802,] ENGLAND. 119
I received on the 23rd of November the foUowing
letter from Canning, and answered it on the same day : —
Bath, Monday, 22iid Nov., 1802.
My dear Lord Malmesbury, — I enclose the corrected
copy of the paper. The omission of the question is the
chief alteration ; the others are either merely verbal, or
such as become necessary from the change of the time
of presentation.
In transmitting it, the reasons to be assigned for the
first are — That it was found upon inquiry that Pitt had
done enough three weeks after he went out to set the
King's mind completely at ease ; and that having done
so from that motive alone, it seemed to be as unfair as it
was unnecessary, to insert anything like a stipulation,
which would give him the appearance of making not (as
in truth it was) a voluntary renunciation for the King's
sake, at a moment when restoration to Office could not
be in question, but an interested sacrifice for the sake of
Office. This, I cannot help hoping, wUl be felt strongly
and kindly.
Secondly, as to the alteration of time, it was suggested
by many persons that it would be better to wait for the
impression of the first day, now that Pitt is not to be
there, and therefore cannot, by committing himself afresh,
throw any new obstacle in the way of the plain language
(not motion, I hope — not if we can prevent it). Lan
guage in ParUament may do much good in preparing
Addington's mind, as well as that of the public, and satis
fying Pitt of the necessity of his return.
Besides, another practical reason is the very small
number of persons in town last week, the necessity of
waiting, till they come up, to explain a measure which
cannot be explained by letter — at least, not without such
precipitate and unguarded confidence as might ruin all ;
and lastly (but this point must be touched, as you will
see, with all your deUcacy), Pitt's wish collected, got at,
found out, or what you will, without communicating with
him in a way at all to commit him to a knowledge of the

120 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. {l802.
measure ; his wish clearly ascertained (known), that there
should be some time given him, both with a view to his
own health, in which ten days or a fortnight might make
a material difference, and for the chance of the imme
diate scrape being got over, tant bien que mal, without
his being implicated in it. This last would not be a
sufficient reason without the other ; but with it, and with
his staying away, a few days' ease given to him may do
no harm. He shall not, however, have more than is good
for him, I am so tired and so hurried that I can write
no more. This is all that is material. ,
Ever yours, &c. (Signed) G. C.

Bath, Tuesday, 23rd Nov., 1802.
My dear Canning, — I admit your reasons for striking
out the Question paragraph. If the Duke of York avails
himself judiciously of them in his report, its insertion in
the first instance, and its being omitted on re-considera
tion, may both be turned to very good account.
What I wrote to you yesterday coincides so perfectly
with what you say, that it is unnecessary to go over the
ground again ; and the practical reasons you allege in
favour of delay, come all in support of the great and
governing one — viz., the wish and decision of Pitt. This
is now clearly ascertained ; and I have little doubt, either
by imprudence, conjecture, or through some chink, may
be found out and collected full enough to produce the
effect, and influence the many in the way we want. I
have had no material conversation with him since yes
terday. In stating to the Duke of York the difference as to the
time when, it accounts so well for itself as to be liable
to no difficulty. Believe me, &c, Malmesbury,

The post of the 24th brought me a short letter from
Canning (as follows) ; and on the same day, about half-
past three, p.m., Pitt called on me.

1802.] ENGLAND. 121

Whitehall, 23rd Nov., 1802.
My dear Lord Malmesbury, — Your letter followed me
here on my way to the House. I have written in haste
to Pitt, in a way that I hope will quiet him.
They have put Church and State into the Speech. I
think I guess why.
Ever yours, &c, (Signed) " G, C,
They have at this present writing no mover for the
House of Lords.
Pitt said he felt obliged to me for what I had written
to Canning, as he had received a very satisfactory letter,
to inform him the canvas was checked. He read the
letter to me ; it was very short ; and Canning makes a
merit of giving way on a point contrary to his own
opinion, I said that I had related shortly to Canning the sub
stance of what he (Pitt) had said to me on the morn
ing of the 21st ; that I had rather inferred his opinion
than stated my own, as I was persuaded that the best
thing we could do to forward our great wish was this,
independent of our feelings of regard and respect for
him ; that, on thinking it over since we had conversed,
I was sure he was right, and that his remaining on here,
and desisting from giving advice, would do more good
than any attempts, however well planned and well exe
cuted. He said he was quite sure of it, and expressed
himself so frankly and so clearly, as to leave me not
the smallest doubt that he looked forward to his return
to Office as a near and certain event, and that no ob
stacle would be thrown in its way by him, unless he was
beset too much ; and that the zeal, schemes, or interests
of officious and selfish people disgusted and soured him,
by their too eager and too indiscreet exhortations, Pitt
said, he now felt he was sure of a pause, and that having
made up his mind (a strong and satisfactory expression),
he was determined not to perplex himself, nor to alter the
good effects of the Bath waters by more thinking about it.

122 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l802.
but to drink them without anxiety, and live as idle and
pleasant a life as he could. I quite agreed with him,
observing only that the pause must not be made too
long — it must only be a Christmas holiday — and that he
must not expect to be left quiet and idle after the recess.
" The longer the better," said he ; " but be assured I am
prepared to resume work in its due and proper time."
Pitt theh went on by reading the King's Speech (which
I had not seen). He remarked on it, that it was very
vague and loose, full of true statements that admitted any
appUcation ; that the part of it relative to the " existing
means of providing for the various branches of the Public
Service, without any considerable addition to the bur
thens of the people," was false ; that he knew it was
impossible, unless it was intended to disarm the coun
try entirely, and leave it in a defenceless state, even for
the home policy of it.
I subjoin the Speech : —
" My Lords and Gentlemen, — It is highly gratifying to
me to resort to your advice and assistance, after the op
portunity which has been recently afforded of collecting
the sense of .my people.
"The internal prosperity of the country has realised
our most sanguine hopes. We have experienced the
bounty of Divine Providence in the produce of an abun
dant harvest ; the state of the manufactures, commerce,
and revenue of my United Kingdom is flourishing beyond
example, and the loyalty and attachment which are
manifested to my person and Government, afford the
strongest indications of the just sense that is entertained
of the numerous blessings enjoyed under the protection
of our happy Constitution.
" In my intercourse with Foreign Powers, I have been
actuated by a sincere disposition for the maintenance of
peace. It is, nevertheless, impossible for me to lose
sight of that established and wise system of policy by
which the interests of other states are connected with our
own ; and I cannot, therefore, be indifferent to any mate
rial change in their relative condition and strength. My

1802.] ENGLAND. 123
conduct will be invariably regulated by a due considera
tion of the actual situation of Europe, and by a watchful
solicitude for the permanent welfare of my people. You
wiU, I am persuaded, agree with me in thinking that it is
incumbent upon us to adopt those means of security
which are best calculated to afford the prospect of pre
serving to my subjects the blessings of peace.
" Gentlemen of the House of Commons, — I have ordered
the Estimates for the ensuing year to be laid before you,
and I rely on your zeal and liberality in providing for
the various branches of the public service, which, it is a
great satisfaction to me to think, may be fully accom
plished without any considerable addition to the burthens
of my people.
" My Lords and Gentlemen, — I contemplate with the
utmost satisfaction the great and increasing benefits pro
duced by that important measure, which has united the
interests, and consolidated the resources, of Great Britain
and Ireland, The improvement and extension of these
advantages will be objects of your unremitting care and
attention. The trade and commerce of my subjects, so
essential to the support of public credit, and of our own
maritime strength, will, I am persuaded, receive from you
every possible encouragement ; and you will readily lend
your assistance in affording to mercantile transactions, in
every part of my United Kingdom, all the facility and
accommodation that may be consistent with the security
of the pubUc revenue.
" To uphold the honour of the country, to encourage
its industry, to improve its resources, and to maintain
the true principles of the Constitution in Church and
State, are the great and leading duties which you are
called upon to discharge. In the performance of them,
you may be assured of my uniform and cordial support ;
it being my most earnest wish to cultivate a perfect har
mony and confidence between me and my Parliament,
and to promote to the utmost the welfare of my faithful
subjects, whose interests and happiness I shall ever con
sider as inseparable from my own."

124 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l802.
Pitt seemed to rely on Lord GrenviUe's consideration,
and said it was a good word, and he was glad Canning
had used it.
On the 25th November I went with him. Lord and
Lady Bathurst, Fanny,* and Lord Mulgrave, to ilr. Cod-
rington's, Donnington ; a very fine house, bmlding by
Wyatt. We dined together afterwards, and had much
general conversation on the Debates, on the Address, and
other subjects ; on the state of the Continent, &c. ; but
it was quite mine conversation, and not worth record
ing. On the same day I wrote the foUowing letter to the
Duke of York : — Bath, Thursday, 25th Nov., 1802.
Sir, — I understand there are some hopes that your
Royal Highness wiU soon come to Bath for a day or two.
I sincerely wish it may be so on every account ; and tUl
I hear from your Royal Highness that we are not to ex
pect soon the satisfaction of seeing you, shall postpone
making to your Royal Highness some further communica
tions, which I could do much better in conversation than
by the post. I am, &c. (Signed) ^Maimesbury.

Saturday, Nov, 27. — The moment I came into the
Pump-room, Pitt took me apart, and began talking with
much warmth on Fox's conduct and language in the
House, and went on with such rapidity and eloquence,
that what he said to me was more like the skeleton of an
answer to Fox, than quiet conversation. He was eager to
recur to what Fox had said on the Commercial Treaty in
1787,t and we went to BuWs to look back into the De-
* Lord Malmesbury's second daughter, afterwards married to General the
Honourable Sir Lowiy Cole, G,C.B,
t On the 23rd January and 5th February, 1787, there were debates in the
House of Commons on a Commercial Treaty, signed mth France, September
29th, 1786. Mr. Fox condemned this Treaty, on the grounds that it was a
political approximation to France. He declared it to be his opinion, that
the external circumstances of the two nations rendered a rivalship, and, in
some degree, an enmity, inevitable, and that it was impossible to prevent
them ; nay, that were it possible, it was not to be wished for by anv lover
of his countrv.

"1002.] ENGLAND. 125
bates. In short, he was so full of the subject, as to raise
apprehensions in my mind that he felt a strong hankering
to go up and answer Fox ; and some words which dropped
from Rose in the course of the dinner, (Pitt and he dined
with, me,) confirmed me in my ideas. I was, therefore,
very anxious to have an opportunity of resisting this idea,
and expressed my disapprobation of it, without reserve, to
G, Rose ; but as several other persons dined also with me,
I had no opportunity of seeing Pitt alone till the next
morning, when he called on me about noon. I had
received, on the 27th, a letter from Canning, of which
this is a copy : — 37, Conduit Street, Friday, 20th Nov., 1802.
j\Iy DEAR Lord Malmesbury, — 1 am really so knocked
up, partly by fatigue, but more, perhaps, by anxiety, that
1 feel glad to get out of town for a day or two, and am
now setting off for South Hill, whence 1 shall return with
Mrs. Canning on Sunday, or Monday at the latest.
You will probably have heard from others some account
of the opening of the Session, I am particularly anxious
(that Pitt should have heard what is strictly true) that on
the first day I was guilty of no imprudence ; that my
defence of the old Government went no further than was
strictly called for by Fox's attack,* and by the evident
pleasure with which that attack was received by the
Treasury Bench, of which last provocation, however, I
took no notice.
Anything so beaten in debate as the Ministers were,
you never saw. They cannot uphold themselves or the
country. The second day. Fox took their defence, and
the statement of the line of conduct proper to be followed,
wholly upon himself; and they acquiesced, not with
complacency only, but with apparent gratitude, in all he
uttered ; amongst which were many principles utterly
hostile to the whole system of the late Administration,
and every topic that could reconcile the country to bear
* In the debate on the Address, Nov. 23, Jlr. Fox supported it, but cen
sured the late Ministers, and imputed the aggrandizement of France to thei
obstinacy and misconduct. Mr. Canning defended them, citing the succes
of their expeditions, and of their financial policy.

126 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [1802.
and forbear as long as Buonaparte pleases, and to dis
courage preparation, as weU at home as by aUiances
abroad. Wilberforce was baser still,* To them Addington an
swered not a word ; but he answered Wyndham fiercely
and venomously enough, who, agreeing with him in prin
ciple, differed, certainly, (and, so far, it was right to
answer him,) in degree ; and took occasion, in the course
of his speech, to revive the abuse of the Lisle Negotiation,
which you wiU not wonder Morpeth should feel indig
nantly, and wUl be glad to hear he defended it well. It
was impossible for me to hear it and Morpeth (for de
fending it) treated as Hawkesbury treated them, with
out coming to their assistance ; and, in truth, I did at
the moment feel so warmly, from gathering indignation
during the whole course of the debate, as well as from
this particular outrage, that I congratulate myself now
upon having put into what I said no greater degree of
violence, I wrote to Pitt yesterday, to much the same effect with
this I think, but under the weight of such a headache and
general indisposition, that I hardly know what I wrote.
The general result of aU seems to be, that Pitt must be
Minister again, or Fox will. The present system cannot
stand. But I do not think the present moment particu
larly favourable for Pitt's return.
The hope is that Addington, if left to himself, may feel
his difficulties, and offer to give way. But I fear, on the
other hand, his great vanity, and am confident that
nothing but language in Parliament can cure it.
The paper would make no impression on him now.
After this session and before the next, perhaps, it might.
It is therefore clearly best to lay it by for the present.
It is also clear, that no motion, resolution, and division,
ought to be thought of The King must be spared, the
House must not be harassed, no division must be hazard
ed; but every opportunity that the course of public busi-
* Jlr. Wilberforce, who had been a uniform and zealous supporter of the
war, now praised the present Ministry, and spoke against British interference
on the Continent,

1802.] ENGLAND. 127
ness affords for invigorating the tone of Government as
against Fox, for defending, as against Fox, the old Admi
nistration, and producing, or rather fostering, (for it is
produced without our help,) the idea of the incapacity of
this man to sustain the tremendous and growing weight of
the times, may fairly and advantageously be taken. And
this is the only course of action to which I wiU be party,
I do not think that any other is in the contemplation of
any person whatever,
I think the suspension of the paper must be stated to
the Duke of York, with its causes, of which the principal
is, to give the public sentiment time to work. But Pitt
now knows every part of this business so well, that his
advice is the best you can follow in framing the commu
nication ; and as it was originally suspended, and the first
chance of its success foregone, at his desire, he cannot, I
should imagine, object to helping us out of the awkward
ness which the delay occasions.
Let me hear from you, if you can, by Monday.
Ever, &c, (Signed) G, C,
You would have liked to have heard Morpeth ; he did
better than I ever heard him, and more promisingly for
the future.

I BEGAN the conversation with Pitt by endeavouring to
persuade him, (rather, indeed, against my own better
judgment,) that Canning had not been imprudent, or said
anything uncalled for, or spoke in his name ; but Pitt, 1
found, listened to what I found his friends (either Long or
Ryder) had written to him, much more than to me, and
expressed himself sore at least, if not angry, at the lan
guage Canning, which he had been told, had held in the
first and second debate on the Address.
He said, a difference on public opinions had indeed,
during eighteen months, made no alteration in their pri
vate friendship ; but till it was clearly and distinctly
stated this difference no longer existed, the duration of
private regard gave no right to assert opinions and doc-

128 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l802.
trines in his name ; and that he was the more averse to
it, as it went to do what of all things he most reprobated,
viz,, to embroil him personally with Addington and
Hawkesbury, To justify his own feelings, and to combat
my statement, he read me the letters I have alluded to,
and they certainly did represent the language of Canning
as indiscreet and unguarded. On the Lisle Negotiation,
Pitt said he was of opinion, that it was not a. just object
of comparison with the Treaty of Amiens ; that he was
sorry it had ever been brought forward as one, since it
led to unpleasant discussions, and furnished no one good
or valid argument, one way or the other. That he and I
(better than anybody) knew that the projH at Lisle was
not an ultimatum. That I must recollect, on my leaving
England for Lisle, he had, when with me at my own house
in Spring Gardens, in confidence told me his ideas, (this is
strictly true,) but that, besides him and me, perhaps no one
knew ; that, rather than break off this treaty, we should
have given way either on the Cape or Ceylon. That Lord
GrenviUe, who from the beginning had declared he would
never consent to any concession on either of these points,
was perfectly right in calling the projit an ultimatum ;
but had the negotiation gone on, and depended on this
particular point, he, or Lord Grenville, must have gone
out ; and he added, it would have been Lord Grenville.''''
After speaking warmly on these points, and repeating his
disapprobation that any of those who termed themselves
his friends should commit him beyond what he autho
rized, or try to produce a quarrel between him and the
present Ministry, he went on by adverting to what Fox
had said, and spoke with the same indignation and ani
mation about it he had used in the Pump-room ; and
before I could speak, said, " I will anticipate what you, I
know, have to say, by owning to you freely, that it was
my intention to have gone up when the Army or Navy
Estimates came before the House, to stay only one day,
and to speak only on one subject ; but what you hinted
* This is the key to several mysterious expressions in Pitt's letters to
Lord Malmesbury at Lisle, and my authority for having stated the circum
stance in a note added to that part of the Correspondence,

1802,] ENGLAND. 129
to Rose set him, and he set me, a-thinking, and on dis
passionate re-consideration, we agreed you were quite
right. I am now," said he, " decided to stay."
Being, however, fearful, after the first symptom of
giving way, that fresh provocation for going up might
again occur, and with more irresistibility, I said all I had
been preparing on the subject ; stated the utter imprac
ticability of his having it within his reach to confine the
giving his opinion only on one subject, since it was clear
both Government and Opposition, and even his friends,
would aU, from different motives, be disposed to involve
him in the whole business now pending, and that it was
easy for any of them to do it in a way that would compel
him to commit himself. To this he acceded. I then
pointed out to him the certain and manifest advantages
that must attend Fox's persisting to hold the sort of lan
guage he did, and Ministers in approving it ; that such
sentiments must lower him in public estimation, and,
what was stUl more important for our immediate purpose,
it would raise such a jealousy in the King's mind against
Addington, and indispose him so much against his Admi
nistration, that it was likely to produce from the King
himself an overture for his (Pitt's) resuming office ; that
these were new reasons, in addition to the many powerful
ones he himself had admitted for remaining on here, and
that, therefore, I rejoiced most sincerely that he persisted
in this resolution. Pitt said he certainly would abide by
it. I then consulted him as to what I should say to the
Duke of York, from whom I had just received a letter, as
follows : — Horse Guards, 27th Nov., 1802.
My dear Lord, — I lose no time in acknowledging the
receipt of your very obliging letter, and am truly sorry that
it is out of my power as yet to fix any time for a visit to
Bath, I had hoped to have been able to have gone there
for a few days, both last week and the week before, but
was prevented each time by particular business ; and now
I do not see any prospect of being able to leave London
at present. I therefore trust to your friendship to let
me know what is going on, I should wish to say many
VOL, IV. K

130 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE, [l802.
things to you upon the subject, but it is too wide a field
for a letter. Believe, &c. (Signed) Frederick.

I MENTIONED to Pitt my having written to the Duke of
York on the 25th. He said he did not think the words
in the two last lines of the Duke's letter went to convey
more than a general wish to see and converse with me,
and did not imply an intimation for my coming to Lon
don ; that in my answer to the Duke, it would be best
to keep to general information, not to enter into details ;
that he knew enough of the Duke to be perfectly ready
to tell him and trust him with every particular, both re
specting himself and the measure, as far as he was con
cerned in its operations, if his Royal Highness came here ;
but that as these details were not absolutely necessary,
and might, being written, be dangerous, he thought it
best to keep to generals. In consequence of this conver
sation, I wrote the following letter to Canning on the
29 th November, and that to the Duke of York on the 1st
December : — Bath, Monday, 29th Nov., 1802.
My dear Canning, — I can easily give you credit for
being fatigued. You will, I trust, give me credit for
sharing your anxiety.
Pitt's Parliamentary correspondents are naturaUy those
he is disposed to attend to in preference to any reports I
can make of what has passed in the House, and (very
naturally also) their opinions have more weight with him
than mine. His great dislike is, that anything should be
said to embroil him with the present Administration per
sonally ; and his great wish, that this should be cautiously
and carefully avoided by his friends.
On the Lisle Treaty, he said that it was not, in fact, a
point of comparison ; no argument of any force could be
deduced from it one way or the other, and it had better
never have been brought forward, for the purpose either
of justifying or condemning that of Amiens,
But if, in this particular instance, he differed, on all

1802.] ENGLAND. 131
others he perfectly agreed you may readily suppose, and
felt and thought about Fox, his conduct, principles, and
designs, in the same manner, and as indignantly, as we do.
He was, indeed, so eager about the part Fox had taken,
and the way in which it had been taken, that, when he
first spoke of it to me, he did it with such warmth and
animation, that I thought I perceived he had a strong
inclination to go immediately to London, and answer
him, I was quite right in my apprehensions, since, yes
terday, he confessed it was what occurred to him on the
first impression, and that he had thought of being in the
House on the day of the Army Estimates, and for that
day only ; but, on reflection, he had altered his inten
tions, and considered that, on the whole, it would be
better to remain on here. As I had already given him
my opinion on this subject, I most heartily approved his
determination ; and I remarked how utterly impracticable
it would be for him, if in London, to stay only one or two
days, and, when in the House, to confine himself to one
particular subject ; for, whatever command he might have
over himself, it was not in his power to prevent others
from introducing topics which might involve the whole
question, and thus force him to commit himself pre
maturely, and defeat the great advantage he supposed
would be obtained when he recommended delay, I also
observed that nothing would so completely alienate the
King's good-wiU from his present Ministers, or make
him so eager to replace the Government in his hands, as
the idea that they were drawing towards Fox, or Fox
towards them ; and that as it appeared quite impossible
that Fox could, in the short interval which was allotted
for inaction, operate any real or permanent harm, it was
better to let him proceed in the way he had begun, and,
by giving him more time, and fresh opportunities of
being applauded and approved by the Treasury Bench,
expose them, probably, to the public censure, and cer
tainly to the loss of the confidence and protection of the
King, In this Pitt acquiesced, adding, " and if, in the other
case, the country desires to lower itseU to Fox, and to
K 2

132 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l802.
the disgraceful level to which Fox is disposed it should
sink, he is the only proper man to govern it."
I dwell more on these particulars, because I am con
vinced Fox is the best weapon we have to use. Fox, by his
very foolish and unaccountable conduct, and Addington,
by his fooUsh and weak administration, have put into our
hands the most powerful weapon against themselves that
could be employed, and one which aU Pitt's friends, of
every colour and description, will unite in working for
this purpose (viz., against Fox) ; they will clearly draw
together, and I fear I am not much mistaken, when I say,
it is the single one in which they will be brought to act
in a perfect unison, and vigorously draw together in their
attacks. In regard to the suspension of aU motions, resolutions,
&c., there can be but one opinion, and but one on the no
effect the paper, if presented, would produce at this
moment. The Duke of York has written to me, to say, he is not
coming here. I am, therefore, preparing a summary
account for him of what has passed, and this I do after
conversing with, and consulting, Pitt, who, I believe,
writes to you himself Ever yours, Malmesbury.

The post of the 30th brought me the foUowing letter
from Canning : — 37, Conduit Street, 29th Nov. 1802.
My dear Lord Malmesbury, — Your very comfortable
letter found me at South HiU yesterday morning, and I
am unreasonable enough to regret the not finding another
to meet me here to-day,
Your neighbour in Pulteney Street* does not write.
Indeed, I hardly know what he could well write, what
ever he may think ; but we are aU very anxious to be
kept informed of the state of his mind, and particularly
to learn what impression passing events and discourses
seem to make upon him. He has heard from Lord Gren-
* Mr. Pitt,

1802.] ENGLAND. 133
ville, as weU as from me. Does he happen to have men
tioned either letter to you, and in what way *? He has
heard also, through Lord Mulgrave, another, and a more
impartial, account of each night's debate in the House of
Commons. Has he or Lord Mulgrave said anything of
this to you 1
They (the Government people) give out, of course, that
he (Pitt) is extremely displeased with every thing that
we have been doing, and that he is coming up in a great
hurry to vindicate himself and them. I should like very
much to receive a letter from you on Wednesday morning,
to enable me to satisfy some half a dozen well disposed
persons that he is not stirring.
Wednesday is the day of the Navy Estimates, which
wiU probably be a day of debate, whether any larger
augmentation than they propose is moved for or not.
Sheridan is to come down with a speech for large esta
blishments, and against Buonaparte, but against Pitt and
all of MS also. If Fox had not kept him away on the
first day of the Session, he would have been wholly in
our sense.
My former letter will have answered your questions
about Fox, as far as I can answer them. Sheridan as
sures me, that he (Fox) will never be Minister, but he
will do all that he can to keep Pitt out. This is con
fessedly his present game.
You do quite right in keeping your communication
with the Duke for a personal interview — only let not the
young man think himself neglected, and the less pressing
and frequent your communication with him just now
upon the subject the better, for certainly tilings are not
yet ripe. Your remark upon the temper of the House
of Commons is perfectly weU founded, — Flat— flat. But,
then, part of the apparent indifference is to be put to the
account of undecided speculation. People are astray,
and know not what to trust to. Keep Pitt where he is,
and things will gradually work themselves clear.
Ever, &c, G, C,
p_S, — Lest you should not have heard otherwise of

134 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [1802.
Cochin and of Tuscany, it may be as well to tell you,
that there is intelligence from Vienna of the intended
annexation of Tuscany to the Grand Republic, and that
Cochin is ceded by the Dutch to France.
Both these accounts are believed here.

On the 29th and 30th I had no regular conversation
with Pitt ; on mentioning the reports about Tuscany and
Cochin, he said, the last was to him a much more serious
event. On the 1st December, George Rose was with me. He
talked very well, and much to the purpose. We agreed
on all points most completely. He said, he was now
as anxious for Pitt not to go up, as he was that he
should go up when he dined with me, and flrst spoke
to me about it, and attributed (very courtier like) his
change of opinion to what I had then thrown out.
He told me, we were to have 50,000 seamen, and
that this high establishment was a sudden thought of
Addington's, — a thought of yesterday ; that it was im
possible to go on without borrowing six millions yearly ;
that it was nonsense to have put words holding out a
contrary hope in the King's Speech ; that Addington
was a pitiful financier : his idea of repealing the Salt
Tax absurd. He was full of compliments ; and I said,
in answer to them, that I had renounced all thoughts
of Office, and should only be of use as a Chamber Cowi-
sel.

LETTER FROM LORD MALMESBURY TO THE DUKE OF YORK,
Bath, Wednesday, 1st Dec, 1802.
Sir, — I delayed a day or two before I obeyed your
Royal Highness's commands, in order to be able to do it
with more precision and certainty.
I think I can now venture to affirm, that the best dis
position towards doing what is so much to be wished
prevails in the inind of the person the most interested in

1802.] ENGLAND. 136
it. The determination he took, in consequence of a con
siderable degree of deliberation to remain on here, arose
principally from this reason, — although there can be no
doubt that his health also requires a longer use of the
waters to be completely re-established.
His absenting himself from attendance in Parliament
will be a fact that will speak for itself to the public (and
as I can in confidence assure your Royal Highness), his
declining to interfere, either by advice or consultation,
with any of the measures when or about to be taken by
Ministers, will be a pretty strong indication to them, that
they must not reckon much on his support and coun
tenance when he does resume his parliamentary duty.
This it is settled he is not to do till after the Christmas
recess. As soon as this decision was finally come to (and
I was not convinced it was till I saw he let to-day, when
the Navy Estimates came on, pass over), it became much
more advisable to suspend all operations, and to make no
use whatever of the paper for the present. It was not
only wiser, as far as the success of the point in view was
concerned, but because it concurred fully and entirely
with his wishes and opinions ; and, as I have now daily
opportunities of hearing those, I am happy to be able to
say they are in every point such as your Royal Highness
would approve. Could I have the happiness to converse
with you, I could say a good deal more ; but I trust what
I can venture to write will be sufficient to keep your
Royal Highness up to the order of the day, and that the
more minute details will lose nothing of their value or
utUity, by being kept back tiU I have the happiness of
paying my personal duties to you.
I have, &c. (Signed) Malmesbury.

On the 2nd of December I wrote to Canning.
Bath, Thursday, 2nd Dec., 1802.
My dear Canning, — I have received yours of yester
day, and am glad to find all mine are safely come to
hand.

136 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE, [l802.
You will have inferred, from what I wrote on Monday,
that I was not quite satisfied with the impressions my
neighbour's * parUamentary correspondents had given
him ; and I was the less so, as I had little expectation
anjrthing I said could counteract them, as he was well
aware that it was either from you, or from persons think
ing with you and as you, my information must come.
I have, however, since had several occasional conversa
tions with him, and he is so perfectly steady and right, so
thrivingly right, on all great and essential points, so ani
mated against Fox, consequently so displeased with the
Treasury Bench for applauding him, and, above all, so
very determined to stay on here tiU the term we agreed
on is expired, that I do not think his being a little more
at variance with us in the language proper to be held in
the House is of very great consequence, since let it be
ever so much above his feelings ajt this moment, it wiU,
I am sure, be beloiu them, when he himself decides for
action. It is indifferent what language is now held.
This I cannot say to him ; but I endeavour to reconcile
him to the conduct his friends are observing, by trying to
lead his mind to the recollection of this plain distinc
tion — that he is fettered, or at least at liberty on parole ;
they are free ; and the undoubted right they have to
exercise this free agency (even on his behalf, if they
please) cannot commit him, and should not displease
him. He read me your letter to him, but not Lord Gren
viUe's, He mentioned it, but without any remarks or
communication, I have had no conversation with Lord Mulgrave, I am
not disposed to court it, and he does not seek it. We
had better each pursue our own course. He is very
right in his principles, and we have both the same end
in view,
I shall be anxious to hear of to-day's debate. Rose for
a moment wanted Pitt to go up, but I soon made him
perceive the danger of it,
I do not dislike the rapacious seizure of Tuscany ; but
* Mr. Pitt's.

1802,] ENGLAND. 137
Cochin comes nearer home, and may lead to very serious
consequences, whether its cession is admitted or protested
against, I should prefer the last mode.
I was too late for the post yesterday ; nothing new has
occurred since. Pitt dines with me to-day ; and if any
thing passes, I will write to you from Lord Bath's, where
I go to-morrow for two days, and where I hope Pitt will
come. If you write to-morrow, direct to Longleat,
Ever yours, (Signed) Malmesbury,

Dec 2. — Nothing occurred to-day. Pitt, Rose, and Lord
Mulgrave dined, and spent the evening with us ; but it
was all general conversation, both at wine and at cards.
Cochin not considered so valuable by Pitt as at first.
On Friday the 3rd, I went to Longleat, and remained
there till Tuesday the 7th, Lord and Lady Bathurst,
Fitzharris, Lord Torrington, and General Grenville, our
society, Fanny and myself — our time passed very plea
santly. On Monday, I received the annexed letter from Canning:
Conduit Street, 4th Dec, 1802.
My dear Lord Malmesbury, — Your letter of Wednesday
and Thursday was a great comfort to me, I had no doubt
of attempts being made by some of his Parliamentary cor
respondents to represent things as going too fast, and too
far ; but in my most sober and deliberate judgment, I
assure you that I think them quite wrong, I think so,
not because it is necessary to uphold what has been done
and said, and what is therefore to be defended as well as
one can, but because nothing has been done, and scarcely
a word said except deliberately, and those who tremble
and condemn, do so only from thinking (in which thought
we cannot undeceive them), that it is all against Pitt's
wish and will, and against the King's also ; and that, there
fore, if we were to succeed in what we are evidently and
avowedly attempting, the discrediting Addington in Par
Uament, and forcing him to offer Pitt his situation, only
the least part of our work would be done, as there would

138 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l802,
still be insuperable obstacles in both the questions in
which Addington's proposition would be to be entertained.
Thinking thus, it is not unnatural that even Pitt's friends,
out of any confidence, should be frightened at what they
imagine & fruitless violence to Addington, But Pitt, who
is in confidence, ought to recollect, that they do judge
under this false impression, and ought to make allowance
for apprehensions and suggestions which have their foun
dation in mistakes. To argue so much as we do for the
sake of producing one-third of our object, namely, im
pression on Addington, would be rash, perhaps ; but we
know that one-third includes another, and, probably, the
other two. After all, the risk is purely our own. If we fail,
we shall be accused (unjustly as we know — but we must
keep our justification to ourselves,) of having spoilt every
thing by rashness. If we succeed in this one point, (and
what other chance of success in these than Parliamentary
caution V) we have carried all. Surely it is worth the
trial ; and as yet, our progress is such as to satisfy our
most sanguine expectations.
There is a general doubt and hesitation, and a looking
about for some event in the House of Commons, and a
questioning of everybody who takes part in the debates,
out of it, which shew the public mind to be afloat, and
the imbecility of this Government to be felt very gene-
raUy. Add to this, the difference which the last debate
produced between Addington's and Hawkesbury's lan
guage respecting establishments,* and the situation in
which this (properly remarked upon) will put them into
with respect to Fox, on Wednesday ; f and you wUl see
that we have gained some ground, and have still some to
gain before the debates are over. Only let Pitt remain
away, and let him remain silent (by letter) to everybody
— to me, among others, if he wiU ; but to others as well
as to me. Others pretend to hear from him — I do not.
Let me know when you return to Bath. A letter from
* In a debate on Dec. 2nd, on a vote for 60,000 Seamen, Mr. Addington
did not think it necessary to enter into any explanation, whilst Lord Hawkes
bury did so at some length.
t When the Navy Estimates were to come on.

1802.] ENGLAND, 139
Rose to-day informs me, that Pitt is going to Longleat
early next week. Is this so 1 And if so, cannot you stay
to meet him, and keep him 1
Where is Fitzharris 1 I have made some attempts to
get him to dine here, with "good men and true ;" but
have had for answer, that he is not in town.
Ever, &c, (Signed) G. C.

To this I replied the same day by a few lines, and
more fully on Wednesday, the 8th December, from Bath.
On Tuesday morning, before we left Longleat, I had
some conversation with General GrenvUle, He said he
was very anxious about public affairs, so was his brother.
Lord Glastonbury ; that their anxiety was increased from
their ignorance of what was actually going on ; and that
they had heard with much concern that Pitt, whom they
alone considered equal to direct the King's councUs, still
continued to advise the present Ministers, and that Ad
dington had been with him at Bath, I had no difficulty
in setting him right on this last point, by telling him it
was Heley Addington, not the Minister, who had been
there ; and I at the same time said, I could venture to as
sure him, Pitt did not advise now, and that his staying
at Bath made it impossible, even supposing he was wiUing
to give advice. General Grenville expressed great satis
faction at this, but returned to his wish to see the Govern
ment in strong hands ; his own friends and relations (the
GrenvUles) were not strong enough alone to form a Go
vernment, and he feared they and Pitt did not quite draw
together. As I thought this language might be a trap, I
said he naturaUy must know more than I did on the real
sentiments of his own family, but that I conceived there
was only a shade of difference in their political opinions
from those of Pitt ; and as I had heard Lord GrenviUe
had been at Walmer, and Pitt intended going to Drop-
more, it was very certain no coolness had taken place
in their private regard for each other, " So much the
better," said the General ; " but still I see great obstacles;
at Windsor we are strongly attached to Addington, and

140 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l802.
it wiU be very difficult ever to prevaU on the King to
dismiss him. The Catholic Question which angered him
with Pitt, has rooted Addington in favour. The King
never will consent to form a Ministry that may incline to
that ; it is a point of conscience, and you know enough
of His Majesty's religious mind to be sure it will supersede
every other consideration." I replied, "it ought ;" that I
honoured and revered him the more for it, and that not
because iny opinion went the same way, but from the
principle on which His Majesty acted ; however, I had
hopes, and could have no scruple of stating them to him,
that this objection of the Catholic question would be found
not to be an insurmountable obstacle, if ever a change of
Administration, or rather a re-inforcement of Administra
tion depended on that, since I was nearly certain that aU
the principal persons who had favoured it, and left Office
in consequence, considered they had done their duty suf
ficiently ; and now, knowing how His Majesty felt on the
subject, would, were they to resume Office, not bring it
forward themselves, but let it rest, and look upon it as
dead. " This is very pleasant to hear," said the General ;
" but can they prevent others from bringing it forward 1
They will not join them, but propose the previous ques
tion, and wave the discussion. I hope this may satisfy the
King ; but I repeat it to you, he is so very tenacious of
his principles on this point, so conscientiously bent to
support them, that I apprehend great difficulties. It is
Addington's stronghold on him ; and as he (Addington)
evidently will not quit Office voluntarUy, be . assured he
wiU avail himself of it, to secure the duration of his power.
But you have told me what gives me comfort, may I tell
it to my brother 1" I said, "Certainly," At the time,
and since, when ruminating over this conversation, I was
doubtful whether it was meant to pump me, to instruct
me, or simply one of curiosity. General Grenville's cha
racter would induce me to suppose the last ; but when I
look to his connexions on one side, and to the state of
intimacy and favour he is in at Windsor, I am staggered.
And I framed the answers I made to his questions in a
way that could not commit or displease any one, and such

1802,] ENGLAND. 141
as I thought, without departing from the real truth, the
best calculated to meet our great end.
On the 7th, Tuesday, I returned to Bath. On Wed
nesday I caUed on Pitt, and communicated to him the
Duke of York's answer of the 4th December, which was
as foUows : — Horse Guards, 4th Dec, 1802.
My DEAR Lord, — If I had not been under the neces
sity of paying my duty at Windsor, I should not have
failed to have acknowledged the receipt of your very
obUging letter yesterday, or to have returned you many
thanks for your attention in informing me of the present
state of things.
It is impossible, as you very well remark, to enter
fuUy into such a subject in a letter ; but you are
thoroughly acquainted with my opinion, and therefore
wUl easily conceive how much I applaud the resolution
which you mention to have been taken,
1 hope still to be able to make an excursion to Bath,
for a few days at least, between this and Christmas,
when we shall be able to talk the whole over. Should
any thing fresh occur before we meet, I trust to your
friendship to inform me of it.
Believe me, &c, (Signed) Frederick.

I wished to know whether he (Pitt) thought it meant
to convey more than was expressed. Pitt hesitated ;
said it certainly might be construed to mean more, but as
the Duke was not a very accurate writer, he doubted
about it ; that on the whole it was very good. He went
on by saying, " I hope you continue to approve our
measure of delay. Nothing but good can come from it ;
it has already produced high establishments, as high as
any one could wish; and, as the ways and means for pro
viding them are extremely faUacious and ill judged, will
not add to the merits of the present Government as
financiers." Exchequer Bills were only a loan in another shape,
and as it was to provide for probably a permanent public

142 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l802.
measure, and was in itself only a temporary supply, it
was doubly vicious. It had been deemed wise, even in
war, to try to pay the annual expenses out of the annual
revenues, and to depart from this maxim, even in the
first year of peace, and to let the public find that new
loans, and, of course, fresh taxes, must be laid on every
year, even in peace, could not tend to the advantage of
public credit, or to inspire the public mind with confi
dence and security ; that he was, however, desirous this
should not be too much dwelt upon just now in debate.
That it was impossible it could escape notice, how di
rectly it contradicted the words in the speech. He
then went on by saying. Canning was so zealous, when
following his own leanings, as to be imprudent without
knowing it, I mentioned Canning's argument, and the
difference that ought to be in the opinions of those in
confidence, and those out of aU confidence, " I see none,"
said Pitt ; " where does it exist % it militates against the
plan, or the plot, if you please, they are aU forwarding ;
and the committing me with Addington," said he very
gravely, " will, I assure you, endanger the whole." He
was getting into his chaise to go to Longleat, and, as I
was to follow him the next day, 1 contented myself with
saying, I hoped it was a plan, not a plot, and that, after
all, it would end well. He stated to me his intended
motions for the next month, and said he would, if pos
sible, pass a day or two at Park Place in the first week
in January ; that he should meet me at Lord Bathurst's
on the 18 th or 19 th of December.

After I had seen Mr. Pitt I wrote the following letter
to Canning : — Bath, 8th December, 1802.
My DEAR Canning, — I have seen Pitt only for a few
moments ; he was setting out for Longleat. I propose
returning there to-morrow ; and, as I probably may have
more conversation than I could have this morning, I
postpone writing to you till Friday. Pitt goes on
that day to Burton ; returns here on Monday ; comes to

1802.] ENGLAND. 148
Cirencester (where I shall be) on the 18th or 19th,
and from thence back here for a week. After that to
CuffnaUs (G. Rose's), Dropmore, and, I hope. Park Place.
He intends to avoid London. We all leave Bath on the
21st ; I and my daughters on the 16th or 17th, and we
shall all re-unite at Park Place about Christmas. Pitt
will, I fear, have left Longleat before we can receive our
letters on Friday ; but, as that is doubtful, pray, if you
have time, write me your feelings on the debate of to
day, in order that I may bring them forward (if neces
sary) in opposition to those of his correspondents.
I enclose you a letter* on which I wish for your
opinion ; does it mean more than is simply expressed 1
Pitt, to whom I have shewn it, thinks not : be good
enough to send it me back, directed to Longleat, if you
write to-morrow or next day, as I intend writing again to
the Duke on Monday, to acquaint him with my mo
tions, and to persuade him to make Park Place his
sleeping stage on his way to, or from, Bath. This, if he
has any thing to say, I am sure he will readily do. 1
received yours of the 4th,
Ever yours, (Signed) Malmesbury,

On Thursday, the 9th December, I returned (taking
my daughter Catherine with me) to Longleat, where I
remained till the Sunday following, December 12, Pitt,
whom I found there, left it on the 10th, I had no
opportunity of conversing with him ; neither, indeed,
did I seek it, having nothing to say or hear, and my
object was to contribute, in conjunction with Lord and
Lady Bathurst, to make him feel at his ease, and to
appreciate justly the very real and solid sentiments of
Lord Bath, and the extreme good humour and civility of
Lady Bath, I hope to have a little succeeded in
this, as Pitt grew at last to be more conversable (he was,
as I heard from Lord Bathurst, very silent and reserved
the first day) ; but at our evening round game (specula^
tion) he was quite himself Lord Bath's horses carried
* That from the Duke of York of the 4th December.

144 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [1802,
him to Shepton Mallet ; it was market-day, and the
people took them off, and drew him to his inn. This
was the more flattering as nothing had been, or could
' have been, prepared, and as it was clearly the honest and
undisguised sentiments of the farmers and inhabitants.
On the day of Pitt's leaving Longleat, viz., Friday, the
10th December, I received the foUowing letter from
Canning, with the substance of his speech on Wednesday :
Conduit Street, Thursday, 9th Dec, 1802.
My dear Lord Malmesbury, — The enclosures,* which
I am obliged to divide between this and the accompany
ing cover, will account to you for my not being able to
write a very long answer to your letter, which I have
just received, especially when you hear at the same time
that the debate f lasted till near four o'clock in the morn
ing, that 1 am consequently not long out of bed, that
there is expected to be another debate to-day, and that,
before the House, I think it right to go to the drawing-room.
I thought it indispensable to write down, while my re
collection was fresh, the precise words (or very nearly so)
of that part of my speech yesterday which related to Pitt,
as there is no knowing how newspapers, still less how cor
respondents, will represent them. I intended to send
them to Pitt himself ; but as it seems possible that he may
have left Longleat before the post arrives, I enclose them
to you. If he is not gone, you will have the goodness
to communicate them ; if he is, 1 hope you will be able
to forward them, so that they may reach him as soon as
his other inteUigence of this day.
I have written so hastily, that in many parts I am
afraid 1 may be hardly intelligible, I am confident,
* Containing a copy of his speech upon the Army Estimates of the pre
vious evening, which was one of the most eloquent he ever made. Speaking
of Pitt's retreat, he says, " retreat and withdraw as much as he will, he must
not hope to efface the memory of his past services from the gratitude of his
country : he cannot withdraw himself from the following of a Nation : he
must endure the attachment of a people whom he has saved."
t On the Army Estimates, which passed without a division, Sheridan
lashed Ministers with his wit, whilst he pretended to sympathise with and
defend them. He also threw out insinuations about Mr, Pitt's retirement,
which Canning refuted.

1802.] ENGLAND. 145
however, that I have written nearly the truth ; for as I
was aware beforehand that Sheridan would make pre
cisely the attack which he did make, and I was aware
also how much delicacy and discretion was required in
answering it, I had measured my phrases beforehand ;
and unless the heat of speaking quite confounded my me
mory at the time, and continues to impair my recollection
still, I am persuaded that 1 spoke nearly what I had me
ditated, and have put down nearly what I spoke,
Leveson and Sturges (who are discretion and prudence
personified) assured me, that I had said nothing amiss,
and other people about me (Hawkins Browne, for in
stance), not at all in one sense, took what I said, as a just
and called-for defence of Pitt, and were not even aware
of the sting in the tail ; that is, the disclaimer chaUenged
from Addington, of any connexion between Pitt and the
Government. This disclaimer Addington did utter, but
not in many words, and so late in the debate that (the
House being much thinned) I am not sure that it made
all its proper impression,
I have seen no paper, and no person to-day to enable
me to judge of this circumstance. The debate, upon the
whole, was a very useful one, Sheridan's speech was
admirable in all ways ; Ryder's was excellent in many,
and, in point of tone particularly, I think it was just
such as Pitt himself might have made.
Fox was completely routed and broken by Sheridan
and Ryder.
Wilberforce h2ili recanted his errors; Addington canted,
and that was all.
I return your letter, about which, I confess, I am of
Pitt's opinion.
If you can shew him my enclosure, and get it back,
I should be glad to have it again, as it is precisely the
statement that one is anxious to have correctly recorded.
One point, and one only, of those which I had thought
of beforehand (knowing Sheridan's intention to touch
upon it), unluckily escaped me while I was speaking.
That was the forcing the King by Parliamentary mea
sures, to. change his ministers, I think this so important
VOL, IV, L

146 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [1802.
that if the debate of to-day should afford an opportunity
(and if Tierney speaks, as he seems to intend, it probably
may), I wiU endeavour to supply the omission. What I
mean to say upon this subject is, " that no real friend of
Pitt could bear to entertain the idea ; that /, for one,
would be a party to no motion, resolution, &c,, and that
(in your words to the Duke of York) I should think the
salvation of the country but half achieved, if any violence
were offered to the feeUngs of the Sovereign in achiev
ing it,"
I wiU write again to morrow if I can ; but if the
debate lasts again, I shaU be quite knocked up.
Ever, &c, (Signed) G. C.

As Pitt had left Longleat, and was in a remote corner
of Somersetshire, I had no means of complying with
Canning's wishes sooner than the Sunday foUowing, when
I knew Pitt would return to Bath, and I therefore sent
over my groom early that morning to meet him on his
arrival. On Monday morning, 13th December, Pitt called upon
me ; said he was perfectly satisfied with aU Canning had
said respecting him ; that he had also heard from several
of his friends (and, amongst others, he quoted Lord Cam
den), that his speech was a very good and proper one, and-
much to the purpose. He desired me to say as much in
my answer to Canning. Pitt kept the precis of the
speech. After having said this, Pitt spoke on the general
turn of the debate on the 9th ; said he readily forgave
the pretended abuse Sheridan bestowed on him, in conse
quence of the real abuse be dealt out to Fox. He ad
mired the wit and humour of the speech, and joined
heartUy in the laugh against Doctor FeU.* Pitt then fell
* Sheridan said, the noble Lord's (Temple) dislike to Ministers put him
in mind of the parody of two lines in Martial —
" I do not like thee, Doctor Fell,
The reason why, I cannot tell ;
But this I 'm sure I know full well,
I do not like thee. Doctor Fell."
Addington went by the nickname of the Doctor.

1802.J ENGLAND. 147
into a sort of panegyric on the state of the country, and,
in his statement of our resources and revenue, rather con
tradicted his former language on that subject. He said,
however great France may be, we had a revenue equal to
all Europe, (he made it amount to thirty-two millions
sterling,) a navy superior to all Europe, and a commerce
as great as that of all Europe, — and he added, laughingly,
to make us quite gentlemen, a debt as large as that of all
Europe ; that if with these means we acted wisely, with
a just mixture of spirit and forbearance, and could pro
tract the evil of war for a few years, war would be an
evil much less felt. He then got back to himself, and
was disposed to think that now he might be allowed (at
least for a Uttle while longer) to enjoy quiet. This led
to a conversation similar to several others already related,
and not necessary to be recorded, Pitt, Lord Mulgrave,
and Colonel Stanley dined with me ; nobody could be
more cheerful or more companionable than he was after
dinner ; and upstairs, with Lady Malmesbury and my
daughters, as usual, we played at Speculation, I wrote
this day (the 13th) to Canning, and answered his letter
of the 11th, which was as foUows : —
Conduit Street, Saturday, 1 1th Dec, 1802.
My dear Lord Malmesbury, — I am rather disap
pointed at not receiving your promised letter from Long
leat to-day, especially as I must now fast for it till
Monday- — and as your last letter, though very particular
about Pitt's motions, does not give me any account of
your own, and shaU therefore write very shortly. Bath,
I suppose, is the safest direction, but I have nothing that
vriU not keep very well till Monday.
Thursday's debate was by no means satisfactory :* in
deed, the whole state of things is far otherwise in one
point of view, or rather, perhaps, in every point of view
but one — which exception is, that we certainly have suc
ceeded in raising the tone of Government by the debate,
but I think their tons only. The shabby animus still

* On the Army Estimates. L 2

148 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [1802.
remains ; and what they say is just enough to make ob
jection seem captious, to satisfy moderate people, and to
prevent the want of Pitt from being felt as it ought to be.
But all this would require a very long chapter, and
I think I shall write it as soon as I can quite make up
my own opinions, by reflection and comparison with that
of others, to Pitt himself
Ever yours, &c, (Signed) G, C,
P,S, Mrs. 0, is not yet confined, but, I imagine, has not
many days to come, I hope she will be weU enough,
through all her trouble, to aUow of my joining your
Christmas party for a day at Park Place,
I wrote to the Duke of York on the 14th, on which
day I dined, by my own invitation, in consequence of Her
Royal Highness's permission, with the Duchess of York,
No one there but her own family ; she, as she always is,
was most pleasant and kind.

LETTER FROM LORD MALMESBURY TO MR, CANNING.
Bath, 13th Dec, 1802.
My dear Canning, — What I wrote yesterday from
Longleat will explain (if not justify) my breach of pro
mise on Friday.
I found yours of the 11th on my return yesterday,
1 shall remain here till Wednesday ; then go to Lord
Bathurst's for a week, and afterwards become stationary
at Park Place.
Pitt has this moment been with me ; he is not only
most perfectly satisfied himself, and pleased with what
you spoke on Wednesday, but says that his correspon
dents (amongst whom he named Lord Camden) stated it
to him as very excellent, and much to the purpose, and it
went completely to do away any misconstructions or
misrepresentations which people had thought proper to
put on your expressions in a former debate. This will,
I am sure, please you ; but it wiU please you still more

1802,] ENGLAND, 149
to hear, that Pitt's mind and spirits, or rather spirit, is
exactly what we could wish, fuU of energy and vigour,
determined to shrink from nothing on his part which can
keep up the tone and dignity of the country. He at
the same time feels a sort of comfort in the idea that
he is not yet likely to be wanted, and that he may be
allowed to enjoy leisure and quiet at least tiU the middle
of February,
1 did not greatly encourage this cause for comfort, as I
feel as little as you do on the effects of the debates.
High estabUshments are good things ; but if we get only
the sivord of Scanderbeg, and not his arm to wield it, it
wiU be of little avail,
I am very glad you think of writing to Pitt himself ;
he wiU attend much more to what you write than to what
1 say. He joins us at Cirencester on Wednesday,
I am very sorry you had no opportunity of saying what
you had in contemplation respecting the King ; it is
very necessary it should be repeatedly and strongly as
serted, as you may be assured no attempt wiU be spared
to give a contrary impression.
Ever yours, &c, (Signed) Malmesbury,

TO his royal highness the duke of YORK,
Bath, 14th Dec, 1802.
Sir, — I should not have delayed a post to acknow
ledge your Royal Highness's letter of the 4th instant, if I
had had anything material to communicate ; that not
being the case, I was unwilling to give your Royal High
ness unnecessary trouble. Everything is right here — the
best mind, spirit, and disposition possible, I hope it is
also equally right everywhere, but I am not quite without
my fears,
I leave Bath to-morrow for Lord Bathurst's, at Ciren
cester, where I stay a week. I shall be at Park Place
on the 23d, and remain there till the birthday. I take
the liberty of stating this under some faint hopes that

150 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE, [1802.
your Royal Highness, either in your way to or from Bath,
may condescend to make it your resting-place.
I am, &c. (Signed) Malmesbury.

On Wednesday, the 15th of December, 1802, I went
with my daughters to Lord Bathurst's, and remained
there till the Wednesday following, the 22nd inst.
I received the following letter from Canning : —
Conduit Street, 14th Dec, 1802,
My dear Lord Malmesbury, — Many thanks for your
letter of yesterday, which has set my mind much at ease.
I had heard through Lord Spencer of Lord Camden's
satisfaction, I confess the only fear that I have remain
ing is, that I MJiCommitted Pitt too much ; and I know
they have taken that advantage of what I said — Ryder
especially, for though (as I told you) he spoke as Pitt
himself might have done, he has out of the House done
more harm to our game for Pitt than any other indi
vidual, and that too with knowledge enough of the state
of Pitt's mind to have entitled us to expect another con
duct from him. This is my private opinion.
I like your general account of Pitt, but not the parti
cular expression of his wish for a long period of inaction.
Sooner or later he must act, or the country is gone. All
the appearances of the present moment I am persuaded
are false and hollow. The tone is assumed but to answer
the pressure of the moment ; and nothing is really at
bottom, but concession — concession — concession. Will
Pitt be thus satisfied 1 God forbid !
What is your address at Lord Bathurst's 1 Does Pitt
return to Bath, after having been at Cirencester 1 I hope
not. He will be waylaid there. Prevent it if you can.
Ever yours, &c, (Signed) G, C.

On Saturday, the 18th of December, Pitt came to
Cirencester, and also Fitzharris, Pitt stayed till Monday,
the 20th, I purposely avoided all political conversation.

1802,] ENGLAND. 151
wishing to let him enjoy himself ; we were nobody but
Lord Bathurst's family and mine, Pitt was very in-
qusitive about Malta — its old Government, the mode of
election of a Grand Master, &c., &c. Lord Bathurst
quite right and sensible on public affairs — moderate and
candid in the true sense of the word ; he looks up to
Pitt ; rates Addington very low — laughs at him for
being taken in by Sheridan, who is constantly quizzing
him, and is hurt at his being the dupe of Fox, whose
intentions are more serious and more dangerous than
Sheridan's. On Wednesday, the 22nd of December, I left Ciren
cester for Park Place, and received there the two follow
ing letters from Canning : — Conduit Street, 23rd Dec, 1802,
My dear Lord Malmesbury, — I have this moment
received your letter of the 21st, which ought to have
reached me yesterday. I should have written to you
yesterday, or the day before, had I not expected to have
heard from you, or had I been sure of your direction ;
but you had told me nothing of the length of your stay at
Cirencester. I trust nothing can prevent my being with you at
Park Place on Tuesday.
Mrs. Canning is now going on so well again (though
after a pause in her recovery yesterday, which rather
alarmed me), that I do not fear any impediment to my
leaving town from her situation.
The only thing that I apprehend to be possible is, that
the House of Commons may not adjourn till Tuesday, or
that the Bill now in the House of Lords may not come
back to us tUl that day, and after the advantage which
the ChanceUor's opposition gives us, I should be sorry not
to be in the way to have a parting blow at it.
It is (as you may have gathered from the spirit of the
proceedings upon it) a flagrant Admiralty job — job not
in the sense of interest, but of trumpery spite, originating
in Lord St, Vincent's violence, and forced upon Adding
ton's imbecility, in defiance of the declared opinions of

152 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l802
the ChanceUor, and all the friends of the last Adminis
tration, that belong to the present, as well as of Pelham
and others.*
When we opposed it in the House of Commons, we
knew the Chancellor's opinion, but had no expectation
that he would declare it so openly in Parliament. By
what I can learn out of doors, it has done Addington a
mischief, and one should be sorry not to help it all one
can ; but I still hope that there will be an opportunity
of saying what one wants to say upon it to-morrow, or
at latest on Monday,
Ever yours, &c, (Signed) G. C,

Conduit Street, Christmas-day, 1802.
My dear Lord Malmesbury, — I will certainly be with
you on Tuesday to dinner, and Morpeth will come with
me, unless he should hear from you by Monday's post,
that you have no room for him, or had rather not have
him. Ever yours, &c, (Signed) G. C,
My answers were of no consequence, only desiring him
to come, and bring Morpeth, &c.
On Monday, the 1 7th of December, Pitt came to Park
Place, about seven in the evening, to a late dinner. I
had sent my horses to meet him at Basingstoke ; he came
from Cuffnalls, G. Rose's.
Mr, Elliot was the only person in the house besides
my daughters and Fitzharris. Pitt was the pleasantest
companion possible, at and after dinner, whether con
versing with us or with them ; and we sat up, without
any reference to public concerns, till near one o'clock.
On Tuesday, the 28th of December, EUiot left us, and
I received the following letter from Canning : —
Conduit Street, Monday, 27th Dec, 1802.
My dear Lord Malmesbury, — Since I wrote to you
* For the appointment of Commissioners to inquire into the abuses of the
Navy. It originated with Lord St. Vincent, and, notwithstanding what Mr.
Canning says, conferred great benefits on the service, though it met with
violent opposition set on foot by those interested in the abuses.

1802.] ENGLAND, 153
on Saturday, Mrs, Canning has been going on so much
less satisfactorily than she had been during the greater
part of the preceding week, that I am almost afraid I may
be prevented from keeping my engagement with you to
morrow. I need not say how exceedingly desirous I am,
on every account, to keep it ; and though I write to make
my excuse to you beforehand, if I should not come, I will
stUl, if I can (with any comfort), leave town, and be with
you by dinner-time, I had intended leaving town to-day
(as the Bill that I mentioned to you is come down much
less objectionable than it went up to the Lords), but that
is now out of the question,
Mrs, Canning has been thrown back, I think, by her
extreme anxiety to be a nurse ; and the question, whe
ther she can be so or not, is yet to be decided ; and Mr,
Croft and Sir Walter Farquhar seem either not to have
made up their opinions, or not to be quite agreed in
them. The decision either way would, I hope, put things
in a right course again ; but while the decision is not yet
taken, I should feel very uncomfortable indeed in being
out of the way for eight and forty hours, especially as the
probability is, that it may be unfavourable to the object
upon which her mind is set.
This is a very long, and to you, probably, very tiresome
prose upon my nursery,
I will add no more to it, but only say that if I should
not be able to get to you to-morrow, and should be able
to leave town the middle of the week, I must first of
course endeavour not to miss Pitt entirely, and go after
him to Dropmore. But I will afterwards come to you for
your own sakes, if you will let me, and talk over with
you all that has passed and is in prospect.
Ever yours, &c, (Signed) G, C,

Pitt, Fitzharris, and myself, rode round the grounds
in the finest weather possible. On our return, which
was early in the morning, we searched amongst books
for the Statutes of Malta, in order to discover whether, in
case of lapse, or any want of form, in the election, the

154 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [1802.
nomination of the Great Master went to the Pope. No
thing like it could be found either in " Vertot" or " His-
toire des Ordres Monastiques." The motive for this
information was, that it was said by France that Ruspoli
had been named Great Master by the Pope, and, there
fore, that the conditions of the Treaty of Amiens respect
ing Malta were fulfilled, and we should evacuate it.*
About four o'clock Lord Morpeth and Canning arrived
(Mrs. Canning being better). I wished, however, that
the conversation should stiU be general, and I warded off
all politics by playing very joyously at speculation till
bed-time. The next morning ' (Wednesday, Dec. 29) I took an
occasion of saying to Pitt, that I had endeavoured to
make Park Place really a place of rest and repose to him,
under the hopes that he would, whenever he wanted rest
and repose, return to it, and be sure of finding it. I
added, that, in return for his having very often procured
me business, I wished to procure him quiet, provided it
did not last too long. This at once brought on the whole
subject, which had in a manner lain dormant since the
13th instant. I knew that, on his return to Bath on the
24th, he had found Lord Oastlereagh, and was prepared
for the impressions he might have given. Pitt said, that
he had revolved the great question of his coming forward
again and again in his mind, and that the result of his
most serious deliberation was, that it was not yet time.
That the Government of the country had shewn a degree
of energy and vigour not apparent in it when first this
subject was under debate ; that this made a very material
difference ; for, although he, perhaps, did not consider
this spirit and energy as genuine, or in the character of
the present Government, yet it was impossible for him to
* In the Treaty of Amiens, signed March 25th, 1802, Art, 10 provides
that Malta shall be given up to the Knights of St. John, who shall amongst
themselves select a Grand Master. The British garrison to evacuate the island
three months after the ratifications. In case of the Knights of St. John not
being able to provide a garrison (and the order was nearly obsolete, and its
property alienated), Malta was to be occupied by Neapolitan troops, for a
twelvemonth, or longer if necessary. All the Great Powers of Europe were
invited to accede to this stipulation. The whole tenor of this Article was
calculated to embroil the contracting parties.

1802.] ENGLAND. 155
act on his own misgivings, neither could his conduct be
grounded, much less justified, by stating that it arose,
not from what appeared, but from what he supposed to
be the character and intentions of Ministers ; that such
a conduct might belong to unconnected or uncommitted
persons, but in him it would be highly blamable, look
like a dereliction of character, and thirst of Office,
and, what he felt stiU more, a breach of faith to those he
had for some time advised, and hitherto always sup
ported. That, for this reason, which he trusted / should
admit as a valid one, though younger and more ardent
persons might not (he alluded evidently to Canning), he
had made up his mind to remain for some time in the
same passive state he had assumed for these last two
months. In short, till he saw that either the audacity of
Buonaparte, or a relapse to concession and yielding in
Ministers, caUed for his stepping forward ; that then he
would come forward as a most bounden duty, and then
he could do it with much greater effect than now, when
things apparently were tolerably right,
I repUed, that having acquiesced in his reasons for
being inactive till now, I could not combat him, so long
as he thought the same reasons existed ; but 1 could not
help observing, that I did not think the present aspect of
firmness and vigour at all real or genuine ; that I con
sidered it as the effect of the fear of the House of Com
mons, not as a wise and called for State Measure — as the
fear of opposition at home, not of insolence and attack
from France. " It may be so," said Pitt, " but for my
argument it comes to the same. / must not construe
men's thoughts ; if it is only a sham vigour, it cannot
last ; its consequences soon will be manifest, and then
my time is come."
" But," said I, " may not such very great and serious
evils ensue in the mean while, from this being a faUa
cious, and not a real, courage, that you will, by your
delay, have to reproach yourself with having (indirectly
at least) occasioned them; and will you not most cer
tainly find the task of setting things right infinitely more
difficult 1"

156 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l802,
" If I were absolutely to wait," answered Pitt, " for the
sort of extreme case to which you aUude, I certainly
should ; but I only mean to wait till there is any depar
ture, on the side of Mr, Addington's Government, from
the system they now affect to have assumed, or any
further encroachment on the side of Buonaparte, which
may materiaUy affect the security or strength of this
country. By this, I mean any grasping at maritime
power ; any attempt to add, by seizure, to his own, or to
decrease our, naval strength. For I must distinguish, I
fear," said he, " between maritime and Continental power,
and consider the Continent and its concerns, at least for
the moment, beyond the reach of our interference. But,
again, all and every act which tends to his maritime
aggrandizement, in whatever shape it appears, or however
accompanied, we must protest against, and, if that will
not do, act. By this," said he, " I mean any attempt to
take possession of Holland and its Colonies, or of
Portugal, and, above all, any attempt to break in upon
our establishments and power in India. To all these we
must oppose the most decided resistance. If Ministers
shrink from it, / shall feel bound to speak my mind, and
will come forward with every means in my power. To
these cases, (all, you wiU aUow, probable ones,) I will
add, that, if they insist on Malta being evacuated be
fore the strict letter of the 10th Article in the Treaty
of Amiens is complied with, and Ministers give way,
I then, and in that case, shall also feel bound to oppose
them avowedly. It is enough, and more than enough,
that they have suffered to pass by unnoticed the various
unwarrantable encroachments which France has made
since the Preliminaries ; but to allow them or the Treaty
(bad as it is) to be violated, is a disgrace the nation
must not hear of. To all these cases, I will add," con
tinued he, " any insult to our national honour, such as an
attempt to force French Consuls into our ports ; such
as (if true, which I doubt / the,) Interrogatory Captain
d'Auvergne is supposed to have undergone. In short, any
* On enlarging on this afterwards he said, " Let them be either sent back,
or ordered to reside twenty miles from the Coast," — Original Note,

1802,] ENGLAND. 157
violation of what is the clear and specific Law of Nations,
and rights arising out of that law,"
Pitt went on in this strain, with a degree of warmth
and eloquence, for near half an hour, that would have well
become him in the House, and when he had done, I said,
that if I did not think his principle a right one, which
was by no means the case, and if 1 still maintained, after
what he had said, as eager and ardent a desire for his
immediate resuming Office, as the youngest of his friends,
yet stiU I should be satisfied, since I was clearly convinced
that some one of the several points he had stated, as calling
for his interposition, must soon arise, and that if he had
not, and did not so solemnly, pledge himself to interpose,
I should look forward to them with trembling. To this
he made a civil answer, observing, that the great and
most important question under deliberation was, how to
bear and to forbear. That, if it were possible to go on
without risking our power or safety, four or five years in
peace, our revenues then would be in such an improved
state, that we might, without fear, look in the face of
such a war as we had just ended. That this, therefore,
(and he spoke, he was sure, from the safest calculation,)
was a most important and high consideration, and which
nothing should supersede, excepting that which ought to
supersede every thing, a gross national insult; an open
act of hostiUty ; and an attempt at aggrandizement, in
such a way, on the part of France, as would comprize, in
the result, both.
I omitted to say that Pitt stated, that amongst the
causes which would immediately make him ready to
resume Office, would be any wish expressed directly to
that effect by the King, or even so expressed as to leave
him in no doubt of its actual existence.
At one o'clock, Pitt and Canning went to Lord Gren
ville's at Dropmore, Lord Morpeth to London, Fitzharris
to Shottisbrook.
Nothing could be pleasanter than the whole of Pitt's
manners during his stay, Catherine and Fanny were
both pleased with him, from his great good humour and
civUity,

158 DL\^RIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l802.
I thought from his conversation, that Lord Oastlereagh
had made some impression upon him, though I incline, on
the whole, to think Lord Oastlereagh much more disposed
to foUow Pitt than abide by the fortune of Addington.
Pitt disapproved the protest* in the Lords, signed by
Lords GrenviUe, Spencer, ilinto, and two others. He also
doubted the statement of Auvergne's case as in Cobbett,+

On the 4th and 5th January, I received the two fol
lowing letters from Canning : — Conduit Street, 3rd Jan., 1803.
Mt dear Lord ilAiMiSBURY, — ^You will have given me
credit for having found it impossible to come to you
before my return to town, without knowing exactly how
I was prevented ; but more so stiU when I tell you
exactly what prevented me. I found Pitt intended
staying at Dropmore tUl Saturday, and L therefore,
thought it worth whUe to return there on Friday from
South Hill for the sake of seeing him and Lord Grenville
together again after a day's tete-a-tete, and for the sake
also of accompanying Pitt the next day as fer as our
roads should be together. I would have taken you in
my way to South Hill on Thursday, or back again on
Friday, but that I learned, upon inquiry, that aU the
cross-roads by Maidenhead and Henley were impassable
at this time of year, and, in fact, I was obliged to go
round by Windsor, not to mention that they proposed
riding with me as far as Windsor on my way to South
Hill, and met me the next day on my return.
Every thing that passed at Dropmore was highly satis
factory, with the exception of one single point of differ
ence in opinion, or rather in statement of opinion, for
what Lord GrenvUle speaks, in that particular, are not his
* Against the 5Ialt Tax Bill, Dec. 1.5th, on the grounds that Government
had not stated sufficient reasons for raising this supply, and for keeping np
such large military establishments.
t Le Comte d'Auvergne, a Captain in the British Navy, succeeded to the
title and estates of the Due de BonlDon, and after the Peace went to Paris,
to prosecute his claims on the property. He was imprisoned in the Temple
for sis days, treated with every indignity by Fouche's police, and sent out of
the country.

1802.] ENGLAND. 159
own sentiments, but those which arc inculcated by
others, I am as confident as I was two months ago,
and Pitt is satisfied of the same thing. The point of
difference is (as you may suppose) the question, upon the
manner of getting rid of which Pitt has no scruples at
all, and Lord Grenville, I hope, none that are insuper
able, though they must be overcome, not by argument,
but by circumstances. The circumstances arising, I have
no fear of any lasting practical difficulty,
I mention this as the only point on which there was
not, substantiaUy, a perfect agreement. On other points
there were naturally shades of difference, both as to the
degree of opinion felt, and as to the liberty of acting up
to the fuU extent of their feelings.
But upon the two most important subjects, most im
portant both in themselves, and from the greater proba
bility of their coming soon into discussion, Malta and
Holland, I think we are on sure and firm ground. Add
to this that he (Pitt) has a separate indignation of his
own about the budget, in which he says Addington has
deceived the House of Commons (and he hopes himself
for otherwise it is a rascaUy deception) to the amount of
about 2,800,000/ a-year, besides misrepresenting him
(Pitt) in the most unfair manner ; and add, too, that
Pitt says he must set the House of Commons right, if Ad
dington himself does not do so ; and you will see that one
has reason to hope that the next session may open not
unfavourably. On Saturday, Pitt and I separated at Cranford Bridge,
he for Long's and I for town ; but he came to town yes
terday, and dined vrith me tete-a-t^te, and I should be
most perfectly satisfied with the result of our own con
versation, if I could have succeeded in persuading him to
decline Addington's pressing invitations to Richmond,
His going there is for appearance very bad; in reality, I
feel pretty well assured, it is of no danger, but I wish he
would not go, Addington has been writing day after
day, entreating to see him. Perhaps he could not well
pass through or near town without complying with his en
treaty ; but I wish he could have been satisfied to do so.

160 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [1802,
The mischief is to be apprehended from the publicity
which they wiU give to this visit, and the use which
they will make of it to persuade people that all is well,
and as usual, between them, Pitt has promised me, in
deed, that he will intimate to Addington his hope and
expectation that his name shall not be so brought for
ward, nor his sentiments of approbation stated so boldly,
as in many former instances ; and that he wiU, in order
more effectually to secure himself against such misrepre
sentations, tell Addington plainly, that we of his friends
who differ from the Government, are completely apprized
of his (Pitt's) real sentiments upon the state of public
affairs, and shaU continue to be so from time to time as
long as we choose to consult him, and as often as he has
any sentiment worth communicating. This, I think, may
serve as a check upon garrulity and falsehood, and may
also lead Addington to reason a Uttle inwardly on possible
future consequences.
But with all this I do not deny, that I had rather he
did not go to Richmond,
I shall try again to-day what I can do to persuade him
rather to wait for Addington's coining to town. I am
going now to caU upon him, and to walk with him to the
Chancellor's, whom he certainly ought to see. He dines
vrith me again to-day, but not alone. To-morrow is the
day that he destines for Addington ; on Wednesday he
returns to Long's, for what time he does not seem to have
determined ; I think he wiU go nowhere else tiU he goes
to Walmer, I shaU not leave town till he is safe out of
reach of it, as it is very important to know his last part
ing impressions.
You shall hear from me again, and shall see me when
I am at liberty.
Mrs. C, is going on well, but slowly.
Ever, &c, (Signed) G, C.

Conduit Street, 4th Jan., 1803.
My dear Lord Malmesbury, — I write merely to teU
you, that when I called in York Place yesterday, I found

1803.] ENGLAND. 161
that Pitt had, upon reflection, given up his intention of
going to Richmond Park to-day, and had written his
excuse, and appointed to see Addington when he comes
to town to-morrow.
To-day we dine together at Nepean's (a weU-disposed
person), which is much better.
I am trying to persuade him to go to the Lev^e to-mor
row, which on all accounts he ought to do, and which if
he does, it will make his subsequent interview in Down
ing Street less observed. One thing per day is enough
for the newspapers to report of him.
Ever, &c. (Signed) G, C,

To these two letters I replied : —
Park Place, Thursday, 6th Jan,, 1803,
My dear CANifraG,— I write a day later than 1 in
tended, but a series of interruptions yesterday morning
made it impossible for me to keep my promise.
Every thing you relate is satisfactory, every thing you
have done excellent : the preventing the visit to Rich
mond Park, the substitution of the Lev^e in its place (if
you carried that point), was an important measure, I
cannot help wishing Pitt did not so much incline to delay
and procrastination, I combatted this disposition in him
as far as I could, and rested my arguments on one side
on the dangerous and unnatural connexions Ministry
in the mean while, in order to strengthen themselves,
might form, to secure (as they might suppose) their dura
tion in Office, and the necessary ill consequences of such
connexions ; and on the other, that Buonaparte would
grow so daring in his insults from being unmolested, or
from a conviction that they must be submitted to, that
the country might be placed in such a predicament, that
his (Pitt's) return to office must also be an immediate re
turn to war, and that this we had over and over again
argued was the worst possible thing that could accom
pany it. The details of what passed in my last conver-
VOL, IV. M

162 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l803.
sation with Pitt wiU keep, but I want to know whether
you and I feel alike on this particular point. Pitt men
tioned to me Addington's misstatement in the budget,
and I am pleased it dwells on his mind : at the same
time, I have little doubt Addington will prevail on him
not to expose his ignorance or deceit in the House of
Commons, since either, if known, must lower him to the
very dust on the floor.
That which gives me the most uneasiness is the Ques
tion. I know to a certainty (you must not ask me my
authority), that it is perpetually dinned into the King's
ears that his late servants are as strongly bent on it as
ever, and that whatever he may hear of their being in
clined to give way on it, is throvni out solely for the pur
pose of inducing him to take them into place again.
This has its effect, and will be found to be the great
stumbling-block in 5ur way when the hour of action
comes on.
I could say a good deal more to you on this subject,
but every thing material for you to know and act upon is
comprised in the few lines I have just written.
I was not weU enough to venture yesterday to Frog-
more, which I much regret, I am not comfortable to
day, though I impute it more to the remedy than the
complaint. Let this be an excuse for the shortness of my letter,
short at least in comparison to the subject to which it
relates. We rejoice in Mrs, Canning's being so weU.
Shall I see you soon, or not 1
Ever, &c. (Signed) Malmesbury.

On the 9 th and 11th I received the foUowing letters
from Canning : — Conduit Street, 8th Jan., 1803.
My dear Lord Malmesbury, — The expectation of your
letter, and the Uttle desire that I felt to undo the satis
faction which I presumed mine had given you, prevented
me from writing again on Wednesday, as I might have

1803.] ENGL.\ND. 163
done, to teU you that my " capital measure " had failed,
and that Pitt did go, not to the Levee, but to Richmond
on that day.
For the Levee he reaUy had no excuse but laziness ;
the other, which is very bad in appearance at least, if
not in reality, he could not help. He had refused tivice,
and had actuaUy appointed an interview in town on
Wednesday ; but the Premier warUy answered, that he
intended to be in town only for the Levee, and should re
turn to Richmond to dinner, and would it not be the
same thing to Pitt to return there with him as to dine
with him in town 1 I do not know what he could have
replied, and so he went, lamented rather than blamed.
But if he staid there all Thursday (as 1 hear) — if, in
stead of taking Richmond in his toay to Long's, he made
that a real substantive visit, I know not what is to be
said for him.
What he has to say for himself I shaU perhaps know
to-day, when he returns to town (ft'om Long's, 1 hope and
beUeve), and dines where I do, at Sir Walter Farquhar's,
If he acted up to his intentions at Richmond (which,
however, knowing him as weU as we do, we are both war
ranted to doubt), his visit may have done good rather
than harm, H not, he has manacled himself with fresh
difficulties for the moment of action, when it comes ; but
I wUl not anticipate evil, and therefore will wait tiU I
have seen him, to write to you more at large.
Did I teU you that he had seen the ChanceUor 1 — not
when he caUed on ^londay, but the Chancellor found him
at home next day. The particulars of their conversation
he of course did not disclose to me ; but to my question,
" Was the result such as necessarily to leave upon the
ChanceUor's mind the impression that, in what I said to
him in November, 1 was not wrong in principle, even if
in degree?" he answered readUy in the affirmative;
which being so, the conference cannot but have been
useful, and must have prepared the ChanceUor to look
forward to the time to come.
He had seen no other minister when he left town on
Wednesday. M 2

164 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l803.
I live in hopes of being able to get to you in the
course of this month. I am most anxious to do so.
Ever, &c. (Signed) G. C.
P.S, Remember me to Lady M. most kindly, I am
sorry I missed Fitzharris, I do not like your account of
yourself. Do you write, and confess the truth, to Far
quhar. Conduit Street, 10th Jan,, 1803,
My dear Lord Malmesbury, — I was unjust to harbour
any suspicions, Pitt did stay but the one day, and then
went on, as he had intended, to Long's, from whence he
came to town to dinner on Saturday ; returned yesterday
to Long's, and from thence is to go this day to Wilder
ness, there to stay the greater part of this week, but to be
in town again this day se'nnight, in order to go to St.
James's on the following day.
This will atone for the Levee ; and I am particularly
glad that he has determined upon it, as your friend at the
Horse Guards'*'" has, I understand, expressed himself parti
cularly anxious that he should do so. He had determined
upon it before he knew of this circumstance.
His visit of Wednesday turned out a tHe-aAHe ; and,
if I may trust implicitly to his own report, he made the
best use of it, by stating his general sentiments and in
tentions in a manner that could not be mistaken. This
is well ; my principal fear now is, that they will endea
vour to conform their conduct, or rather their language
and the appearance of their conduct, to his ideas (mean
ing nothing less, in fact, than to act up to them in any
degree), just enough to prevent his feeling it absolutely
necessary to declare publicly what he has declared pri
vately, till it is too late, and till all that would remain for
him to do would be to blame instead of retrieving. I
trust, however, that he is sufficiently on his guard not to
allow himself to be so deceived.
He has seen no other person of the whole set since his
* The Duke of York.

1803.] ENGLAND. 165
arrival except the person whom I mentioned to you in my
last letter.
I must not omit to tell you that nothing passed on
Wednesday that had the slightest reference to any notion
of an offer — not a hint. This is all that I have to say to
you ; and this can do no harm, even if the same curiosity
should be on the watch that broke my seal on Saturday.
I will endeavour to trace this roguery ; at present it is
quite unaccountable to me.
Ever, &c. (Signed) G, C.

To these two letters I replied as follows : —
Park Place, Thursday, 13th Jan., 1803.
My dear Canning, — Your letter of the 10th was in
all senses acceptable ; but I really cannot understand, if
Pitt said to Addington all he professes to have said, how
it is possible Addington should not immediately pro
pose to make way for Pitt. The not doing it appears
to me, not only a breach of promise (strongly implied at
least), but denotes such a degree of vanity and presump
tion as is rare to meet with. I do not apprehend Pitt
wiU be the dupe of anything Addington has said or may
do. He (Pitt) has expressed himself too clearly to us,
and has experienced too often the mockery of vigour and
energy in Addington for this to happen ; but / do fear
that the waiting for events and circumstances is waiting
till the river runs by.
Farquhar writes me a satisfactory account, &c.
The breaking of the seal on your last letter but one is,
I much fear, the effect of a very knavish curiosity, and it
does not surprise me.
BeUeve me, &c. (Signed) Malmesbury.

Canning's reply to this letter was : —
Conduit Street, Friday, 14th Jan., 1803,
My dear Lord Malmesbury, — You have hit upon the
true causes of Addington's impudent silence — a degree

166 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l803,
of vanity and presumption almost incredible, aided, how
ever, by a sneaking hope that whatever Pitt may feel, or
say to him, he will find himself too much fettered by
difficulties (of his, Pitt's, own creating) to declare against
him in Parliament.
If in this hope Addington does not ultimately find
himself mistaken, not only you and I have been wrong
fully deceived (that is a small mischief), but the country
is irretrievably undone, Spero meliora.
One circumstance in the review of the state of things,
since we first began to communicate upon the.se subjects,
is truly provoking. It is this, that I have now reason
to be persuaded, from many things which reach me through
a channel of the correctness of which I cannot doubt, that
if the measure had been taken as originally proposed, had
not Mulgrave's headlong zeal hurried him to a disclosure
of it to Pitt, it would at the time have completely suc
ceeded ; now measures ten limes as strong have less
chance of success. But Buonaparte will help us. The
difficulty, however, is as you say, to take the stream at
its flood. If we wait too long, Buonaparte, like most too
powerful allies, will have overwhelmed us, instead of car
rying us on just as far as we want to go,
Malta and HoUand !'''" These are the two points in
esse and in posse, upon which the stand must (and I think
will) be made. Honduras is something,
I have not heard, nor expected to hear, from Pitt since
he left town. He returns and dines with me on Monday.
I wish you were with your family party in town, if being
so, you would have been well enough to meet him.
Ever, &c. (Signed) G. C,

On Monday, January 24, Canning came to Park Place,
and remained one day ; he said, that what had passed at
Dropmore (he went there on leaving me on the 29th
December) amounted to nothing ; that Pitt had staid
* The evacuation of Malta by the British, and the occupation of Holland
by French troops.

1803.] ENGLAND. 167
there three days, one of them tete-£l-tete with Lord Gren
ville. That Canning had seen both of them since ; that
they were perfectly satisfied with each other ; mutually
agreed that there was but a shade of difference in their
politics, but far from having come to a fixed system or
plan for acting : it should seem that it had not been
talked of, and that both purposely avoided it, " This is a
bad sign," said Canning, I observed, it looked as if Lord
GrenviUe meant to make a separate cause of it, " bande
apart," and followed the ideas of his brother. Lord
Buckingham. Canning did not assent to this, and I
thought seemed rather too apologetical and candid about
Lord Grenville ; and, as this is stepping out of his natural
way, it a little struck me. Talking of affairs in general.
Canning said they were going on worse and worse, and
would involve us all in destruction ; he is piqued that
the business moves so slowly, and makes no allowance for
hitches. I left Park Place on Monday, the 7th of February,
and came to Spring Gardens, A few days after Canning
caUed on me. He said that, in the visit he made to
Lord GrenvUle, at Dropmore, on leaving me, nothing
very material had passed. Lord Grenville said fitt had
not spoken decidedly to him, though cordially, and with
the strongest expressions of friendship. That he and his
friends, therefore, would have it to determine whether, as
long as Pitt held thus back, they should keep aloof and
abstain from attendance in Parliament, for the purpose of
opposing, or attend and oppose ; that the first would, per
haps, all things considered, be the most advisable, although
the other mode was much more conformable to their feel
ings ; Canning was for remaining quiet, so he said, Tom
Grenville seemed inclined to be, but not so Wyndham,
Lawrence, and the sectators of Burke, Pitt, while in
town, had been rather reserved, and he had not heard
from him since he had left it, from which Canning in
ferred, that he was going on, as he termed, " wrong," and
this had induced him to write him a letter, which he
gave me to read ; too long — eight pages ; not sufficiently
guarded, and, although perhaps strictly true and right,

168 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l803,
fortiter in re, but not suaviter in modo ; too admonitory,
and too fault-finding for even Pitt's very good humoured
mind to bear. I observed to Canning, that it appeared
too free; but I found him fond of his performance, and
disappointed by Pitt's silence. And it evidently was
written in the tone it was from his being vexed at Pitt's
not having conformed in any degree to what he wished
him to do, or explained to him what he meant to do.
Canning imputed Pitt's hanging back to listening to
Ryder, Long, Steele, and Lord Camden, all of whom he
supposed (I cannot tell why) to be adverse to Pitt's
coming into Office. " All his old friends are Adding
ton's," said he, " but G, Rose, and Rose is very sanguine,"
He attributed still more to Pitt's being disappointed at
not being more called for by the public voice in the
House of Commons, and possibly felt that he himself had
a little deceived Pitt by stating, so very peremptorily,
that this would happen.
After having heard him quite out, I said, he seemed to
me to be over despondent. That, after all, the present
inaction of Pitt was precisely what Pitt himself had told
us all along to be his plan, which he distinctly repeated
to me at Park Place on the 29th December ; that the
term he allotted himself for inactivity was not yet quite
elapsed, and that, till then, it was prejudging the case,
" Yes," said Canning, " but Pitt argues as much on the
wisdom and propriety of inaction now as he did before
Christmas, and reasons as if it were as right it should
continue now as six weeks ago," To this I observed, that
the moment he (Pitt) came to town, it must cease, what
ever might be his expectation or intention : supposing he
attended Parliament, he would be forced to speak, and
the first sentence he uttered on his legs would inevitably
produce all the effects we looked for, or at least / looked
for, since it would either embroil him with Addington,
and turn him out hostilely by an avowed and unqualified
disapprobation of the measures of his Government, or dis
place him amicably, if he did it in a qualified degree and
protecting tone, and as a principal speaking to a locum
tenens. ¦ That, in either case. Fox would attack Pitt, and

1803.] ENGLAND. 169
Fox would do more for us in a single debate than we could
in twenty conversations with Pitt. That, therefore, all
we waited for was, that Pitt should leave Walmer, (where,
by the bye, he is detained by the gout, or rather by a
bilious attack,) and it was not very material to me
whether now or a fortnight hence ; that once in London
circumstances would do the rest, and that I was sure
pressing and besetting Pitt was defeating our own ends.
That I deprecated myself all partial and huzzar-like
opposition ; it could only do harm ; it would palsy those
who committed themselves by it; prevent them from
acting afterwards with Pitt ; and, as their number was
smaU and violence great, it would strengthen Addington
and weaken Pitt, inasmuch as it would come from his
former colleagues in Office, and those who profess publicly
to wish to see him in office again ; that, besides, it would
injure the general principle of Government, and, at this
moment more than ever, this should be most cautiously
avoided. Canning acquiesced, or seemed to acquiesce, in all this ;
said he would try to keep the Grenvilles to their in
tended neutral plan, and, after all, he believed the best
way would be for Pitt to come in quite alone, and leave
the rest to time and chance.
He had, indeed, written these very words in his lettei*
to Pitt, but they were wound up with so much impa
tience, that it did not look like the sincere declaration
it was. On the 12th I saw Canning, He had then no
answer from Pitt, and this unhinged and mortified him.
Canning has been forced, like a thriving plant in a well
managed hot-house ; he has prospered too luxuriantly —
has felt no check or frost. Too early in life, he has had
many, and too easy, advantages. This, added to very
acute parts, makes him impatient of controul. Astonished
to find obstacles and difficulties in his way; angry with
those who conceive less quickly and eagerly than himself,
or who will not keep pace with him in his rapid plans and
views ; and indulging an innate principle of vanity, he
underrates others, and appears arrogant and contemp
tuous, although really not so. This checks the right and

170 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l803.
gradual growth of his abilities ; lessens their effects, and
vitiates the very many excellent, honourable, and amiable
qualities he possesses. The world, who judge him from
this, judge him harshly and unfairly ; his success accounts
for his manners. Rapid prosperity never creates popularity,
and it requires a most careful and concUiating conduct to
make the two compatible.
On Tuesday, the 1 5th instant, I dined with Canning ;
he had just got a very short letter from Pitt — short and
unpromising. He (Pitt) said in it, that he saw no rea
son for altering his conduct, or any motive for hastening
to town, where, however, he means to be soon : it looked
as if Pitt had made a dry answer, and was not pleased
with Canning's letter. Lord Titchfield and Mrs. Canning
being at dinner, nothing more passed.
On Friday morning, 18th February, Canning was with
me twice, — at half-past one, when we were interrupted
by the Duke of York, and again after the Duke had left
me : he said Pitt was not coming ; that every thing was
marred ; that Pitt had lost himself, and was losing him
self more and more by his present conduct : he could not
account for it. I told him what passed between me and
the Duke of York, who came to hear what had passed
respecting Pitt since I last wrote to him, of which I gave
His Royal Highness a concise account. The Duke was
either less eager, or less sanguine, than at that time. He
talked with less disapprobation of the present Ministers ;
said we might vivoter vrith them, and that, if they had
a head and energy, the different members of it were
strong enough for all good purposes ; praised Lord
Pelham very much for the way in which he managed his
department, and particulary in Despard's business ; it
was done well ; great firmness and great judgment.
Lord Chatham, he said, did also weU ; Lord Hobart
not so. He wished Pitt would head them. Pitt alone.
He dreaded the GrenviUes, and it was very evident from
his language, that the King was disinclined to admit them
again to Office. He hoped any violent measures to pro
duce a change of administration would be avoided ; it
would vex and worry his Majesty. That he still thought

1803,] ENGLAND. 171
the best and only way was the same he had mentioned
in October, viz., that some common friend of Pitt's and
Addington's, either in or out of Office, should mediate
between them, Pitt could not, however well inclined,
act for himself, and Addington woiUd not, Addington's
vanity predominates over every other consideration. He
had rather faU by a majority against him in the House,
than give way to persuasion. He considered himself now
as having taken Office to save the Crown and the country,
and that it became him not to resign, or be negotiated
out of his place, but turned out by the public voice.
How different this from when he affected to say, he was
only " locum tenens" for Pitt! "but so it is," said the
Duke, " and this makes any attempt, save that I propose,
ineffectual, H the ChanceUor, or Ryder, or Steele, or
Charles Long, would state the matter distinctly and fairly
to him, he then might be, perhaps, prevailed on to go to
the King, and lay before him the acquisition his Govern
ment would derive from the abiUties of Pitt," and he (the
Duke) was satisfied that the business thus brought before
His ]\Iajesty would not only take the turn we all so much
desired, but also be very agreeable to the King, This
gave me an opportunity of telling the Duke what Pitt
had said respecting his attachment to the King,
The Duke of York spoke with some soreness of what
was going to be done for the Prince ; "" said it was a
measure that would not attach the Prince to Government,
and was evidently a forced, not a gratuitous, act of theirs ;
that it must lead to unpleasant questions and discussions
in ParUament.
The Duke ended a two hours' visit by repeating his
instances, that he never might be mentioned in this busi
ness ; that he always spoke to me as his private and
confidential friend, and requested me to keep him regu
larly informed of every thing that passed.
He said he beUeved Dundas and Pitt were in regular
* On the 16th February, the King sent a message to Parliament recom
mending to their consideration the present situation of the Prince of Wales,
60,000 a year was added to his income imtil July 1806, when his debts (it
was supposed) would be liquidated.

172 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE, [l803.
correspondence, but whether it was one of quite private
intimacy, or on pubUc concerns, he could not pretend to
say. That the GrenvUles were the great impediment,
and the Catholic question the great weapon employed by
those who wish to keep up the King's adverse feeUngs to
wards Pitt.
Canning agreed, that it would be good for some one to
speak to Addington ; but who was to be found 1 Steele,
the worst man possible. He again reverted to the un
fortunate circumstance of Pitt's holding back ; said J.
VUUers had been with him at Walmer for two or three
days, on his return from abroad, and was just come
up ; that it appeared as if Pitt had spoken very openly
to him (J. VUUers), and the inference to be drawn was,
that every thing was to remain just as it was when he
left Bath.
I see less evU in aU this than Canning ; he is hurt at
being thwarted ; Pitt may have good reasons for what he
does. I remonstrated with Canning ; preached patience,
and that, instead of repining at what we could not alter,
try to pursue, with perseverance and temper, the plan
we had begun ; that, I freely confessed, if the country
was weU governed, I did not much care whether Pitt
governed it, or any one else ; but, at the same time,
as I was convinced nx) one could govern it so well as he,
I would use every means in my power to persuade him to
resume the conduct of it.
On Saturday, the 19th, Canning went back to Wel-
beck. On Tuesday, the 22nd of February, I received the fol
lowing letter from Pitt : — Walmer Castle, 21st Feb,, 1803,
]\Iy dear Lord, — I was on every account very sorry to
lose the party you were so good as to propose to me, but
it was doubly out of my power, as your letter found me
stUl here, and I had also an invitation from the Speaker
for the same day, which, if I had been in town, parlia
mentary etiquette would not have aUowed me to decline.
After braving the east wind for some weeks, i am now

1803.] ENGLAND. 173
repaid for my perseverance by the most delightful spring
weather, which I think, unless necessity calls mo to town,
1 shall be tempted to enjoy for some time longer. There
seems to be nothing passing in the political world that
can be viewed without increased regret and uneasiness."
Believe me, &c. (Signed) W. Pitt,

I wrote the following answer : —
Spring Gardens, 23rd Feb,, 1803.
My dear Sir, — However anxious many of your friends
may be for your return, yet, if you are enjoying yourself
in the country, and still think that your presence here is
not called for, or as yet necessary, I, from the entire con
viction I am under that you know better than any of us
what is best to be done, and when it is best to do it,
have no other reason to lament your intention to remain
at Walmer for some time longer, except that it deprives
me of the pleasure of seeing you so soon as I had hoped
for, /do partake very strongly of the "regret and uneasiness"
you express of what is passing in the poUtical world ; but
these feeUngs would be increased if I did not entertain a
hope that strong and spirited measures were in contem
plation, and from the fuU conviction if they are deter
mined on, and carried into effect, we shaU greatly add to

* The restless ambition and arrogant tone of the First Consul on one
hand, and the want of firmness and frankness in the British cabinet on the
other, caused mutual distrust and constant recriminations between the two
Governments. Buonaparte had annexed Panna and Piedmont to France,
invaded Switzerland, and quartered his troops in Holland. He insolently
demanded the expulsion of the Bourbons, and the prosecution of the Eng
lish Press that was hfistile to him. Repeated injuries were inflicted on
British personal property, for which no redress could be obtained. The
English Government remonstrated on the invasion of Switzerland, and at
the same time, October 17th, 1802, sent orders to delay the restitution of
the French and Dutch colonies. Their interference in Sivitzerland being of
no avail, they countermanded these orders, November 15th. They delayed
the evacuatiou of Malta rather on the grounds of pohcy than good faitli.
Great military establishments were kept up in both countries, and war daily
seemed imminent.

174 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE, [l803.
our consequence and security ; since from all I hear, and
from the little I have the opportunity to observe, Buona
parte presumes only in proportion as we yield, and that
when we think it expedient to rise to our proper tone, he
wUl sink to that which becomes him.
In the account I sent you of Holland, I should correct
what I said about the attention of the Dutch at this mo
ment to restore and increase their navy. It is not so :
their fleet is left as it was at the Peace : no new ships
building, or old ones fitting out ; and the only exertions
going on in this branch are enlarging their docks at Hel-
voet, and cleaning out the mouths of the Maese.
I much fear from Woronzow's manner, and I have seen
him often, that aU is not right at Petersburgh. France,
I suspect, is tempting both Russia and Austria with plans
of partition on Turkey, to which both listen, and of
which one at least must necessarily be the dupe.
I am, &c. (Signed) Malmesbury.

I heard from G. Rose, who is with Pitt at Walmer, that
he is well, sleeps sound, and eats heartily, and intends
going to Bath in the spring ; but not a word of attendance
in Parliament, or of coming to London.
From this date (23rd Feb., 1803) tiU towards the end
of March, Pitt remained at Walmer Castle, where he had
a slight return of his gout and bilious complaint. He
saw only a few friends, and abstained even with these
from talking on public subjects, further than as topics of
general conversation, and carefully avoided any expression
which could indicate his views and intentions respecting
a return to office.
Canning informed of this (for he did not go to
Walmer), was vexed and hurt ; sometimes thinking it
best to leave Pitt to himself, and then, from impatient
zeal, writing to him strong and pressing letters. To
these he was some time without any reply, and then a
very short one ; but on the 28th February he received

1803.] ENGLAND. 175
a letter from Pitt, to acknowledge one in which he sent
him the Moniteur of 23rd February, containing Buona
parte's strange address to the Legislative Body* on the
22nd, Pitt said — The translation spoke tolerably plain
English, but the original still plainer French, the result
of which must soon be known, that he had a clear and
distinct individual opinion as to the line of conduct
which it became us to pursue ; yet that he had reasons,
which he could not disclose, which prevented him at the
present from entering into explanations, and which deter
mined him to remain on at Walmer,
Rose, about the same time, said Pitt " will remain
where he is," but that his opinions of the measures now
pursued by Government, and of the Ministers themselves,
were exactly such as his best friends could wish him to
entertain. Canning wrote to Pitt on the 9th March, and offered
to come to Walmer if Pitt was {"now") at liberty to
enter into an explanation of the secret he withheld from
him in his last letter. This being done, before it was
communicated to me / said nothing about it, but looked
upon it as a useless and inconsiderate step. I was not
wrong ; for, on the 11th Canning got a short answer, teU-
ing him frankly not to come to Walmer, as Pitt could not
explain to him the reason of his silence. Still Canning
persevered ; and in his reply, on hearing rumours that
Pitt was about to attend Parliament, entered into a long
detail of reasons to dissuade him from coming up and
taking any share in the present discussions relative to
France, On the 13th March, Ryder and Lord Camden went to

* The following are extracts from this tumid manifesto : —
" En Angleterre deux partis se disputent le pouvoir. L'un a oonclu la
paix et parait decide a la maintenir, I'autre a jur6 a la France une haine
implacable," &c.
" Tant que durera cette lutte des partis, il est des mesures que la pru
dence commando au Gouvernement de la R^publique. Cinq cent mille
hommes doivent etre et seront prets," &c.
" Le Gouvernement le dit avec un juste orgueil — Seule I'Angleterre ne
sauroit aujourd'hui lutter centre la France," &c.
The address concludes with the expression of a wish for the continuance
of peace.

176 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [1803.
Walmer, where Rose and Lord Carrington had been be^
fore ; but these appeared to be like their former visits,
simply of private regard, and, from all I could learn, no
thing at all material passed.
It was evident that at this moment Pitt was medi
tating some plan, either entirely his own, or in concert
with persons not his usual confidants, in which he
wished not to commit or implicate prematurely that de
scription of friends whom he considered as the more im
mediate followers of his political fortune ; but still this
almost self-evident conjecture did not satisfy the eager
part of them. They considered it as an unfair mystery,
which must be cleared up ; and Canning, on the 14th,
wrote with a view to this to Pitt, to say, that he knew
. from certain authority that Addington asserted positively
that he kept Pitt regularly informed of aU which was
passing and had passed from the beginning, and had even
produced a letter from Pitt to prove his full assent and
approbation of it. This provoked Pitt, and drew from
him the following answer : —
" I am the more surprised at what you say, since I
have not, during these last few months, received any
letter from Addington, neither has he communicated any
thing to me respecting Malta, or any other depending
measure ; neither have I on my part communicated, di
rectly or indirectly, to him my political opinion on any
public subject whatever during that period, I have,
indeed, been in correspondence with Steele, but it was on
finance, and what I said was not of a nature for Adding
ton to boast of having received."
About the middle of March, Lord MelviUe arrived- in
London from Scotland, He saw Ministers, and Addington
in particular, frequently. He went to Walmer on Thurs
day, March 19 th, stayed that night at Commissioner
Hope's, at Rochester, and from this moment the mystery,
as it was called, began to develope itself
To give as impartial a statement as I can, and leave to
the judgment to act for itself, I shall state what I heard of
this transaction in the way each party told it ; that in
which Pitt desired should be reported to me, and that

1803.] ENGL.\ND. 177
in which a Member of the Cabinet, who heard it from
Addington himself, related it, *
I shall begin by Pitt's. Lord Melville came, charged
with a proposal from Addington for Pitt to resume Office,
Pitt and Addington to be the two Secretaries of State,
Pitt to have the nomination to one Cabinet, and one
Privy Councillor's office. An indifferent person to be
First Lord of the Treasury, (it is thought Addington had
Lord Chatham in view for this, and had fixed particularly
on him to embarrass Pitt), Lord Melville himself (pro
bably) First Lord of the Admiralty.
Pitt rejected this proposal the moment it was made
him ; said, so far from ever listening to any plan in which
the person who was to be the real and effective first
Minister was to be disguised or concealed, he thought it
indispensable that it should at all times, and in every
Administration, be evident and manifest who this person
was ; and that he never would take a part in any ar
rangement where this did not clearly appear. That this
alone would have induced him to set aside the proposal
he heard, but that it was inadmissible in every part, and
not worth discussion ; and this Pitt said so decidedly and
peremptorily, that Lord MelvUle did not think proper to
urge or contest the point strongly, and although he stay
ed several days at Walmer, he did not return to the
charge. He went back to London on the 25th March,
but Long remained on at Walmer, and received letters
from Addington to make fresh proposals to Pitt ; the
most material one was, that Pitt should take his former
situation, and bring in more of his friends. Pitt gave no
positive answer whatever.
On the 29th, Lord Grenville went there, but nothing
(this Lord Grenville himself afterwards affirmed) passed
between him and Pitt on Ministerial changes, only general
conversation on political questions and public measures,
in all of which they perfectly concurred. Pitt observed
the same silence towards Lord Grenville on this point as
towards his other friends, though Lord Grenville on his
* Pelham,
VOL, IV. N

178 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [1803.
side made a sort of parade of his visit to Walmer, by
leaving London very conspicuously at four in the after
noon of the 29th, Parliament adjourned for a fortnight
on 31st March,
On 5th April, Long went again to Walmer, again re
sumed the subject, and carried an urgent request from
Mr. Addington, for an interview with Pitt, and signified
that he had reconsidered what had passed, and had now
proposals to make on a still wider basis than those com
municated to him, either through Lord Melville or Long.
Pitt in reply, declared his fixed intention of not listen
ing to any proposals which were not made by " the King's
authority," and with His Majesty's previous knowledge ;
but said, if Addington, after hearing this declaration, still
wished to see him, he certainly could not refuse to meet
him at Bromley, (Long's house,) on the 9th or 10th of
April, Addington considered this as an appointment, and
met Pitt there on the 10th April,
Pitt began by premising what he had before intimated,
that he could consider no proposal as regular or official,
none that could lead to authenticated report, unless com
ing from the King ; that when this was ascertained, he
then should be ready, with all proper duty and deference,
to obey His Majesty's commands ; that till then, though
he could not impose silence on Addington, or refuse to
hear him as an old and intimate friend, yet he would ab
stain from entering into any details of arrangement, either
of persons or measures, which at any after time were to
be treated as conditions or stipulations for the formation
of a Ministry ; and that if, in the course of their conver
sation, anything tending to this should escape him, it
should be considered merely as common conversation, ne
cessarily arising out of the subject itself, and by no means
set down as assent or dissent, or as opinions given or re
ceived on a possible ministerial arrangement, on the
nature of which arrangement, he (Pitt) must be fuUy ac
quainted with His Majesty's pleasure before he could say
a word, or pronounce a name which should be considered
as binding.
Addington apparently acquiesced in this mode of pro-

1803.] ENGLAND. 179
ceeding ; but during • the two days he passed at Bromley,
tried every means in his power to induce Pitt to deviate
from it, to commit his opinions, and compromise his
friends. He himself courted details of every sort, named
persons fit to be put in Office or to leave Office, and dis
posed of places, &c., without reserve. To all which Pitt
listened as he had promised, but never concurred in them,
but under the special reserve before stipulated, that it
should be aU put down to the score of common table-talk
between two intimate acquaintance. Addington seemed
so much to approve what Pitt said, and to coincide so
nearly with his ideas, that Pitt declared, i/the King should
signify his wishes to be similar to those Mr. Addington
appeared to entertain, he (Pitt) would lose no time in
carrying into effect what he had suggested, and employ
his best endeavours to form such an Administration as he
should think would be the best calculated for carrying on
the affairs of the country at this anxious moment ; and
that he should comprize in it every description of persons,
without insisting on any one, or proscribing any one, sub
mitting the whole to the King's comment and objections,
to which he, as in duty, and in grateful affection bound,
should defer, as far as the so doing did not in his mind
completely defeat and destroy the whole of his services
to His Majesty and to the country.
Addington appeared alarmed at the broad ground on
which Pitt declared his intention to act, and with a good
deal of anxiety and apprehension expressed a hope he
would not insist on restoring Lord Grenville, and Lord
Spencer, and Wyndham, to Office. Pitt said he must on
this, as on every other specific point to be complied with
or rejected, avoid in the present stage of the transaction,
a positive answer ; but that he did not scruple to say,
that the abilities of the persons Addington wished to
exclude would always appear to him infinitely necessary,
and even indispensable, in the formation of a strong and
efficient Government. He at the same time assured Ad
dington, he did not know their sentiments, or what would
be their conduct, neither did they know his intentions,
or what he had in contemplation ; since, during these
N 2

180 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [1803.
last two months, he had most carefuUy, and on purpose,
avoided communicating with any of them on the subjects
of this nature. (This explains his silence towards Can
ning.) Addington repeated his hope, that a Ministry
might be formed without the Grenvilles, at least in the
first instance, and returned on Tuesday, the 12th April,
to London, from Bromley, apparently satisfied with what
had passed ; and observed, on leaving Long's, that the
only delay which could take place before Pitt heard from
him again, would be a short one, that would arise from
a natural vrish he had before he went further in the
business to speak to some of his friends. Pitt and Long
were both convinced that the whole was settled, and ex
pected to hear from Addington to this effect.
On the 14th April, Pitt received by a messenger at
Bromley, a letter, dated the evening of the 13th, to this
effect : That he (Addington) on his return to Downing
Street, had thought it expedient to assemble his col
leagues, and communicate to them the substance of the
proposal made by Pitt, and that His Majesty's confi
dential servants had all expressed the greatest satisfac
tion at the idea of an accession of his transcendant
abilities to their councils, and a readiness to promote so
desirable an end, by an arrangement which could be
made. But when they were given to understand that
it was to be coupled with a condition, sine qua non, to
restore to a place in their councils all those persons whose
opinions they considered to be hostile to the interests and
peace of their country, they could not advise the laying
this proposal thus accompanied before His Majesty, This,
Addington said, was their unanimous opinion, which he
lost no time in communicating, according to the as
surances he had made on leaving Bromley,
To this Pitt immediately returned the following an
swer : —
" I have received your letter of the 13th, It requires
nothing more than a simple acknowledgment,"
On reflecting, however, that if the business was to

1803,] ENGLAND. 181
break off here, and this letter of Addington's, which was
both in its form, and in fact, a Minute of Cabinet, be the
only voucher to produce, that the whole would be liable
to misrepresentation and misconception, he, on Friday
morning the 15th, sent a letter to Addington in sub
stance as follows : —
" On the receipt of your letter of Wednesday, April 13,
yesterday, it appeared to me to require no other answer
than a simple acknowledgment ; but, on reflecting on its
contents, I feel it is become necessary for me to explain
some very material points on which you appear to have
mistaken my meaning, and received an impression dif
ferent from that I wished to give. It is to correct this
impression, and not on any grounds for renewing dis
cussions which I consider as terminated, that I am now
induced to answer it more fully.
"It should appear from what you have written that you
looked upon yourself as authorized, in consequence of
what passed between us, to lay before your colleagues a
regular and formal proposal, as coming from me, to re
turn to Office under certain conditions, and an intention
on my part of drawing up a detailed and specific plan for
forming an Administration : no such authority was given,
nor intended to be given you by me.
" The subject originally began by your having intimated
to me a wish that I should resume the post 1 before held
in His Majesty's Councils (I could not become a member
of them in any other), and that the critical situation of
the country required a most strong and most efficient
Administration. " To this I replied, that if called upon by His Majesty,
and in that case only, I was ready to resume the office I
had held, and to submit to His Majesty for his considera
tion the outline of such an Administration as should
appear to me best suited for carrying on His Majesty's
Government, I distinctly said, that till I was made
acquainted with the King's pleasure I could say nothing
binding, nothing officially communicable ; this I repeated,
and that what I might say to you was as from friend to
friend. But that when I knew His Majesty's pleasure, I

182 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l803.
would then exert my whole mind on the subject ; and in
laying the names of such persons as I conceived the best
and most equal to discharge the duties of an efficient
Government at this arduous moment, I certainly added,
that in selecting these, I should not confine myself to any
one description of persons ; that my choice would not be
regulated by those who were now in Office with you, or
who had been formerly in Office with me ; that I should
neither stipulate for nor proscribe any one, nor act upon
any other motive or principle than the general one that I
had just mentioned ; that the determination and conclusion
on this arrangement would be matter for His Majesty's
comment and decision, liable to His Majesty's objections
and animadversions ; and that from every sense of duty,
gratitude, and right feeling, I should pay to these the
most respectful deference, and be disposed to acquiesce in
them entirely, reserving only to myself the right of
humbly decUning a return to Office, if His Majesty should
think it in his wisdom right to insist on such exclusions
or such alterations as should appear to my conviction to
be vital and destructive, and to render my services useless
both to His Majesty and to the public.
" That with respect to those who had left Office with me,
and some of whom I did not hesitate to say I looked upon
as being essentially necessary to complete a strong and
efficient Government, 1 distinctly said I had not uttered
a single word to them on the subject : they did not know
what 1 had in contemplation, neither did I know what
were their wishes, or would be their conduct. That I
had not sounded them, nor would not, until I was ac
quainted with the King's pleasure, I should act contrary
to the principles of duty and respect I have invariably
professed for His Majesty were I to take a step of this
nature till this was clearly and precisely ascertained.
My motive for writing this is, therefore, I repeat, not to
provoke the renewal of a discussion which I consider as
finally and decisively closed, but in order to have an
exact record of what has passed ; and if at any future
period this transaction should ever get before the public
incorrectly, or be misrepresented, that there should exist

1803,] ENGLAND. 183
an authentic document which could leave no doubt of the
truth," Addington's and his friends' account of this trans
action up to the 1 5th is this : — -
That Pitt, as long back as January, when at Richmond
Park, intimated not only a readiness, but a disposition to
return to Office, That Addington, most desirous of en
couraging what he looked upon as so desirable an acqui
sition to his Ministry, had endeavoured to promote it
then, and smooth the way to it since, and that it was in
consequence of knowing them to be Pitt's sentiments that
Lord Melville, on his coming from Scotland, had under
taken to enter into a conversation with him on the sub
ject. That Addington entertained an opinion Pitt wanted
only to bring Ryder as Treasurer of the Navy, and Long
into the Treasury with him ; therefore he confined his
offer to this, Pitt himself to be Secretary of State for
the Home Department ; Lord Melville at the head of the
Admiralty, This Pitt rejected ; but that, on Lord Mel-
vUle's return. Long went to Walmer, charged with a more
extensive plan, in which Pitt was to resume his former
post, and more of his friends brought both into the
Cabinet and Office, To this Pitt listened with so much
attention, that Long felt himself authorized to give it as
his opinion to Addington, that Pitt would ultimately
accede to it with a few modifications ; " and," says
Addington, "he would, if Lord Grenville had not gone
to Walmer on the 31st of March, and influenced his con
duct, and persuaded him to alter his plan," That it was
with a view to counteract this, and in hopes that Pitt
would on seeing him return to his first opinion, that he
had proposed, through Long, an interview with Pitt, and
in that interview he had offered to go stiU farther, and
expressed a readiness to go into nearly a total change.
That he had entered with Pitt into the most minute de
tails, both with regard to the characters of persons, and
the disposal of offices. That Pitt heard and partook of
these details, but opinionatively insisted on the proposal
originating directly from the King ; and that Lords Gren-

184 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l803.
ville and Spencer, and Wyndham, by name, should be
restored to their former situations.* That to this, he
should have perhaps subscribed, but that he deemed it
previously right and proper to submit the attempting a
measure which so deeply involved the interests of the
country to his colleagues ; and that they, though unani
mous in their wishes to acquire the accession of Pftt's
abilities amongst them, were as unanimous in their opi
nion, that, with the conditions he annexed to it, it was
not such a measure as they could advise to lay before the
King. That this determination of the Cabinet he lost
no time in communicating to Pitt, who replied to it at
once by a dry letter of a single line.
This letter was afterwards followed by a longer one,
in which Pitt recapitulates the substance of what had
passed at Bromley, but which not being considered by
Addington as correct, Addington wrote an answer. Pitt
in reply (or verbally, I am not sure which) desired
Addington to lay the whole transaction, with the cor
respondence belonging to it, before the King, intimating
that if he did not, he should, in justice to himself, be
obliged to do it,
Addington undertook it, but added, that if Pitt had any
other channel, he would do weU to make use of it also.

Such are the two statements communicated to me ; I
have endeavoured to give them as I heard them. It is
impossible but that in both of them there should be a
partial bearing.
One great point on which they differ is, from which of
the two, Pitt or Addington, the overture first originated.
Each attributes it to the other.
Another is, that Addington asserts that Pitt went into
a detail of men and disposal of Offices officially ; Pitt says
the contrary,
A third is, that by inference, Addington accuses Pitt
* It appears from bolh accounts that Pitt stood fast by Lord Grenville,
as indeed he had always fostered him. In a year after Lord Grenville left
him in the hour of difficulty and danger ! ,

1803,] ENGLAND. 185
of making unseemly conditions with the King, attempting
to force the Cabinet ; Pitt says the direct contrary, and
rests his whole conduct on the most profound respect
towards His Majesty.
It is, perhaps, but reasonable to admit, that there was
some real misconception on the part of Addington ; but it
is impossible not to receive an impression that there was also
a wilful error, and a great appearance of cunning.
As is natural, the friends and followers of each of
them take their different lines ; and each, by defending
their principal, as is usual, exaggerate and go beyond not
only what is the truth, but what is right and useful.
Pitt, the most forgiving and easy-minded of men, enter
tained very little anger against Addington in the first
instance, and none which remained with him, Addington
was, or appeared to be, more affected — complained with a
great semblance of sensibility to his friends, and even
common acquaintance, of his misfortune in having been
forced to differ with Pitt, and how much he was hurt,
lest this should have lessened their long and intimate
friendship. It was not till the 20th of April that Addington men
tioned the transaction at all to the King, He then did
it in a common audience after the Lev^e ; and, to judge
from what his Majesty said to those of- the Cabinet Minis
ters who foUowed Addington into the closet, he told his
story in his own way, as the King expressed resentment
against Pitt, talked of his "putting the Crown in com
mission," and that " he carried his plan of removals so
extremely far and so' high, that it might reach him."
After this audience, Addington answered Pitt's letter of
the 13th instant. Pitt received it at Lord Carrington's,
at Wycombe (I never saw any one to whom Pitt shewed
it) ; but it was a long and laboured attempt to prove Pitt
had misunderstood him, or not explained himself cor
rectly. To this Pitt sent no reply.
His friends— and I confess myself one of the most
eager for it — press him to see the King, or to write to
him, in order that no unfair impression of his behaviour
oi> expressions on this occasion might remain on his

186 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [1803.
mind ; but this he pertinaciously objected to, and con
tented himself with sending the whole correspondence to
the Duke of York (through Colonel Alexander Hope, I
believe), under the idea that his Royal Highness would
communicate it. It is not clear the Duke did communi
cate it to His Majesty ; but it is very clear that if he
did, he was ordered not to notice it, since, on a very
long conversation with him, when he called on me on
the 1st of May, and which passed entirely on this sub
ject, he expressed perfect ignorance of the King's feel
ings — said that, in his own view of the transaction, both
parties were in the wrong, and that it had been so
managed as to put Pitt's return to Office (though more
necessary than ever) at a greater distance than ever.
It was evident he thought Pitt had held too high and
imperious a language.
I, therefore, did every thing in my power to undeceive
him on this point, by not only commenting on the evi
dent facts which appeared in the course of this business
and spoke for themselves, and on Pitt's letter to Adding
ton, but also by repeating to him what Pitt had himself
said to me at Bath on 19th November, 1802, His words
were these :
" You may be sure your feelings are not stronger than
mine on this point, and I not only affirm that if the
event cannot be produced without affecting, in the small
est degree, the King's health, comfort, and tranquillity,
but that if it has not his full and uncompeUed concur
rence, it shall not happen at all. To feel and to say
this is little more than feeling and speaking as a gentle
man, and neither the peculiar voice, nor the solicitations
of my friends, shall ever prevail on me to come into office
against His Majesty's consent, much less to try to force
his consent from him,"
I found, however, the Duke more than commonly
wedded to his first notion, and was sorry to observe that
the persons Pitt had employed to convey the papers to
him, certainly (let them be who they may) had not com
mented on them, or explained them, in a way friendly to
him.

1803.] ENGLAND. 187
At the repeated desire of his friends, Pitt, on the 25th,
again pressed Addington to lay his letter before the King.
Addington did not do it tUl the 27th, at the Queen's
House, and then probably without any remarks, or with
his own notes, as the King said immediately after to
Lord Pelham, " I have now got the written documents,
but / will not read them, or even take any notice of
them." And afterwards (on the 29th), "It is a foolish
business from one end to the other, which was begun ill,
conducted iU, and terminated iU."
Pitt went from Wycombe to Frogmore and Bromley,
and returned by Lord Camden's to Walmer on the 30th
April. This closed the transaction for the present, and as the
Duke of York very properly said, placed Pitt further
from Office than ever, I have little doubt Pitt was per
fectly true and sincere when he professed, that in the
whole of this business he has communicated with no one,
concerted with no one, but has acted solely on his own
judgment and opinion, and this from the most generous
and best of aU principles, from a wish to fetter no one,
commit no one, or engage any one through private friend
ship to act in what he considered as a public concern.
It is, however, but too probable, and too like (not only
Pitt's, but) every human mind, that though he did not
ask advice, or make any confidant, yet, as he avowedly
heard opinions on this very subject from able (though
interested) persons, and such of whose judgment he
thought highly, that this biassed, and perhaps governed
his conduct ; and I have little doubt that Lord Gren
ville's visit at the end of March did produce all the ex
ceptionable part of Pitt's conduct in this negotiation ;
exceptionable inasmuch as it is nearly proved that he had
expressed himself less opiniatively to Long and Lord
Melville, and inasmuch as if he had come into Office on
the terms to which Addington would have willingly
assented, there is not a shadow of doubt, but that in a
very short time he would have assumed the whole power
of the Government, and named to every office in the
Cabinet.

188 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l803.
[The foregoing account of the attempts made by Mr.
Pitt's friends to bring him again into Office, from the
20th of October, 1802, up to this date, 20th April, 1803,
was drawn up and arranged by Lord Malmesbury himself,
in a separate book. What follows is from his private
Diary, and is resumed three months further back.]

Saturday, January 29th, 1803. — Lord Pelham came to
Park Place — remained till the following Monday, His
conversation was, as usual, confidential, and the expres
sion of his political sentiments and opinions precisely
what they were when we last conversed, I did not con
sider it either fair or honourable to conceal from him the
great outlines of what had passed between Pitt and me ;
and, without stating to him any of those particulars which
would, on my part, have been a breach of trust with
respect to Pitt and those in the secret of that transac
tion, I felt it a fuU and complete discharge of what was
due to our intimacy and my regard for him, to say that I
continued to disapprove most of the measures of Govern
ment, and to apprehend severe and fatal consequences
from them ; and that, with these feelings in my mind,
and weU acquainted with Pitt's abilities and character, I
could not but wish to see him in Mr. Addington's place,
and that I had expressed this my wish distinctly to Pitt.
Lord Pelham said he most sincerely wished Pitt was in
that office again, and coincided perfectly with me both in
my wishes and opinions.
We went over together all the foreign concerns, and par
ticularly Russia, and I was sorry to find from what was
passing, that this Court was not, as I had heard from
II. EUiot a few days before, drawing towards us, and con
valescent, as he termed it, but stUl in a close and ap
parent cordial feeling with France. Lord Pelham said
Addington had spoken of Fitzharris with great regard,
and as if he wished to give him Office. I said both
myself and Fitzharris esteemed Mr. Addington as a
respectable individual, who had always been kind and
friendly ; that these feelings of private regard would

1803.] ENGLAND. 189
always remain, but it could not be supposed that they
shoidd direct or regulate our political opinions and con
duct ; that both of us had much rather support than
oppose Government — much rather our minds should be
satisfied with reasons for approving than be compeUed by
irresistible causes to disapprove ; that we reaUy sought
for the best end — never tried by false constructions or
cavU to create the latter, but that facts spoke for them
selves ; it was evident a system of concession and giving
way to France was the prevailing one. This we con
sidered as the worst, the most disgraceful, and most dan
gerous for the country. That as long, therefore, as this
prevaUed, and was acted on, it was out of the question
accepting such a pledge for support, as the taking Office
would be ; and as Fitzharris and myself felt very seriously
]\Ir. Addington's good wiU, he on his side would, 1 was
sure, consider the motives on which we acted to be such
as became us ; and the frank avowal of which ought not
to alter to us his sentiments of personal regard. I
begged, therefore. Lord Pelham, in case Mr. Addington
again mentioned Fitzharris's name coupled with Office, to
teU him fairly what I had just said, and to prevent him
makinsr a useless tender, and to Fitzharris the disasrree-
able necessity of declining an act of intended kindness
coming from a person who had ever treated him kindly.

Friday, Feb. 4. — Lord Pembroke at Park Place. He
had passed three months at Paris ; seen people of all
descriptions ; heard everybody ; and as he is an excel
lent observer and patient Ustener, great faith is due to
his report. He said he could not have beUeved any per
son to be so universaUy disUked as Buonaparte if he had
not had such daUy proofs of it : this, occasioned by his
rapid rise, by his intemperate character, by his tyranny,
and the evident use he makes of his power : that this
hatred, however, leads to nothing ; his power remains the
same, and he is obeyed impUcitly. England is manifestly
the great object of his hatred and jealousy ; and aU his
plans, aU his thoughts, go to attain the means of lower-

190 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [1803.
ing, if not also of subduing it. But although there is a
sufficient degree of national ill-will towards us prevaUing
generaUy, yet so vexed and tormented were the French
by the war, that it must be some much stronger motive
than simply national dislike that can again make them
relish war. This feeling also makes them endure Buona
parte's oppression and arrogance, which, bad as it is, is
more tolerable than the system of terror in Robespierre's
time or the capricious and wanton violence of the Direc
tory. The army in part partake of these feelings ; and
although they might be tempted by the prospect of
plunder, yet the great majority of them would fight with
reluctance. The Generals, too, who were formerly his
companions, are jealous of Buonaparte. He cannot trust
them with a command, and he dares not trust himself
from Paris for any length of time.

Monday, Feb. 7. — Returned to London after an ab
sence of near eight months. On Tuesday, 8th, Lord Pel
ham and Wm. Elliot called but for a moment. WagelP'
dissatisfied personally ; angry with Prince of Orange ;
not right in his poUtics ; condemns our conduct ; we
have lowered and exposed ourselves to the evils we fear
by the very means we take to avoid them. Rumoured
in Holland that Buonaparte intends to annex it to
France ; doubts it, as then the Dutch must be treated as
well as the other annexed countries. Now he can squeeze
and oppress them as he pleases. No spirit or means left
in the country for regeneration. NageU hinted to me he
had heard it was in contemplation to stop the aUowance
we made to the corps and officers who, in 1795, left Hol
land, and were about to form a corps under Prince Frede
rick of Orange in the Pais d'Oldenberg, NageU complains
of being slighted by Lord Hawkesbury ; has not received
the suitable present ; while Schimmelpenninck has got a
most rich box, with the King's portrait. This Schimmel
penninck, he says, may be turned to account ; but that
* Nagell was the Stadtholder's Minister.

1803.] ENGLAND. 191
he is artful and fawning — originally a low attorney — still
a young man.
Wednesday, Feb. 9, — Lord Pelham, — With me in the
morning, and I with him in Stratton Street from eight to
ten in the evening. Much confidential conversation on
Russia. We had proposed to Russia to guarantee Malta,
Russia at first declined — afterwards consented, providing
the Sovereignty of the King of Naples be admitted, and
the Maltese Langue ¦*"" obliged to make their proofs of
birth, and be provided for by France and us, France ac
cedes to this ; but we say Spain has violated the Treaty
of Amiens by taking away from the Knights of Malta
their commanderies, &c,, in Spain, while the arrangement
is pending, and that Spain should restore these, or con
tribute a proportionate share. Russia replies, she has
nothing to do with them, and this should be settled at
Madrid. That, after all, the Emperor of Russia thought Malta
would be better in our hands than any others. This and
other reasons to be found in Lord Whitworth's despatch,
induced the Cabinet to come to a conclusion to send in
structions to Lord Whitworth t to enter into a discussion
with Talleyrand on the subject both of Malta and Alex
andria ; to explain the motives why we still kept them ;
and, in civil and guarded, but clear terms, to state that it
was not from any intention to violate the conditions of
the treaty of Amiens, or from a wish to misconstrue its
meaning, but because the state of France was so very
materially altered, that the motives which made these
retrocessions safe and reasonable were done away, and
that if we still retained them, such retaining was to
be attributed not to any ambitious views of ours, but
simply to what struck us to be those of the First Consul,
These instructions were sent on the 9th. — It was evi
dent Buonaparte was luring both Vienna and Russia
* Langue. — Se prend quelquefois pour Nation, ainsi on dit en parlant
des difi^drentes Nations de I'Ordre de Malte, " La Langue de Provence, La
Langue d'Auvergne," &c., &c. Diet, de I'Acaddmie,
f English Ambassador at Paris,

192 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE, [1803,
with a partition of the Turkish dominions, and that
neither of these were disinclined to listen to him. He
is to have the Morea, Whether in the upshot he vrill
stick by Russia or Austria remains to be seen ; probably
the latter ; and that the distant event, supposing his
power to last, may be France and Austria against Russia
and Prussia ; in other words, the south of Europe against
the north,
Woronzow, he said, in talking to him, professed the
strongest attachment to an English alUance, declaring
himself as friendly to no other ; but added, that the way
in which the Foreign Department here was conducted
spoilt all, and went on precisely as he did with me in
the last spring. He, indeed, told Pelham precisely, and
in nearly the same words, what he told me in the month
of May, 1802, previous to his going to Russia, From
some words Woronzow dropped, it struck Pelham as if he
knew Buonaparte's views on the Morea.
Pelham's general principles and opinions remain in
variably the same ; he seems to have Uttle influence with
his colleagues, or not to consult with them, or be con
sulted by them ; he gave me the famous report of Se-
bastiani* in French, and we commented on it.

Friday, Feb. 11, — Fagel (the Greffier) with me, — He
stated Holland, where he had lately been, to be an al
tered country ; the Hague particularly so ; yet still
much wealth ; the Government in the hands of a trio of
individuals, who are leading members of what they term
a States Government. Spoor and Besier are names un-
* Sebastiani afterwards became distinguished as one of Napoleon's best
diplomatists and generals. At the French Revolution of 1830, he took a
leading part in placing Louis Phillipe on the throne. He was sent by him
as Ambassador to London in 183 , and afterwards made Marechal de France.
The report here alluded to was drawn up after an official tour made by him
through the Levant, during which, he had with much boldness attempted
to rouse these nations to support French interests and oppose England. He
entered into military details of our force at Alexandria, and of the powers
of attack and resistance we possessed. The tone of the Report, appearing
as it did, in the Moniteur, after the insulting demands made by the First
Consul respecting our controul of the Press, and the expulsion of the
Emigres, produced great indignation in England.

1803.] ENGLAND, 193
known to me. The union of the Provinces is dissolved,
but their names and divisions remain as before. The
States Government fix the taxes, and then order a com
mittee, sitting in each Province, to raise the money as
they can, Le Pais de la G^n^ralit^ is become a sort of
8th province ; or, to speak more correctly, the other
seven are become what Le Pais de la G^n^ralit6 was.
Trade begins to revive, but the French insist on the
strictest prohibition of English manufactures, and the
whole army of the Republic is employed on the eastern
frontiers as custom-house guard.
This army in a miserable state ; four or five thousand
men only. Their navy little better ; building no new
ships ; putting none in commission, or repairing old
ones, Fagel doubted about Buonaparte's views of annexing
Holland to France ; said, unless from designs on the co
lonies, the measure would not be advantageous to him,
and for the same reasons NageU had mentioned, viz,, that
he could squeeze them less.*
After saying this, the Greffier, with some short pre
face, produced a letter from the Princess of Orange, in
which she states her apprehensions that we are going to
withdraw the half-pay allowance to the officers who left
the Republic, and followed their fortunes, in 1795, Her
fears are grounded on a letter written to Colonel DarreU,
who is paymaster, by Lord Hobart to give in an exact
account of the amount of these expenses, with a view to
revise them. The Princess says the annual sum, but de
creasing annually, amounts to about 24,000/,, and it pro
vides for four hundred and eighty-five officers, of different
ranks, who will be left penniless if that is taken from
them. That the sum, small to England, is much beyond
the means of the House of Orange to supply ; and she
therefore urges the Greffier to use his best endeavours to
prevent its, being stopped or diminished,
I agreed most entirely with the reasonableness of this
* Napoleon felt this afterwards, when his brother Louis refused so con
scientiously to have his Dutch subjects squeezed, and preferred abdication
to injustice. VOL. IV, 0

194 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [1803.
request, and with the foUy of such shabby retrenchments.
This led us to converse on what had been a subject of
conversation and correspondence with us in July, 1802,
(vide that date, and before,) on the sum to be given by
this country to the House of Orange, as indemnity for
their losses, &c. It was then, I thought, determined on,
that the Princess should have 60,000/ once paid, and the
Stadtholder an annuity of 20,000/ Now he, after con
sulting the Hereditary Prince, desires to have it all at
once, that is to say, 160,000/, once paid, instead of the
annuity, and to this Government has acceded ; and, in my
mind, very unwisely, since it is losing all hold on the
House of Orange, and particularly leaving the Hereditary
Prince to give scope to the Prussian bent of his politics —
for he is not only friendly to them, but really hostile to
us, and can only be kept tolerably right by such a power
of control held over him, I had no scruple of declaring
this my opinion to the Greffier, and he agreed with me
most entirely in it, Nagell came in while we were toge
ther, and his sentiments accorded with ours. My decided
opinion is, that the House of Orange is a great card in
our hands, one we should not part with, or suffer to
dwindle into a Prince of Nassau, with all the insignifi
cance and shabbiness of a petty German Potentate, under
the rule of either Prussia or Austria,

Saturday, Feb, 12, — William Elliot, — Egypt, he says,
is evacuated ; supposes Buonaparte to have known it when
he published Sebastiani's report.
Inclines against Pitt ; thinks he is not dealing openly,
nor acting manfully ; but he speaks without information,
and merely from appearances.
Lord Pelham. — Went to him at two o'clock — found
him alone. We went over all the Russian politics again,
about which he is, and very wisely, much .interested ;
from thence he passed to Sebastiani's report. Said the
Cabinet had determined to notice it, and to draw from it
an occasion to get at (if possible) Buonaparte's views, and
explain their own, concerning Malta, Several councils

1803.] ENGLAND, 195
were held on this subject, and greater pains (as it should
appear) were taken to word Lord Whitworth's instruc
tions in a way not to give offence, than to accomplish the
great object of them, I did not see the despatch, but it
was sent away on the 9 th,
While we were conversing, the box came in with the
Paris letters in circulation, and Pelham shewed them to
me. They were dated the 7th, were written in the best
tone and style possible. Lord Whitworth talks with
spirit and dignity, not the dupe of the artifices of France,
or frightened by their threats and arrogance ; his de
spatches are advice as well as information, and manly
advice arising out of self-evident truths.
He states (and it comes very opportunely) a conver
sation of Talleyrand's seeking, respecting Malta, and our
intentions. Talleyrand, he says, speaks civilly, and within
bounds, but rather positively. Lord Whitworth replies,
that as long as the First Consul continues to add every day
to his power and strength, it cannot be supposed we can be
ready to decrease ours, particularly in the Mediterranean ;
and Lord Whitworth, with less management and more
explicity, appears to have anticipated the instructions sent
him on the 9th ; he remarks, that, paradoxical as it may
appear, our fulfilling the Treaty of Amiens, with respect
to the retrocession of Alexandria and Malta, will certainly,
instead of maintaining pea,ce, produce war, as Buonaparte's
views are all in Egypt ; and I should have said in its
place, that TaUeyrand began the conference, by animad
verting on Sebastiani's report, saying, that whatever
might appear, the object of his Mission was purely com
mercial — all the First Consul's views were commercial —
he would assure Lord Whitworth so " upon his honour ;"
and if to this report other objects seem to have em
ployed Sebastiani's attention, it must be considered he
was a "young, ardent, military man," and thought he was
doing his duty by stating the force of our army, and situ
ation of the different strong places he had visited in
Egypt and Syria,
To this language of thin-spun deceit, Lord Whitworth
replies nothing, but remarks, that " Talleyrand's asser-

196 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [1803.
tion, ow his honour, did not make what he said, however
binding the assurance, at all the-mofe credible to him."
Lord Whitworth mentions that Livingston, the American
Minister, is drawing towards him, and evidently is alarmed
about the French becoming masters of Louisiana and the
Floridas, Livingston doubts whether Buonaparte will
take these last immediately ; but Lord Whitworth says,
the men going to St, Domingo, if that object fails, as he
believes it will, probably will be sent there, in order that
something may appear to have been done,
I was sorry to find from Lord Pelham orders had
actually been sent to evacuate Alexandria, but that we
hoped to keep Malta, I said the word hope should be
changed to the word intend, for if we give it up we should
have war, and a most unequal one, almost immediately, in
the Mediterranean, To that he agreed, but to this his
colleagues will not.
After talking over these subjects, and expressing our
comfort that Lord Whitworth felt and acted so rightly —
(N.B. His private letters to Lord Liverpool were in the
same tone) — we got on the House of Orange, and I men
tioned to Lord Pelham what the Greffier had said to me
respecting the stopping the half-pay of the Dutch troops.
Lord Pelham agreed with me on the folly and cruelty
of ft,
I also argued strongly against the giving 120,000/ in
a lump ^ the Prince of Orange ; and, for the reasons
already mentioned, I proposed that the two sums — viz.,
the 20,000/ originally intended to be given as an annuity
to the Stadtholder, and the 24,000/ for the maintenance
of these half-pay officers — should be united under one
head, and given all to the House of Orange, as a sort
of subsidy, on condition they should pay these 485
officers. This would give them still a great influence
over a large body of military men attached to the old
interests of this House, be better understood by Parlia
ment, and give us, what I always most anxiously wanted
to preserve, a tie upon the Hereditary Prince, whose
crooked politics and slippery character were but too weU
known to me.

1803.] ENGLAND, 197
Lord Pelham acceded to all I said, promised to men
tion it to Addington ; but added, that whenever any one
talked to him on subjects he did not understand, or was
not used to, he always got rid of the subject by telling
some bon mot or dull joke of Halsell's, when he was
Speaker, Sunday, Feb, 13. — Sloane in the morning. Reports
that Lord Melville (Dundas) was to be put at the head of
the Admiralty, in the room of Lord St. Vincent.
Canning. — Dined with Lord Pelham — only myself, he,
and Lady Pelham.
I insisted strongly on the necessity of a clear and dis
tinct language being held to France ; that besides its
being that which becomes us as a great nation, it was the
safest. A duration of obsequiousness and submission
would only encourage new and greater insolence ; and
Buonaparte, reckoning on our giving way, would go
lengths we must resent, and which, if he thought we
would resent, he never would go ; that his courage was
not sterling, nor generous, and that it was greater in him
in proportion to the want of spirit in his adverse party ;
that this was not only the common process in human
character, but was confirmed and believed by everybody,
the young and old, the well informed and the not in
formed at all, the careless and the busy, who came from
Paris — all their reports coincided in this point, viz., that
he advanced as we retreated, and would retreat as we
advanced ; and the generality of the remark left no doubt
of its truth, and Lord Whitworth's advice and opinion
came most powerfully in confirmation of it. I entreated,
therefore. Lord Pelham to speak to such members of the
Cabinet whom he might suppose to think like him, and I
named the Duke of Portland, the Chancellor, and Lord
Oastlereagh ; not to allow the insufficiency and self-suffi
ciency of Mr. Addington, joined to the timidity and weak
ness of Lord Hawkesbury, to prevail over everything that
was wise and right, and which prudence, as well as na
tional character, called for.
Lord Pelham felt all I said ; its effects I place little

198 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l803.
hopes in. He agreed with me, if Pitt would take Adding
ton's place, and give Addington another in the Cabinet if
he wished for it, aU would do well ; and we reverted to
what had passed in March, 1801, and what we then said
on this particular point. Addington had now made pro
vision for his friends, and therefore ought to be satisfied
with such a quietus as might be offered him. We had
much more discourse on this subject, and on Foreign
Affairs, but it was little more than a repetition of what
was said before.
Pelham shewed me an excellent letter from Lord EUen-
borough, in which he gives him official information of the
result of the trial of Despard and others, and says, after
stating that Despard was found guUty, that he was re
commended by the jury to mercy ; but why and from
what motive he could not conceive, since the. very plea of
former good character, on which alone it could rest, far
from extenuating, could only aggravate the crime, which
was nothing less than an intention to assassinate the
King. Despard and the others are to be hanged on Mon
day, the 21st. instant.
Lord Pelham said that Calonne, previous to his going
to Paris (where he died in October), had prevaUed on the
Prince of Wales to try to get his name struck off the list
of emigrants. The Prince had actuaUy spoken to Lord
Whitworth or Merry ; but as this had no effect, Calonne
attempted to persuade the Prince to write to Buonaparte,
stating fooUshly (had he been speaking to any other than
the Prince) as a reason, that all the Sovereigns in Europe
had written to him but the King, and that a letter
written by the Prince would gratify his vanity, and in
duce him to comply with any request he might make.
Calonne went the lengths of drawing up the letter the
Prince was to sign ; and if by great luck the Prince had
not desired Calonne to shew it first to Lord Pelham, he
probably would have signed it. Lord Pelham, on whom
Calonne waited with it, said he would give his opinion
on it to the Prince, whom he met the same day at dinner
at the Duke of Queensberry's with Crauford (the Fish)
and Calonne ; he immediately took him aside, and repre-

1803.] ENGLAND. 199
sented to him the danger of such a step ; that the letter
would be instantly printed in the Moniteur, and the
Prince held out to all Europe as a correspondent with the
First Consul. Luckily this passed before dinner.
The Prince felt it as he ought, and refused to write the
letter ; but, in consequence of Lord Pelham's advice, said
he would in a letter express his surprise to Lord Whit
worth that Buonaparte had paid so little attention to his
request. Fortunately, Calonne died, and this foolish affair
with him. It was one of fifty others of a similar nature
into which the Prince has got or will get.
Pelham told me that on Calonne's death he had taken
possession of his papers. They filled several large coffers,
and were artfully concealed in closets, on the panels of
which were hung the most obscene prints possible, and
left in the care of a common woman (who behaved very
weU), with whom Calonne had lived for a long time.
These papers contain all the secret history of Ooblentz
and Calonne's Negotiations there and since ; and from the
anxiety expressed by the Prince of Conde and Duke of
Bourbon to get their letters back, it should seem that the
last plan was bringing them, and not the King of France
or Monsieur, forward. Lord Pelham spoke well of An-
dreossi ; said he was quiet and unassuming ; well in
formed in his line — that of engineering ; wanted to be
at the head of the artUlery, but Buonaparte refused him,
appointing him here. This rather displeased Andreossi,*
as he had been one of his confidential associates in Egypt.
The King's composure on hearing of Despard's horrid
designs was remarkable, and evinces a strength of mind
and tranquiUity of conscience that prove him to be the
best of men. It gave him great pleasure to hear no re
port was to be made to him on this occasion. The trials
being out of Aliddlesex, it was not the practice, even
though they took place under a special commission.
Lord Pelham said it was, or rather had been, in con
templation, to send Sir S, Smith to the Barbaresque
Powers and Egypt ; that Addington had gone so far as to
* French Ambassador at London.

200 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE, [l803,
desire Sir Sidney to hold himself in readiness, and to ride
at single anchor. Lord Pelham approved it ; thinks .we
should do weU to pay great attention to these Powers,
and that it would please the Porte, who looks on them
still as its vassals. He quoted as an instance the Turkish
Charge des Affaires at Paris having very lately appUed to
Lord Whitworth for support and advice, as Minister of an
aUy to the Porte, on some intention expressed by Buona
parte to attack the Bey of Algiers, and added, the Porte
is determined to support its vassal. It would be perhaps
right to make all our Consuls and agents on the Barbary
coast dependent on our Embassy at Constantinople, It is
to that side we ought to turn aU our attention, as Buona
parte's Jgreat object is Egypt, Eastern dominion, and the
destroying our Empire in India,

MoxDAY, Feb, 14th, — Woronzow (Russian Ambas
sador),— I caUed on him; found him as much irritated
against the ilinisters as before he went, but much less
ready to talk of \k% friendly sentiments of Russia towards
us, and his own animosity against France. He was rather
reserved, and, contrary to his usual practice, uncommuni
cative ; but he was busy, and engaged in preparing
letters for a messenger he was about to despatch. I
therefore think, that the first impression his maimer gave
me of that Court being become decidedly hostUe was,
perhaps, an untrue one, and I shall wait a second inter
view before I allow myself to admit this very impleasant
beUef WiUiam EUiot — at dinner ; he said he had been to
the House to give notice, that Dr, Lawrence would bring
on his motion relative to Captain d'Auvergne on the 21st ;
it was, he assured me, a strong case ; that d'Auvergne
had undergone an examination imder the direction of
Chaptal, ^linistre de I'lnt^rieur, in which he was not
interrogated as to present facts, but to what passed during
the time he was employed in Jersey ; and on d'Auvergne
saying, he considered the peace as having put an end to
every thing which passed there, and that he could only

1803.] ENGLAND. 201
answer as to any subsequent facts which might occasion
his present detention, he was told there were none,
" Mais il y a une prevention centre vous par rapport k
vos liaisons avec Pitt et Wyndham." Chaptal went so
far as to say, he really saw no justifiable cause for de
taining him ; but he was sent to prison, and remained
there two days. If this is a true statement, the case is a
strong one ; but by no means, in my opinion, tanta
mount to carry it before so indefinite a tribunal as that
of the Law of Nations, and from which (if you persevere)
there is no appeal but the sword.
Lord Minto puts off his motion respecting Switzerland
till after the Swiss Constitution is formed,
I should add, when speaking of Captain d'Auvergne,
that it is said that, when he went for his passport after
he was set at liberty, Desmaret observed, that he under
stood that he was come to Paris to claim as heir to the
Due de Bouillon, and hinted to him, that if he would
communicate any thing he knew which had passed during
the war, and particularized relative to Pitt and Wynd
ham, it might tend very much to the success of his
pretensions. The Greffier Fagel. — Told him my idea respecting the
money to be given to the Prince of Orange, and my
wish it was all lumped together as a yearly payment.
He quite agreed with me, but doubted its being agree
able to the Prince of Orange, or rather the Hereditary
Prince. This I admitted ; but said, it was precisely the
reason why it should be done ; that joining the 24,000/
now allowed the Dutch officers who left Holland in 1795
to the 20,000/ intended for the Prince, and also about
12,000/ to which, I fancied, amounted the half-pay of
the late Dutch corps, belonging to the Hereditary Prince,
commanded by Constant, would make a sum of .56,000/;
and this sum I would propose to pay as a sort of subsidy
to the House of Orange. It would, in the first place,
preserve the link between England and them ; and, in
the next, keep up the dependence of their followers from
Holland.

202 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [1803.
Feb. 15.- — Dined with Canning, alone. He had an
answer from Pitt ; very short, very dry, and, as he said,
" unpromising." In the morning with Lord Granville Leveson, who was
acquainted with the whole transaction ; he thinks Pitt
will not come forward yet. Says Fox (he heard from
his friends) is vexed and disappointed at Opposition
doing nothing, and wants an opportunity of affecting
to support Addington. I reminded Leveson of what Ad
dington had said to him. when he resigned ; Leveson
said he certainly said it, and that he looked upon him
only " as a locum tenens for Pitt,"

Wednesday, Feb, 16, — At the Levee ; carried Lord
Titchfield ; too late to go in : crowded and long ; did not
get away till half-past three.
Lord Hawkesbury came and sat down by me in the
outer room ; talked of Russia as an irresolute though
friendly power ; Kotschoubeg the only person of real
merit, and he now in the Home Department, The Court
not French, and that is all that can be said ; the Em
peror milk and water ; Prussia worse and worse, An-
dreossi and Portalis crossing the room, I observed on
them, that they boked like persons unused to such a
place ; not fashioned either in dress or address. Lord
Hawkesbury agreed, but observed Andreossi was a very
good man to have here ; that his disposition was to accom
modate, and be quiet ; and that he (Lord H.) knew he
did not obey his very strange instructions farther than
he was obliged to do.
Lord Hawkesbury said he thought the First Consul very
like Paul, really mad, — that his temper grew quite out
rageous, and that his unpopularity amounted to perfect
hatred, — " it must be madness" Lord Hawkesbury said.
I quoted to him a letter from Dresden, by the first Lord
Lyttleton to his father, in 1741, or there abouts, which
said just the same of the great Frederick, soon after his
accession ; yet he lived and reigned more than forty
years afterwards, and betrayed no symptoms of insanity.

1803.] ENGLAND. 203
Sir C, Williams, then our Minister in Saxony, said on
this occasion, " c'est jiarceque Frederic a plus d'esprit
qu'eux, que les AUemans le croyent fou,"
The Americans, he said, were much alarmed, and draw
ing towards us. He did not know but that they had
actually forestalled the French expedition, and taken pos
session of New Orleans ; and, that if so, this would enable
us to come forward with great advantage. I said, I very
much approved the idea of coming forward on any and
every occasion ; but that I retained my old feelings
about the American war; could not forget they were
revolted subjects ; and that, though I could not object
to their being assisted by us in a point of mutual and
common interest, yet we, I think, ought to be prin
cipals, and they accessories. Lord Hawkesbury half ac
quiesced in this. He said Livingston, at Paris, was of
the democratic party, but no rooted democrat ; would
obey orders, and nothing more. As Lord Hawkesbury
seemed disposed to be communicative, I took this oppor
tunity of mentioning to him my notions respecting the
Prince of Orange's annuity, and the annexing to it the
two sums allowed for the support of the Dutch officers,
and stating my reasons on the grounds alleged by me
to Pelham and the Greffier. Lord Hawkesbury listened
with great attention, and seemed to approve the idea,
on the first impression it gave him ; he seemed unac
quainted with the detail of parts of the transaction, and
it is manifest to me, that the whole is done slovenly
and carelessly through Lord Hobart. Lord Hawkesbury
spoke favourably of Listen,* but said there was nothing
to be done in Holland.
Merry, (late Minister at Amiens, under Lord Corn
waUis, and at Paris, now going to America,) a sensi
ble, plain man, said it was difficult to conceive the
strange situation Foreign Ministers were in at Paris,- —
that Buonaparte's temper was most suspicious, and vin
dictive, and violent beyond measure, — that it was this
which induced him to order the arrest of Captain d'Au-
* English Minister at the Hague.

204 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l803,
vergne ; that he wished to punish him for having sup
ported the war in La Vendue, and that La Vendee was
still what he most dreaded, Fouch^ was at the head
of the Police when d'Auvergne was arrested, but dismissed
before he was released, Desmaret was a clever fellow.
Merry doubts much that anything passed at the exami
nation about Pitt or Wyndham, — he never heard of it.
Talleyrand, on his (Merry's) first representing against
d'Auvergne's arrest, said, it was quite unknown in his
department, it was une affaire de police ; and on his
doing the same, on his being sent away in twenty-four
hours, Talleyrand said, " You cannot call in question our
right to send any one out of the country we please, since
you do the same in virtue of your Alien Bill," Merry
said there were, at one time, five thousand English at
Paris, but many who did not avow their Minister ; he
left seventeen hundred English on Whitworth's arrival,
Duke of Portland. — I took him aside and acquainted
him with the manner in which I wished the money to be
given to the House of Orange : he approved of it entirely,
and strongly encouraged my speaking to Addington. I
said I had not spoken to him since he had been Minister,
but was to see him, at his own request, on Saturday.
The Duke, as usual, repeated his old profession of poli
tical faith, and that his principles, both respecting what
we should do at home and abroad, never could change,
Addington. — Came up to me with great eagerness the
moment he came into the room to apologize for not hav
ing answered a letter I had written to him, respecting
Mr, Penn's intended encroachments in Spring Gardens :
he was more than necessarily civil, and expressed his
earnest wish to see and converse with me ; and, after num
berless common-place things said on both sides, it was
settled I should call on him at Twelve on Saturday next.

Friday, Feb, 18,^ — Lord Pelham with me before Twelve,
Nothing new to communicate. — Prince of Wales's debts
(that is to say, the sum remaining unpaid since the ar
rangement made with him in 1795) to be paid. Many

1803.] ENGLAND. 205
new debts, illegally contracted by him, and at the risk of
those who trusted him, still will exist. It is understood
the Prince is to restore his establishment. I asked Pel
ham whether this was an article agreed on in writing.
He said " no ;" but implied by the Prince's promise. In
short, it is clear the whole transaction is a compromise
between the Prince and Addington, to induce the Prince
to waive his claim on the arrears of the Duchy of Corn
wall, during his minority, and which the Crown Lawyers
consider to be a fair one, and so withdraw his petition of
right which the King had granted.
No terms are made with the Prince but this. None of
his income (which will now be net what is paid him by
the public) is appropriated to any specific purposes, as
the civil list is, and the whole will evidently be squan
dered away in the same way he has hitherto lived in,
without his assuming any one single exterior mark of
royalty or splendor — to prove that he and his hangers-on
do not consider it a farce,
February 18, — Lord Moira yesterday took up what he
caUed his ground in the House of Lords, and opposes
Government on the Bill to Extend the Rights of the Bank
not to pay in Specie, Lord Moira likewise is at issue
on what passed between him and Mr, Addington, in a
tete-a-t^te conversation, and which they represent very
differently. Lord Pelham, on my telling him I expected
to see the Duke of York, desired me to soften him down,
if possible, about the Duke of Kent and Gibraltar ; said
that the Duke of York was displeased with his brother,
and imputed the mutiny to him ; but that it was very
desirable no ^clat should take place.

Saturday, Feb, 19, — With Mr. Addington by appoint
ment at noon. His ostensible reason for wishing to see
me, was to discourse about a memorial in which the inha
bitants of New Street, Spring Gardens, had remonstrated
against some intended building Mr, Penn was about to
erect, under permission from the Surveyor of the Crown

206 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l803.
lands (Fordyce), This point he promised me should be
settled in a way favourable to the memorialists.
He then passed to the Prince of Orange's concerns ;
stated to me on them what I knew before, with this ex
ception, that the 160,000/ to be granted the Prince, was
also to be vested in trustees' hands, and the interest only
applied to his use. He talked of converting this into a
perpetual annuity of 10,000/, to be settled on the House
of Orange, but he wished to hear my opinion. This I
stated to him precisely as I had before done to Lords
Hawkesbury, Pelham, and Duke of Portland, and urged
my reasons.
1 dwelt more particularly to him than to them on the
doubtful politics of the Hereditary Prince, and that it
would be letting him slip through their fingers and gratify
his own Prussian leanings and policy, if we were to entail
irrevocably an annuity, or the interest of a sum of money,
on him and his family.
After a good deal of conversation, all tending, on the
part of Addington, to agree with me, he said it should be
done in the way I proposed ; he was confident it was the
best. I then adverted to the two Dutch corps, or
rather Officers of them, still in our pay ; and after giving
the same reasons for what I had to propose as I had
already to the other Ministers, I mentioned these sums,
whatever they were, as proper to be given to the House
of Orange, for enabling them to pay these officers.
Addington seemed also to approve this ; but to wish to
make himself more master of the subject before he engag
ed himself, admitting, however, the apparent wisdom of
such a step, and the great use it might be in future. He
also himself argued in favour of an annuity to be granted
under the sort of condition, " Quam diu se bene gesserit."
Since these two sums, 160,000/. to the Prince, and
60,000/ to the Princess would correspond exactly with
that raised from the Dutch ships, viz., 220,000/., for
which the ships sold, and this would not escape the notice
of either some awkward friend or artful enemy.
In speaking of the two corps on half-pay, Addington
said it had been in contemplation to wait to see whether

1803.] ENGLAND. 207
the indemnities given the House of Orange would be
sufficient for them to take this charge on themselves ; but
that there was a dislike to be at all mixed up in this
predatory system, and the idea had been dropped. I
observed it was indeed a very strange and unseemly one,
not only because it did appertain to this predatory
system, but because the ivhole revenues of Fulda and
Gorea were insufficient for the purpose.
I here thought Addington had done, and was going,
when he stopped me, and after many good-humoured ex
pressions of regard and friendship, said he had had it
frequently in his wishes for some time past, to consult
and ask my opinion on points, on which, with him, my
sentiments would have great weight. That he hoped our
intimate acquaintance authorized him to do it now, freely
and without reserve, the more so as it was particularly on
one point on which he believed the intended conduct of
Government was such as (from every thing he heard)
would entirely concur with my principles and opinions.
After this preface, he went on by stating, in a very
clear and distinct manner, the system he had laid down
and acted on since His Majesty had first called him to take
a share in his councils ; ' that he at that period consider
ed peace as an advisable and even necessary measure, from
the state in which the continent was at the time of his
taking Office, and from that of the Exchequer, not quite
exhausted indeed, but fatigued and so circumstanced as
not to be able anywhere to hurt, or make any impression
on France. That therefore, as soon as the expeditions to
the Baltic and Egypt were over, peace became his imme
diate object. That peace certainly was then his favourite
wish, and never could be but in his mind most desirable ;
but he never expected he ivould have lived to have seen
the day when he should stand accused of preferring peace
when inglorious to the character, or injurious to the
interest of the country, and particularly, that to maintain
and preserve peace he should consent tamely to the inso
lence and arrogance of any Power, and more especially of
France, Yet of this he did stand accused, and he had
borne the accusation in silence, and patiently, because he

208 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [J803,
was conscious it was undeserved, and because he felt
within his own breast a complete vindication of his con
duct, and the falsehood of the assertion. That the time
was now near at hand when this justification would be
come manifest, and he hoped it would be such as would
satisfy aU reasonable, moderate, impartial, and unpreju
diced men. Others, nothing he could do would satisfy,
neither did he care about them. His maxim, he declared,
from the moment he took Office was, first to make peace,
and then to preserve it, under certain reservations in his
own mind, if France chose, and as long as France chose ;
but to resist or bear all clamour and invective at- home,
till such time as France (and he ever foresaw it must
happen) had fiUed the measure of her folly, and had put
herself completely in the wrong, not only by repeated and
intolerable acts of unprovoked insolence and presumption,
but till these acts were, from their expressions and in
ference, declaratory of sundry intentions the most hostile
and adverse to our own particular interest, a violation of
treaty, and dangerous to the interest of Europe,
' That simple acts of insolence and impertinence, how
ever grating, he had passed over, because he never would
put on a par the sober and antient dignity of Great Bri
tain with the infatuated mushroom arrogance of Buona
parte, That acts of this kind lost their impression when
we considered by what sort of a character they were com
mitted, and apology or explanation from such a character
was equaUy unimportant. It was as if a sober man was
to resent the impertinence of one drunk, for a gentleman
to commit himself with a carman ; from neither of these
could the rate of insult be reciprocal, or reparation or
excuse come with equal value. That it was for this,
although he had treasured them up, he had advised no
notice to be taken of various little foolish tricks, insults
of omission and commission which Buonaparte had prac
tised towards this country, and he had waited till inso
lence was coupled with hostility, or (which was the same)
hostile declarations, before he moved,'
This was done in the most unquestionable way by
Sebastiani's report, and if Buonaparte had studied how to

1803.] ENGLAND, 209
fulfil his (Addington's) prediction, he could not have ac
complished it better. He then went over hastily the re
port, on every point of which I entirely agreed with him,
" This," said he, " has, from the moment it was known,
occupied our whole attention, and the opinions of the Ca
binet have been unanimous on the occasion." ' In conse
quence of their determination, instructions were sent ten
days ago to Lord Whitworth, in which he was directed to
represent to TaUeyrand, that, although the general tone
of this report was very offensive to this country, and such
as never was before practised from one great nation to
another ; although the indecent aspersions flung out
against his Majesty's Officer commanding in Egypt, '''' were
in themselves sufficient ground for remonstrance and
complaint, yet (from a desire to avoid disagreeable dis
cussions, and from an inclination to believe that the
Officer who wrote this report might perhaps be a raw and
inconsiderate soldier, who thought that he was writing
only for private information, and not for publication) we
should have either let them pass by under the same
silence with which we have treated many others of a
similar nature, or only noticed them slightly, had they
not been mixed up with a clear and evident declaration
of facts, and intentions that called for our most serious
attention. That the First Consul's views on Egypt were
now made manifest ; that his intentions of annulling the
Republic of the Seven Islands were demonstrated, and
that every part of this report which bore reference to
facts, betrayed views of hostile aggrandizement towards
us, and an infraction of those principles of peace and
amity which were supposed to subsist between the two
countries. ' That, in conformity to these sentiments, and with a
wish they should remain, and continue unshaken. Lord
Whitworth was ordered to ask dispassionately, but steadi
ly, a full and unequivocal explanation of these points,
and that till this explanation was given in the most
distinct and satisfactory way. His Majesty could not be
* General Stuart.
VOL, IV. P

210 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE, [l803,
expected to fulfil the Tenth Article of the Treaty of
Amiens (that respecting Malta), nor enter into any dis
cussion with the French Government on such points as
remained to be settled arising out of the Treaty of
Amiens.' Mr. Addington ended by observing, that 'he hoped I
approved what they had done ; that / would at least
admit he was not of that species of Minister, who, to pre
serve peace, would tamely submit to any ignominy or
disgrace, and to let the country be trampled on with
impunity ! that he certainly, in common with all men
in their senses, preferred a state of peace to one of war ;
but when he was in the right, and felt himself so com
pletely in the right as on the present occasion, he was,
not as an event, but as a measure of responsibility, per
fectly indifferent whether it was to be peace or war ; that
he knew, from the beginning, this moment would come ;
that he waited till France had heaped wrong upon wrong,
and made her arrogant designs so notorious, and her
views of unceasing aggrandizement so demonstrable as to
leave no doubt on the public mind, nor a possibility of
mistake on the part of the most uninformed pacific men :
that he wished to bear and forbear, till this hour came,
but not a second beyond it ; to suffer more would justly
(but this was a paltry concern) turn him out of Office ; but
it would do much more, it would expose the country to
certain ruin and disgrace. Here he finished, saying, that
besides myself he had acquainted no person with what
he had told me, but Mr. Bragge, and Mr. Oh. Yorke ;
that it was now eleven days since the despatch was sent,
and no answer yet arrived ; that indeed Lord Whitworth
had very fortunately and judiciously availed himself of an
opportunity to prepare the way ; and that, in the mean
while, we had sent several ships out to the Mediterranean,
raised our bounty, and pushed the recruiting service.'
I asked him whether Pitt knew what he had told me.
He said " No;" because he thought he was coming to town,
and that he wished not to trust it to a letter, but that he
certainly should tell him every word of it, I said I

1803.] ENGLAND. 211
was particularly glad of it, as, though I very much ap
proved every thilig he had done, and felt as I ought the
great confidence he had placed in me, yet I had so high
an opinion of Mr. Pitt's abilities, and so strong personal
attachment towards him, that it was very important to
my comfort to know my opinions were not adverse to
his. Addington here said very good-humouredly, and
much like a gentleman, "What I have been saying to
you, arose solely out of my private and personal regard for
you, with no view to get at your political intentions, to
captivate them, or to induce you to commit yourself
Whatever they may be, 1 am sure they are those of an
honourable man, with whom every secret is safe."
I replied this was but doing me justice ; and I added
that it was always my wish to be of service to the public
under every Administration, and whoever was at the head
of Government ; that this was in my mind a paramount
duty. Addington said, " You will allow me, then, to see
and converse with you again, sometimes, in the way 1
have just done V I said, "most assuredly," that he could
not doubt my sentiments of personal regard and good-wiU
towards him, and that these certainly could not fluctuate
by any political incidents.
We then, after near two hours' conversation, and stand
ing before the chimney, in the act of going, talked a
little of Russia, which Court, Addington said he did not
reckon upon a line farther than negatively ; Sweden, he
said, was most anti-French, and coming towards us ; that
this was difficult to manage on account of the jealousy
of Russia ; that he hoped Buonaparte's avowal about the
Seven Islands would exasperate Russia, and that if, in
consequence of our not evacuating Malta, the French
broke in on Naples, that this might rouse Russia, who
was guarantee to the integrity of Naples, and be con
sidered as an infraction of the Treaty on the part of
France, though it was evident France would try to at
tribute this infraction to us ; Austria, he said, was de
testable, talked of not being fit for war these seven years,
and were reforming their cavalry.
He said the Continent must be watched. I said,
p 2

212 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l803,
"Certainly;" but that he must not suppose, that by
watching, a very easy or passive task was imposed upon
us ; it required even more dexterity, more management
to watch well, and appear inactive, than to move on a
negotiation open and avowed ; that the most explicit and
literal instructions should be sent to such Ministers as
required them, and that to the very few abroad in whom
fiUl confidence could be placed, the ends must be clearly
defined, and the means left to them ; that laboured and
long despatches, intended only to justify the Secretary of
State who wrote them, in case of impeachment, were the
bane of aU Foreign Missions ; they perplexed and fright
ened the new and uninformed Minister, while they ham
pered and disgusted the more experienced one ; that such
would be peculiarly bad when our system was watching,
which I repeated again and again, was one that required
more abilities, more temper, more experience, and more
patience, than the most intricate negotiation.
I hinted my suspicions, that France was luring the
two Imperial Courts with a share in the spoils of Turkey.
Addington said it was so, but that Russia decidedly dis
claimed any thoughts of it.

Feb. 20, Sunday, — Dined at Burlington House — at
Lord Pelham's in the evening ; he said Addington had
been well pleased with what I said about the Orange
Annuities, particularly the lumping all the sums paid
the Dutch in one, to be distributed by the Prince of
Orange, On talking over what had been done respect
ing France, we both agreed it was very good as far as
it went; but if, after all, nothing was to be required
but verbal satisfaction, and all the manifest intentions
expressed in Sebastiani's report to be done away by ex
planation similar to that Talleyrand had already made
to Lord Whitworth, and we were to be assured " the First
Consul's views were solely commercial," and to rest satis
fied with this, it would be better nothing at all should be
done ; that, unless the instructions given to Lord Whit
worth were to be acted up to, and the First Consul given

1803.] ENGLAND. 213
to understand that it was not Sebastiani's report (as an
insulated and abstract circumstance) Avhich induced us
to speak as we did, but because it was a clear and un
doubted avowal of the system and designs of France, a
broad fact, which arose out of, and explained other /acfe,
and one which confirmed us in what we had before but
too many reasons to apprehend, though hitherto we had
observed perhaps an over-forbearance ; that if this was
not what Addington meant, we should, in the result,
be lower, and worse off than we were now, I said, that
/ conceived that this was not his meaning; that he
thought as we did, and had resolved to suspend entirely
any further fulfilling of the Treaty of Amiens, and par
ticularly the Tenth Article — that if such was not his
intention, his whole language was neither more nor less
than vapouring " verbiage,"
Pelham was not so confident as I was ; he feared
strong assurances and amicable explanations would be
considered as sufficient ; and lamented that Addington
had some one (he knew not who) who encouraged him
in this system of creduUty and retreat, — he wished me
to see him again, and inspirit him, I replied, when
wanted, or a wish expressed, I was very ready to go to
him, but I would not volunteer a visit, " If he is in
earnest," said Pelham, " or if he is puzzled, he wiU send
for you. Letters are received from Lord Whitworth, in
forming us of the despatches of the 7th being arrived;
the next messenger will inform us what they have pro
duced." Before I left Lord Pelham, a note came from Ford,
who was near the gaol where Despard was confined, to
say all was quiet ; that there had been a great concourse,
of people, but assembled from curiosity, and were now
(half-past nine) dispersed.
Buonaparte sent for the ChevaUer de Souza (the Por
tuguese Ambassador), at nine o'clock in the evening, to
come to St. Cloud ; he received him alone, and in the
most violent language, and with the most violent gesti
culation, insisted on Portugal altering her tone and con
duct, shewing him more respect, dismissing Almeida, and

214 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [1803.
said, " Sans cela je I'^craserai ; vous savez que j'ai les
moyens et je vous ferai voir que j'en ai I'incUnation ;"
but on Souza being steady and temperate, Buonaparte
grew more calm, and a conference begun in such violence,
ended in nothing. This serves to prove that the First
Consul may be resisted, and can give way.

Monday, Feb. 21, — Despard and his associate traitors
hanged at half-past eight ; hardened villains ; Despard
manifested neither fear, religion, nor remorse ; died ha
ranguing the mob, with a lie in his mouth, but it pro
duced no effect.
Lady Hamilton, whom Lady Malmesbury met in the
evening of this day at Lady Abercom's, after singing,
&c., said she had gone to see poor Mrs, Despard in the
morning — she did not know her, but she went to com
fort her, and that she found her much better since the
body had been brought back to her. This is the con
sequence of Lord Nelson having spoken to his character.
Lady Hamilton was a woman '^ * ¦*¦" '^ whom Sir Wil
liam Hamilton feU in with here, when he began to doat,
and married when his dotage was confirmed ; she is
clever and artful, but a sad ^^ * *.

Tuesday, Feb, 22, — With Duke of Portland in the
morning ; met Dean of Christchurch there ; very long
conversation after he went. The Duke invariably the
same in the opinions he gives in private, and ever ob
serving the same invariable silence in council ; his lan
guage, and professions of political faith to me — and he
gave it most fuUy, and without reserve — was the wisest,
and the most judicious possible, but it squares so little
with what Government do, that it is manifest he has no
weight. He told me letters of the 19 th were come from
Paris ; that Lord Whitworth had seen Talleyrand, who
received what he had to say very calmly and civilly ;
no appearance of a disposition to bluster, or take it up
on a high tone — rather complacently; but, till he had

1803.] ENGLAND. 215
laid it before Buonaparte, he undertook to say nothing
decisively. Saturday, Feb, 26, — Lord Pelham with me in the morn
ing ; an account of all that had passed at Paris and here
since the receipt of Lord Whitworth's instructions of the
7th instant.
He confirmed what the Duke of Portland had told me
of Talleyrand's having, on the first communication, re
ceived them with great temper and complacency. This
he also observed in a second interview, on the 16th and
1 7th instant ; repeated what he had before said, that
" Sebastiani's letter was the act of an individual," ought
not to be treated seriously nor literally by us. He most
solemnly disavowed all views on Egypt ; reiterated his
assurances that peace was their best wish ; that even
if it was not, neither the temper of the country, nor its
finances, were favorable to war ; that our fears of the
First Consul's aggrandizement, &c. were groundless ; and,
in short, Talleyrand (without producing any proofs or
positive facts) tried to get rid of the subject by general
assurances, and to let it go off without any decided mea
sure one way or the other being taken. But this seems
to be rather his own private feeling than that of Buona
parte, This will appear from what follows.
On Wednesday last, 23rd, Andreossi (the French Am
bassador) desired to see Lord Hawkesbury, and was with
him the same day ; be began by referring to an inter
view Lord Whitworth had had with Buonaparte, but with
which Lord Hawkesbury, not having heard from Lord
Whitworth, was unacquainted, Andreossi expressed a
concern and surprise that he should be so uneasy about
what was passing in France, (particularly at Sebastiani's
report, the pubUshing of which, he said, was a " coup de
t^te," since, he was sure, repented of,) and- should sup
pose such very extensive and dangerous designs to the
First Consul, attach so much importance to Malta; stated
the present situation of France to be unfit for war ; the
people to be adverse to it ; the army to be half Jacobins ;
that nothing was to be dreaded ; Buonaparte could not

216 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE, [1803,
go to war ; his objects were trade, &c, — Lord Hawkes
bury declined entering into discussion on these points
till he had received Lord Whitworth's letters : these ar
rived on Thursday, 24th, and were dated the 21st, at
night. He states, that on Friday morning (the 18th inst,)
at nine o'clock, which appears to be Buonaparte's hour
for receiving the Foreign Ministers, he was requested to
come to the Tuileries, Buonaparte received him civilly
and walking about, but soon made him sit down by a
table, and placed himself opposite to him, and with his
elbow on it began two hours' conversation very animated,
and violent, " That he had done every thing to preserve
the peace and good harmony between France and Eng
land, but his efforts were useless ; that we refused all his
advances, misconstrued all his intentions, imputed to him
every kind of extravagant and unjust project, suspected
all his views, and that every breath of air which blew
from Dover, came fraught with new and additional in
stances of our dislike, personal dislike, to him, and dis
trust of his whole conduct. That there were two French
newspapers paid by us to abuse him ; that it was un
just, and indecent ; that had we thought proper to
have treated him with confidence and attention, it was
his wish and intention that England should have partici
pated in aU that arrangement of Europe, had her voice in
the distribution of the Indemnities, and that he was ready
to have joined with us in governing the world, which,
with his army, and our fleet, might certainly be done ;
that the unfriendly and mistrusting (mefiante) manner
of England made^ this impossible ; and that he now saw
plainly the two countries must ever be at enmity, if not
at war,"
He would not let Lord Whitworth interrupt him,
but with increased impetuosity of manner, approach
ing to menace, went on by saying, " That the manner in
which we thought proper to take up the report of his
Officer from Egypt* was injurious and unwarrantable ;
* Colonel Sebastiani.

1803.] ENGLAND, 217
that, as for Egypt, he could have taken it last year if he
would, and we had just left men enough at Alexandria to
justify him in so doing, but he would not do it from the
love of peace ; and after all, that Egypt (though he could
take it when he pleased) must be his sooner or later,
would necessarily fall into the hands of France by nego
tiation, and that this we could not hinder ; that as for
Malta, he had rather see us in possession of the Faubourg
St. Antoine (the Jacobin suburb of Paris) than in posses
sion of it ; that he would not provoke war, but that he
had an army of 400,000 men, or should have very
shortly ; that he was conscious many years (ten he said)
must elapse before he could have a fleet equal to ours ;
that we were masters of the seas, but that we had no
allies, no chance of having any ; and that with these
400,000 men he would attack us at home, invade Eng
land, command the expedition himself, and although he
was aware that the chances were a hundred to one against
him, yet he would run all the risks, sacrifice army after
army tiU he succeeded, and became as terrible an enemy
as he was disposed to be useful as a friend ; that as for
Malta (his sore place), we had never been explicit about
it ; we had rejected the offers of Russia, with which he
had closed ; that, therefore, we could expect no support
from that quarter respecting it ; that he, therefore, did
expect we should without delay fulfil aU the articles of
the Treaty of Amiens,"
Lord Whitworth had in vain tried to put in a word ;
Buonaparte was so eager, so intemperate, and so impe
tuous, that it was impossible, till he had run out his
whole course ; he then represented to Buonaparte how
great an error he was under in imputing to us any of
these illiberal and personal dislikes with which he had
begun the conversation ; that we wished for peace sin
cerely and earnestly ; but that when we observed the dif
ferent situation of Europe between the signing of the
Preliminaries and the present day, the acquisitions
France had made, and those it was evident she had in
contemplation, it was impossible we should remain quiet,
leave them unnoticed, or not, for the very object of peace

218 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [1803.
requires that we should be proportionately strengthened
with France ; that this was the short and explicit clue to
all we had done, and all we had, or should have to say.
" What \" said Buonaparte, "you mean France has got
Piedmont, and part of Switzerland, ' deux misir ables
bagatelles,' " (he made use of a coarser word,) " which you
yourselves thought so at the time, as you said nothing
about them."
Lord Whitworth said it was on the general conduct of
France, not from any one particular instance, that we
rested our opinion, and that our endeavouring to obtain
satisfactory explanations on these points, could not appear
to him unreasonable, much less be deemed hostile and
adverse. Buonaparte did not attend to this, but persevered in
all he had said, and did it with increased acrimony and
virulence. It is quite clear, first, that Buonaparte has
little discretion, and no command of temper ; that unused
to controul and command himself, he can brook no resist
ance or remonstrance ; that this marks every part of his
conduct, and belongs to every word and action during this
very singular conference ; secondly, that the great end of
this conference was to terrify, to frighten us into submis
sion, to blind us by fear ; the trick of an Italian Bully,
and in justice to Lord Whitworth, he seems to have felt it
as such, taken it up very becomingly, and reported it
very properly.
As a farther proof of this, Talleyrand, who sent for
Lord Whitworth on the 21st, and thus delayed his mes
senger (probably on purpose that Andreossi's might get
first to England), softened down extremely what Buona
parte had said, but without referring to it directly ;
said if it would answer any of our views or arrangements
to keep Malta for two or three, or even six months, the
First Consul would consent to it very readily. All he
wanted to know was, when we gave it up, as he was soon
to lay before the Legislative Assembly a general state
ment of the situation of Europe, and that to do this with
any effect he must have it in his power to represent the
exact situation in which the Treaty of Amiens stood.

1803.] ENGLAND. 219
Lord Whitworth took all this for reference, and it was
on this, and the whole of this very important transaction,
and the singular way in which it was conducted, that a
Cabinet was going to sit, and Lord Pelham took me on
his way to it, partly to tell me what had passed, and also
to consult me on the subject. I advised firmness and
spirit ; that it was now more evident to me than before,
that Buonaparte was a bully, would recede as we ad
vanced, and that if wo retreated he would advance ;
that if we acted wisely and cautiously, and in time, he
had put the game into our hands ; since his indiscretion
and hastiness of temper had led him to betray his plans.
" Certainly," said Pelham ; " but Lord Hawkesbury has
doubts as to the propriety and custom of considering
what passes in an audience between a foreign Minister
and the head of a country, whether King or Consul, as fit
for the public, as a document to be produced in Parlia
ment." I said, most assuredly it was; that many Kings had
been their own Ministers, and that if what they said was
to be considered as sacred, no minister who negotiated
with them in person could produce any proofs of his jus
tification if called on. I quoted the Great Frederick of
Prussia, the Empress Catherine, Frederick GuiUaume of
Prussia, with whom I negotiated two treaties, and some
times the Emperor Joseph. Pelham was glad to have all
these precedents, but added. Lord Hawkesbury carried his
doubts so far as to think the publication of my conferences
at Paris and Lisle was irregular. On this point I said he
was still more wrong, for in 1761 all Lord Bristol's cor
respondence on the Spanish war was laid before Parlia
ment and printed : all mine in 1771, on the Falkland
Islands, and that, in fact, the contents of all despatches
to and from Ministers abroad, were considered as official
acts, and as such must be laid before Parliament if Par
liament called for them, and every Minister, whether at
home or abroad, ought to write under the possibility of
his instructions and despatches becoming public.
I advised Pelham that he should see Andreossi, rather
than Lord Hawkesbury, and before he came to any reso-

220 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l803.
lution of Cabinet, to endeavour to hear from him how Buo
naparte had related his conference with Lord Whitworth ;
whether he had done it in as strong terms as he had
actually used, and whether it was through Talleyrand or
from himself, or his Private Secretary. That it was
very material to know this as it would lead to a dis
covery whether Buonaparte spoke from passion and
temper, or whether he cooled on reflection, and when
he was putting what he had done on paper. It was
more important from what had passed between Lord
Whitworth and Talleyrand on the 21st, who, by-the-bye,
in addition to what he said of our keeping Malta five or
six months, added, that there was an idea of making a
declaration on the integrity of the Ottoman Empire, which
would make us easy about Egypt. 1 observed on this, to
Pelham, that the integrity of the Ottoman Empire was
guaranteed by the Treaty of Amiens, and the talking of a
fresh declaration bespoke an evident intention in Buona
parte to violate that article,
I should have said in its right place, that Andreossi
said to Lord Hawkesbury, about allowing time to give up
Malta, the same as Talleyrand did to Lord Whitworth,
He did it even more complacently, by admitting that it
was a just and equitable idea, that if France increased in
power and strength, we should keep pace with it. An
dreossi affects to be very candid and moderate; says he
does not care for his office, and that he shall always do
what he thinks right and becoming without any fear of
the consequences of Buonaparte's displeasure. This may
or may not be : I doubt it.

Sunday, February 27. — Buonaparte's address to the
Legislative body appeared this day in the Observer
(it was presented on the 22nd, the day after Lord Whit
worth despatched his messenger). After a pompous and
tedious account of the prosperity of the interior situation
of France, it speaks of its situation with regard to foreign
powers, and uses many of the same expressions (less vio
lent), and as in substance the same as what Buonaparte

1803,] EXGL.AND. 221
said to Lord Whitworth, and it appears to me to be quite
clear he said it with a view to prepare him and us for
this very strange address, which is vapouring and insolent to
aU Europe, and reaUy hostile as far as relates to us ;
whUe its statement of the internal flourishing situation
and resources of France is fabulous.*
Canning vexed about Pitt, whose conduct he deplores
and reprobates ; knows not what to do ; thinks he must
be left to himself ; talked of the address of Buonaparte
to the Legislative body as I have just stated it. Said
Lord GrenviUe thought the same. Abused Addington
for his awkward management of the Prince of Wales's
business, and not without just reason.

Feb, 28th, — Canning, He had caUed on G. Rose;
found him not quite despondent about Pitt ; Lord Cam
den gone to him. Lord Camden had seen Lord GrenvUle
before he set out, and said be was going to request of
Pitt to say what Une he wished his friends to take, and
to press him to declare his sentiments. I apprehend
Pitt to feel himself unweU, and not equal to exertion.
Canning imputes his absence to insouciance, whUe others
say the King makes a point of keeping him out. Can
ning said, that in consequence of what was passing in
ParUament, about increasing the Prince of Wales's income,
he had thought it right to go to Blackheath, and to see
the Princess of Wales ; that he had seen her yesterday,
and had offered to take any step, respecting her increase
of appointment, she might direct. Her Royal Highness
very wisely and judiciously said, she reUed entirely on
* This curious '• View of the State of the Republic " begins in what we
shmdd now call the " Conservative style," by congratulating France on its
return to the principles of obedience to the Law and to Religion. It pro
ceeds to give a flourishing account of the Republic's resources, to " guarantee
peace " with continental Europe, and to " hope " for its maintenance with
Eno-land ; but adds, that its Government alone is disposed to keep it, and
that Opposition has " taken an oath of eternal hatred to France," It con
cludes bv declaring as an axiom, that England alone cannot maintain a
struggle against that country. ^^Tien Buonaparte presented this paper to
the Assembly he had been made Consul for life, ilaret was his Secretary
of State, and it is countersigned by him.

222 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [1803.
the King's goodness ; that it did not become her to doubt
it ; that she thought no woman should put herself for
ward, or interfere in Parliamentary concerns, in this
country ; and though she thanked him for his attention,
requested him not to use her name, either in or out
of the House ; that she was perfectly satisfied with her
situation, and did not wish to make it less tranquil and
undisturbed by bringing her name, &c. under the public
eye. This very wise, and, if she maintains this conduct,
will do her infinite credit and good.

Wednesday, March 2nd, — With Lord Pelham ; said
Woronzow had communicated, by order, the Emperor's
instructions sent to Markoff (his Minister at Paris), in
which he is ordered to say, that notwithstanding His Im
perial Majesty's earnest desire to live on terms of friend
ship, &c, with France, and to preserve peace, yet, if the
First Consul should make any attempt to break in upon
the integrity of the Turkish empire, the Emperor will be
under the necessity of opposing it by force if called for.
These instructions got to Paris about the time of Lord
Whitworth's interview with Buonaparte ; and it is a matter
of some doubt whether he, having just heard of them,
followed the natural impulse of his temper, and vented
without delay his spleen and anger on Lord Whitworth,
or whether they were unknown to him at that time, but
told him afterwards, and that in consequence Talleyrand,
in his subsequent conference with Lord Whitworth, endea
voured to soften down what Buonaparte had said.
The event is a very fortunate one ; and if Lord
Hawkesbury and our Ministers knew how to avail them
selves of it, may turn to very great use ; but this I doubt,
and I find from Lord Pelham that they are but half cor
dial with Woronzow, while they ought, at least in appear
ance, to shew him marks of unbounded confidence.
The Cabinet, after much deliberation, sent orders to
Lord Whitworth (on the 27th) to say that, from all that
had been said by Buonaparte himself, and by Talleyrand,
no satisfactory explanation had been given respecting

1803.] ENGLAND. 223
their views in the East : on the contrary, it was become
more and more manifest that they had very extensive
ones in contemplation. Of course that it became us to
attend to our security and interests, and that it would
not be expected that we should relinquish the military
possession of Malta, till such time as France could give
some equally strong means of preventing any designs she
might have on Egypt, (This was the substance of what
was written ; worded perhaps less strongly, but strong
enough, as Lord Pelham thinks, to bring the matter to a
point,) Russia certainly just now appears friendly, but
whether this be sincere, or if sincere, permanent, remains
to be proved.
Lord Pelham's little boy very ill. This shortened our
conversation. Lord Bathurst at dinner ; long talk about Prince of
Wales's debts and the measure now going to be adopted ;
censures it ; weak and useless ; hurtful to the Prince.
The Chancellor, Lord Eldon, had mentioned to the
Prince the Princess of Wales, and the hopes her dignity
and comfort would be attended to. The Prince's reply
was, " He was not the sort of person who let his hair
grow under his wig to please his wife," On which the
ChanceUor respectfuUy but firmly said, " Your Royal
Highness condescends to become personal — / beg leave to
withdraw ;" and accordingly bowed very low, and retired.
The Prince, alarmed at this, could find no other way of
extricating himself than by causing a note to be written
the next day to Lord Eldon to say that the phrase he
made use of was nothing personal, but simply a proverb,
— a proverbial way of saying a man was governed by his
wife. Very absurd of Lord Eldon, but explained by his
having literaUy done what the Prince said.

March 4, — Debate and division in House of Commons,
in going into a committee on the Prince's affairs (pro,
139 ; con,, 184) ; the minority very large ; composed of
those who called themselves iiis friends, and who meant
to pay their court, though the bringing the name of the

224 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l803.
Prince and his debts before the public was not a friendly
act, N,B, The first division since Addington's Adminis
tration, and, being so near run, impressed the public that
his Ministry was a weak one,
Woronzow said to me, " Je suis garant que Buonaparte
n'ose pas se brouiller avec vous," This confirms what I
had heard of Markoff's instructions from Lord Pelham,

March 5. — Duke of Somerset with me ; talked well,
and very judiciously ; said he had attended yesterday's
debate ; deprecated the whole of it, as tending to lower
the Prince of Wales in the public esteem. The Duke had
been at Paris, but simply to see it ; mixed up with no
public remarks or political curiosity.
Canning. — Rose told Canning Pitt would not come to
town, but remain at Walmer ; that, however, he could
assure him, (and he did it with all the unction pecuUar
to him,) " I can assure you, my dear Canning, that, both
in sentiments and inclination, his (Pitt's) opinions relative
to Mr. Addington are precisely those you would wish him
to have."
Canning puzzled and perplexed at this behaviour of
Pitt's ; and it is indeed difficult to account for it, unless
he feels his health impaired, or unless he has an idea the
King is personally indisposed towards him. This last I
think possible, and that it is the effect of Court intrigue.
General disapprobation of the way in which Addington
has managed the Prince's business ; it has given satisfac
tion neither to the King, the Prince, nor the public, and
done no credit to Ministers,

Monday, March 7. — Strong language held by France ;
Lord Whitworth's last Despatches speak doubtfully of the
issue of his instructions ; he cannot be responsible for the
extravagance of Buonaparte ; he may invade us ; certainly
thinks the threat wiU have weight with us, Russia be
coming very right ; has given in a Memorial at Paris,
setting forth her own invulnerable situation, her strength.

1803.] ENGLAND. 225
&c, ; that she cannot be indifferent to what is passing in
Europe, and will not hear of any partition of the Turkish
dominions or its dependencies ; hints that she is not
satisfied with the conduct of France regarding Malta, and
seems as if disposed to support our views in keeping it.
This, when communicated to Buonaparte by Markoff,
angered him very much, and his subsequent language
breathes so much hostility, that Ministers have it in con
templation to send a Message to the House, on the state
of public affairs, to-morrow — on the preparations making
on the French coast, as well as on the relative situation
of this country to France, and the discussions depending
between them ; and to hold strong and decided language
on all these points.*
These facts I collected from the Duke of Portland and
Lord Pelham, whom I saw the 6th and 7th.

Tuesday, March 8, — Met Addington in St, James's
Park ; said he wished to see me ; told me of the intended
Message ; appointed to call on me to-morrow ; in high
spirits, and apparently quite at his ease ; he said, in
French, " tout va bien, vous serez content de nous."
Lord Pelham and the Duke of Portland, whom I saw,
discoursed over the Message ; Lord Pelham said it was
well drawn up, cautiously yet clearly worded ; so did the
Duke of Portland ; both laid great stress on the apparent
favourable conduct of Russia, I asked both whether Pitt
knew anything of this step ; Pelham confessed ignorance,
but the Duke said Addington took no step without pre
viously informing Pitt ; he was sure Pitt knew of it, and
believed he would come up, I expressed my doubts.
Funds a little depressed, Andreossi affects to say all
wiU end as we desire. Lord Whitworth (his letter dated
the 3rd instant) mentions Buonaparte as more angry at
the " laines de Londres " than at our claims on Malta ;
* The King's Message to Parliament stated, that in consequence of con
siderable military preparations being carried on in the ports of France and
Holland, he had thought it proper to adopt additional measures of precau
tion for the security of his dominions. This Message of course prepared
Parliament and the country for the war which broke out in May.
VOL. IV. Q

226 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [1803.
thinks that the whole wUl blow over ; yet nothing so un
certain as Buonaparte's character and temper.
Andreossi's language moderate ; he professes to say that
Malta is no object to France, and to blame Buonaparte
for laying such stress on it.

Wednesday, March 9. — Mr. Addington with me at
haU-past twelve, — Informed me of aU that had passed ;
nearly as I had heard it from the Duke of Portland and
Lord Pelham, with this difference, that he said Russia
had, amongst other things, declared, after speaking of her
own temper and forbearance, that she wished it was imi
tated by other powers ; that his sole object was to secure
her present security, and that she could not ever consent
to change the quiet and safe neighbourhood of the Turks
for a more dangerous one ; and that he should consider
any attempt to divide that empire as an act of hostiUty,
This was communicated in writing by Woronzow here to
Lord Hawkesbury, and by Markoff to TaUeyrand at the
same time ; and it accounts for this latter having said to
Lord Whitworth, that they had in contemplation a project
to guarantee the integrity of the Turkish dominions,
Addington said all this intelligence from France justi
fied the idea that Buonaparte reaUy meant to invade us,
or to try the effect of threatening an invasion ; that he
called round him those officers (Massena and others) ge
nerally kept in the back-ground, and only brought forward
when he had some great enterprise in view ; that besides
this, the preparations on the coasts were not like those
destined for the colonies. He said he intended himself
to move the Address to-day, which he repeated to me ; it
was short, and calculated to produce unanimity ; confined
to thanks and general assurances of support.
Sheridan, he said, he thought would go cordiaUy with
him ; Fox not, as he judged from what he had said at
the Whig Club, that he considered nothing a just cause
of war, but an attack on the national honour.
Canning, he said, was disposed to smile and sneer when
the Message was read. His idea was to propose an in-

1803,] ENGLAND. 227
crease of seamen, and some steps for the internal defence
of the country.
The whole had been communicated to Woronzow, and
sent to Admiral Sir J, Warren last night.
I asked him whether Pitt knew it — whether he ap
proved, and if he was coming up. He said, Pitt did know
it, did approve of it, but was not coming up yet. This I
lamented, as I conceived a speech from him would be of
the greatest effect, I lamented it also on my own account,
as I should always look up to Pitt as the person to whose
political conduct I paid the highest deference, and by
whose judgment my opinions on all public points would
be decided, when my opinion was at all doubtful, or in
suspense. " Not more than I do," said Addington ; " and
I wish he would come up; but he is beset; strange stories
are told him — false ones by deceived or artful men ; his
mind, strong as it is, is not proof against this. We cannot,
nor ought not for his sake, to keep him minutely and re
gularly informed when he is at a distance ; it would be
loading him with responsibility for measures not his own ;
but when near, I neither ought, nor can, conceal anything
from him."
I urged this as a strong reason for his pressing Pitt
to come up ; but Addington seems to evade a direct an
swer, and there is evidently some strange mystery at the
bottom not to be got at,
Mr. Addington put many questions to me in the course
of the conversation, as to what had been done on similar
occasions, and what was the best suited to this. I said,
the great and best impression to give both the public here,
and the continent, was, that all Buonaparte's views were
of an offensive nature, aU our ends purely defensive. That
this being strictly true, would be the strongest and most
honourable ground to stand on ; it would satisfy and ani
mate us at home, and it would hold out a truth and an
example to the nations of Europe, which, perhaps, might
raise their tone. That, in addition to this, he might give
now a just value to (what I had not always approved) his
forbearance and longanimity ; and from these measures of
temper, and almost concession, now derive support, and in-
Q 2

228 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [1803.
spirit the country. That all long and unnecessary detaUs
should be shunned ; no answers given to gratify opposition
curiosity, no ill-advised candour ; but assuming on prin
ciple that what he did was right, act on that, and that
alone, without seeking for collateral support, or sacrificing
secrets to cavil. Addington approved much all this, and
said, " the strongest proof I can give of our forbearance is,
our having suffered passively and patiently Portugal (our
ally) to be ill treated, and her dominions endangered ;
and of this," said he, "we shall avail ourselves in our
language at Paris ; and certainly wiU adopt the precise
plan you recommend."
Addington said that there was no alteration in
tended in the Prince of Orange's affairs. That while this
discussion with France was pending, they had thought it
advisable to delay them, till this business was blown over,
or decided. It was my opinion that it was better ; and
Addington desired me to say as much to the Greffier.
He said he leaned very much to my plan, and thought he
should adopt it,*
Addington talked of himself and his Government ; said
he did not care what was said of it, provided it was not
something base and degrading ; he thought all common
abuse not only fair, but flattering ; that he however could
not bear that persons absent should be committed, (and
he alluded to Pitt,) and this was a species of malignant
opposition not to be endured. All this was aimed at
Canning, and said to me purposely.
When Addington left me, I called on Lord Pelham —
conversed on the subject with him. On my return through
St, James's Park, met Lord Chatham, walked with him ;
he said, after talking over the Message and Address, and
in answer to my inquiry, that his brother (Mr. Pitt) was
very well ; that he was informed of all that was passing ;
would come up when it was time ; that had he come to
day, besides the singularity of being in the House so very
soon after he had asked for a month's absence, it would
give to the measure too great an air of concert, weaken
* For giving the Prince of Orange an annuity instead of a sum of money.

1803,] ENGLAND. 229
the support he might afford, and appear as if he was go
verning at a distance, and that the measure was his, not
that of Government ; besides, it would look too warlike,
whereas the object was that it should be considered both
here, and in Europe, as a step taken to prevent war. It
was impossible to talk more wisely and clearly than Lord
Chatham did. I asked him, how the present conduct of
Russia struck him ; whether it was to be looked upon as
conveying a disposition to act in concert with us. No, he
said, not that, but favourable ; it seemed to hold out a
menace to go to war with France, if France invaded the
I\Iorea, but not if hostiUties broke out in consequence of
any dispute between France and us.
I said I was fearful, then, that too great a reliance was
placed on Russia, and we reckoned too much upon her
support. To this Lord Chatham assented.
The debates this day on the Address, in both Houses,
scarce deserve that name ; they were very short — unan
imity in both, ]\Iinisters, as Addington had said to me,
confined what they had to say to a very narrow com
pass ; and Opposition, though approving the Address, com
plained of being in the dark, and endeavoured to load
Ministers with great responsibiUty in case of war.
Canning in the evening, — Spoke of the Message and
Address with temper, and even praise — said it had been
debated amongst them what Une to take, and that they
(viz,, the GrenvUle party) had determined it to be best to
let Fox take the lead. This they did ; and Fox said so
Uttle, and that little of such insignificance, that there was
no room for debate, even if they had wished for it, which
they did not.
He had been dining with George Rose, Pitt well — not
coming. It appears to me that Pitt has all along been
made informed of this measure respecting France, and
that his waiting at Walmer, and his mystery as to ex
planation, arise from his intention of not coming for
ward tUl absolutely caUed for ; and this, though per
haps a good reason, was one he could not allege to
Canning, and gave rise to the dark hint in his letter.
This conjecture to my mind becomes more probable from

230 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE, [1803.
what Lord Chatham said, who added, he was in regular
correspondence with him, and would write to him when
he thought he was wanted, — N.B, Lord Chatham only
wrote once to him while he (Pitt) was at Bath, in Novem
ber and December,

Thursday, March 10,— Fagel (the Greffier) with me ;
told him what Addington had said ; desired him to com
municate it to the Princess, He thought the delay wise,
and concurred with me in opinion. Lord Hawkesbury
entered into a full conversation with me on the conduct of
France — to the same effect as the other Ministers, I asked
him if Andreossi's language to him tallied with that held to
Lord Whitworth by Talleyrand. He said, nearly ; and I
observed that it was material, as probably Andreossi was in
direct communication with Buonaparte, and it would be
important if there was any difference. Lord Hawkes
bury said Andreossi's language was temperate and re
served ; that his object seemed to be to soften down what
came to him, if anything did come to him, directly from
Buonaparte, which Lord Hawkesbury doubted ; that an
other object of his was to say, that the Jacobins ex
pected Buonaparte's downfall if he should fail in an
invasion, and to impress us with the idea that we were so
placed as either to be exposed to the consequences of a
successful invasion, or to those which would attend the
restoration of Jacobinical power. Lord Hawkesbury paid
more attention to this than it deserved. Buonaparte was
himself a rank Jacobin, with a Jacobin mind. Jacobin
principles, and Jacobin projects ; but he is a Jacobin who
has attained his point, got supreme power in his hands,
and is exercising this as all Jacobins would in the same
situation. Jacobin means and Jacobin ends do not
always coincide. On my questioning Lord Hawkesbury
as to dates, &c., he said his first instructions got to Paris
on this day se'nnight, the 3rd ; and on the 7th, Monday,
other instructions, signifying the message, &c., together
with a private letter, on which he laid great stress, as it
gave Lord Whitworth a latitude to treat, not expressed ih

1803.] ENGLAND, 231
his official despatches ; that he knew through Andreossi
that the messenger who carried these letters got to Paris
on Monday, but had heard nothing from Lord Whitworth,
This, however, he expected to do on Saturday the 12th, at
the latest.
Lord Hawkesbury would not give a decided opinion as
to what he thought the likely end of the business, but
said he must abide by the event, let it be what it would.
Government neither cared nor would recede. He talked
with satisfaction of the reception both Houses gave to the
Message, and agreed with all those I had seen, that Fox
put an end to all debate in the outset. With respect
to the preparations of France, Lord Hawkesbury said they
had no craft or smaU vessels on their own coast, but
numbers in Holland, and that it was from thence a
landing would be attempted ; that it was on our vul
nerable side. I alleged the length of the passage, the
probability of high winds, of our intercepting them, &c. ;
but I found he was very uneasy on this subject.

Friday, March 11. — Lord Hobart told me, at twelve
this morning, that a messenger came last night from Paris ;
mentioned it to Lord Pelham, who went immediately to
Addington.

Saturday, March 12. — Duke of Portland — ^fearful that
Lord Whitworth (by the last accounts) had gone too much
into explanations ; he wanted us to avoid all explana
tion, and to stick to our first point — that we could not
give up Malta till we had received an equal security
against any attempts on Egypt.
Canning — in the evening. Pitt declined his visit ;
said he could not yet tell him the reasons of his silence ;
wished him frankly not to come to Walmer. Canning
vexed and hurt ; tries to conjecture why Pitt is mys
terious ; loses himself in suppositions.. Canning seems
positive Addington does not communicate with Pitt, while
the other Ministers are sure he does. Canning said he

232 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [1803.
had received two letters from Pitt, and had written to
him to-day to dissuade him from coming up till this busi
ness was settled. His reasons — good perhaps, as far as
personal considerations, either respecting Pitt's personal
interest, or those of his followers go, but wrong if we
consider the good he might and must do to the cause,
were he to appear in his place, and support the country.
Fox, too, is gaining ground very fast, and Pitt's staying
away helps this, I said as much to Canning, but he is
" tetu" on this point.

Sunday, 13, — Lord Pelham confirmed what the Duke
of Portland apprehended — said he feared we should get
into long and tedious discussions ; that Andreossi had on
Tuesday presented a Note, requiring, in civil and managed
terms, our reasons for not giving up Malta, He shewed
the rough copy first to Lord Hawkesbury, and offered to
alter any word or words he chose ; but said now that the
Message was sent to Parliament, he could not avoid giving
in this Note, Lord Hawkesbury demurs about how it
should be answered — rather leans to a long and laboured
answer, entering into details, explanations, &c. This
against the opinion of some of his colleagues, who advise
a short but civil answer, referring to Lord Whitworth's
instructions for the rest : this I preferred, and said to
Pelham, that it appeared as if the French wished to
make a negotiation of it, and to transfer the business
from Paris, here. This must be prevented at all risks,
and the conduct of it left to the person who began it ;
that a short written answer to Andreossi would be pro
per, and that it should not be forgot to manage this trans
action so as to have papers to produce, not conversations
(which could be disavowed or misrepresented) to refer
to, by way oi pieces justificatives.
Buonaparte's brothers and dependants are greatly
against war — are sure it will lead to his assassination
or destruction, Jacobins all look for it for the same
reason — and this Andreossi admits, and urges it as a
reason why we should not wish the downfall of Buona-

1803.] ENGLAND. 233
parte. This is artful enough, and at first sight spe
cious: but in fact Buonaparte is only a Jacobin chief
who has attained his end, and exercises the unbounded
power he has acquired like a successful Jacobin; and
it is a gross attempt to intrude so absurd a fal
lacy on our common sense, as to say we ought to dread
the return of Jacobinism, while, in fact, it is pressing
upon us in its full force. Infant Jacobinism is better
than full-grown Jacobinism, Its peculiar characteristic is
to affect to abhor and deprecate its own means when the
end is obtained, and to abhor and deprecate the end it
aims at, while practising the means ; and, from this sad
nonsense having confused the understandings of some,
and imposed on the imbecility of others, it is too much
the general belief that Jacobinism is abated, subdued, or
its sectators converted. The thief, while he is breaking
into your house, employs very different means, and is a
very different person from the thief who has once got
possession of it. Buonaparte pillages Italy, Flanders,
Florence, and all the palaces at Rome, but he adorns and
decorates St, Cloud and the Tuileries with a luxury and
expense surpassing those of Louis the Fourteenth, or Sar-
danapalus. Lord Whitworth, in one of his last interviews with
Talleyrand, reminded him that he had told him, that
there was a project in contemplation respecting the in
tegrity of the Turkish empire, and inquired whether it
was finished, or going on, Talleyrand answered, that it
was implied in what the First Consul had inserted about
Turkey, in his statement to the Legislative body. This
gross attempt to do away what he had promised, did not
impose on Lord Whitworth,
Ryder gone to Walmer — also Lord Camden, and some
say Dundas (now Lord MelviUe).

Monday, March 14. — Messenger through France from
Malta. Letters from Paris, dated the 9th; appears to
have brought nothing new, as Lord Pelham did not call
on me, as he said he would had this been the case.

234 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [1803.
Great preparations going on at the War Office, and at
the Adjutant-General's Office, This from Lord Pembroke,
who had been there ; he and I were going to Bath next
week, but think it advisable to determine on nothing till
we see the event of the present discussion, — Strong and
well-vrritten leading article in the Morning Chronicle
against Addington, Morpeth and G, Leveson with me —
both rather incUned to think Pitt ought to remain at
Walmer; not come up to mix in the odium of war, should
war be the result, but to wait for the result, and then
leave Walmer, This also Canning's doctrine, a doctrine
which, in my mind, is founded on their wishes how best
to bring him in and turn Addington out ; and that,
Ustening to this wish, they rather overlook the public ser
vice ; but even as far as this is their object, I am not sure
they are right, for it wiU be an odious task to be brought in
manifestly and solely as a war Minister, and wiU rivet on
Pitt the character his iU-wishers here, and those who fear
him on the continent, are eager to give him, that of being
fond of war. Again, if this Administration succeed in
terminating the present differences without a rupture,
and without receiving any aid or assistance from Pitt,
they will evidently become more confident of their own
abilities, obtain more reputation in the pubUc, and fling
Pitt farther in the back-ground than before. But these
are paltry political considerations, to be guided or in
fluenced by at such a conjuncture, and which I am sure
my young friends would not admit, if left to the un
biassed exercise of their own judgment. In the mean
while, I myself feel almost certain Pitt is meditating
some step he conceals from us all ; and satisfied, as I am,
that he knows best what to do, and the when and how to
do it, I wait confidently the result of his silence and mys
tery, for his conduct is mysterious.
Reports that Lord Chatham is to go to Ireland in the
room of Lord Hardwicke, and Lord Moira to replace Lord
Chatham at the Ordnance,
Report also that the Duke of Bridgewater, who was
supposed to have died on the 7th inst., was not really
dead ; no change, they say, had taken place . in his ap-

1803.] ENGLAND. 235
pearance yesterday ; and his funeral, which was to have
taken place to-day, is postponed, under the idea he may
be in a long trance ; he has left 70,000/ a-year to Lord
Gower, and 30,000/ to General Egerton.
Lord Morpeth's account of Paris agrees with that of
Lord Pembroke. He said he had heard to-day that
Joseph Buonaparte had declared, " Que la famille dtoit
perdue si la guerre se faisoit, et qu'il craignoit tout du
caract^re violent de son frfere."
Maret very civil to Lord Morpeth. Maret has great
influence ; has placed all his old friends and colleagues at
Lisle in lucrative offices ; his wife a pretty and pleasing
woman.

Tuesday, March 15. — Sir W. Fawcett.* — Complains of
the impossibility of raising men for the regulars ; militia
substitutes paid much higher ; army very incomplete ;
does not like the idea of Lord Moira's coming to the Ord
nance. Note from Duke of Portland, to say no answer yet
given to Andreossi's Note, and that the Negotiation does
not go forward rapidly, but that Lord Pelham intends to
caU on me in his way from the Cabinet, and will tell me
aU that has passed, &c. ; Duke himself confined by the
gout. I perceive from ordinary visitors, that Ministers have
talked of the Conference between Lord Whitworth and
Buonaparte on the 1 7th, probably with a view to make
a strong impression on the public mind of his insolence
and madness.

Wednesday, March 16.— The messenger came yester
day — brought rather warlike news ; that Buonaparte was
very violent ; had given, through Talleyrand, une Note
verbale, full of anger, and talking of sending 20,000
* Sir W. Fawcett enjoyed a high reputation as a scientific soldier. He
served in Flanders and in the Seveu'Years' war, and died in 1804, Governor
of Chelsea Hospital.

236 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l803.
men to Holland, as many to Switzerland, &c., &c. Also
that Sir A, Ball'''' had written a very excellent letter
from Malta by the last messenger, urging the necessity of
keeping it, and that nothing could come more apropos.
The Duke of Portland told me afterwards that on the
10th, before dinner. Lord Whitworth saw Talleyrand, to
communicate to him the intended message, which he
(Lord W,) knew Andreossi had communicated the pre
ceding night. Lord Whitworth accompanied his commu
nication with the observations ordered by his instruc
tions ; and, on Talleyrand calling it a warlike measure,
stated to him that it was simply one of prudence and
precaution, and that the forms of our constitution made
the notification to Parliament necessary, without any in
ference whatever to be drawn from its publicity. Talley
rand answered nothing, but said he was going to the
First Consul, and would see him again at the Prussian
Minister's, where they were both to dine.
Talleyrand, after dinner, said the best way of letting
Lord Whitworth see the exact impression the message
had made on Buonaparte, was to read to him, and let
him copy, if he pleased, a paper he (Buonaparte) had
written immediately on hearing it, and given Talleyrand
for his instructions how to act. This paper stated a long
preface about his earnest desire to cultivate the friendship
of England, and to preserve peace, a strange misstate
ment of his own conduct since the beginning of the war
to prove the sincerity of this intention ; that this was
now all over, and it was clear to him we intended the
two countries should be always enemies ; that after the
King's Message, the end of which was war, it became him
to take every possible measure becoming the situation in
which France was placed by it ; that particularly as we
had mentioned Holland in it, to increase his force there,
which he should do by marching 20,000 men directly
into that country, and forming a camp on the frontiers of
* Sir Alexander Ball was one of Nelson's favourite Captains in his band of
heroes. He commanded the Alexander line-of-battle ship at the Nile, con
ducted the blockade of the French garrison at Malta in 1800, and on its sur
render was made Governor of the island, where he died.

1803.] ENGLAND. 237
the King's Electoral dominions ; that he should also form
camps all along the coast of Normandy and Britanny ;
should send an increase of troops into Switzerland, and
immediately take possession of Tarentum, which he in
sinuated was much more advantageously situated for the
views we so falsely attributed to him in Egypt and the
Morea than Malta ; that, in short, he would put France
in such a state, that we should see he was not to be in
sulted ; and ended this strange paper by these words,
" On pent d^chirer la France mais pas I'intimider,"
It is manifestly the production of a proud, angry,
hasty man — a mixture of resentment, menace, and appre
hension, which are so unguardedly expressed as to leave
no doubt that our steady and decided conduct took him
unexpectedly, and that, whatever distant systematic views
he may have on England, they were not yet ripe, neither
were his preparations and plans ready. On the whole,
from this report, 1 do not think that war is inevitable, as
some of the Ministers believe, or affect to believe. It is
precisely the effect such a measure must produce on such
a man — nothing more ; and till we hear how he feels after
two or three days' reflection, and till the news of what
passed in the two Houses, I shall suspend my judgment,
I understand a very good and right answer is given to
Andreossi's Note of the 8th instant, which required an
explicit declaration from us about Malta ; but not having
seen it, I cannot say what it was.
Vague report of a French ship being lost off Brighthelm-
stone, with arms and colours, with the Irish and French
arms intermixed, destined for Ireland,
French messenger (Chazel) sent with a passport, signed
by Buonaparte himself, and who crossed in an open boat,
came to Andreossi yesterday morning. Lord Pelham saw
Andreossi since, and Andreossi told him that he hoped he
had something to propose which would satisfy us. Lord
Pelham had not heard from Lord Hawkesbury, but sus
pects it to be an island called Lampedosa, near Malta,
belonging to a Neapolitan subject, where there is a good
port, &c., to be given us, and Malta to be put under the
protection of Naples.

238 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l803.
Lord Pelham says, the first impression of Buonaparte
was great anger, but it soon subsided.

March 18. — Canning  He told me of the strange be
haviour of Buonaparte to Lord Whitworth at his Levee —
passionate and absurd ; saying, " Vous voulez la guerre,
vous I'avez eu pendant quinze ans, et nous aUons I'avoir
encore. Vous autres vous violez les Traites. H faut les
faire observer ; je le veux ;" and he walked about quite
in a passion, and thus made himself ridiculous both to
the Foreign Ministers who were present, and to his own
countrymen. Nagel told me the Dutch have opened the Indian trade.
The Charter of the Dutch East India Company is at an
end. This must affect us.
Schimmelpenninck (Dutch Minister) has given in a Note
to say, that if we had addressed ourselves to him, the
Batavian RepubUc would have given us a very satisfactory
explanation of the armaments fitting out in their ports.
TMs evidently done at the instigation of France.
Lord Pelham told me, he supposed the French courier
had brought nothing to Andreossi material, as he had said
nothing to Lord Hawkesbury, and that it was some stock
jobbing trick. Yet how does this correspond with what
Andreossi told Lord Pelham at the Lev^e, Wednesday 1

March 19. — Tom Gren-vUle said. Lord CarUsle's pro
jected motion for an inquiry into the state of the Na-vy
since 1st Jan. 1802, was to be withdrawn as soon as
made, and only brought on to furnish pretence for a
debate. Cape of Good Hope retained stUl by us, but it is said
fresh orders are gone out to restore it.
Sir WiUiam Scott at dinner at Spencer House — very
sensible, well-informed man — unprejudiced and tempe
rate — strong advocate for firmness. Canning low. Lord
Melville went to Walmer Castle, Tuesday.

1803.] ENGLAND. 239
Sunday, 20th March, — Sir G. Shee. — Alarms about
Ireland ; its defenceless state ; recommends the getting
over to our side, not the bishops and higher order of
the Catholic clergy, but the priests ; that it is these
who guide the spirit of the people ; they who were
the most active in the late RebelUon, and many of them
to fanaticism, and were kiUed at the mouth of the
cannon. I afterwards saw a very able paper of Sir George's
drawing up, in which he advises, and supports his
opinion ¦with good argument, the erecting, in different
positions, fortresses in Ireland, and citadels in Dublin and
other towns.
I dined at Salt HiU with Lord Pelham in my way to
Park Place. A messenger from Paris came this morning
from Lord Whitworth, who states that Buonaparte is
ready to give us every possible security that he will not
get or take possession of Egypt, but will hear of no com
promise with respect to Malta. This, it was said in the
communication from the Foreign Office to Lord Pelham,
Ministers most anxiously wish to be kept secret. Why %
Lord Pelham left with me a sort of memorial he had
drawn up -with regard to our situation towards the Con
tinent ; advises applying to Russia, and, jointly with her
and France, to go to the bottom of things ; come to a com
plete understanding on every point in dispute, or likely
to arise. The paper was weU drawn up ; Lord Pelham
recommended that Louisiana, and also the Floridas,
should be giveu to America. At this I demur, as it is
the only point where the Americans are assaUable ; and,
if they had this, they would ffing themselves a corps
perdu into the hands of France.
He proposes to give Parma and Placentia to the King
of Sardinia, and several other outlines of a project that
might be well fiUed up,
I returned it to him from Park Place, with a letter
containing some few observations,
21st, 22nd, 23rd, at Park Place ; neither heard, nor
received any news.

240 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l803.
March 24th. — Lord Whitworth writes word that
Talleyrand had again repeated Buonaparte's readiness to
give us every possible assurance as to the views on Egypt,
but would not listen to any modification of the article
about Malta, and that an answer, with full instructions,
had been sent to Andreossi (this probably reached him
on Monday, 21st), but he had as yet said nothing.
Lord Pelham had shewn me at Salt Hill a long rig
marole from Sir John M'Pherson, which meant, in sub
stance, to say, that Andreossi disliked Lord Hawkesbury,
and wished to confer with Lord Pelham. Sir John says,
he was hurt at Lord Hawkesbury's not having shewn him
the message previous to its being sent to Parliament, and
that, besides this, he had been betrayed by one of his
confidential people, and wished to open himself fully to
Lord Pelham, to whom he, and persons stiU higher,
(meaning, probably, Buonaparte,) were disposed to look,
in preference to any other of the Ministers.
I told Pelham what I thought of Sir John ; that he
was an intruding man ; perhaps well meaning ; more
duped than duping ; that he was always for conciliatory
and conceding steps, and that it was not to be forgotten
he had been a strong advocate for Napper Tandy's ''''' being
given up,
I found to-day that Andreossi had caUed on Lord
Pelham on Monday, as if eager to see him. That on
Tuesday he came to his office, but though he seemed
full of something, and staid a considerable time, said
nothing of any importance, and aUeged a very trivial
reason (about some persons who had forged assignats) for
coming ; he would not avail himself of several openings
Lord Pelham gave him to speak, but went away without
saying any thing, though he appeared like one who
wanted to say something and laboured to bring it out.
No appearance of preparations on the French coasts ;
* Napper Tandy in 1791 published a revolutionary Declaration in the
name of the United Irishmen. He took refuge from the pursuit of the law
in France, and in 1798 landed in Donegal with the French expedition,
which failed. He was taken and condemned to death, but eventually given
up to the French Government as he had been captured at Hamburgh.

1803,] ENGLAND. 241
but great activity in the naval and army departments
at Paris,
Lord Moira came to Lord Pelham with a long string of
intelligence from Bourdeaux, It went to prove, that
Buonaparte was decided to invade us, and that he had
saved forty or sixty millions of livres for this purpose.
That, when he was told of the difficulties, he said " Oui,
je les avoue, mais il y a tant de cabales et d'intrigues
centre moi, qu'il n'y a que la conquete de I'Angleterre
qui puisse reconcilier tons les esprits." Lord Moira be
haved very handsomely, and like a man of honour, in
communicating this information, which, though not new,
is weU worth attention.
Addington, to whom Lord Pelham had given the paper
above mentioned, '*'' seemed to approve it, but not likely to
press it with Lord Hawkesbury. Lord Hawkesbury, dis
pirited and low ; afraid of Woronzow ; dares not speak
to him ; but sends Lord '''' * * '''' (his Under Secretary of
State), whom, Woronzow says, " tout le monde salt etre
fou," He also is not up to speak and confer with An
dreossi, notwithstanding he seems to be more easy and
practicable than most Frenchmen,

March 25, — Nothing new from France, Andreossi is
still silent, although it is now four days since Lord Whit
worth's letter, saying a reply to our answer to his de
manding the evacuation of Malta was sent. This looks
very suspicious. Ministers perplexed, but not inclined to
press Andreossi for it, though it is the only natural step
to take, and which they ought and are authorized to do
from Lord Whitworth's reports.
With the Greffier, Fagel. He has seen Addington ;
well satisfied about the Prince of Orange's affairs ; ap
proves the delay, and talks reasonably.

Saturday, March 26, — It appears from the interception
* Lord Pelham's Memorial, mentioned in page 245,
VOL. IV. R

242 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE, [l803,
of Schimmelpenninck's letters, that Andreossi has not re
ceived anything positive from Buonaparte ; has orders to
temporize, and that they are taking into consideration at
the Tuileries what is to be done. Schimmelpenninck
(Dutch Minister) after this (which is written to Vander-
goes), goes on, by stating his own opinions — rates our
Administration low — asserts roundly that the First Consul
means to bamboozle us by false assurances, and to gain
time ; that he knows his inveteracy to England is beyond
aU bounds ; but that he is afraid to act up to his hatred,
as well from the strength of England, as from a want of
confidence in his own army, and his consciousness of his
unpopularity in France. The Dutchman (who writes very
sensibly) proceeds by saying, he trusts a great Power (and
he means Russia) will assume the part so clearly marked
out for her, and come forward to settle Europe, and in
sure, at least for a while, the permanency of Peace,
From secret intelligence, Buonaparte's hostile views on
this country are made manifest. When told of the risks,
he says, " Oui, je les reconnois bien ; mais que faut il
faire ; il y a tant de factieux, tant de dangers qui m'en-
vironment ; la conquete de I'Angleterre reunira bien les
esprits ; it faut I'entreprendre,"
His plan, they say, is to attack Portugal by sea from
Toulon, put Murat at the head of this expedition, and
Joseph Buonaparte to command in Italy, and to invade
Naples, or at least to break in upon the Neapolitan terri
tory, and take possession of Tarentum ; and, what appears
to be very doubtful, to send Moreau to the Morea and
Egypt, Massena to command I'arm^e d' Angleterre, Fouch^ to
be the War Minister for this special purpose ; but both
are adverse to it, and enter into his views reluctantly,
Berthier declares he will resign if Buonaparte goes to war,
and foretels him his downfall if he undertakes one.
King sent for Addington early in the morning, to com
plain of the delay and slowness of his proceedings, and
particularly of Lord Hawkesbury's inattention in not
keeping him informed.
Canning, — Said Lord Melville was returned from Wal-

1803.] ENGLAND, 243
mer ; he had not seen him ; Lord GrenvUle going there.
Canning very much perplexed about Pitt's conduct, but
had nothing new to say. His acrimony at its height
against Addington,
Lord Bathurst approves Pitt's staying away ; wants
him to go to Bath, and pressed me to induce Sir Walter
Farquhar* to ¦write to him to advise his immediate going
there. This I did not do — wishing to leave Pitt entirely
to himself.
So"DAY, ^Iarch 27, — CaUed on Pelham on my way to
WUton, Nothing new at half-past ten. He desired me
to put on paper my thoughts on the general state of
affairs, and send it him to give ilr. Addington,
I left London at half-past ten, and got to Andover by
seven ; 28th and 29th at WUton,
Fitzharris writes on the 29th, that Lord Pelham had
seen (and told him the substance) the answer Andreossi
was to give in on that evening, 29th ^Jarch ; that it was
evasive and undecisive. On the 30th, Fitzharris says,
the answer was not only evasive and undecisive, but in
solent. It compared Wilson's book with Sebastiani's
report, and that of this book they had not complained ;
several councils had been held, and were sitting ; and
that I should hear the event of them from Lord Pelham
as soon as they came to a determination.

April 1. — ^Lord Pembroke said aU his orders from
Lord Hobart (as Lord-Lieutenant) look like war. So
look the funds. Lord GrenviUe makes a great parade of
his visit to Walmer, where he went in the evening, at
four o'clock, on the 29th ; talked of it to every body with
an air of mystery and importance, yet it was settled a
week ago ; and why Lord GrenviUe departs so much from
his usual character as to affect importance, I cannot guess.
No ilinister in the House of Commons the 29th and
30th ; this looks Uke a change ; and people infer Adding-
* Sir Walter Farquhar was the most distinguished Physician, and one of
the most accomplished men of his day, K 2

244 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l803,
ton's early audience on the 25th March bore reference to
some alteration in the Ministry.
On Sunday, 3rd April, a strong answer was sent to
that given in by Andreossi on 29 th March ; this con
sidered by Ministers as no answer, and an explicit and
categorical one required. So say Lords Pelham and
Fitzharris ; but it is possible private instructions to do
away its effect are sent to Lord Whitworth by Lord
Hawkesbury, April 6th, 7th, and 8th, — Great rumours of changes ;
I hear nothing from Canning ; Lord Pelham went on the
6th to Brighton.
At Bath and Park Place till 20th April.
On my return to town I heard all which had passed
between Addington and Pitt during the end of April. '^'
The negotiations with France scarce can be said to pro
ceed ; messages meaning nothing pass. On the 23rd or
24th an intimation is sent from hence, which, if not ac
ceded to in seven days after its being delivered in. Lord
Whitworth is to leave Paris, It gets there on Wednesday,
the 27th. It requires that England should be left in
possession of Malta for ten years, that the French troops
should evacuate Holland and Switzerland, and that, on
an adequate compensation being given to the King of
Sardinia, England will acknowledge the King of Etruria
and Italian Republic.
Lord Whitworth sees Talleyrand on the evening of the
27.th, Talleyrand begins by asking him whether we give
way about Malta ; and on Lord Whitworth saying no, he
then says, you may as well state all your instructions at
once, as the Negotiation must break off, since the First
Consul will never consent to let you have Malta, This
Lord Whitworth does verbally on Thursday ; and the
letters written that day from Paris, which came Sunday,
1st May, announce war as certain, Thelluson, and those
in the interests of France and with French connexions,
spread it about assiduously.
On Friday, 29th, Joseph Buonaparte, who for some
* The account of this is given before in this Volume,

1803,] ENGLAND. 245
time past had taken a sort of unauthorized share — at
least without any official full powers — in the transaction,
comes up from his house near Ohantilly on purpose to
converse with Lord Whitworth, He expresses his con
cern and uneasiness ; professes, as he always did, his
eager desire for peace, his dread of war; but that his
brother is a most violent, impracticable man ; yet he still
hopes some temperament may be found. He then enters
into a long discourse with Lord Whitworth, which ends
by desiring him to give in his demands and proposals in
writing, in order that the First Consul may deliberate
cooUy upon them, and in order that he may lay them be
fore the Council of State, with a view that whatever m,ay
be the result, they may have their sanction; and this wish
of the First Consul he interprets to be pacific, from the
known character and feelings of the Council, and from his
not being in the custom of communicating with it, and
that therefore he wants their opinion to be distinctly pro
nounced, with a view to do away an appearance of incon
sistency in him, should the result be an acceding to our
proposal, which he (Joseph) thinks possible, if we wUl
shorten our claim on Malta from ten to seven or five
years. This intelligence arrives in London on Sunday,
May 1st.
On Monday, Addington, in the House of Commons, gets
Colonel Patten to put off' his motion, by saying that in a
week he must expect certain and conclusive intelligence
from Paris.
On Sunday evening. May 1st, a strong report prevails
that Lauriston (the same person who brought over the
ratification of the Preliminaries) is arrived in London,
The report appeared to me idle ; but on calling, late in
the evening, on Lord Pelham, 1 found, by letters just re
ceived from Paris, dated the 29th, that Lord Whitworth
actually says Lauriston is set out, and supposes him in
England, That it is a secret and special commission from
Buonaparte, unknown to him ; but he is inclined to be
lieve it one of an accommodating nature.
On Monday morning, no Lauriston appears, neither is
anything said by Andreossi, who, however, talks sillily

246 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE, [l803.
pacific. He said to Lord Auckland, at the Royal Academy
dinner, on the 30th April, " Deux Ambassadeurs comme
nous peuvent parler franchement, (not very good political
logic,) pourquoi vous dirai-je un mensonge qui dans huit
jours sera necessairement deceit. Mais je vous promets
que quoique vous entendiez dire de nos armements et de
Harrivee de Lauriston, le tout sera arrange avant la fin
da la semaine," And, in speaking to Hugh Elliot, he
said, " Enfin les yeux du Premier Consul sent desill^s ; il
reconnoit la loyaut6 et la bonne foi de la nation Anglaise."
These are strange speeches, and Andreossi chooses strange
confidants. In the mean while the popular cry increases against
Ministry for these delays, and for keeping the country in
a state of suspense so very distressing. The Grenvilles,
a part of Pitt's friends, and many country gentlemen,
with nearly the whole of the old Opposition (Sheridan
excepted, and he only means to stay away), violent and
eager to divide the House on Patten's motion on an in
quiry into the state of the Nation,
On the 2nd May, Canning writes a very long letter to
'Pitt ; too long, yet able and well written. It began by
a narrative of what he had collected with respect to the
effect produced on the King by Pitt's conduct ; then goes
on to ask him what he wishes his friends to do, and how
to act,
Pitt's answer to it is, that he is coming to town, and
that it is a subject better to talk over than to write on.
On Wednesday the 27th April, with Woronzow for two
hours ; he communicated to me several Despatches of his
own Court to him ; of his to his Court ; others to Markoff
at Paris, The result of them struck me that Russia was
now what she ever has been since she has held or as
sumed a place amongst the greater Powers of Europe —
cajoling them all, and courting flattery from them all, but
certainly never meaning to take an active part on behalf
of any of them.
He read me his brother's long Despatch, written in
January to Markoff, It is as was represented to me by
Pelham and Duke of Portland ; quite a political sermon ;

1803,] ENGLAND. 247
fuU of good advice, and even admonition, to Buonaparte ;
well written ; strong and ingenious, and expressing in
distinct words, that if any attempt is made by France on
the Turkish empire, that " I'Empereur se verra obligd
d'intervenir activement."
Woronzow's own statement of the conduct of Ministry
and measures of this country, since the Peace of Amiens,
is precisely such a one as Lord GrenviUe would have
written, only more full of accusations and slighting ex
pressions of Mr. Addington and Lord Hawkesbury. I
observed on this to him, and said, if he was a sincere
wellwisher to this country, as he professed to be, why
lower it by depreciating its Ministers in an official cor
respondence ? Think of them as he liked, but if they
were not deficient either in personal regard and attention
to him, or in confidence and free communication towards
his Court, not to express his thoughts in a Despatch.
My friend is too violent and untractable to understand
this ; and aU he does, or I could get him to do, is to
quaUfy his abuse of them by praises of the country at
large, and of other individuals in it he thinks weU of in
his private letters,
I fear we here rely too much on Russia ; she wiU cer
tainly do nothing ; she will give us advice, but not assist
ance, and is now playing the same game as she has
played from the accession of the late Empress Catherine,
except in the short period when the furious Paul took a
turn in our favour, and sent his armies to our support,
and against the French,
Russia and Sweden near a quarrel about a bridge on
the river Vymene, on the frontiers of Finland ; may end
by Russia taking all the rest of that country from the
Swedes, Russia stipulated in February for an indemnity
for the King of Sardinia ; viz,, le Siennois and the dis
trict of Orbitello, but will not acknowledge the Italian
Republic or admit the abdication of Ferdinand, Com
pare this with our present proposals to France, and it
will appear that we have acted foolishly, either from want
of communication or from carelessness and inability.

248 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l803.
May 3. — Greffier Fagel with me, on the Prince of
Orange's affairs ; shews me the different papers which
have passed between the Princess and our Ministers since
the Treaty of Amiens ; most of them are in my pos
session ; she takes an early opportunity of asking from
Lord Hawkesbury, in a very proper and dignified letter,
an explanation of the 1 8th Article, when accompanied by
the separate one signed the same day between France and
Holland ; Lord Hawkesbury's reply weak and unstates-
manlike ; he says they were quite ignorant of this sepa
rate article till they saw it in the public prints, but fully
intend that the spirit of the 18 th Article shaU be strictly
observed, Addington proposes 220,000/, and, in short, what I
have said before in my journal. The Princess wrote to me
a very gracious letter to thank me for my attention and
intention, but to inform me, that the Prince of Orange
persisted in preferring a capital so secured as to afford a
permanent and perpetual interest to what she termed
" une rente viagSre." I answered her letter on the 4th
May, I find from the Greffier that she is so distressed as to
be in real want, and I undertook to press Addington,
either directly or through the Duke of Portland, to remit
her one year's interest on the whole sum ; viz,, 12,000/,
The Hereditary Prince of Orange evidently directs all this,
and his politics are unbecoming his name, and adverse to
us. He will reduce the family into that of a petty Ger
man Prince,
Messenger from Paris, at 5 p,m, — brings nothing — no
farther answer. He left Paris on Saturday, the 30th of
April, late — three days before the expiration of the term.
Lord Pelham thinks Buonaparte will let Lord Whit
worth go, in order to see what effect his departure will
produce at Paris, and then either declare war, or transfer
the Negotiation to London, according as this may turn
out. This seems likely.

May 4, — Nothing new ; reports without end. Ad-

1803,] ENGLAND, 249
dington made a very feeble speech on the Admiralty BiU,
and brought on by it (quite unnecessarily) a debate, in
which he was rather laughed at. Canning spoke well
on it.
Thursday, May 5. — At nine o'clock in the morning a
paper was stuck up on the Stock Exchange, as a notice
from Lord Hawkesbury to the Lord Mayor, stating that
every thing was arranged — that France had acceded to
all our proposals. This raised the Stocks to 70,
Canning came in a great hurry to tell me this, just at
the moment (11 o'clock) that I had received a note from
Lord Pelham, to say that a messenger arrived an hour
before, dated Paris, Tuesday morning. May 3 — that
nothing then was done ; and Lord Pelham infers, that
Lord Whitworth must have left Paris that evening ; he
had desired a packet-boat to be sent from Dover for him.
This abominable City lie, which infiuenced the Stocks,
accounts either for what Andreossi thought, and said, to
Lord Auckland and W, Elliot, or is the effect of it, I
left London at 12 on this day for Brighton,

May 6, — Addington entrusts the House, at 5 o'clock
this day, with information that Andreossi has received
orders from the First Consul to leave London on Lord
Whitworth's arrival ; but no messenger from Lord Whit
worth to Lord Hawkesbury was yet arrived. Till, there
fore, this happens, no regular official communication can
be made to ParUament,
Great sensation in the City, on account of the forged
letter on Thursday, To cheat them is the most audacious,
abominable of all proceedings. If any event could be
devised or forged, to sink at once the value of land from
thirty to twenty years' purchase, not half the noise would
be made, nor the " villains " be deemed half so atrocious.

May 7 and 8. — Brighton, The reports on the evening
of this day (7th) contradicted the news of the morning —

250 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [1803.
this was war. The evening rumours were pacific — that
Lord Whitworth had not left Paris on Wednesday the 4th.
It appeared from my letters on the 8 th that this was
true, but I had no authentic details. It should appear,
from connecting the different information I received, and
that from tolerably good quarters, that a short time before
Lord Whitworth was setting out, he received a proposal
from the French Government, which he referred home for
consideration, and waited at Paris till the return of the
messenger (this from Canning). Another letter (from
Wm. Elliot) says, the Ministers are much displeased with
Lord Whitworth for having received this proposal, since
it differs so widely from his instructions — that he ought
to have rejected it as inadmissible at once, and that (and
EUiot says he speaks from respectable authority) they
have despatched a messenger to him with orders to reject
it, and leave Paris.
Andreossi still (though this week is nearly expired)
perseveres in saying that things will be arranged. He
has very odd confidants — Dr. Glass, the schoolmaster at
Hanwell, and Sir Charles Blagden.
Strong division in House of Commons on the 7th on
the question of Adjournment — for it, 185 ; against it, 95.
It was moved by Addington to be from Friday till Mon
day. Opposition wished to sit on Saturday ; all the good
speaking on their side.

May 9 and 10. — Ministers blame and reprimand
Lord Whitworth ; and it should appear as if he really
had not acted up to his instructions, and that he had no
private ones. As I suspected, the whole was a trick of
Talleyrand's, to gain time.

CONFIDENTIAL NOTE FROM LORD PELHAM.
" We have now directed Lord Whitworth to deliver
in a Note, to which he must have a satisfactory answer

1803.] ENGLAND. 251
in 36 hours after the arrival of the messenger, or leave
on Friday,"
I cannot collect what modifications Buonaparte pro
posed to Lord Whitworth which he thought sufficient to
detain him, nor yet those we now return.

May 11, 12. — On the 12th, a messenger (one of his
secretaries) arrived at London, from Sir J. Warren, at
Petersburg, in seventeen days, to say, that a Colonel
Colbert, despatched by Buonaparte to solicit the Medi
ation of Russia between us and France, is arrived, and has
succeeded in his Mission; and that orders had in conse
quence been sent to Markoff, at Paris.
This news seems to take Ministers (very oddly) by
surprise, and they apprehend it -wiU arrive just as the
point is settling between us, and fling all into confusion

Colbert, a clever fellow, bribes Czartorinski, (the Em
press's favourite,) and through him gets at the Empress,

Saturday, May 1 i.- — ^I return to town from Brighton,
Lord Whitworth left Paris on Thursday 12th, Our last
proposal to keep Malta for ten years — to fit out in the
mean while as a naval station, Lampedosa, fit for large
ships, and then (at the end of ten years) Lampedosa (now
belonging to the King of Naples) to be ours,
French consent, provided no definite term is stated,
and some compensation given to France, This rejected
by us, and Whitworth censured for listening to it.

Sunday, May 15. — Lord Whitworth writes from Breteuil.
A French messenger arrives to Lord Hawkesbury about
noon, to say that the Emperor of Russia (" un Prince
magnanime") is ready to do every thing we can desire
respecting Malta ; that therefore it will be our fault now
if there is war, &c.
Rather a manifesto than anything else. No notice

252 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [1803.
taken of it here, but orders to the- fleet to sail under
Admiral CornwaUis, and to go off Brest, and Letters of
Marque to be issued. Andreossi to go on the 16th.
On this evening I read over the correspondence which
is to be laid before Parliament.
It is very voluminous ; a good case made out for those
who wish well for the cause, and think right, but not a good
one to those who are disposed to be captious, and cavil.
In August and September, 1802, the insolence and ar
rogance of Buonaparte was at its height, and increased
evidently as we conceded — which we did virtually by
entering into arguments with him on points that ought
at once to have been scouted ; particularly on his pre
sumption in requiring of us to send away the Princes,
the French Bishops, Georges, and the emigrants wearing
orders, and to control the press. Soon after this began
the discussion on Malta ; but neither this discussion, nor
the existence of armaments, are made out sufficiently
clear to get rid of debate and dispute, and there is little
doubt that Fox and his followers will hit this vulnerable
part. Yet the whole is a right measure, evidently right,
but not managed with address and skill — a wise step, but
not cleverly conducted, nor well told.

Monday, May 16. — A French messenger arrives at ten
o'clock, A,M,, with a proposal to acquiesce in our ultimatum,
and leave us Malta for ten years, provided we allow France
to occupy Oti'wnto for the same period, (Otranto is a
port in the bay of Tarentum, very favourable for any
views on the East, or Egypt,)
This immediately produced a Cabinet, and they as im
mediately decide on not accepting the proposal ; and very
becomingly say neither England nor France has a right to
dispose of a town or port belonging to an independent
Sovereign, and that His Majesty never will participate in
the smallest degree in any system of spoliation and dila
pidation, A Message is deUvered in both Houses, to say the dis
cussions are over, and the two Ambassadors recalled ; that

1803.] ENGLAND. 253
on the 18th the papers will be laid before the Houses, and
on Monday, the 23 rd, they are to be taken into consider
ation. It appears, on reflecting on what has passed, that
Russia has been gained over — won by France by corrup
tion and flattery — lost by us by indolence, incapacity, and
ignorance ; that it is the manner in which Russia has de
clared herself (favourable to France) that terminated the
discussion on war. That had Russia been either neutral
or passive, Buonaparte would have given way ; and hence
it follows, that Lord Whitworth is to blame in not
leaving Paris on Tuesday, the 11th May, as he posi
tively was instructed to do, and by being prevailed on
to remain and listen to an inadmissible contre-projH,
given time for the messenger sent from Petersburg in
consequence of Colbert's Mission, to arrive at Paris, to
furnish Buonaparte with the good news from Russia, and
to put us in a very embarrassed situation by depriving us
of the power of saying the whole was over before we were
acquainted with the sentiments and offers from Peters
burg. Yet unfavourable to us as all the conduct of
Russia has been, and partial to France, (and it was easy
to foresee, had our Ministers been gifted with foresight,)
it is manifest Buonaparte still is very anxious for peace,
rather dreads war,'* and at this very hour (May I7th,
9 P.M. Tuesday), I have a misgiving he will end by agree
ing to all our proposals ; and that /or the present war will
be evaded — " Remise mais pas perdue."
On the 17th May, the Duke of Portland called on me,
on the Princess of Orange's affairs, and there is every rea
son to suppose that the Princess will soon receive 9000^.
on account. I wrote a very strong letter to the Duke
of Portland from Brighton, on the 8 th instant, and this
he read to Addington.
* This was certainly the case at the time. Bourrienne says, " Le Premier
Consul, qui avoit compt^ sur une plus longuo durde de la paix d'Amiens, se
trouvait a la rupture de ce Traitd dans une facheuse position. Le grand
nombre de conges accordes, I'^tat deplorable dans lequel 6toit la cavalerie,
la nullity momentan^e de I'artillerie r^sultat d'un projet qui exigeait la
refonte de toutes les pieces de campagne, appellaient toute la solicitude de
Buonaparte." — Vol. v., page 197.

254 DLiRIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l803.
Duke of Portland, on talking of pubUc affairs, laments
the conduct of Russia, and blames, with great reason, the
choice of persons employed, both there and elsewhere, by
us, as Ministers. The Duke thinks both Sir J, Warren
and Lord Whitworth have done Ul. A Declaration and
papers to be laid before the two Houses, and a Message
from the Crown to-morrow. Monday, the 23rd, ap
pointed for taking them into consideration.

Mat 18. — Canning early ; Uttle to say. Pitt (who, he
says, thinks as he does) 'wiU attend on the 24th, and give
his opinion ; means to fire over the heads of the Govern
ment — i. e., not to blame or praise them, but to support
the war measures ; to confine himself to this, and to do
or say nothing more, and then to return to Walmer.
Is this possible 1 (his returning to the country,)
Woronzow at two. His language hostile to Ministers,
his professions friendly to the country. It was evident
to me, from what he said, and the manner in which he
said it, that his Court is perfectly unfavourable to us, and
gained over by France, through Czartorinski and the
Empress. Woronzow considered the sale of Louisiana to
the Americans (by France) as a measure against us, and
reasoned on it like a Frenchman, not Uke himself.

Thursday, May 19. — InstaUation of the Bath in the
morning. Ball at Queen's House in the evening. The
Queen uncommonly gracious ; ICing always good. Fac
tious motion of Grey's, to disprove any armaments going
on in France, and that the assertion to that effect in the
Message was unfounded. He divided 59 on it.

May 20 and 21. — Nothing occurred. Lord Pelham
was with me on the morning of 21st; dissatisfied with
the way in which Lord Hawkesbury had consented to
give up the inteUigence of the last unofficial proposal
from France respecting Otranto. They had pre'riously

1803.] ENGLAND. 255
agreed not to do it. Idle rumours of Joseph Buonaparte's
being come to London ; peace still talked of in the city.

May 22, — Dined with Pitt at Lord G, Leveson's ; com
pany. Lords Gower, ]\Iorpeth, Boringdon, G, Rose, Ch.
Long, Canning, Pitt, Villiers, and myself General con
versation about the Correspondence ; Pitt approving the
measure, but negatively censuring Ministers. I was sorry
to perceive he still thinks Russia favours us, not France,
This is Woronzo'w's influence over Lord Grenville,

May 23, — Dean of Christ Church (Jackson) with me
for an hour and a half ; said he would talk to me under
the seal of confession ; that his mind was overloaded, his
anxiety excessive. After a long preface to this effect,
lamenting the weakness of Administration, and particu
larly the weakness and partial feelings of Addington's
advisers, (and he, to my surprise, fixed this imputation
particularly on Abbott, the Speaker,) he went on by
saying there must be a change ; Pitt must come in ; and
after gi'ring me to understand he knew what had passed
between Pitt and Addington, (and he appeared to state
and see it fairly,) he said, after resolving in his mind the
only quiet and safe means of bringing in Pitt, was through
the medium of the Dukes of York and Portland ; that
the Duke of Portland had, he knew, no idea the Ministry
could last ; he had said as much to the King — nearly as
much to Addington ; that, therefore, he was ripe, and
prepared to hold the sort of language necessary to pro
duce a change ; that he also stood well with Pitt, who
had a very high and just opinion of the Duke's worth and
integrity ; that he might represent to Addington the
necessity of a change, while, on the other side, the Duke
of York might take an opportunity of preparing the King
for it. Not a total change, but such a one as would give
the whole power to Pitt, but leave Addington in Cabinet

256 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l803.
Office, with additional honours. Sec, Sec ; that the idea of
Pitt coming in, in a second rank, to assist and support,
was nonsense ; he must guide and direct.
The Dean went on by saying he had already brought
about an interview between the Dukes of York and Port
land, at Burlington House (on the 20th), and that it
passed off vastly well ; but that, as they might (from
being both shy and not much acquainted) want a middle
man, he wished me to undertake that office whenever it
was necessary. I told him I thought his plan a good one,
but attended with many difficulties as to its execution ;
that it would be an awkward thing for a member of the
Cabinet (as the Duke of Portland was) to propose an
overthrow of the Cabinet itself, and that the Duke of
York he knew never could begin with the King on busi
ness ; that as for myself, I thought and felt so much the
necessity of a new Ministry, and at the same time such a
confidence in both the Dukes, that I was ready to do
whatever I could to forward the measure he had sug
gested. May 24, — Pitt's speech on the 23rd the finest he ever
made — never was any speech so cheered, or such in
cessant and loud applause ; it was strong in support of
war, but he was silent as to Ministers ; and his silence,
either as to blame or praise, was naturally construed into
negative censure. No one was heard after him, and the
debate was adjourned at ten o'clock tiU to-day.
By a new arrangement of the Speaker's, strangers were
excluded till so late an hour that the newspaper printers
could not get in, and, of course, no part of Pitt's speech
can be printed.
Wednesday, May 25. — With Lord Pelham early. A
Frenchman brought over a packet for the Dutch Minister
on the 24th, and a arge portmanteau or sack. In this
sack was the French declaration, or manifesto : it was
stopped by Stone, the agent, and sent up to London ; but
a " Moniteur" (I since find) is come over in which it is
inserted. No news from Admiral CornwaUis, Orders to

1803.] ENGL.\ND. 257
stop any Spanish men-of-war going into French ports ;
but not to take Spanish merchantmen. A great wish
here to preserve neutrality with Spain ; so there is in
Spain. We get an immense quantity of bullion from
Spain. Nothing directly to, or from Russia, Prussia
inclined to be uneasy — offers to join in the Mediation
with Russia — more civil and friendly in appearance than
for some time.
Great distress in Holland, Horror of the French uni
versal. Division on the adjourned debate of the 23rd, 400 to
69 — tellers included. Fox spoke three hours — very in
geniously, but very mischievous, Wyndham answered
him, Addington spoke very poorly, (This on the 24th,
Tuesday,) May 25, — Fagel with me at one ; desire him to see
Duke of Portland and Addington ; tell him what I have
done about the Princess of Orange,
With Lord Whitworth at two ; states France quite
unprepared for war ; would have given in and left us
Malta, if we had not insisted on a specific stipulation for
it. Lord Whitworth not pleased with Lord Hawkesbury
and Addington ; defends himself for disobeying instruc
tions, which he confesses he did.
He said that when Buonaparte fell out of his carriage
(on the 10th May), and it was said he was in danger,
his brother Lucien, before he went or sent to St, Cloud,
assembled forty or fifty of his friends in order to settle
the succession, and proposed himself. About twenty or
twenty-five were of this opinion ; about ten or twelve for
sending for some foreign Sovereign, and the rest for Cam-
baceres. Before this meeting broke up, news came the
First Consul was not hurt, Lucien goes immediately to
St, Cloud — relates what he has done, " Vous avez ^t^
bien press4 naon frere," says Buonaparte,
Lord Whitworth tells me that when Buonaparte is out
of his ceremonious habits, his language is coarse and
vulgar. He has an Italian accent, and writes French ill.
When speaking of Piedmont and Switzerland to Lord
VOL, IV, s

258 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l803.
Whitworth, he called them "des miserables f  s," a
very blackguard word.
Buonaparte loves talking — has quite " un flux de
bouche," but not eloquent ; does not listen. Lord Whit
worth saw Le Tourneur often ; he was very civil in his
recollection of what passed at Lisle. Maret so closely
connected with Buonaparte as not to dare to speak, but
well bred and gentlemanlike. Lord Whitworth thinks
the effects of war will soon be so severely felt in France
as to produce great disgust and disaffection ; that it will
shake Buonaparte's power ; that the army is not so much
attached to him as it was. If he trusts an army to
Moreau, he will risk its acting against him.
No armaments in France — nothing but flshing-boats in
Holland, yet Ministers persist that there is shipping to
bring over 50,000 French.
Lord Whitworth told me that when Buonaparte was
thrown out of his chariot, when he was driving himself to
St. Cloud, it happened in consequence of his having set
out in a phaeton and six ; that he quarrelled with the
postillion, and made him take off the leaders and would
drive the other four himself. The horses immediately
ran away, and the carriage struck against a piUar at the
gates of St. Cloud, and flung Buonaparte to a distance ;
he was so much hurt, in appearance, that the report of
his being in danger reached Paris,
Duke of York came to me at 5, — ^Uneasy lest the
Duchess should be forced to sup at the same table with
Mrs, Fitzherbert, at the ball to be given by the Knights of
the Bath on the first of June — talks it over with me —
says the King and Queen will not hear of it ; on the
other side he wishes to keep on terms with the Prince,
I say I will see Lord Henley, who manages this f^te, and
try to manage it so that there shall be two distinct
tables, one for the Prince, to whom he is to invite,
another for the Duke and Duchess, to whom she is to
invite, her company.
Rode, at four, to see Pitt — not up — he was not in bed
till near six ; returned with Lord Camden — much con
versation with him ; we agreed on all and every point.

1803.] ENGLAND. 259
He is sure Pitt has no connexion with the present
Administration, Some merchant ships sent in by our cruisers, Corn
waUis has been off Brest near a week ; also ships off
Rochfort, May 26, — Dean of Christchurch at eleven — full of his
plan, yet can report no progress — cannot contrive to get
at the King ; speaks with slight of Abbot, and says Van
sittart seems to rely on Pitt, to whom they intend to
submit their plan of finance, when it is ready, Adding
ton he calls a poor financier — the City has no confidence
in him.
At twelve. Lord Henley —settled with him in the way
stated above, at least so far, that he should write to Mr,
Thomas (who is about the Prince) to desire him to say
which box he would choose, and in the way 1 mentioned,
Duke of York at one — pleased with what I had done
about the supper, then entered fully into the necessity of
Pitt's return to Office — wished he would write to the
King — he was sure one half hour's audience would settle
the whole.
At the Drawing-room at half-past two. — Saw the
Queen immediately, not the King. No news. Lord
Pelham apparently very absent.

May 27. — Fox in a very able and masterly, but art
ful speech, proposes in the House that we ask the Media
tion of Russia : Pitt and Lord Hawkesbury acquiesce, and
Addington (who did not speak) apparently delighted.
This measure, perhaps, a right one, though much may be
said against it ; but it is a Cabinet, not a Parliamentary
measure, and Ministers, by suffering it to originate in
Parliament, and from the Opposition bench, betray weak
ness, and authorize a new and most dangerous precedent.

May 28 — 30, — At Park Place. Buonaparte issues an
order on the 27th, to arrest and stop all English subjects
s 2

260 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l803.
in France, also in Holland, under the idea of making
them hostages for the prizes we take, as he says, before
war is declared.

May 30, — Tierney to be Treasurer of the Navy in
room of Bragge, This seems to be an indication of
Pitt's never taking Office any more.

June 1, — Canning at eleven. Reads me the resolu
tions to be proposed on the 3rd : strong, and well drawn
up. Censure Ministry for delay and silence, and deduce
the proofs from their own communications. Pitt, it is
said, intends on this motion (to be made by Patten) to
move to adjourn, and if Ministers afterwards propose
counter resolutions, then to go away ; Lord Mulgrave to
take the same line to-morrow (the 2nd) in the Lords, All
this sad work when the war is raging at our gates.

June 2 and 3, — First day. Lord Mulgrave's motion as
above — eighteen peers only for it ; all the Grenvilles, &c.,
against it. Second day. — Pitt's motion in the Commons
(the same), only 56 for it — 333 against it.
Certainly not a judicious measure, though kindly in
tended towards Government by Pitt. Its effect is to fur
nish a plea for the many to desert Pitt and blame him,
Tierney appointed to be Treasurer of the Navy in
room of Bragge. This settled on Whit Tuesday, at
Greenwich, where these two and Addington dined in a
room within one, where Lord and Lady Worcester, Lord
Bathurst, &c,, ,also dined, and discovered them on the
dinners being^'carried in.

June 4. — King's birthday. — Immense full drawing-

1803] ENGLAND. 261
room— assembly in the evening at the Queen's House-
— King looking well, and in spirits.

June 5. — I read over (though very cursorily) aU the
long French publications in a supplement of six folio
sheets in the Moniteur.'"'
It takes up every pacific overture from the 18th
Brumaire, 1799, ^vhen Buonaparte overturned the Direc
tory, to the rupture in May 1803.
The curious part of it is that which contains the pro
tocols of the Conferences at Amiens. In these Lord
CornwaUis seems to have negotiated very little, and
always (except when forced on by his instructions) to
have had nothing in view but signing.
This is more particularly marked in a Note of his on
the 11th j\Iarch, 1802, to J, Buonaparte ; and in Joseph's
account subsequent to it, of Lord ComwaUis's feeUngs,
he says in his report to his Government, "Lord Corn
waUis se montre personnellement affecte des retards qu'
^prouvent encore la Negociation, et U exprima I'esperance
que son Gouvernement desisteroit de quelques uns des
nouveaux changemens qu'il avoit propose,"
Lord Hawkesbury appears to have negotiated better
with Otto, but still always betraying too strong a desire
to conclude.
The first thing done after his coming into Office was to
propose a pacific Negotiation, as appears from an Official
Note sent by Lord Hawkesbury to Otto on 21st March,
1801, in which he proposes, "d'entamer immediatement
des Negociations et d'envoyer a Paris ou a tout autre
endroit un i\Iinistre pleinement authorize," &c.
At this date the King was but just recovered, and the
new i\Iinistry barely seated in their places ; and, from
this day to the end of the Treaty, France assumes a tone
of superiority, and, I am sorry to say, acquires it in
negotiation that is intolerable. This appears even from
her own pubUcations, which, though so very voluminous,
are a garbled and incomplete account of the transaction,
* See Jloniteur, 241, I'An 11.

262 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l803.
and full of the most audacious lies respecting Buona
parte's moderation, justice, and forbearance, that ever
were yet told to the public,
Talbot (Secretary of the Embassy at Paris) called on
me ; said the papers alluded to had produced more effect
in France than they ought to have done. They had
somewhat electrified the nation, and made them less
averse to war ; that this war was unpopular with every
one but the army and its dependants ; that he was
stopped at Calais, but allowed to proceed on the return
of a messenger from Paris ; that he had remonstrated on
the detention and arrestation of the English, but that
Talleyrand would not allow him to be a person in a
public character, and gave him no answer. There was,
he said, no means of invasion, yet a determined intention
on the part of Buonaparte to invade England or Ireland
if he possibly could, Talbot was in a hurry ; had not
seen Lord Hawkesbury ; said he would call again.
Lord Pelham, — He stated to' me what had been told
him (as manager of the Lords) by Lord Fitzwilliam, and
afterwards by Lord Camden, as to the resolutions of cen
sure moved by the last, and Lord Mulgrave's motion of
adjournment. He thought the whole a strange incon
sistent jumble. Pitt and Addington were quite at vari
ance ; getting every day farther from each other ; yet he
still thought they might be united if Addington would
deal fairly and wisely. He lamented the inactivity of
Government — their taking no means of offence.
Said the Prince of Wales wanted to go abroad and
form a Northern Confederacy. He pretended that he
could manage the Duke of Brunswick, and, through him,
Russia and Prussia. That he was to be assisted by
Baron Hompesch (a rank adventurer) ; in short, one of the
ten thousand chimeras His Royal Highness has conceived.
This idea the Prince opened to Lord Pelham at the
Knights' Ball (June 1st), and sent Hompesch to him the
next day to talk it over. Lord Pelham declined talking
to Hompesch.
He had received a very good memorial from a French
man of the name of La Touche, with a plan of attacking

1803.] ENGLAND. 263
and molesting France, but that Addington had paid no
attention to it; not more than he did to the idea of
getting Russia over to our interests in March.
Duke of Portland dangerously ill since the morning of
the 2nd, but better on the 3rd and 4th,
Lord Bathurst at two o'clock. Much talk about Pitt ;
said he (Pitt) intended to take no steps in Parliament
respecting what had passed ; to absent himself on all days
and debates relative to retrospective measures, but that
on all new ones being proposed, he would attend and
watch over them. The King at first much displeased
with him for his motion on the 3rd, but less so on re
flection, Duke of Portland very iU again to-day.

Juke 6, — Duke of Portland much better, and Sir
Walter Farquhar tells me he hopes he will not have a
return of his complaint.

June 7. — Met Talbot ; he doubted the report of Buona
parte's having insulted Markoff ; it was not likely Markoff
should have interfered respecting the detention of the
English. In general false and fawning ; never thoroughly
friendly with Lord Whitworth, or to be depended on.
Dined this day with Pitt, Lord and Lady Melville,
Lord M'Cartney, and G. Rose, at Sir W. Farquhar's.
Very pleasant and cheerful, and an excellent dinner.

Wednesday, June 8. — I was with Pitt at his breakfast.
I told him that I had much satisfaction in assuring him
that I should follow his line in politics ; that I under
stood his motives, and respected them in acting as he had
done. He said it was perhaps not good generalship, and that
he was aware of this, and of the sort of talk and blame
to which it would give rise. Yet he had considered it
over and over again before he had determined what to

264 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE, [l803.
do ; that his first wish was to evince to the public that
he had no connexion whatever with the present Ministers ;
that he had no share in any of their late transactions,
and that he was at liberty to remove them if he pleased,
and to take any part he chose either for or against their
future conduct ; that while he was desirous to substantiate
this, he also was equally desirous not to do anything
harsh or violent which looked like personal feelings ; and
that indeed, though he did disapprove a great deal of
what had been done and not done, yet it by no means
went in his mind to justify the support of such a motion
as Patten's, That, however, he (and here he called upon
my recollection to vouch for him) did consider that one
of the very first points for him and for every body was,
to be most attentive, to do nothing which could displease,
irritate, or discompose the King ; and that placed as he
was, either between direct violent opposition to the
King's Government, or the sort of mezzo termine line he
had now taken, he did not hesitate, although he agreed
with his younger friends, as he before said, that it was
not a good piece of generalship ; but that generalship was
not in his mind the leading consideration, or that on
which his conduct should solely be regulated.
That his plan was not to take any retrospective view —
to be silent as to all that was past : he had wished to
prove he had nothing to do with it. This he hoped he
had now done, and it was all he wished to do ; but not so
as to prospective measures : the situation of the country
was too serious for it not to be a governing duty with him
to watch over these most carefully ; not to oppose idly and
vexatiously : on the contrary, to take as a general prin
ciple the line of support, but to oppose most decidedly,
and with all his powers, any weak or pernicious half mea
sures, any unequal or inferior to the pressure of the mo
ment, whether of finance or preparation, Pitt then
went into a kind of recital of the relative situation of this
country and France, our means of defence, their means of
attacking us, ours of molesting them ; and talked on
them all with his usual sagacity and perspicuity.
He lamented much that no move had been made to-

1803,] ENGLAND, 265
wards Russia, and was grieved when I told him with how
little attention Lord Pelham's proposal of the 20 th of
March had been treated.
From Pitt's I came home, and went to the Lev^e.
King very short in what he said ; talked a great deal to
the Dutch Minister, whom, to my surprise, I found still
here.

June 10, — Lord Pelham with me at Eleven, — Commu
nicated to me private intelligence from France, that the
Republicans (Jacobins probably) and Royalists are very
numerous ; and if they could be brought to trust each
other, and be convinced that if either gained possession of
the power, he would not persecute the other, a revolution
might be operated.
This was the case, I said, all along, and particularly in
August, 1797,
Lord Pelham said, they had put all the Dutch craft in
requisition ; that each junk would hold one hundred
men; that they had 10,000 men at Cherbourg, and
had sent all the English detained at Calais to Valen
ciennes ; that the army (all but the Consular guard)
were wretchedly paid, and, for the sake of plunder, eager
for an invasion.
With respect to what was passing here, he said he was
going to a (Council in which it was to be deliberated what
to do with Russia, 1 expressed surprise at the tardiness
of this step. Lord Pelham said, however, nothing had
been yet done, but that a messenger would be immedi
ately sent. That the idea was to propose to Russia to
come forward as the general moderator of Europe ; to say
that Malta was out of the question, as a place to be re
stored, unless France would renounce all it had beyond the
Alps, and reinstate the King of Sardinia, or give up the
Austrian Netherlands, and put them under the dominion
of some powerful Sovereign. That on either of these con
ditions being acceded to, we would give up Malta ; but if
any thing short of this (though we should consent to it
as a general measure) was determined on, we must keep

266 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l803.
Malta — the best and only pledge for our security and
quiet in future.
Talking of home politics, he said, Addington was very
sore with Pitt, but very well assured of his own power ;
thought he had the ball at his foot, and would weaken
himself and his Administration by his presumption.

Saturday, June 11. — With Woronzow ; he put into my
hands a letter he had received on the 9 th, from Markoff,
by a messenger despatched to Prince Esterhazy.
It begins by saying, " what I am going to write will
first of all make you indignant, and afterwards make you
laugh," Markoff then refers him to an enclosure, which
is a Note verbale given by him to Talleyrand, on the 7th,
This says that, on Sunday the 5th, at the Levde, the First
Consul came up to him, and said, " Je sais que le Comte
de Woronzow n'est pas favorable aux Fran9ais, qu'il
aime les Anglois, et qu'il n'a pas fait tout ce qui depend
de lui pour empfecher la guerre, 2'^°, Que si les inten
tions de I'Empereur sont bonnes, il est tr^s mal servi par
ses Ministres, 3*^". Qu'il y a du double dans ceci, et que
si le Comte de Woronzow I'avoit voulu, il auroit pu con-
tenir I'Angleterre, 4'° Que si I'Empereur comptait ob
server une conduite si vague vis-a-vis de la France, pour
quoi lui a-t-elle jamais demand^es des services 1"
On this attack, similar to that made on Lord Whitworth,
Markoff, in his Note verbale, makes very proper and be
coming observations. He says, as to the first point, he
knew from personal connexion, as well as from official re
ports, that Woronzow has acted always impartially ; and
that M, Andreossi must admit this if he is questioned.
That as to the second, it is a most ungrounded reflection,
to suppose that His Imperial Majesty's Ministers ever
could, would, or did act contrary to his intentions and
instructions ; that these were such as became him to give,
and were based on a principle of justice and equity, such
as became a great Sovereign, who had nothing to hope or
to fear. That as to the third, it was an accusation not to

1803] ENGLAND. 267
be suffered to pass sans un ^claircissement ; that to in
sinuate that His Imperial Majesty's conduct was one of
duplicity, was a charge every action of his reign disproved ;
that it had been invariably the same from the first mo
ment, and that it would remain so. That as to the fourth,
the calling his conduite vague towards France, he said
it was equally groundless ; that the Emperor was cer
tainly desirous to cultivate and maintain friendship with
the First Consul; that to acquire this, he had acted, and
ever should act, frankly and equitably, but that he was
too great a Sovereign to solicit favour. That if he joined
with France in the German politics, it was because he
thought the general interests of Europe were benefited by
what he did ; and that as to any separate interest of his
own, or any other separate interest, it never had made
part of this system, or would of any other,
Markoff ends this paper by saying, he trusts he shall
have some 6claircissement, and be told why subjects were
brought into discussion in a public circle, which ought
only to be treated dans le calme et la tranquillite d'un
Cabinet; he hints, that he suspects some officious or jeal
ous stranger has been meddling, and points out indirectly
Luchesini, It appears to me, that Markoff has not taken this up
with sufficient indignation, and that he has been too
prolix and explanatory, though he certainly acted judi
ciously in saying nothing at the time, Woronzow treated
it with great contempt and indignation ; and in a letter
en clair by the post, wrote in answer — " Que quant a lui
son unique ambition 6toit d'obtenir et de meriter I'appro-
bation de son Souverain legitime, et tant qu'il poss^doit
celle-la, il s'inquietoit trfes pen des suffrages des Puissances
etrangeres." It is, 1 think, very probable, that it was the account of
what passed in the House of Commons, when Fox moved
that Russia should be solicited to interpose her good offices,
that put the First Consul in a passion ; and it is likely
that either Luchesini, or some other time-serving Foreign
Minister, increased this passion by their accounts of it.
Woronzow, as usual, railed bitterly against the Minis-

268 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l803.
ters ; said, " Si ce Ministere dure, la Grande Bretagne ne
durera pas !"
He gave me his despatch of the 29th May to read, and
with it the official Note of the 28th, he had received from
Lord Hawkesbury, requesting the intervention of Russia;
and saying, " His Majesty was disposed to receive it, and.
act upon it, in any way His Imperial Majesty might judge
best," This note was very well drawn up, but Woronzow
does not do it justice ; and though he (in his despatch)
supports the proposal, yet he says it was Fox's doing, and
takes away from Ministers the credit of it. In fact, they
left him a fortnight without any answer to his communi
cation ; and it is impossible for him not to feel that he
owes this one now sent, to what passed in the House of
Commons on the 23rd of May.
He shewed me another despatch, sent by Nicolai (his
secretary), much more friendly to this country ; in which
he does not scruple to say, that it was impossible for
England to avoid war ; that Buonaparte meant war all
along — only wanted to gain time; and, as a proof, ad
duces his restoring Louisiana to the Americans. This
was sent by Nicolai about the 20 th of May, and it may
do great good ; he, however, could not help ending it with
an attack on our Ministers. ,
Woronzow does Pitt great justice, and has written to
his Court the very best and fairest account of his conduct,
and his motives and actions possible, I found Pitt had
seen him on the 3rd of June, and had quite won him by
his manners and confidence. He was quite right about
him, and most desirous he should see the King, and do
away with the impressions Addington and others tried
to give, that Pitt was still bent on carrying the Catholic
Question, He exclaimed sadly against Lord Hawkesbury for his
treatment of Naples ; that Castelcicala had told him that
Naples had refused every request from France to shut her
ports, &c., &c,, against us, and only asked what we meant
or could do for its defence ; yet to this, though repeated,
he got no answer, not even what Lord Nelson intended to
do ; that H. Elliot was most disagreeable to the Court of

1803,] ENGLAND. 269
Naples, and that the sending him was a most impolitic
measure. N, B, Woronzow hates poor H, EUiot ever
since he stopped the Swedish war in 1788.'''''
Markoff was going to the Eaux de Bareges ; and from
this circumstance, and the general tenor of Woronzow's
language, I doubt much any real good coming from
Russia. He, however, is quite right, " Have us for
mediators, but do not consent to an armistice,"
At four this day, a strong report was prevalent of Buo
naparte's being assassinated, but it came without any
appearance of probability.
It did not appear, from anything Woronzow said, that
the Ministers had communicated at all with him, either
as to their intentions, or by way of consulting him re
specting the idea they have at this moment in agitation,
of sending some specific proposal to Russia, as mentioned
to me by Lord Pelham yesterday.

Sunday, June 12, — With Lord Pelham at 11. Nothing
yet done as to Russia, Idea is to ask, 1st, its Mediation
between us and France, stating as basis nearly the terms
in which our Negotiation broke off. If Russia objects to
this, then to propose her intervention as to the general
settlement of Europe.
That in this, the first object must be to curtail and
render safe the power of France, either by giving the
Austrian Netherlands to Prussia, or making a new great
power, by uniting them to Holland; by restoring Pied
mont to the King of Sardinia, and dividing Lombardy
between him and the Emperor ; that Europe, restored to
this situation, Malta would lose its value, and become
* At the close of September, 1788, Prince Charles of Hesse and the Prince
Royal of Denmark, at the head of a Norwegian army, invaded Sweden, ac
cording to a plan concerted with Russia. After various successes they be
sieged Gottenburgh (the principal port of Sweden), into which the gallant
King had thrown himself At this critical period Great Britain and Prussia
having no minister at Stockholm, Mr. Elliot crossed over, and used such ener
getic remonstrance in the name of the two Courts, that he induced the Danish
commanders to sign an armistice, and ultimately to withdraw their troops.
Mr. Elliot acted on his own responsibility, and it was as bold a deed as was
ever performed by any Diplomatist.

270 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l803.
nearly what it was formerly, and might in that case be
given up by us.
Such was the general outline of their plan, but as yet
undigested and unprepared ; and, what is worse. Lord
Hawkesbury talks of sending Lord Harvey with it to
Russia. Sir J. Warren wishes to come home and hoist his flag.'^^
I deprecated Lord Harvey being sent, to the utmost of
my power ; mentioned Lords Oastlereagh and Chatham ;
stated to Lord Pelham that Russia should be treated, not
as a great Power, full of wisdom and knowledge, governed
by great and sage public maxims, but as a proud, high-
minded, vain individual, governed by temper and passion,
and to whom the talking sense or reason, even though in
manifest conformity to their own interests, would never
be attended to, unless mixed up with flattery and unction,
and offend if at all in disagreement with their self-conceit
and vanity. That, for this reason, a well-mannered,
supple, adroit man was necessary,
I also mentioned, that if the general plan of arranging
Europe was accepted or seriously wished for, we must
make up our minds to give money, large subsidies ; but
I would give them only after the work was done, as task
work, not as we had done hitherto, always beforehcmd.
Lord Pelham said Addington was not up yet to this.

June 13,— News arrives of the French having taken
possession of Hanover ; a council on it ; King comes to
town on purpose ; receives the account of the loss of
Hanover with great magnanimity, and a real kingliness of
mind. Buonaparte sends a savage answer to our proposal of
exchanging the persons he has stopped, and calls prison
ers ; says he will keep them to the end of the war.
Budget. — Addington does better than was expected ;
rated our establishment at 26 millions ; his taxes heavy,
but not bad ; no opposition to him, nor any speech but his,
* Sir J. Warren was at Petersburgh.

1803. J ENGLAND. 271
Tuesday, June 14. — Lord Hawkesbury with me by his
own appointment, at seven ; stated to him my ideas
relative to the House of Orange, &c. ; he agreed with me,
and seemed disposed to assent to all I proposed.
He talked on every point of foreign politics, and talked
well, very well, I wish he may act up to it. He said,
of the three Sovereigns, Austria, Russia, and Prussia, he
likes the first the best, but it was rather saying he was
the least bad; that, however, since he had been in Office,
the Court of Vienna had always acted most fairly and
honourably ; Russia (the Emperor) meant well ; weak
and philanthropical. I observed on this Court, what I
had before said to Lord Pelham, and repeated the same
advice Lord Hawkesbury said the Emperor of Russia was going
into Livonia — why, he did not know — and took with him
Koutchubeg, which gave him great pleasure, as he was a
very right-thinking, honest man. He praised Panin, but
said he was for the Armed Neutrality ; spoke highly of
Tlatinski, at Constantinople ; wishes Kalitcheff should
succeed Woronzow here, of whom he said nothing.
Czartorinski was the favourite of the Empress.
Speaking of Prussia, he said nothing could be more
feeble and pusillanimous than the King and his Ministers,
I said, money might give them vigour ; he admitted it ; I
said, " subsidize them according to the work they do," and
I asked him whether he had ever seen a plan, prepared
in April, 1795, for paying Prussia, in proportion as the
Prussian troops advanced, &c. He said he had, and told
me an odd circumstance, which explains to me what 1
suspected at the time, viz., that Lord Grenville never
would sign this plan; that Dundas's name was put to it;
it went over by Calvert, but, as I now am sure, in conse
quence of private instructions given by Lord Grenville,
never was produced at Berlin. Lord Hawkesbury talked
over Markoff's "note verbale;" said it was a good one ;
must produce some effect in Russia.
He informed me that what they termed a Convention
between the French and Hanoverians, was a complete
cession of the Electorate ; that the French were masters

272 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE, [l803,
of it, to every intent and purpose ; that they would
occupy Hamburgh, Stade, Bremen, and that this was
inevitable ; that they thought of trying to send the
packet-boats to the mouth of the Eider, in Holstein, but
he apprehended the French would not scruple to violate
the Danish territory, and shut that also against us ; that,
in consequence, we had determined to declare the Elbe
and Weser, and all the rivers and ports on the western
coast of Germany, in a state of blockade ; that this would
stop at once all the trade with the Continent, and would
be felt much more severely by the foreign merchants,
who had not the same substance and stock as ours. We
could live on our capital for a long while ; they must
starve immediately. This was afterwards confirmed to
me in the city by Amyand.
Lord Hawkesbury said, from a very good channel, he
thought Buonaparte had no means of invasion ; but that,
as invasion was unquestionably his intention, we ought
to provide against it by every possible preparation. He
said the Duke of Cambridge was arrived ; also Listen,

Wednesday, June 15, — With Lord Pelham at eleven
o'clock. General conversation on public affairs ; no new event.
Ministers busy in framing their instructions for Peters
burgh, I, after dwelling on the King's equanimity on the
loss of Hanover, urged how right a thing it would be,
if, while the French remained usurpers of the Electorate,
England were to double the King's privy purse, " Give
him 60,000/ a year, quite at his own disposal," Pelham
approved this, but it does not seem to me to be a likely
measure, Greffier with me before dinner, to communicate a letter
from the Princess of Orange of the 29th of May, which
she writes just as she is leaving Brunswick, Agrees very
much with me as to the large annuity instead of the
capital ; at the same time, as the Prince (she says) has
decidedly given his opinion, she cannot alter hers, but
that they shall be perfectly satisfied with whatever Go-

1803,] ENGLAND, 273
vernment does. Very civil and gi-acious in her mes
sage to me— very low and disquieted about the times,
AU the north and west of Germany threatened with
French invasion (it had not then taken place). No
safety or security anywhere, Prussia torpid, though
frightened — inactive, though apprehensive and conrinced
of the danger.
The fate of the House of Orange very hard ; likely to
lose the county of Spiegelberg (in Hanover, near CuUen-
berg) by the seizure of France ; and the Batavian Re
pubUc refuse them any compensation for their rentes in
HoUand, though it was expressly stipulated they should
have an equivalent in the treaty signed in behalf of the
House of Orange between France and Prussia. The whole
letter is admirably ¦written, though in haste, and e"vinces a
greatness and a sensibiUty of mind which very seldom
unite in the same person.
The Greffier talked again over then- pecuniary affairs,
and I advised him to have no scruple in pressiug Lord
Hawkesbury for the money.

Thursday, June 16, — Left London at eleven, I called
on my way at Lord Pelham's, but he was gone to Wind
sor, I got by dinner to Park Place,
On the 18th of June I received a letter from the
Greffier, in which he mentions the ha^^ng seen Lord
Hawkesbury, and that he is weU satisfied with his re
ception. Thinks the whole wiU be done in the way I
proposed. July 4, 5, and 6, — On Monday, July 4, George Chol-
mondeley came to Park Place — as he said, simply on a
visit ; but it soon appeared to me, in the course of a
great deal of conversation I had '^rith him, that he was
either sent down or had volunteered it, to sound me with
regard to taking a place in the Cabinet,
He ushered in his conversation on public concerns (on
which I never was in the habit of talking to him) by
many fine speeches (rather ridiculous in an old acquaint-
VOL, IV, T

274 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l803.
ance), and then by producing a paper he said Lord Pel
ham wished me to see: it was on the present state of
affairs, chiefly relative to continental politics, and so pre
cisely the substance of what I had said to Lord Pelham,
when I saw him last, on the 12th of June, that there
could exist no real reason in Lord Pelham's mind for
communicating it to me ; still less for giving it to Chol-
mondeley, unless it was intended as an introduction to a
political communication between us. On my observing
that the paper was a very good one in theory, but not
easy to put into practice, C. said, " That is the very point
on which you are more competent to assist than any one."
On my dissenting from this, he replied, " K you mean you
will not be listened to, you are under an error. I know
that Ministers have the greatest value for your opinion and
advice, and if you would give it them, they would receive
it gratefuUy, and certainly act up to it." I avoided, or
rather tried to avoid, entering farther on the subject, by
saying my health was not equal even to much and deep
thinking, stiU less to active and laborious exertions of the
mind. " But if it were," said Cholmondeley, " would you
then shrink from employment 1" 1 repUed that I reaUy
did not know what I should do in that case ; but that in
all and every case, I should consider it as a paramount
duty to afford any assistance and advice (supposing it
required) which either did, or might be thought to belong
•to my long habits of foreign life. "I know," said C,
"you do not like or approve the present Ministers." I
answered, " I do not dislike them ; but I certainly by no
means approve all they have done, or rather not done,
though I am not so uncandid as to suppose that if I knew
all and every circumstance, a great deal might not come
up in their justification ; and that in fact, unless I knew
all and every circumstance, nothing I could suggest or
advise would be of any consequence, since though it
would read well, and be perhaps very good speculation,
yet it would be impossible for me to know how far any
measure or plan was capable of execution, possessing only
the vague and commonplace information I possessed ;
that with regard to the giving the assistance and advice

1803.] ENGLAND. 275
I before mentioned, I ever should hold it as a duty to
give it, when called upon, to any Government, let who
will be at the head of it ; that I look upon it as a sort of
knowledge acquired by serving the King and public, to
which tlie King and public had a right, if ever they
thought it worth claiming. " Would you," said C, " take
a seat in the present Councils if offered V I asked him,
why he put such a home question to me ? " Because,"
replied he, " I think your having a seat there would be of
the greatest advantage to the country, and you would
infaUibly in a short time gain a preponderance in them
that would be equivalent to deciding them." I answered
to this, that if no other difficulties stood in the way, my
health and deafness were strong, and almost invincible
objections ; but that, speaking to him as to an old friend,
I had no hesitation in saying that I could not decide to
become a partner in responsibility with men of whose
system 1 did not on the whole approve, and whose
abilities I did not consider to be at all equal to the
pressure of the times ; that however (as I before said)
to them, as governing the country at this moment, I was
ready to communicate every opinion, idea, or suggestion,
which coiUd arise from my past experience in foreign
life ; and that to any one individual of them with whom
I lived in habits of intimacy and friendship (such as the
Duke of Portland and Lord Pelham) I was ready to open
myself without reserve, and talk as freely and as confi
dentially as possible ; that beyond this I must demur,
except in consequence of direct commands from the King,
towards whom, (besides that duty and allegiance I felt
in common with aU his good subjects,) I had so profound
and respectful an attachment, from having been witness
to his virtues, and to a magnanimity of mind which for a
period of thirty -two years never varied in its character,
nor departed from the most strict principle of pubUc
probity, and anxious care for the public good ; that this,
joined to the endless proofs I had received of his personal
favour, would make me ever obey his commands, what
ever they were, without any consideration, either of health,
inconvenience, or risks of any size or sort. T 2

276 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l803.
Chohnondeley pressed me much to come to to-wn, and,
on my saying it was not likely I should be able, he said.
Lord Pelham would certainly come to Park Place, as he
wanted very much to see me.
In speaking of Addington, Cholmondeley seemed to
think Pitt had not dealt quite fairly by him. This I
contested, and confessed to him, that one of the strongest
reasons I had for declining to unite with this Govern
ment was, that I was persuaded Addington had used Pitt
ill; had not been sincere; and had injured him with the
King, I also added, that he certainly had not been true in
his answers to me, since, at the very time when he assured
me Pitt knew every thing, and that he (Addington)
thought and felt about Pitt, precisely as / did ; Pitt him
self had assured me he knew nothing ; and this was most
clearly proved by subsequent occurrences. Cholmondeley
abandoned Addington by saying, this was his usual way.
He had no vigour of mind, and never could combat an
opinion, or maintain his own, if, by so doing, he said some
thing he thought was disagreeable to the person he was
speaking to. On the 6th of July Cholmondeley returned
to town.
July 10. — Finding myself unweU I came to town.
On the evening of this day Sir W, Farquhar, who came
to -visit me as a physician, began by saying he was going
to write to me, for he was sure, by the very frequent and
eager inquiries (Addington, Pelham, and the Duke of Port
land) made after the state of my health, that they had it
in contemplation to offer me Office, I asked him what
his answer was. He said, that deafness excepted, I was
as fit as ever for service. I replied, the exception was
nearly equal to a complete proof of inability, but that I,
besides this, felt other deficiences, and that, unless he could
regenerate me, I had certainly, both for my sake and the
public, better not resume an active political life. He com
bated this, and gave it as his opinion, that if Russia came
forward in a friendly way, and a Congress was to be held,
the idea was entertained of putting the conduct of it into
my hands.

1803.] ENGLAND. 277
On the 9 th Westminster Abbey took fire near the
centre of the church, by the neglect of the plumbers. A
dome was burnt, not to be seen from within, and the whole
roof was in danger. Wyndham assisted ; and, on seeing a
great confusion amongst those disposed to assist, and great
zeal, which marred all their efforts, he observed, " so it
would be in case of invasion, — order and method would
be wanting, and numbers be of no use."
I met George Rose early in St. James's Street ; he said
Pitt employed his whole time in planning measures of
defence ; that now they were going to adopt his last idea,
and to make a general levy. That there were at least in
this country 1,200,000 males between sixteen and sixty;
that this, according to a safe calculation, would afford
300,000 fighting men, without taking any hurtful number
from agriciUture and commerce : but that Pitt's idea went
only to give arms into the hands of 250,000. That these
should be sedentary, and only caUed from home in case
of the enemy being actuaUy landed. That this force, in
addition to what we had, would make us quite safe, and
leave us 'with great means of offence.
(I omitted to say in its place that Cholmondeley, after
my reading the paper, said, Addington had consented to
give as far as 2,000,000/ in subsidies. — 500,000/ was
asked by Monsieur to raise an army in France, under
Pichdgru, who is now in London.)
Pitt, according to his declaration to me on the 8th of
June, now assists and helps Government very much in
their measures of defence ; his conduct is most manly
and becoming.
On July 9th I received a letter from the Greffier Fagel,
to say he had received the 10,000/. for the Princess
and lodged it in Sir Francis Baring's hands. On the
12th he called on me, and we had a long conversa
tion relative to the best mode of granting the assistance
proposed to the House of Orange ; he wished me to write
to Lord Hawkesbury, which I did.

July 12, — With Duke of Portland at three ; he much

278 DURIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [1803.
recovered, but puUed and abattu; his politics as usual,
steady and sound. He intimated a strong hope I would
take the management of the Continent.
I said, what was strictly true, that I should ever look
upon the experience and information I had obtained in
the public service as belonging to the public, whenever
called for; that I never should ask who were the indi-
¦riduals that formed the Government of the country, but
that towards a Government where he and Lord Pelham
made a part, I never could have any real ill-will, although
I would not conceal from him, that I thought Addington's
ability greatly inferior to the danger of the times, and
Lord Hawkesbury not up to them. That I regretted
much that my health was, beyond a doubt, unequal to the
discharge of any very great and important Mission,
The Duke of Portland then wished me to say who was
fit for such a post, I said. Lord Chatham or Lord Oastle
reagh. The first, the Duke said, could not talk French,
and wanted decision; the other he did not know so well,
but doubted the steadiness of his mind, and whether he
had yet formed any correct political system. He praised
Drake and H, Elliot ; was inclined to think well of them,
I went over -with him all the Prince of Orange's affairs,
and left with him a memorandum of what I proposed
should be done.
Dined with Lord Pelham, — Lord Gage and Mrs, A,
Robinson there. After dinner a long conversation. He
referred to what G, Cholmondeley had said at Park Place,
Apprehended he had been too mysterious (which was the
fact). Explained to me that he had taken great pains to
impress the Cabinet with the necessity of attending to the
Continent and interior of France by subsidy, and that
having engaged Addington to go certain lengths, viz,, to
grant 2,000,000/ before the next meeting of Parliament,
his wish was to find a fit person to execute their plans,
and that he, and most of his colleagues, had thought
of me,
Pelham then entered into details ; said Monsieur had
proposed to him, after having proposed it to Addington
and Lord Hawkesbury, from whom he got no answers, to

1803,] ENGLAND. 279
collect an army in . France, to restore the ancient Mo
narchy if he would aUow him 400,000/ That Adding
ton rejected this as impossible, and talked of 50,000/, ;
but Pelham had nearly persuaded him to give the
400,000/ Monsieur's idea was, not to bribe or seduce
an army (which, he said, would desert and run away the
moment they got the money), but to be able to maintain
and collect those who, in case of a counter revolution,
would look to be restored to their former ranks and for
tunes, and that these were innumerable, and of every
class ; and he added, that he supposed when such a corps
was collected, composed of old officers, and several of
Buonaparte's best generals (Monsieur evidently alluded to
Moreau), and that he was at the head of it, he should
then consider him like any other Power ; till then, he
trusted the sum he asked was not beyond the importance
of the attempt, Pelham's ideas remain the same — to in
duce the three great Continental Powers to act, either by
large subsidies or by large offers — the Low Countries, and
even Holland, to Prussia ; all Lombardy to Austria ; to
Russia whatever she might ash.
Addington, he said, had the idea of sending 10,000
men to Portugal ; but it would be to sacrifice them, if he
could not secure a diversion on the Continent ; and that
could we do this, not only Portugal, but we should be
safe from every hostile attack,
I perfectly concurred with him in all he said. With
respect to myself, I said of my health what I had said in
the morning to the Duke of Portland ; that the going to
Russia was quite out of the question ; that it was just
possible I might be equal to go and reside at some quiet
. German Court, if a Congress took place ; but that I had no
hesitation in saying to him that ready, as I most sincerely
was, to devote myself to the public service, yet I felt an
invincible repugnance, and even apprehension, of acting
under the direction of Addington, who I was every day
more and more convinced was unequal to his situation,
while he thought himself, unfortunately, superior to it ;
that I bear him no ill-wiU or personal disregard — quite
the contrary ; that no party feelings belonged to me ; but

280 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l803.
that to risk my character gratuitously, to lose myself, and
not benefit the pubUc, was a very serious consideration.
" You shall be left all the means to your o-wn choice,"
said Pelham ; " only obtain the end." I said, " I wish for
no such unlimited powers ; I had much rather be directed
by an able Minister than act for myself; and that all
I could say was, if the King commands my services, I
would implicitly obey, premising to him (Pelham), my
friend, the feelings and doubts I should have on my mind.
Pelham said that Pich^gru was the man Monsieur con
fided in ; that he (Pelham) thought Moreau might be
had. After much conversation, the substance of which
I have stated, he said he would call on me to-morrow.
I gave him my letter to Lord Hawkesbury on the con
cerns of the House of Orange to read.

July 13. — Lord Pelham came to me at Miller's Hotel,
where I lodged, at ten o'clock. He entered more fuUy into
his views, and what he said he considered as the wishes of
Government respecting Continental politics,' It was, that
every nerve should be strained to stop the progress and
decrease the growing power of France ; that this should
be the great principle on which we should rest all our
plans, and which we should declare to the European
Powers to be our sole object ; that it ought to be theirs,
because their interests and safety were involved, even
more than ours, in the consequences of this aggrandize
ment, and the direction given to it ; but that experience
had proved to us that a measure being right, or even im
periously necessary, was not always a reason for its being
adopted, or even admitted ; on the contrary, we had had
too many proofs, and very recent ones, that distant,
though certain dangers, were overlooked and unheeded,
provided present security was obtained, present cupidity
or interests gratified, and a rival power for the moment
injured or lowered. That our first object, therefore,
should be to ascertain the sentiments of one of these
great Courts — Russia was the most probable, as well as
the most preferable ; that if we could secure the co-ope-

1803,] ENGLAND. 281
ration of this Court, and its consent to enter into a system
for the above purpose, it would then become of the last
importance to place the direction and conduct of the
measures which were to perfect this system in the hands
of some experienced and able negotiator, who should
reside in some centrical town on the Continent, and from
thence give instructions to His Majesty's Ministers ; and
receive, deliberate, and even, in most cases, decide, on
what ought or ought not to be done. That without such
a person, and such a full authority vested in him, it was
almost impossible, considering the difficulty of our now
getting at the Continent, and the facility France had of
earlier intercourse, that anything could be effectuated,
which France would not have time to counteract or over
set ; that the Duke of Portland himself, and one or two
more of the Cabinet, had fixed on me as the only person
fit for so important a trust ; that an apprehension of my
being unequal to it from a decline of health had induced
him to desire G. Cholmondeley to question, not to sound
me, not to act (as he appeared to have done) mysteriously
and circuitously, but merely and simply to collect, partly
by straightforward questions, and partly by observation,
how far I was equal to such a Mission, and whether, if
equal, I would undertake it. That since I had seen him,
I had heard from the Duke of Portland his ideas and
wishes ; that, as for those he himself had, they must be
known to me ; that their idea was that I should imme
diately become a member of the Cabinet ; and in case of
such an opening as he had stated presenting itself on the
Continent (supposing the plan had my concurrence), I
should be prepared and ready to avail myself of it.
To this I replied what I had before often said, that as
far as he and the Duke of Portland were concerned, I
could not have a hesitation about my readiness to act
and concur with them ; that to them, as to my private
friends, I was ready to say every thing, to do every thing
for them, to share every praise or blame with them ; but
they must recollect that they formed but a part of the
Cabinet, and that inasmuch as I was willing to share all
responsibility and risks with them, insomuch was I appro-

282 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [1803-
hensive to partake and associate my responsibility and
character with that of their colleagues, who were the lead
ing part of the Cabinet ; that I had no doubt of Adding
ton's integrity and sincere wish to do well, but I had
doubts, and well-founded ones, of his powers and ability,
and every thing I heard, saw, and observed, unfortunately
confirmed me in them ; that I, therefore, had to declare,
that if under his paramount direction, I should be afraid
to act ; that I should feel I was exposing myself to dis
grace and difficulty, and what was worse, not serving my
country usefully, or, perhaps, judiciously ; that if left to
myself to plan, digest, and execute my own measures, I
must be put in such a very pre-eminent situation, as no
Minister could or ought to place any one in ; yet without
such an uncontrouled, unappealable, jurisdiction, / (under
the present Government) could not serve. Of course I
could not serve at aU, because it was silly to say, " I -will
take Office, you being Minister, but I have not sufficient
confidence in you to act under your orders, and will act
on no other terms but thus being independent of you."
" You should have that independent situation," said
Lord Pelham, " you should never refer home for anything,
but be considered as the directing Minister for Continen
tal politics ; residing on the Continent, and as such guide
and govern, and be responsible for every thing." I said
I did not fear responsibiUty, but the carrying such a plan
into effect was impracticable ; it was an imperium in im-
perio that no Minister could or ought to bear ; and as, after
aU, every thing must necessarily be determined on in the
last report at home, the full authority given me would be
more ideal than effective. But that this was not all:
even supposing these nearly insurmountable difficulties
could be smoothed, there remained stiU a more insur
mountable one, viz,, my health ; that such an undertak
ing required the greatest vigour of body and mind — the
stoutest and most unimpaired constitution and nerves.
This was far from my case, and I felt that, even with all
the assistants and aides-de-camp they would aUow me to
choose, I should be unequal to the charge ; that deafness
alone was an insuperable objection, since I had ever

1803,] ENGLAND. 283
found that listening and hearing were of more conse
quence in negotiation and ministerial conferences, than
talking and arguing ; that, therefore, flattered as I was
by their friendly and partial opinion of me, yet I should
make a very unjust return to their friendship and par
tiality, if 1 did not express myself as 1 had done, and
state all the strong objections which oppose my being
selected for this purpose. If the King commanded me to
serve, and after hearing my reasons, persisted in his de
sire, then nothing should stand in the way — it was a duty
I should fulfil at aU risks ; that I had but one word more
now to add, which was, that I should take no step 'without
communicating with Mr, Pitt, not for his leave to act, but
to obtain his opinion, to which, whether it related to me
as an individual, or as likely to become a servant of the
public, I should pay the greatest deference. Lord Pel
ham approved much what I said, admitted it all, and ended
by saying, that his wishes respecting me had become
stronger from what I had told him ; " and I know," added
he, " the King would delight in it," I said this was the
kind language of friendship, and as such very gratifying
to me.
We then talked on the events of the day : he said
Buonaparte was determined as to invasion, he believed,
but found it very difficult to know how to set about it.
There were many flat-bottomed boats built at Cherbourg,
but nothing like immediate readiness ; that there was a
great jealousy amongst the generals, and that he saw
much good might be done by judicious management in
France, He had not seen Woronzow, and did not know
whether anything new was come from Russia,
The Greffier came to me before I left London (which I
did at half-past three), and I settled every thing with
him respecting the grant to the House of Orange,

From July tiU October, I was out of the way of hearing
any thing from authority, I was in WUts, at Bath, and,
except a day or two passed with Lord Bathurst at Oiren-

284 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l803.
cester, had no opportunity of obtaining information, or
even conversing with those who were informed on politics.
Pitt, during this period, was wholly at Walmer Castle, at
tending strictly to his duty as Warden of the Cinque
Ports, and to training and driUing his corps; and it is
said he astonished the officers of the regulars, high in
rank, with the rapidity with which he acquired mUitary
knowledge, and the justness of his military remarks. Buo
naparte was all this time threatening us with invasion,
and carrying on his preparations with incredible activity
His principal force was encamped on the heights, near
Boulogne, the port and road of which place he enlarged
and fortified, as also that at Ambleteuse ; and formed
a new basin for his gun and flat-bottomed boats, at
Vimereux, a small river which falls into the sea be
tween these places, and hitherto was only fit for the
reception of fishing vessels.

On the 30th of October, I went to London; found Lord
Pelham was dismissed, and very ill. Addington turned
him out without any menagement, and alleging rather
shabbily and artfully, that as Lord Pelham had, in March,
expressed his readiness to withdraw, when it could be
attended with any advantage to His Majesty's service ;
he now availed himself of his declaration (though it re
lated evidently and specifically to the idea of facilitating
Pitt's coming into power, and Pitt alone), and informed
him Mr. Yorke was to be appointed Secretary of State.
Addington offered Pelham the Duchy of Lancaster, and to
remain in the Cabinet, at the head of the Board of Trade
(places held by Lord Liverpool). Lord Pelham said little
to Addington, but wrote a very proper and respectful
letter to the King, through the Duke of Portland, (Lord
Pelham was not well enough to go out,) expressing his
perfect obedience to His Majesty's orders, for such he con
sidered what Addington had said to be, but declining
Office, and wishing only to be allowed to attend his duty
at the head of his regiment, the Sussex Militia.
The King sent him a most gracious answer, expressing

1804.] ENGLAND. 285
his satisfaction at his conduct, and urged him to take
Office, After a discussion which lasted many weeks,
during which Pelham was ill, but during which he ex
pressed his wish to have the Duchy of Lancaster for life,
it ended by its being given to him, liable to all the usual
contingencies, which was the odd expression Addington
employed in a very dry and short letter to him. From
this time Pelham lived entirely at Brighton, and retired
from Parliamentary attendance.

Lord Grenville and his friends were occupied with
planning schemes to overthrow the Administration, and
through Mr, Thomas Grenville's old habits of intimacy and
friendship with Fox, they began to draw towards him, and
met with little or no difficulty on his side to form a junc
tion, for the purpose they had so much at heart, viz., the
downfall of Addington. Pitt, though sounded, would
never listen to this; and it was in vain that Canning went
" backwards and forwards between Dropmore and Walmer ;
Pitt remained steady to his principle, and Parliament
opened on the 22nd November, 1803, without Pitt at
tending, but with a violent and able Opposition formed
between the Grenvilles, Fox, and Wyndham, who began
by attacking Government in a very powerful way under
the name of a co-operation.

I came with my family, to town on the 8th of January,
1804. I found the spirit of party very high, but Pitt
still absent. The debates in the House of Commons grew
more long, and more contested, and none of the measures
of Government, for the volunteers, or indeed for any other
purpose, were allowed to pass unnoticed or unopposed.
On the 12th or 13th the King (after having taken
cold by remaining in wet clothes longer than should be)
had symptoms of the gout ; he could not attend on the
Queen's birthday, thoiigh he appeared in the evening at
an assembly at the Queen's House ; he was too lame to
walk without a cane, and his manner struck me as so un-

286 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l804.
usual and incoherent, that I could not help remarking it
to Lord Pelham, who the next day (for I went away early)
told me that he had in consequence of my remark at
tended to it, and that it was too plain the King was be
ginning to be unweU. Lord Pelham, who played that
evening with the Queen, added, that her anxiety was
manifest, since she never kept her eyes off the King, dur
ing the whole time the party lasted.
A very few days after, the gout grew worse; it then
disappeared ; and though there was a Council held about
the 24th of January, at the Queen's House, yet before the
end of that month it was no longer to be concealed, that
the King had a return of his old illness. For some time
only his household physician attended, but at last it be
came necessary to caU in some one used to such cases ;
and as His Majesty had expressed a great disUke to the
WUUses, a Doctor Symonds was chosen. The King was
exceedingly iU soon after this, in immense danger for
forty-eight hours, on the 12th and 13th January, but from
this he recovered, and the mania, though it stiU remain
ed, was by no means so strong as at former times. His
constitution seemed weaker, and to have suffered more ;
but his ncdnd was never so completely aUenated as in
1788, and in 1801.
During the King's iUness, Opposition increased both in
violence and numbers. Ministers defended themselves
better by voting than speaking, and lost very much in
debate, though they still appeared strong in divisions, too
strong, indeed, for Opposition often to attempt it.
The pubUc mind was very much agitated and divided.
Pamphlets that had for object the justification either of
Pitt or of Addington produced no other effect than creat
ing a degree of personal enmity between them they till
now never had, nor ever would have entertained, if these
officious scribblers had not come forward. The sectators
of each of them, from party spirit and selfish views, in
creased this sentiment (not natural to either of them), by
their virulent and exaggerated reports. Tierney and
Sheridan were most injudiciously admitted to a show of
Addington's confidence. Canning, Lord Stafford, Lord

1804.] ENGLAND. 287
G. Leveson, were as violent on the other side ; and not
contented with attacking the measures of Government,
they attacked Addington's personal character and prin
ciples. The French, in the mean while, went on with their
preparations, and the country was in as perilous a state
as possible.

About this time, in the beginning of February, the
measures concerted by Pich^gru, Moreau, &c., were con
fided to me. They were represented as immanquable.
The idea was the restoration of the monarchy under a
Bourbon Prince, Their plans were extensive, and, as
they thotight, weU and secretly arranged, Pich^gru left
England about the middle of January, As soon as any
thing Uke a successful step had taken place, and when
ever the event became certain, and the moment arrived
that a more conspicuous character was necessary, Lord
Hertford was to appear in the double character of making
peace, and restoring the old Dynasty, The Due d'Angou-
leme was to have gone to France, on due notice being
given him. The event proved it was a very wide and
deep-laid plot, but it also proved that improper persons
had been confided in, or imprudent language held,''-
About the middle of February, the King grew better,
and his recovery was no longer doubtful ; yet some part
of the Opposition (Lords Fitzwilliam and Carlisle) called
it in question, and held rather unfair language on it in
the House of Lords. Arthur Paget left London for
Vienna on the 8th July ; but being detained by contrary
winds at Yarmouth, and hearing that the King grew
worse, he returned to London : he found the reports ex
aggerated, and that in fact the King was better. On the
22nd, however, he again went to Yarmouth, and sailed
* The plot of Georges, Pich%ru, Moreau, Lajollais, &c., is so well known
that it is only necessary to remind the reader, that the first was executed,
with some others ; and that Pieh^gru was found dead in his prison. Moreau
escaped, to die on the field of battle in the Campaigns of 1813. The failure
of this conspiracy increased Buonaparte's power and prestige, together with
the spirit of hatred against England in France.

288 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l804.
on the 26th. He carried out no new instructions, and
every thing on the Continent seemed left to chance.

Sunday, Feb. 19, — I called on Pitt, and met him as I
was coming from his door, and returned with him, I
said it was my wish to see him at this moment, in con
sequence of the assurances I had formerly made him, to
repeat them, and to hear from him his sentiments and
intentions on the present very critical situation of affairs.
He, without hesitation, entered into a very fuU and
unreserved detaU of both. He began by stating that the
two very important events now pending, viz,, the pro
bability of a very formidable invasion, and the dangerous
state of the King's health, placed the country in a state of
difficulty and danger dissimilar to any former one, and
required from all those who were called on to act in
public a very different mode of reasoning and acting than
at any past period. To these points a third might be
added ; viz,, the state of parties ; and although these
three considerations were in themselves separate and dis
tinct, yet they bore very sensibly on each other, and,
taken collectively, made the actual position of the countiy
a very serious and alarming one. That he had given
each of them due and serious attention, had weighed
them in his mind maturely and leisurely, in order that he
might determine safely and calmly on such a line of con
duct as became him, and which he might never be sorry
for ; and that after the most diligent thought and reflec
tion, he could see none better nor more conformable to
his notions of what was right than to persevere in that
which he had pursued for some time past. It was the
only one which he could consider as calculated (inde
pendently of every other circumstance) for the public
good ; and by the public good he meant a continuation
of the security, quiet, and prosperity of the country, and
every individual in it.
That therefore he would never make the turning out
this Administration the object of his endeavours ; that
though some of his best friends had united themselves

1804.] ENGLAND 289
avowedly for that purpose with Fox, yet he had and
would uniformly reject any overture which might be
made to him to become a party to such a system. On
my asking the question, he said the nature of this answer
went only to opposition, and to turn out Addington ;
that they were not pledged to come in together. At the
same time, Pitt admitted that such a compact was delu
sive, and there could be little doubt, if they carried their
first point, the new Administration must be composed
from amongst themselves exclusively. At the same time
that he assured me of his disapprobation of opposition,
he begged me to understand that he had no communica
tion, no intercourse whatever, with the present Adminis
tration, and that he certainly never would on any account
listen to proposals similar, or even more conciliatory than
those he had rejected last year (in March), or even again
go the length he then had gone in committing himself.
That in all simple and plain questions, it was his re
solution to support Government ; but when Government
omitted any thing he thought the state of the country
required to be done, or did it weakly and inefficiently (as
in Mr, Yorke's flimsy Volunteer Bill), he then should
deliver his sentiments clearly and distinctly, but not even
then in a spirit of opposition ; since he would never do
it till he had ascertained Government would persist in
what he condemned, and not adopt what he thought
essentially necessary. Again, on the other side, if oppo
sition brought forward any measure which to him might
appear calculated for the good of -the public, and not a
factious or party step, such a measure should have his
concurrence ; entering at the same time his solemn pro
test against its pledging him beyond this single measure,
or to any farther co-operation with them.'''" That to such
of them as he stUl must consider as his friends, he had
explained this in a way not to be mistaken ; and though
they (he meant Lords Grenville and Spencer, Wyndham,
&c.) were not satisfied, yet they were in a good humour
with him, and he remained steady to his purpose, and was
* How similar to the Duke of 'Wellington's conduct towards the "Whig
Government from 1831 to 1841 !
VOL. IV. U

290 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l804
not biassed by their able attempts to persuade or gain him
over. That such would be his great line of conduct : in
it much would depend on opinion — opinion unconnected
¦with party, of course, not so readily ascertained. He
therefore could not expect or wish to have a great foUow-
iEg. That towards Office he would take no other step
than such as might arise out of this conduct, and that he
said this not from any foolish affectation of slighting the
value of power and Office, or even from a disinclination
to resume it, but because he thought it conscientiously
right, and should blame himself if he acted differently.
But if, said he, from being out-debated, (which they
¦wiU be) or out-voted, (which they will not be,) Mi
nisters should get frightened, and want to resign ; or if,
from a much greater improbability, they should, from the
pressure of the times, get conscious and convinced of their
own inadequacy to administer to the government of the
country, they were led to give up their places, in either
of these cases he should look upon it as right and a
duty to contribute towards forming a new Administration
by any means in his power ; and, added he, (stating a
third case,) this duty would be a paramount one, and
superior to every thing with him, viz., if the King should
ever, from having either of the above-mentioned feeUngs,
call upon him for his services ; that then, from every
motive which could influence his mind, he should be
ready to offer them, unconditionally, to take any part
His Majesty commanded, or seemed desirous he should
take. Till one of these causes occurred, (and none of
them he thought likely,) he should not depart from the
principle he had laid down ; and, as far as his own private
enjoyments and amusements were a question with him,
his present situation was one infinitely preferable and
pleasanter to him than that he had been in. for so many
years, I never interrupted him during this discourse. When
he had finished, I thanked him most sincerely for the
confidential way in which he had spoken ; that it gave
me infinite pleasure, because it concurred most entirely
with my own sentiments and principles ; and that, in

1804.] ENGLAND. 291
now reassuring him of my adherence to him, I had no
other motives than doing what I considered as essen
tially right.
He expressed great satisfaction at having my concur
rence. He said, " I should advertise you, it has not that
of my eager and ardent young friends, whom I know to be
also yours (Canning and G. Leveson) ; but we are on the
best of terms, and it is much more easy for me to forgive
their impetuosity, than it is for them to be quite in cha
rity with me, in treating office with so little regard, and
keeping it at such a distance from those who are disposed
to act ¦with me,"
To this I assented, and asked whether they would abide
by him, or join the GrenviUes ; adding, I had not seen
Canning for several months. He said, he did not exactly
foresee how that would end ; that he knew they had
communication ¦mth the GrenvUles, and that he himself
had been assaUed in prose and verse by them, and that
Canning, finding this fail, half staggered by his friendship
for him, and, half disapproving all he did, knew no longer
what to say, but had gone do"wn to Mrs, Canning, where
he now was.
On the King's health, he said he knew no particulars ;
but that, if it was not soon restored, a Regency must be
appointed ; and he could not conceive that it would be
different from the last projected Regency BUI in 1789,
That if the Duke of Richmond and Lord Thurlow advised
(as he had heard they did) the Prince, he could not see
how it could be different. " Unless," said I, " Lord
Thurlow is not afraid of God's forsaking him," — aUuding
to his famous expression in 1788, " When 1 forsake him,
(the King,) may God forsake me." That, however, much
depended on the duration of the King's Ulness, and of the
attempts of the enemy,*
* At this time the Prince of Wales was governed by Lords Thurlow and
Hutchinson, and Mr, Francis (the latter a soi-disant Jacobin, and vei-y clever).
These advisers induced him to publish in the Morning Chronicle of Decem
ber 7, 1803, his Correspondence with the King relative to the Prince holding
high command in the army, which the King had always declared, on prin
ciple, he would not permit, 'When the Prince reiterated his demand, at a,
moment of danger to the nation, he probably did so from the best feelings ; —
not so those, who made him expose this family correspondence, — Harris' Papers.
u 2

292 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE, [l804.
On my observiijg that the Prince of Wales had asserted,
that it must last several months, Pitt said, " Thy wish
was father, Harry, to that thought."
I ended the conversation, by asking him whether he
wished me to take my seat, and, if he did, whether he
would allow me to send him my proxy, and also whether
I might repeat to the Duke of York what I had heard
from him.
He wished me to do the first, and allowed me to say
' the whole of what had passed to the Duke of York,
I left him by repeating my satisfaction, and how par
ticularly glad I was to know his sentiments and plans,
before I had seen Canning or G. Leveson, since they cer
tainly would have tried to give me impressions I now
should be proof against.
On the 22nd of February I was with the Duke of York
at the Horse Guards, I related to him the substance of
what I had heard from Pitt. He was much pleased with
it, but rather from his supposing it went to an indirect
disavowal of any junction between him and the Grenvilles
and Fox, than from viewing it, as I did, in the light of a con
duct which, if followed up steadily and firmly, would tend
to bring him back to Office, without any violent shock of
parties, or uneasiness to the King, The Duke, however,
expressed the same opinion on this subject he ever had,
viz,, the inability of the present Administration, and the
urgent necessity for its being strengthened. He said they
were of late become more attentive to him, though he
was under a cloud. And this led the Duke to mention
the Prince, who, just at this time, had refused to see him ;
and nothing could be more temperate than the terms in
which he expressed himself, or the concern he felt, both
as an individual, a brother, and a subject, at this breach
of harmony between them. It was patched up about
a week afterwards by the means of Lord Paget, who
mediated between them with great good sense. The
reconciliation, however, was not, I fear, very cordial, nor
likely to last long.
February 24. — On the 23rd I dined with Duke of

1804,] ENGLAND. 293
Portland. I acquainted him that I had given my t^yoxj
to Pitt, and with my motives. He (though in the Cabinet)
strongly wishes for Pitt's accession, and heard with great
pleasure all I said.
On the 24th, Pitt and Lord Camden dined with me.
No politics passed ; but Pitt was in high spirits and excel
lent conversation. He stayed till past ten.
The King remained nearly the same. The bulletins at
St, James's varied very little, but it was understood he
was getting gradually well.

On the 9 th of March (Friday) I went to Cirencester,
and remained till the 1 7th. Lord Bathurst's politics and
opinions correspond entirely with mine.
The Grenvilles and Fox unite closer and closer every
day,_ Little passed during the remainder of March and be
ginning of AprU, except the Opposition gaining strength,
and Pitt opposing at times the measures of Government,
and bringing on a question to inquire into the conduct of
the Admiralty, on which he divided strong.
The plan of Pichegru, &c., was detected at Paris, either
by the treachery or folly of those in the secret ; and, at
the same time, an absurd correspondence of Drake's (our
Minister at Munich) with a Frenchman named Meh^e de
la Touche was intercepted and published,'"'
The Due d'Enghien was carried off from Ettenheim by
a French detachment from Strasburg on the 16 th of
March, and shot at Vincennes on the 20th, by Buona
parte's order. The whole scheme was discovered and de
feated, but its extent, or, as they call it, its ramifications,
spread so wide as to give great alarm to Buonaparte, and
* Mr. Drake was deceived by a false agent, Mi^hee de la Touche, who,
after entrapping him into a correspondence, betrayed him to Buonaparte.
The First Consul published it, and convicted Drake of a treasonable attempt
to overturn his Government, under the sacred protection of diplomatic office.
The expose was complete, proving the part which England took in the plots
of the Royalists, and other discontented persons, and shewing the incapacity
of the agent our Government employed. The Court of Munich expelled our
Minister, Drake, and the indignation of the French was naturally roused to
the utmost pitch that Buonaparte could desire.

294 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [1804.
to excite in him temporary fits of passion, similar to
those Paul had towards the close of his reign.

April 16. — The di'visions in the House were chiefly on
the Volunteer BiU, and augmentation of the Irish Militia ;
or, in other words, on the defence of the country. On
this there was the first very strong one (Pitt being in the
House), For Government . . 127
Against it . . .106

Majority . . 21

On the 24th, Monday (Pitt also present), stiU stronger:
it was on a motion of Fox to inquire into the state of the
nation : — Ayes . . . . 204
Noes . 256

Majority . 52

On the 26th, on Pitt's opposing the New Defence
BiU:— With him , , , . 203
With Ministers . , 240

Majority . . 37
In the House of Lords Ministers were once beaten, and
often very nearly run ; and the great trial of strength
there was to take place on the 30th of April, on a motion
to be made by Lord Stafibrd, similar to that Fox made
on the 24th.
I was with Pitt several times during this time, I in
formed him of all I knew relative to the plot in France,
and I required him to give my proxy to some personal
friend of his own, that no doubt might arise why I give
it, and for whom. It was entered on the 24th of April
by Lord Camden,

1804,] ENGLAND. 295
In a conversation I had with Pitt at his own house
in York Place, on Thursday, April 12 th, which was
prior to any of the strong divisions in the House of
Commons, he repeated to me the same sentiments he had
expressed on the 19th Feb., and declared his decided in
tention of making a communication to the King prerious
to his taking any conclusive step. I applauded extremely
this, and repeated what I had so often said, that too much
care and attention could not be paid to the King's ease
and comfort, not only because it was what the whole of
his reign and conduct most justly called for, but because
the very existence of the country hung, perhaps, on his
life. To aU this, Pitt over and over again agreed.

April 25. — With Pitt, — He observed that "the lan
guage held by dependent courtiers and creatures of the
Ministry is, that the question is, ' a King or a Regency,'
and that 1 am for the latter, and, at the same time,
acting in the strictest offensive and defensive imion with
Fox, It is," added he, " the most likely lie to hurt me in
the pubUc esteem ; but so palpable a lie, that I trust
even the most artless and credulous (who are not preju
diced) will at once discover its drift and object,"
I agreed with him, but observed that little artful cun
ning often defeated steady, open, and conscious integrity ;
that it was not enough that he himself and a few friends
should be acquainted -vrith his real and genuine senti
ments and intentions, but that they should be made no
torious, and for this end, nothing could contribute so
completely as his opening himself to the King.
" It is done," he replied. " I ¦wrote to His Majesty on
the 23rd, prior to any of the great divisions ; the Chan
ceUor took charge of the letter ; he promised not to com
municate it to any one (it was under a flying seal), and
he was fully informed by me of the motives of my past
conduct, and of by what my future conduct would be
regulated. To this I have neither received, nor do I as
yet expect an answer ; but I have done what I know you

296 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE, [l«04.
will approve, and what, most certainly, I was from every
feeling bound to do." *

On Thursday, April 26 th, Addington informed the
King that he foresaw an impossibility of his carrying on
the public business any longer, or of the present Admi
nistration being able to remain in Office. He reports
that the King received this with great marks of concern
and indignation ; asked whether a new Parliament would
do better ; and proposed an immediate dissolution, which
violent step Addington takes the merit of having dis
couraged and declined. Addington also hinted the great
satisfaction the King expressed at the whole of his con
duct, and talked of very high honours and emoluments
being offered him.
It appears a matter of some doubt whether Addington
had heard from the Chancellor what had passed between
Pitt and him, or seen the letter, I incline to believe the
first, not the latter ; and that this, and the strong divi
sions, induced him to take this step on the Thursday,
and to advise the Chancellor not to deliver Pitt's letter
tiU the Friday (the 27th April), The Chancellor's ac
count (as he gave it to Pitt, and to the Duke of Portland,
from whom I had it quite warm) of the way in which
the King took the business, varies very materially from
Addington's; he says, the first impression was certainly
one of displeasure and anger, but that, after a very short
pause, the King recollected himself, and used nearly these
words : — " After the severe affliction with which I have
been visited, and from which it has pleased Providence to
relieve me, it would ill become me to give way to any
unseemly hastiness or impatience, still less could I be
justified at a moment like this to add to the difficulties
of the day by listening to any private feelings or personal
prejudices. It is my duty to prevent confusion in my
kingdom, and that duty I will perform," And from that
moment, added the Chancellor, His Majesty never be-
•* For this letter, vide " Life of Lord Eldon," vol. i., p. 440.

1804.] ENGLAND. 297
trayed the least hastiness of temper, but attended to all
that was said with the greatest attention, and in the
most placid manner. The Chancellor did not enter into
details, which the King Avished for, and this led him
naturally to talk of Pitt, whom the King praised, and
said, (and this proves neither alienation of mind, nor that
Addington's great pains to conceal every thing from him
had succeeded,) " Notwithstanding the reports and sur
mises I hear, I am persuaded Mr. Pitt will never form
any engagements, or enter into any connexion, which
will be injurious either to the rights of my subjects or to
the Royal Prerogative. / feel sure of this, and," added
the King, with emphasis, " I also feel my Coronation
Oath safe in his hands." (Alluding to the Catholic
question.)'" From Friday, April 27th, to Monday, April 30th,
Ministers deliberated on what they should do. What
passed in these councils I cannot say, but earlj' on Mon
day, April 30 th, the Chancellor called on Pitt ; related
to him what had passed between the King and him;
what farther the King desired to hear ; added, that,
under every circumstance, Mr. Addington was inclined to
consider his Administration as at an end, and that as
much would be intimated in both Houses, by proposing
to put off Fox's motion on the Hanoverian Transports,
and Lord Stafford's on the State of the Nation ; and this
was already done, Pitt had but barely time to notify it
to Lord Grenville, and most of the Lords were taken by
surprise, Addington opened his budget this day (April 30th),
and did ft well,— 16,000,000/, loan, and 7,000 000/ new
taxes. After which he said, in answer to a few words
of Fox, that circumstances had arisen that were of a
nature to make him confident the public would approve
aU motions of consequence to be postponed for some time.

* The exact part which Lord Eldon took in preparing the King for Pitt's
accession to power is not given in his " Life ;" but an interesting account,
from Lord Eldon's " Note Book," of his fetching Pitt from his house to the
King, will be found in vol. i., p. 447, In the first five minutes, Pitt con
trived to ofi'end the Chancellor.

298 DURIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [1804.
On Wednesday, May 2nd (I believe I am correct), Pitt
put into the Chancellor's hand the heads of what he
should say to the King. He did this as well in compli
ance with the ChanceUor's wishes, that the King in his
present state might not be taken by surprise, and led to
commit himself either way suddenly, as because he him
self considered it the surest and safest mode of proceeding.
What these heads were I cannot (at least now) exactly
say, but it is presumed that they were perfectly conform
able to Pitt's assurances, and went to propose a very
great number of persons, of all colours and descriptions,
of whose abilities he had a high opinion, without insisting
on any one positively and specifically.
Be it as it may, it remained unnoticed and unacknow
ledged all that week,'^"' and not only the public in general,
but the most confidential friends of Pitt, and, I believe,
even of Addington, were kept in the dark. No rumours
even transpired before Sunday, 6th May, except that
Addington had complained of being betrayed by the
Chancellor, and on Sunday noon a vague and loose report
was in circulation that the King had written on Saturday
a very angry letter to Pitt, rejecting every thing, and
expressive of high displeasure ; but this report came from
Sheridan and Tierney. It was also rumoured at the
opera on Saturday evening, that Addington was deter
mined to stand his ground, and that on Monday he would
try his strength.
In this precarious and anxious stiNte the public was
kept during this whole first week in M%y.
The strongest proof of Buonaparte's inability to invade
us is his "not attempting it at such a moment.
The Prince was at first wavering in his politics, but
got finally all the votes he could for the Opposition.
The Duke of Clarence would have voted with it, but the
other Royal Dukes, and very properly, if they vote at all,
will vote with Government.

¦* George III. acknowledged the receipt of this paper by a note to Lord
Eldon, which savours either of his malady, or of a strong dislike to Pitt. It
was one which the Chancellor could not shew him, and hence arose the delay
mentioned by Lord Malmesbury. — Vide Lord Eldon's " Life," vol. i., p. 443.

1804.J ENGLAND. 299
The only proof I could collect this week of Pitt's
opinion, was from his telling Fitzharris, who dined with
him on the 3rd May at Lord Carrington's, that he would
not be wanted in the House, and might go to take charge
of his Regiment, of which he was Lieutenant-Colonel
(2nd Wilts Militia), and which was to be inspected very
soon. Fitzharris, therefore, left London on Saturday the
6 th, for Bristol.
1 omitted to insert, at the period when it ought to
have been mentioned, that Pitt never had any personal
interview with Fox, never made him any specific pledge
farther than saying, that if the time ever came when he
should be caUed upon to frame an Administration, he
(Pitt) would name him (Fox) as a person whose great
abilities might be usefully employed in the present crisis ;
but that the King objected to the admission of him in his
councils ; he should not press Fox on his Majesty, but
endeavour to form a Government according to the King's
pleasure. This was perfectly understood by Fox so long
ago as March, and he was perfectly satisfied with it, and
it was with this conviction on his mind that he continued
to act with Pitt and the Grenvilles in their endeavours to
overset Addington's Government.
It will be, perhaps, essential not to forget this circum
stance as future events arise.
Canning and Granville Leveson were the go-betweens,
and they were extremely anxious to unite Pitt and Fox,
and to have the abUities of both of them in Office,

Monday, May 7, — Greffier Fagel -with me — early — he
had dined the day before at Lord Grenville's, with all the
family ; in good spirits, and liking a caricature represent
ing them as the giants waging war on the gods (Adding
ton, &c,).
At half-past two. Lord Bulkeley stopped my carriage
to tell me Pitt had been all the morning with the King,
from half-past ten to that hour. He had just seen him
come out of the Queen's House with the ChanceUor. At
half-past five the Greffier came to me from the House of

300 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l804.
Lords, to say Lord Stafford's motion was again postponed.
He said Wickham had told him that the King was too ill
to see Pitt ; this I set right The Greffier returned to
Wickham, and in an hour wrote me a note to say Wick
ham acknowledged his error, and that he could wow assure
him, Pitt had been with the King three hours, arid ivas
amazed at the cool and collected manner in which His
Majesty had carried on the conversation.*
Lord Minto came soon after five, and confirmed what
Lord Bulkeley had said ; he added, from authority that
the King positively proscribed Fox, and no one else.
This he (Lord Minto) seemed to regret.
At ten o'clock, WiUiam EUiot came from the House of
Commons : he said G, Rose had got up (on Fox's putting
off his motion) to say, that " a member of the House, not
present, had received his Majesty's commands to form a
new Administration." This very odd declaration was
not noticed by any of the Ministers, who were all on the
Treasury bench. Fox postponed his motion (that rela
tive to the Transports for the Hanoverian Army) till
Friday, when he declared he would bring it on, let who
would be Minister.
William Elliot was called out by Wyndham, and on
his return after dinner, when we were alone, he lamented
sincerely the exclusion of Fox, Fox, he said, had contri
buted more than half to overthrow Addington, and his
talents were such as claimed a high place in the Cabinet,
There was, he confessed, no specific pledge any where ; but
whatever the Grenvilles might do, he did not think they
could accept Office ; he himself, and those he was con
nected with, (Lord Fitzwilliam, &c,) certainly would not,
I asked if, no pledge, where was the forfeit 1 Did he
recoUect what Fox's conduct had been *? Was he not
aware of what had happened % Did he expect the King's
ready assent to admit Fox to a share in his councils "?
could it be expected 1 though he, and perhaps myself
knew, that a great deal of Fox's language and conduct
¦* This is confirmed in the " Life of Lord Eldon,'' (vol, i., p, 449,) where
Mr. Pitt says he was surprised at the King's ability, and never had been so
" baffled " by him in any conversation during his life.

1804.] ENGLAND. 301
was to be attributed to personal disappointment, and to
the influence of his folloivers ; and that, being on the
same level with him, lue might understand it. Yet could
it be supposed that the King, placed at the distance he
was from Fox, and to whom all Fox's words and actions
had been aggravated by the very man (Pitt) who now
named him as qualified for Office, could distinguish or ad
mit this \ And although I agreed with him, that it was
to be lamented that all the abilities of the country could
not be united under the same Government at such a cri
tical moment, yet I really did not think what had passed
a cause of surprise or anger ; and that I was in confident
hopes Fox would recollect all this (I was sure he would if
left to himself) ; and instead of returning to violent Oppo
sition, I flattered myself he would follow what I was per
suaded was the bent of his own temper and disposition ;
and by supporting Government for a while out of Office,
recover the King's good opinion, and thus qualify himself
for Office. That such a conduct, assisted by Pitt (when
Minister), would infallibly succeed, and in a very short
time, that broad and extensive union of abilities, so de
voutly to be -wished for, might be brought about.
Elliot assented in part to this, and almost for the first
time in his life, (after he had made up an opinion, or re
ceived one from Wyndham, and it was evidently from him
it came,) was somewhat inclined to recede, and think me
not ¦wrong.
The result in my mind of what I heard, was, that the
GrenviUes had, for the purposes of Opposition, formed
closer connexions with Fox than they were aware ; and
that what Pitt said, when he called their "idea of acting
together for the purpose of turning Addington out, and
not for coming in together, delusive," now proves to be
strictly true.
Half-past Nine in the Evening. — Bouverie (son to Mr.
Bouverie, of Old Burlington Street) came to me ; he con
firmed from Fox what I have just written, viz., that the
Wmg proscribed ^iim.. From Bouverie's language it was
to be feared Fox was more hurt and disappointed than in
reason he ought to be ; but that he indulged very san-

302 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l804.
guine hopes that Lord GrenviUe and his party would not
come into Office without him, and these hopes alone go
to prove to demonstration the justness of Pitt's prediction.
It is not, perhaps, a very false mode of reasoning on
this event, 'to suppose that the Grenville party, now
united by means of Tom Grenville with Fox, think it a
better calculation, as far as relates to permanent power
and Office, to wait till a new reign. That this (but I
trust they are mistaken) is drawing towards its close ;
and that under the next, connected as they are with Fox,
they shall be able to act with much more pre-eminence,
than while this lasts, since they feel the King cannot like
them, and that at best they must be subordinate to Pitt;
and this emancipation from Pitt, strange as it may seem,
has, I have for many years perceived, been the ruling wish
in Lord Grenville's mind. He now throws off the mask,
and he does it more confidently, as being connected with
a strong party ; and any idea of past obligation, or consan
guinity with Pitt, has no effect on him. The French pro
verb is here verified- — " Un bon ami vaut mieux que trois
mauvais parents."

Tuesday, May 8, — Dean of Christchurch'- at eleven ;
said Addington expressed himself to him that he was
sure if he had dissolved Parliament, he should in a
new one have had a considerable majority ; that the
King was earnest for it, but that he could not bring him
self to consent to a measure which would, at a moment
like this, throw the country into confusion, — Qucere.
Airing vrith Lord Pembroke, He said he had heard
the King had made up his mind to consent to a new
Administration, but that was all ; that he was far from
pleased with the idea.
A Council at the Queen's House to-day, at three.
Lord Minto at four ; declares his intention of abiding
* Dr. Jackson, whose memory is still venerated at Christchurch, as a
man whose popular and successful rule united the discipline of scholastic
life to a great knowledge of human nature, and the habits of the class which
he governed.

1804.] ENGLAND. 303
by Lord Grenville, and by inference signified Lord Gren
viUe's resolution not to take Office unless Fox did, but to
abide by him.
Lord Minto called it " a point of honour." This con
firmed to me at dinner by William Elliot ; and it seemed
to be settled that Pitt ivas now so limited in his choice
as to have no other but either amongst his own in
dividual friends, or by keeping part of the present
Cabinet. I did not choose to trouble him ; and as neither
Canning nor any of his party called on me, I conjecture
they are not elated.
Sir W, Farquhar said (but I do not give it as truth),
when the King observed to Pitt, that he was rather sur
prised to see Fox's name amongst those he mentioned as
fit for being a member of the Cabinet, after his name
having been struck off the Privy Council during the time
Pitt was Minister —
Pitt replied, "Your Majesty will perhaps not have
forgotten that I did not at the time recommend this
step, I considered it then as giving Mr. Fox too much
consequence."

Wednesday, ]\Iay 9, — Greffier with me at eleven ;
said he had dined the day before with Lord Grenville,
ivho, from his tone and manner, clearly meant to be in
opposition. His family dined there ; and there seems no
doubt that they have all (Lord Spencer, Wyndham, &c,)
left Pitt for Fox, This confirmed from what Lord Minto
declared to Lady Malmesbury — it was a point of honour,
according to him, not to accept Office if Fox was pre
cluded from it.
Lord St, Helens. — Thought the King quite recovered,
but fearful lest he should become melancholy and low ;
that appeared to be the present cast of his mind. Said
that Pitt, previous to his seeing the King on Monday
the 7th, had asked the physicians before he went into
the audience, and who were in Avaiting, whether the
King's state of health was sufficiently recovered to allow
him to discourse — whether the sight of him (Pitt), whom

304 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l804,
the King now had not seen for three years,''" might not
disturb him, and whether the grave and serious business
on which he had to speak might not be too much for
him. The physicians assured him not, and he (Pitt) then
put his queries on paper, and desired them to write their
opinions under them and sign them, which they did.
Pitt then declared that without such an authority, and
such an assurance, he should have hesitated going into
the closet, and if they had at all demurred, he certainly
would have returned without going in,
Arbuthnot at noon ; he thinks Lord Hawkesbury, Oas
tlereagh, and the Chancellor will remain. Nothing was
settled ; no business going on.
Dean of Christchurch, — Said he had been ¦with Lord
Auckland, who knew nothing, and was rather low.
Lord Pelham and Lord Grantham, I told them what
I had heard had passed as far as I knew of Lord
Grantham came to me by appointment to hear it, and
Lord Pelham was just come up from the country, and it
was new to him. Both favouring Pitt, and condemning
the Grenvilles,
Lord Uxbridge, — He said the King had been out in his
carriage, and looked well,
Woronzow at two, for an hour and a half His old
story ; expressing great love for the country ; his little
hopes of a strong Administration, the meaning of which
is, that he always wishes to have an apology for being
less friendly towards us in fact than in expressions. It is
the trick of his Court, and has been for these forty years.
On other subjects he was most reasonable and judicious.
Greffier dined with me, and lamented Lord Grenville's
conduct. Lord Pelham in the evening ; he told me Pitt was to
have seen the King again to-day at two o'clock, and, he
believed, did see him. Lord Camden, he said, was sorry
that so much was said about Fox and the Grenvilles,
since he (Lord 0.) still entertained a hope they might
become part of the new Ministry ; but that the publicity
¦* It is curious that Pitt should have avoided the King's presence at
Court for so long, and a remarkable instance of liis pride.

1804.] ENGLAND, 305
of these reports flung obstacles in the way of bringing it
about. May 10, — Difficulties increase as to nami.ng an Admin
istration, At four, Pitt's writ was moved for by Ch, Long, He
had kissed the King's hand at the Queen's House, at three
o'clock, for the places he held before.
Drove with Lord Pembroke ; he very justly indignant
at the conduct of the Grenvilles, and grieved at Lord
Spencer's adhering to them.
Dined at Uxbridge House with Duke of York ; said he
would call on me on Saturday ; wanted much to see me,
&c. Nothing new, nor no more offices filled up. Ru
mour says Lord Moira is sent for. The King earnestly
wishes to keep Duke of Portland, Lord Chatham, and
Lord Eldon.
May 11 and 12.— The King, the Duke of Portland
said, was getting rapidly well. He told him that now he
and Pitt met like old friends who had never parted. It
seems certain that what has passed, far from hurting the
King, seems to have relieved him. Lord Melville goes to
the Admiralty ; Lord Harrowby the Foreign Department ;
Lord Hawkesbury the Home one. Buonaparte elected
Emperor of the French (not the Gauls) on the 5th ; de
clared to be the first of the Line, and the Empire here
ditary. All this by acclamation, Carnot gave a dis
sentient voice with his reasons,
Arbuthnot with me on the 12th ; he is appointed Am
bassador at Constantinople, Jenkinson goes as Secretary
of Legation to Vienna. Frere has actually left Madrid,
and appointed his brother Charg^ des Affaires of his own
head, and without any orders from home ; his despatches
state a conversation in which he differed violently with
the Prince of Peace, but nothing can justify such an un
authorized step. 
Sunday, May 13. — Dean of Christchurch. — Lord Win-
chelsea Groom of the Stole. Dean said Lord Pembroke
VOL. IV. X

306 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l804.
had refused to succeed Lord Salisbury as Chamberlain ;
he told me himself the sort of life it would oblige him
to lead would make him quite wretched. I could not
blame him ; .yet, in my mind, wish he had accepted, for
the King's sake. It is now said either Lord Bath or the
Duke of Beaufort is to have it.
Whilst at dinner -with a large company at home, I re
ceived a most kind letter from Pitt, proposing a seat at
the Treasury Board to Fitzharris.
It took me by surprise ; and it gratified me the more,
as it was done "without an application. Woronzow, who
was present, much more reasonable than I have seen him
for a long while ; he was fearful Lord Harrowby had not
health ; was not used to foreign business ; and that he
was trop boutonni. He himself said he was going away
in a month ; blames without reserve ; and is concerned
at the beha-riour of Lord Grenville. Imputes it aU to
the influence of Tom Grenville ; amazed at Lord Spencer's
joining in such a system ; said Buonaparte becoming Em
peror was " un enfantillage — le nom ne faisoit rien."

Monday, May 14. — George Rose to congratulate on
Fitzharris's nomination ; said Lord Lovaine and Ch. Long
were to be his coUeagues at the Treasury ; Canning Trea
surer of the navy : blamed the GrenvUles ; was sanguine ;
said he was perhaps too much of an optimist.
Charles GrevUle, Lord Warwick's brother, dismissed,
and succeeded by Lord G. Thynne ; Lord SaUsbury by
Lord Dartmouth.
Tuesday, May 15. — Lord Pelham removed ; Lord Mul
grave takes his office ; early with Pitt in York Place.
General GrenviUe with me at three ; he blamed with
out reserve Lord GrenviUe in his conduct; said it was
incomprehensible; was amused with the idea of Lord
Buckingham at Carlton House (now to become the foyer
of Opposition) ; he was persuaded the Catholic Emancipa
tion would be brought on, and even perhaps an attempt
at a Regency, by trying to prove the King to be incapa-

1804.] ENGLAND. 307
ble of governing. WiUiam EUiot (Lord ElUot's brother)
to be Under Secretarv of State to Lord Harrowbv.

Wednesday, ^May 16. — Lord Pelham confirms me in
his letter that the Duke of Leeds' interest at Helstone is
on the decline, but he thinks that the Borough may stUl
be carried, I told this to Charles Long, who caUed on
me about three. He said he was in Uttle doubt about it ;
but, at all events, Fitzharris's seat must be vacated, as he
was actually Gazetted as Lord of the Treasury — Pitt
would have it so ; that if I could not re-elect him for
Helstone, they must. This fills the measure of Pitt's
kindness, who, during the whole of this transaction, has
behaved towards Fitzharris and me as he would towards
his nearest relations.
Lord Auckland out of the Post Office ; Lord Amherst
dismissed from the Bedchamber — ^he was with me in the
evening of the 16th, to communicate Lord Winchelsea's
(now Groom of the Stole) letter, and to consult what was
to be done. With what 1 had heard from Lord Uxbridge
fresh in my mind, 1 had no doubt but that it was a hasty
measure, in consequence of the idea that had fastened on
the King's mind to new-model his household, and I ad-
•rised Lord Amheret to wait, I knew Lord Winchelsea
would not see the KiTig tUl Saturday, and I •wished Lord
Amherst simply to answer the letter ("with deference) and
to see Lord Winchelsea, Lord Rivers appelated by the
King, in the room of his father, although Lord Hobart
had actuaUy announced to the Irish Lord Westmeath,
many months ago, that he was actuaUy named to be Lord
of the Bedchamber.
Thuesday, ^Iay 17. — Met Rose early in the Park ;
he verv sorry about Lord Pelham, Sturges Bourne and
Huskisson the two Secretaries of the Treasury.
Walked in the Park with General Harcourt — he, as
always, most right and reasonable.
Lords Pembroke and Amherst at dinner. Sluch serious
conversation with the first on the dangerous state of
X 2

808 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [1804.
things, and more especiaUy if the King should not get
quite weU, or relapse ; that it was devoutly to be wished,
that as one of these was probable, indeed nearly certain,
an eventual Regency Bill could be passed in time ; that
without this it was impossible to calculate the mischief
which might follow ; that Opposition was powerful, rich,
and determined ; that if it became a contest between the
King ill and the Prince well, about the nature of a
Regency, the common and usual bounds of Opposition
might be overstepped, and ciril discord, if not civil war,
was not absolutely impossible ; that this step must ori
ginate ¦with the King, and that, from the real virtues and
goodness of his character, and his reUgious conscientious
character, this might be brought about ; that it was cer
tain (this I observed and knew) no Minister could ven
ture the proposal, since the King, being rather prone to
be suspicious, would suppose it arose from a desire of
power, and that only could be brought about by some
sedate, wise, and deliberate person, high in rank, who
was in possession of the King's confidence and good
opinion. We could derise no one. The persons who see
the King the most are quite incapable — perfectly torpid
courtiers. Neither of the Archbishops is fit for it, nor
any of the great officers of the household ; yet it was of
such immense consequence, that Pitt would be to blame if
he did not provide against so evident a danger in prospect.
Lord Amherst returned from Pitt, who had appointed
him to talk over Lord Winchelsea's letter of dismission.
Pitt said " it must be a mistake, or a step taken in haste.
Pray suppress it, and take no notice of it. Withdraw
your answer to Lord Winchelsea, and let me see the King,"
Lord Amherst explained to Pitt what he thought might
have occasioned it, and read him a letter he had written
to Addington in the end of April, to say how he should
vote. This letter was as handsome as possible, and could
not displease the King, if he had seen it. In short, Pitt
thought nearly as I did, and considered the step, as taken
in a hurry, and under the rather crude idea of new-mo-
deUing his household ; but, at all events, Pitt said, it
must be made up to Lord Amherst.

1804.] ENGLAND. 309
Friday, May 18. — I received a note from Lord Camden
relating to Lord Pelham, and I appointed to call on Lord
Camden to-morrow morning.
With Lord Camden soon after ten, ]\Iuch regret ex
pressed by us both that Pitt should have removed Pel
ham ; it was not only unfair but unwise, as Pelham
had great influence (four votes) in the House of Peers,
also two members in the House of Commons, Lord
Camden said he had always urged Pitt to deal hand
somely by Pelham ; his services required it ; that Pitt
admitted the justice of the demand ; that also Pelham
had come into Office almost at Pitt's request, certainly
with his approbation ; that he was always ready to leave
it, to make an arrangement in which Pitt was to be in
cluded, and was actually turned out because Addington
chose to put a false construction on this offer. What
was to be done 1
I read Lord Camden two letters I had just received
from Lord Pelham, by which it clearly appears that he
had received no other account of his removal than by
public rumour, and that this, joined to the thing itself,
(which he did not doubt) probably would sour and indis
pose lum. That I advised that Pitt should write to
him the civilest letter — to-day, if possible— and make
him some handsome proposal in Ueu of the Duchy, Lord
Camden then reverted to an old idea of Pelham's going to
Russia, I told him what I knew on that subject ; that I
could not be responsible for Pelham's acceptance of it,
but if it came in the shape of a special Mission, and some
Home Office was coupled ¦with it, it would do.
Lord Camden thought of Captain of the Yeomen of the
Guard, in the room of Lord Aylesford ; said this was
3000/ a year, and vacant.
This appeared to me as possible, and after an hour's
conversation, he said he would immediately write to Pitt,
and teU him what had passed between us.
At one, (jeorge Rose and ]\Ir. Sturges Bourne (Secretary
to the Treasury), Visit of civility.
They got on foreign poUtics, in which Sturges joined.
This arose from Livingston, the American Minister at

310 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l804,
Paris, being come over, as it -was supposed, on the idea of
Fox being in Office, and with some pacific proposals.
These, he said, should not be rebuffed, as in Lord Gren
ville's time, but at least listened to civilly. Much good
might come from it.
The Greffier Fagel gave them a Leyden Gazette of the
13th, in which there is the Correspondence between the
Senate and Buonaparte, on his election to the Imperial
dignity. More bombast, sophistry, and vapid nonsense,
with worse logic, never yet was written ; but it appeared
to me to be so curious, that I sent it to Pitt ; particu
larly as it is much fresher than any other news from
France. Pitt has offered the Mint to Lord Bathurst, who, in
the handsomest way, begs Pitt to bestow it where it may
be more useful to the purposes of his Government ; that he
shall ever act with him, and that he really felt such a
very high Office as one he is by no means entitled to.
Pitt ¦wiU, I dare say, persevere, and insist on Lord Ba
thurst's taking it.

Sunday, May 20.— Mrs. Harcourt, Uneasy about the
King, He was apparently quite himself when talking on
business, and to his Ministers. He then coUected and
recoUected himself ; but, in his famUy and usual society,
his manners and conversation were far from steady-
fanciful, suspicious, &c.
If he went to Weymouth, it was absolutely necessary
he should have some very wise and steady person about
him, Symonds, she said, wanted to go with him, but
she thought him an improper man ; that he had his own
interest in view. Willis (the son and clergyman) ma
naged him much better, and understood what was to be
done. She wished he could be with him. All this she
declared to be the General's sentiments as weU as her
o-wn. In the first iUness, when WiUis, who was a clergyman,
entered the room, the King asked him, if he, who was a

1804.] ENGLAND, 311
clergyman, was not ashamed of himself for exercising such
a profession, " Sir," said WiUis, " our Saviour himself
went about healing the sick," " Yes," answered the King,
" but he had not 700/ a-year for it,"
Arbuthnot "with me in the morning. He had nothing
new. He was going (being stUl in Office) to attend a
Cabinet, and said he would call on me when it was ended.
This he did, but I was out. He left word Lord Harrowby
would come to me in the evening,
Greffier at dinner ; said his brother Jacques was ar
rived ; had a great wish to see me, as he had much to
say ; that Buonaparte's title was to be Majeste ,Imp)era-
toriale, not Imp^riale ; that his establishment was to be
immense. The first idea was to be crowned by the Pope
at Lyons ; but on this being found difficult, the Corona
tion was to be at Rheims,
He said his brother came over ¦without any impediment.
He ¦was supposed to be going to Embden ; but the French
Commissary at Catt'wyk, where he embarked, knew he
was going to England, and said, when he was on boai-d,
" You wUl be at Harwich in about thirty-six hours,"
Lord Harrowby (Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs)
with me this eveniug from nine tiU eleven. He said that
with regard to himself, he was in a situation he by no
means coveted, but his friendship for Pitt made him not
hesitate in accepting it. Neither his health nor his habits
were calculated for it, and he had for three years been
totally inattentive to pubUc business. He therefore
claimed of me, as an old and intimate acquaintance,
assistance and help. This I assured him was at liis ser
vice, though 1 feared it would amount to very Uttle,
Lord Harrowby then stated the Continent as quite in
awe of France ; Austria um-ecovered from her jjanic ;
and besides the natural pusiUanimity of Cobenzel, the
idea of seeing again a French ¦rictorious army at the gates
of Vienna terrified them aU, That the French had cer
tainly a very great force in Lombardy, and to^wards
Venice, and this keeps them in a constant state of appre
hension ; that he therefore despaired of bringing this
Com't forward.

312 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l804.
Berlin he stated rather less unfavourably than I should
have expected. He said the evil arose from the King sup
posing he was, like the great Frederick, to govern by
himself, when, in fact, he was led by flatterers and traitors ;
that, besides, the French had filled the north-west side of
Germany so full of troops, and posted them in such a way,
that he doubted if the Court of Berlin was supposed to
act, whether before a Prussian army of sufficient force
could be collected, the French would not be at Berlin,
since there was nothing between them but Magdeburg.
Prussia, he knew, had rejected a French alliance, and that
on this account Lucchesini was under a cloud at Paris ;
that Russia was the Court the most likely to be brought
into action ; but still he saw little hopes, as long as
France remained in her present state of high power, and
the Invasion was pending.
That the murder of the Due d'Enghien had been very
much felt on the Continent, and particularly at Peters
burg, That the King of Sweden was well inclined, and
had recalled his Minister from Paris, but he was not by
himself strong enough to be of great use. That the
French had prevented the Landgrave of Hesse having his
annual reviews, and perhaps even the Prussian ones in
Westphalia, saying, that an assemblage of 15,000 men
would not be a measure the First Consul would see ¦with
pleasure, and to this both the Hessians and Prussians
submitted. That Spain was completely subser^rient to
France, and that Buonaparte should think the Spanish, by
going to war with us, would be more useful for his pur
poses than the tribute he now received. This would
happen. The question ¦with us, therefore, was, whether
we had better wait for this or not. That every day fur
nished us with a just cause to declare war on Spain ; that
Frere was coming. He had had a personal quarrel with
the Prince of Peace.
Lord Harrowby mentioned news was received of Sir
Sidney Smith having attempted to interrupt some boats
coming from Flushing to Ostend ; that he had succeeded
in part, but that the success was far from complete.
That the preparations in Holland were in great for-

1804,] ENGLAND, 313
wardness, and that Boulogne was evidently the point
where all the force was to be collected.
On all these facts we conversed and reasoned, and he
entreated me to speak to him freely, and to give my
opinion without reserve, I said I hoped that the picture
Paget had drawn of Vienna was too darkly coloured.
That I knew well that Cobenzel was in his heart French ;
that he had been bred up to admire and fear them, and
that, whether a Buonaparte or a Bourbon, this sentiment
in his mind would remain the same. Lord Harrowby
asked if there was any other person at Vienna fit to be
First Minister, I said I knew none but Thurgut, and the
Archduke Charles would oppose his return to power, even
if the Emperor dared to restore it to him. That I did
not believe (as he supposed) that the finances of Austria
were so low, and that I conceive this as "Si, finesse to induce
us (when the time came) to give a larger subsidy, while
the report, attended with some retrenchments in the army
expenses, would, as they thought, and it was thinking
like cowards, satisfy the French, and keep them quiet.
That as for Prussia I had little hopes, but that I could
not believe that the French army could get to Berlin by
surprise, since that part of the Prussian army in West
phalia, near Berlin, and at Magdeburg, was, I conceived,
very easily to be united, and certainly would form a
force fully sufficient to repel invasion, particularly as they
would be secure on their eastern frontiers, and on the
side of Austria,
We agreed that, till the invasion was attempted, or laid
aside, it was not likely the Continent would stir. That,
if we succeeded in resisting it, it was still most material
to form Continental connexions and alliances, since,
without them, Europe never could be restored to a situa
tion of security against France, Our conversation was
very long, and, on parting. Lord Harrowby said he should
often renew it, and consider me as his political tutor,
I recommended him, in his conferences with the Foreign
Ministers, to hear more than to speak, and that the little
he did say should be neutral, unmeaning civilities, unless
some real and important business was the object of the

314 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l804.
conference ; and that then I should much advise asking
for something in writing — merely as a memorandum.
That in this country particularly, and indeed every day,
the Ministers of inferior Courts came to the Secretary of
State, in order to obtain matter for a despatch, rather as
questions than on business, and that it was essential he
should make them soon perceive he was aware of this
trick, Monday, May 21, — Lord Camden with me at four;
much talk about Pelham,* and, as we had not heard from
him, supposed he would come up. Lord Camden very
anxious Pitt should see him ; complains and laments
Pitt's want of little attentions. To this he imputed Lord
Darnley's defection ('with which I acquainted him). Pitt
had left two notes from him without any answer. Darnley
had told me a few moments before, that he was sorry he
and I differed completely in politics, but I would not
contend with him.
Lord Camden told me, he would take Lord Ashburton's
proxy himself, and give the Duke of Buccleuch's to some
one else. We both agreed that it was much to be wished
that this end of the Session should pass over "without any
violent debate, that aU acrimony might be avoided, and
that during the summer many conciliatory measures might
be taken.
The Greffier, with his brother James Fagel (just come
from Holland). He treated the preparations for the in
vasion lightly ; said their men were adverse to it ; that
Verhuill was the man Buonaparte depended on in Hol
land ; about 25,000 French there.
Arbuthnot told me, Woronzow had been five hours this
morning with Lord Harrowby.
Lord Pelham came to town by dinner, and was with me
from eight this evening till nine. He was in very good
temper, and reasonable. He said, the first authentic ac
count he heard of his being removed, was through a letter
from Lord Mulgrave to Charles Long, who acquainted him
of his being appointed to the Duchy, with a seat in the
Cabinet. Lord Pelham went over all his past conduct for

I <

1804,] ENGLAND. 315
these last four years, and very justly deduced from it,
that he in every instance acted with Pitt, in many after
his advice, and in none (particularly his taking office in
1801) without his previous knowledge and approbation,*
He also adverted to. what he had said to Addington, when
he came from a conference with Pitt at Charles Long's, in
March, 1803 ; and also the use Addington made of this.
After discussing the business fully, I desired him to
see Lord Camden this evening, and to go early to-morrow
to Pitt, and that I had confident hopes all would end
weU. Lord Pelham shewed me Pitt's letter to him — it
was a little formal, but announced good intentions.

May 22, — Went to Kenwood with Lord Pembroke,
Lord Pelham in the evening ; said he had seen Pitt at
three o'clock ; that what he said to him was very ci^ril
and explanatory, as far as the necessity of arrangements
of office could account for his being removed ; that Pitt
expressed a wish to give him, after some foreign employ
ment, the place of Captain of the Yeomen of the Guard.
Pelham decUned the first, on account of the very preca
rious state of his father's health ; and demurred about
the latter, and came to consult ¦with me what he should
do respecting it. He said, the principal objection to it
in his mind was, that he was not sure of the King's feel
ings on this occasion, and that he felt a repugnance in
taking an office immediately about his person, unless he
was quite sure that it was not disagreeable to his Majesty ;
that he himself could have no opportunity of ascertaining
this tiU Wednesday fortnight ' (the 6th of June), as he
could not deliver up the Seals of the Duchy sooner, and
that indeed it was the day appointed by Pitt for that
purpose ; that, besides, he was not sure whether it was
not lowering himself ; and even that the income was not
adequate. As it was my wish Pelham should accept Office, and
* 'Vide an account of it in these Memoirs at that time.

316 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l804.
not be lost to Government, which if he did not I was
apprehensive (from his connexions 'with the Prince and
Devonshire House) would happen, the bent of my argu
ments was to persuade him to take this place, I observed,
he had every reason to suppose he stood weU with the
King, but if he doubted it, this could be ascertained
through Pitt, That as to the rank of the office, it had
always been filled by persons of distinction — Lord Ayles
ford, Lord Leicester, Duke of Dorset, &c. ; and that /
understood it was worth near 3000/. a-year, which was
almost as good as the Duchy. Pelham admitted to a
degree my reasonings ; said he had asked two or three
days to consider of it, and ¦wished me to communicate any
ideas which might arise, as he was going to Brighton
to-morrow, to stay tiU Monday.

May 23. — Nothing — Russian Memorial to the Diet, on
the violation of the Territory of the Empire by Buona
parte ; strong and weU written, but means nothing more
than a sort of protest Russia wishes to enter on this occa
sion, which she thinks ¦wiU please posterity. We shaU
see how it is taken by France, and then judge of the real
intentions of Alexander,

May 24, — Charles Long at twelve ; anxious about Lord
Pelham ; wished him to take Office ; thought him ill used.
Lord Camden at half-past one, about Pelham ; doubt
ed his taking the office offered him, I expressed my fears
if he did not, that he would leave us, I said I would
write to him, provided the place was not disposed of, and
I had actuaUy begun my letter, when at half-past five I
received a note from Lord Camden, to say Lord Pelham
had written to Pitt to decUne the Captaincy of the Yeo
men of the Guard.
I of course destroyed my letter.
Charles Long told me that the complexion of the House
of Commons yesterday, clearly denoted determined Oppo
sition ; but he thought weU of the members.

1804.] ENGLAND. 317
Some doubts as to the King's health ; yet there was a
Council to-day, and many new officers kissed hands.

May 25, — Wrote to Pitt to repeat my desire of not
being a charge to Government on Fitzharris's re-election,
Arbuthnot said Woronzow was pleased with Lord Har
rowby ; that he thought Berlin would certainly follow
Russia. The King of Prussia evidently angry, and afraid
of Buonaparte ; and, if not under the rule of Lombard,
would act right. This confirmed to me in a very excel
lent letter I received to-day from H. Pierrepoint. When
Drake passed through Dresden, the Saxon Minister, le
Comte de Loss, intimated to him that he could not stay
there, and must go on directly. This an additional in
stance of the insolence of France, and the subserviency of
the German empire.
I received a letter from Lord Pelham, acquainting me
with the step he had taken, and his reasons (see it) ; I
thought it right to communicate it to Lord Camden.
Lord St. Helens and Lord Arden appointed Lords of
the Bedchamber.
May 26. — With Duke of Portland at eleven ; he very
sanguine as to the duration of Pitt in power — confident
of a majority in the House of Lords — equally so in the
Commons — thinks Lord GrenviUe will not oppose this
session, but violently the next.
The King calls the Grenvilles the " brotherhood" — says
" they must always either govern despotically, or oppose
Government violently." Duke of Portland has little
doubts of the King's doing well — quiet wiU set him right,
and nothing else ; he has been fatigued by being too
much talked to on the new arrangements. Duke of
Portland very right and decided about Fox — says he has
a high opinion of his abilities, but Fox has, by his con
duct, disqualified himself decidedly for Cabinet office,
since he has maintained opinions which would (if carried
into effect) militate against the received and constitu
tional duties- of every department where he could be

318 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l804.
placed ; that Lord Grenville used to say this, and how he
could now reconcile himself to a contrary idea, passed his
comprehension. Wyndham was stiU more unintelligible ;
all Fox's poUtics were contrary to his, yet Wyndham says
he cannot come into Office ¦without Fox.
The Duke of Portland felt about Lord Pelham as Lord
Camden did. We entered into conversation on the grant
to the House of Orange. I left ¦with him the two papers
I had received from Lord Auckland, containing a mode
proposed by the Attorney-General Perceval, for accom
plishing the object without recurring to a new act ; but
they did not appear to the Duke to do it completely, and
we agreed to go together to Pitt on the subject.
Lady Uxbridge at half-past two — very uneasy about
the King — said his family were quite unhappy — that his
temper was altered. He had just dismissed his faithful
and favourite page (Brown), who had served him during
his illness with the greatest attention. Quiet and repose
was the only chance. She said the Chancellor was to go
to Windsor ¦with him, which she was glad of Lord Ux
bridge gone, not meaning to appear, but to be with his
regiment (the Staffordshire). King had stipulated before
he went to Windsor, that he would not go to chapel, nor
on the Terrace, nor take long rides. Lady Uxbridge
thinks Dr. Symonds an unfit man — that the Willises, and
particularly the clergyman Willis, was a much properer
person to be about the King when he was getting weU —
so thinks Mrs, Harcourt,
I dine this day at Kenwood ; Lord Mansfield not ¦with
us, I fear.
Sunday, May 27. — Fitzharris came from his regiment
at Bristol, to dinner. Mrs. Harcourt confirmed all Lady
Uxbridge had told me— that the King was apparently
quite well when speaking to his Ministers, or those who
kept him in a little awe ; but that towards his family
and dependants his language was incoherent and harsh,
quite unlike his usual character (Mrs. Harcourt here
quoted a similar case in her own mother). She said'
Symonds did not possess, in any degree, the talents

1804.] ENGLAND. 319
required to lead the mind from wandering to steadinc.s.s :
that in the Bang's two former Ulnesses. this had been
most ably managed by the WUlises, who had this faculty
to a wonderful degree, and were men of the world, who
saw ilinisters. and knew Avhat the King ought to do ;
that the not suffering them to be caUed in, was an
unpardonable proof of foUy (not to say worse) in Adding
ton, and nC'W it was impo.s5ible, since the King's aversion
for them was rooted ; that Pitt judged Ul in leaving the
sole di5posal of the Household to the King — that this
sort of p'jwer in his present weak and, of course, suspi
cious state of mind, had been exercised by him most im
properly : he had dismissed and turned away, and made
capricious changes everywhere, from the Lord CTiamber-
laLn to the grooms and footmen ; he had turned away the
Queen's favourite coachman, made footmen grooms, and
" vice versa ;" and what was stUl worse, because more
notorious, had removed Lords of the Bedchamber without
a shadow of reason ; that aU this afflicted the Royal
Family beyond measure ; the Queen was Ul and cross,
the Princesses low, depressed, and quite sinking under it ;
and that, unless means could be found to place some
very strong-minded and temperate pei^on about the King,
he would either commit some extravagance, or he would
by "riolent exercise and carelessness, injure his health,
and bring on a deadly Ulness. 1 asked where such a
man did exist, or had existed. She said none she knew
of : that Smart, when aUve, had some authority over
him ; that John Willis (the clergyman) also had acquired
it, but in a different way ; the first obtained it from
regard and high opinion, the other from fear. That as
was always the case, cunning and art kept pace in the
King's character with his suspicion and misgivings, and
that he was become so very acute that nothing escaped
him. IMrs, Harcourt ended her recital by great recommenda
tions of secrecy, and submitting it to me whether I would
or would not state it to ilr. Pitt. I asked her if the
ChanceUor knew it. She said aU; he is the only person
who can in any degree control the King ; he is the best

320 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE, [l804,
man possible, and, when he is near, things go on weU. I
said, in that case Mr. Pitt must know it, and if he knew
it would if he could apply a remedy, and that if he did
not, I must suppose he was at a loss what to do, and
that the hearing what he already knew from me, would
be useless to him, and look like a pushing intrusion on
my part. To this Mrs. Harcourt agreed.
After her. Lord Pembroke came into my room, and
asked me whether I was aware of what was passing at
the Queen's House ; and he then repeated, but in a still
stronger manner, and with additional circumstances, what
I had before heard. We then both dwelt on the very
serious and dangerous consequences to which it might
lead, and in vain sought about for a remedy. (Our con
versation was interrupted.)
May 28, — Fitzharris took his seat at the Treasury.
— With Lord Harrowby at the Office, at three ; demurs
about Paget's return, which he had intended should be
directly, and had actually written to that effect, but
shews me a long and studied letter from Gentz to Van
sittart (secretary to the late Treasury), in which he en
ters into a long detail of the present state of affairs, and
infers from it the necessity of Paget's not leaving Vienna
just now ; of Paget he speaks highly.
Lord Harrowby adds, that Paget had also written a
letter to Lord Hawkesbury, somewhat to this effect —
and he now inclines to think that he had better stay
at Vienna till this Chasse aux Ministres, meaning the
attempt of the French to drive away Drake and Smith*
from Munich and Stutgard, is over. This led us to a
long conversation on this subject, and he sent me Drake's
and Smith's correspondence, requesting I would give him
my opinion of it, and what ought to be done. This
I did in a letter dated the 29th.
* The discovery of our intrigues with the Bourbon royalists through our
Minister at Munich, and his expulsion at Napoleon's request, has been
already explained. Mr. Spencer Smith, our Minister at Stutgard fell into the
same predicament. A man named Rosey denounced him as plotting against
France, and the person of the First Consul. A report was drawn up ex- ^
posing these functionaries to the abhorrence of France and all Europe.

1804,] ENGLAND. 321
It is evident both Drake and Smith were terrified,
the latter stUl more than the former, and that both
behaved without spirit or dignity. But the two Courts
of Bavaria and Wurtemburg were still more void of these
qualities, and never was such a complete scene of base
submission ever exhibited in diplomatic history.

May 29, — Arbuthnot expresses a wish to take Vienna
on his way to Constantinople, and to remain there while
Paget is here. This a good idea, — Lord Uxbridge at
'two ; very low about the King. — He was just come from
Windsor ; " Don't question me," he said, " I am quite un
happy ; Symonds is a '"' * * *. — The WUUses say, that
they were paid so shabbily by Addington, that they
would not return to the Court, but I do not beUeve they
had the choice."

May 30. — Canning in the evening from ten to half-
past eleven ; I had not seen him for a long while ; his
leanings entirely ¦with Fox and the GrenvUles, and dis
posed to think Pitt might have done more with the King,
and should not have closed at the first audience. Pitt on
coming from it immediately sent him (Canning) to Lord
GrenvUle, and GranviUe Leveson to Fox, to acquaint
them with what had passed. Lord GrenviUe said it was
what he expected, and did not hesitate in saying he
could not now take Office, Fox, either more cautious, or
more moderate, expressed no surprise, anger, or disap
pointment, said, " I am myself too old to care now about
Office, but I have many friends who for years have fol
lowed me, and whom 1 shaU advise now to join Govern
ment, and I trust Pitt can give them places,"
When the two employes returned to Pitt, he testified
(and I think very justly) great anger at Lord GrenvUle's
behaviour, and great pleasure at Fox's, He immediately
desired Granrille Leveson to say how ready he was to
comply with Fox's wishes, and that he hoped to see him
next morning (Tuesday, May 8th), To this Fox readily
VOL, IV, 'if

322 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [1804.
assented. Canning, in the mean while, went to Grey
(considering him as the chief person to whom Fox al
luded) ; but he found that, previous to his seeing him, he
and Fox's other friends had had a meeting, and unani
mously decided not to take Office without Fox ; and they
contrived to place this in such a light to Fox, that he
excused himself from seeing Pitt next morning ; and the
whole ended in Pitt's being left to form an Administration
(as he has done) from amongst his own personal friends.
With respect to the Grenvilles, and Lord Grenville
in particular. Canning rests their apology for declining
to come into the Administration on Fox's very disin
terested and magnanimous behaviour ; he related a note
Fox had left at Tom Grenville's on Sunday morning.
May 6th, stating, he wished it should appear as a record,
and be known, that he stood in the way of no arrange
ment, that he was sure the King would exclude him;
but that this ought not on any account to prevent the
Grenvilles from coming in, and that as far as his influ
ence went, it should not prevent his own friends from
coming in.
This note Lord Grenville said was so very noble, that
in his mind it obliged him to stand steady by Fox ; and
neither he nor any of that set hesitated an hour since.
It was declared and known the same day (May 7th) on
which Pitt saw the King what their resolutions were.
This looks as if their minds had been made up ; and the
haste in which they determine betrays an eagerness to
excuse their defection from Pitt, and to avail themselves,
by an early and ready avowal of their intentions, of the
advantages that might one day or another come from it,
if either circumstances or the reign changes,''^
On every other point Canning confirmed all I had
heard and knew ; that Pitt had acted in perfect con
formity to his assurances and intentions ; that neither
Fox nor the Grenvilles did or could accuse him of the
contrary ; that there was no pledge any where ; that he
(Canning) only regretted that Pitt had not left the King
* At Pitt's death in 1806, Lord Grenville came in as Premier with Fox
under him.

1804.] ENGLAND. 323
on the 7th, taking twenty-four hours to consider, and not
at once accepted the Ministry ; but this, on my referring
to his recoUection, he was forced to admit was all along
Pitt's declared intention.
Canning defended what Lord Greu'rille called a point
of honour, as a legitimate cause for his conduct. I said
it was one on which there was no means of argument,
as a " point of honour" was what struck the fancy of the
person who professed it to be such ; and if he was in
earnest, superseded every other consideration. It cer
tainly did in this case supersede early and intimate con
nexions, both political, and of friendship ; obligations
without end received, and broke up a uniformity of con
duct which had begun with Lord Grenville's public exist
ence. Canning e^ridently wished to see Fox in Office, and
dwelt on the importance of forming an Administration
on a very extended basis. Now, he said, it was just the
contrary ; and he strongly reprobated the introduction of
the Duke of Montrose and Lord Mulgrave into the Cabi
net, He thought, on the whole, it was too much for
Pitt ; taxed Lord Camden with being the great cause of
it, and said his views were to keep in his nephew. Lord
Oastlereagh, and to come himself into the Cabinet. This
I by no means give credit to.
Canning then related to me the causes of his own con
duct. He said, before any arrangements could be taken
with respect to the forming a new Administration, he had
made a point of seeing Pitt ; that he did not conceal
from him his concern and dissatisfaction, and even dis
approbation, of what had passed ; that he considered the
great and only opportunity of uniting the whole ability
of the country gone by and lost ; that as for himself, and
left to himself, he had rather take no office ; that as to
a Cabinet office, he considered that his taking one would
be injurious to himself and to Pitt — to himself, because
the public would evidently look upon him as not yet
qualified for it ; to Pitt, because the same pubUc would
consider it as a mark of partiality and personal favour ;
that against this, therefore, he protested ; that with re-
Y 2

324 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE, [1804.
spect to other offices to which he was entitled from those
he had already held, as they in a manner came to him in
the line of promotion and seniority, he could speak more
at his ease — they were reduced to two. Treasurer of the
Navy and Secretary at War ; that in these he could not
but feel he could no longer be so useful to Pitt as before,
since as he did not mean or wish to be in the secrets
of the Cabinet (under the Administration now about to
be formed), he could never talk to him confidentially and
-without reserve ; that the single reason which could
induce him to accept one of them was, that he might be
of some service to Pitt in the House of Commons, and
that Pitt might be glad to have a Parliamentary friend
always close to him ; that having thus expressed his
feelings — and he said he hoped there was no false mo
desty in the first, as that was no false pride in the last
case he stated — ^he could only repeat what he began by
saying, that he should prefer being left out of Office, but
that his obUgations and attachment to Pitt would induce
him to consent to whatever he (Pitt) wished.
Canning did not report to me Pitt's answer, which
probably was short ; but said he went out of town
the next day, Wednesday the 9th of May (I believe), and
returned on the Saturday following, when he received
from Pitt a letter, offering to him the choice of the
Treasurership of the Navy, or Secretary of War, but
desired if it was repugnant to his feelings he would take
neither. Canning chose the Navy, and in a day or two
returned to South Hill, where he remained till this day,
when he took possession of his office.
On talking over the different subjects, I observed that
the first fault seemed to lie with Fox's friends, and that
they had acted with great precipitation. To this he
agreed. I next expressed an idea that they might be now sorry
for this ; to this he also agreed, and said Grey had hinted
something like it. I then said that I was willing to hope
that if the end of this short session passed over without
angry debating, and creating personal animosities, some
thing might be effected in the course of the summer to

1804.] ENGLAND. 325
bring about a wider base for the Government. This
Canning wished, but seemed to doubt its being Ukely.

May 31, — Lord Pelham just come to town — had seen
no one ; hopes Pitt wiU keep his word — very reasonable.
The j\Iint, he supposed, not fiUed up, and said he believed
Lord Bathurst would stiU have it, although he had most
handsomely decUned the offer of it at first, Arbuthnot
wishes me to see Lord Harrowby,
Lord Harrowby in the evening, — ]\Iuch conversation
on Foreign Affairs ; he wished me to prepare a manifesto
to be sent to aU the powers on the Continent, I said,
and said truly, that 1 did not feel equal to it ; that be
sides want of information, " non eadem est setas, non
mens," Lord Harrowby shewed me a letter from the
King, most perfectly well conceived and written, on the
subject of the Emperor being to invest Arthur Paget.
The election of Buonaparte to be Emperor of the French,
and aU the ceremonies, &c,, this day received here — an
evident singerie of Charlemagne, Charles Quint, &c. Lord
Harrowby objected to Arbuthnot staying at aU at Vienna,
from his presence being essentiaUy necessary at Constan
tinople, which was likely to become a very important post.

Fkiday, June 1. — Arbuthnot. He acquiesced in Lord
Harrowby's reasons, and renounced any idea of going
through Vienna.
General Harcourt, who came to me in the evening from
the Queen's House, gave a most comfortable accoimt of
the King, He had seen him often, and for a long time,
and that he was in looks, manner, conduct and con
versation, quite different from what he had been since
his illness — very different indeed from what he was at
Windsor, and General Harcourt, (who is not a sanguine
man,) reaUy seemed to think most favourably of the King,

June 4, — Nothing — Birth-day immensely crowded —

326 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l804.
Queen and Princesses very civil. King not there, but con
tinues well, and mending.

Tuesday, June 5, — Lord Camden "with me — anxious
about Pelham, Pitt wants to please three persons— him,
Lord Ch, Somerset, and Lord Amherst, and has only two
places vacant — the Pay-Office, and Captain of the Yeoman
of the Guard, He agreed in my wishes to see Pelham in
Office, and thought he might still be induced to accept of
it, could it be so managed as to appear the King wished
it, and some certain employment held out to him in
expectation. Lord Camden said he wotdd see Pitt about
it, and appointed me to meet Pelham at dinner with him
on Thursday.
Lord Bathurst has the Mint. Pitt persevered in mak
ing him accept it.
A messenger went to Vienna to-day, carrying the Order
of the Bath to A, Paget.

Wednesday, June 6. — Fitzharris kissed hands for the
Treasury at the Queen's House, also Lord Mulgrave for
the Duchy, When Lord Pelham carried in the Seals to
give them up the King said, " Before I can allow you to
empty your hands, you must empty mine," and gave him
the Stick as Captain of the Yeomen of the Guard ; adding,
" it will be less a sinecure than formerly, as I intend
li^ring more ¦with my great Officers," and added several
gracious things, Pelham had been apprised of it just as
he was going into the closet, but he had not time to
recollect himself, neither indeed could he return it,
I received soon after this event, a note from Lord Cam
den to mention it, adding, that although it was attended
with some awkward circumstances, yet on the whole he
was glad of it,
Thursday, June 7.— With Lord Camden at his office ;
he explained to me the awkiuard circumstance, viz., that
the King had given Pelham the Stick, without giving any

1804.] ENGLAND. 327
pre^vious notice of it to Pitt; that this was provoking and
vexatious, and Pitt felt it severely, yet scarce knew what
was right to be done. I advised that it should be consi
dered by him (whatever might be the real fact), that it
was done by the King in the way it was, because the
King thought it would be agreeable to Pitt ; that this
was better than a remonstrance, which, in the present
state of the King's mind, could avaU nothing.

Friday, June 8. — Greffier with me, on the grant to the
House of Orange. At twelve with the Duke of Portland.
Long conversation on the same subject. Appointed by
Pitt for to-morrow to settle this business.
With Lord Pelham at five ; he very much out of sorts,
and dissatisfied. Said Pitt had entrapped him into the
office of Captain of Yeomen, and took it up on this score
very sourly. I coidd not set him right, and by knowing
the real truth, was tied up from saying any thing. I
however left him in better humour than I found him.
Lady Pelham much hurt at it.

June 10. — Greffier with me previous to my seeing Pitt
on the Orange grant. Duke of Portland caUed on me at
half-past twelve. With Pitt some time. I read him the
necessary papers to make him acquainted with the ori
ginal intention of the grant, and how it had failed in its
intended effect, from a miswording in the original Mes
sage, Pitt conceived it in a minute, and readily agreed
to rectify it, by a new Message and new act.
I also left a paper with Pitt from the Greffier, request
ing the release of some Dutch fishermen, taken prisoners.

June 11. — I went to Park Place for the summer. On
the 13th, I wrote a letter to the Princess of Orange,
stating what had passed, and sent it through the Gref
fier.

328 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [1804.
June 15, — Finding little hopes of Fitzharris getting
into ParUament this Session,* and the Opposition gaining
ground, and also receiving a letter from him, strongly ex
pressive of his feelings, I wrote as follows to Pitt : —
Park Place, I4th June, 1804,
My dear Sir,— Fitzharris, whilst out of Parliament, is
of no use to you, at a moment when you are entitled to
every assistance the country and your friends can give
you. His being able to obtain a seat, is, perhaps, not a near
event. Thus circumstanced, if by removing him from the
Treasury you can in any manner add to your parliamen
tary strength, whatever value belongs to so respectable
an employment, we should renounce it without hesitation,
and even look upon its disposal for such a purpose as a
mark of your confidence and reliance on us.
In every situation we should be equaUy mindful of the
very kind manner in which it was conferred, equally
bound and attached to you ; and the certainty we should
feel of retaining your good ¦wiU, would act in our minds
as powerfully and as satisfactorily, as if we were in pos
session of the most conspicuous proofs of it.
I am speaking Fitzharris's sentiments as well as my
own. They are indeed, if possible, still more his, since
the idea originated with him, and I am doing little more
than transcribing one of his last letters to me.
Fitzharris saw Pitt, and gave him this letter on the
16th. Pitt took its contents very kindly, and felt our
motive. He said he saw no reason whatever for Fitz
harris's resignation, that he wished much to have him at
the Board, that if ever his not being at it could be at
tended with real and essential advantage to him, he would
not be scrupulous in availing himself of the offer.
He talked with confidence of his Parliamentary strength ;
but on the same evening, on the Defence Bill, lost one
¦* Lord Fitzharris had sat during the last Parhament for Helstone, where
the Duke of Leeds, who had returned him, had now lost his interest.
Christchurch, which Lord Malmesbury and his father represented for many
years, was now in possession of Mr. Rose,

1804,] ENGLAND. 329
question by 69 to 63, and carried the main question only
by 28, viz,, 212 to 184,
I remained in the country almost the whole of this
summer, I once came up to London, and dined with
Pitt and Lord Harrowby at Putney, but nothing remark
able occurred. M^h^e de la Touche, the Frenchman who
imposed on, and betrayed, Drake and S. Smith, pub
Ushed a very amusing, though probably very lying, ac
count of the whole transaction. It certainly, as he states
it, makes the dupery and terror of our two Ministers
equal to his own rascality, and he seems to take pains to
make both appear as clear and as notorious as possible.
The account is weU and clearly written. Hammond,
John King, and Drake, very well described, and also
Bertrand de ]\IelviUe, on whom he also imposed most
egregiously, •
This book was lent me by the Greffier, Unfortunately
I lent it to Pitt (when I dined with him), and Pitt never
returned it to me.
On Friday, June 22, Lord Pembroke came to me at
Heron Court, where I then was, to consult with me on an
offer which had been made him by Lord Harrowby to go
as Ambassador to Russia, I was rather inclined to advise
him to accept, but under the condition it should not be
for a length of time, and be considered rather as a Special
Mission than as simply the appointment to an Embassy,
He, when he left me on Sundaj", appeared also of that
opinion, but whether he altered it before he saw Lord
Harrowby, or whether he did not speak clearly and ex-
pUcitly to him, 1 learnt from him that the whole was at
an end; and on the beginning of July, Lord G, Leveson
came to Park Place to tell me it had been offered to him,
and that, unless I stated some great motive against it, he
should accept it. I asked him if he knew of any other
candidate ; he said, no, but that it had been offered to
Lord Po'wis, who had positively declined it. Lord G,
Leveson I thought very weU qualified for it. We talked
much on Russian politics. He wished to take, and did
take, Ross as his private secretary; and though he was to

330 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [1804.
sail the first week in August, it was not tiU the 8th Oc
tober that they left Yarmouth.
About the end of September Frere returned from Spain,
and I had a great deal of very long and interesting con
versation with him during the first week in October.
He states Spain on the eve of a Revolution ; not a
French, but Spanish Revolution, so very unpopular are the
Court and Government, that is to say, the Queen and the
Prince of Peace.
I asked him, supposing we had 20,000 disposable
men, whether such a force would be equal to produce
this Spanish Revolution, and to prevent Buonaparte from
availing himself of it. Frere did not doubt it. He said
the people were more anti-French than ever, and, if they
had Ministers in whom they confided, and the King left
to himself, he was persuaded, with the sort of force I
mentioned, Spain might be saved, and become a close,
steady, and most useful friend and ally to England.
Frere was much hurt at his being recalled; said he
could have effected any thing in Spain, and that the
ordering him away was as unwise towards the public as
unfair towards him, (Allowances must always be made
when a man, even an honest and good one, like Frere,
argues his own cause,)
In October, Fitzharris was returned for Horsham, I was
glad to get him a seat without any Treasury assistance.

Park Place, Dec 6, — I received from Sir G. Rumbold''^
a copy of the despatch he drew up on his return from
France to Lord Harrowby (on Sunday, Nov. 18), by way
of narrative of what had passed from the time of his
seizure on Thursday, 25th October, till that of his being
liberated on Monday, 12th November. " His house was
forced, and he himself seized on the 25th October by a
detachment of 100 men, commanded by General Frfere in
person ; his papers 'were torn (to use his expression) out
of the drawers and cases which contained them, and tied
¦* English Charge des Affaires in Lower Saxony, carried off by Buona
parte's orders as a spy; his history was a corollary on Drake's and Smith's,

1804.] ENGLAND. 331
up in one of the sheets of his bed, Sir G. himself being
scarcely allowed time to put on his clothes. He was
carried to Harburg, where he staid all Thursday, the
26th, On the 27tli he was sent on to Hanover, under an
escort of four officers, some huzzars, and gens-d'armes.
They reached Hanover at midnight, and found at the
gates an order for him to proceed to Neustadt, about
twenty-five miles distant, on the great Osnaburgh road.
He remained there three days, during which he says he
was well treated, when a M. Hautesauville (Aide-de-Oamp
to Berthier, and nephew to the Minister at War,) came
with orders to conduct him to Paris. Sir George was in
one coach ¦with this Aide-de-Camp, and in another his
servant (who had been permitted to follow him), with a
Ueutenant of gens-d'armes and a brigadier. They tra
velled night and day, accompanied by strong detach
ments of huzzars and gens-d'armes, passing through
OverysseU by a circuitous route. When they arrived at
Brabant he was less watched. They made easy journeys,
and travelled only by day. On the Friday, 10 th Novem
ber, about noon, they got to Paris ; Sir George was set
down at a house adjoining to Fouche's (Ministre de Police)
inhabited by the police agents, and communicating with
Fouche's house. He staid there till six, when he was
conveyed to the Temple in a hackney-coach, attended by
two police officers," Sir George speaks with great, and
even affected, praise of the very civil treatment he ex
perienced on the road from his French conductors, which,
he says, was that of the most studied attention, and con
trasted singularly with the outrageous measure which
occasioned his journey and the captivity in which he was.
{I have on this only to remark, that it was very
natural, under the circumstances Sir George was in, to
consider every thing short of ill treatment as good
treatment, and what he terms studied attention was only
allowing him to sleep and eat unmolested, and neither to
abuse him nor beat him,) Sir George's first idea on being
confined in the Temple was, that he was to perish by
secret means, (why, I do not discover,) and that, in order
to attribute to him suicide, they would forge papers which

332 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l804,
would be declared to have been found amongst his, to
demonstrate the state of despondency he was under,
{Qucere, Whether he did not betray this "state.")
This apprehension, he says, was perceived on the fol
lowing morning, (Sir George does not say how,) by the
Superintendant of the Temple, and on Fouch^ sending
for him, he (Fouche) having been made acquainted with
these alarms, reproached him for them, and after lament
ing the "preventions" (prejudices, as Sir George calls them,)
of England against the French Government, enters into a
laborious eulogium of the moral virtues of Buonaparte's
Government, and begs Sir George to be without any fears
of sinister purposes, and encourages him to take the food
he chose.
Sir George, after appealing to his (Fouche's) candour !
whether, after what he had experienced, it was extraordi
nary in him to entertain such suspicions, and alluding, as
Sir George terms it, to " recent and melancholy events "*
and assuring Fouche it was secret means only he feared,
he admits Fouche's assurance unqualifiedly, and says,
" fabandonne mes souppons ;" and, as he concluded his
confinement in the Temple would be long, he determined
to prove his confidence in Fouche's promise, by ordering
a good dinner and wine, of which " he ate and drank "
(I use his own words) " heartily." Fouch^ behaved with
great ci^rility (says Sir George) ; hoped Sir George was
as well taken care of as the nature of his confinement
would allow, and said "he might have books. Sec,"
(quaere. What does this. Sec mean ¦?), and his servant to
wait on him.
The next morning, Sunday, 29 th October, Sir George
is summoned at nine o'clock to attend Fouch^ ; he finds
him dressed and going to St, Cloud. Fouche tells him
that the King of Prussia, as Director of the Circle of
Lower Saxony, had written a very amicable letter to the
Emperor (Buonaparte), " et I'avoit pri^ de ne pas mettre
de suite h I'affaire du Chevalier ;" that therefore Buona
parte had determined he should be carried to Cherbourg,
and there embarked "on board a Parlamentaire (a flag of
* Due D'Enghien, Pichegiu, Mr. Wright, i&c.

1804,] ENGLAND. 333
truce) to be conveyed to the first English port they could
make. Sir George expressed a wish to go to Berlin,
Fouch^ said he should be happy to effect any arrange
ment that would be agreeable to Sir George, and as he
was going to St. Cloud, would see and mention it to
Buonaparte. Fouchd returned in about two hours, said
Buonaparte would not consent to his going at once to
Berlin, whatever he (Sir George) might choose to do after
wards, and that he must go to Cherbourg, and be landed ou
the coast of England, on Sir George signing an engagement
not to reside within fifty post leagues of the present
station of the French armies during the war. Fouche
adding, " Cela vant mieux que le Temple et vous avez
V alternative." Sir George puts in a parenthesis just be
fore he mentions this proposed signature, that he had
obtained, after the first order from M. Fouch^ leave to
be put on board the first British cruiser they should
meet, and this in such a way as to leave it a little ambi
guous whether this species of mitigation and favour was
not coupled with his signing the paper, which (by the bye)
was written in presence of Sir George, by a scribe of the
the police, and presented to him by Desmaret, the first
secretary in that department. Sir George takes merit in
refusing to sign the words, " Empereur des Fran^ais,"
and that Fouch^ changed them without any demur to
Gouvernement Fran^ais. His papers, which he was
taught to believe were to be restored to him, were ulti
mately refused him. He set off for Cherbourg at 5
P.M., on Monday, 12th November, accompanied by a M.
Mechem of Buonaparte's Guard, (who again behaves with
much civility,) as did General la Gorgue at Valogne.
Here he was stopped by La Roche, General of Division,
who, says Sir (Jeorge, (did not approve his seeing the
works going on at Oherlaourg,) but soon after an order
came for him at Valogne to proceed, and he reached
Cherbourg at midnight, on Thursday, 15th November,
where he was immediately conducted by General d'Aubigne
to the cutter prepared for him ; and on the 16 th he fell
in with H, M. S, Niobe, on board which Captain Scott
joyfully took him under the protection of the British flag.

334 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [1804.
Sir George arrived in London on Sunday morning, the
18th November.
Sir George begins his letter, which is not Ul-written as
to style, -with declaring that during the three years he has
been Charge des Affaires in the Circle of Lower Saxony,
" he has maintained the most scrupulous observance of the
principles and relative duties on which are founded the
sacred rights and privileges of Foreign Ministers, and that
after the most accurate research into every part of his
own conduct, it is in vain he attempts to penetrate the
motives of an action, that justice, morality, and even
policy, must condemn;" (of this I have no doubt;) and
Sir George afterwards, as a sort of apology for speaking
so strongly of the obliging and polite conduct of his
French keepers says, he does it, not only in justice to
them, but because (I however cannot follow his logic)
"the knowledge of tliese incidents may possibly guide
Lord Harrowby to conclusions on the motives of the
unexampled occurrence which he strives in vain to in
terpret." He says, M, Fouch^ once hinted at an interroga
tory ; on which Sir George tells him he 'wUl not answer
any interrogatory, and goes on by saying, that the only
motive he could discover on conversing with M. Fouche
for the extraordinary measure of his seizure was derived
from a forced construction of a passage in Lord Hawkes
bury's circular letter, after the affair of Mv. Drake,
which, according to the French Government, placed
aU the EngUsh Ministers on the Continent in the situa
tion of spies and conspirators plotting against Buona
parte's life.
Sir George replies very properly to this by adverting
to the King's Christian and moral virtues, and to the ap
proved loyalty of the English, Sir Gteorge is uneasy, very
naturally on his having signed the paper, and fears its
being disapproved. He relates this circumstance awk
wardly and confusedly, and wishes to impress Lord Har
rowby with the notion that the King of Prussia must be
offended that his representation was complied with, in so
flagrant a case, only under an allegation forced (I use

1804.] ENGLAND. 335
Sir George's words) and which left the public question
where it was. This is far-fetched, weak reasoning, not
likely to gain admittance anywhere.
The fact is. Sir George was in a very unpleasant
and fearful situation ; his apology for signing must be
found in this, and in his very justifiable and natural
dread of the consequences of the known iniquity of
the persons in whose power he was. This induced
him to sign ; no other good reason can be given ; for
his signing was a breach of duty and of trust ; but if
not an entirely good reason, it is at least a sufficiently
pardonable one to be listened to. Sir George not having
proved a Mutius Sccevola or a Regulus is not his fault,
but the fault of those who placed him in a situation
where such stern virtues might be called for.
The satisfaction with which he dweUs on the civility of
his French gaolers, and his signing the paper, are bad
points. It indeed appears to me, that had he been firm
in his refusal, the signing would not have been enforced.
It was a trick of Fouche, for Fouch^ would not have
dared to have altered the words Empereur des Franpais
into Gouvernement Franpais of his own head, and if the
paper had been really worded by, or came from Buona
parte — had Sir George heenfirm, I feel sure he need not
have signed, and might have recovered his papers (which
he never should have had at a villa so near the French
army) yet his situation was, doubtless, one which en
titles him individuaUy to very great indulgence, though it
cannot and ought not to change opinions and principles.

December 6, 7, & 8. — Mrs. Harcourt at Park-place —
full of anxiety about the issue of the sort of contest pre
vailing between the King and Prince, relative to Princess
Charlotte. The King wants her established at Windsor,
and educated as a Queen, that is to be. The Prince,
from opposition feelings and advisers, demurs ; Mrs. Har
court insists that the King is so bent on it, that if it does
not take place it will make him ill.
That two factions pulled the Prince different ways—

336 DL4RIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l804.
Ladies Moira, Hutchinson, and Mrs. Fitzherbert were for
his ceding the child to the King— the Duke of Clarence
and Devonshire House most violent against it, and the
Prince ever inclines to the faction he saw last. In the
Devonshire House cabal. Lady Melbourne and Mrs. Fox
act conspicuous parts, so that the alternative for our
future Queen seems to be whether Mrs. Fox or Mrs.
Fitzherbert shall have the ascendancy !
Mrs. Harcourt said the Prince came down to the King
on the 20th November, and they met for the first time
for nearly a year ; that, for one day, it went off very
well, but that it did not last.
The King sent his plan for the Princess, in writing, to
the Prince, by the Chancellor, on or about the 28th. It
was not only a very judicious and wise one, but drawn
up most admirably, and full of fine and affectionate feel
ings. Yet to this the Prince made such an answer, (also
in writing,) that the Chancellor could not present it to
the King ; and, on the 2nd December, he and Mr. Pitt
(who feared the consequences either of producing this
answer, or of the delay of any answer,) went down to
Windsor, and, in order to avoid affecting the King, said
the Prince had misconceived part of His Majesty's letter,
and that, before he could answer it at all, they must set
him right on these points. In the mean while, they have
sent for Lord Moira, and they depend on what he
may do.
The sons behave tolerably, the Princesses most per
fectly. The Queen will never receive the King without one of
the Princesses being present ; never says, in reply, a
word ; piques herself on this discreet silence ; and, when
in London, locks the door of her white room (her boudoir)
against him. The behaviour of the Queen alarms me
more than all the others of Mrs. Harcourt's stories; for,
if the Queen did not think the King likely to relapse, she
would not alter in her manners towards him ; and her
having altered her manners, proves that she thinks he
may relapse.
Mrs. Harcourt seems to think better of Lord Moira's

1805.] ENGLAND. 337
influence, or rather of the manner in which he will em
ploy it, than I do.
Lord Harrowby, by a fall down a staircase in his house
in Park Lane, hurt himself most dangerously. He fell
on the front part of his head.
As I was well aware the difficulty Pitt would be
under to find an immediate successor to Lord Har
rowby, who, by his accident was totaUy disqualified for
so laborious an office as that he fiUed, I commissioned
Fitzharris (who was going from Park Place to London) to
say to Pitt, that if he thought I could fill the situation,
as locum tenens, till such time as Lord Harrowby reco
vered, I was quite at his orders for a short time ; but
that I wished only to do the business, and to have nothing
whatever to do either with the patronage of the Foreign
Department. Pitt received this offer with his accustomed good
nature ; said it was kind, and he would, if circumstances
rendered it necessary, avail himself of it. Charles Long
wished him to accept it ; and it remained in doubt for
some days in Pitt's mind. But Lord Harrowby growing
worse, and declaring to Pitt, that even if he did recover,
that he never should again think of undertaking such
anxious employment, and as my offer (and, indeed, inten
tion) was Uterally to keep this office in Lord Harrowby's
hands, whom I thought peculiarly fit for it, the matter
dropped, and Lord Mulgrave was named in his stead.
On my coming to town, on 18th January, 1805, I
found, from Lord Bathurst, that Pitt had taken my offer
just as I knew he would, and considered it as an act of
friendship and goodwill towards him. He caUed it to
Lord Bathurst " a very liberal and handsome proposal,
very unlike those he was used to receive."

Towards the end of 1804, and beginning of 1805, a
Negotiation was opened with Addington, through Lord
Hawkesbury. Addington was created Lord Sidmouth,
and appointed President of the Council ; Lord Bucking
hamshire to the Duchy, in room of Lord Mulgrave. This
VOL. IV. z

338 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l805.
party acted with Pitt during four or five months, when
Addington resigned in a pet, because some of his friends,
particularly Bond Hopkins, were not given Office. Pitt
intended and promised to do it soon, but Addington
wanted it immediately.
In April and May, Whitbread brought forward his
attack on Lord Melville, founded on a part of the report
from the Commissioners appointed to inquire into the
Management of the Na'vy.
The object e'ridently was political ; but unfortunately
it came out on investigation, that Lord MeMUe, either
through carelessness, or too great confidence in the De
puty Treasurer of the Navy, {Trotter,) had manifestly
violated a clause in an Act of Parliament ; and this was
so warmly taken up by the country gentlemen, and so
eagerly and adroitly enforced by Opposition, that Whit-
bread's measure was carried, and foUowed up by an Im
peachment.'*^ Pitt lost several questions, and was deserted
by the Addingtonites, This, however, would not have
produced the breach ; but as Bond Hopkins was the
mover of a question adverse to Pitt, Pitt could not, and
would not, give him an office just at this moment ; and
on this Addington broke with him.
The transactions relative to Lord Mel-riUe exceeded
in party spirit and savage feeling all that I ever recol
lect in this country. Admitting his gmlt to its fuU
extent (which I am far from doing), what can be said to
the huzzas and shouts of the House of Commons upon his
condemnation. Sir Thomas Mostyn gi-ving a view hollo, and
a " We have killed the Fox!" What would these very men
have said to the Judges and Jury had they behaved thus
at the sentence of the most bloodthirsty felon ? Dis
graceful, and un-English !
When he went to the King, Addington very fooUshly
offered His Majesty the key of the CouncU-box. " You
* On the 6th of April Mr. ¦Whitbread moved a set of resolutions against
Lord Melville. The House divided, 216 to 216, and the Speaker gave the
casting vote for Mr. 'Whitbread. On the Ilth of June Mr. 'Whitbread moved
that Lord Melville should be impeached. This was lost ; but an amendment
for " a criminal prosecution" was carried by Mr. Bond Hopkins. The ques
tion for his impeachment was, however, passed on the 25th of June.

1805.] ENGLAND. 339
must not give it to me," said the King, rather offended,
"but to Lord Hawkesbury." " Sir," replied Addington, "I
am not on speaking terms with Lord Hawkesbury." (They
had quarrelled on his [Addington's] going out.) " This
is nothing to me," said the King, and would have
ended the audience ; but he almost forced His Majesty
to listen to him for an hour, and so fatigued and dis
pleased him, that when the King returned to his family,
(it passed at Windsor,) he said, " that ¦* * * has been
plaguing me to death."
In the course of the summer, Addington had great
family misfortunes, and he himself was at death's door,
with a Uver complaint. Pitt very kindly called on him,
and forgot all animosity.
During the whole of this year, Pitt was negotiating his
great Alliances with Russia and Austria, a very exact
account of which is to be found in my Correspondence,''^
Never was any measure (as far as human foresight can
go) better combined, nor better negotiated. Its failure
was solely in the execution, and for this, either the pre
cipitancy of Austria herself, or the treachery and imbe
cility of her Commanders, are solely responsible.
If any blame attached to us, it is either the not recal
ling or instructing Sir A. Paget, who knew nothing till
the whole was concluded. Had he been kept informed,
we should, probably, have been acquainted with the mUi
tary plans of Austria in time to alter them, and to pre
vent the disasters which foUowed.
Pitt, whom I saw in Downing Street on the 26th of
September, gave me a most minute and clear account of
this whole measure, and was very justly sanguine as to
its result. As his communication was precisely what
appears in my correspondence, it is useless to repeat it.

I DINED -with Pitt on 30th October, at Sturges
Bourne's, and on 2nd November, at his own house.
Though the rumours of Mack's surrender of his army at
Ulm had come in so many shapes as to give it but too
¦*¦ I have not space for these papers,
z2

340 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l805
much the appearance of truth, Pitt discredited it.'*^ I sat
next to him each day, and I clearly perceived he disbe
lieved it more from the dread of its being true, than from
any weU-grounded cause. He, particularly on the 2nd,
on my stiU expressing my fears, almost peevishly said,
" Don't believe a word of it, it is aU a fiction," and in so
loud a voice as to be heard by aU who were near us.
But on Sunday, 3rd November, he and Lord Mulgrave
came to me in Spring Gardens about one o'clock, with a
Dutch newspaper, in which the capitulation of Ulm was
inserted at fuU length. As they neither of them under
stood Dutch, and as all the offices were empty, they came
to me to translate it, which I did as weU as I could, and
I observed but too clearly the effect it had on Pitt,
though he did his utmost to conceal it. This was the
last time I saw him. He promised me to come for a few
days to Park Place on his return from Bath, where he
¦was then going, but was too ill to keep his word. This
visit has left an indelible impression on my mind, as his
manner and look were not his own, and gave me, in
spite of myself, a foreboding of th« loss with which we
were threatened.
Canning, whom I had not seen for months, expressed a
¦wish to see me ; he came to me on the 1st November,
talked of the times and events sensibly, I urged the
necessity of our taking a more forward place in these
foreign transactions, and not appearing in them simply
as pay-masters, as milord pot au feu. He asked me
how this could be, I said, by an " expos4" or mani
festo : that, from the beginning of this war (in 1802),
nothing of the kind had appeared, and we suffered
not only the Powers friendly to us to say what they
pleased, and take all the merit on themselves, but our
enemies to get complete possession of the public ear,
even in England, by letting all their trash and buUetin^
stand at the head of aU our newspapers, as well minis-
¦* Napoleon having abandoned his project of invading England, had
marched upon 'Vienna, and got between that city and General Mack's army,
which surrendered at Ulm,

1805,] ENGLAND. 341
terial ones as others. To this he assented, and it was
agreed that I should put the materials together, and he
draw up such a paper ; and that, for this purpose, I
should pass a day ¦with him at South Hill (his house in
the country) but unforeseen and disastrous events de
stroyed this plan, and made the writing of such a paper
impossible. On the 7th November, the news of the great Naval
Victory off Cape Trafalgar, and of the death of Nelson,
arrived,* A few days after, Pitt made quite a triumphal
entry on Lord ^Mayor's Day, into the City, and was in
apparent high spirits at dinner.
The first impression was not joy, for Nelson feU ! The
hero, who was regretted with aU the tenderness of grati
tude, and all the more selfish feeUng that the bulwark of
England was gone, and that this circumstance would be
equivalent to Buonaparte for the loss of his fleet.
He added to genius, valour, and energy, the singular
power of electrifring aU within his atmosphere, and making
them only minor consteUations to this most luminous
planet. The confidence he inspired in his foUowers, and
the terror of his name to our enemies, are what make his
loss an irreparable one. Others may be great in many
points; nay, admit that another, Uke himself, might ap
pear again amongst the disciples he has formed, there
would yet be wanting all he had done, and aU the circum
stances of the times in which he did these wondrous
deeds. Every "rictory was greater than the last. Every
additional difficulty seemed only to bring out some new
¦* The following memorandum appeared to me apposite, " On the-
receipt of the news of the memorable battle of Trafalgar (some day in.
November, 1805) I happened to dine with Pitt, and it was naturaUy the
engrossing subject of our conversation, I shall never forget the eloquent.
manner in which he described his conflicting feelings, when roused in the
night to read CoUingwood's despatches, Pitt observed, that he had been
caUed up at various hours in his eventful Ufe by the arrival of news of
various hues ; hut that whether good or bad he could always lay his head
on his pillow and sink into sound sleep again. On this occasion, how
ever, the great event announced brought vnth it so much to weep over,
as well as to rejoice at, that he could not calm his thoughts, but at length
ffot up, though it was three in the morning." — Lord Filzharri-s' Xote Book,
1S0.5.

342 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l805.
proof of the combination and powers of his mind, as well
as the invincible force of his arms, and, had he survived
this last -victory, the next and the next would have still
surpassed each other. All this is sorrow for ourselves;
but stiU more deeply do I regret that, he cannot see the
effect his death produced. Not one individual who felt
joy at this victory so well-timed and so complete,
but first had an instinctive feeling of sorrow, not selfish
sorroiu, (for it came before the reflection of the cotise-
quences of his loss to us,) but the sorrow of affection and
gratitude for what he had done for us ; and the first re
gret was, that he who did the deed should be deprived of
the enjoyment which he above all other men from his
character, would have derived from its effects.
Could he have lived but long . enough to have known
that, no victory, not even his victories, could weigh in the
hearts of Englishmen against his most precious life, it
would have been some consolation. I never saw so little
public joy. The illumination seemed dim, and, as it were,
half clouded, by the desire of expressing the mixture of
contending feelings. Every common person in the streets
speaking yfrs/ of their sorrow for him; and then of the
victory. CoUingwood's letter (which is admirable) proves that it
was his art to make all under him love him, and own
his superiority ¦without a ray of jealousy. He never was
^ party man himself, and there never was a party in his
fleets. All were governed by one mind, and this made
them invincible. He was a true patriot, which is nearly
as rare a character as to be the hero he was. He had the
arm and spirit of chivalry, and he was the most loyal sub
ject ; li^ring and dying for his country, without reference
to those who held the helm under that Sovereign, to
whom, next to her, he considered himself bound. This
completes a character, which cannot, I fear, appear again
in our time.
On the 3rd December, I went to Canning's, at South
HiU. Frere and Sturges Bourne (Secretary to the Trea
sury) there. Our news was then rather favourable.

1806,] ENGLAND, 343
BerUn had declared /or the Coalition— a voluntary decla
ration, pretending to be violently displeased and angry
at Buonaparte having violated its territory, by marching
his troops through the Margraviates in Franconia, and
holding out pompous conditions of peace or war to Buona
parte as an alternative.
Lord Harrowby, who on this intelligence was sent with
Hammond to accompany him to Berlin, writes however
rather discouragingly, and his presentiments were but too
true. Canning told me in confidence, Pitt intended to put
him and Charles Yorke with the Board of Controul, into
the Cabinet, on the opening of the Session, That all at
tempts to gain over the Grenvilles had failed through the
influence of Tom Grenville, who would not hear of a sepa
ration from Fox ; that, therefore, nothing remained but
for Pitt to strengthen his Administration from his own
stock ; and if any thing Uke success should happen on the
Continent, he would certainly withstand all the efforts of
Opposition, A sort of success then was not unreasonably expected ;
and to give time to wait the issue, I strongly recommend
ed the putting off the meeting of Parliament as long as
possible. Bourne argued against this the extreme want of money,
and the necessity in such case of issuing bUls at three
months' date. He, however, admitted the ¦wisdom of the
measure ; the more necessary, he said, from the state of
Pitt's health, about which he was extremely uneasy.
Canning was of the same opinion.

Bourne returned with me on the 5th December, 1805,
to Park Place, and soon after the farther prorogation of
Parliament, first to the 15th, then to the 22nd January,
1806, was determined on. On the 7th or 8th December,
Pitt went to Bath, The first effect of the waters was, to
produce a fit of the gout— but not a salutary one ; it was
attended with great pain, and produced excessive weak
ness, and a total debiUty of digestion, I intended to

344 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [I8O6.
visit him at Bath about Christmas, and wrote to him to
this effect ; but he was then too unwell to leave his house,
or see even those he was in the habits of being with.
At the worst period of his illness, the first rumours of
the Battle of Austerlitz, and subsequent Armistice reached
us. They came through France, and were expressive of
complete victory to them, and destruction to the Russians,
At the same time, (as if meant to make the truth still
more painful,) there came such well-authenticated accounts
from Hambro', Berlin, &c,, that the Russians had rallied
the day after the battle, and regained all they had lost,
that notwithstanding Sir A, Paget's despatches, and the
almost positive evidence from Holland, people's hopes were
kept alive, particularly Pitt's ; and when a few days af
terwards, I believe about the end of December, Lord
Oastlereagh went to Bath, to communicate to him the
event, and to confirm all the French reports, it struck
Pitt so deeply, and found him in such an enfeebled state,
that he certainly never recovered it.

Park Place, Jan, 8, 1806 — (the day after Lord Nel
son's funeral) Lord Auckland and his family came here,
I distinctly saw his leanings, and augured from them,
that he thought Pitt's Ministry, if not his life, drawing to
wards its close, I therefore avoided all political discus
sion with him, contenting myself by flatly contradicting
him, when he asserted that nothing was ever so ill ma
naged, or so ill conducted, as the Foreign Alliances, His
letter, and my answer on this point, I have preserved.
On the 10th January, Sir W, Farquhar, who had been
with Pitt during ten days at Bath, passed through Park
Place, on his way from Reading to Salt Hill ; he had left
Pitt, whom he was attending on the road, in bed at
Reading, and was to join him at Salt Hill, Sir Walter
said, Pitt was emaciated so as not to be known, and no
thing could save him but complete and entire rest. That
any exertion, mental or bodily, would infaUibly kill him ;
and I manifestly perceived from Sir Walter's manner and
feelings (for he was sincerely attached to Pitt), that he

1806.] ENGLAND, 345
thought him in the greatest danger ; and from this mo
ment, knowing as I did Pitt's exhausted constitution, I
entertained no hopes of his recovery, I entreated Sir
Walter, in the most earnest way, not to conceal from Pitt
what he thought, and what he had just said to me, to
urge him to resign immediately ; not to go to his own
house at Putney, where he necessarily must see official
people, but to some quiet retired place. To this (Park
Place, if he liked it), if not to the Wilderness (Lord Cam
den's), or to Lord Carrington's. All this Sir W, said he
would do, and, 1 do not doubt, did.

On the 14 January, I went to London, and dined that
day ¦with Lord Mulgrave, I found him alone ; he gave
no hopes of Pitt, and as little of the Continent. Woronzow
and Count Stroganoff (whom I knew at Petersburg)
dined there ; also the Duke of Montrose, Lord Hawkes
bury, and Ward. Their language was that of Ministers
going out, Stroganoff, who is a favourite of the Emperor,
and friend of Czartorinski, sent over here to cement the
aUiance, and to decide on what is to be done, (He comes
at a most untimely moment,)
AU this week unusual anxiety prevailed with respect
to Pitt — sometimes faint hopes were given, and even so
late as the 20th he was pronounced to be in so little
immediate danger, that his usual Parliamentary dinner,
his Birthday dinner, had taken place the day before the
meeting of Parliament, at his house.
On Wednesday morning, the 23rd, Sturges Bourne
called on me, about ten o'clock, to say Pitt died at a
quarter past four that morning, at Putney, It appeared
that he himself considered his illness as mortal imme
diately after he got to Putney ; for, on Monday the 12th,
when he saw for the last time Lord Oastlereagh and Lord
Hawkesbury, (though each separately and but for a short
time, and though both avoided every possible subject
which could distress him,) he said, after they were gone,
to the Bishop of Lincoln, " I feel something here," putting
his hands on his stomach, " that reminds me I never shall

346 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [1806.
recover; not cold, but a general giving way." On
Tuesday the 13th he saw Lord WeUesley, who was just
returned from India. Lord Wellesley kept clear of aU
business ; but even common conversation ¦with an old
friend long absent overcame Pitt, and he fainted away
before Lord WeUesley left the room. From all I can
learn, this was the last official friend he saw. The two
Stanhopes, the Bishop of Lincoln, and occasionally Lady
Hester Stanhope, his niece (for he would not allow her
always to be at Putney) were with him ; and Sir W.
Farquhar told me that he preserved his faculties till
within twelve or fourteen hours of his death, which came
on rapidly, and that Pitt died of old age at forty-six, as
much as if he had been ninety.
Lady Malmesbury, who saw Sir W. Farquhar three
days after Pitt's death, and received from him an account
of his last hours, says, that almost the last words he spoke
intelligibly were these, to himself, and more than once
repeated, " Oh, what times ! Oh, my country !"
The death of no individual ever left so wide a gap in
the world — none ever so materially affected the state of
the general welfare — none ever was more sincerely and
deeply lamented, not only by private friends, but by
numberless individuals who honoured his worth, and
knew the value of his character and his talents. ''''
¦* The death of Pitt, at a moment when it must have appeared to him
that all his vast combinations and his gigantic eiforts to oppose Napoleon
had failed, is one of the saddest lessons which history offers to human
ambition. This great and true English Minister died in the moment of our
utmost political adversity and danger, with nothing to console him but the
" Mens conscia recti."
The following Notices of Mr. Pitt are from my father's Note Book : —
The battle of Austerlitz and its consequences, which he saw in their
true light, greatly disappointed and depressed him, and certainly rather acce
lerated his end. I well remember walking round St. James's Park with him
in November, 1805. He was naturally of a sanguine disposition. His plans
were vast and comprehensive, and held out to his powerful mind the hope of
establishing a European Confederacy, that should crush French ascendancy.
"When that battle was fought, the last ray of hope was so dimmed as to leave
him without the possible expectation of seeing the fulfilment of that for
which he had so long, so strenuously, and so successfully exerted himself,
and which he felt (if ever accomplished) must he brought about by other
hands than his. He resigned himself to the will of that Providence to
whom he had always looked up, as well in the days of victory as in the hour
of peril, and calmly awaited that last call to which we must all respond, with

1806.J ENGLAND. 347
January 22. — On the day of Mr, Pitt's death I was
with the Duke of York. He was deeply affected by the
event, but would not consider it as a loss which neces-
the true spirit of a Christian, and felt that his sand had too nearly run out
for him to think any longer of worldly matters. He went to Bath, and only
returned to 'Wimbledon (where he had a villa) to d'le there.
Before I take my leave, I must mention an anecdote or two of him, as
they now occur to me. I supped with Pitt after the debate on the Catholic
Question, in which Grattan first appeared in the British House of Commons,
whose action was of so grotesque a cliaracter as a Speaker, (that of a Mower ^
and his pronunciation so singular, (that of an Italian,) that his fate hung on
a straw. Five minutes later, and the House would have been in a roar of
laughter, when he burst forth into one of his flowery, but at the same time
strikingly eloquent periods, and retrieved the day, leaving himself, however,
with fewer admirers than he had possessed in the Legislative Assembly of
his native country. Pitt was very much struck with him, saw the danger
he had incm'red of failure, with his usual kind-heartedness expressed plea
sure at his narrow escape, for such he deemed it, and admiration of Grat-
tan's great, but singular, display of talent in that peculiar style of oratory
(which, however, Pitt did not approve of). He gave us some specimens of
passages in Grattan's speech, in which the correctness of Pitt s powers of
imitation, both as regarded the tone and action of the speaker, was very
striking, but almost less so than the display that it afi^orded us of the capa
bility of his retentive memory. Whole sentences to our ears appeared to be
repeated verbatim, and to have been conveyed without the loss of even an
article, from St. Stephens to Downing Street.
I have ever thought that an aiding cause of Pitt's death, certainly one that
tended to shorten his existence, was the result of the proceedings against his
old friend and colleague, Lord Melville. I sat wedged close to Pitt himself
the night when we were 216 to 216 ; and the Speaker, Abbott, (after looking
as white as a sheet, and pausing for ten minutes,) gave the casting vote against
us. Pitt immediately put on the little cocked hat that he was in the habit
of wearing, when dressed for the evening, and jammed it deeply over his fore
head, and I distinctly saw the tears trickling down his cheeks. We had over
heard one or two, such as Colonel W^ardle,(of notorious memory,) say, they
would see " how Billy looked after it." A few young ardent followers of Pitt,
with myself, locked their arms together, and formed a circle, in which he
moved, I believe, unconsciously out of the House ; and neither the Colonel
nor his friends could approach him.
I met Pitt at Lord Bathurst's in Gloucestershire, where he passed some
days. We went to church at Cirencester. In discoursing afterwards on the
beauties of our Liturgy, he selected the Thanksgiving Prayer as one particu
larly impressive and comprehensive. The one, "In Time of 'War and
Tumults," he thought admirably well drawn up, as well as that for the
Parliament ; but added, with respect to the first of the two, that he never in
hearing it could divest himself of the analogy between " Abate their pride,
assuage their malice," and the line in the song of " God save the King,"
" Confound their politics, frustrate their knavish tricks." I observed, that
Pitt was constantly taking down and quoting from Lucan, of which author
he appeared to be extremely fond. Nothing could be more playfal, and at
the same time more instructive, than Pitt's conversation, on a variety of
subjects, while sitting in the Library at Cirencester. You never would have
guessed that the man before you was Prime Minister of the country, and
one of the greatest that ever filled that situation. His style and manner
were quite those of an accomplished idler, — Lord I'itzharris's Note Book, 1806.

348 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [1806.
sarily must break up the Administration. I found him,
contrary to his usual good humour, peevish and angered,
when I represented to him how perfectly impossible it
was, when we looked to the string of adverse incidents
which had occurred abroad, and which had operated on
the public mind in a' way (however unjustly) as mis
fortunes owing to the King's Ministers, and that so
powerfully, that I felt convinced, even with Mr. Pitt alive
and in possession of all his powers, he could not have
stood — and that without him, it was utterly out of the
question for the remainder of the Cabinet to carry on the
King's business — the Duke was impatient with me, and
even imperious ; but I persisted, and the next day sent
him the substance of what I had said, which is here
annexed : —
" That the present Administration cannot stand unless
it acquires an accession of abilities and consequence equal
to that which it has lost.
" But no such abilities or consequence can be found in
any one individual.
" That to attempt to carry on the business of the coun
try at a moment like this, by patching up an Administra
tion, would be putting its interests and safety in the most
imminent danger.
"That to this paramount consideration, a minor one,
equally true, may be added, that such a Ministry could
not last, and that the framers and advisers of it would
only postpone the e'ril they try to avoid, and, by post
poning, increase it,
" That however painful it might be to His Majesty to
admit into his Councils persons disagreeable to him, yet
this feeling would be more sensibly felt when such per
sons could and would force themselves upon him,
"That a strong and efficient Administration ever must
find its account in endeavouring to obtain the favour and
goodwill of the Crown ; and the Crown in giving its sup
port and confidence to such an Administration would
enjoy the fullest and most unmolested exercise of its
prerogatives, "That wavering or delay in forming a new Administra-

1806,] ENGLAND. 349
tion would be equally fatal with an attempt to patch up
this. "It would palsy the country, and afford the most dan
gerous opportunity to Buonaparte for carrying into
execution his designs on it.
"Every idea of compromise or bargain with a new Go
vernment is absurd ; opposition is too strong to listen to
any, and such is the present hazardous state of the coun
try that they must, when in office, employ all their
thoughts and talents in the defence of it.
"If they force themselves in, the Prince of Wales wiU
be a greater personage than the King, for he already
considers himself as the head of the party ; and, if the
King rejects them, as such they must consider and treat
him. "If they are admitted into power willingly it is reason
able to suppose that on every account they wiU prefer
the countenance of the King, who is beloved by his sub
jects, and whose character stands high.
" That as far as relates to the Duke of York's personal
interest, there can be little doubt, if the King and his
Ministers were at variance, that he could expect no favors,
while on the contrary a Ministry desirous of pleasing the
King would naturally incline to gratify his wishes, whom
they knew to be the King's favorite."

February 1, — His Royal Highness was cold with me
for several days ; but when he found my opinion to be
the prevalent one, and even that of the King himself, he
very handsomely gave way, and, having sent for me, by a
fair and honest avowal of his mistake, left me more satis
fied with him than before. The new Ministry was ap
pointed a few days after this.
Lord Grenville and Fox were its two leaders, and their
respective adherents and friends made up the Cabinet.''^
The Prince of Wales went most heartily and unbe
comingly with them, and lowered his dignity by soliciting
* This Administration went by the name of " All the Talents."

350 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [1806.
office and places for his dependants, and by degrading
himself into the size of a common party leader.
From this moment I withdrew entirely from official
men, my determination being to act as if Mr. Pitt was
aUve, and to endeavour to regulate my political conduct,
and that of those I influenced, on what I supposed would
be his, were he stUl in existence, whether in or out of
office, I told this to Lords Bathurst and Camden on the 27th
January, considering these two as m.oice personally, and
less politicaUy, attached to him, than any one else, not
excepting Canning himself.
On the 4th February, Lord Carrington came to me in
consequence of my having canvassed him for his interest
at Cambridge University for Lord Palmerston, This he
promised me in the handsomest manner ; but I was sur
prised when I lamented Mr, Pitt's death, and spoke of
the wisdom and propriety of his friends' acting together,
and in conformity to his doctrines and principles — to
find Lord Carrington lukewarm on the subject. He
said he conceived "we were all now free to act as we
pleased. AU bond of union was dissolved ; no obligation
remained with any one to abide by a party which had
lost its leader, and with its leader every thing." He
said this in so very positive a way, that I contented
myself with saying, my sentiments were directly contrary
to his, but that it was not for me to dispute with him
on a point rather of feeUng than of party. Lord Car
rington was profuse in his lamentations on the death of
Pitt, and equally so in his profession of friendship and
gratitude to him, and respect for his memory, and, as a
proof, he instanced his wish, that the part of Mr. Pitt's
debts, arising from a loan his friends contributed to raise
for him in 1800, should not be produced when the items
of them were laid before the House (N. B, the House had
voted a pubUc funeral, and to pay Mr. Pitt's debts imme
diately after his death, which Wyndham (strange to say)
opposed, giring as a motive that no public funeral had
been decreed to Burke), Lord Carrington, however, said
he was overruled by the Bishop of Lincoln, Pretty-

1806.] ENGLAND. 351
man,'^^ (who had been Pitt's private tutor at Cambridge)
Avho assured him it was one of Pitt's last dying requests,
that the six friends who had advanced him certain sums
should be repaid. (They were Lords Bathurst and Car
rington, Steele, Bishop of Lincoln, and two others, and
who at the time never would take any acknowledgment,
or ever expected to be repaid.) This assertion of the
Bishop of Lincoln, Lord Carrington said, shut his mouth,
and the debt was laid before the House, which raised his
(Pitt's) debts to 43,000/.
Ministers went on quietly, and with a very large ma
jority, the whole year of 1806. In June an idea was
suggested to make a push at them before the Recess, and
I had several conversations with Canning, and one with
Perceval on the subject, and constant ones with the Duke
of Portland, who, by having undergone an operation for
the stone, was wonderfuUy recovered.
The enclosed letter to Canning will explain what the
idea was ; it however came to nothing.
Spring Gardens, Saturday, 3 p.m., June 7th, 1807.
My dear Canning, — Just after you left me I met the
Duke of York, who carried me with him to the Horse
Guards, and although he did not name Lord Chatham, it
is evident that what he said to me, and which on meeting
me he had expressed a wish to do, was the substa;nce of
what passed between them yesterday morning.
The Duke considers the duration of the present Go
vernment as very doubtful, and that if it does last it will
be attended with serious misfortunes to the country.
That it was greatly to be desired that Mr, Pitt's friends
should unite under a chief. That they should recoUect
what he did in 1783 {mark this), and not be discouraged
by appearances of numbers against them, in the first
instance. That the finding a leader was difficult, as there were
amongst them as they now stood too many persons of the
* Afterwards Bishop of 'Winchester.

352 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [I8O6.
same rank, and nearly the same poUtical consideration.
That neither the Dukes of Rutland nor Beaufort would do.
The Duke of Portland ought to be the man, but he was
fearful his health was not equal to it.
This, as you perceive, opened the whole subject at
once, and it gave me great pleasure to find that on every
point we mentioned this morning the Duke of York's
opinions and wishes concurred most entirely with ours.
He, of his own accord, and unprovoked by me, urged
the necessity of an early attempt before the Recess, and
reasoned so exactly as you did on that particular subject,
that there can be no doubt of the way in which he would
use his influence in a certain quarter, if a fair opportu
nity offered.
On my asking him if he had seen the Duke of Port
land, he said he had, either yesterday or the day before,
and that he thought him wonderfuUy recovered ; but
repeated his apprehensions of his not being sufficiently
so as to undertake the lead of a strong Administration.
I asked him if he had at aU touched on this point to
the Duke; he said, "No." I replied I was sorry for it, as
I was persuaded one word from him would go a great way,
" I am to see him again to-day," said the Duke of York,
" at one, and if you think it advisable, will then mention
it to him."
I answered. His Royal Highness was a much better
judge whether the doing of it would {if known) be
approved at Windsor, and that I never could wish him
to take any step which might commit him there. " I ¦will
run that risk," said the Duke laughingly.
Lord Grenville was not named, and I felt no necessity
for naming him. The Duke requested secrecy as far as
he was concerned, and said I should hear from him when
he returned to London, which would be about Thursday,
or Friday next.
I thought you would like to hear all this, as parts of
it are very cheering.
Ever most affectionately yours, Malmesbury,
Towards the end of October the Duke of Portland

1808,] ENGLAND. 353
wrote me word of the intended dissolution of Parliament,
I went immediately to Bulstrode. It was a question
whether it would be advisable to make an attempt at
this moment to see the King, Lord Camden consulted ;
but it was both his and my opinion that it would be of
no avail, as the King had been, four or five days previous
to the measure of dissolution, to visit the Duke at Bul
strode, and had cautiously avoided touching on any public
subject whatever, and only by implication referred to what
was passing in his mind, by saying twice, " It is a sad
thing, Duke of Portland, to have too good a memory,"
The King even would not admit the Duke of Portland
when he went the next day to Windsor to return thanks
for this ¦risit, neither would the Queen see Lady Mary
Bentinck, There were such manifest indications that the
King was inaccessible, either from not thinking the matter
ripe, or from apathy and indifference, that there could be
no hesitation in advising against all forward movements,
and this advice was followed.
About this time happened the battle of Auerstadt, or
Jena, and the total overthrow of the King of Prussia.''^
A little before, and during it. Fox had opened a Ne
gotiation for peace, which began by a private correspon
dence between him and Talleyrand, continued by his
appointing Lord Yarmouth (then a prisoner at Verdun)
as a negotiator, and ended by his sending Lord Lauder
dale to Paris, Lord Lauderdale acted well, and with
spirit, and proved what I had ascertained at Paris and
Lisle in 1796 and 1797, that though revolutionary France
was ever ready to listen to pacific Negotiation, it never
meant, and probably never wUl mean, to conclude a just
and equitable peace. That of Amiens was not so : it
was scarce an armed truce or cessation of hostilities.

On the 13th September, 1806, after having been several
times tapped for a dropsy. Fox died at Ohiswick House.
* Fought on the 14th October, 1806, The Duke of Brunswick, who
commanded the Prussian army, was mortaUy wounded, and died lOth No
vember, aged seventy -two.
VOL. IV. 2 A

354 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [1806-
His death seemed from the time he took Office to be a
near event, and the assiduity and diligence ¦with which
he attended both his Official and Parliamentary duties,
for he did so till even the last days of his existence,
hastened the event. No country within the short space
of six months ever lost two such able statesmen as
Pitt and Fox, or ever at a more important moment. A
loss less felt at the instant than it will be some time
hence. They left no equal in their line, and after such
superiority the nation will not be contented with mode
rate abilities. Fox lived long enough to be regretted by
aU, as he certainly acted his part most ably and honoura
bly from the time he took Office.
Lord Thurlow died on the 12th, also an able man,
but from temper and character never a useful friend to
the Government he served with.

In November, and during the elections. Lord Grenville
made several attempts to disunite Pitt's friends ; he
offered splendidly to Canning, and to any three or four
friends he would name. Lord Wellesley was the inter
mediary, and negotiated ably ; but Canning remained
steady, and from principle.
Dr, Fellowes, who lately travelled round Spain to in
vestigate the causes of the yellow fever, saw Gravina (the
Spanish Admiral at Trafalgar) lying wounded at Cadiz, a
few days before his death. He had refused to have his
arm amputated. He told Dr. Fellowes, " I am a dying
man, but I hope and trust that I am going to join the
greatest hero the world almost ever produced." Dr. Fel
lowes related this himself to Lady Malmesbury.
Buonaparte's progress in Germany and Poland caused
at this moment great alarm ; but Ministers took no mea
sures to assist Russia, except sending Lord Hutchinson
to the Prussian army, and the Marquis of Douglas to
Petersburg, Adair was not quite the size for Vienna,
but he was clever, and used to business. Lord Hutchin
son took quite a staff with, him, and it was easy to for-
see, from the cast of his temper, and his general turn to

1806.] ENGLAND. 355
admire Buonaparte, that he wiU effect no good purpose.
Luckily a right spirit seems to prevail in Russia, and
the Russian army under Beningsen is the first that has
resisted and checked the French, Things remained in
this state, with no business in ParUament (except the
new plan of Finance), and no reference to Foreign Poli
tics, till the middle of February, 1807, when a very rash
and unwise attempt of Lords Grenville and Howick
worked in its consequences the downfall of their Admi
nistration ; and on this it is necessary for me to speak
with detail, as I was very much interested and some
what concerned in this very important measure.

I HAVE omitted to insert a very singular transaction re
lative to the Princess of Wales, the end of which was to
destroy at least her fame, if not to take away her life.
A very minute and circumstantial detail of it will be
found in a portfolio by itself I took a very large share
in it, and what I have noted down may be considered as
most authentic. '^^
The famous battle of Auerstadt, or Jena, had been
fought on 14th October, Never was any one battle so
decisive, since it went to the entire overthrow of the
Prussian monarchy. But why such a battle was lost,
and why its consequences extended so far, is enveloped
in a mystery as yet impossible to unveil,
I never could consider the Prussian army as one to be
depended on, the moment Frederic the Great was dead.
I was witness to what it was during his life, and its ex
ploits in the seven years' war gave convincing proofs of
its excellence. But the six months I was with the Prus
sian army in 1 79 4, when it was in the neighbourhood of
¦* I do not think it expedient to publish these papers, I shall content
myself by saying that they refer to the attempt to fix a charge of adultery
on the Princess, which could not be proved ; and that the part that Lord
Malmesbury took in advising Her Royal Highness in these difficult cir
cumstances, was very useful to her cause, and displays the most generous
feelings, combined with judgment and a gTeat knowledge of the world.
Unhappily, this narrow escape brought no lesson with it to the Princess.
2 A '2

356 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [I8OO.
Mentz and Lauter, I was also witness to its intrigues, its
inactivity, its reluctance to fight, though commanded by
MoUendorf, who himself also evinced the same character
as his army, and fixed in my mind the opinion I had
always entertained, — that the military defence of Prussia
was like its geographical position, a sort of rope of sand,
which would fall to pieces when brought into action, or
vigorously opposed. The two succeeding Kings to Frederic
hastened the dissolution of this baseless fabric. Frederic
GuiUaume, though brave, was enervated by debauchery ;
and though with good sense, and not a bad heart, from
total negligence in his education, from the severity with
which his Uncle treated him to the last, and to the mixing
with the lowest and most profligate society, was without
any of those substantive virtues necessary to govern so
helpless a kingdom as that over which he reigned. He
exhausted the public treasure, and, except the two first
/ears of his reign, every act and measure of his went to
shake or weaken the monarchy.
His son, also Frederick GuiUaume, began by shedding
tears, not for the loss of his father, but from the labour
and trouble a Crown brought with it ; and this, not from
philosophy, but from an indolent, sleepy, selfish, torpid
mind. He is wUful and obstinate, yet without a system
or opinion ; he thinks he governs and does the business
himself, because he has four private secretaries (Uke his
great uncle), yet he is governed and betrayed by his Mi
nisters. He courted France servilely, and went all the
length of political immorality with Buonaparte, when he
might have resisted him most effectually ; and he went
to war with him when he had no friend, no ally, and
when his chance of success was nearly out of the question.
The battle of Auerstadt, or Jena, proved this. His
army, excellent on the parade, was far from it on the
field ; his Council of War were of as many opinions as
there were Members ; and the magazines were burnt in
the midst of their army, when they thought the enemy
far removed from their front ; and Buonaparte was oppo
site to them, when they were sure he was still at Paris,
In all this there was certainly much treachery, but

1807.] ENGLAND. 357
much more nigauderie and want of common mUitary pru
dence and foresight. No measures had been prepared for
a defeat — no "point de reunion" determined; and after
the defeat, all that remained of the army was hunted down
and captured, because each division took a different route,
and the King himself escaped, or rather fled, without one
hundred men assembled round him.
The Duke of Brunswick, who died in consequence of
his wound, is of course {being dead) said to be the planner
of this battle, and the cause of its loss.
This I do not credit, as, whatever faults he had, his
military science and personal courage were most extraor
dinary. But he, too, was betrayed. He (very foolishly
at his age) kept a French actress. Montjoy, his aide-de
camp, procured her for him. She attended him to the
camp. Montjoy never left his person, he was close to him
when he was sbot, which was by a Jager on foot, who pre
sented his carabine so close, that the ball went in under
the left eye (the Duke was on horseback), and came out
above the right, quite through the upper part of the nose.
Yet the Duke was not in the French melee, and how any
enemy could be so near him, surrounded as he was by his
staff, is not easy to decide, unless we suppose that Mont-
joy's brother, who was Grand Veneur to Prince Max, the
pretended King of BaVaria, and who was with Buonaparte,
knew exactly where the Duke of Brunswick was to be
found, and, by a connivance ¦with Montjoy, produced the
event. This I cannot pretend to ascertain, but 1 cannot
either avoid having my misgivings.

Some time about the middle of February, 1807, it be
came very notorious that it was in the contemplation of
Ministers to introduce, in some shape or other, measures
leading to the Catholic Emancipation, and in the several
interviews I had with Lord Eldon, and, particularly in
conversing with the Duke of Portland (which I did
daily) it was the serious and very anxious subject of our
thoughts. We were totally in the dark as to what was going on ;

358 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE, [l807.
it had indeed transpired that the intention actually ex
isted in the minds of Lord GrenviUe and Lord Ho-wick,
and that it was opposed, but as we understood feebly, by
Lords Sidmouth and EUenborough, and the former was
even quoted on good authority as having said, that His
Majesty was gro^wn indifferent respecting business, and
that in that quarter the measure would probably not
meet the resistance every attempt of this kind had
hitherto done. This inteUigence, which, from the chan
nel it came from, we were inclined to credit, was very
distressing, as it went to prove that which was so much
to be dreaded from what we knew to have been the
King's conduct on the Princess's business, " that His
Majesty was growing every day more and more apathetic
and insensible to what was passing, and appearing to en
tertain no other wish than to pass the remainder of his
days in rest and quiet."
I left town on the 2nd of March with things thus cir
cumstanced ; on my return on the 9th I found the alarms
amongst our friends increased, and that a biU was actually
preparing, evidently as a sort of preliminary step to
other biUs stUl more explicit to take off the restrictions
now existing against the Catholics, The BUI in the first
instance was stated to be one that had no other object
in view than to give the Irish Catholics, serving in
England, the same security against the pains and penal
ty of the law against Popery as they enjoyed in Ireland
by the BiU of 1793, which biU enabled them to hold Com
missions in the Army, as far as the rank of Colonels.
The Union made these regiments liable to serve in
England and Scotland, and the Act as it now stood (they
said) gave them security in Ireland only. This appear
ed a just measure if pursued, and one not to be opposed,
although Perceval, Lord Eldon, and other eminent
la-wyers deemed it to be perfectly unnecessary, not only
because no attempt had been made to vex or disturb the
Irish Catholics, but because they considered that they
(from the Spirit of the Union) actually did enjoy the secu
rity in England which had been given them in Ireland.
To this BiU the King did not object, and in this shape

1807.] ENGLAND. 359
it first appeared in the House of Commons, as a clause
tacked to the Mutiny Bill, of which it was naturally to
make a part. But Ministers finding this go down with
scarce any remark made upon it, thought they might go
a step further; they withdrew the clause to the Mutiny
BiU, and substituted in its room a Bill which, by one
stride, gave to the Catholics in every part of His Ma
jesty's dominions the privilege of entering into the Army
or Navy, of holding any rank in either, and of being al
lowed to attend their own places of worship. This gave
rise to a very spirited debate, in which Perceval, with
great force and ability, showed to the House the radical
alterations such a measure would make in our Constitu
tion, and the dangerous innovations with which it would
be attended both in Church and State. Government
was violent in support of it, and Lords Howick and
Temple talked vehemently.
Strong symptoms however soon appeared that they
met with opposition in the Closet, as the second reading
of the Bill was postponed from day to day. On Wed
nesday, the 11th, the King came to town, and saw his
Ministers as usual at the Queen's House, to whom (it
was told us) he expressed himself very distinctly, that
to such a measure he never could assent.
I passed several hours on the evening of this day with
the Duke of Portland, and after considering the business
in every point of view, we found we were debarred from
taking any effective measure, since though we suspected
what the King's sentiments were, yet we possessed no
positive proof of it, and were perfectly ignorant of his in
tentions, of which we knew nothing from authority.
On Thursday morning, 12th March, 1 received a note
from the Duke of Portland requesting me to call on him
the next day at twelve. I went to him at the hour he
named, and remained with him till five. He said, on
my coming into the room, that he had been thinking aU
night of our conversation, and that it had dwelt so pain
fully and anxiously on his mind, that at all risks he had
come to the determination to ¦write to the King, and it
was to consult me on the drawing up this letter that he

360 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l807.
had sent for me. I greatly approved and encouraged
the notion, and after a great deal of thought, various
alterations, and amendments, a letter nearly to the effect
of that annexed was written.
Copy of a letter from the Duke of Portland, to the
King, sent Thursday Evening, March 12th, 1807, to the
Queen's House, acknowledged by Colonel Taylor Friday
Morning the 13th. Burlington House, March 12th, 1807.
Sir, — I am so sensible of my presumption in address
ing your Majesty on a subject of a public nature, that
nothing but the confidence I have in your Majesty's
goodness, and the attachment I bear your Majesty, would
induce me to do it. But it is a subject of such infinite
magnitude, that, were I sUent, I feel I should deserve to
forfeit that I am most ambitious to be considered, of
being looked upon by your Majesty as one of your Ma
jesty's most loyal and devoted subjects and servants.
Your Majesty will probably anticipate the subject on
which I cannot but express my anxiety to lay my senti
ments at your Majesty's feet.
It is the BiU just proposed by Lord Howick, granting
indulgences to the Catholics; a measure, that should
any peculiarity of circumstances have induced your Ma
jesty to acquiesce in, 1 should still think that by foUow
ing the dictates of my own conscience and voting against
it, I should not offend your Majesty.
But, impressed as I am with a belief of what must be
your Majesty's opinions and wishes, I could not forgive
myself were I to conceal from your Majesty that your
opinion is mistaken and your wishes not generally under
stood ; and, humbly permit me to represent to your Ma
jesty that it cannot well be otherwise, since one of your
Majesty's principal Ministers in the House of Commons
brings in the BiU. Should I be wrong, and your Ma
jesty has not given your consent to the measure in its
present shape, I have little apprehension in giving it as
my opinion that it may ultimately be defeated in its pro-

1807.J ENGLAND. 361
gress, though not, I fear, till it conies into the House of
Lords ; but, for this purpose, I must fairly state to your
Majesty, that yom- wishes must be distinctly known, and
that your present Ministers should not have any pretext
for equivocating upon the subject, or any ground what
ever to pretend ignorance of your Majesty's sentiments
and determination, not only to withhold your sanction
from the present measure, but to use all your influence
in resisting it.
The effect of such a proceeding is so obvious, that I
would not suggest it, did I believe that your Majesty's
business would be at a stand in such a case ; and that
persons would not be ready to come forward (should your
Majesty think fit to call upon them) who are capable and
willing to undertake the management of your Majesty's
affairs. But for this purpose it would be highly neces
sary and advantageous that the public should know the
necessity to which your Majesty was driven of taking
the conduct of your affairs out of the hands of those who
now administer them ; that for this purpose your Majesty
should send for Lord GrenviUe, and state to him dis
tinctly, that either your sentiments had been misrepre
sented, or that you never had consented to the measure
proposed by Lord Howick, and that, consistently with
the opinion your Majesty had uniformly expressed, it
never could or would have your Royal assent. It would
then remain with Lord GrenviUe and his colleagues to
take their part ; possibly they might give way and still
remain your Majesty's Ministers ; but, should they refuse
to submit themselves to your Majesty's pleasure, the
necessity of employing other persons would be obvious to
the whole world. The designs (which my feelings may
possibly lead me unjustly to attribute to them) could no
longer be mistaken, viz. ; that the most venerated and
sacred barriers of our constitution should be undermined
and sapped for the purpose of introducing a new system
into Church and State, and that your Majesty was re
duced to the necessity of submitting to them or quar
relling ¦with your Parliament,
Under such circumstances I cannot but believe, and

362 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [1807.
cannot fear to assure your Majesty, that the nation as
weU as individuals wiU come forward in support of the
established laws of the realm, and that persons will be
found able to carry on your Majesty's business with
talents and abilities equal to those of your present
Ministers. If your Majesty should suppose that in the
forming of such an Administration, I can offer your
Majesty any services, I am devoted to your Majesty's
commands; but, whUe I say this, I feel conscious that
my time of life, my infirmities, and my want of abilities
are not calculated for so high a trust. I, however, can
say, that if, in this very momentous crisis, your Majesty
calls upon me, I will serve you zealously and faithfully
to the end of my existence.'^^

The Duke went to the Drawing-room, and said he
would copy this letter at his return. Conscious the Duke
of Portland moved slowly, and of the great importance
no time should be lost, I wrote to press him, very late in
the evening, and got early the next morning, Friday, his
answer, which, as it gave me the idea from a dubious ex
pression in it, that his letter to the King was not gone,
induced me to write to him again. I had scarce sent
this when Miss Goldsworthy caUed on me to say, she
came ordered and authorized to say what is in the last
of the annexed letters, which I immediately, at half-past
10 o'clock, sent to the Duke of Portland.

LETTER FROM THE DUKE OF PORTLAND TO LORD
MALMESBURY.
Thursday, 12th March, half-past Eleven, p.m.
My DEAR Lord, — Your letter, which I receive this
moment, is a great comfort to me. I have been em
ployed the whole evening in copying that of which I hope
your kind partiality does not mislead your opinion; but
* This letter is so carelessly composed and worded, that it is probably
from the rough copy that it is taken.

1807] ENGLAND. 363
I have the still greater comfort of telling you that
mine is no longer necessary, because his Majesty has
told Lord G., that he never had consented, and never
would consent, to Lord Howick's BiU ; and his Majesty
has signified his orders to my Nephews Lords George
and James Thynne to vote against it. Lord Grenville
told his Majesty, that, if the BiU did not pass, he would
not retain his official situation.
Ever most truly yours,
Portland.

LETTER FROM LORD MALMESBURY TO THE DUKE OF
PORTLAND.
Spring Gardens, Friday, March 13, 1807, Half-past Ten, a.m.
My dear Lord. — It is a matter of great satisfaction
to receive the important information you are so good as
to give me, that His Majesty has at last explained him
self as to his feelings and wishes on Lord Howick's BiU,
and I am not less pleased, though not surprised with the
opiniativeness of Lord GrenviUe on the same measure.
What came to my knowledge in the course of yesterday
evening first gave me a certainty of the King's senti
ments and distress on this occasion ; but it did not appear
from anything I heard, that he had taken the resolution
to declare himself, and to act in the way he has since
done. It was this that induced me to urge so strongly,
as I took the liberty to do, the sending your letter, on
the merits of which I never in my life felt I had formed
a safer judgment, or one less biassed by partiality or
personal regard.
I almost regret it did not go to its destination, as it
is now made evident that it would have met the fuU
concurrence of His Majesty; and, at the same time, it
would have afforded the strongest, and, I am confident,
the most agreeable proof of your affection for his person,
and zeal for the dearest interests of his Crown and
People. The value of this last consideration both to the King

364 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [1807.
and to the Public is so strongly impressed on my mind,
that I venture to submit to you, whether it would be
improper for you stiU to address His Majesty, to do it,
in consequence of your now being in possession of his in
tentions and wishes, and stating that, being acquainted
with them, you hold it a duty to tender your services,
and to express yourself ready and willing to take any
commands he may give you, in case he should be driven
to the necessity of dismissing his present Servants.
The general substance of the letter would be the same,
but its conclusion, instead of resting on a step you con
sidered as most essential for His Majesty to take, would
rest on this step having been actuaUy adopted by him.
If you admit my idea, you wUl also admit the eligibi
lity of the letter's getting to the King before the event
of this day's debate is known ; for, although it is only
the second reading of the BiU, and that future discus
sions and divisions may take place on other stages of it,
yet, it is very material to the cause, and but fair towards
yourself, that His Majesty should be acquainted with
your sentiments and your patriotic offer, while the resiUt
is stUl pending. I am, &c.

LETTER FROM THE DUKE OF PORTLAND TO LORD
MALMESBURY.
Friday, I3th March, 1807. Fifteen minutes past Four, p.m.
Dear Lord Malmesbury. — I am sadly afraid that I
shall not get rid of my company sooner than, if so soon as,
ten o'clock. I must have expressed myself very differently
from what I intended, or forgot to say what I intended,
to have left you as much in the dark about my letter as
you appear to be ; for I meant to tell you, that I had
sent, or would send, my letter to His Majesty, but that
I could not suppress my apprehensions that your par
tiality might have influenced your judgment respect
ing it. You will, therefore, understand that the letter
went, and I know from Taylor that he delivered it to the
King, and that is all I know. Lord Grenville's carriage

1807.] ENGLAND. 365
was at the Queen's House this morning, and you will
have heard that the second reading of the Bill was put
off yesterday till Tuesday. 1 think it just possible that
this matter may be compromised, I only hope, and I
trust that there will not be a possibility for two opinions
concerning the King's conduct, I told my sister when
she came to tell me the intimation that her sons had
received respecting the BiU, that I had ¦written to His
Majesty and to what purport. She begged me to send
my letter, and said she would let them know that she
had found me in the act of writing to His Majesty.
Every body 1 see is quite right upon this business ; but
it must now necessarily stop short, and cannot be brought
forward by the present Ministers while they remain in
Office. Most truly yours, &c.
Portland.
LETTER from LORD MALMESBURY TO THE DUKE OF
PORTLAND.
Spring Gardens, Friday, March 13, 1807.
Three-quarters past Eleven, a.m.
My dear Lord. — Since I wrote to you an hour ago,
a person has come to me from the Queen's House
authorized to say, " That His Majesty's wishes, senti
ments, and intentions, respecting every measure which
may lead to alter the legal restrictions the Catholics are
liable to, are invariably the same as they always have
been, and always will be so. That it is very important
this should be generally known, as the greatest pains
have been taken by his Ministers to impress the public
with an idea, that His Majesty was become indifferent
on the subject, while the direct contrary is the fact. It
has occupied his mind most painfully and anxiously from
the time he knew the measure was in contemplation ; but
it was anxiety without agitation, and his mind, though
never more determined, was never more quiet and com
posed." I thought it very material you should know this im
mediately, and also that the King, remains in town to
day, perhaps to-morrow. If, therefore, you judge proper

366 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [1807.
to write your letter, it wUl find him at the Queen's
House. From some words my informant dropped, I am in
clined to suppose, that a similar communication to the
one I have received, either has, or ¦wiU be made to your
Grace. I am, &c.

Friday, March 13. — The King this same morning,
(for he remained in town,) had sent for Lords GrenviUe
and Howick, and declared to them fully his intentions
never to consent to the BiU as it now stood. We did
not learn at the time what they replied to the King,
but it appeared a few days later. Lord Sidmouth, it
was said, had also seen the King, and declared to his
coUeagues that he never could agree with them on this
point; but the precise line Lord Sidmouth took, how
far he informed the King, or how decidedly he talked to
Ministers, is not known to us.
I was with the Duke of Portland in the morning ; much
conversation on the means of forming a new Administra
tion. Great difficulties; but considerably smoothed by
the whole body of Pitt's friends being now united ; every
shade of difference of opinion done away, and aU ready
to range round the Duke of Portland, and desirous of
his being their chief. This led to his infirmities, and
physical inability to undertake so arduous a post. No
thing could be more noble or more magnanimous than
his feelings on the occasion. He said, he was very sure
the labours and anxieties attendant on such a very im
portant situation would be more than his constitution
could bear ; but he felt it his duty not to shrink from
it ; and, if it should shorten his life, he should by no
means regret a few years, or perhaps months, more or
less, when he had the inward satisfaction of thinking
they were sacrificed in his endeavours to serve his King
and his country, and in preventing, as far as lay in his
power, the dangers which were impending over both.
It was impossible after this to say a word more ; no

1807.] ENGLAND. 367
urging, indeed, was necessary ; neither, had it been so,
could I have brought myself to employ it. I meant to
have returned to him in the evening, but was prevented
by a cold.
Saturday, 14. — Canning was with me ; entered into
a long account of his own conduct, principles, and in
tentions, his professions of political faith, &c. He said,
what he had told me before, that he had received, and
rejected overtures from Lord Grenville ; but that he had
not explained himself fully and decidedly till this morn
ing, when he told Lord Grenville that, as the King's
sentiments were now fully and distinctly pronounced
(which was aU that he wanted to know), his part was
decidedly taken to support the King, without entering
into the merits or demerits of the Bill, or on the advis-
abUity or otherwise of the Catholic Emancipation.
Canning spoke as if the choice of Cabinet places was
to be at his refusal, and declared with a threat, that he
never would sit in the same Cabinet with Addington.
Canning possesses the peculiar talent of justifying ably
and forcibly all he does, or wishes to be done, and that
so rapidly and so eloquently, that it is very difficult not
to be carried away by what he says. He is unquestion
ably very clever, very essential to Government ; but he
is hardly yet a Statesman, and his dangerous habit of
quizzing, (which he cannot restrain,) would be most un
popular in any department which required pliancy, tact,
or conciliatory behaviour. He is honorable and honest,
with a dash of the Irishman, and aU his plans and
ideas of governing would partake of this, and might be
as dangerous in practice as he makes them appear plau
sible by the eloquent way in which he expresses them.
He is right, however, quite right about Lord Sidmouth.
Canning may be safely trusted, for, I repeat it, he is
honorable and honest, and if Pitt had not forced him
in his hot-house of partiality and engouement (for it
amounted to that), but had left him to ripen gradually,
and allowed him, in the early part of his political life,
which began only eleven years ago, to experience some

368 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [1807.
hardships, or even contradictions, his mind would have
taken a better bend; but, spoiled as he has been —
feared and wanted as he finds himself — no place is now
high enough for him; his ambition rises beyond this
visible diurnal sphere, and I fear he may lose many real
and cordial friends, for uncertain political connexions.

Saturday, 14. — In the morning at Burlington House,
with Lords Hawkesbury, Castlereagh, and Eldon. Much
conversation on the s-tate of things. StiU uncertain
what Ministers would do; various reports contradictory
to each other. I went to Lady Pembroke to hear what
she knew, for she was just returned from Windsor, and
before I got back to Burlington House the meeting had
separated ; but I learnt from the Duke of Portland, that
Perceval had come in just after I went away, and com
municated what had passed between him and Adding-'
ton. It was a sort of offer made by Addington to unite
with Perceval in opposing the Catholic BiU, thro-wing
out a general hint of coming round. Perceval drew up,
in the presence of the meeting, a letter, which had' their
consent, and which declined all junction, but with great
civility towards Addington, and expressions of the senti
ments entertained of him, from the part he was disposed
to take regarding the Catholic BiU.
I dined with Alopeus and others at the Duke ot
York's — general conversation — Duke of York seemingly
right on the Catholic question ; but not so hearty and
decided as usual. On my expressing a wish to see him
alone on the subject, he appointed Four the next day.
I told him I was going to Blackheath.* He then, with
out commenting on this, (N.B. he is against the Princess,)
said he would caU on me at Half-past Eleven next day.
Dinner very pleasant. Duchess there.

March 15. Sunday. — Dined with a large party at
the Princess of Wales's, at Blackheath.
¦* The Princess of Wales had lived at Blackheath since her separation
from her husband.

1807.] ENGLAND. 369
Monday, 16. — At Burlington House a considerable
time. Lord Grenville gone to Windsor; speculations
thereon. Canning came in with Lord Lowther, who is
quite right. We left him with the Duke, I returned
with Canning to his rooms in Albany, Settling Ad
ministrations. Castles in the air. He for a dissolution ;
I not; Huskisson for it. Dinner with Batt; he right,
and, as usual, eager. Lady Pembroke dined there ; she
anxious Lord Pembroke should come up to town ; I told
her I had ¦written to him every day, and would keep
him informed, but she knew he was not a very persuad
able man.
Wednesday, 18, — I was for a few moments at Bur
lington House in the morning, but as the Duke was
going an airing I did not stay long. I met Lord Titch
field upon the steps of Burlington House, when 1 was
going to dine, and he confirmed what it stated. I went
with him for a moment into his room, found him very
desponding about every thing, with no opinion that a
good administration coidd be formed, and regretting
the change. He e^vidently was alarmed at the idea of
his- father taking the Treasury, and felt as I certainly
do, that it is a perilous undertaking at his age, and
with his ailings.
After dinner I had an hour's conversation with the
Duke. Perceval had come in to tell him what had
passed at the House, and of Lord GrenvUle's journey,
the object of which he conceived would be known the
next day, when the King came to town.
[In a letter to the Duke, dated the 17th, Lord M.
assures him that he would (in the event of his being
Premier) assist him by holding any office temporarily,
but that he considers his deafness and inexperience in
debate disqualify him for permanently keeping the
Seals.] The Duke said every thing that was kind respecting
my letter to him. Said he knew no one but myself
quite fit for the Foreign Department. He then (and I
clearly perceived Lord Titchfield had been speaking to
VOL, IV. 2 B

370 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [1807-
him) talked with great anxiety about his accepting the
Office proposed to him; that he felt he was not equal
to it; that he hoped the King would not force it on
him, &c. — as he had no answer from His Majesty. I
stated, that I was certain that the message sent to me
on the preceding Friday from the Queen's House was
intended as an intimation that the letter had been re
ceived and approved. That it was sent to me, and not
to any of those who had in the late Administration held
Cabinet places to avoid observation, and that if he
would recollect the hour his letter reached the King,
it corresponded exactly with that at which I received
the message. — The Duke was struck with this, and
raUied ; and before we parted seemed to have made up
his mind. He talked of how much assistance he should
want, and particularly private Secretaries. ' I mentioned
Eoss. Thursday, 19. — With Lord Camden; learnt from
him that Lords Hawkesbury and Eldon had been sent
for by the King, and were gone to Windsor. They were
waked in the night, and the hour of Audience fixed for ten.
I have since heard that the King -wrote these letters after
he had despatched his messenger on Wednesday night on
his return to Windsor, and sent them by a servant of
his own, who did not get. to London till one in the
morning. Lord Camden right as to the Catholic Bill,
but like many others, not so much against the principle
of Emancipation, as because the King has declared him
self, and he conceived it to be a sort of pledge he had
given to Pitt that the question should not be mooted
during the King''s life. Charles Long with him — he
right. Lord Camden mentioned Lord Chichester. I
said I would write to him. From Lord Camden's I
caUed on the Bishop of Hereford ; knew every thing, but
fishing, particularly about who was to have the Seals
for the Foreign Office.
At Five at Burlington House. Lords Hawkesbury and
Eldon just returned from Windsor. They came to give
the Duke of Portland an exact account of their Audience ;

1807.] ENGLAND. 371
it lasted two-and-a-half hours, from Twelve till Half-
past Two. The King stated the reasons which had
induced him to order them to attend him, and then pro
duced a bundle of papers which he told them to read.
They contained the whole of what had passed between
him and his Ministers respecting the Catholic BiU, from
the first day any intention on their part to touch
on the subject was made kno^wn to him. The docu
ments began so far back as the 8th of February, and
went down to the Wednesday, 18th of March. They
were Minutes of Cabinet transmitted to the King, and
his answers to them ; from these it appeared, what we
had learnt before, that in the first instance, they con
fined their measures to the simple introduction of the
Clause of Security to the Catholics ser-ving in England,
into the Mutiny Bill ; and on the King not refusing his
consent to this, they soon after proposed to him the one
of more extended indulgences, to which he never con
sented, but from the beginning refused it. Ministers per
sist, and some days pass in this mutual refusal to give
way. On Wednesday the 11th Lord Howick, as I be
fore said, brings the Bill to the King. The King re
fuses to assent to it. Lord Howick withdraws from the
closet, and either does, or affects to, misunderstand the
King, and brings in the Bill. This is the only part of
the proceeding which passed verbally, and on which they
are at issue : and it seemed as if Lord Sidmouth had,
in his Audience of that day, the 11th March, expressed
to the King his alarm, and put him on his guard ; for, on
or about the 12th Ministers propose to withdraw the
BiU, and talk of a compromise ; but on the King's insist
ing that he must receive assurances that the measure
never should be again mooted during his reign, they
explain what they mean by a compromise, viz., that
they will withdraw the Bill ; but that the Petition com
ing from the Irish Catholics must be received and dis
cussed, and that they must reserve to themselves the
faculty of bringing forward at any future period any
motions respecting the taking restrictions from the
Catholics to any extent. 2b2

372 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l807.
This appears from the Minutes, and was confirmed by
what passed between the King and Lord GrenvUle, Mon
day, 16th, and was still more confirmed by what passed
on the several audiences on Wednesday, the 18th. After
the two Lords had read these very important papers, the
King said that it was now become impossible for him to
keep his present Ministers ; that he wished his reasons
should be known to them for taking so decided and
perhaps so difficult a step before he explained to them
his pleasure. That they (Lords Eldon and Hawkes
bury) must see that he could not act otherwise; they
knew his sentiments on this subject. Those senti
ments could not vary, unless his whole idea of what
his religion and his oath called upon him to do,
could alter. That it was a measure of necessity, and
that between dismissing his Ministers or forfeiting
his crown, he saw no medium. He then said that, from
the earliest moment he saw what was meant, and fully
determined to avoid the consequences he had incurred in
1801 by communications with others; he now had com
municated with no one single person, not even the Arch
bishop of Canterbury (for he added he was sure the
Archbishop would act right, and as became him) ; that he
also chose the whole should be put in •writing, and there
fore had ordered that every thing which came should be
as a Minute of Cabinet, in order that no cavU could be
made, or by any possible misconstruction a doubt remain
on which was the real fact; that in talking to Lord
Grenville he had never talked harshly or hastily, but
contented himself with maintaining steadily and calmly
his opinion. That Lord Grenville had behaved towards
him very properly, and never forgot himself, or mani
fested any unbecoming hastiness, or used any expression
at aU bordering on menace to go out. He only said at
the conclusion of his audience, Monday, that if the Bill
did not pass, he could not consistently with his principles
and duty, continue to serve His Majesty in any Official
capacity ; that on their parting he added — and spoke in
the name of his colleagues — that they were ready to re
main in office till His Majesty could form a new Admin-

1807.] ENGLAND. 373
istration, and would not distress him by an abrupt resig
nation. The King said the Prince had come down on pur
pose on Saturday to declare his intentions of acting
and speaking against the BiU ; that the Chancellor
(Erskine) has also been from the beginning against it,
as weU as Lord EUenborough and Lord Sidmouth. This
last he said had behaved handsomely. After stating all
this, he said he had now to signify to them that it was
his wish they should return to London, make an imme
diate report to the Duke of Portland, (it does not appear
that the King noticed the letter he had written to him)
and say it was his desire that the Duke should immedi
ately set about framing a New Administration, and that
he wished Lord Chatham might be sent for (out of re
gard to the memory of Mr. Pitt), to be consulted on the
occasion. The King added, " I have no restrictions, no
exceptions to lay on the Duke of Portland; no engage
ments or promises ; he may dispose oi every thing." Only,
said the King, laughingly, " Westmoreland must have a
place, and I am desirous Lord Charles Somerset should
be taken care of;" (N.B. this last a singular person for
the King to be anxious about;) but he had a command
at Weymouth, and his wife, a Miss Courteney, who talks
the western dialect like Parson TruUiber, is a favourite
with the Princesses.
Lords Eldon and Hawkesbury said they never saw
the King more coUected, more quiet, or more composed,
and more cheerful, than when they saw him.
It was past six before aU this could be communicated,
and I left the Duke writing to Lord Chatham, and went
to dine at Lord Whitworth's grand dinner ; Woronzow,
Alopeus,* and aU the Foreign Ministers there ; from this
dinner I returned to Burlington House, and staid till
twelve. We went over the whole that had passed, par
ticularly on the audience of Lords Eldon and Hawkes
bury. The Duke's fits of fear and diffidence were again
upon him, and I had great difficulty in cheering him. I
¦* Prussian Minister.

374 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l807.
observed his amended health ought to encourage him ; to
this he replied, " My health I admit is better than it
was, but I can assure you (and remember what I say),
that it ¦wiU not be equal to the task I am going to un
dertake. Its labours, and the anxieties inseparable from
it (and he again repeated, 'remember what I say') wiUbe
too much for me ; but this I heed very little, for I cannot
consume, or even sacrifice, the little of life that remains
in me, with more interior satisfaction to myself, than
doing what I consider as my first duty. My fears are
not, that the attempt to perform this duty will shorten
my life, but that I shall neither bodily nor mentaUy per
form it as I ought."
On Friday I abstained from seeing the Duke, and
dining at Morton Pitt's, heard nothing during all this
time. I had many visitors when at home, some out of
curiosity, and some under the impression I was a man
probably to be in Office, some out of real regard. Sturges
Bourne amongst the last, came constantly, and I kept
him regularly informed. I also ¦wrote regularly to Lord
Pembroke at Bath, and on Friday to Lord Chichester,
recommending him strongly to come to to^wn.

Saturday, March 21. — Sturges Bourne said Yorke
had declined aU Office (from fear), but had declared
his fixed intention to afford the Duke of Portland every
possible support. This I was less surprised at, knowing
that the Yorkes had long a sort of famUy dislike of the
Duke of Portland, and also a spirit of irresolution and
political timidity, which pervades them aU; but it did
not surprise me at all when I heard from Lord Eliot,
that he was in the greatest perplexity, since he heard
two such different opinions, or rather constructions, put
on the meaning of the papers the King had shewn to
Lords Eldon and Hawkesbury, viz., those who stated
them to contain hard and inadmissible conditions pro
posed by Lord GrenviUe and his coUeagues to the King
as terms for giving up the question, and those of Lord
Hardwicke, and, strange to say, the Bishop of Lincoln

1807.] ENGLAND. 375
(Prettyman), who contended (and they say they have
seen them), that no such hard conditions did appear in
these papers, and that Ministers gave up the question
without any one stipulated concession on the part of the
King that could possibly offend him now, or at any other
time. To this I replied only, that it was most wonderful;
that I felt sure that the Bishop and Lord Hardwicke
had not seen all the papers. Lord Eliot said they
had, and quoted numbers and dates very exactly, and
repeated the embarrassment it caused him, since he
entertained the highest opinion and the firmest reliance
on the four Lords mentioned. I said no more; but it
struck me as manifest, that Lord Grenville had been
tampering, and successfully, with Lord Hardwicke, and
that Prettyman, who, from the hour of Pitt's death
behaved shabbUy, now acts up to his character, and gra
tifies at the same time his spleen against the King, who
refused to make him Archbishop of Canterbury on
Moore's death: alleging for reason, "that if a private
Secretary of a first Minister was put at the head of the
Church, it would make all his Bishops party-men and
politicians." 
Sunday, March 22. Sir W. Scott. — Said his brother
(Lord Eldon) went yesterday to Windsor to see the King,
and get the documents alluded to. Went to Burlington
House. Lord Chatham closeted with the Duke of Beau
fort; came into the room where I was. He was sent for;
destined for Ireland. This he did not know, neither
did I teU it him. Lord Eldon came in with Lord
Eedesdale. He said the King would not give up the original
papers, and no copies were to be made, and Lord
Hawkesbury is gone to-day to bring them up from
Windsor, which he did about 4 o'clock. He said Lord
Hardwicke went there yesterday to ask an Audience,
and to persuade the King not to change his Adminis
tration. It appeared that Lord Grenville prevailed on
Lord Hardwicke to take this unusual step. He re-

376 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [1807.
turned directly from Windsor to dine with Lord Gren
ville. The King saw him after Lord Eldon ; but told
Lord Eldon that he would hear him, and then tell him
his reasons for what he was about, and his determina
tion of abiding by them. Sturges Bourne told me Lord
MelvUle had declined Office, and Lord Wellesley waiting
to determine till he could see Lord Grenville. Wellesley
Pole talked of for Ireland. I do not think him a fit
man. Eespecting other arrangements I hear nothing
with certainty. Lord Chichester with me in the even
ing. I had written to him to come up. He wants the
Duchy of Lancaster for life. He wiU hardly obtain it,
though he certainly deserves some Office, having served
long and been Ul-used.

Monday, March 23. — Lord Hawkesbury told me
there was a chance still of Lord Wellesley's taking
Office; all his family wished it. That the Cabinet
places would be all filled by Wednesday. That he would
take care I should see all the papers the King had
shewn to him and to Lord Eldon. Lord Buckingham
shire (Post Master), with whom I walked do-wn Pall
Mall, called what Lord Grenville had done " an act of
suicide, with this difference only, that he believed they
should come to life again. Yet it was very hard, not
on him, who was used to be buffeted about, but on the
Foxites, who had for thirty years been struggling for
Office, and now that they had obtained it, were turned
out in one year from -the unaccountable measures of
Lords Grenville and Howick."
Fawkes, Member for Yorkshire, was to make a motion
in the House of Commons, to say the present Ministers
were entitled to the gratitude of this country. No such
motion was made, or notice given ; but Martin made
one about reversionary places, and to prevent the King's
giving Perceval the Duchy of Lancaster for life.*
* Mr. Martin lost his motion by a majority of 93. The numbers being
for his Address to the King, 115 : against it, 208.

1807.J ENGLAND. 377
I called at Burlington House ; but did not go in. I
wish to be absent from thence during the arrangements.

Tuesday, March 24. — Lord Wellesley stiU wavering
all day. At last decided not to accept the Seals.
Dined with Lord Camden. Lord Bathurst came in
the evening; he to be in the Cabinet. Conversation
confidential, but unimportant.

March 25. — Canning with me early; he came, he
said, to consult me. He had been offered the Foreign
Department or the Admiralty. As to the first, if / chose
it, or Lord Wellesley accepted it, he had told the Duke
of Portland, he would give way ; but he thought he had
as good a claim as Lord Chichester, or any other old
Official Man. That the choice, therefore, as we were
out of the question, was left him, and he asked me
which I advised his taking. I recommended the Foreign
Office. That I found met his wishes, and he went im
mediately from me to the Duke of Portland, who, at two
o'clock, carried him to the Queen's House, and he kissed
hands. Before he left me he asked me if Fitzharris would
like to be Under Secretary of State. I demurred till
I should see him.
At half-past seven Lady Fitzharris was brought to
bed of a son, and I had no opportunity of speaking
to Fitzharris tiU towards nine. He then, without
hesitation, chose the Under Secretaryship, from thinking
that confinement with business was better than confine
ment and no business, which would have been the case at
the Treasury.*
Wednesday and Thursday, 25 and 26. — Nothing
material occurred. I caUed on Canning, and walked
with him to the Office. Duke of Eichmond thought of
* The Duke of Portland, at the same time, offered him a seat at the
Treasury.

378 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [1807-
for Ireknd. Sturges Bourne disposed to decline all
Office. Many of the new Ministers kissed hands.

Friday, March 27. — Canning ¦with me. At two
with him at the Office. Conversation much interrupted
by visits on Foreign Affairs, Foreign Appointments, &c.,
&c. Eoss to be his Private Secretary oid interim. Can
ning disposed to be very kind. Lord Castlereagh came
in; Sir Arthur Wellesley* was to be Irish Secretary;
Lord Titchfield to be in the Treasury ; Lord Mulgrave,
Admiralty. Dinner at Burlington House. I carried Lord Chi
chester there ; he said he had declined all Cabinet
Offices ; lamented, and so do I, that the Duke of
Portland had so few, or rather no person in the Cabi
net, he could caU his personal friend. I regret
ted his refusal; he told me the old story — "He had
consulted his wife and his piUow, and had determined in
consequence." No one at dinner but Lord Charles
Spencer. George Eose came soon after coffee; he had
complained bitterly in the morning that it was not
notified to him officially, that he was to be Treasurer of
the Na-vy. He remained with the Duke tiU very late ;
after him came Lord Chatham and Dr. Eeynolds, and it
was past twelve o'clock before he was alone. I then saw
him for five minutes. He said that, from eleven in the
morning tiU that moment, he had not been by himself a
minute. " EecoUect," said he, " what I told you a week
ago, it will be too much for me ; but it shaU go on as
long as it can, and I care not for the consequences." I
repeated my idea of his getting help, and offered myself
to assist in any capacity. He said if I would come
often and dine with him, it would be a very great com
fort to him ; that it was his moment of relaxation, and
that we might then get some quiet, comfortable conver
sation. This I engaged to do the next day, and when
ever he pleased. * Afterwards Duke of Wellington.

1807.] ENGLAND. 379
Saturday, March 28 — Dined and passed the day at
Burlington House. No one there but Lord Titchfield,
just come from Welbeck to be a Lord of the Treasury.
In a conversation I had with him before dinner, he ex
pressed great apprehensions for the health of his father ;
said his servant (Salter, his valet-de-chambre) told him
(though the Duke denied it himself), that he was very
unweU, kept up by cordials, &c. We talked over the
means, if any could be found, of lessening his fatigues
and labours, and Lord Titchfield said he was sure he
would allow no one to help him, and we both lamented,
that he had not the talent of getting rid of prosing, dis
agreeable, and useless people. Lord Titchfield himself
submits with a good grace to what he dislikes, and takes
Office from right and honourable principles.
In the evening I urged the Duke, both when alone
with him, and before Lord Titchfield, to spare himself,
but he was not disposed to listen to it ; he said his ar
rangements were nearly concluded, and he then should
be more quiet. Lord Powis offered, and has refused
Ireland ; Lord Hertford to have the Garter ; Fred. Eobin-
son,''^ the Admiralty; Wm. EUiot, the Treasury; Sturges
Bourne he wished to get there, but he wants to be a
Pri^vy CounciUor — and would prefer that, and a nomina
tion to the Board of Trade, to any office with a salary.
The Duke said Lord Lowther f expressly declared he
would not take Office, and spoke with some heat of Can
ning's having taken upon himself to mention him as de
sirous of it; that he confessed the Garter in due time
would gratify him. The Duke of Portland agreed to
this, and has mentioned it to the King, who said he
should be the first promoted in the Peerage, and then
the Garter might follow with propriety. Much talk on
general politics, foreign and domestic. Duke of Port
land quite right on both.
Sunday, March 29. — Canning with me early; talked
over arrangements and appointments in his office ; settled
* Son of Lord Grantham, and now Earl of Ripon.
t He was afterwards created Earl of Lonsdale.

380 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [1807.
Eoss to be his Private Secretary, and also assistant to
Fitzharris. Went to Canning at the office at three
o'clock; Duke of Cumberland there; Lord Castlereagh
and Sir Vicary Gibbs. No time for conversation.

Monday 30. — Canning dined with me, in trio, with
Fitzharris ; long conversation. I advise subsidies rather
than loans, — diversions near home, not in Germany.
Mention the Isle of Walcheren: recommend that the
person who is to command the expedition, not to be the
one sent (as in the case of Sir John Moore) to examine
and reconnoitre. Great abuses, I observed, in the of
fice ; no secrets kept, either from carelessness or treach
ery. Messengers very idle, lazy, and talking. AU cir
culation dangerous, particularly in a Cabinet like the
present. In the morning I spoke to Fred. Eobinson about his
accepting the Admiralty; he doubtful, with no good
reason, but influenced by the Yorkes, and his own family.
Spoke to Lady Grantham; she irresolute, and, though
not saying so, manifestly against his taking Office,
under an Administration she did not think would last.

Tuesday, March 31. — Lord Bathurst with me ; al
ways acute, sensible, and upright. The King, he says,
is most firm, and quite weU. He (Lord Bathurst)
thinks that, if Government can stand the first attack,
it will last a long time. Sturges Bourne accepts the
Treasury ; Fred. Eobinson declines the Admiralty.

Wednesday, April 1. — Duke of Eichmond, with
Sir Arthur WeUesley as Secretary, goes to Ireland;
Dukes of Eutland, Beaufort, and Lord Powis have de
clined it.
April 3. — Letter from Lord Mulgrave, offering the
Admiralty to Lord Palmerston. I sent him the pro-

1807.] ENGLAND. 381
posal to Broadlands; he comes up the next day, and
accepts it.
At the Office, great wish to get G. Leveson to accept
the Mission to Eussia. Canning writes to him, and pro
poses it quite on public grounds, and wishes not to see
him unless he accepts. I called on G. Leveson ; he
writes to Canning, consenting to go, provided it does
not prevent his voting with Opposition on Thursday.
1 think this a right and natural condition, and was
glad to find the Duke of Portland, and also Canning,
assent to it. I dined at Burlington House with Fitz
harris, Finch Hatton, and Lord Titchfield. Duke of
Portland weU. Short conversation with him, but on no
material points, after dinner. Lord Chatham came at
eleven o'clock, with some commission, as the Duke of
Portland suspects, from Lord Sidmouth.

April 4. — Nothing remarkable ; Lords Titchfield and
Palmerston dined with me.
April 7. — Canning with me to advise whether it
would not be a very useful measure, if the King would
write to the Emperor of Eussia, — I think it certainly
would ; but very difficult to induce the King to write
as he ought, in order to obtain the object intended.
Went with Canning to the Office ; he draws up a draft
to send to the King on the subject, which 1 advise him
to do, rather than to mention it abruptly in an audi
ence. I hint, that writing in English might be taken
right; the Emperor Alexander understands it perfectly.
Much talk about filling up the Foreign Missions ; Lord
Douglas recaUed; Granville Leveson goes; Sir A. Paget
and Jackson not to return, Pierrepoint wants Vienna ;
not of a size for it : I mention Lords Cathcart, Amherst,
Mansfield, Canning approves them all. Lord Aber
deen to go to Palermo at his own request, G. Eose,
Jun. with me about Cambridge (University) Address of
congratulation on the change of Ministers ; wants to get
persons to go down and vote for it — it is to come into
the senate to-morrow, no time for canvassing ; Lord
Palmerston cannot go, as he is to kiss hands for the

382 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l807.
Admiralty. Lord Titchfield at dinner with me. We
lament the fatigue the Duke of Portland wiU undergo ;
he supports it solely by opiates and laudanum, but there
is no prevailing on him to be assisted. Lord Pembroke
arrives. 
Thursday, April 9. — At Court; drawing-room very
fuU. Spoke to Perceval about his standing for Cam
bridge; he is doubtful about himself, but is ready to
support, if he does not join. Lord Palmerston. Dine
at Burlington House ; Lord Stamford and Sir Eobert
Miles ; Lord Chichester came in the evening. No op
portunity for private talk; Sutton goes ChanceUor to
Ireland. Friday, April 10. — Got an early account of the
division — ^for Government, 258; Minority, 226.'^'
Lord Whitworth with me to inquire about Eussia;
alarmed at the reports respecting the commercial treaty.
Eichard Eyder praises Canning's speech ; says, the
temper of the House was even better than ¦the di-vision.
Canning too imperious about the threat of dissolution.
Pierrepoint caUed; explained to him why he should
not ask for Vienna in ihe, first instance; it was too great
a stride; declined interfering for him personally. At
Burlington House for a moment. Company at home —
Canning, Lord Titchfield, Grantham, Bourne, &c. After
dinner Canning shewed me the draft of a letter the
King was to -write to the Emperor Alexander in English
— very good and weU turned. Spoke of sending Lord
Pembroke on an extra Mission to Vienna.

Saturday, April 11. — At the Office; read Canning's
draft to Lord Hutchinson, sent by George Jackson on
* Mr, Brand, on the 9th, moved a resolution condemning the dismissal of
the late Government, viz. " That it is contrai7 to the first duties of the confi
dential servants of the Crown to restrain themselves by any pledge, expressed
or implied, from offering to the King any advice which the course of circum
stances may render necessary for the welfare and security of the Empire."

1807.] ENGLAND. , 383
Monday. Prince Castelcicala with me for two hours, —
tedious, but clever relation of what was done, and what
he wished should be done respecting his Court (Naples),
he himself talking like a Neapolitan advocate or lawyer,
prolix, pedantic, and quick. I advised him, that all
should be new-modelled. Evident that there are sad
intrigues and tricking going on on all sides at Palermo;
a Frenchman — favourite of the Queen — probably betrays
every thing, — he is Adjutant General to the Army.
A'Court''^ (the son) calls on me; confirms in part, and
explains on the whole, what Castelcicala had been saying.
I write to Lord Pembroke to propose Vienna to him ; he
declines faintly. He and Canning dine with me, and
Lord Pembroke ends by taking the proposal for consi
deration. Sunday, April 12. — Lord Pembroke at breakfast;
he, after many doubts, inquiries, and difficulties, nearly
decides to accept the extra Mission to Vienna. Dined
at Burlington House.

Monday, April 13. — Lord Pembroke desires me, be
fore he sees Canning himself, to state to him that his sole
motive for accepting the Appointment, is from a feeling
of propriety, nearly approaching duty ; that it is in every
other respect inconvenient and disagreeable to him.
That he must stipulate it should be only for a limited
time. We went together to the Office, and I communicated
aU this to Canning. We settled that A'Court would be
the best person to go with Lord Pembroke as Secretary
of the Embassy, and Douglas, Canning's private Secre
tary, as his. In every thing I said Canning acquiesced.
Lord Pembroke went to Canning, and the whole was
settled. I saw Canning, afterwards, and he was greatly
delighted ; he wrote immediately to the King. Canning
and Lord Pembroke dined with me. Debate in the
* Afterwards Lord Heytesbury, and now Lord Lieutenant of Ireland.

384 piARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [1807.
House of Lords on Lord Stafford's motion.'^ Sat tiU
half-past seven.
Division for Government . 135
Proxies . . . 36 — 171
Against . . . .69
Proxies . . . 21—90

Majority for Government 81

Saturday, 18. — Canning with me early ; question
how Lord Pembroke should be gazetted ; iU done after
aU. Sir W. A'Court came, rather disposed to complain
of not having been sooner informed of his son's appoint
ment ; but I soon pacified him and made him sensible of
its advantage. A'Court himself, who came soon after,
felt it as it deserves to be felt, and expressed himself
much pleased.
Jackson very anxious to be employed again at Berlin.
He certainly has a fair and just claim, but there exist
strong prejudices against him in the Office.
Lord Pembroke inquires what he is to take, &c. ; I
give him the best information I can. The King was
very kind to him ; said he had acted handsomely. The
expectations raised by reports of good news from Con
stantinople put an end to, by being informed our Fleet
had repassed the DardaneUes.f

Sunday, April 19. — Lord Hutchinson -writes unfa
vourable accounts of the state of the Eussian Army,
both as to numbers and military ser-vice ; but he admits
its bravery. France accepts the Mediation of Austria.
It does not oppose, but disapproves a General Congress.
¦* On the change of Administration, and similar in substance to that made
by Mr. Brand, on the 9th.
f Our fleet, under Sir John Duckworth, ran the gauntlet twice through
the Dardanelles, and burnt the Turkish squadron. In the second passage
the -Windsor Castle line-of-battle-ship had her main-mast struck by a stone
shot weighing eight hundred pounds.

1807] ENGLAND. 385
Swedes raise the Siege of Stralsund, and drive the
French, or rather Dutch, out of Swedish Pomerania,

Thursday, April 23 — Dinner at BurUngton House;
long prose with the Duke of Portland till one in the
morning; went over all subjects, particularly on the ne
cessity of a Dissolution of Parliament. The Duke said
we had only a sure majority of twenty-three, and with
that there was no going on. I rather dislike the mea
sure, though I admit its being expedient. The Duke
said it was indispensable, and must be immediately.
I mentioned Lord Lavington. The Duke of Portland
said no pensions were ever given to Governors on
quitting their government. That he had been trying,
but in vain, to find a precedent, in order to give one to
Sir E. Miles, his relation by marriage, and now return
ing to Canada. This I told to Lady Lavington,

Friday, April 24, — Lady Malmesbury, Catherine,
and Fanny dine at Princess of Wales's with Princess
Charlotte, No men; twelve ladies; pleasant dinner.
Princess Charlotte full of play, but well-mannered. No
events for several days. Sir Arthur Paget appointed to
Constantinople.

Saturday, April 25. — Dissolution resolved on, and
communicated in the evening to the confidential friends
of Government. Lord Palmerston goes instantly to
Cambridge. All the nex:t week taken up in Parliamentary arrange
ments. Government it is thought will gain one hundred and
fifty or two hundred votes. Late Ministers furious in
their language and advertisements. They are very un
popular. I dined at Burlington House. The Dissolu-
VOL, IV, 2 c

386 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE, [l807.
tion to take place, and be proclaimed Wednesday, 29th
inst. In the next three weeks no events came to my know
ledge at all worth recording. I saw the Duke of Portland
daily, but he and his colleagues were entirely occupied
with the New Parliament. There is every appearance
that in the Elections they will gain a great deal more
Strength than the most sanguine expectations ventured
to foretell.
The spirit of the whole country is with the King ; and
the idea of the Church being in danger (perhaps not
quite untrue) makes Lord Grenville and the Foxites
most unpopular. Their demonstrations of anger and
disappointment, so injudiciously manifested in their
Election advertisements, add to the ill-will of the people
towards them.
In the course of the last three weeks, it has, from
various little facts, struck me, that the JDuke of Port
land's colleagues are swerving from him ; that they take
a great deal on theriiselves, immediately belonging to
him, and treat him more as a nominal than as a real
head of the Ministry.
I have attempted to find whether he observed and
felt it ; but in vain ; he displayed the talent he possesses
in an eminent degree, that of dead silence, and was
" Quam si dura silex." It is, in fact, aU his own fault;
he missed the game at the beginning, by suffering Lords
Hawkesbury and Eldon to go between him and the
King, and by associating Lord Chatham to assist him
in forming a Cabinet. He has now not a single person
in it on whom he can depend, and would, if ever he had
a point to contend, or ever was disposed to contend one,
be left in a very smaU minority.
1 should, from this consideration, regret my having
declined and shrunk from Office, if I did not feel that
my deafness completely disqualifies me for a wrangling
Cabinet, and that I should be a useless, or rather a bur-
thensome friend to the Duke did I belong to it.
On Friday, May 8th, I received an express from Lord

^807.] ENGL.4.ND. 387
Palmerston to say, that he had lost his election at Cam
bridge by two. His poU was
Euston . 324 Palmerston .311
Gibbs . 313 Petty . . 269
Nothing could be more honourable than Lord Palmer-
ston's_ conduct. He would not allow his friends to give
him single votes, which many wanted to do, and which,
necessarUy, would have put him ahead of Sir Vicary
Gibbs — who, also, I must say, behaved with equal
honour in influencing his votes. If a vacancy happens,
there can be no doubt of Palmerston's election — in the
mean time he is elected for Newport,

Friday, May 15. — Canning and Lord Pembroke
dined with me, to talk over the instructions given
to him, Lord G. Leveson, and Sir A. Paget. They are
in substance as follow : —
Sir A. Paget to propose peace to the Turks on the
status ante bellum, and to ensure them from any dis
memberment on the part of Eussia. To this Eussia, it
is said, consents. Pozzo di Borgo is their negotiator,
and now abroad. Admiral Siniavin's fleet is in the
Archipelago. Lord G. Leveson's are much more minute and de
tailed. He is to give the strongest assurance of the
King's decided intention not to withdraw himself from
the Continent, and this is said in a very pointed manner,
in order to do away some very injudicious language
held by our late Ambassador to Merfeldt, the Austrian
Minister at St. Petersburg. Leveson is then, without any
reserve, to state to what pecuniary amount we can go
this year — it is about two-and-a-half millions. £150,000
of this is already given to the King of Prussia ; 40 or
50,000/. to the King of Sweden, and something is due
to the King of Naples, leaving a remainder of about
2,300,000/. This sum must last till the 5th of Janu
ary ; but it is left with Eussia to decide how much she
thinks it would be proper to ensure the active co-opera-
2c 2

388 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l807.
tion of Austria; whether, if he sets a very high value
on this, a large contribution should be given. The re
mainder, whatever it may be, is at the disposal of
Eussia ; but we can guarantee no loan, or exceed this
original sum this year, of two-and-a-half millions.
Assurances of a disposition to make peace if it can be
at all attained on reasonable and secure terms, which
seems quite impossible. No objection to Prussia recover
ing all her dominions ; but, as they were scattered, and
she, as it was proved at Jena and Auerstadt (the same
battle), was simply a military power, whose existence
depended on one battle, it is submitted, whether, if
Prussia could collect her dominions more together, by
'¦'¦exchange or arrangement," it would not be better. This
was at my suggestion. Canning had put '¦'¦conquest and
aggrandizement by force," and this I objected to.
Lord Pembroke's instructions are short, but very clear
and wise. He is to make declarations similar to Leve
son's with regard to His Majesty's invariable intention
not to forsake the Continent. He is then to propose a
Treaty of Concert, consisting of two or three articles,
and, this signed, then to enter into pecuniary arrange
ments ; but he is not to open himself on these to the
Court of Vienna — as Leveson is authorized to do to that
of St. Petersburg— but to offer first 300,000/., and to
go as far as 500,000/. whenever Austria has declared
war, and her army passed the frontiers; holding out
that this sum, which is larger than auj first payment
possibly can be of a subsidiary treaty, is to be looked
upon as leading to such treaty, and to be taken in the
event as so much given in advance.
If Lord Pembroke succeeds he is to produce his cre
dentials as Ambassador; if not, to return. A'Court
goes with him as Secretary of the Embassy. Douglas
(Sir Andrew's son) as Private Secretary, and Frederick
Eobinson as a friend.
I could make no remark on Lord Pembroke's in
structions, as they were perfectly judicious and sen
sible ; but I much doubt whether they wiU satisfy the
Court of Vienna, who, besides being at this moment

1807.] ENGLAND. 389
very jealous of Eussia, on account of her Turkish war
and close connexion with Prussia, is, I fancy, very crav
ing and exorbitant indeed in her subsidiary demands.
Pierrepont returns to Sweden with the feather of
Pri^vy Councillor.
Lord Whitworth and Mr. Heathcote (Sir William's
son) urged me to apply for peerages. I told them
truly there were no less than fifty-three candidates for
peerage, and to none of which the King would listen.

The new Parliament met on 26th June, 1807. The
di-vision on that day was stiU more favourable to the
Administration than their calculations. The supporters
of the late Administration were only 155, those of the
new one 350; majority, 195. This fixed them in their
authority. On the 9tli April, 1807, their first division
before the dissolution, numbers were
Government . .258
Opposition . .226

Majority . 32
The whole of this short Session went to confirm this :
it ended on the 14th August, when Parliament was
prorogued. On the 28th July I received a letter from G, Eose
stating Lord Bolton was dying, and intimating to me
that I might have the Lieutenancy of Hampshire and
Government of the Isle of Wight, I went to London
(G. Eose's letter having found me at Heron Court); I
got there on the 31st, and Lord Bolton died on that
morning. The Duke of Portland was all friendship;
offered me both the situations; but, as Fitzharris was
quite worn do-wn by the fatigue and attendance at the
Foreign Office, I requested the Government of the Isle
of Wight might be given to him instead of me, and
that if he had it for life, he would give up the pension of
1 200/. he was to receive on my death. This was readUy
agreed to. I took the Lieutenancy, for which I was sworn

390 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l807.
in on Wednesday the 12th day of August, and Fitzharris
kissed hands the same day for the Government for his
life. The Prince of Wales wanted both these Offices
for Lord Winchester ; but did not apply for them to the
Duke of Portland. Fitzharris immediately after his ap
pointment returned his reversionary pension warrant to
Perceval (Chancellor of the Exchequer), and resigned
his Office of Under-secretary of State.*
Great reverses were in the mean while experienced in
Polish Prussia by the Eussians and Prussians. Dantzic
was taken, Kcenigsberg was taken; and on the 5th of
June was fought the battle of Friedland, which, though
not decisive as a battle, was a complete victory over the
mind of the Emperor of Eussia. From that day all his
boasted courage ended; and though he had -written in
the strongest terms in his own hand to the King a very
few days before in answer to the letter His Majesty had
sent him, and which I have noticed before, " that
there was no salvation to himself or to Europe, but by
eternal resistance to Buonaparte," yet on this day, the
5 th June, all was forgotten ; fear, panic, and every das
tardly feeling terror and dismay could suggest, seem to
have taken at once possession of him, though Beningsen
did not think himself defeated, and assured him he coiUd
still make a powerful stand — this very Beningsen, whom
he had abused a week before to Lord G. Leveson for
want of spirit and perseverance.
On the 24th June, Alexander and Buonaparte met on
a raft moored on the river Niemen, and on the 8th July,
1807, a most ignominious peace was signed at Tilsit.
The helpless and unfortunate Frederick William, King of
Prussia, was neither consulted nor remembered, and Alex
ander was base enough to receive part of the dominions,
in Polish Prussia, of a Sovereign who had been fighting
by his side, for whose interests he professedly drew the
sword a few months before, as an indemnity for the ex
penses of the war he had been engaged in. General

* At the second Lord Malmesbury's death, in 1841, the Office of Gover
nor of the Isle of Wiglit became extinct.

\ \

1B07-1 ENGLAND. 391
Kalkreuth^/-,* whom 1 weU knew, who is in his heart a
Democrat, and has all his life been devoted to the views
and principles of the late Prince Henry, was sent (as a
man of straw) to negotiate for the King of Prussia, He
foolishly trusted in him; though there is little doubt
Kalkreuther delivered up Dantzic by treachery. Talley
rand signed on the part of Buonaparte ; that vain man.
Prince Alexander Kourakin, and Labanoff on the part of
Alexander ; and in such haste was Buonaparte, that he
had the Eatifications signed the next day, the 9th. I
shaU not enter into the Ai'ticles of this Peace, as they
wiU undoubtedly make a part (and a very disgraceful
one, as far as relates to Eussia,) of the History of
Europe. WhUe this was passing in the North, a plan was form
ing here of surprising the Danish Fleet. Ministers had
received tlie most undoubted information (and, strange to
say, the first information came through the Prince of
Wales to the Duke of Portland in an audience he had at
Carlton House in May) that, by the assistance of this
Fleet, Buonaparte intended to invade the North-East
Coast of England ; and this came from Portugal, whose
Fleet Buonaparte also wanted. The Eegent of Portugal
rejected the proposal, and communicated it to us. The
Danes accepted it, were silent at the time, and after
wards denied it.f
No expedition was ever better planned, or better exe
cuted; and none ever occasioned more clamour. The
Emperor of Eussia (though dates made it impossible) en
deavoured to paUiate his defection and cowardice at
Tilsit, by alluding to this event and the Opposition at
home, particularly Lord Sidmouth's party, declaimed
against it as the most immoral, iniquitous measure ever
* The reader wiU recollect his conduct in 1794, during the events treated
of in vol. iii.
t After the battles of Jena and Friedland, Buonaparte insisted upon Den
mark (a neutral Power) joining in the Continental system of blockading
England and refusing our ships a passage through the Sound. The Danes
were threatened both by him and us, and we ended by anticipating Buona
parte's intention of quarrelling with them, and bombarded Copenhagen, and
secured the Danish fleet, on the 2nd of September.

392 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l807.
conceived. The details and success of this expedition
are sufficiently known. Jackson was sent on the forlorn
hope to induce the Prince Eegent of Denmark to give up
his Fleet — a cession impossible for him to make, though
it was politicaUy wise to propose it before we proceeded
to hostilities. Jackson did his business well, but got no
credit for it. Thornton, who was at Hamburgh, acted
more like a Dane than an Englishman, yet he was
praised; greatly owing to Jackson's forbearance in not
shewing his letters to him.
After the signature of the Peace of TUsit, Buona
parte returned to Paris, Alexander to Petersburg; he
dismissed Czartorinski, Stroganoff, and Kouschebey, or
rather they dismissed themselves, and appointed first a
hea-py man of the name of Budberg, Prime Minister ; then
for a moment one of the Soltikoffs (equaUy incapable),
and last of all, my old friend Nicholas Eomanzoff ; from
him I was in hope some good might have arisen ; but he
at once became the slave of France, and the wiUing tool
to every act of disgrace and submission his master pro
posed to him. He, who had resided at Coblentz with
the French Princes on the part of the Empress Catherine,
and who appeared (as I myself was witness to, both
there in 1792, and at Frankfort in 1794,) so devoted to
them as to be in a manner identified with them, and con
sidered by them almost as an Associate Emigrant !
I passed August and September chiefly at Park Place,
and nothing memorable passed, except repeated instances
of the unfitness both of * * * * and * ^' * * for the
situations for which Fox had chosen them. Canning
had in a very mild manner recalled them both ; but, con
trary to all precedent, they did not return home till a
long time after. '*' '^^ * '^^ remained about the AUied
Armies till October, and '* '¦' * * followed an old bat
tered beauty into Poland, now the widow of the head of
the '^''' '"' '^ '^', and in possession of the larger share of their
immense property. I remember her under the name of
De Witt in 1782, then not young, but very handsome.
She was originally sent to Constantinople by the late
King of Poland, Stanislaus, to learn Turkish embroidery.

1807.] ENGLAND. 393
and her life from the beginning has been one of intrigue,
in both senses of the word. She told ^'' '''' * ^^ " si cela
vous amuse suivez moi sur mes terres, mais je vous
avertis que cela ne vous menera k rien." He did fol
low, and then returned home convinced she had told
him truth.
I passed much time at Bulstrode, and, as I was getting
into my carriage there on the 19 th September, the Duke
of Portland ordered his servant to stop me till he got up ;
he then told me that Sir Eobert Wilson was just arrived
in sixteen days from Petersburg, and that he brought
accounts that Alexander repented, and was again coming
round to us. The Duke had not the particulars, as he
was expected in town, where indeed he was going; he
said he should return in a few days, and wished me then
to come again to Bulstrode. This I did, and met Can
ning there, who confirmed all that Sir Eobert Wilson
had said, and brought with him copies of the Instruc
tions with which he had sent him back, which he did
immediately. Sir Eobert sailed from Yarmouth for
Petersburg on the 4th October.
On the 5th, Canning at Bulstrode; made me ac
quainted more minutely with what Sir E. Wilson
brought, and it struck me that Sir Eobert (rather a
sanguine, credulous man) had been induced to inter
pret what the Emperor of Eussia said to him (for Sir
Eobert dined with him at Petersburg on the 31st
August) more favourably for us than was really ex
pressed, and it was evident that this short turn was
greatly owing to the dread the Emperor of Eussia had
of our armament then at Copenhagen, and which having
done its task, was ready, in case of need, to proceed to
Cronstadt. When first the Emperor heard of this expedition, he
ordered Budberg to address a note in strong terms, re
quiring to know what it meant, to Lord G. Leveson, who,
though uninstructed then, very properly repUed ^^self-
preservation." This concise, but firm answer, appears to
have satisfied, or rather put an end to all farther official
interference; but it left a fear on Alexander's mind, (con-

394 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l807.
science-struck as he probably was,) that our fleet might
proceed to attack his possessions in the Gulf of Finland ;
and this, added to the universal dissatisfaction which at
that moment prevaUed, and was strongly marked at Pe
tersburg, on the transactions at Tilsit, evidently accounts
for this apparent alteration in his language ; for Budberg
not only changed his manners towards Lord G. Leveson,
from haughtiness and reserve, to a tone of conciliation
and affectation of frankness, but went the length of say
ing (though he termed it talking as an individual, not
ministerially, a common cant practised by the Eussian
and other Foreign Ministers), " that the Peace of TUsit
could not last; that it was made under the pressure of
the moment, with a view to gain breathing- time ; that
neither this nor any other peace as long as the Eevolu-
tionary system prevailed in France, could be permanent ;
that things must come round again, and Eussia, England,
and Austria be united."
He said this and much more, aU of which ought to
have the genuine and true sentiments of his Master;
but he said it, not because it was right and true, but
manifestly from the proximity of our Fleet, and its
irresistible strength; for this language lasted no longer
than this Fleet remained in the Baltic ; and, as the
season changed, so did the beha-viour of the Court of
St. Petersburg. In fact (though it is scarce to be
supposed it was known to Budberg) G. Leveson had
received fuU powers to send for, if necessary, a large
detachment of this Fleet to act against Alexander;
but he very wisely did not act upon them. Such a
measure would have been productive of no good in
the first instance beyond a little mischief on the
Eussian coasts, and it would have given a mortal
offence to the pride of the Eussian nation, then weU-
disposed to us, and shifted aU the hatred it had for
France to England.
Amongst the public Articles of the Peace of Tilsit was
one to offer the Mediation of Eussia for peace between
France and us, and this Buonaparte was ready to accept.
In the last Conference G, Leveson had with Budberg

1807.] ENGLAND'. 305
before he touched on this point, he adverted to what had
passed between him and Czartorinski respecting the
renewal of our Treaty of Commerce, and which had been
a measure nearly settled. Budberg neither objected nor
assented, but got rid of the question by pleading igno
rance of the subject, and that he must apply, before he
could enter farther on it, to Count Eomanzow, Minister
for the Commercial Department. G. Leveson did not
persist on this point, but proceeded to that, much more
important, of the proposed Mediation. On this he said
at once, that before it could be accepted, he must be
shewn the Secret Articles of the Treaty of Tilsit, and
he insists on it as a sine qua non preliminary, in a
very peremptory, but very proper way. Budberg tries
to evade an explicit answer, by assurances that the Em
peror's friendship for England was still the same, and
that the neglect with which Eussia had been treated by
the last Ministry (Lord GrenviUe's), joined to the mis
fortunes of the war, had produced this peace. G. Leve
son stopped him by stating the inutility and danger of
recrimination; that what had passed, had better be
forgotten, and the business taken up from the present,
when an entire new question arose, viz., the acceptance or
the refusal of the proffered Mediation, and that this could
not be determined on till England was placed on an
equal footing with France, and knew as well as France
what Secret Articles had been entered into.* — Budberg,
thus pushed to the wall, said (but he spoke not the
truth), that some of them bore no reference to England
at aU, and that there were none which could be injurious
to our interests; and in explicit terms said, there was
nothing like an engagement to shut the Eussian Ports
against us. — G. Leveson replied, he could not doubt
what he heard, yet that it was very difficult for him to
suppose any Secret Articles between Eussia and France,
that, in his view of the subject, did not affect either the
present or future interests of Great Britain; and that
nothing short of unreserved official communication
* The Secret Articles of the Peace of Tilsit were obtained by our Govern
ment.

396 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [1807-
could be sufficient to authorize him to speak on the pro
posal of Mediation. This, G. Leveson said, was indis
pensable. — Budberg grew very complaisant and supple,
said he would take the Emperor's pleasure, and went so
far as to intimate, that he expected to have orders to
make the desired communication.
Although G. Leveson's despatches were very sensible,
and although he did his duty weU, it was evidently not
con amore. Canning sent him incomparable instruc
tions in answer, very long and very clear, as wiU appear
shortly ; he also wrote to Sir E. Wilson a private letter
to Novosilkoff, and instructions to Pierrepont and Merry
by the same messenger.
To G. Leveson, Canning writes to the foUowing ef
fect. He gives him great credit for all he had done
and said, both with respect to the Danish expedition,
and to the Mediation ; that he had anticipated the King's
wishes on both these subjects. Canning expatiates for
cibly and ably on the absolute necessity of abiding by
what G. Leveson said, in his conference with Budberg,
and puts in the strongest point of view the imperious
reasons why we should not only see the Secret Articles,
but know the general political views of Eussia. That,
without this previous knowledge, no fair mediation can
be established; for it is evident France knows them,
and till it is disproved, we must fear had a great share
in directing them. That it was not required, nor could
be, that at the instant after a peace with France was
signed, Eussia should take any step inimical to France ;
yet it was necessary, in order to constitute a fair equa
lity between her and England, that some measure
friendly towards England should be made manifest,
otherwise Europe (and very reasonably) would sup
pose Eussia influenced by France, and acting partiaUy by
her. That nothing was better calculated to do this
than a renewal of our Commercial Treaty. It would
not be a new act, but simply the revival of an old
and established peaceable connexion; and that if not
done for its usual term (twelve years), it had better
be done for two, or three, or for as many as the Com-

1807.] ENGLAND, 397
mercial Treaty between Eussia and France, made by
Segur, had to run. That so many strong reasons, and
all beneficial to Eussia, could be adduced to induce
Eussia to do this, that if it was declined, the refusal
could only be imputed to unfriendly motives, and un
friendly intentions. That on this, therefore, Leveson
should insist -with earnestness. That on Eussia's ac
ceding to this renewal, and on an unreserved expo
sure of the Secret Articles of the Peace of Tilsit, de
pended the King's acceptance of the Mediation ; and
that, although, even supposing (which was not likely)
Eussia complied with what was asked, and we accepted
the Mediation, there was little prospect that it would
lead to peace; yet nothing should be wanted on our
side to encourage and promote the possibility of its
being effected, and nothing but advantage follow from
the preliminary arrangements being protracted and spun
out to any length. That a much more material object
was to . state to Eussia our views with respect to the
Powers that surround the Baltic. That the reasons G.
Leveson had alleged for our seizure of the Danish fleet,
were the true ones ; and they were unanswerable.* That
he had behaved most judiciously in not sending for any
part of our fieet, as well for the reasons he assigned,
as because, from our being masters of the entrance of
the Baltic, it was of little advantage to be also masters
of the Gulf of Finland. That the great point, now we
had so completely succeeded at the Sound, was to pre
vent the French getting possession of Zealand. That
having agreed to its evacuation, we must keep faith ; but
if the Court of Denmark refuses to make peace, our troops
need only retire to Scania, and from thence retake it.
That it was, however, to be apprehended, that although
we were strong enough (our fleet being in the Sound)
to effect this, it was doubtful whether we were powerful
enough to maintain ourselves in it, during the winter,
when our fleet could not act : that, therefore, it was
His Majesty's intention to propose to the Danes the al-
* If Eno-land had not anticipated Napoleon, he would have done so, and
used it against England.

398 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l807.
ternative of a neutrality or an aUiance. That in either
case the guarantee of Eussia would be a sine qua non :
for Sweden, unless assured of the concurrence of Eussia,
could not join with England, or venture to furnish us
with troops ; and our idea was to leave 20,000 of our
troops, and as many Swedes, for the defence of Zealand ;
a force deemed sufficient to maintain it. That this gua
rantee, therefore, must be pressed ; and that it was
hoped Alexander would recollect, that if the French
once got into Sweden, they could very soon be in Fin
land, and at the gates of Petersburg.
That -with regard to the change of language, as
mentioned by Sir Eobert Wilson, and confirmed by G.
Leveson, letters, though very satisfactory, and such
as ought to be sincere, yet it should be taken with a
few scruples of disbelief; since, as it was evident. Fear
produced all that passed at Tilsit, fear might again
have operated on this occasion, with a view to gain
by this change of language the -winter months, get our
fleet out of the Baltic, and their o-wn (now in the Medi
terranean) into it. On this last point. Canning demurs
as to the propriety of detaining them, should this fleet,
on their way home, come into a British port; — it cer
tainly would have been detained, if what was now re
ported by Sir E. Wilson had not come. Canning, how
ever, supposes that Eussia, or rather Buonaparte, aware
of this, had sent orders to Siniavin to winter in some
friendly port in the Mediterranean, — where, he cannot
say, but surely not Naples, as that would be immedi
ately giving it up to France. He thinks the best line
to take is, if the Eussian fleet comes late in the year
(as it probably will, if it comes at aU) to England, to
keep it till the Baltic was open : but on this subject
he can give no decided instructions, only recommends
to G. Leveson to bear it in his mind. Canning, then, in
the greatest confidence, communicates to G. Leveson the
intelligence he had received, that, on breaking up the
conference between Alexander and Buonaparte at Til
sit, Alexander had been weak enough to leave to Buo
naparte the faculty of framing, and wording in his own

1807.] ENGL.4.ND. 399
way, the several Secret Articles they had been discuss
ing on his return to Paris. They were simply sketched
out at their inter-view ; but so much was Alexander
at the feet of Buonaparte, that he consented to every
thing, and left to Buonaparte this most dangerous power.
It was said, that after Buonaparte had dra-wn them up
at Paris, he would send them by Soulf'" to Petersburg.
This is certainly one of the most extraordinary examples
of foUy and cowardice existing in History ; and though
beyond doubt, a fact that wiU scarcely be credited.
On talking this over with Canning I admitted they
were incomparable, but, if anything, too detaUed. They
were, in fact, infinitely more so than I have been able to
note down.
What Canning -wrote to Sir Eobert Wilson was short,
and in general terms, " That we were disposed most
fully to renew our friendly habits with Eussia, and to
effect this by every practicable means." Canning, I be
lieve, and with reason, considered Sir E. as too flighty,
and as a partizan rather than an able Officer, and though
he applauded his eagerness he made due aUowances for
it. Canning's letter to Novosilkoff was a private one,
simply to recaU himself to his recollection, and written
in terms the most likely to please and flatter him and to
obtain his support. Novosilkoff had been an officer in
the ''¦" ¦" * * t Guards, and was a sort of favourite of
Alexander from his infancy, and placed by him when he
became Emperor in confidential Office.
Canning determined to send Merry (a very worthy
but nervous man) to the Court of Denmark, to endea
vour (a most arduous task) to conciliate them to what we
had done, and so prevail on them, if possible, to con
cur with what G. Leveson was to propose to Eussia.
This was the more arduous, as the Prince Eegent of
Denmark had issued a thundering declaration against
England on the 16th of August. In fact, a Declaration
of war.
* They were carried there not by Soult, but by Caulaincourt, in as short
a time as possible after Buonaparte's retm-n to France. — Original Note.
t nicgible in Manuscript.

400 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l807-
The substance of Merry's instructions were, " That
he was, in the first instance, to proceed to our fleet in
the Sound ; to send a messenger from thence to Kiel to
the Eussian Minister, desiring him to forward on to Count
Bernsdorff the notification of his arrival, to demand pass
ports, which, if granted, he is to proceed to Kiel, and
there to state, what Jackson had before stated, that the
sole motive of our expedition to Copenhagen or seizing
the Danish fleet was grounded on the certainty we had
of Buonaparte's views on it, and of the probahility that
the Danes would concur in them." (This, as I before
said, was made known to us through the Prince Eegent
of Portugal, but Merry was not to say it.) Buonaparte,
in July, it seems, offered the choice of giving up volun
tarily the Portuguese fleet to act with the other fleets of
Europe, indicating clearly those of Denmark and Eussia,
on an attack on England ; and in case of a refusal, a threat
of an immediate invasion of Portugal by a French army,
which was already on the frontiers and in Spain. This
intelligence, confirined by many coUateral circumstances,
authenticated the fact and made the measure adopted
against Denmark indispensably necessary for our o-wn
defence. All this Merry was told; but he was instructed
not to divulge it, or not to make any comparison between
the conduct of Portugal and that of Denmark towards
England, however glaring it had been. He, after ha-ving
endeavoured (a very difficult attempt) to prove and con
vince the Danes that our expedition to Copenhagen and
its consequence, war, is not of imperious State necessity,
is to say that not the most remote -wish to quarrel -with
Denmark existed on our part; that if Bernsdorff had
heard from Jackson this truth, which he had accompanied
with the most concUiatory terms that could be devised,
and which assented to every thing save what formed the
vital principle of the measure ; the destruction of Copen
hagen and the total loss of their marine would not have
occurred : yet, to prove these terms were not faUacious,
His Majesty offered them again, and stUl left to Den
mark the option either for neuti-aUty or of alliance; if
neutrality, the most binding engagements must be made

1807.] ENGLAND. 401
for keeping Zealand out of the hands of the French, and
a competent force stipulated to be maintained there to
ensure its secmity; and this under the guarantee of
England, Eussia, and Sweden.
That if alUance toith England was preferred, England
would engage to ftirnish a contingent of troops, which,
joined to the Danish troops, would be equal (with, per
haps, a few auxUiaiies from Sweden) to the defence of
Zealand. England would liberate aU the Danish mer
chant-ships taken or seized since the war (begim 16th
August), would restore all the Danish property taken
since tliat period, would revoke the orders sent to
His Majesty's Commanders in the West IncUes, to
take those Islands, and would, in case they shoiUd
lose Holstein, give them, by way of compensation,
the colony of Sminam; that even, (though this was
to be kept for the last.) that if the Danes came cor
diaUy into this measiu'e. His Majesty might in the
event not be averse to have a calculation made of the
mischief done by the bombardment of Copenhagen, and
be disposed to contiibute largely towards the repairing
and rebuUding of the to-wn ; and (but this was not to be
intimated unless the most willing and cordial aUiance
took place), that even the value of the fleet should be
paid for now, or the fleet itseU" restored to them at a
general peace.
That if both these proposals, viz., of NeutraUty and
AlUance were rejected. His Majesty would nevertiieless
(though the state of war would then be inevitable)
keep faith -with respect to the evacuation of Zealand
as stipulated by her commanders; that he would only
remove his army to a shorter distance, in Scania, or
some of the adjacent islands; that it might be imme
diately conquered, and certainly should be re-conquered
unconditionally; and that in aU cases Hielegoland was to
remain to England. That if the Court of Denmark
forced us to the unpleasant extremity, we, probably, on
the event, should cede Zealand and Norway to the King
of Sweden.
The substance of Merry's instmctions Canning com-
VOL. IV. 2 D

402 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l807.
municated to M. Eist the Danish Charge des Affaires
here, saying that, if the King of Denmark preferred
negotiating through him (Eist) in London, there would
be no objection; but in order that no mistake might
arise as to the sine qua non Basis on which all nego
tiation, whether for Neutrality or for Alliance was to
rest. Canning desired M. Eist to put in writing all he
had heard from him. Canning, and afterwards send the
paper to him to be revised. This, it is but justice to
say, Eist did in a very fair and sensible manner, and
such as required very little alteration. Eist very pro
perly observed that his Ministerial functions were at an
end, in consequence of the Declaration of war, and that
all he could do was to communicate what Canning had
said to him, to his Court.
The instructions to Pierrepont (our Minister in
Sweden, with whom Canning is much satisfied) are
easily to be inferred from those given to G. Leveson
and to Merry: it was to obtain the guarantee of the
King of Sweden, and troops for Zealand (for we wiU
not hear of Prussians), and offering him troops in the
West Indies — Essequibo, Curaqoa, or Demerary — in
compensation for his having lost his German dominions.
He is entitled to this. He has behaved most hand
somely, and offered us 20,000 men if we wiU secure
him against an attack from Eussia ; this is most reason
able, and even more than we could expect.
•Nothing could be more judiciously and ably drawn up
than these instructions ; unfortunately, from the distance
and from the unceasing activity of Buonaparte, they
became useless. Before G. Leveson could receive his,
Eussia had declared war against us (31st of October)
in the most hasty and unaccountable manner possible.
Eomanzow mixed up no amenity in his language (though
he is naturally a smooth-tongued and gentle-mannered
character), he took no pains either to explain or qualify
the hostile conduct of his Court, and he seemed to consi
der this as fully done in their very feeble and ill-argued
Declaration. The system of Eussia was to obey France,
and to this Nicholas Eomanzow most obsequiously sub-

1807.] ENGLAND. 403
scribed. Merry was not admitted or received by the
Eegent of Denmark, and Lusakinsk refused to have
any communication with him. Pierrepont executed
his part of the instructions with ability; but the case
was desperate, and he had to do with a Sovereign
who thought very right, but who was half mad at the
time. We, too, as far as our naval administration in the
north was concerned, did not do well; our officers were
in too great a hurry to get home, and by suffering our
ships to quit the Baltic prematurely, we lost nearly as
much in naval stores captured by the Danes as we had
gained by seizing their Fleet. The truth is, neither
Gambier''^ nor Lord Cathcart were up to so decided a
measure; it was above their sphere, and though they
did what was ordered, they did not go a step beyond
it — like imwilling servants. They were both made Eng
lish Peers.
¦Buonaparte carried his threats against Portugal into
effect with such force and such rapidity, that the Eegent
was in the first instance obliged to give way, to appear
as submitting to him, and to this he was encouraged by
Aranjo, his Minister (a modern philosopher), who was
employed at the same time I was at Paris ; and though
imprisoned by the Directory, and treated most contemp
tuously, still remained an admirer of the Eevolution and
its principles. Almeida, my coUeague at the Hague, was
of a quite different cast ; he retired from Office the mo
ment any concessions were talked of to be made- to
France, and it was his spirit, and undoubtedly also the
good conduct of Lord Strangford, that prevailed on the
Eegent of Portugal to go with his whole Fleet, a great
treasure, and many of his Grandees, to the Brazils, on
the 29th November, 1807, to which he was escorted
by a fleet of ours (in addition to his own), under the
command of Moore.
Little more passed that came authentically to my
knowledge during the end of 1 807. Sir A. Paget was
¦* Admiral Gambler commanded the fleet, and Lord Cathcart the land
forces (25,000 men) in the Danish expedition.
^ 2 n 2

404 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [1808.
sent to Turkey, but returned "re tnfecta;" he came by
sea, and got to Spithead 13th November. Lord Pem
broke did the same, from Vienna ; he announced to me
his intention to return, and gave a melancholy report
of the Court of Vienna. He was proprio motu of the
King appointed Governor of Guernsey. Lord G. Leveson
got back from Eussia through Sweden, and Merry (with
out ever landing) from Denmark. Yet the getting pos
session of the Danish Fleet, and the escape of the Por
tuguese Fleet from the clutches of Buonaparte, made
Ministers disposed to meet ParUament boldly and cheer-
Mly. A littie previous to its meeting, on January 21st,
1808, Canning came to Park Place, ¦with Eoss; Fitz
harris was ¦with me, and he passed two days in reading
over the foreign correspondence, and in selecting such
parts of it (particularly relative to the Danish business)
as seemed the most advisable to lay before Parliament.
/ am against this sort of new habit, and voshed to re
strain it to a very few documents, but I was over
ruled at the time, though it ended by a very few indeed
being produced — not for want of clamour about the
Danish expedition, particularly from Lord Sidmouth and
his friends. He certainly thought he was paying his
court to the King, who he had heard (and with some
reason, as the Duke of Portland told me at the time)
had consented very reluctantly to it. But Lord Sid
mouth knew Uttle of the King's character, if, after
having consented, he ever would be pleased in having
Ministers censured and condemned. This, amongst a
thousand instances which have come under my observa
tion, is one, that political wisdom very often overshoots
its mark.
Although I saw the Duke of Portland constantly
during the year 1808, yet I have scarce an incident
to record that is not to be found in the prints of the
year. His complaint (the stone) was returning, and
the excruciating pain this occasioned, joined to the
worry and torment of his official situation, quite broke

1808,] ENGL.\ND. 405
him down. I have been often with him when I thought
he would have died in his chair, and his powers of atten
tion were so weakened that he could neitlier read a paper
nor listen for a while without becoming drowsy and fall
ing asleep. Yet he never would let me go away after
dinner, when the rest of the company went, but always
m-ged me to remain on with him, which I often did for
hours, when he was equal neither to talk nor to hear.
About twelve or one oclock, he generaUy rallied, and he
has made me sit up many nights after my usual hour of
retiring, pai-ticulaily two — the 18th and 19th of Jan.,
18(t8 — ^when he wished me to assist him in drawing up
the King's speech for the opening of Parliament on
the 21st.
I omitted to mention in its right date the declara
tion of war of Austria and Prussia, as all the papers
that passed on these strange proceedings were laid
before Parliament, and are now published. Prince
Staremberg's behaviour was most prevaricating and
offensive. A Flag of Truce arrives on the 16 th at Deal, with
despatches for Prince Staremberg : he at first says they are
nothing but private papers relative to his famUy concerns,
but on Thm-sday, the l9th, informs Canning that he has
received positive orders from his Coui-t to declare, that
the inconveniences which result to the Continental Powers
from the continuation of the struggle between France
and England are so great, that Austria can no longer see
with indifference its duration, and that they hope some
place wiU be fixed on the Continent to conclude a Mari
time Peace. No offer of Mediation accompanied this,
and though no direct threat was made, yet it was evi
dently to be implied that if England declined this offer,
Austi-ia would join France. Prince Staremberg did not
conceal that it was the act of Buonaparte, to which he
was compelled to subscribe. Canning desired him to
give what he said in ¦writing, which he did: " Qu'U
avait des ordres positifs de sa Cour de declarer que la lutte
entre I'Angleterre et la France ^tait si pr^judiciable aux
int^r^ts des puissances de I'Europe que sa Cour se

406 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [I8O8.
croyait obligd d'appuyer sur le necessit6 d'une paix
maritime," &c. Canning, in his reply to this request,
desired Staremberg to explain whether this official docu
ment contained all he had to say; and that before he
could give him a precise answer, he begged Prince Sta
remberg to be more explicit, and particularly to state
how much threat was meant, and how much was to be
considered only as friendly advice. On its being sent to
the King, His Majesty ¦wrote for answer, that he heard
with surprise the communication that the Emperor of
Austria had made ; that it was as insulting to England,
as disgracefiU to Austria ; that it was the more servUe
and more extraordinary ac| of submission to Buonaparte,
since Austria could do us no harm ; he did not doubt but
that the blood of every Englishman would boil when it
became known. Canning and the Duke of Portland
agree quite with the King ; so probably will the whole
Cabinet. Staremberg is by far the most insincere Minister ever
employed. He is trusted neither by his own Court nor
the Court where he resides ; yet his high rank and his
manoeuvring keep him afloat ; he never will be set aside.
A * * * *, contrary to the assurances Canning had given
A'Court, remained on at Vienna after Lord Pembroke's
departure, till war was declared. Canning then appoint
ed him Ambassador to Turkey, though he could not but
know he was attached to the Opposition, and communi
cated with them ; and though not without abilities, such
a dupe of women, that no secret was safe with him.
This Fox, his intimate friend and patron, knew so well,
that, when he named him for Vienna, he stipulated that
Mrs. A* * * * (a French woman) should not go with him,
and that if ever she followed him, his Mission should ter
minate. Yet she did go after Fox's death, and Canning
suffered A**** to remain at Vienna, and employed
him elsewhere. He also left Erskine in America, and
Forster (Lady Elizabeth's son) at Stockholm.
The affairs of Spain during the course of this year
1808, are public, and I know little more than what is
public. Amongst all his attempts at usurpation, Buona-

1808,] ENGLAND,. 407
parte never exhibited any equal to this, and never did
any one exist in which every principle of truth, good
faith, and honour was so unblushingly violated. The
Spaniards shewed a just and noble indignation, and
resisted it stoutly and with spirit. We were, as be
came us, liberal and zealous in support of them; but
I think we acted too precipitately, and by betraying
the excessive interest we took in their affairs and
over-eagerness to aid them, enfeebled the efforts they
would have made themselves, had they met with less
ardent encouragement. The character of the Spaniard
is to let every thing be done for him, if he finds any
one disposed to do it, and never to act till obliged to do
so. This has appeared, and -will appear, in every event of
the contest with France ; not knowing this, and placing
an implicit confidence in the first two Deputies who
arrived from Gijon (in Asturias) in May, we have by
wishing to do too much, injured the cause. These two
deputies, Materasa and Don Diego de Vega, left Gijon
in an open boat, and were taken up at sea by one of our
frigates. I dined with them immediately after their
arrival at Burlington House, for they were received ¦with
open arms. 1 at once saw what they were — Materasa (a
Viscount) a young, raw Asturian Hidalgo, and Don
Diego de Vega, an Asturian attorney ; both, I dare say,
well-meaning and well-thinking, but of no consequence ;
in fact, Asturias is a province that is of as little conse
quence with reference to the Kingdom of Spain, as
Glamorganshire is to England; and it was injudicious,
and a want of consideration, and I will add also of expe
rience and information, to look upon these two persons
as types of the sentiments of the whole nation.
The treating them as such, deprived us of having
more important and abler men sent, while it drew down
upon us crowds of Galicians and Biscayans, Deputies
who, in their own country, would not have ventured
to have had an opinion, — to all these we listened; we
gave them money (which I fear they never accounted
for), arms, and everything they asked; and when Ad
miral Apoduca came from the southern provinces, and

408 DL4RIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [I8O8.
after that Don Pedro Cevallos, who had been Minister
for foreign affairs, and published the famous expos6
of Buonaparte's perfidy and cruelty towards King Fer
dinand, we had so little choice left as to what we were
to do, that we did aU they desired. / did represent
this both to the Duke of Portland and to Canning;
but the Duke, as I before have observed, was really
exhausted, and Canning would not listen.
It was through the Duke of Portland, that, in October
1808, I learnt the first intimation of Austria's dispo
sition to go to war with France ; it came to him through
Charles Bentinck, who had it from his brother. Mon
sieur de Ehoon; and both the source from whence it
came, and the way in which it was told, was so strange,
and so improbable, that we gave no credit to it, —
it was, however, soon after confirmed on better autho
rity ; and, as far as I could influence the Duke of Port
land, I earnestly recommended affording every possi
ble support to Austria. I wrote him several letters on
the subject, and had frequent and long conversations
with him at Bulstrode, where he always is in a better
state to hear and discuss than in London. The Aus
trians want spirit — we have not enough — and Perceval
is too parsimonious. The Duke of Portland right, as
he always is, when he follows the impressions of his
o^wn exceUent judgment and sound principles, but never
a good -wrangler, and especially now too infirm to main
tain them.
I did not learn Canning's sentiments, as he never
spoke to me on the subject of Austria; but I should
suppose them to be perfectly right. Early in March,
Count Walmoden (son to the natural son of George
the Second, by Lady Y * * *,) was sent from Austria
to England; and as I was intimately acquainted with
him, he constantly consulted with me, previous to
his conferences with Canning. Walmoden, though a
soldier, has a very sound and clear head, and executed
his commission ably, faithfully, and honourably. He
communicated, and, I really believe, without exaggera
tion, what, at the time he left Vienna, were the spirit

180»-] ENGLAND. 409
and feelings of the nation — that, till now, the great
families and mass of the country were adverse to all
the wars waged with France — that their eyes had not
been opened to the extent and danger of the increasing
power and overweening ambition of Buonaparte — that
now, his ill-judged conduct towards the Pope had set
all the legates (numerous in the Austrian empire) against
him; and that the insincerity of his promises, and in
solence of his explanation, left no doubt that his ob
ject was to crush Austria entirely, and to obtain uni
versal monarchy in Europe. He was impressed with
this idea, that the Austrian people now were eager for
war, and that the army (hitherto backward) were
actuated by the same principle; in which two of the
most powerful agents on human conduct united to make
them act vigorously, viz. Self-defence and Resentment.
That their army consisted of four hundred thousand
regular troops, two hundred thousand militia, and the
finest train of artillery that was ever known. That
their plan was for the main army to take possession
of Bavaria, another to enter Saxony, and a large de
tachment reserved for operations in the North of Ger
many, where they were to be joined by the Duke of
Brunswick and Landgrave of Hesse; that on the side
of Dresden they expected also great assistance. What
they wanted, and it was their only want, money — bul
lion, &c. ; that they had enough to go on for a few
months, but not longer; therefore, if we would supply
them with this, they would enter into every connexion
of alliance and amity we pleased.
Walmoden gave in a very detailed and fair Memo
rial to Canning ; but he forgot, and so did the Mi
nistry, that we were still at war with Austria. Wal
moden, therefore, at my suggestion, sent in, as a
supplement to his Memorial, a proposal for peace.
This was accepted; but to all the other points, the
language of our Government' was unexplicit, and in
good truth cold. We engaged for no fixed sum; (that
of fifty thousand per month had been asked;) and we
declined all idea of sending men to the North of Ger-

410 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE. [l809.
many. It should seem, from what the Duke of Port
land said to me, that this was not his opinion, but the
prevailing one of the Cabinet, which he did not think
it right to oppose. / (as I have before said), both
in conversation and by letter, continued to remonstrate
against this milk-and-water conduct ; I did it, solely be
cause I wished to explain my sentiments, and not under
the smallest hope that it would be attended to, or pro
duce any change of measures ; and, although the Duke
of Portland confessed that it met his ideas, I feel as
sured it never was mentioned again by him to the Ca
binet; and that, against his better judgment, either
from increasing apathy, or increasing infirmity, he never
gave, distinctly and decidedly, his opinion there.
In Parliament the whole time was wasted in the in
famous attack on the Duke of York* — infamous, not
because it was entirely groundless, but because the real
movers of it were instigated by levelling principles, and
had no other view than the sinking and degrading all
rank ; but they unfortunately found many persons either
of their own cast, or who were weak enough to be the
dupes of their pretended patriotism ; and the result was,
the forcing the Duke of York to resign his office as Com
mander-in-Chief, and a sad degradation of the House of
Commons. On this occasion a person of the name of Wardle (till
then unknown). Lord Folkestone, instigated by Cob-
bett, and Maddocks, governed by a strumpet, were the
Eodrigos; the lagos kept in the back-ground; Whit
bread alone had not sufficient temper to conceal himself.
But I cannot but consider the origin of this mischief to
be in the candour, as it is called, of Ministers even to
allow it to be the subject matter of Parliamentary dis
cussion. This and other equaUy mischievous subjects oc-
* Colonel -Wardle (of Militia) began this attack in the House of Com
mons, Jan, 27, 1809. He charged the Duke of York with conniving at
Mrs. Clarke (his mistress) receiving money from several Officers for their
Commissions, and moved, that the conduct of His Royal Highness should
be investigated. Perceval and Sir Arthur "WeUesley denied the charge for
the Duke, but courted the Inquiry. — For an account of this transaction and
the connexion between Mrs. Clarke and Wardle and others, see the Annual
Register of 1809.

1809,] ENGLAND, 411
cupied the whole session, by far the worst attended and
the most insignificant I ever remember.
The Convention of Cintra excited great dissatisfac
tion, and I think very justly, * Canning protested
against an opinion of Cabinet given when he was absent,
and which went to confii-m it. This was the beginning
of all the subsequent disputes between him and his
colleagues, and led to the more serious one between
him and Lord Castlereagh.
The war broke out between Austria and France
in May, Buonaparte withdrew his army from Spain,
and by very rapid marches reached BaAaria, The
com'se of this war was like that of the preceding ones ;
the French had the advantage in almost aU the battles,
except Asperno,f which, had the advantages obtained by
the Archduke been foUowed up, might have given a dif
ferent tui-n to the termination of it. After this battle
several weeks passed in inactivity, Buonaparte, 'who
was in possession of Vienna, was careful not to attempt
to repass the Danube tiU he was in fuU force. This
he then did, and gained the battle of Wagram,| and
soon after forced the Aixhduke to sign an Armistice.
There appears in the whole of this short campaign the
pubUc spirit which Walmoden announced, but the same
want of mUitaiy skUl and resolution in the commanders
as had produced aU the faUures of those preceding it.
[Here Lord Malmesbury appears to have closed this
Diary. When resumed, it was -written in the style I
have described in my Introductory Memofr, where 1
have quoted its last sentences, penned but a few days
before Ms death.
¦* The Convention of Cintra, signed August 30, 1808, was brought for
ward by Lord H. Petty (afterwards Lord Lansdowne) in the House of Com
mons, He moved resolutions condemnatory of Ministers, and was beaten
by a majority of 50,
t The battle of Aspemo was fought on the 21st of Jlay, IS09. The
French had, for the first time, to give way, losing five Generals killed, and
a vast number of men. The Austrian loss was also immense.
X The battle of "Wagram was fought on the 5th and 6th of July. The
Austrians were totally defeated, and made peace with France on the 14th
of October, 1809. The power of Napoleon was now at its zenith.

412 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE.
Of the Journal which I have published, and which
composes this fourth volume, it may be said that it con
tains much matter already known to the reader. I have
not suppressed it on that account, because I think that
no corroborative evidence of History can be produced so
unsuspicious as a Diary, in which events and conversa
tions are regularly recorded within a few hours of their
occurrence, and that by an intelligent observer (like Lord
Malmesbury), whose personal ambition has been satisfied
with high rewards, or arrested by incurable infirmity.
The man who is in this position, having nothing to hope
or to fear, and writing for no immediate purpose of the
day, will probably relate History with as little excite
ment or prejudice as can possibly be found in any active
mind.] [The following letter to Lord Camden was written
four years after the date to which I have restricted these
Memoirs ; but it may not be thought misplaced at the
end of such a work.]

LETTER TO LORD CAMDEN, WRITTEi!f AT HIS REQUEST ON
HIS NEPHEW, MR. JAMES, BEING DESTINED FOR THE
FOREIGN LINE. Park Place, April 11th, 1813,
Mt DEAR Lord, — It is not an easy matter, in times
like these, to write anything on the subject of a Foreign
Minister's conduct, that might not be rendered quite
inapplicable to the purpose by daily events. Mr.
James's best school will be the advantage he will de
rive from the abilities of his Principal, and from his
own observations.
The first and best advice I can give a young man on
entering this career, is to listen, not to talk — at least,
not more than is necessary to induce others to talk. I
have in the course of my life, by endeavouring to follow
this method, drawn from my opponents much informa
tion, and concealed from them my own views, much
more than by the employment of spies or money.

ENGLAND. 413
To be very cautious in any country, or at any court,
of such as, on your first arrival, appear the most eager
to make your acquaintance and communicate their ideas
to you. I have ever found their professions insincere,
and their intelligence false. They have been the first I
have wished to shake off, whenever 1 have been so im
prudent as to give them credit for sincerity. They are
either persons who are not considered or respected in
their own country, or are put about you to entrap and
circumvent you as newly arrived.
Englishmen should be most particularly on their
guard against such men, for we have none such on our
side the water, and are om'selves so little coming to
wards foreigners, that we are astonished and gratified
when we find a different treatment from that which
strangers experience here ; but our reserve and ill man
ners are infinitely less dangerous to the stranger than
these premature and hoUow civilities.
To avoid what is termed abroad an attachement. If
the other party concerned should happen to be sincere, it
absorbs too much time, occupies too much your thoughts ;
if insincere, it leaves you at the mercy of a profligate,
and probably interested character.
Never to attempt to export English habits and man
ners, but to conform as far as possible to those of the
country where you reside — to do this even in the most
tri-vial things — to learn to speak their language, and
never to sneer at what may strike you as singular and
absurd. Nothing goes to conciliate so much, or to
amalgamate you more cordiaUy with its inhabitants, as
this very easy sacrifice of your national prejudices to
theirs. To keep your cypher and all your official papers under
a very secure lock and key ; but not to boast of your
precautions, as Mr. Drake did to Mehee de la Touche.
Not to allow any opponent to carry away any official
document, under the pretext that he wishes " to study
it more carefully;" let him read it as often as he wishes,
and if it is necessary, allow him to take minutes of it,
but both in your presence.

414 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE.
Not to be carried away by any real or supposed dis
tinctions from the Sovereign at whose Court you reside,
or to imagine, because he may say a few more common
place sentences to you than to your coUeagues, that he
entertains a special personal predUection for you, or is
more disposed to favour the views and interests of your
Court, than if he did not notice you at all. This is a
species of royal stage -trick, often practised, and for
which it is right to be prepared.
Whenever you receive discretionary instructions (that
is, ^v]len authority is given you), in order to obtain any
very desirable end, to decrease your demands or increase
your concessions, according as you find the temper and
disposition of the Court where you are employed, and
to be extremely careful not to let it be supposed that
you have any such authority ; to make a firm, resolute
stand on the first offer you are instructed to make, and, if
you find " this nail will not drive," to bring forward your
others most gradually, and not, either from an appre
hension of not succeeding at all, or from an over eager
ness to succeed too rapidly, injure essentially the in
terests of your Court.
It is scarce necessary to say that no occasion, no pro
vocation, no anxiety to rebut an unjust accusation, no
idea, however tempting, of promoting the object you
have in view, can need, much less justify, a falsehood.
Success obtained by one, is a precarious and baseless
success. Detection would ruin, not only your own re
putation for ever, but deeply wound the honour of your
Court. K, as frequently happens, an indiscreet question,
which seems to require a distinct answer, is put to you
abruptly by an artful Minister, parry it either by treat
ing it as an indiscreet question, or get rid of it by
a grave and serious look ; but on no account contradict
the assertion flatly if it be true,, or admit it as true, if
false and of a dangerous tendency.
In Ministerial conferences, to exert every effort of
memory to carry away faithfiUly and correctly what
you hear (what you say in them yourself you will not
forget) ; and in drawing your report, to be most careful

ENGLAND. 415
it should be faithful and correct. I dwell the more on
this (seemingly a useless hint), because it is a most se
ducing temptation, and one to which we often give way
almost unconsciously, in order to give a better turn to a
phrase, or to enhance our skill in negotiation; but we
must remember we mislead and deceive our Government
by it. I am, &c.
Such were the terse rules which Lord Malmesbury
gave to the young Diplomatist for his guide, and which
it may be inferred were those that regulated his own
conduct; but, like all similar advice, it is practically
fruitless if unaccompanied by that constitutional energy
of purpose and action which was the real source of Lord
Malmesbury's success in his profession.
It was this that gained him, at twenty-four, his first
praise and promotion after the affair of the Falkland
Islands, when, acting upon the knowledge he had ac
quired of the unprepared state of the Spanish navy, he
roughly resented to Grimaldi the insult, and, from the
beginning, urged Ministers to hold a high tone, for that
the Spanish Premier must yield.* That transaction,
now remote, may appear trifling at this time; but it
must be remembered that in 1770, Spain was a first-rate
Power, and that her Family Compact with France was
the bugbear of every Statesman in Europe.
It was the same activity she-wn in his efforts to carry
out his impracticable instructions in Eussia, which in
duced, first Mr. Fox, and afterwards Mr. Pitt, to appoint
him (although then his political opponent) at the dis
tracted Court of the Hague. f The same energy gained
him his peerage at that Mission, where he may be said to
have gone a step beyond the path permitted to a Foreign
Minister, and to have become almost a conspirator. Soon
perceiving how much might be done for the Stadtholder,
and by England, against France, he prepared his way
* Vide Mr, Harris' private letter to Lord -Weymouth of Oct, 4, 1770, and
his Despatch of the same date. Vol, i. pp. 63 and 63.
+ Vide Mr. Fox's letter to Sir J. Harris of July 27th, 1783 (vol. ii,
p. 52) and Sir J. Harris' account of his appointment to the Hague (vol, ii,
page 68),

416 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE.
by disclosing, as early as 1785, his plan in his pri
vate letters to Mr. Ewart at Berlin, and engaging him
to predispose the Prince of Prussia and the Prussian
Ministers for the blow which could not be struck until
after the Great Frederick's death.'''' He gradually
opened his views to Lord Carmarthen, and finally
came over to England to explain them, and press
them upon Pitt and the Cabinet, who were long luke
warm on the subject;! and although the author of the
proposed Anglo-Prussian intervention, in 1787, was
known to Mirabeau, he scouted the idea as too auda
cious for execution, and thereby misled his own Court.
The French Eevolution, which followed two years after
this event, and which came like death to annihilate all
past and present projects, hopes, treaties, enmities, and
friendships, between the nations of Europe, deprived us
of the results of this transaction; but the immense im
portance attached to it at the time is evinced by the
letters of Lord Carmarthen and Pitt, by the speeches
of the latter, and by the expressions of our national
opponent, the French Prince Louis.J
Lord Malmesbury's Mission to Prussia, in 1794,
evinces (I form my judgment from his papers) still
greater physical and mental energy than the preceding
one. Plis efforts were untiring, first to reclaim the
Prussian King and his Ministers, and, when they broke
their Treaty with us, to urge the Generals to repair the
evil. At this time his correspondence was immense, for
it was carried on with our Ministers at every Court,
and with every General commanding the armies in Aus
tria, Holland, Hanover, and Prussia, so as to keep them
informed of his progress or difficulties. I have been
obliged to abridge it very considerably.
¦* Vide Sir J, Harris' letters to Lord Carmarthen, with the Inclosures of
Feb, 2nd, 1785, to Mr, Ewart, of March 18, and April 19, 1785. I have
been obliged from want of space to suppress most of his voluminous corres
pondence with Mr. Ewart on this subject, in which the latter shews great
intelligence. t 'Vide " Considerations to be employed with Ministers " (vol. ii. p. 302),
" and Minutes of Cabinet" (p, 303),
X Vide Lord Carmarthen's letter of Sept, 25, 1787 (vol, ii, p. 384),
Pitt's letter of Sept. 28, 1787, and his speech of April 18, 1788 (p. 420),
and Louis the Eighteenth's letter (vol. ii, page 68),

ENGLAND. 4 1 7
The difference of character between old and modern
diplomacy fostered his disposition to assume responsi
bility, and seek the most laborious and hopeless Mis
sions ; for when the European Capitals Avere, in point of
communication Avith England, at treble the distance at
which they now stand, the resident Minister had neces
sarily far greater latitude and scope for action, and was
constantly obliged and expected to trust to his own
judgment, when instructions were beyond his reach.
Despotism, too, was then universal in Europe, and its
power so absolute, yet its exercise so uncertain, and so
dependent on the various vices, intrigues, and snares, to
which its representatives were, above all men, subject,
that a peculiar tact, temper, and astuteness, (forming a
feature of those times,) Avas necessary to watch and
even to guide the causes which swayed the politics of
those unprincipled and irresponsible monarchs, Noav
the most distant European Court can be reached in a
week, from London, and instructions from home can
never be long wanting. Moreover, the knoAvledge of
Public Opinion easily guides the Minister as to the pro
bability of events, and that mighty power, unknown in
the last century, has been felt and obeyed by those
absolute Sovereigns Avho still remain. They are, per
haps, unconscious of its influence on themselves, yet,
both in morals and politics, they certainly yield to its
force ; and we must attribute to its rude voice, as well
as to the a'wful lessons of the past, much of the great
ness and mildness of their present rule, and the com
parative happiness of their people.
But should the maxims given to Lord Camden's ne
phew by Lord Malmesbury be partly inapplicable to
present times, and should the personal position by
which he was constrained to govern his own diplomatic
conduct be no less changed than the nations and Courts
where he resided, and appear to be now less favourable
than formerly to a Foreign Minister; still diplomacy
affords a fair field for obtaining distinction. It will,
probably, be to most a life of dull expectation, or idle
pleasure, yet will certainly prove as fruitful as ever of
VOL, IV, 2 E

418 DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE.
interest and honours to the man of energy, decision, and
ational pride, who, starting in this profession, feels as
Lord Malmesbury -wrote, in 1773, from Berlin, to his
friend: "I am resolved to push on in my career as
long as I see a round of the ladder which it is within
my compass to mount."

INDEX.

Abbema, his flight lo France, ii. 397.
Abbeville, deserted, iii. 268.
Abercrombie, Sir Ralph, landing of his
army in Egypt, iv. 56 ; defeats the
French, 56 ; death of, 56.
Accident to Mr. Harris, i. 172 ; on the
road from Pampeluna to Madrid, 39.
Accommodation between Dantzic and
Frederick the Great, plan of, i. 104.
Accusations against Sir J. Harris, i.
537.
Acharoff named as successor to Zoritz,
i. 174.
Act of Indemnity passed by De Witt,
ii. 227.
Act of Association signed in Zealand, ii.
275.
Addington, Mr., resigns the chair, iv. 5 ;
illness of, 33, 37 ; influenced by selfish
friends, 36 ; pacific, 39 ; indelicate
conduct of, 58 ; exultation of, on the
prosperous state of the country, 70;
dreaded foreign alliances, 74 ; his re
signation a desirable event, 86 ; nick
name of, 146 ; impudent silence of,
165; vanity of, 171; proposes that
Pitt should resume office, 177 ; se
cond proposal of to Pitt, 178 ; his
account of the endeavours made to
bring Pitt back to office, 184; his
account different from that made by
Pitt, 184; general dissatisfaction with,
224 ; conversation of with Malmes
bury, 226, sqq. ; want of confidence
in him felt by the city, 259; desires to
send men to Portugal, 279 ; unequal
to his situation, 279 ; informs the
king that he could not continue in
office, 296 ; foolish conduct of, 338,
339 ; created Lord Sidmouth, 339.
Address of the king carried without a
division in House of Lords, ii. 475 ;
amendment moved on it by Fox in the
House of Commons, 475 ; divisions on,
476; on change of ministers, iv. 381.

Administration of Russia, its supine-
ness, i. 232 ; of England, rumoured
change in, iv. 2.
Admiralty job, iv. 151.
Affairs, disagreeable state of, i. 72 ; pre
carious state of, 71.
Agreda, wool of valuable, i. 39.
Alarm along the Rhine, iii. 89.
Alcala, university of, i. 39.
Alexander Paulowitz, prince, birth of,
i. 162; imagined that Malta was
better in the bands of England than
in those of any other country, iv. 191.
Alexandria, orders sent to evacuate it,
iv. 196.
Algiers, action at, i. 129; repulse of the
troops at, 129.
Alien Bill debated in House of Lords,
ii. 480; passed, 488; recommitted
in the House of Commons, 497 ;
debate on in the House of Commons,
498.
AUiance with northern powers should
be the object of England, ii. 40.
Alliance between France and Spain, i.
290 ; with France, signature of, sus
pended, ii. 133; proposed between
England, Prussia, and Holland, 403 ;
with Russia and Austria, iv, 339.
Almanacs, famous, iii. 26.
Altercation between Potemkin and
Zoritz, i. 200.
Alvinzi, general, retreat of, iii. 337.
Ambassador of France, i. 1 7.
Amelia, Princess, indisposed, iv. 17.
America, treaty of with Holland, i.
342 ; alarmed, iv. 203.
American minister at court of Russia,
ii. 37 ; treaty obnoxious to the old
ministry, 31.
Amiens, peace of, iv. 1.
Amnisties, law relating to, iii. 34 6.
Amsterdam, focus of French intrigue,
ii. 81, 82 ; violent proceedings of the
French at, 177; Inefficacy of friendly
2 E 2

420

INDEX.

party at, 1 96 ; agrees with the an
swer sent by A''an Bergel to Prince
of Orange's memorial, 185 ; favour
able to the views of England, 204,
205 ; intends to protest against the
proceedings of the state, 217 ; neces
sity of securing it, 220 ; fermentation
at, 280; fermentation at subsided,
284 ; seeks to curtail the power of the
Prince of Orange, 285 ; asks the ad
vice of Sir James Harris, 286 ; about
to unite its interests with those of
the Prince of Orange, 287 ; co-opera
tion of, with the Prince of Orange,
290; calling of council at, 290 ; pro
ceedings at, 290, 291 ; people of re
fuse to sign the convention, 291 ;
important intelligence from, 320; at
the disposal of the mob, 333 ; credit
of, sunk, 333 ; determined not to dis
cuss the note verbal of the King of
Prussia, 370; violent letter from, 379 ;
necessity of coercing it, 384 ; country
around inundated, 358 ; rumour of
its having surrendered, 385 ; refuses
to join the assembly, 386 ; answer of,
to the deputies, 391 ; deputation from,
392 ; begs the truce to be prolonged,
392 ; confusion of, 394 ; deputies
from, acknowledge the legality of the
resolutions, 394 ; concessions of, 395 ;
submission of, 395 ; its outports aban
doned, 396 ; preparations for bom
barding it, 396 ; disunion of its ma
gistrates, 397 ; proposed to be laid
under contribution, 398; endeavours of
the French to breed dissensions there,
404 ; French expected at, iii. 201 ;
entrance of French hussars into, 239.
Amsterdamers seek to curtail the
power of the Prince of Orange, ii.
285.
Amusements of Aranjuez, i. 47.
Andreossi, moderate language of, iv.
226.
Anecdote of Frederick the Great, i. 6 ;
of King of Prussia, 9 ; of Frederick
the Great, 10, 122; of General Zed-
litz, 1 35 ; of an hussar in the service of
Frederick the Great, 138, 139; of
Zoritz, 198; false, 390; of grandee's
wife, ii. 6 ; curious, i. 209 ; of
Malmesbury, iii. 293 ; of Mr. Willis,
iv. 310; of Lucien Buonaparte, 257 ;
of Princess Caroline, iii. 191.
Anecdotes, i. 153.
Angely, Mons., agent of the royalists,
iii. 13.
Anhalt appointed in the room of Gene
ral Bellin, i. 80.

Anticipated war with France, i. 181.
Antipatriotic association, suggested by
Sir J. Harris, 273 ; success of, 277 ;
meetings of, encouraged by Sir J.
Harris, ii, 284 ; increase of, 292.
Aranjo, rascality of, iii. 496 ; in Lon
don, iv. 10.
Aranjuez, residence of the court at, i.
40 ; bull feasts at, 48 ; account of, 45 ;
description of, 45, seg. ; amusements
of, 47.
Arbitrary proceedings, ii. 194. ; mea
sures in Holland, 188.
Armed neutrality, five points of, i. 291 ;
declaration concerning, 298 ; worst
effects of passed, 409 ; iv. 50.
Army, amount of, iL 1 7 ; march of, to
wards the Austrian Netherlands, 143
— 146; of Russia in a state of decay,
i. 1 87 ; instrument of the conven-
tialists, iii. 536 ; estimates, debate
on, iv. 144 ; estimates, second debate
on, 147 ; of France half Jacobins, iv.
215; enemy's, amount of, iii. 244;
uneasiness concernmg 204 ; incom
plete, iv. 235; not so attached to
Buonaparte as formerly, 258.
Artillery, march of, to the Crimea, ii.
15; nature of, 15; large train of,
46.
Artois, Comte de, project of, ii. 437 ;
reclaimed from dissipation, 442.
Assassination of the Emperor Paul, iv.
54, segq.
Assembly, meeting of, ii. 317; tumul
tuous meeting of, 317.
Association suggested by Sir J. Harris,
ii 273 ; success of, 297.
Ath, bad roads to, iii. 1 7 : head quarters
of the Duke of York, 17.
Auckland, lord, conduct of, with regard
to the church, iv. 16; remarkable
speech of, 49 ; remarks of, on Pitt,
49 ; speech of, the topic of conver
sation, 49.
Audience with the king, iv. 370.
Aurora Borealis, i. 157.
Austria, unwilling to diminish her pre
tentions, i. 83 ; demands to be ad
mitted to the neutral league, 448 ;
the rival of France, ii. 24 ; lays aside
its projects on the Ottoman Empire,
42 ; the natural ally of England,
211; cemented to France, ii. 219;
obnoxious to the treaty, iii. 76 ; dif
ficulty relating to the treaty removed,
195; terrified, iv. 311 ; disposed to
go to war with France, 408 ; feelings
of the nation, 408; war with France,
411; emperor of, his weak conduct.

INDEX.

421

ii. 43 ; his ambition greater than his
wi.'idom, 102 ; concludes a treaty with
the Elector Palatine, 95, 342,' 34:) ;
quits Peterhoff, i. 324 ; his present
to Catherine, 93.
Austrian army beaten by the French, iii.
35 ; Austrian Netherlands, its pro
tection of material consequence to
England, 82.
Austrian ministers treated well at St.
Petei-sburgh, i. 178 ; jealousy and
apjirehension of, iii. 70.
Austrians gain an advantage over the
French, iii. 256 ; their treatment of
the Poles, i. 93 ; patience of, iii.
258 ; drive the French across the
Rhine, 254 ; want of spirit in the, iv.
408.
Auvergne, Con}te de, case of, iv. 158;
notice of a motion concerning, 200.
Azara, Spanish Ambassador, Jacobinical
principles of, iv. 7.'^.
B.
Bad roads, i. 156.
Balbi, IMadame, her great influence over
Louis XVII I., iii. 53.
Barnave, one of the leaders of the people
in France, ii. 454.
Bai'thelemie under arrest at Paris, iii.
538 ; sentence of, 543 ; his uncle fur
nished the materials, for Le Jeune
Anacharsis, 544 ; death of his uncle,
544.
Basque, beautiful scenery of, i. 30.
Batavia, news of its being taken, ii. 30.
Bath, lord, flattering treatment of, by
the people, iv. 143, 144.
Batt, Mr., account of, i. 94.
Battle of Camperdown, iii. 597 ; of
Austerlitz, iv. 344; of Auerstadt,
353; of Trafalgar, 341; of Copen
hagen, 56.
Bayonne, i. 34.
Beauties of Berlin, i. 121.
Beggars' Opera, mention of, ii. 261 .
Belligerent powers, account of, iii. 261.
Bellin, recal of, i. 80.
Bentinck, Count Charles, undertakes the
journey to the Brille, ii. 372 ; active
and useful in the cause of England,
275.
Berkel, Van, account of, ii. 87 ; character
of, 87 ; wishes to force the Prince of
Orange to return, 158: his reply to
the Prince of Orange's memorial,
183, 184; professes himself willing
to serve Harris, 208 : losing ground,
161 ; goes in disguise to Holland,

210; supposed to liavc absconded,
397.
Berlin, i. 79 — 1.54 ; disagreeable po.st,
95 ; unexpected vi.sit of Emperor
Paul to, 147 ; festivities at, 148, 149,
153 ; court of, anxious to save its
dignity, ii. 243 ; wishes to extricate
itself from the step it had taken
in Holland, 243 ; French cabal at,
427; party there prejudiced Frederick
against England, 423 ; hatred to
wards Austria at, iii. 34 ; iutroduc-
tion of new theologic:d doctrines into,
100; riots at, 135; all there rogues
and fools, 193; had news from, iv. 9 ;
declares for the coalition, 343.
Bertham, outposts near, attacked, iii.
208.
Besberodko, his interference with Har
ris, i. 380; rising interests of, 438.
Bethman, Mademoiselle, artful character
of, iii. 21. 23 ; her views on the king,
23 ; account of, 44 ; description of,
127.
Betskoy, i. 403 ; demands his dismissal
from the empress, 429 ; his demand
for dismissal refused, 429.
Bill for repealing American acts passed,
i. 179 ; for the suppression of se
ditious meetings, debate on, iii. 255 ;
for the suppression of -seditious meet
ings, divisions on, 257 ; for the sui?-
presslon of seditious meetings inju
diciously supported, 257; for making
clergymen ineligible for the House of
Commons, iv. 9.
Bishopswerder re-stored to favour. Hi.
45 ; influence of departing, 49 ; mys
terious letters of, 212; Madame, vain
woman, 22 ; Mariana, marriage of,
with a Pole, 49.
Black foxes, i. 267.
Blyswick speaker to the states of Hol
land, ii. 77 ; dismissal of, 404.
Bodies of king and queen, where flung
in Paris, iii. 304.
Boers, Mons., declares his Intention of
resigning, Ii. 270.
Bolton, lord, death of, iv. 389.
Bonnier d'Alco, account of, iii. 548,
551 ; description of, 555.
Boothby, Sir Brook, clever and pleasant,
ill. 166.
Borcke, M., succeeds Baron Kniphau-
sen in Saxony, i. 121.
Bordeaux, descriplion of, I. 34.
Bourbon interest gains ground in
Russia, I. 259.
Brandenbourg, memoirs of criticised,
i. 2.

422

INDEX.

Braniskl, prince, minister to king of
Poland, i- 30 ; character of, 30.
Bread and forage to be supplied to the
Dutch, iii. 81.
Bribery of the French, i. 456 ; necessity
for, 457 ; extent of in court of Russia,
431.
Bridges broken at Utrecht, ii. 230 ; of
ice, iii. 230.
Bridgewater, duke, supposed death of,
iv. 234 ; funeral of, postponed, 225.
Brille, the, well fortified, ii. 360; put
in a state of defence, 361.
British Empire in the East, contemplated
destruction of, by Buonaparte, iv. 200;
merchants at Rotterdam, ii. 274.
Brunswick, duke of, expected at Nime-
guen, ii. 346 ; interview of, with
Princess of Orange, 353 ; liberator of
Holland, 381 ; removes his head
quarters, 383 ; about to proceed in
cognito to the Hague, 385 ; recon
noitres the avenues to Amsterdam,
387 ; his plan of attack on Amster
dam, 289, seq. ,- advances towards
Amsterdam, 392 ; attacks the prin
cipal port of Amsterdam, 392 ; his
preparations for bombarding Amster
dam, 396 ; takes posseesion of Amster
dam, 396 ; success of, 396 ; protests
against King of Prussia's proposal,
398 ; at Landau, 12; obsequious, iii.
74 ; explanation of his refusal to take
the command of his army, 156; in
fluenced by Feronee, 158 ; wanted de
cision of character, 161 ; his Idea of
his daughter's character, 164; alarmed
at the state of affairs in Berlin, 172 ;
proposal of, 172; emotion of, 188;
affected at taking leave of his daugh
ter, 190; gallantries of, 197, seq. ; let
ter of, 201 ; puerile alarms of, 204 ;
timid and wavering, 243 ; wishes the
Dutch to he included in the nep^otia~
tion, 251 ; betrayal of, iv. 357 ; death
of, Iv. 353.
Brooks, conduct of, iii- 436 ; death of,
558 ; will of, 590
Brown Bread Bill, repeal of, Iv. 1 6.
Budget, speech of Addington on, iv. 270.
Buen Retire, mention of, i. 41 ; plea
santer than the new palace, 44.
Building of ships, ordered to be stopped,
i. 419-
Bull feasts at Madrid, i. 42 ; at Aran
juez, I. 48.
Bullion from Spain, iv. 257.
Buonaparte, Napoleon, rumours concern
ing his birth, iii. 304 ; successes of,
517 ; resists the Directory, 537, 538 ;

impertinent manners of, iv. 71 ; his
address to the legislative body, 175 ;
intemperate character of, 189 ; ru
moured intention of, to annex Hol
land to France, 190; disliked, 190;
his views concerning the Morea, 192;
vindictive temper of, 203 ; objects of,
206 ; demands of, 213 ; intemperate
manners and language of, 216, seg. ,-
exaggerated rumours of his victories,
iii. 337; successes of, 517; uncer
tain character of, iv. 226 ; his inten
tion to carry invasion into the heart of
England, 226 ; brothers of, averse to
warlike proceedings, 232 ; violence of,
235 ; designs of, 236 ; manifesto of,
236, seg; his ridiculous behaviour to
Lord Whitworth, 238 ; would listen
to no proposals for a compromise in
the affair of Malta, 239; his readi
ness to give assurances with respect
to Egypt, 240; his desire to invade
England, 241 ; his hostile views
towards England, 242 ; in reality
dreaded a war, 253 ; accident to, while
driving In his carriage, 257 ; coarse and
vulgar in his njanners and language,
257 ; extreme loudness in talking,
¦ 258 ; quarrels with his own position,
258 ; issues an order to arrest all Bri
tish subjects found in France, 259 ;
savage answer of, 270; sets on foot
extensive preparations for the purpose
of invadingEngland, 284 ; his inabi
lity to carry his project upon England
into execution, ii. 298 ; his election
to the imperial dignity, 310; title of,
311 ; progress of, 354; progress in
Portugal, 402 ; attempts at usurpation,
406, 407 ; withdraws his array from
Spain, 411.
Buonaparte, Joseph, his dread of war,
245 ; rumour of his being in London,
255.
Buonaparte, Lucien, anecdote of,iv. 257.
Burghers, armed companies of, before
the Stadt house, ii. 292; ripe for re
volt, 295.
Burke, magnificent speech of, ii. 453 ;
his opinion on Fox's conduct, 466 ; an
advocate for coalition, 466 ; thought
Fox lost to the country, 481 ; speech
of, 481 ; simile of, 481 ; hon mot of,
ill ; 323, n ; death of, 398.
Bushe, candour of, iii. 202.
Business suspended at St. Petersburgh,
i. 483.
Bute, lord, .strongly opposed to Lord
Loughborough's taking the seal, ii.
501 ; his conference with the King, 465.

INDEX.

423

Byllier refuses to sign the convention,
ii. 292 ; obstinacy of, 292 ; would not
unite with the aristocracy, 293.
Byng, major, cousin to Lord Torrington
ii. 96.

Cabinet, minutes of, ii. 303, seq. ; reso
lutions of, iii. 416; state of, iv. 380.
Cadiz, letters from, i. 279.
Calder, Sir B., his blockade of Brent,
Iv. 45.
Calonne, Mons., leading man among the
French at Coblentz, ii. 442 ;. satisfied
with England, 447 ; in exile, iii. 215;
French revolution attributed to him,
385; wishes to be struck oflT the list of
emigrants, iv. 198; papers of, 199;
papers of, how concealed, 1 99 ; death
of, 199.
Campaign, close of, iii. 254.
Canning, account, iii. 291 ; witticism of,
439 ; sends over to France for the dead
body of Brooks, 576 ; wishes to resign,
592 ; his interview with Lord Malmes
bury, iv. 75, sqg, ; sentiments of, 80,
sqq. ; eloquent speech of, 144; cha
racter of, 169 ; his interview with
Lord Malmesbury, 34, 36, seq; his
defence of the government, 125 ;
wishes to behold Fox return to office,
323 ; conduct and principles of, 367.
Cant phrase, " majesty of the people,"
how originated, II. 219.
Carlisle desires Loughborough to accept
the seals, ii. 488.
Carlowe, his departure from Brunswick,
iii. 1 90 ; his friendship for Malmesbury,
212; account of his arrival at Graves-
end, 217.
Carlton House, the scene of dancing
and gaiety during the king's illness,
iv. 14.
Carmarthen, lord, letter of to Sir James
Harris, ii. 74 ; disapproves of the
idea of separating Zealand from the
union, 180; illness of, 251 ; gradual
recovery of, 253 ; tenders his re
signation, 257 ; his opinion of the
French, 261 ; recommends Sir James
Harris to insist on lenity towards the
patriots, 404, ¦«-
Carnival, i, 43.
Caroline, princess, of Brunswick, gay and
cheerful in her temper, iii. 15 ; de
scription of, 1 53 ; her present of a dia
mond watch to Lord Malmesbury,
162; anxious to set out for England,

163, 232, 248; behaviour of, 165;
improves on intimate acquaintance,
166; evidences of the necessity for
her leading a retired life, 169 ; told
Malmesbury that she hoped he would
be her lord chamberlain, 1 75 ; anxious
to please, 177; inclined to talk too
much, 180; plagued to carry over
people from Brunswick to fill offices
about her in England, 181 ; takes the
advice which Lord Malmesbury gave
her well, 182, 283; facility of her
character, 182; conversation of with
Malmesbury, 183 ; preparations of
for quitting Brunswick, 187; both
wrote and spelt ill, 187 ; traits of her
character, 189; disposed to be muni
ficent, 191 ; anecdote of, 191 ; not fond
of money, 192; too easy, 193; compel
led to retrace her steps, 195; character
of, 196 ; her present to Mrs. Fonk,
197; indelicacy of, 201 ; Malmes
bury's advice to her, how received,
203 ; her arrival at Hanover, 204 ;
childish, 206 ; toilette of, 207, 208 ;
nonsensical confidence of, to Malmes
bury concerning the Prince of Orange,
208 ; her disrespect to her mother,
210 ; not clean, 211; pleasant manners
and cheerfulness of, 215 ; necessity of
smuggling her over to England, 242 ;
preparations for her reception in Eng
land, 248. ; reception of, by the prince,
218; flippant behaviour of, 219; mar
riage of, 220. See Princess of Wales.
Carousal at Aranjuez, i. 47.
Casa del Campo, i, 45.
Cassy, Mons, de, cruel behaviour towards
him, iii. 327.
Catherine, empress of Russia, useful to
Prussia, i. 99 ; resolved to abide firmly
by the original partition treaty, 114;
precarious situation of, 1 20 ; her ap
proval of the grand duke's marriage,
146; character of, 161, 204; Indis
position of, 162 ; Influenced by Count
Panin, 164; her independence, 171 ;
her hands not tied, 171 ; supineness of
her minister, 176; vanity of, 181,207;
wanting in good will and kind feeling
to England, 186; change in her dis
position towards England, 187; soli
cited to interfere in the affairs of
Austria, 190; her courtiers, insigni
ficancy of, 191 ; declines to enter
into treaty with England, 193; her
treatment of Zoritz, 201 ; character
of, 204 ; her operations in Poland,
205 ; Indisposition of, 217 ; her

424

INDEX.

wrath at Mr. Harris's jest, 219;
withdraws her confidence from Count
Orlow, 223 ; weakness of, 224 ; health
of, 225 ; private life of, 225 ; jeux
d'esprit of, 226 ; gracious behaviour
of, to Mr. Harris, 229 ; well ac
quainted with the English consti
tution, 231 ; government of, 223 ;
ruled by one of her ministers, Potem
kin, 234 ; political sentiments of, 236 ;
opinion of the genius of the ancient
Greeks, 238 ; wishes to form an
Eastern empire, 238 ; her professed
attachment to England, 241 ; the
friend of England, 242 ; friendly dis
position of, towards England, 245 ;
her reply to Harris, 280; her senti
ments towards England, 282 ; her
conduct towards the poor in her king
dom, 283; distinguishes Sir James
Harris, 284 ; disgusted with her
minister Count Panin, 289 ; wishes
England to be reconciled with Ame
rica, 289 ; her partiality for England,
290; illness of, 297 ; her admiration
of the talents of Mr. Fox, 325 ; her
behaviour to the Crown Prince of
Prussia, 332, sqq. ; her behaviour to
Austria, 333 ; presents of, 335 ; her
treatment of Harris, 335 ; how to
deal with her, 362 ; proposals to her
from England, 374, seq. ; accepts the
proposal for an accommodation, 377 ;
illness of, 379 ; her reply to the Dutch
ambassador, 385 ; her reply to the
king of England, 396 ; her suspicions
of England, 400; heranswerto Harris,
401 ; dissatisfaction of, 410, 414 ;
irresolution and indecision of, 424 ;
change in her character, 429 ; attached
to the Eraiieror of Austria, 433 ;
wishes to effect peace between Great
Britain and Holland, 433 ; her offers
of intervention declined by England,
434 ; her ill humour, 434 ; pusilla
nimity of, 437 ; effects of age on,
438; sarcastic remarks of, 440; be
trays the secret of the session of Mi
norca, 459 ; gives her consent to the
Grand Duke's demand for permission
to travel, 463 ; cordial behaviour of, to
wards her son and daughter-in-law,
464 ; resolves to remove Count Panin,
470 ; distinguishes the French and
Prussian ministers, 474 ; her anxiety
to procure news from England, 496 ;
conduct of, prejudicial to England, 447;
her contempt of Panin, 454 ; bent on
a general peace, 500; her just notion
of the American quarrel, 501 ; dis

posed to place confidence in the new
ministry, 501 ; personal dislike of the
late administration, 503 ; loved to he
consulted, 502 ; weak points in her
character, 502 ; well disposed towards
England, 518 ; her dislike of the
Dutch ambassador, 519; desires a
Turkish war, 538 ; wishes to establish
an Eastern empire, 538; not sincere
in her desire of peace, ii. 5 ; extensive
views of, 7 ; her mode of raising mo
ney, 1 1 ; conduct of to Prince Orlow,
1 1 ; wishes to bring about a Turkish
war, 13; account of her meeting with
Grand Duke and Duchess, 1 5 ; ex
tended views of, 16; inclined to con
tract her views, 19 ; prejudices of
against the Grand Duke and Duchess,
19 ; draining of her treasury, iii. 37;
lays aside her projects concerning the
Ottoman Empire, ii. 42 ; renounces
the allia.nce with Prussia, 43 ; desires
to form a triple alliance between Eng
land, Russia, and Vienna, 44 ; thought
herself equal to any undertaking
against the Turks, 47 ; grateful to
England, 56 ; her donations to her
favourites, 57, 58 ; sunk in the esti
mation of Sir James Harris, 102 ;
disapproves of Anglo- Prussian inter
ference In Holland, 412; had views
upon Corsica, 444 ; good disposition
of, iii. 28 ; death of, 348.
Catholic emancipation, conduct of per
sons with respect to, iv. 15 ; measure
concerning, 20; mention of, 357, n.
Cavendish, lord, resolution of carried,
ii. 35.
Chancellor of Lithuania, i. 31 ; his manly
reply to the Empress of Russia, 31.
Change wrought by the diet, i. 22 ; of
the diplomatic body at Russian court,
200 ; of administration in England,
493.
Changes, rumoured, iv. 244.
Character of Canning, iv. 189 ; of Caro
line, iii. 196; of Catherine, i. 161,
204 ; of Charles the Third, 51. seq. ;
of Prince Braniski, 30 ; of Prince
Repnin, 19 ; of Charles the Third, 51.
Charleroi, relieved, iii. 100.
Charles the Third, current opinion of
him false, I. 50 ; blind submission of,
to the will of Providence, 51 ; fiery,
51 ; slothful, 51 ; bad temper of, 51 ;
character of, 51 ; a good father, 51.
Charles the Tenth, mention of, ii. 446.
Chateau Trompctte, i. 34.
Chatham, lord, accuses the Government,
i. 78.

INDEX.

425

Chauvelin, ministerial note of, ii. 497.
Cholmondeley, George, visit of, to Lord
Malmesbury, iv. 273. seg.
Choosing presents, iii. 105.
Christine, Archduchess, saying of, iii.
150.
Churches, destruction of, iii. 268, 272;
inscription on, iii. 272.
City of London, great sensation in, iv.
249-
Civllity of Rus.sian ladies, i. 162 ; ex
perienced by Mrs. Harris, i. 173.
Clarendon Lord Chancellor of the
Duchy, il. 59.
Clarke, M., account of, iii. 329.
Climate of Copenhagen, i. 121 ; of Rus
sia, 197.
Clemency of the Empress, I. 471.
Cleves, Gazette of, forbidden to insert
any thing injurious to France, ii. 263.
Close of Salisbury, i. vi. Introd.
Coalition with Pitt desirable, ii. 455.
Coat of Vigonia cloth, i. 542.
Cobenzel, count, i. 260 ; timidity of,
iv. 73.
Coblentz, French at, ii. 442; French
plans at, 442 ; road to, bad, 20 ; eva
cuated by the Austrians, Iii. 148 ; re
sidence at, ii. 438 — 448.
Cochin ceded to the French by the
Dutch, iv. 134.
Cockade universaUy worn in. Paris, iii.
269.
Coffee, present of, from Sir J. Harris to
his father, i. 311.
Coin, debasement of, ii. 11.
Colchen, M., his views of present events,
iii. 543. seg.
Cold intenseness of, iii. 202.
Colonies, reported French treaty with,
i. 179.
Command of the garrison to he restored
to the Prince of Orange, ii. 28.
Commerce of the North molested by
England, i. 221.
Commercial nation, when despicable, ii.
166.
Commissioners of War, power of, cur
tailed, i. 23 ; sent to Poland, 114.
Committee to inquire into the state of
the nation, iv. 51.
Commons, House of, division in, iv.
294.
Conclusion of the negotiation for peace,
iv. 50.
Concord between Prince and Princess
of Orange, ii. 155. seq.
Concordat, possession of, iv. 72.
Conde cl'Aranda, Madrid lighted with
lamps by, i. 41.

Conditions of peace, i. 374; proposed
by France to King of Prussia, iii.
250.
Conduct of the ministers who resigned,
iv. 5.
Conference at Burlington House, ii.
492; at Amiens, protocols of, iv. 261 ;
with Malmesbury, iii, 14; of Malmes
bury with Mullendorf, 48 ; with
Dutch ministers, 98 ; with Count
Haugwiz, 99 ; with French pleni
potentiaries, 401, 405 ; on the subject
of peace at Lisle, 381 ; second, at
Lisle, 382 ; third, at Lisle, 384 ;
fourth, at Lisle, 385 ; fifth, at Lisle,
391; sixth, at Lisle, 425; thirteenth,
at Lisle, 487.
Confusion in the empire of Russia, i.
187.
Congress, expected termination of, i. 86.
Conspiracy, rumoured, at Vienna, iii.
124; in favour of Royalism, 534.
Conspiration royale, the words of alarm
in Paris, iii. 530.
Constantingorod, i. 236.
Constitution of IloUand, ii. 336.
Consumption of salt, I. 122.
Continent in awe of France, Iv. Sll.
Conventialists, account of, ill. 287 ; at
tached to the Directory, 536 ; prin
ciples of, 536.
Convention suggested by Panin, i. 3 H ;
progress of, 316; signed, 318; busi
ness of, nearly concluded, 391 ; com
missioners intrusted to sign it, 348 ;
negotiation for peace not broken oft',
iii. 242,
Cook, Mr., went further than his powers
in Holland, ii. 266 ; Captain, in the
Insulaa Aleutenses, i. 26'7.
Copenhagen, injudicious conduct of the
ministers at, I. 95 ; climate of, 121;
Corheron made a list of Harris's visits
to Potemkin, i. 288.
CornwaUis lord, declaration of, iv. 28 ;
letter of, 42.
Corps de nobles had one vote in the
States- General, ii. 228.
Corruption in Russia, i. 370, 371.
Corsica evacuated, ill. 590, n.
Council of Amsterdam, calling of, I!.
290 ; prohibits the Prince and Princess
of Orange from entering Holland,
331 ; of five hundred, iii. 451 ; mem
bers of, arrested, 529 ; concerning
Russia, iv. 265 ; of Ancients, account
of, HI. 544.
Country between Pampeluna and Bla-
drld, i. 37.
Courier from London to St. Peters-

426

INDEX.

burgh, a month on the journey to,
i. 535.
Court, residences o^ i. 40.
Court of Berlin, situation of^ with re
spect to England, ii. 440 ; description
of, iii. 44 ; wishes to negotiate a peace
with the Convention, 50; suspicions
of the court of Vienna, 50 ; false and
foolish conduct of, 185 ; uneasy at
the English negotiations in Vienna, i.
186.
Court of Denmark, conduct of, approved
by Panin, i. 264.
Court of France, unjust step of, i. 184.
Court of Madrid, order of, i. 278.
Court of Prussia, officers of, have no au
thority, i. 132.
Court of Russia, assured of the im
becility of that of Poland, i. 23 ; and
Prusia, want of cordiality between,
107 ; magnificence of, 161 ; luxury
of, 173 ; full of confusion, 189 ; dis
sipation of, 1 98 ; state o^ 202 ; in
trigues of, 22? ; state of uncertainty
at, 230 ; situation of, 232, seq ; ne
gotiations at, 237 ; dispositions of,
258 ; account of, 268 ; instability of,
305; situation of, 343, 344, 345;
lavishness of money at, 405 ; extraor
dinary state of, 426 ; corruption of,
431; fickle character of, 440; con
fusion of, 452 ; intrigues at, 472 ;
springs which moved it, 485; anxi
ety of, concerning Turkish business,
ii. 50 ; sincere in its wishes to form
an alliance with England, 55 ; cordial
feeling of, towards France, iv. 188.
Court of Spain, unreasonable behaviour
of, i. 68.
Court of Vienna, stiff, iii. 20 ; not in
clined to come to the terms proposed,
72.
Courtiers of St. Petersburgh, mimics of
the French, i. 181.
Cracow, bishop of, declared out of his
mind, i. 105.
Crew of a Russian vessel, inhuman
treatment of, i. 279.
Crimea, disturbances of, i. 538 ; trou
bles in, 540 ; Khan of, ii. 1 ; entered
by deposed Khan, I. 10 ; news from,
ii. 17 ; to be annexed to the Russian
empire, 42; annexation of, to the
Russian empire, 53.
Crisis of affairs in Holland drawing
near, II. 256 ; hastening on in Hol
land, 280 ; in the court of Russia,
i. 453.
Criticism of a work on punishment,
i. 1.

Cronstadt, Russian fleet sails from, i.
317.
Crown General, formerly held the reins
with Great Treasurer, i. 12.
Crown Prince, character of, i. 1 62 ;
poverty of, 118 ; desires the assistance
of England, 117, seg; applies for as
sistance to Grand Duchess of Russia,
119; pecuniary distress of, 124; his
proposed visit to Catherine, 293, seg. ;
his visit accepted by Catherine, 293 ;
arrived at St- Petersburgh, 330; de
parture from St. Petersburgh, 337.
Croy, due de, good but helpless man,
iii. 209 ; account of, 209.
Cruizers to be kept off the North Sea,
i. 239.
Cunnyngham, Mr., account of, iii. 408.
Curious incident, i. 267.
Custom-house guard in Holland, iv.
193.
Czarina, private correspondence of, with
King of Prussia, i. 109. See Cathe
rine.
Czartoriski, brothers, i. 26 ; attendants
of, 26 ; magnanimity of, 32.

D.

D'Alberg, baron, coadjutor of Mentz, iii.
141 ; infected with the principles of
the Illumines, 142.
Dalrymple, lord, ostensible minister at
Berlin, ii. 21 2 ; about to invest the
Landgrave with the garter, 213.
Dana, Mr., American agent in Russia,
ii. 36; is refused admittance by the
empress, 38.
Dangerous crisis for Russia, 1. 174.
Danish fleet, plan for surprising it, iv.
391 ; taking of, 404; minister, descrip
tion of, ii. 188.
Dantzic, treaty of, with Queen Anne, i.
100 ; people of, gratefiil to England,
103; taken, iv. S90.
D'Aranda, discontent of, i. 75.
D'Armin succeeded iVl. Borcke at Dres
den, i. 121.
Darmstadt, princess of, 212.
Darnley, motion of, iv. 1 9 ; postpones his
piotion, Iv. 24 ; endeavours to prove
the propriety of his conduct, 37 ; de-
bate on his motion, 49.
Death of Lord Bolton, iv. 389 ; of Kivi-
licki, iii. 52 ; of Pitt, iv. 346 ; of Fre
derick the Great, ii. 220 ; of Lord
Thurlow, iv. 353 ; of the Duke of
Brunswick, 353; of Emperor Paul, 54,
55 ; of Burke, iii. 398 ; of Calonne, iv.

INDEX.

427

199; of Catherine, iii. 348; of Fox,
iv. 3.')3; of Gravina, 355.
Debate, curious subject of, ii. 225 ; on
preliininarles of peace in the House
of Lords, 30.
Deboli, character of, i. 261.
Deceit, the perfection of sound policy,
ii. 406.
Declaration, kept secret, i. 77 ; for ob
serving the armed neutrality, 299 ; of
Mr. Harris at St. Petersburgh, 1 86.
Decree issued by the national conven
tion, ii. 482. ; prohibiting the sale of
English goods, iii. 307.
Dela Coste, Mons., consternation of his
family, ii- 361 ; nominated to the
Deux Points, 366.
Delacroix, French minister for foreign
affairs, iii. 262 ; bad diplomatist, 262, n.;
note of, 372, 373 ; description of, 274 ;
authorised to treat with Malmesbury,
277 ; his opinion of the memorial, 278.
Dela Torre, Spanish minister, infirm, i.
520; ttilkatlve, 520.
Delay, necessity of, ii. 219.
De Lyndende Hemmen, M., the creature
of France, Ii. 137.
Demerary under the direction of Zea
land, ii. 200.
Departure of Crown Prince, i. 337.
Deputies condemned without trial, iii.
535
Description of the diet, i. 21, seg. ; of
Bordeaux, 34.
Des Delits, et des Peines, criticism of a
work so entitled, i. 1.
Designs of Prussia, i. 94.
Despard, colonel, plot of, iv. Ill; sen
tenced to be hanged, iv. 198 ; execu
tion of, iv. 214.
Despatch from Mr. Harris to Lord Wey
mouth, i. 59, seg.
Devonshire House, meeting at, ii. 64.
De Voss, madame, declared mistress of
King of Prussia, Ii- 248.
De Witt, madame, iv. 392.
Diet of Warsaw, influence of the King
of Prussia obtained through, i- 12.
Diet of Warsaw, i. 12, 13; postponed,
1 5 ; reduced to twenty-four members,
15 ; acts of, 23 ; of confederation, 23 ;
meetings of, declared illegal by South
East of Poland, 105; to be hold at
Nlmeguen, Ii. 222.
Diplomacy, dliTerence between old and
new, iv. 416.
Directors seek to affront English am
bassador, iii. 260 ; audacious tone of,
528; election of, 537; new ones eleu-
t-'il, 538 ; new, 546.

Directory, overture to, from Pitt, iii. 259;
rude refusal of, to I'ltt's overtures,
259 ; of whom composed, 259 ; me
morial to, 260, 261 ; deliberations of,
284, 285 ; distress of, 291 ; wishes to
prolong the war, 305 ; cruelty of, 327 ;
wishes to engage in a separate peace
with Austria, 329 ; conduct of, to fo
reign ministers, 347 ; conduct of, 300;
not bent on pursuing the war, 407 ;
unfavourable to peace, 413 ; difference
of opinion in, 441 ; procrastination of,
444 ; shabby conduct of, 468 ; extraor
dinary assertion of, 494 ; conduct of,
537 ; proceedings of, discovered, 535;
violates the constitution, 535 ; forces
of, 537 ; note of, 595 ; vengeance of
directed against the republicans, 535 ;
conduct of 559; arrete of, 580; con
jectures on their conduct, 583.
Dismemberment of Poland, opposed by
the Empress Catherine, i- 106 ; of the
Turkish empire, the object of the al
liance, 482.
Disorders among the Poles, I. 93.
Dissidents, attack ou, i. 13 ; called Gens
d'Eglise non unis, 25 ; on an equal
footing with the Catholics, 24.
Dissolution of the diet, I. 22.
Disturbances in the Crimea, i. 538.
Divorce of Madame de Maltzhan pre
vented, i. 108.
Dominica, cession of, by the French, ii,
32.
Doz, Mary, favourite of King of Prussia,
iii. 44.
Drawing-room, queen's crowded, iv.
52.
Dress, French style of, affected at St.
Petersburgh, i. 181 ; reform of, in
Russia, ii. 8.
Duchess of Brunswick, conversation of,
III. 154, scy. ; frankness of, 155; emo
tion of, 182; entreats Lord Malmes
bury to be her daughter's guide, 165;
ignorance of, 192; wi-slies to leave her
daughter and return to Brunswick,
193 ; liberal against her inclination,
194 ; cannot comprehend how the dis
tress of others could affect the spirits,
195 ; anxious to quit her daughter,
1 97 ; relates how she slept with her
brother when a child, 1 98 ; manners
of, 200 ; ill mannered, 204 ;
Duchess of Brunswick (Dowager), re
ceives Malmesbury kindly, Iii. 152.
Duchess of York, description of, ii, 439.
Ducos, Madame, well bred and gentle,
iii, 554.
Duel, Mr. Elliot's, i. 489.

4P

INDEX.

Duke of Portland refuses the garter,
ii. 471. See Portland.
Duke of York, conduct of, iv, 20 ; deeply
affected at the king's illness, 24 ; in
terview of, with George the Third, 32 ;
desires that Pitt should return to
power, 37; in opposition to the Prince
of Wales, 368 ; infamous attack on,
410.
Dumontel, abbe, a traitor, iii, 559.
Dusseldorf gallery, brought to Osna-
bruck for security, iii. 192.
Dutch tampering with English colonies
in America, i. 304 ; inimical feelings
of the republic, 341 ; admitted to the
league, 349 ; accession of, to the neu
tral league, 371 ; rupture with, 376 ;
powerfully supported by the court of
Russia, 390; ambassador applies to
the court of Russia for assistance,
415; disrespectful language of, 509 ;
persist in their error, 518 ; no gainers
by the war, ii. 34 ; hearts, 98 ;
squadron, capture of. Hi. 296 ; tract
able, 542 ; increase of their navy, iv.
174; troops received half pay from
England, 196; East India Company,
expiration of their charter, 238; opened
the India trade, 238.

East Indies, operations of the French in,
ii. 289 ; military operations com
menced In, 10.
Eastern empire, project of forming one
entertained by Catherine, i. 288.
Ehro, country around, foggy, i. 39.
Eden, lady Elizabeth, arrival of at Bruns
wick, ill. 165.
Edict against poor Jews, i. 106.
Egremont, lord, anxious that the Prince
of Wales should remain passive, iv. 22.
Egypt, unfavourable reports from, iv. 53 ;
evacuated, 194.
Elbe, frozen, iii, 339.
Elburg, evacuation of, by tlie free corps,
ii. 229.
Eldon, lord, anecdote of, iv, 223.
Ellis, George, his account of the Dutch
revolution, ii. 67 ; defends Malmes
bury's conduct, iii. 429, seq. ; his in
terview with Pein at Lisle, during the
negotiations for peace, 434 ; his con
ference with Pein at Lisle, 480, seq. ;
his interview with Pein, 3S4'/ seg. ;
his conference with Pein, 467, seg. ;
his interview with Pein at Lisle, 4'71,

Elliot, Sir Gilbert, connected with the
opposition, i. 523 ; his speech in the
House of Commons, il.492 ; hisfrlend-
ship for Lord Malmesbury, 507.
Embarrassments of the king of Prussia,
i. 19.
Emigres, deplorable situation of, iii. 191.
Emissary of France, i. 266,
Empress of Russia, i. 14.
Engelhart, princess, influence of over
Potemkin, i. 260.
Enghein, Due de, shot at Vincennes, iv.
293 ; murder of, much felt, iv. 312.
England expects no assistance from the
Empress Catherine, i. 102; firmne-ss
of, 69; tameness of, 101 ; armament
prepai'ing in, 1 29 ; situation of, 158;
ambassador of, recalled from Versailles,
180; loss of her reputation, 199;
saves Europe from a general war,
256 ; high in favour at the court of
Russia, 268 ; her object peace, 272 ;
offers to cede Minorca to Catherine,
399; a match for all Europe, 414;
less adroit at bribery than Prussia or
France, 431 ; consents to accept ths
mediation of Russia, 446 ; change of
administration in, 493 ; wishes to
avoid the mediation if she could, 523 ;
lost the confidence of the whole Con
tinent on the dismissal of Mr. Fox
from, office, il. 67 ; its want of attention
to what passes abroad, 112; had a.
party in Holland, 79 ; its party in
Holland wanted a leader, 79 ; by
the peace of Utrecht, gave the Low
Countries to the House of Austria,
95 ; necessity of her moving with ex
treme precaution, 132; increase of its
wealth, 161 ; inconveniency of its
risking a war, 101 ; the act of taking
Zealand under its protection of great
importance to it, 1 97 ; advantages likely
to accrue to it from an exclusive use
of the ports of Zealand, 200 ; views of,
203 ; in its memorial to Holland dis
avows its intention of interfering in
the affairs of the Republic, 208 ; ne
cessity for her delay, 219; not in a
situation to require allies, 219; strange
rumours concerning, 283; its party
in Holland kept together with diffi
culty, 286 ; friends of, in Amsterdam,
288 ; inconvenient delay of, 259 ; in
crease of its friends, 260 ; disgraceful
conduct of, with respect to America,
268 : the only power looked up to by
Holland, 296 ; sent professional, mili
tary and naval men to Holland, 311 ;
its secret convention with Prussia,

INDEX.

429

351 ; ability of, to assist Holland,
405 ; state of her foreign affairs, 435,
seg. ; situation of, 438 ; its influence
departed in Russia, 441 ; feeling there
opposed to a war with Russia, 441 ;
paid an ex-Jesuit to raise a revolt in
America, 44 1, ?i. ; debate on the procla
mation on seditious writings, 4^0 ; di-
\ision of party there, ii. 451 ; new plan
of, iii. 81 ; project of, 384; desires to
terminate the war, 260; capture of a
Dutch squadron by, 296 ; possesses
but one ally, 381, seg. ; proposals of,
I 339 ; displeased with the Portuguese
treaty with France, 489 ; Impressions
produced there by the Portuguese
treaty for peace, 491 ; liberties of, in
danger, iv. 15; her trade with Ham
burgh, 30 ; danger menacing it, 89 ;
proposals to France, 244 ; suspense in,
246 ; relied too confidently on the
promises of Prussia, 247 ; agitation of
the publie mind there, 286 ; con
tinued state of suspense in, 298 ; its
intrigues with the IJourbon royalists,
320 ; spirit of the country, 386.
English cannot flatter, i. 487. ; fleet in
the Mediterranean, ii. 502 ; more nice
than foreigners as to their habits and
tastes, iii. 21 6 ; position, danger of,
244 ; goods prohibited in France, 307 ;
goods, sale of, permitted in Paris, 347 ;
fleet, mutiny of, 372 ; ambassador in
Paris, treatment of, iv. 72 ; goods
prohibited in Holland, 193.
Escurlal, the residence of the court of
Spain, i. 40.
Essequibo under the direction of Zea
land, ii. 200.
Etiquette, i. 408.
Etonians not generally versed in philo
sophy, iii. 591, n.
Europe, critical situation of, i. 1 76 ;
situation of, ii. 102, seqq. ; prevalence
of despotism in, iv. 417.
European courts, torpid state of public
opinion in, iv. 65.
Excise bill, i. 2.
Expected dissolution of the House of
Commons, ii. 64.
Extraordinary declaration, ii. 33 1 ; letter,
i. 389.
Events, outline of, connected with the
Hague, ii. 67, seq. ; in Russia, out
line of, 234.
Evidences of the Empress Catharine's
friend-ship for England, I. 245.

F.

Fac-simile of Potemkiii's autograph, i.
517.
Faction, its measures opposed by Zea
land, ii. 197 ; glaring attempt of, 205 ;
seeks to incite the people, 207 ; de
termined to subdue the party forming
against them, 210 ; in conjunction
with French emissaries, 219; plans of,
230 ; apprehension, mingled with the
violence of, 230; proceedings of, 241 :
intrigues of, 256 ; meetings of, 238 ;
wish to obtain the direction of the
East India Company, 289 ; require
the keys of the city and arsenal to be
delivered up, 292 ; oppressive acts of^
291 ; mad, 339 ; prevailed, 314.
Factious societies, meetings of, in Mary-
lebone Fields, iii. 255.
Fagel, baron, greffier, ii. 77.
Falkland Islands, dispute between Eng
land and Spain concerning, i. 58.
False intelligence, i. 291.
Farquhar, Sir Walter, distinguished phy
sician, iv. 243.
Ferdinand, prince, presented to the king,
iii. 84.
Feronee, minister of state at Brunswick,
iii. 158.
Festivities at Berlin, i. 148, 149.
Fetes at Loo, II. 426, 427.
Fickleness of court of Russia, I. 440.
FInck, insignificant, iii. 45.
Finckensteln, count, mention of, i. 89 ;
signed the report of the treaty, ii. 429.
First instalment of the subsidy, iii. 97.
Fitzharris takes his seat at the treasury,
iv. 328 ; returned for Horsham, 330 ;
receives the government of the Isle of
Wight, 389.
Fitzherbert takes Grenville's place at
Paris, i. 525, n. ; appointed in the room
of Sir James Harris, ii. 12 ; Fox's
opinion of him, 52; conduct of, 452 ;
Mrs. disliked the Duchess of York,
452.
Fitzwilliam, lord, sentiments of, Ii. 464 ;
wishes Pitt to resign the treasury,
465; thought that Sir E. Gilbert
spoke without authority, 495 ; his dis
tress of mind, 479.
Five points of the armed neutrality, i.
291.
Flattery of France prevailing in St.
Petersburgh, i. 188 ; daily bread of
Russian court, ii. 39.
Fleet, Russian, sail of, from Cronstadt,
i. 317 ; of Russia, 491; sail of stopped,

430

INDEX.

514; English in the Mediterranean,
ii. 502 ; mutiny of, iii. 372 ; arrival
of that destined to escort Princess
Caroline to England, 137 ; ready to
sail, iv. 34.
Flour, consumption of, in Paris, iii.
336.
Fonk, odd figure of, iii. 194 ; tells
Malmesbury's and Princess Caroline's
fortunes, 195.
Footing obtained by the French in Rus
sia, i, 240.
Forged letter, sensation caused by, iv.
249.
Forests of fir between Bordeaux and
Bayonne, i. 35.
Fox, Charles, mention of, i. 1 80 ; ap
pointed foreign secretary, 192 ; his
accession to power, xi ; superseded by
Pitt, xii ; resigns, 5 22, re. ; succeeded by
Grantham, 522, n. ; coalesces with
North, ii. 30 ; comes into office, 30 ;
letters of, to Sir James Harris, 39, 40 ;
urges Harris to remain at the court of
St. Petersburgh, 44, seqg. ; his opinion
of Fitzherbert, 52 ; returned for the
borough of Kirkwan, 65; anecdote of,
59 ; presents a petition from the
Unitarians, 453 ; conduct of, -454 ; let
ter of, to Barnave, 454 ; a friend to
the coalition, 459 ; impracticable
temper of, 468 ; measures in which he
was involved, 460 ; desires a new ad
ministration which should exclude
Pitt, 462; doubts Pitt's sincerity, 461;
.speaks with acrimony of Pitt, 462 ; does
not believe Pitt sincere, 462 ; resolved
not to act under Pitt, 468 ; conceives
an alteration in the treasury indispen
sable, 473 ; determined to divide the
House of Commons on every address
of Pitt, 475 ; violent language of,
476 ; conduct of, founded on the worst
principles of the French revolution,
476 ; necessity of separating from him,
476 ; his horror of the decret of the
National Convention, 482 ; rejected by
the Whig party, 484 ; impossibility of
his regaining the confidence of the
people, 487 ; anger of, at Sir Gilbert
Elliot's speech, 492 ; his ascendancy
over the Duke of Portland, 493 ; his
friendship for Sir James Harris, i.
493 ; trick of, ii. 494 ; added an at
tack on ministers to Titchfield's
speech, 495 ; drank to the health of
the majesty of the people, 505 ; de
fends the ministers, iv. 1 25 ; ready to
acknowledge the French revolution, i.
xiii ; offers his services to the Pripce

of Wales, 51 ; against the war with
northern nations, 24 ; conduct of, in
the House of Commons, 42 ; coalition
of, with Carlisle, Lansdowne, and
Fitzwilliam, 51 ; able speech of, 259 ;
official letters of, 40 ; wishes to ex
clude Pitt from office, 133 ; motion of,
to inquire into the state of the nation,
294 ; excluded from the admiralty,
300; cautious and moderate, 321;
death of, 353.
France, mindful of her dignity, i. 1 7 ;
ambassadors of, 17 ; expected assistance
in settling the dispute with Spain, 70 ;
conduct of, 158; emissary of, 266 ;
jealousy of, 274 ; more adroit at brib
ing than England, 431 ; cause of the
continuance of the Dutch quarrel,
517 ; artfiilness of, ii. 412 ; loss of
her popularity amongst the Dutch
people, 370 ; sides with the pension
aries, 217 ; emissaries of, hard at
work, 219; not to be provoked to a
war, 245 ; profuseness of her money
in Holland, 231 ; progress of, 293 ;
emissaries of, in India, 289 ; com
pletion of its views not to be pre
vented, 250; disposed to fulfill the
conditions of the family compact, 437 ;
Hotel de, state of confusion at, 293 ;
influence of, 253 ; continued acts of
violence of, 347 ; declaration of respect
ing the Hague, 1 95 ; natural enemy
of England, 252 ; profuseness of its
money at the Hague, 294 ; insidious
language of, 276 ; support of her
party in Holland, 288 ; imagined she
could have Prussia whenever she
pleased, 259; would not fight for Hol
land, 210 ; persuades the Dutch that
a rupture with England in Asia was
approaching, 189 ; secret understand
ing of, with Prussia, 187 ; in concert
with the Patriots, 1 67 ; immense sums
of money expended by, to maintain
her influence in Holland, 186 ; open
ing of the conferences, 143 ; perfect
understanding of, with Austria, 113 ;
opposed to Russia, 100; ready to act
as mediatrix in the troubles in Hol
land, 321 ; not prepared for war, 1 99 ;
sulky, 385 ; confides more in its cun
ning than in its force, 287 ; its object
the reduction of HoUand, 294 ; con
duct of, in Holland, 241 ; rumours of
insurrection in, 359 ; well cultivated,
iii. 380; not ready to support Holland,
320; proposals of, to England, iv. 252 ;
attempts of Pitt to make peace with
it, 1 ; arrogance of, 74 ; tempts Russia

INDEX.

431

and Austria, 174 ; encroachments of,
156; state of altered, 191; conduct
of, 212; situation of, 215; strong
language held by, 224; suffered much,
258; preparations of, 2S7 ; unpre
pared for war, 257 ; no armaments in,
298 ; three parties In, iii. 287, seqq. ;
state of, 271 ; royalists numerous there,
iv. 265 < proposals to restore the ancient
monarchy, 279 ; excellent cultivation
of, iii. 290; interior government of,
287se55. ; its demands upon England,
385 ; universal cry for peace, 291 ;
accepts the mediation of Austria, iv.
384; at war with Austria, 411 ; critical
situation of, iii. 523 ; determined to
support Holland against the Emperor,
ii. 75 ; representation of, to Russia,
48 ; reduction of its demands, 53 ; its
object to make a democracy of Hol
land, 70.
Franciscan convent at Aranjuez, I. 46.
Frankfort, under military Prussian go
vernment, iii. 147 ; fairs of, 138.
Frederick the Great, musical, i. 3 ; mean,
4 ; character of, 4 ; niggardly, 4 ;
character of, 5 ; his disagreement with
his father, 5 ; clandestine marriage of,
6 ; his hatred towards the King of
England, 6 ; anecdote of, 6 ; coolness
of, 7 ;- appeared in battle, 7 ; brutal,
8; avaricious, 10; his unhappy po
sition, 20; inconsistency of, 81 ; sister
of, 88 ; his claims on Poland, 89 ; his
connection with the Courts of Russia
and Sweden, 90 ; secret proceedings
of, 92 ; bad example of, 98 ; needs the
assbtance of Russia, 99 ; displeasure
of his father, 100; his hatred of Eng
land, 100 ; desires peace between
Russia and Turkey, 100 ; his ill
humour, 101 ; attempts to sow dis
sension between England and Russia,
101 ; his interference in the affair of
Madame de Maltzhan, 108 ; solitary
life of, 109; his indisposition, 110;
encourages agriculture, 110; wilfully
diminishes his treasure, 111; econo
mical, 111 ; deceived. 111 ; disap
proves of the expenses of the Court of
Russia, 112; boundless ambition of,
111; commercial ambition of, 112;
his contempt of France, 112 ; failure
of his schemes, 1 13 ; narrow views of,
110; his claims of territory, 115;
illness of, 115; behaviour of, to his
nephew, 116; uneasiness of, 1 1 6 ; good
politician, 120 ; anecdote of, 122 ;
reasons for his bad temper, 123;
failure of his schemes, 123; super-

stitious, 124 ; considerable presents
made by him, 126 ; decline of his
healtli, 136; expected dissolution of,
137; deserted by those around him,
138 ; slow recovery of, 137 ; complain
ing of, 137 ; his inability to conduct
affairs, 139 ; anecdote of, 138 seq. ;
uneasiness of, 140; attacked by the
gout, 141; his income, 144; conduct
of during his illness, 145 ; incon
sistency of his character, 1 42, n. ; cha
racter of, 142 ; foments dissensions in
Poland, 145 ; endeavours to widen
the breach between Catherine and her
son, 145; effect of his smile, 150;
affable behaviour of, 150; forbids
Grand Duke to assist Prince of
Prussia, 151 ; his liberal presents,
152; his letter to Mr. Harris, 155 ;
causes of his hostility to England,
160; interest of, declining, 277; his
influence lost at St. Petersbugh, 188 ;
makes advances towards England,
188 ; betrayed himself, 285 ; letter of,
to Prince Potemkin, 296 ; uneasiness
of, 314; diminished influence of, in
Russia, 324 ; desires to be admitted
into the northern league, 421 ; his
authority over Panin, 415; received
into the league, 421 ; his letter to
Count Coertz, 521 ; his treatment of
England, ii. 259 ; playing false to
England, 75 ; wishes to make an
aristocracy of Holland, 78 ; offers
assistance to Holland, 75 ; raises the
German confederation, 95 ; disposi
tion of, 116 ; object of, 117 ; declines
taking an active part In the affairs of
Holland, 139 ; false and hollow, 142 ;
deception of, 1 50 ; affects to be de
sirous of the friendship of England,
151 ; ready to sign the triple alliance,
152 ; imagines that England should
take no part in the affairs of Holland,
212; declares his disapprobation of
the memorial presented by Sir James
Harris, 218 ; approaching end of,
218,- death of, 220. See King of
Prussia.
Free corps an illegal association, ii. 222;
fled from Hattem, 229 ; intended at
tack of, 229 ; evacuated Elburg, 229 ;
assembly of, at Utrecht, 231 ; dis
armed, 331 ; arrives at the Hague,
332 ; immense preparation of, 384 ;
attack of, 345 ; march of, towards the
Hague, 354 ; advance of, towards the
Hague, 356 ; reach Delft, 357 ; take
possession of Delft, 357 ; take posses
sion of' Hounsluerdyk, 364; take

432

INDEX.

possession of the coast from Hardlln-
guen to Worcum, 366 ; conduct of,
371 ; overbearing conduct of, 375 ;
standard of, destroyed, 376 ; disarm
ing of, 397.
Free navigation to be given to the ma
ritime powers, i. 486.
Friesland, contest in, ii. 237 ; conver
sion of, 241 ; unpleasant account
from, 366.
Frost prevented English ships from en
tering Helvoetsluys, iii. 191 ; intense
ness of, 230.
French, advances of at St. Petersburgh,
i. 140; treaty with the colonies, re
port of, 179 ; footing obtained by,
240; contradictory language of its
ambassador, ii. 336 ; a faithless nation,
i- 387 ; defeated at Jersey, 388 ; and
Spaniards bribe in common, 431 ;
bribery of the, 458 ; in secret intel
ligence with the Turks, 505 ; pro
fligacy of, ii. 35 ; ambassador not well
received at Amsterdam, 1 74 ; violent
proceedings of, at Amsterdam, 1 77 ;
party in Holland occupied with the
support of the free corps, 200 ; emis
saries closetted with the Rhingrave of
Salm, 211 ; party discomposed in the
Hague, 200 ; indefatigable in the
provinces, 23 1 ; plans of, at Coblentz,
242 ; party in Berlin, ability of, 243 ;
faction, triumph of, in Holland, 246 ;
tampering of in England, 231 ; mo
narchy beyond the reach of court
follies, 248, 249; intrigues in Hol
land, 25 1 ; immense progress of, 266 ;
ambassador, note of, 279 ; operations
in the East Indies, 289 ; manner of,
297 ; faction endeavouring to raise
dissentions in Amsterdam, 404 ; fac
tion, conduct of, at Amsterdam, 404 ;
cabals at Berlin, attempts of, 427;
princes, memorial of, to the court of
Vienna, 446 ; pay of, 445 ; revolu
tion, commencement of, 437 ; princes,
expenses of at Coblentz, 446 ; draw
their advanced post nearer Valen
ciennes, 447 ; fleet in the Mediter
ranean, 502 ; army, victories of, iii- 9 ;
repulsed at Morent, 9, «- ; stultified
the treaty with the King of Prussia,
93: driven across the Sambre, 100;
opinions, progress of in Germany,
148; repulsed near the Waal, 180;
in want of provisions, 186 ; drive the
Dutch from the Bommelwaert, 190;
driven back by General Dundas, 1 90 ;
at Arnheim, 200; reach the Hague,
289 ; nation, state of, 320 ; plenipo

tentiaries, extravagant demands of,
409 ; government, conduct of, 4,50 ;
ministry, change in, 417 ; army, un
constitutional march of, 463 ; govern
ment, convulsion of, iii. 539 ; legation,
recall of from Lisle, 548 ; emissaries
leave the Hague, ii. 430 ; legation,
good conduct of, iii. 55 1 ; legation, con
cern of on parting from Lord Malmes
bury, 556 ; legation, recall of, 550 ;
plenipotentiaries order Malmesbury
home, 559 ; dissatisfaction of, at the
change, '559 ; legation, new, absurd
conduct of, 560 ; government deter
mined to continue the war, 578 ;
plenipotentiaries, note to, 585 ; pleni
potentiaries, answer of, to the note,
587 ; plenipotentiaries, reply to, 589 ;
nation, character of, iv. 71 ; armies not
disposed to be obedient, 52 ; ratifica
tion of peace, how executed, 72 ;
coast, preparations making there, 225 ;
arms intermixed with those of Ire
land, 257 ; manifesto, brought over in
a sack, 256 ; horror of, in Holland,
257.

G.
Galitzin Prince, identified with French
interests, i. 312; conduct of, 295;
asked for his dismission, ii. 448.
Gallantry of Russian ambassador, i. 18.
Garrison, review of, i. 134; removal of,
prevented, ii. 315; whole of, drunk,
381 ; joy of, 378.
Gauze brought to Russia from France,
ii. 9.
Gelderland, states of, about to meet, ii.
221 ; regiments of Holland ordered
out of, 222 ; excitement among the
people, 222 ; determined character of
the province, 330; continues firm,
241 ; nobility of, styled domestics,
247.
Gemm Dr., an atheist, iii. 304; im
prisoned, 304 ; conduct of, in prison,
304 ; would take no fees, 321 .
Generals of the army, their jealousy of
Napoleon, iv. 190.
George the Third, his opinion of the
king of Prussia, iii. 7 ; affectionate
letter of, 18; his instructions to
Malmesbury, 7 ; improves in health,
iv. 10; first symptoms of his serious
illness, 12 ; continued Indisposition of,
13; danger, 14; delirium of, 15 ; con
tinued illness of, 16; indisposition of,
10 ; mental derangement of, 17 ;

INDEX.

433

wishes Malmesbury to take the seals
of the Foreign Office, 22 ; dissatisfied
with Pitt, 22 ; behaviour of, to Lord
Blalmesbury, 24 ; his life despaired of,
25 ; continued illness of, 25 ; impair
ed in health, 30; recovery of, 31;
money of, in the Bank, 31 ; deems
Pitt the cause of his illness, 32 ; in
terview of, with the Duchess of York,
32 ; account of his illness, 27 ; ner
vousness of, 48 ; entire recovery of,
42 ; illness of, 44 ; his opinion con
cerning Catholic emancipation, 44 ;
his opinion upon the peace, 60 ; em
barrassment of, 70 ; religious'scruples
of, 140 ; dangerous state of his health,
288 ; his letter to Catherine I., 264 ;
attacked by the gout, 285 ; serious
illness of, 288 ; behaviour of, 296,
297 ; his confidence in Pitt, 297 ;
anecdote of, 311 ; altered temper of,
318; incoherent behaviour of, 318;
behaviour of, to his family, 318.
Germanic league, principles of, reunion
between England and Prussia, ii.
117.
Germany, equal in men and money to
France, iii. 141 ; pacification of, i.
225 ; progress of French opinions
there, iii. 147.
Gibraltar defended by General Elliot, i.
542,
Gilbert, Sir E., explanatory speech of,
ii- 495.
Gilford lady, an amiable woman, iii.
252.
Goertz, count, appointed in the room of
Cobenzel at Berlin, i. 281 ; his con
ference with Panin, 193 ; endeavours
to exasperate Catherine against Aus
tria, i. 294 ; his illiberal attacks upon
Sir James Harris, 444 ; his interview
with Sir James Harris, 510; cordial
behaviour of, 518 ; attention to Po
temkin, ii. 20 ; his conference with
Potemkin, 21 ; his dissimulation with
Harris, 24 ; affects to have no secret
connection with France, 49 ; ordered
to make a complaint against Simo-
lin, 81 ; his interview with Sir James
Harris, 233 ; account of his interview
with Verac, 234 ; irritated at the lan
guage of France, 288 ; censured by
his court, 246 ; his mission defeated,
243 ; his interview with the pension
aries, 249.
Good example of Grand Duke and
Duchess, 175.
Gorcum evacuated, ii. 318,
Gordon riots, i. 315 i account of, 323.
VOL. IV.

Gotha, description of. Hi. 26.
Government, Imbecility ofi iv. 138;
censure on, ii. 30.
Grand Duchess, character of, i. 235;
her sister affianced to the Prince of
Prussia, 417 ; emotion of, on quitting
Czarsco, 454 ; maternal affection of,
466 ; emotion of, 469 ; description of,
151; admired French style of dress,
li. 9 ; return of, to Russia, 9 ; conduct
of, 18.
Grand Duke of Russia, preparation for
his reception, i. 147 ; arrival of, at
Berlin, 148 ; his conduct at Berlin,
1 52 ; his coolness to the Austrian minis
ters, 151 ; his two wives, 212 ; char
acter of, 212; account of, 211 ; mo
tives of his visit to Austria, 460, 461 ;
requests Catherine's permission to
travel, 463 ; his affection for his chil
dren, 465 ; quits Czarsco Zelo, 453 ;
timid, 457; refuses to set out on his
journey, 467 ; conduct of, ii. 18 ; re
turn of, 15.
Grandee's wife, anecdote of, ii. 6.
Grantham, lord, his high opinion of Pitt,
Ii. 35 ; his friendship for Harris, i.
541 ; tormented to eat lobsters, 541 ;
drew landscapes with an allumette,
451.
Gravina, death of, iv. 355.
Greeks, genius of, I. 238.
Greffier, office of, lasted for life, ii. 77.
Greig, representations of, concerning the
declaration, i. 306.
Grenville, Mr., his abrupt departure
from Paris, i. 537 ; opinions of, ii.
472.
Grenville, lord, his instructions to
Malmesbury, iii. 1, 2, seqq. ; his pro
posal to the King of Prussia, 83 ;
schemes of, 51 ; for prosecuting a war
with France, 96 ; dissatisfied with
Lord Malmesbury's admissions to the
plenipotentiaries, 429 ; opposed to the
negotiations for peace, 516 ; cold and
haughty, 516 ; against the peace, iv.
90; considerate intention of, 110;
occupied In planning schemes to over
throw the administration, 285 ; noble
note of, 322.
Grey, Mr., his attack on Mr. Pitt, iv.
451 ; factious motion of, iv. 254.
Grimaldi, marquis of, i. 55 ; sketch of
his life, 55 ; character of, 55.
Grimaldi, Monsieur, pitiful temper of,
I. 71, 77 ; desires an amicable set
tlement of differences, 64 ; his re
fusal to accredit Mr. Harris, 74 ;
reflections cast upon him, 77.
2 F

434

INDEX.

Grimaldi, Marquis Jeronymo, 56 ;
character of, 56, 57.
Groumerigan, law of, ii. 237.
Gyslaer, character of, ii. 88 ; account
of, 88 ; wished to disunite the Prince
and Princess of Orange, 158 ; losing
ground, 161; in Gelderland, 210;
inflammatory speech of, 228; de
spatched to Gorcum and Dordt, 280.

H.
Hague, residence at, ii. 66 — 433 ; in
surrection at, 191; insurrection at,
headed by a hairdresser, 191 ; in the
state of a besieged town, 192; wealthy,
1 92 ; people in, ripe for insurrection,
206 ; defiance of orders by the people
there, 206 ; critical position of af
fairs, 226 ; sensation created by the
note of the French Ambassador, 279 ;
advance of the Prussian army, 364 ;
full of horse and foot patrol, 327 ;
surrounded by the detachment of the
Free Corps, 356 ; full of people de
termined to defend it, 358, 359 ; se
rious position of affairs, 359 ; alarm
at, 364 ; placed in a state of defence,
375 ; panic at, 376 ; populace of,
disarm the Free Corps, 376 ; inde
scribable situation of,^ 381 ; arrival of
the Duke of Brunswick at, 402 ; il
lumination at, 403 ; alarmed at the
English not ceding Negapatam, 415;
satisfaction at on Sir James Harris
being appointed ambassador there,
419 ; unsuccessfulness of French in-
trigue, 430; dispersion of French
armies, 480 ; complaints of, at being
without an English ambassador, Iii. 1 3.
Hair, length of, regulated by law in
Russia, ii. 8.
Hairdresser leader of the insurrection at
the Hague, ii. 191 ; condemned to
death, 193.
Hakes soi-disant English spies in F'rance,
ii. 282.
Hamilton, lady, account of, iv. 214.
Hanover, alarm at. Hi. 250 ; uneasiness
at, 253 ; taken by the French, iv.
270.
Harcourt, Mrs., servile courtier, iii. 216;
attendant on the Princess Caroline,
211; outrageous with Pitt, iv. 41 ;
uneasy about the king, 310.
Hardenburgh wishes to persuade
Malmesbury that the King of Prussia
was anxious to unite with England,
iii. 137.

Hardwicke accepts Ireland, iy. 16.
Harris, Mr. James, his opinion of a
work on Crimes and Punishments, i.
1 ; detect errors in the Memoires de
Brandenbourg, i. 2; his opinion of
the King of Prussia, 8 ; praised by the
King of Poland, 27 ; remains as charge
d'affaires at Madrid when Sir James
Gray quits it, in 1769, 58 ; sagacity
of, 58; his despatch to Lord Wey
mouth, 159 ; private letter of, to Lord
Weymouth, 63 ; his visit to Monsieur
Grlpnaldi, 64; his conversations with
Monsieur Grimaldi, 60; his argu
ments with Monsieur Grimaldi, 64 ;
recalled from Madrid, 70 ; made
Minister Plenipotentiary, 71 ; re
ceives orders to quit Madrid, 71 ;
approval of his conduct by govern
ment, 77 ; appointed Minister at Ber
lin, 79; approved by the king, 82; de
scription of himself, i. 95 ; offered
the post of minister at Copenhagen,
96 ; declines the offer of being min
ister at Copenhagen, 96 ; his am
bition, 97 ; his mode of life at
Berlin, 9^ ; sends a messenger to
Dantzic, 102 ; precaution of, 103 ;
his opinion on the state of affairs, 1 10 ;
his interview with the Crown Prince's
confidential friend, 1 17 ; desires to
raise a political storm, 1 37 ; his
opinions on the King of Prussia's
conduct through life, 142; returns
home, 154 ; appointed to the court of
Catherine, 1 54 ; behaviour of magis
trates at Dantzic, 156 ; his confer
ence with Panin, 163 ; his interview
with Panin, 166; accident to, 172;
interview with Prince Orlow, 192 ;
his interview with Panin, 1 94, 1 95 ;
unsuccessful negotiations of, 197 ; his
conference with Panin, 216; the Order
of the Bath conferred upon him, 218 ;
knighted by the empress, 218 ; jest of,
219; his interview with Panin, 221.
— See Sir James Harris.
Harris, Miss, the bearer of despatches
to England.
Harris, Sir James, noticed by the em
press, i. 231 ; his mission to Russia
disagreeable, 237 ; his father an ex
cellent scholar, 238 ; works of his
father, i. iv ; literary talents of his
father, I. vii ; his conversations with the
Empress Catherine, 241 ; courts the
friendship of Prince Potemkin, 243 ;
distinguished by Catherine, 244 ; his
interview with Prince Potemkin, 246,
seqq. ; demands a private interview

INDEX.

435

with the Empress Catherine, 247 ;
bis proposals to Potemkin, 248 ; his
conversations with Prince Potemkin,
254 ; his interview with Potemkin,
258 ; his conference with Potemkin,
256 ; his letter to Panin, 269 ; his
visit to Potemkin, 274, 275 ; his in-
terview with Potemkin, 371 ; at
tacked by the jaundice, 274 ; his In
terview with Potemkin, 276 ; speaks
freely to Potemkin, 227, his inter
view with Panin, 286 ; deemed hos
tile to France, 288 ; difficulties of,
291 ; his conduct approved by the
king, 292 ; personal atacks on, 300 ;
his interview with Panin on the sub
ject of the armed neutrality, 30l,segg.;
his interview with Potemkin's con
fidant, 307 ; requests to be recalled,
318 ; his interview with Potemkin,
320, seqq. ; personal attacks on, 325 ;
pays a visit to Finland, 326 ; accused
of aiding to burn the Russian fleet,
328 ; difficulties of his position, 339 ;
his interview with Prince Potemkin,
350 ; his interview with the Empress
Catherine, S51 ; his conversation with
Catherine, 351. seqq. ,- his interview
with Prince Potemkin, 363 ; his con
versation with Prince Potemkin, 36?.
^egg. ; his advice to the home govern
ment, 368 ; his Interview with Prince
Potemkin, 378 ; death of his father, after
which he remarked, that the principal
motive for his ambition was gone, 378.
segq. ,- personal ambition of, 404 ; his
conversation with Prince Potemkin,
435. seqg. ; explains the necessity of
bribery, 457 ; his letter to the King
of Poland, 443 ; conceives that Cathe
rine's offer of a mediation should be
accepted, 441 ; otfers to defray the
expense of bribery out of his own for
tune, 457 ; locked up his secretary,
458 ; reduced fortune of, 458 ; his
conversation with Potemkin, 477 ;
isolated in the court of Russia, 482 ;
his unpleasant situation, 488 ; de-
«ires to be recalled, 526 ; accusation
against him, 537 ; disapproves of Mr.
Grenville's abrupt departure from
Paris, 537 ; his friendship for Fox,
493 ; his interview with Besberod
ko, 380; his interview with Goertz,
510 ; his interview with Potemkin,
515; his reflections upon Lord North's
ministry, 537 ; his brief outline of
affairs since his arrival at St. Peters
burgh, 528. seqq. ; his attachment to
Lord Grantham, 541 ; recommends

to set aside the mediation, 536 ; bad
health of, ii. 5, 7 — 8 ; continued bad
health of, 9 ;^ his suspicions of the
King of Prussia, 7 ; his dissimulation
with Goertz, 24, 25 ; conceives that
England should keep aloof, 26; re
presented to the empress that Ame
rica had no right to send any agent
to Russia, 37 ; claims the interven
tion of Prussia as mediator, 39; 111
health of, 41 ; professes his willing
ness to accept a post at the Hague,
48 ; leave of absence granted to him,
45 ; receives the paper of his recal,
53 ; takes leave of Catherine, 56 ;
supports the Duke of Portland and
Fox, 59; returned for Christchurch,
64 ; votes with the opposition, 64 ;
appointed to the Hague, 66 ; termed
subtle and audacious by the French
writers, 67 ; his account of his nomi
nation to Holland, 68. segg, ; his in
terview with Baron Fagel the gref
fier, 77 ; his interview with Blyswick
the pensionary, 77 ; his interview
with the Prince of Orange, 78 ; pre-*
cautions of, 86 ; proposes to go to
Amsterdam, 94 ; his views on the
state of affairs, 1 09 ; returns to the
Hague, 1 10 ; went to England, 116;
his conference with the Prince of
Wales, 126. seqq. ; his proposals to Mr,
Pitt, 127 ; not satisfied with Woron
zow, 132; his interview with the
Princess of Orange in the house in
the wood, after his return to the
Hague, 139; encumbered in his ope
rations, 136 ; his interview with the
Princess of Orange, 147 ; his letter
to the Prince of Orange, 159; pre-.
cautions of, 163 ; proceeds to Amster
dam, 175; his efforts to create a party
in Amsterdam, 177 ; seeks to ex
asperate the East India Company
against the patriots, 190; his con
versation with Monsieur Spiegel, 199;
his measures for counteracting the In
fluence of the French in Holland,
202 ; i^ars that the courage of the
party in Amsterdam was flagging,
205 ; his excursion to Amsterdam,
207 ; presents a. memorial to Van
Berkel, 208 ; meets Monsieur Spiegel
by n ight, 217; critical position of, 226 ;
graciously received by the Prince and
Princess of Orange, 221 ; his confer
ence with the Prince of Orange, 222;
his interview with Count Goertz at
the Hague, 233 ; wishes England to
remain quiet, 240 ; wishes to com-
2 F 2

436

INDEX.

mit France and Prussia in a military
quarrel, 240; resolves to act singly,
242 ; his active views meet with no
encouragement from the government,
243; his private interview with the
empress, 251. seqq. ,- prospect of his
becoming a chef de partis. 266 ; sug
gests an association to be formed in
Holland, 273 ; proposals of, in the
Hague, 28 1 ; determination of, 283 ;
Amsterdam asks his advice, 286 ; his
power to raise a popular insurrection,
294 ; his opinions on the fate of Hol
land, 298 ; encourages antipatriotic
meetings in the Hague, 289 ; his
conduct in Holland, 296 ; his opinion
of the Prince of Orange, 301 ; recalled
from the Hague, 300 ; returns to the
Hague, 300 ; chivalry of, 324 ; in
dustry of, 324 ; illness of, 334 ; in
sists on reparation being offered to
the Prince of Orange, 327 ; anger of,
329 ; account of the difficulty with
which he made his government act,
339 ; anonymous note to, 348 ; pre
caution of, 354 ; forwards all his
public papers to England, 354 ; per
plexity of, 357 ; pun of, 359 ; precau
tionary measures of, 365 ; endeavours
to remove the States General from
the Hague, 372 ; complete success of,
377 ; his home besieged with accla
mations from the populace, 377 ; joy
ful sensations of, 380 ; grand supper
given by him at the Hague, 407 ;
has to conduct the treaty between
England and Holland, 407 ; his in
terview with Van Spiegel, 409 ; ap
pointed ambassador, 41 1, 41 8 ; endea
vours to persuade ministers to make
some concessions to the Dutch, 412 ;
his conferences on the subject of the
treaty, with the minister of the re
public, 416 ; feelings of the people of
Hague towards him, 418 seq. ,- goes
to England, 420 ; returns to the
Hague, 420 ; bribes the King of
Prussia's valet de chambre, 425 ; indis
position of, 432 ; appointed secretary
of embassy, i- xi. Introd. ; his health
injured by the Russian climate, xii;
his friendship for Fox, xii ; in Switz
erland, xiii : emoluments of his pro
fession, xiii ; sent to Berlin, xiv ; con-
powers of, xii ; raised to the peerage,
43S. See Malmesbury.
Harrowby, lord, accident to, iv. 337.
Hatred towards Austria at Berlin, iii.
34.
Hattem, inhabitants of, threaten to fire

the town, ii. 229; attack on, 229;
refuses to open its gates, 229 ; sur
render of, 229.
Hangwiz, friendly and communicative,
71.
Hawkesbury dreads foreign alliances,
iv. 74.
Head dress, French, sought to be intro
duced into Russia, ii. 9.
Heath between Bordeaux and Bayonne,
i. 35.
Hemp, want of, i. 490.
Hereditary princes, description of, iii. 1 3.
Hertzberg, Madame, mistress of the
duke, iii, 156.
Hertzberg, M., Prussian minister for
foreign affairs, ii. 119; asks Sir
James Harris's opinion on foreign
affairs, 119; insincere, 131; his let
ter to Count Goertz, indignation of,
429 ; recommends a retired life for
the Princess Caroline, iii. 169.
Hessian troops refuse to embark under
Lord Moira, iii. ] 6.
Hock a guinea a pint, iii. 134.
Holland, progress of the French in, i.
497 ; refuses to lend money to Cathe
rine, ii. 11 ; situation of factions there,
85 ; people of, discontented, 91 ; ap
proaching ruin of, 95 ; disaffection in
the provinces, 98 ; houses in, 98 ; go
vernment of, di-sturbed, 110; sacri
ficed to the ambition of the Emperor
of Austria, 113; recovery of the people
from their errors, 132 ; meeting of the
states, 180 ; confusion of, 144; discon
tent of the people, 1 58 ; near a crisis,
184; three provinces refuse their
consent to the treaty of peace, 1 76 ;
meeting of the states, ; arbitrary mea
sures of, 188 ; donation of two line of
battle ships to France, 184 ; preva
lence of French influence there, 1 86 ;
strong fermentation amongst the peo
ple, 186 ; its East India Company
refuse to admit the troops of France
into its service, 1 95 ; three of the
provinces favourably disposed to the
prince, I. 201 ; dissatisfaction of the
provinces, ii. 202 ; four provinces ready
to cooperate with England, 205 ; op
poses the memorial, 208 ; vote of the
state engrossed public attention, 216 ;
its regiments ordered out of Gelder
land by the Prince of Orange, 222;
discovery of English ciphers in, 225 ;
projected new modelling of the go
vernment, 247 ; requires foreign as
sistance, 295 ; hopeless condition of,
237 ; its entire reduction the object of

INDEX.

437

France, 294; threatened political
storm in, 301 ; its importance to
England, 302 ; expediency of sub
duing it, 309 ; serious state of affaiis
in, 314; professional military and
naval men sent to, from England, 311;
state of affairs in, 311 ; critical posi
tion of, iii. 192; aspect of affaiis in,
487 ; answer of, 496 ; situation of;
351 ; peace established, ii. 383 ; as
sembly of the states, 368 ; applies to
France, 367 ; complete revolution of,
376 ; reported change of government
in, iv. 48 ; under the government of
three individuals, 1 92 ; miserable state
of the army there, 1 93 ; customhouse
guard in, 1 93 ; English goods pro
hibited from, 193; distress in, 257;
number of French in, 314 ; imminent
danger of, iii. 230 ; preparations in,
iv. 313.
Holy week at Madrid, i. 43 ; how spent,
44.
Home Tooke elected for Old Sarum, iv.
9; spoke without effect, 13.
Horses, purchase of, in the Ukrane, i.
476.
Hospitality of General Makronosky, i.
29.
Hotham, Sir Charles, his opinion of the
king, i. 9.
House of Bourbon, i. 159.
House of Commons, debate in, con
cerning the treaty, ii. 62 ; debates
on the Alien Bill, 498 ; term of, iv.
133; debate on the affairs of the
Prince of Wales, 223 ; complexion
of, 316.
House of Lords, debate on the Alien
Bill, ii. 480; debate on the bill for
the suppression of seditious meetings,
iii. 256 ; divisions in, iv. 294.
House of Orange, grant to.
House In the wood to be prepared for
the Princess of Orange, 323.
Humanity of the Empress Catherine, i.
471.
Hunting black foxes, curious incident
connected with, i. 287.
Hunting match, i. 29.
Hungary wine a luxury, i. 20.

Impertinence of the French, i. 180.
Incident, curious, i. 267.
Independence of the Americans acknow
ledged by France, I. 1 SS.
Independency of the colonies acknow
ledged, i. 180.
Indisposition affected when necessary, ii.
13.
Infant, Don Gabriel, a sportsman, i. 53.
Infant, Don Louis, amiable disposition
of, i. 55.
Infanta, Dona Maria Josepha, negative
character of, i. 55.
Inferior changes wrought by the diet,
i. 24.
Influence of England wholly departed
from St. Petersburgh, i. 188.
Influenza at St. Petersburgh, i. 483.
Inquiry into the state of the nation,
motion concerning, iv. 19-
Inscriptions over church doors, iii. 272.
Insolent communication of the French,
i. 180.
Insurgents at Bar, their escape, i. 31.
Insurrection at Bar, i. 30 ; how oc
casioned, 31 ; headed by a hairdresser,
ii. 191.
Insurrection at the Hague, interesting
account of, Ii. 191.
Intercepted letters of the Dutch am
bassador, i. 519.
Interest of England to unite the Prus
sian influence, Ii- 24.
Intervention of Russia claimed by Sir
James Harris, II. 59.
Interview of Harris with Panin, i. 1 94,
seqq.
Intrigues in the Russian court, i. 227 ;
account of, 460, seqg.
Invincible, wreck of, iv. 43.
Ireland, expedition against, iii. 319;
invasion of, 368 ; disaffection of, 596 ;
nothing yet settled with respect to, iv.
1 3 ; quiet, 40 ; its defenceless state,
239 ; erection of fortresses there pro
posed by Sir George Shee, 239.
Irish Catholics, their suspicions of Pitt,
iv. 28 ; arms intermixed with those of
France, 237.
Island of Neva given by the Empress
Catherine to Count Konnitz, i. 190.
Italy in a state of alarm, iii. 14; good
news from, 134; loss of, 390,

Ignominious peace, iv. 250; signed at
Tilsit, 390.
Illumines, account of, ill. 3 ; nonsensical
sect. 157; at Berlin, 101 ; principles
of, 101.

Jacobi, M., Prussian minister in London,
iii. 1 ; memorial of, 6 ; complains of
the fulfilment of the treaty, 132.
Jacobinism, account of, iv. 333,

438

INDEX.

Jacobins, overthrow of, iii. 160.
Jaundice attacks Sir James Harris, i,
274.
Jeune Anacharsis, le, iii. 544.
Jews excluded from St. Petersburgh, i.
8 ; edict against, 1 05.
Journey from the Hague to London, iii.
94, segq. ; from London to the Hague,
97 ; from Berlin to England, 150 ;
from Brunswick to England, 190 —
217; from London to Paris, 267,
269 ; from Paris to England, 366,
367 ; from Lisle to London, 579 ;
from Lisle to Calais, 576.
K.
Kalitchef, society at, iii. 10.
Kalitcheff, M., minister of Russia, be
comes troublesome, ii. 251. seq.
Kerson, climate of, ii. 8.
Khan of Crimea, ii, 1 .
King's speech, iv. 122.
King of England, his desire of peace
with the Republic, i. 495. See
George the Third.
King of France (Louis X VII.), sentence
of death on, Ii. 502 ; title of, proposed
to be renounced, iii. 385.
King of Poland, his letter to Mr. Charles
Yorke, i. 26 ; his letter to Sir Joseph
Yorke, 27 ; character of, 30 ; letter of,
to Mr. Harris, 80; his letter to Sir
James Harris, 44.
King of Prussia, his object, ii. 232 ; re
quires satisfaction, 368 ; increases his
army, 370 ; abandons the idea of rais
ing contributions on Amsterdam, 401 ;
treachery of, 509 ; leans towards Eng
land, 249; boy king, 259; conduct
of, 259 ; wishes to see Great Bri
tain annexed to the mediation, 345 ;
meanness of, 398 ; afraid of Sir James
Harris, 424 ; would do nothing that
would interrupt the peace of his king
dom, 244 ; his ministers favourable to
French revolutionists, 509; forms a
connection with the court of Vicuna,
441 ; troops of, advanced towards
Amsterdam, 391 ; communication of
to the Prince of Orange, 312; satis
faction to, refused, 371 ; determined
to have satisfaction for his sister, 332 ;
his repugnance to afford assistance to
Prince of Orange, 246 ; insisted on
full reparation for his sister, 341 ; his
conduct of importance, 343 ; his ad
vice to his sister, 265 ; his mistress,
248 ; his feelings towards England,
427 ; his refusal of the demand of

succour fi-om England, iii. 2; viola
tion of the treaty with England, 2 ;
declines all interference with the war
unless paid, 6 ; treasure of, 21 ; dis
pleased with the treaty between Prus
sia and Poland, 22 ; altered in his
looks, 27 ; in want of money, 38 ;
afraid of the opening of parliament,
48 ; eager for Nassau to proceed to
Vienna, 52 ; doubted Vienna's sub
scribing to the convention, 71 ; ready
to enter into engagements with Eng
land and Holland, 78 ; force of, 79 ;
bis detestation of the French, 71 ; re
fuses to lend his troops, 83 ; rejects the
proposal of Lord Granville, 84 ; ob
liged to furnish England with an army,
91; deceived by his ministers, 122;
wishes to raise a forced loan in Ger
many, 183; raises money by a paper
currency, 181 ; will listen to no pro
posals from England until the whole
subsidy is paid, 184; conduct during
the campaign, 1 86 ; determined to
pursue the war, 240; measures of,
241 ; conditions proposed by him, 250;
angry, iv. 317.
King of Sardinia, dignity and spirit of,
ii. 444.
King of Spain Inclined to come to an
accommodation, i. 64 ; satisfaction of,
at the reconciliation with England,
76 ; arbitrary conduct of, 285.
King of Sweden assisted by France, i. 88 ;
speech, 120.
Kinckel, baron, cleverness of, ii. 182 ;
presses the expediency of recovering
Treves, Hi. 129; instructed to hasten
the march of the Prussians, 117.
Koenigsberg taken, iv. 390.
Korsakoff, new favourite, i. 202 ; de
clines in favour, 207.
Korsack, account of i. 224 ; dismissed,
262.
Kuban, part of, ordered to be annexed to
Russia, ii. 42 ; Tartars, flight of, 10.
L.
Ladies of Russia, civility of, i. 162.'
La Granja, residence of the court, i. 40.
Lafayette taken and imprisoned by the
Austrians, iii. 6.
La Lande, charge des affaires of France,
ii. 444.
Landskoi, the new favourite of the
empress, !. 263 ; reinstated in favour,
429 ; projected dismissal of, 496 ; ju
dicious conduct of, 422 ; illness of, 273.
Landrecy surrendered, iii. 96.

INDEX.

439

I-,ansdowne, lord, his speech on the ad
dress, ii. 475 ; violent -speech of, 488 ;
mischievous speech of, 480.
La Tour, defeat of. Hi. 138.
Lauderdale, violent speech of, ii. 488 ;
belonged to the ultra- Whig party, 489.
Lauzuu at Berlin, i. 122; fate of, iii. 499.
Laws, immense number published in
France, iii. 294.
La Luzerne, Marquis de la, not a very
brilliant person, ii. 413.
Lassendam village on the canal, ii. 21 1.
Leases in Holland, ii. 98.
Leave-taking presents of the empress,
i. 495.
Leeds, duke of, resigns, Ii. 471.
Lehrback uneasy, iii. 88 ; confiding and
open, 46.
Le Kain at Berlin, i. 126 ; stiff, 133.
Letters intercepted, ii. 49.
Leveson, G., lord, his life how saved,
558 ; instructions to, iv. 402.
Levington, American minister, alarmed
at the progress of the French, iv. 1 96.
Levy contemplated, iv. 277.
Library of the king, i. 1 5 ; of Paris, iii.
293.
Lieutenancy, long, iii. 21 6.
Linkboy, suspicious attentions of, to
Sir James Harris, ii. 86.
Lion, nickname of Lord Malmesbury,
iii. 396.
Lisle, first conference at, Hi. 381 ; second
conference of the plenipotentiaries,
iii. 381; third conference at, 384;
fourth conference at, 385 ; fifth con
ference, 391 ; state of suspense at,
441 ; conference at, 423 ; continued
state of suspense at, 463 ; conference
at, 425; theatre at, conversation there,
466 ; thirteenth conference, 487 ; re
capitulation of events, 505 ; dissatis
faction with change of legation, 559 ;
arrival of the new plenipotentiaries,
555 ; consternation at, 532 ; horror
of the people, 560 ; strange bahavlour
of ministers, 582.
Loan raised, iv. 14 ; from Holland,
failure of, ii. 1 8.
Loo, fetes at, ii. 426.
Lords, meeting of, ii. 475.
Loss of French ship with French and
Irish colours intermixed, iv. 237.
Loughborough, lord, account of his in
terview with Pitt, ii. 463 ; his opinions
on the proposal that Pitt should quit
the Treasury, ii. 465 ; hurt at Port
land's inaction, 478 ; fine speech of, on
the AlienBill,488; laments Portlaiid's
silence, 488 ; letter of concerning

Portland's silence, 489 ; his indigna
tion at Portland's conduct, 491 ;
eager for further explanation with the
duke, 495; manifesto of, 496; his
meeting with Pitt, 501 ; determines
to take the seals, 501 ; succeeds Lord
Thurlow as chancellor, 504 ; honour
able conduct of, ii. 507 ; for giving a
subsidy to the king of Prussia, iii. 6.
Louis the Eighteenth, letter from, to
Lady Malmesbury, ii. 67 ; his inter
view with Malmesbury, 447.
Louis of Brunswick, attempt to seize
his papers, ii. 154.
Low countries, revolt In, ii. 334.
Lucchesini, an enemy to England, Ii. 20;
intrigues of, 21 ; bought by France, iii.
25 ; goes to Vienna to treat, 25 ; harsh,
iii. 34 ; a governing man, 44 ; reader
to Frederick the Great, 94 ; ruled
despotically, 127.
Luxemburg, Duchy of, to belong to the
French, ii. 100.
Lynden, an ex-patriot, ambassador in
London, ii. 390 ; his joy at Harris's
success, 390. M.
Mack, rumoured surrender of his army,
iv. 339, seq.
Maestricht belonging to the French, ii.
160.
Madrid, arrival at, i. 40 ; description of,
40, 41 ; cold in winter, 40 ; residence
of the court, 40 ; improvements of, 42 ;
amusements of 42 ; bull feasts of, 42 ;
carnival at, 43 ; churches of, 44 ; pub
lic walk of, 41 ; play-houses of, 42.
Madras, bad news from, ii. 61.
Magistrates of Dantzic wish for de
lay, i. 104.
Magnificence of Russia, i. 181.
MaiUebois, his proposal to the Prince of
Orange, Ii. 149 ; his uncandid account
of Verac, 365; accepts the command
of the Dutch army, ii. 90.
Malmesbury, James Harris, earl of, quits
the Hague, ii. 433 ; votes against the
Regency Bill, 434 ; goes to Switzerland
for his health, 434 ; returns to England,
434 ; meeting at his house, 480 ; his
opinion of the situation of England,
438 ; a friend to the Duke of Port
land, 483 ; sent to negotiate a loan
for Prince of Wales at l^erlin, i. 439 ;
travelling in Italy, ii. 441 ; returns
to England, 450 ; his interview with
Lord Loughborough, 458 ; his con
versation with Duke of Portland,

440

INDEX.

476 ; meeting at his house, 483 ; his
advice concerning the proceeding of
the Whig party, 493 ; meeting at his
house, 497 ; danger of his brother-in-
law Robinson, 491 ; his letter to the
Duke of Portland, 499 ; urged to ac
cept a mission on the Continent, 508 ;
accepts the mission to Berlin, 509 ;
his interview with Duke of Portland,
503 ; urges the deferment of the ex
planation with the Duke of Portland,
495 ; instructions given him to pro
ceed to Berlin, iii. 1. segq. ; takes leave
of the king, 7. ; takes leave of the
queen, 8 ; arrives at Dover, 8 ; reaches
Ostend, 8 ; his arrival at the Hague,
9 ; his interview with the great pen
sionary, 10. seqq. ; his conference with
Merci, 14; his interview with Spiegel,
leaves the Hague, 14 ; his arrival at
Brussels, 14; his conversation with
Merci on the Dutch frontier, 1 6 ; his
interview with Lord Yarmouth, 17 ;
quits Brussels, 20 ; reaches Coblentz,
20 ; arrives at Frankfort, 20 ; his con
fidential conversation with the Duke
of York, 23 ; quits SehoUe, 26 ; quits
Frankfort, 26 ; arrives at Berlin, 27 ;
account of his conference with the
King of Prussia, 29. seq. ; his inter
view with Colonel Manstein, 34 ; ac
count of his interview with the King of
Prussia, 40. seqq. ; his conference with
Mullendorf, 48 ; conference of, with
King of Prussia and Count Hangwiz,
53. segg. ; his long interview with the
Prussian minister on the subject of
the treaty with England, 199 ; induces
Haugwiz to propose to remove the ne
gotiation from Berlin, 76 ; his de
parture from Berlin, 84 ; reaches the
Hague, 84 ; sends a projet de traite to
England, 88 ; goes to England, 90; his
conference with the Dutch minister
after his return to Berlin, 98 ; his con
ference with Count Hangwiz, 99 ; un
pleasant conference with Mullendorf,
] 03. segg. ; remonstrates with the court
of Berlin, 109 ; his interview with
Mullendorf, 110; goes to Frankfort,
121 ; interview of with Hardenburg,
136; disapproves of peace, 141; re
called from Berlin, 149 ; commanded
to demand the hand of the Princess
Caroline of Brunswick in marriage
for the Prince of Wales, 151 ; at
Brunswick, 152 ; his advice to the
Princess Caroline, 166 ; his conver
sation with the Princess Caroline,
167; his conversation with the Prin

cess Caroline at the masquerade,
170; sharp retort of, 171; sets out
with the Princess Caroline from
Brunswick, 191; his generosity to
the emigres, 192 ; stands godfather
to Countess Walmoden's child, 199 ;
lectures Caroline, 199 ; his advice to
Princess Caroline, 203; his conversa
tion with the Princess Caroline on
attention to the toilette, 211; his
conversation with Caroline on dis
respect to her mother, 212 ; his letters
to the Prince of Wales, 232 ; sent to
Paris, 259 ; instructions to him on
departing for Paris, 260 ; instructed
to inquire into the case of Sir Sydney
Smith, 263 ; his reception at Calais,
270 ; his interview with Delacroix,
273 ; libels on, 293, n. ; anecdote of,
293 ; called indolent, 296, n, ; delicacy
of his situation, 298 ; his interview
with Delacroix, 308 ; suspected by the
French government, 325 ; interesting
conversation of, with Delacroix, 349 ;
extraordinary memory of, 353 ; quits
Paris, 366 ; goes to Lisle, 369 ; wishes
to retire from public liffe, 369 ; nick
name ot; 396 ; his reception at Calais
on his second arrival, 378 ; offer of,
492 , his conference with the French
plenipotentiaries, 401, seqg. ; his de
spatches kept secret, 485; his letter to
Mr. Canning on the negotiations for
)ieace, dated Lisle, 512; personal
feelingsof, 517; correspondence, 592;
faithful servant of, 549 ; his interview
with the plenipotentiaries on the sub
ject of the negotiations for peace, 555 ;
publication of his correspondence de
layed, 595 ; his interview with the new
plenipotentiaries, 561 ; quits Lisle,
569 ; deafness of, 599 ; ill health of,
597 ; created an earl and Visco unt Fitz
harris, 599 ; close of his public career,
599 ; increasing deafness of, iv. 1 ;
averse to a regency bill, 1 8 ; his inter
view with the Duke of York, 85, segg.;
interview of, with Canning, 34, seqg.;
his interview with George the Third,
60 ; prediction of, 69 ; his interview
with Addington concerning the Prince
of Orange, 206 ; conversation of,
with Addington, 226, segq. ,- his con
versation with Lord Pelham, 2285
requested to enter the cabinet, 273 ;
unwilling to act with Addington, 279 ;
his last interview with Pitt, 340 ; his
opinion of Nelson, iv. 341, seg. ; his
opinion on the ministry, 349; the
lieutenancy of Hampshire offered to

INDEX.

411

him, 389 ; his letter to the Duke of
Portland, 412; account of, 415, segq. ;
length of the term during which he
served the crown, i. v ; memoir of,
i. v, seq. ; where born, I. vi ; anecdote
of, viii ; created an earl, xv ; character
of, xvii ; his acknowledgement to his
father, vii ; reputation of, xvii ; motto
of, xvi'ii ; education, of, viii, seq. ; death
of, xyI.
Malta to be put under the protection
of Naples, 238.
Maltzhan, Madame, proceedings against
her, i. 108 ; imprisonment of, 108 ; di
vorce of, prevented, 108.
Manheim, retaking of, ii. 258.
Manstein, good for nothing. Hi. 23 ; op
ponent of Bishopswerder, 45.
Mantua, surrendered to the French, iii.
337.
Map of Turkish frontier, ii. 22.
Mara, Mr., sarcasm of, i. 147; punish
ment of, 148.
Marbois, Barbe, only person in France
desirous of passing for an honest man,
iv. 71.
Marlborough, duke of, i. 293.
March of Prussian troops to Holland,
ii. 340. -
Maret, one of the plenopotentiaries at
Lisle, wishes to obtain the release of
a prisoner in England, iii. 443 ; sign of,
4 50 ; commissioned to leave us the Cape
on certain conditions, 454 ; in close
confinement, 486; his dislike of revo
lutionary principles, 487 ; deranged
affairs of, 502 ; alarm of, .'.30 ; account
of, 502 ; useful, 549 ; departure from
Lisle, 558 ; well-bred and gentle
manly, iv. 258.
Maria Terese, death of, i. 347.
Maritime powers to pay King of Prussia,
iii. 91, seq.
Markoff, M., quits St. Petersburgh, i.
480.
Marriage, intended clandestine, of the
King of Prussia, i. 6.
Marriage of Princess Wurtemberg, i.
424.
Marriage of Prince Louis, Hi. 28.
Marriage of Prince Royal of Prussia, iii.
28; negotiation of, 161; treaty of,
162. .
Mary, Princess, perfect manners of, iv.
64.
Masquerade, i. 43 ; prohibited at Berlin,
i. 116; at Brunswick, iii. 170.
Massacre, prophecy of, ii. 96.
Masserano, his gracious reception at
court of England, i. 76.

Mayence, defended by Austrians, iii. 147.
Meat, price of, in Paris, iii. 337.
Mediation, offer of, from Catherine, i.
338.
Meeting of the diet, i. 21.
Melville, M., offer of, iii. 492,
Memoirs of Harris, disagreeable, i. 237.
Memorial presented by Sir James Har
ris, effects of, in Holland, ii, 172;
translated into Dutch, ii. 209.
Memorial of England well received in
the Hague, 209.
Memorial of Sir James Harris presented
to the states general, 208.
Memorial for the directory, iii. 301 ;
for the directory, 318.
Memory of Prince of Orange, ii. 223.
Merci, for nearly five years master to
Marie Antoinette, Hi. 44 ; Austrian
minister at Brussels, 14 ; description
of, 14; death of, 135.
Merlin, Mons., new director, account of,
154.
Merode, Madame, driven to Brunswick
from the Low Countries, iii. 153.
Message on the state of public affairs
iv. 225.
Mild weather, iii. 26.
Militia substitutes, iv. 235 ; embodying
of, ii. 473; convention concerning, 473.
Military preparation, ii. 27; convention,
III. 145.
Millineries, French, importation of, to
Russia, ii. 8.
Ministerial changes, rumoured, iv. 284.
Ministers, change of, Iv. 2 ; English
placed confidence in King of Prussia,
ii. 14; determine to resign, iv. 3 ; re
signation of, 4 ; beaten in debate, 125 ;
blamed Lord Whitworth, 250 ; want
of foresight in, 253 ; defeated in the
House of Lords, 294 ; changes pro
posed, 1 97 ; deliberations of, 297 ; out
cry against, 246 ; delay and silence of,
2 60.
Ministry, change of, iv. 349 ; formation
of, 380; obstacles in the way of form
ing it, 366 ; formation of, 373.
Minorca required by Catherine, i. 346 ;
advantages of, 373.
Mirabeau, French spy in Berlin, ii. 187.
Mirabel, Sardinian minister, usefulness
of, ii. 162.
Misconduct of the Prussians, iii. 128.
Moderes, account of, iii. 287.
Modes, French, importation of, to Rus
sia, ii. 8.
Moira, Lord, refusal of Hessian troops
to embark under him, iii. 16; loud and
violent, iii. 256 ; opposes the govern-

442

INDEX.

ment, iv. 20 5 ; handsome behaviour
of, 251.
MoUendorf, a dotard, iii. 127.
Monarchy, plans for its restoration in
France, iv. 287.
Money, mode of raising, ii. 1 1 ; had, dis
tributed among the troops, i, 93 ; con
templated bestowal of, on the House
of Orange, iv. 57 ; secret transmission
of, II. 372.
Monopoly of wine proposed, i. 100.
Montfort surrendered to the Prince of
Orange, ii. 374.
Montrond, account of, Hi. 307.
JMordinnoff favourite of Catherine, Em
press of Russia, i. 421.
Moreau, army of, supported by arbitrary
levies, iii. 291 ; retreat of, 296 ; sup
posed to be arrested, 531.
Morning Chronicle, leading article in,
iv. 234.
Mountains, account of the party, iii. 287.
Mule, travelling on, I. 35.
Mullendorf, appointed Instead of the
Duke of Brunswick, iii. 47 ; his plan
of campaign, 48 ; integrity of, 45 ; his
conference with Malmesbury, 48 ; cha
racter of, 89 ; his resistance to Malmes
bury's proposals, 109 ; character ot;
115; proposes a memorial to Malmes
bury, 116; retreat of, 119; military
movements of, 1 22 ; memorial, 1 22 ; .
impaired energies of, 123; wishes to
resign the command of the army, 241 ;
ordered not to expose his army, 150.
Munster, treaty of, HI. 12.
Mutinous spirit in the army, iii. 69.
Mysterious transaction, i. 424.

N.
Nagell complains of being slighted, iv.
1 90 ; minister to the stadtholder angry
with the Prince, 190.
Napoleon, occupation of Holland by,
i. XV. See Buonaparte.
Nassau, town of, to belong to the French,
ii. 1 00 ; prince of, employed by Cathe
rine, iii. 20 ; a spurious prince, 22 ;
arrival of, at Berlin, 36 ; keen and
sanguine, 38; pleasant manners of, 46.
National convention, decret of, ii. 482 ;
memorial of, 491 ; sentence of, 502.
Naval armament, i. 286 ; preparations
in Russia, ii. 27 ; armament to keep
Russia in check proposed, 471.
Navy of Spain augmented, I. 64.
Navy of Russia not flourishing, 490;
ill-equipped, 187 ; supply, postpone

ment of, ii. 60 ; establishment, incre'ase
of, iv. 134.
Negapatam, restoration of, ii. 410.
Negotiation, progress of, i. 285 ; re
moved from Berlin to the Hague, Hi.
76 ; failure of, 77 ; for peace with the
convention not broken off, 242 ; gene
ral, for peace, 277, seq. ; broken ofl;
361 ; renewed, 369; for peace, 386
for peace, continued delay of, 459
for peace, further delay of, 493
likely to be broken off by the Portu
guese, 512 ; for peace, how affected by
a change of government, 539 ; new
directors of, account of, 546 ; at Lisle,
broken off, 597 ; preliminaries of,
between England, France, and Spain,
ii- 29 ; for peace, secret, iv. 59.
Nelson forces the passage of the Sound,
iv. 56 ; account of, 342 ; character of,
341 ; death of, 341.
Nesselrode, clever, iii. 48.
Neutral league, i. 361 ; accession of the
Dutch to, 371.
New administration, formation of, ii. 470 ;
treatment of, iv. 5 ; account of, 5 ;
composition of, 7 ; arrangement con
cerning, 14; first act of, 47; first
measures of, 31 ; rumoured conces
sions of, 50 ; arrangements of, 8, 9 ;
concessions of, 1 50 ; weak, 224 ; mi
nistry proposed, 300; difficulties in
the way of forcing It, 305.
New ministry, formation of, iv. 305 ;
plenipotentiaries, arrival of, at Lisle,
555.
Nolken, baron, insignificancy of, I. 261.
North, lord, coalesced with Fox, ii. 30 ;
came into office, 30 ; mention of, i. 78 ;
resigned office, 492 ; Frederick on the
side of the Whigs, 394 ; notes between
Malmesbury and Delacroix, Hi. 313,
seq.
Number of Tartars kUled concealed from
the empress, ii. 1 8.
Nuncio, his exhortation to the bishops,
i. 17. O.
* Oczakow, contemptible place, ii. 8.
Offensive and defensive alliance with
Russia, i, 155.
Office of stadtholder, hereditary in the
House of Orange, ii. 336.
Omnipotence of Russian ambassador, i.
19.
Orange annuities, iv. 212.
Orange Prince. See Prince of Orange.
Orders to stop Spanish men-of-war
armed, iv. 257.

INDEX.

4i;i

Ordnance, how secretly conveyed to Lee-
warden, ii. 372.
Orlow, prince, insanity of, II. 11,12;
his ^reception at Berlin, i. 125 ; inse
parable from his wife, 174; professes
friendship to England, 191; acts in
concert with France, 208 ; and his
brother, proposed retirement of, from
court, 228.
Orlow, count Alexis, his arrival at St.
Petersburgh, i. 210 ; his conversation
with Catherine, 214, confidence with
drawn from him, 223 ; his conver
sation with the empress, 330.
Osnabrujk, Duselldorf gallery brought
to, HI. 192; made its own laws, 202 ;
people of, Jacobinically inclined, 202.
Ostend, state of, ii. 449.
Outline of a conversation between Har
ris and Panin, I. 167.
Overtures of peace with France, iii, 367.
Overysel, loss of, ii. 237.

P.
Paget, good despatches of, iii. 184.
Paine, Thomas, distressed in circum
stances, HI. 329.
Paludanus despatched to Amsterdam, ii.
288.
Pampeluna, i. 37 ; road from, to Ma
drid, 37.
Panin, Mons. in the pay of Frederick
the Great, i. 101 ; exaggeration of,
109 ; his restoration to power, 108 ;
character of, 161 ; infatuation of, 164 ;
character of, 1 64 ; declares the em
press to be favourable to England, 1 70 ;
indolence of, 186 ; plays at cards
alone, 198; not to be depended on,
219; idleness of, 225; disliked and
mistrusted by the Empress Catherine,
235 ; in the pay of Prussia, 243 ;
imagines that the conduct of Great
Britain for the last twelve years did
not entitle her to any assistance from
Russia, 255 ; sentiments of, 255 ;
urges upon the Empress Catherine
the impropriety of joining with Eng
land, ii. 257 ; declares to the Em
press Catherine that Sir James Harris
acts not from instruction, but from
his own Impulses, i. 258 ; beginning
to feel the first symptoms of an illness
which was near proving fatal to him,
272 ; visit of Sir James Harris to him
in his bed-chamber, 275 ; throws off
the mask of friendship towards Eng
land, 300 ; receives Harris with ap
parent feelings of cordiality, 301 ;

his interview with Harris, 301 ; ima
gines that England does not un
derstand the declaration in its true
light, 803 ; assurances he received from
Harris, 304 ; his discourse on the
declaration, 305 ; the determined
enemy of England, 306; added to
the French party gathered and in
triguing round the Empress Cathe
rine, 309 ; gives Mr. Harris to un
derstand that the empress meant
nothing more by her armed neutral
ity than that each nation should pro
tect its respective trade, 311 ; his
inveteracy against the English nation,
319; systematic hatred of, towards
England, 319; vindictive and unfor
giving, 31 9; his passions, though deep-
rooted, never appear in his countenance,
319 ; his hatred towards Harris, 319 ;
fixes the attempt to burn the Russian
fleet on the English sailors, 327; con
nected with the band of calumniators
ou Sir James Harris, 329 ; letter from
him advising the Russian officer taken
in the act of destroying Mons. de
Cordon's chapel, to retire out of the
country, 330 ; present from the Prince
of Prussia to him, 335 ; perfect un-
standlng of, with Mons. de Vergenne,
336 ; his unbecoming language when
speaking of the present situation of
public affairs, 339; rates high the
prudence and moderation of the ene
mies of England, 339 ; considers
peace necessary to England, 339 ; says
that experience had taught England
how impossible It was for her to main
tain her superiority at sea, II. 340;
imagines that the general disposition
of Europe was averse to England, 340;
tells Harris that he spoke without
orders from the Empress Catherine,
merely to prove his regard and esteem
to him, 340 ; argues in favour of the
Bourbon cause with warmth, 341 ;
asks Harris if he imagined any doubt
to rest in his mind of the crisis in
which England was placed, 363 ; em
barrassment of, 384 ; his interview
with Sir James Harris, 392 ; assures
Harris that it was the Empress Cathe
rine's intention to keep the northern
seas entirely free from privateers, 393 ;
probability of his dismissal from office,
409 ; determines to go into the country,
and accordingly asks and obtains leave
of absence for three months, 415 ; the
means by which he carried his point
lie so concealed that it Is not per-

444

INDEX.

ceivable whether he directs them from
near or from afar, 416; personally
disliked by the empress, 416 ; ob
tains his ends by evasions and dark
intrigues, 417; directs the council
of the empire, 417; canning 6f, 416;
betrays the empress, ^ 41 9 ; hastens
his retreat into the country, 419 ; im
probability of his returning to busi
ness, 440; his interference disapproved
of by the Empress Catherine, 440 ;
his great decline in the favour of the
Empress Catherine, 440 ; his humili
ating exclusion from office, 450; his
disgrace causes immense sensation,
450 ; artful and well informed, 450 ;
dejection of, 450 ; recovers his spirits
slightly, 451; by his artful and in
sidious conduct, almost contrives to
re-establish his power, 452 ; tries to
overthrow the Grand Duke's project of
travelling, 450 ; fills the heads of the
Grand Duke and Duchess with appre
hensions concerning their children,454;
his placid countenance discomposed
by the Empress Catherine's behaviour,
454 ; his dismissal alone prevented by
Prince Potemkin, 459 ; his influence,
464; finding his influence daily de
crease he aflTects indisposition, 464 ;
colour in which he painted his situ
ation to the Empress, 465 ; after his
return he endeavours to create
alarms in the minds of the Grand
Duke and Duchess, 466 ; endeavours
to persuade the Grand Duke that
something fatal was premeditated
against himself and children, 467 ;
his language to the Grand Duke, 467 ;
receives an order to dismiss his se
cretary, and deliver up all his papers,
470 ; after his dismissal, is so aiFected
that he was attacked by a violent fever,
470; continues'in a state of delirium,
470 ; no chance of his restoration to
power, 470 ; probability of Prince
Potemkin's seeking his restoration to
favour, 475 ; weakened In intellect, ii.
18 ; sudden and unexpected death of,
by apoplexy, 41.
Paper to be presented to Mr. "Addington,
Iv. 88 ; to be presented to Mr. Adding
ton, copy of, 98 ; requiring Adding
ton's resignation, discussion on, 117 ;
to Addington, presentation of, sus
pended, 127.
Paper money,' iii. 290;
Pardo, the residence of the court, i. 40.
Paris, road from, i. 35 ; police of, iii.
289 ; fine acting in, 294 ; crisis in,

321 ; consumption of flour in, 3S6 ;
parties in, 420 ; dissipation in, 452 ;
great commotion in, 529 ; barriers
shut at, 530 ; liberty of the press taken
away, 531 ; state of the public mind
there, 534 ; consternation at, 536 ;
state of society there, Iv. 71; activity in
the naval and army department, 241.
Parkhurst, Mrs., distress of, iii. 195.
Parliament dissolved, Ii. 64 ; called to
gether by proclamation, 475 ; ad
journed, 498 ; debates in, iv. 260 ;
division in, S82 ; dissolution of, 385;
meeting of, 389.
Parliamentary reform hinted at by Fox,
ii. 42.
Parma annexed to the French republic,
iv. 102.
Parties, state of, iii. 326.
Partition of Poland, i. 86.
Party, state of, in Holland, II. 90.
Patriotic faction, intemperance of. In
creased, il. 349; take possession of the
Stadthouse at Amsterdam, 293.
Patriots, tools of France, II. 76 ; name
of, assumed by the Dutch democrats,
78; the instruments of France, 99; sa
crifice public to private considerations,
108 ; prohibition issued by them, 110 ;
increase of fermentation among, 161 ;
Intend to intimidate the Prince of
Orange, 165; attempt of, to intimidate
the Prince of Orange, 167; resolved
to send ships to the Cape, 189; un
easiness of, 202 ; stir among them,
221 ; wish to force the Prince of
Orange to terms, 269 ; undismayed,
281 ; their accusation against Sir James
Harris, 286 ; meeting at the house of
the French ambassador, 289 ; violent
conduct of, 292 ; erected batteries,
385 ; consternation among, 375.
Paulus, his desire of imposing on Harris,
ii. 163 ; wished to disunite the Prince
and Princess of Orange, 158.
Pays de Basques, i.35.
Peace, preliminaries of, Ii, 30 ; projected
between Russia and Turkey, i. 88 ;
prospects of, ii. 143 ; the object of
Holland, 435 ; the object of England,
435 ; concluded between Austria and
the Porte, 440 ; ignominious, iii. 250 ;
probability of, iv. 50 ; negotiations for,
going on secretly, 57 ; concluded, 60 ;
apology for, 65 ; satisfaction at, de
creasing in England, 74 ; dispositions
for making, 388 ; at Tilsit, articles of,
394 ; with France, terms of, iii. 386.
Peasantry, sallow and dirty, i. 38.
Pein, letter of, to Lord Malmesbury, iii.

INDEX.

445

440; interviews with Ellis, 471, 480
484.
Pelham, refused office, iv. 6 ; conduct of,
10; conduct pursued towards, 11 ;
protest of, 73; principles of, 192; his
conversation with Lord Blalmesbury,
228 ; dismissed, 284 ; elected captain
of the Yeomen of the Guard, 326 ;
burnt the letters delivered to him by
Fox, ii. 454.
Pcmbrook accepts the mission to Vienna,
iv. 383, seqq.
People in Prussia, discontent of, i. 203 ;
acclamations of, ii. 3-SO.
Perilous travelling, i. 37.
Petersburgh, failure of court bankers, ii.
445.
Pichegru, plan of, detected, iv. 298.
Pitt, offers to give up the Catholic
question, iv. 31 ; untainted character
of, ii. 35 ; fine speech of, said by Lord
Grantham to be unequalled, 35 ; called
by Lord Grantham an extraordinary
phenomenon, 35 ; sends Lord Spencer
to Fox with a proposal to betray Lord
North, in order to bring himself into
office, i. 59 ; profligacy of, 60 ; diffi
culty started by him, ii. 62 ; his
opinions upon the situation of affairs
in Holland, 255 ; obliges Lord Car
marthen, though ill, to present the
Portuguese minister at court, and
thereby induces him to tender his re
signation, i. 257 ; cold composition of,
257; hauteur of, ii. 257; rises in the
House of Commons to acknowledge
the services rendered by Sir James
Harris to the country, 420 ; security
of the country required a coalition with
him, 454 ; his importance to the coun
try, i. 455 ; contemplates measures
which he was afraid to confide to the
Duke of Portland, 460 ; apprehensive
that Fox went too far, ii. 463 ; ap
peared to Lord Loughborough to be
in earnest, 464 ; difficulty of concilia
ting his friends, 467 ; declined going
further with the arrangement, 468 ;
ardently desired to come to some ar
rangement, 469 ; his quitting the trea
sury made a si7ie qua non by Fox,
472 ; considers war inevitable, 501 ;
intimates to Malmesbury that he
wished every thing which had passed
between them on the affair of the
Regency to be forgotten, 502 ; offers
office to Sir Gilbert Elliot through
I-,ord Malmesbury, 502 ; his overtures
of peace to the Directory, iii. 259 ;
favourable to the Catholic Test Act,

iv. 1, 2; carelessness of, 3; playing a
selfish and criminal part, 3 ; allows
time to Lord Loughborough to raise
an alarm in the king's mind concern
ing the Test Act, 3 ; wishes all his
friends to remain in their present
offices, 5 ; adherents of, publicly cry
down the new government, 8 ; his con
duct generally disapproved, 9 ; dislikes
Pelham, 1 2 ; said he was sure Pelham
would accept the Board of Control,
1 3 ; fatal consequence of his resigna
tion, 14; has an interview with the
Prince of Wales, 16 ; advised by his
friends to draw near the Prince of
Wales, 16 ; interview of, v/ith the
Prince of Wales, 17 ; gouty, nervous,
and unwell, 17 ; necessity for his re
maining minister of the country, 18 ;
uneasiness lest he should recover power,
29 ; wished to remain at the head of the
administration, 33 ; his ideas of the
attention due to the crown not quite
correct, 33 ; loss of his popularity,
33 ; loss of public opinion, 33 ; idea
formed of his conduct by Malmesbury,
3'1, 34 ; unaccountable hesitation of J
43 ; his conduct blamed by the Duke
of Portland, 43 ; could not be sepa
rated from office, 44 ; resignation of,
45, 46 ; his Income, 45 ; leaves un
noticed the letter of Canning, 46 ;
his conversations with Canning, 46 ;
displeased with Canning's having re
signed office, 46 ; his advice lo Ad
dington, 47 ; supports the new admi
nistration very powerfully, 51 ; en
courages Addington in his pacific
plans, 53 ; stated the finances of the
country to be in a condition to require
peace, 53 ; his opinion on the peace,
64 ; his opinion on the conditions of
the treaty, 67 ; views of, 75, seqq. ; his
proposition" to resume office, 78; his
return to power considered essential,
91 ; desired to return to office, 108 ;
time of his resuming office, difference
of opinion concerning, 109 : his in
terview with Malmesbury, 111, seqq. ;
imagined his return to office a certain
event, 121 ; necessity of his becoming
minister, 126; angry with Carining,
1 27 ; wished to avoid embroiling him
self with the new administration, 136;
difference of his statement and that
made by Canning, 184 ; did not wish
to come into office against the consent
of the king, 186; his return to office
more uncertain than ever, 187 ; satis
fied wllh himself, 148 ; discourse of.

448

INDEX.

with Lord Malmesbury concerning
the probability of his return to power,
154; pleasant manners of, 157; his
interview with the chancellor, 1 63 ;
mention o£ 168; conduct of, 170;
indisposition of, 174; rejects Adding
ton's proposal, 177 ; his rejection of
the offer made by Addington, 178;
his intentions if restored to office, 179;
proposals of, 179; speech of, on the
necessity for war, 256 ; letter of, to Mr.
Addington, 180; eloquent speech of,
256 ; defensive plans of, 277 ; manly
conduct of, 277 ; his behaviour to
wards the administration, 288 ; his
interview with the king, 299 ; offers
Malmesbury a seat in the treasury,
306 ; anecdotes of, 347 ; his last visit
to Malmesbury, 340 ; last illness of,
343 ; past all hope of recovery, 345 ;
death of, 346.
PIcquets formed near the Hague, ii. 354.
Plan to surprise the Danish fleet, iv. 391.
Plenipotentiaries named by the Di
rectory, iii. 377 ; extraordinary con
duct of, 583 ; impertinence of, 591.
Poet, remark of, I. 154.
Poland, description of, i. 1 1 ; partition
of, 79; unhappy state of, 80; treaty
relative to, 81 ; trade of, useful to
England, 104; aggrandisement of
others at her expense, 107 : commis
sioners sent to, 114; bad news from,
iii. 135 ; second partition of, 472.
Poles, opinions of the patriotic, ii. 15.
Police of Paris, Hi. 289, 328.
Polish feasts, prodigality of. I. 25.
Polish memorials. King of England's
reply to, 6.
Polish republic, 115.
Political fermentation at the court of
Russia, i. 31 1.
Pompadour of Berlin, ii. 24*^.
Pompons brought from France to Rus
sia, II. 9.
Pondicherry, capture of, i. 229.
Poor of St. Petersburgh, i. 283.
Pope, nuncio of, i. 16.
Population, diminution of, iii. 271.
Porte, language of, ii. 22 ; manifesto to,
from Russia, ii. 42.
Portland, duke of, conceived that a coa
lition with Pitt was necessary, II. 454 ;
his conversation with Malmesbury,
459; huit at Fox's conduct, 476;
said he would not enter the closet
unless sent for by the king, 478 ; op
posed to the breach with Fox, 477 ;
inaction of, 478 ; considered a rupture
with Fox detrimental to the country.

499; necessity of declaring his senti
ments, 479 ; arraigned the ministry
for neglect, 480 ; opposed to Lord
Loughborough's taking the seals, 480 ;
desired to effect a reconciliation with
Pitt, 481 ; intended to support the
government, 482; desired as a leader
of the Whig party, 483 ; his con
ference with Sir GHbert Elliot, 484 ;
silence of, 488 ; pleged to support the
government, 492 ; his variable and
fluctuating temper, 496; determined
to support the war, 508 ; felt deeply
the difficulty of the times, iv. 43 ;
procrastinating habits of, 57 ; letter of,
on the subject of Catholic emanci
pation, 360 ; fatigue of, 382 ; illness
of, 404 ; blamed the line of conduct
pursued by Pitt, 43.
Portuguese treaty declared null. Hi. 488.
Potemkin, probability of his being com
missioned by Catherine to look out for
a new favourite, i. 1 74 ; being dis
pleased with Zoritz, presents a tall
hussar to the Empress Catherine,
1 98 ; abused by Zoritz, 1 98 ; ill re
ceived at court, 198; quits Czarsco
Zelo, 1 98 ; an artful man, 1 99 ; de
termined to have Zoritz dismissed,
199; invited to supper by Zoritz,
according to the empress's command,
198, 199; his conduct procures
Zorltz's dismissal, 200 ; contrives to
overset the good resolutions of the
empress, 202 ; village belonging to
him on the confines of Finland, i.
202; influence of, 203; competitors
for favour supported by him, 207 ;
insolence of, 208 ; angry at not
having the disposal of the office
of favourite to the empress, 208 ;
means employed by him to be re
stored to favour, 209 ; his fall cer
tain, if the new connection formed by
Catherine lasts, 209 ; outwardly af
fects high good humour and indif
ference, 210 ; termed an extraordinary
man by the Empress Catherine, when
advising Count Orlow to be friends
with him, 214; curious hint concern
ing his disappearance if necessary
given by Count Orlow, 215 ; said by
Count Orluw to have no real attach
ment for the empress, 215; his su
perior talent cunning, 215 ; his views
on the empress, 215 ; creates eternal
annoyances for the empre-is, 216; art
fully represents to the empress that
Count Orlow's assertion proceeded
only from ill-will and jealousy, 224 ;

INDEX.

447

no longer acts in concert with
Madame Bruce, 229 ; conducts him-
self slightingly to the Grand Duke,
228 ; completely sways Catherine,
and keeps her in continual dread of
the Grand Duke, 234 ; renders Prince
Orlow an object of ridicule and com
passion, 234 ; flatters the ruling pas
sion of the empress, 234 ; paid little re
gard to the politics on the west of Rus
sia, 236; his mind continually occupied
witli the idea of raising an empire in
the East, 236 ; led by the impulse of
the moment, 237 ; hates Count Panin
and dislikes the French, 243 ; con
nected with Sir James Harris by per
sonal friendship, 243 ; his acute un
derstanding and boundless ambition,
244 ; his interview with Sir James
Harris, 247 ; his conversation with
Sir James Harris, 254 ; asserts to
Sir James Harris that he is entirely
ignorant of foreign affairs, 256 ; in
fluenced by his niece Alexandra En
gelhart, 260 ; consents to the nomina
tion of Landskoi after receiving a con
siderable present, 263 ; increase of his
power, 263 ; approved of the alliance
with England, yet feared the empress
would not consent to it, 271 ; advised
the empress to get rid of her favourite,
273 ; his influence suspended, 273 ;
sentiments expressed by him in his
conversation with Sir J. Harris,
274 ; indisposition of, 276 ; says that
the interest of the King of Prussia is
declining at the court of Russia, 277 ;
relishes the freedom with which Sir
James Harris speaks, 277 ; says that
the empress abhors the inquisition, 27 8;
almost out of humour with Sir James
Harris's objections, 280 ; his inter
view with the charges d'affaires of
the Bourbon courts, 288 ; necessity
of bribing him, and bribing him
largely, 293 ; intreated by the King
of Prussia to support his interests,
296 ; puts on a mask, 300 ; disposed
to be the friend of England, 305 ;
his confidential friend, how bribed,
307 ; information given by his confi
dant to Sir James Harris, 308 ; sin
cerity of, 308 ; piqued against the
King of Prussia, 309 ; turns a deaf ear
to advantageous offers made him by
the King of Prussia, 309 ; offers made
to him by the King of Prussia, 309;
assiduous in his attentions, 314; in
quisitive coucerning the character of
the Emperor of Austria, 315 ; candid,

316; assures Sir James Harris that
she never intended to embarrass or dis
tress England, 317 ; Influenced by the
impulse of the moment, 318 ; charac
ter of, 318, seq ; his interview with Sir
James Harris, 320 ; attention of, to
Sir James Harris's remarks, 321 ; en
treats Sir James Harris to be easy,
322 ; his unaccountable carelessness
and inattention, 325 ; sojourn of
Harris at his country-house in Fin
land, 326 ; character of, 326 ; never
deceived England, 326 ; his rise and
fall in the favour of the empress, 327 ;
his singular method of life, 327 ; goes
out for an airing at midnight in an open
carriage In the rain, 327; slothful and
idle, 331 ; diverted from the perform
ance of his promise by dirty court in
trigues, 331 ; departure of, 334; the
only person on whom Sir James Har
ris could rely, 337 ; declares his Ig
norance of the empress's intended
offer of mediation, 338 ; endeavours
to persuade Catherine to see Sir James
Harris in private, 349 ; his advice to
Sir James Harris, 350 ; his acquaint
ance with the character of the Empress
Catherine, 362 ; his interview with
Sir James Flarris, 363 ; assures Har
ris that if England would cede Mi
norca he could persuade the empress
to go any lengths, 364 ; endeavours to
persuade Harris to induce ministers
to cede Muiorca, 365 ; illness of, 379 ;
obligations rendered by him to Sir
James Harris, 388 ; continued illness
of, caused by his singular mode of
life, 389 ; his conversation with Sir
James Harris, 395, seqq. ; insensible
indifference of, 419 ; idleness and dis
sipation of, 420 ; his advice to Sir
James Harris, 439 ; prevents the dis
missal of Panin, 459; in secret intel
ligence with Panin, 460; despondent,
463 ; change in his conduct, 471 ; at
tempts to deceive Sir James Karris,
475 ; in secret intelligence with
Panin, 475 ; adverse to Austria, 475;
personal ambition of, 492 ; his mania
for visiting churches, 5^ 6 ; quick tra
velling of, 516 ; fac-simile of his auto
graph, 517; his attention to Sir James
Harris during his illness, ii. 7, 8 ;
change in his conduct, 13; extensive
views of, 18 ; opposes the moderation
of the empress, 1 9 ; plans of, 20 ;
remarkable reply of, 28 ; pays his
debts, 36 ; his departure for the
Crimea, 41 ; ordered to annex part of

448

INDEX.

the Crimea and the Kuban to the
Russian empire, 42 ; asked for more
artillery, 46.
Potzdam, infamous intrigues at, ii. 344,
Powder from England, ii. 362.
Powis moves that the king's message'be
taken into consideration on Monday,
ii. 62 ; moved that ministers be dis
missed, 60.
Presents, iii. 162.
Preponderance of king of Prussia, i.
• 175.
Primate of Warsaw, ill behaviour of, i.
16; absurd reply of, 1 7.
Prince of Asturias, fond of hunting, i.
53 ; good heart of, 53 ; neglected
education of, 53 ; hates the character
of the French, 53.
Prince Czartoriski, mention of, i. 31 ;
his condemnation, 32 ; his pardon, 32.
Prince de Conde, project of, ii. 437.
Prince Ernest to command the army of
the regency, iii. 241.
Prince Henry, visit of, to Stockholm, i.
89 ; influence of, at Berlin, ii. 264 ;
dangerous adversary of England, iii.
174.
Prince Louis, democratical bearing of,
iii. 23.
Prince of Orange, proposed to be pro
nounced incapable, ii. 76 ; situation
of, 78 ; meditated a voluntary abdi
cation, 78 ; attempted riots in favour
of, 82 ; under the management of
Prussia, 82 ; want of energy in, 96 ;
turpitude of, 98; jealous of the sense
displayed by the Princess of Orange,
145 ; his departure for Breden, 147 ;
backwardness of, 176 ; suspicious and
mistrustful, 1 82 ; will not consent to
the terms proposed by the faction,
1 98 ; party of, 1 94 ; eager to esta
blish his influence in the provinces,
207 ; is promised support from the
Prince of Prussia, 218; ordered the
regiments of Holland out of Gelder
land, 222 ; conference of, with Sir
James Harris, 222 ; amazing me
mory of, 223 ; inclined towards Eng
land, 223 ; surpiising quickness of,
224 ; increases his guard, 228 ; al
lowed to return to Nlmeguen, 330 ;
suspended from his office of general
of the province of Holland, 230 ; his
reply to the states, 236 ; suspended
from his authority, 236 ; declared au
enemy of the republic, 238 ; his de
parture from the Hague, iii. 238 ; not
to be restored to his rights, ii. 247 ; rot
disposed to send any one to treat with

Mayence, 250; rejects the proposal
brought to Nlmeguen by Count
Goertz, 260 ; spirit and firmness of,
262 ; manly conduct of, 263 ; sus
picious, 203 ; his reception in Zea
land, 205 ; the command of the gar
risons to be restored to him, 287 ; his
letter to the byllier of Amsterdam,
298 ; will not yield, 271 ; his letter
to the King of England, SOI ; takes
possession of Utrecht, 374 ; his tri
umphant entrance into the Hague,
378 ; reinvested with his rights, 378 ;
desired apology, not revenge, 388 ;
intended massacre of his friends, 407 ;
kind to Malmesbury, iii. 9 ; -annuity
of, iv. 8.
Prince of Prussia, dissipation of, i. 127;
personal appearance of, 127 ; his
amusements, 128; his masters, 128;
character of, 131 ; behaviour ot^ to his
uncle, 138; dissipation of, 141. See
Crown Prince.
Prince Radzivil, powerful, i. 25 ; morals
of, 25 ; changed his party, 25 ; reve
nue of, 25.
Prince Repnin, i. 18; overbearing to
the King of Prussia, 1 9 ; urges Grand
Duke to travel, 462 ; his disrespect
to religion, 29 ; humane and disin
terested, 19; commanded the army
¦ instead of Potemkin, ii. 448.
Prince of Wales, hated by the king, i.
125; his debts, ii. 122; wished to
travel, 122; embarrassed situation of,
1 22 ; his connection with Mrs. Fitz
herbert, 1 30 ; resolves to pay his
debts, 130; debts of, 450 ; wishes for
an increase of income, 450 ; distress
of, 450; renewed desire of, to go
abroad, 451 ; strongly attached to
Mrs. Fitzherbert, 452 ; ruin of, 452 ;
little respected, 455 ; urges Malmes
bury to set out with the Princess
Caroline, iii- 161, 226; anonymous
letter concerning, 188 ; disgusted with
Caroline, Hi. 219; uncertain charac
ter of, iv. 1 8 ; conduct of, 6 ; behaviour
of, during his father's illness, 20;
agitation of his mind, 21 ; undignified
letter of, 21 ; behaviour of^ 24; un
feeling language of, 31 ; his rude be
haviour to the queen, 52; bad be
haviour of, 41 ; interview of, with the
king after his illness, 53 ; complains
of not being received by the king, 41 ;
addition to his Income, 171 ; his debts
to be paid, 204 ; anecdote of, 223 ;
a party leader, 350.
Princess of Asturias, artful and am-

INDEX.

449

bitious, i- 34 ; engaging mnnners of,
54.
Princess Augusta, advice of, to Caroline,
iii. 181.
Princess Charlotte, plan concerning, iv.
336 ; contest concerning, 335.
Princess Louisa, description of, iii. 43 ;
accomjillshed, 47.
Princess of Orange, kind to Malmes
bury, iii. 9 ; position of, ii- 83 ;
accomplished, 83 ; abilities ofj 96 ;
proposed to be appointed gouver-
nante, 96 ; quits the Hague, 147 ;
refuses to give up the prince, 149;
her conference with Sir James
Harris, 137 ; well received in Fries-
land, 153 ; danger of corresponding
with her, 1 50 ; relied on her brother,
168 ; ruled by the king of Prussia,
183; wHl not consent to the terms
proposed by the faction, 196 ; in
clined towards the King of Prussia,
223 ; her arrival in England, Hi- 238 ;
declares her approval of the associ
ation, ii- 273 ; wishes Goertz to be
recalled, 260 ; .approves of the con
duct of the prince, 273 ; her letter
to Frederick, 308 ; secret note of, to
Sir James Harris, 315; determines to
put herself at the head of a party, 322 ;
spirit of, 323 ; safety of, to be secured,
323 ; and suite arrested, 325 ; stopped
by the Free Corps, 325 ; interview ofj
with the Duke of Brunswick, 353 ;
upright conduct of, 346; invited to
return to the Hague, 383 ; suggests
that England should take Prussia into
our pay, iii- 12 ; deprecates the idea
of peace, 1 65 ; apprehensions of, con
cerning the withdrawal of the half-
pay allowance from England, iv. 1 93 ;
escape of, doubtful, iii. 200; visit of,
to Lord Malmesbury, iv. 57.
Princess of Wales behaved well, iv. 41 ;
judicious conduct of, 222. See Ca
roline.
Prisoners of war, iii. 263.
Proceedings of the diet, i. 22.
Proclamation against seditious writings,
ii. 450 ; proceedings concerning, 458.
Procrastination of the magistrates of
Dantzic, i. 104.
Progress of negotiations, i. 87-
Prohibition of festivities, ii- 110-
Prophecy of a massacre, i- 93.
Proposals to be made by Sir James Har
ris, ii. 281.
Provinces of Holland conquered by the
Prussian troops, ii. 387 ; union of,
dissolved, iv. 193.
vol. IV-

Pnissia, treaty of, with France, iii. 251 ;
the rival of France, Ii. 24 ; extent
of her influence in Holland, 81 ; its
designs on Poland, i. 107 ; critical
state of affairs in, 120 ; the occasional
ally of England, ii. 211 ; bad qualities
in, iii. 227; secret negotiation of, with
the French Convention, 228 ; civil
wars feared In, ii. 265 ; its secret con
vention with England, 351'; more
adroit at bribing than England, i.
431 ; declares that England respected
her flag more than that of Russia,
472 ; desires a separate alliance with
England, 513; state of, 13; advance
of her troops, designs of, 94 ; projected
embargo on corn in, 100 ; rejects a
French alliance, iv. 312 ; success of,
iii. 117; defeat of, 118; spirit of
party Hi, 1 43 ; tampering with France,
150; treating with the French Con
vention, 178 ; revenues of, iv. 390.
Prussian army cross the Rhine, iii. 147 ;
body of, receive orders to march, ii.
638 ; march of, to Holland, 340 ;
manifesto, 362 ; victories of, 374.
Prussian interest maintains its ground
in Russia, i. 239.
Prussian contre projet signed by Sir
James Harris, ii. 42 1 ; contre projet,
signing of, deemed a masterpiece of
diplomatic ability, 422 ; contre projet,
mode of signing it, 423.
Prussian troops, return of, stopped, iii.
85 ; retreat of, stopped, 89.
Public in France, change of disposition
Ul, HI. 328.
Public business resumed, iv. 33.
Public mind, state of, iv. 138.
Public affairs, state of, 173.
Quarrel between Goertz, and Panin, i.
294.
Queen, behaviour of, to Lord Malmes
bury, iv. 3 ; anecdote of. Hi. 160 ; be
haviour of, Iv. 336.
Queen of Austria, letter from, to Cathe
rine, i. 189.

B.

Race at Aranjuez, i. 47.
Rayneval, an able man, ii. 249 ; a re
spectable antagonist, 250 ; a man of
business, 256 ; makes another attempt
to prevail on the Prince of Orange,
268 ; rich services of plate presented
to, 270; sent to the Hague to observe,
not to negotiate, 284.
2 G

450

INDEX.

Reasons for not taking Caroline back to
Brunswick, iii. 235.
Recruits raised, i, 109-; in France, ii.
289.
Reeden, Dutch minister, iii. 49.
Reform in dress In Russia, ii. 8.
Regency bill brought forward, ii. 434 ;
proposal concerning, iv. 17.
Regency of Hanover, money belonging
to, iv. 29 ; money belonging to, 29 ;
bill indispensable, 49.
Regiments of Holland ordered out of
Gelderland, ii. 222 ; dispensed from
their oath of allegiance to the Prince of
Orange, 230 ; twelve to be quartered
in the province of Holland, 232.
Reichenbach, account of negotiation at,
H. 43.5.
Religion, disregard of, by Prince Rep
nin, i. 29,
Remfner, secretary to the Prussian mi
nister, his interview with Sir James
Harris, ii. 349; attached to the house
of Orange, 349.
Reported conspiracy, i. 84.
Representation of the executive power
necessary, HI. 18.
Republic of Holland in the hands of a
triumvirate, ii. 76 ; better to be anni
hilated than remain in its present
state, 79 ; ferment in, 335.
Reputation of England, i. 1 99.
Return of Mr. Harris to Madrid, i. 73.
Revolution in Sweden, i. 87 ; at Paris,
iii. 577; symptoms of, at Paris, 328.
Rewbell, account of, iii- 547. 551.
Rhine, unfavourable accounts from, iii. 35.
Rhingrave of Salm, character of, ii. Ill;
his accusation against the Duke, 111,
112; returns fromParis, 211; engaged
with French officers in putting the
fortifications into a state of defence,
241 ; his legion to be kept up, 285 ;
evacuates Utrecht, 374; disappointed
in his hopes from France, 397.
RIbas, Madame, i. 403.
Riga, ukase at, iv. 48 ; fresh complaints
at, I. 268.
Right of England to search Russian
vessels suspended, I. 269.
Rivers, frozen, iii. 206.
Road to Dantzic, bad, i. 156.; from
Pampeluna to Madrid, disagreeable,
i. 39.
Robespierre, overthrow of, iii. 125.
Robinson, imminent danger of, ii. 490 ;
husband to Lord Malmesbury's sister,
490 ; death of, 491; Lord Grantham's
brother, 490.
Rockingham comes into office, i- 492;
death of, 522.

Rodney, ordered to relieve Gibraltar, i.
283 ; defeats the J'rench fleet, 508.
Roraanzou, disappointment of, ii. 448 ;
accredited by Catherine to Louis
XVIIL and Charles X., 448.
Rotterdam, some women of, sentenced to
be hung for wearing orange-coloured
ribbons, ii. 90; intends to protest
against the proceedings of the state,
217; its address to the states of Hol
land, 270 ; British merchants at, 274.
Rosemary, i. 38.
Ross, Mr., his account of the emperor
Paul's assassination, iv. 54.
Royal family of Spain, i. 55; description
of, 55.
Royalists, numerous in France, iv. 265.
Rumbold, Sir G., account of his seizure,
iv. 330 ; carried off as a spy, v. 330 ;
account of his imprisonment, 331.
Rumours concerning France, iv. 249.
Rumoured conspiracy at Vienna, iii. 124 ;
charges, iv. 244 ; ministerial changes,
234 ; proposals of peace made by the
elector of Mentz, iii. 141.
Russia, Empress of, i. 14.
Russia, designs of, i. 88; situation of,
158; declines the treaty with England,
195; friendship of,197; extent of its em
pire, 203 ; resources of, 203 ; greatness
of, 203 ; discontent of the people, 203 ;
commerce of, 204 ; interior administra
tion of its affairs, 206 ; obstacles to its
amelioration, 209; court of, 216; in
consistency of, 21 8 ; supineness of its
administration, 232 ; preponderance of,
233 ; unfriendly to England, 4 89 ; weak,
49 1 ; march of artillery from, ii. 15; its
progress in the Crimea, 1 7 ; seeks En
glish officers for her service, 36 ; me
morial of, 89 ; keeps aloof from thecon-
vention between England, Holland,
and Prussia, 440; lost to England,441;
news from, 448; drawing towards
France, iv. 69. ; an irresolute power,
202 ; apparently friendly, 223 ; memo
rial ofj to Paris, 224 ; won by France,
253 ; desire of to deceive England, iii.
249.
Russian, ambassador, despotic character
of, i. 1 8. 21 ; to be despatched to Spain,
279.
Russian measures in Sweden, i. 205.
Russian fleet, attempt to burn it, i. 327.
Russian vessel confiscated, 279.
Russian sailors, amount of, 491.
Russian troops, march of, ii. 17.
Russian court unites with Austria, ii. 25;
damps the spirits of the triumvirate, 90.
Russian memorial to the diet, iv. 316;
army, state of, 384 > reverses of, 390.

INDEX.

451

Sabadowsky recalled, i. 201.
Siickcn, b.aron, insignificant, I. 261.
Sailing of the Russian fleet stopped, i.
514.
Sailors, number of, in Russia, i. 491.
Salisbury, birth-place of Malmesbury,
i. iv.
Salt-tax, idea of repealing it absurd, ii.
134; consumption of i. 111.
Samoilo, return of, to Prussia, ii. 16.
Sarcastic remaik of Catherine, i. 440.
Sardinia, incursion of, on the side of Nice,
Hi. 14.
Saxe Weimar, duke of, disposed to pro
mote a connection between England
and Prussia, ii. 405.
Sayre, M., an American spy, i. 328.
Scenery, description of, on the road to
Rouceveaux, i. 36.
Schimmelpenninck, Dutch minister, in
tercepted letters of, iv. 242.
Schlik, Imperial minister at Mentz, ill
informed, iii. 135.
Sebastiani, famous report of, iv. 192.
Secret convention, terms of, ii. 351 ;
between England and Prussia, 351.
Senegal, recovery of, ii. 33.
Separate convention with Holland, pro
ject of, iii. 88.
Servants of Sir J. Harris bribed, i. 456.
Services of plate presented to Monsieur
Rayneval, u. 270.
Shee, Sir George, proposes the erection
of fortresses in Ireland, iv. 239.
Sheffield, association at, ii. 45.
Shelburne keeps up a correspondence
with the French ministers, ii. 50 ;
resigns, 30 ; speaks to French mi
nisters, concerning the commotions in
the East, 54 ; lord, becomes prime
minister, i. 522.
Sheridan, admirable speech of, iv. 145.
Ships laden with Dutch recruits, ii. 289-
Ships of war at Cronstadt, attempted
burning of, i. 419.
Sieyes, abbe, account of, iii. 533.
Sincerity of Prince Potemkin, i. 274.
Singular scene, i. 210.
Smith, Sir William Sydney, taken pri
soner by the French, iii. 263 ; treated
as a spy, 263 ; how treated in prison,
324 ; case of, 443.
Snow, depth of, in Russia, ii. 27.
Society, state of, at Berlin, i. 97.
Spain, residence at, i. 33—79; its people
little changed during the last seventy-
six years, 33; little altered in appear
ance, 33 ; Inferior horses of, 63 ; de
sires peace, 64 ; obstinacy of, 69 ;

people of, disgusted with the idea of
a French alliance, 73; its dependence
upon France, ii. 84 ; declares war
against England, i. 240; bullion from,
iv. 257 ; subservient to France, 372 ;
demands of, ii. 33 ; on the eve of a
revolution, iv. 330.
Spaniards, character of, i. 48 ; costume
of, in Andalusia, 49 ; most perfect in
Andalusia, 42 ; gay, 49 ; witty, 50.
Spaniards and French bribe in common,
431.
Spanish infantry incomplete, i. 63.
Spanish fleet at Toulon disinclined to
fight, Hi. ,330.
Speaker of House of Commons, iv. 256.
Sjiccle, scarcity of, ii. 18.
Spengelar desires Hattem to open its
gates, ii. 229 ; commander of the
Stadtholder's forces, 229; arrives with
his corps before Hattem, 229 ; illness
of, 237 ; had the direction of the
project of association, 273 ; prejudiced
against Austria, ill. 10 ; clever me
morial of, 13; growing infirm, 93.
Spiegel did not imagine that his pro-
• posal would produce a war, ii. 1 99 ;
plan of, 202 ; his co-operation with
Harris concealed from Prince of
Orange, 203 ; dreaded by the patriots,
204 ; speech of, to Prince of Orange,
205 ; only person to be depended on
by Harris, 213; met Harris by
night, 2 1 7.
Staremberg, insincerity of, iv. 406.
St. Helen's, lord, English ambassador
at the Hague, iii. 97; talks of flight,
99.
St. Leger, Colonel, called on Malmes-
biu-y, ii. 452 ; beau of his time, iii.
234.
St. Petersburgh, court of, corrupted,
i. 199; fetes at, 178; strangers ill
received there, 193.
St. Priest, Mons. de, successor to
Mons. Verac, ii. 365 ; vexation of,
u. 481.
St. Vincent, lord, active first lord of the
admiralty, iv. 25; conduct of the
cabinet, 24.
St. Simon, account of. Hi. 463.
Stadtholder's party. See Prince of
Orange.
Stadtholderate, the work of the people,
ii. 272.
Stael, baron de, husband to Madame de
Stael, in. 347.
Stampfort, tutor to Prince of Orange's
sons, ii. 352 ; sent to Berlin on a
mission to the king, 352.
2 G 2

452

INDEX.

State of negotiations between France
and Prussia, iii. 184.
States General, resolution of, ii. 309 ;
meeting of, ii. 321 ; prohibit peti
tions, 331 ; tame spectators of violence
and oppression, 331 ; commission to,
342; convokedj 374; meeting of,
adjourn, 206; assemble, 214; vote
of, likely to irritate the people of
the Hague, 214; vote of, concerning
the command of the garrison, 214;
sudden assembling of, 226 ; petitions
at, 226 ; proceedings of, 227 ; con
tinue sitting, 230 ; high debates of,
279 ; meeting of, 28 1 ; resolution of,
309 ; not ready with their answer,
317; meet by night, 326 ; confirm the
intention of the Prince of Orange,
328 ; prohibited whistling, 331; re
fusal of the army to obey their orders,
232 ; meeting of, interrupted, 354 ;
summoned to assemble, 354 ; convoked,
374; answer of, to Thulemeyer's
memorial, 388 ; government in Hol
land, answers of, iv. 193.
Stein disgraced, iii. 20.
Stevens, author of Les Crimes des Rqjs
d' Angleterre, iii. 304.
Stewart, general, sent home a prisoner,
ii. 61.
Stormont, viscount, urges Sir J. Harris
to remain in office, i. 322.
Strackoff, account of, I. 224 ; supposed
to be the new favourite, 208.
Subsidy suspended, iii. 140 ; false alarm
concerning, 123; first instalment of, 97.
Successful sally of Marshal Beuden, iii.
128.
Suffolk, earl of, answer to the declara
tion concerning Poland, i. 91.
Suicide of Prussian treasurer, I. 133.
Superb fetes at St. Petersburgh, I. 178.
Supper at^the empress', i. 282.
Supposititious letter, i. 407.
Surrender of Lord CornwaUis at York
town, i. 478.
Suspected persons not to enter the pro
vince of Holland, ii. 325.
Sutherland, lady, in favour of the re
signed administration, iv. 7.
Swart, character of, I. 261.
Sweden, affairs of, i. 90 ; proposal of, to
Russia, 200 ; anti- French, iv. 24 ;
Prussian quarrel with, not over, i. 1 46 ;
apprehension of its people, 92.
Swieten, coolness to, i. 150.
Swinburne, agent for the exchange of pri
soners, iii. 296.
Switzerland, loss of its independence,
iv. 101.

T.
Table-cloth spoiled in drinking Sir James
Harris's health, ii. 34.
Tallien, Madame, celebrated wit, iii.
543.
Tallien, Mons., a violent Jacobin, ii. 543.
Talleyrand confirms the authenticity of
a work, ii. 187; persuaded that the
Directory mean to conclude peace
with England, iii. 325 ; letter of, 457 ;
a great hero, iv. 71 ; language of,
194 ; remarks of, on Col. Auvergne's
case, 204 ; his opinion of Malmes
bury, i. xvii.
Telemachus, where written, iii. 94.
Test Act, iv. 3 ; attempt to establish it
in England, 1.
Theatre of Aranjuez, i. 47 ; of Lisle,
conversation at, iii. 466 ; of Madrid,
i- 42.
Thiers, his opinion of Pitt, i. xviii,
Thulemeyer, Prussian minister in the pay
of France, ii. 39 ; conduct of) ii. 316 ;
reprimanded, 353 ; memorials of, 345 ;
alarmed at the vote of the states con
cerning the command of the garrison,
315; insincerity of, 365; falsehood
of, 332 ; artful memorial of, 338 ; his
proposals rejected by the Prince and
Princess of Orange, 284 ; coolly re
ceived at Nlmeg-uen, 283.
Thurlow, lord, mention of, iv. 354 ;
dismissed from office, ii. 461 ; cau
tious faction of, iii. 256.
Tierney takes Bragge's place, iv. 260.
Timber, decaying, i. 490.
Titchfield determined to support the
war, ii. 508 ; his violent abuse of
Malmesbury, 495.
Torrington, lord, his eccentric manner,
ii. 96.
Toulon given up to Lord Hood, HI. 32 ;
retaken by the French, 39.
Tourneur, Le, mortification of, HI. 549;
his departure from Lisle, 558.
Trade, narrows the mind, ii. 166 ; re
vival of, in Holland, iv. 1 93.
Travelling In Poland, i. 11.
Treaty of peace, signed at Versailles, ii.
170; relative to Poland, i. 81 ; with
France, Spain, and America signed,
ii. 57 ; renewal of, iii. 90 ; signed,
90 ; to extend as long as war lasted,
91 ; between Queen Anne and the
city of Dantzic, I. 100 ; between Aus
tria and Holland, preliminaries rati
fied, ii. 157 ; ratified by only four
powers, ii. 176; of Montebello, iii.

INDEX.

453

369 ; between England and Holland
signed, ii. 400 ; of alliance almost con
cluded, i. 413 ; of Basle at an end, IH.
206 ; of the armed neutrality, i. 219 ;
of peace, iii. 242; of alliance concluded,
I- 426 ; of alliance, secrecy regarding
It, 427 ; nearly broken, 428 ; between
Great Britain and Prussia signed at
Berlin, ii. 43 1 .
Triple alliance, reply of Catherine con
cerning, i. 266, 281; proposed by
Prussia, 511.
Triumvirate, designs of, H, 84 ; of Hol
land, object ot; 76 ; remain in pos
session of power, 133 ; success of
their party, 1 95 ; disperse agents
about the country, 211; opposed to a
composition, 219; audacious conduct,
248 ; ignorant arrogance of, iii. 593 ;
determine to use force, ii. 249.
Troops, distribution of, in the Crimea, ii.
17 ; ordered to approach Paris, iii.
522.
Troubles in the Crimea, i. 540.
Troubles in Holland, source of, ii. 337.
Turin, preparations for war at, ii. 444.
Turkish war, the object of Potemkin, i.
439.
Tuscany, intended annexation of, to the
grand republic, iv. 1 36.

Vander Hoop, general commanding
Prince of Orange's party, ii. 319.
Vansheik, faithful servant of Malmes
bury, iii. 549.
Vander Spiegel, account of, ii. 168 ; fa
vourable to the treaty with England,
414 ; accepts the office of grand pen
sionary, 402.
Vatel, Madame, i. 121.
Verac, M. de, his interview with Count
Goertz, ii. 234 ; perplexity of, 293 ;
his answer to the Amsterdamers,
320 ; familiarity of, I. 323 ; recalled,
ii. 361 ; promised the first vacant
blue ribbon, 366.
Vergennes, Mons., agent of Amsterdam,
289.
Versailles, English ambassador recalled
from, I. 180-
Vienck, Mile, new favourite of the king
of Prussia, iii. 21 ; candidate for fa
vour, 44.
Vieux de la Montague, nickname of the
King of Prussia, i. 314.
Villages, nastiness of, i. 38.
Visit of emperor of Austria to Catherine,
i. 313.
Volunteer bill, observations on, iv. 294.
Vorschoot, corps of^ under march, ii.
355.

U.
Ukase prohibiting fast driving, i. 178 ;
at Riga, iv. 78.
Ukraine, purchases of horses in, I. 476.
Unjust step of the court of France, i.
184.
Unitarians, petition of, ii. 458.
Utrecht, possibility of its refusing to
ratify the treaty, ii. 171 ; distressed
state of, ii. 237 ; in open rebellion, 319;
bridges broken at, 230; evacuated by
the Rhingrave of Salm, 374.

Vaart surrenders to the Prince of
Orange, ii. 374.
Valenciennes lost, iii. 1 36.
Van Beveren disinclined to the Prince
of Orange, ii. 237 ; the duties of
Spiegel devolve on him, 237.
Van Berkel to he dismissed the office of
secretary, ii. 288.
Van Citten, a man of excellent under
standing, ii. 162.

W.
Walmoden, Presidente, clever woman,
iii. 198 ; account of, iv, 408.
Walpole, Malmesbury's opinion of him.
Hi. 497.
War declared between England and
Holland, i. 372 ; deemed inevitable,
70; between Prussia and the Porte
inevitable, 177 ; between France and
England unavoidable, 183; with
Turkey the object of Potemkin, 439 ;
offi'ce, preparations at, iv. 231 ; prison
ers of, iii. 263 ; between France and
England threatened, iv. 244.
Wardrobe of Mrs. Harris, loss of, i. 162.
Warlike orders of, iv. 243.
Warsaw, diet of, i. 12; consternation of
the court of, 82, unsatisfactory ac
counts from, iii. 130; taken, 159.
Watchfulness of Russian ambassador, i.
21.
Wales, Prince of, his second conference
with Sir James Harris, ii. 126 ; con
ference of, with Sir James Harris, 1 22 ;
his correspondence with the king, 128.
See Prince of Wales.
Weather in Russia, i. 200 ; severe at

454

INDEX.

St. Petersburgh, i. 488 ; cold at St.
Petersburgh, 231.
Webster, lady, description of, iii. 1 9.
Wine, proposed monopoly of, i. 100.
Willis, Mr., anecdote of, iv. 310.
Wellesley, lord, wUl not accept the seals,
iv. 377.
Westphalia, preparations for its defence,
iu. 240.
Weimar, duke of, ii. 406.
Westminster Abbey, fire at, iv. 277.
Westminster, contest for, lasted forty
days, u. 65.
Weymouth, lord, resigned office in
1770, i. 70.
Whitbread, his attack on lord Melville,
iv. 338.
Whitworth, lord, account of his inter
view with Buonaparte, iv. 210 ; quits
Paris, 251.
Whig party, its existence depends on the
firmness of the duke of Portland, ii.
506 ; breaking up of, 509.
Whistling prohibited inHoUand, ii. 331.
Workhouse of St. Fernando, i. 45.
Wood, scarcity of, i. 490.
Woronzow hostile to the new adminis
tration, iv. 68 ; hostile language of,
245 ; friendly professions of, towards
England, 68 ; does not satisfy sir J.
Harris, ii. 1 32.
Wright, suspicious death of, iii. 394.
Wyndham, eloquence of, iv. 66 ; ac
count of, iu. 590.

Yarmouth, lord, anger of, at Malmes
bury's going to Berlin, iii. 15;
selfish character of, 17.
York, duke of, commanding the British
army at Tournay, iii. 18 ; confidential
conversation of, with Lord Blalmes-
bury, 23 ; the best master in the
world, 201 ; too talkative, 18 ; his

interview with Malmesbury, 18 ;
liberal temper of, 235 ; steady, ii. 479 ;
sincere and open, 439 ; marriage of,
439 ; condemned the conduct of Fox,
457 ; bad state of his affairs, 452.

Zealand, protestation from, against the
preliminaries of the treaty, ii. 155 ;
declares its disapprobation of the
French alliance, 171 ; determined to
persist in its opposition to the treaty,
179; province of, 196; firm inten
tions of, to refuse to consent to the re
form, 198; melancholy state of, 197;
mark of its confidence of England,
1 98 ; willing to annex a portion of its
East India Company to that of Eng
land, 198; a tenth part of the Belgic
confederation, 199; most important
province of the union, 1 99 ; only port
capable of admitting ships of war,
200 ; its capabilities of defence, 200 ;
last hold of England in Holland,
201 ; grants fiill powers to Harris to
conclude definitively on the answers to
the memorials, 213 ; swerves from
her allegiance, 237 ; defection, of tem
porary, 241 ; money employed in,
256 ; success of the association in,
277 ; ardour of the people, 277.
Zeebergen, character of, ii. 88 ; account
of, 88, 89; wishes to force the Prince
of Orange to return, 158 ; losing
ground, 161 ; speech of, 228.
Zierotin, count, death of, i. 134.
Zoritz, his projected revenge on his suc
cessor, i. 1 73 ; declines in favour, 174 ;
his behaviour to Prince Potemkin,
1 98 ; his decline in favour, 1 98 ; al
tercation of, with Potemkin, 200; dis
missed from the Russian court, 200 ;
impetuous character of, 201 ; sinks
into obscurity, 202.

THE END.

ERRATA.

Vol. I,
P. vi., for " South, Bishop of London," read " Lowth, Bishop of
London."
P. xi., /or "Autumn of 1767," read "1768;" and/o;- "Sir George
Cornewall," read " Sir George Amyand."
P. 119, for " 7,600/.," read " 760,000/."
Vol. II.
P. 67, for " 1783-4-5 mille," read " 1783—45,000."
P. 75, in foot note, for " Pitt" read "the King."

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