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x/v / / /:
X .'/o c/'/ tea f I

THE

HISTORY

TO WHICH IB PREFIXED,

VIEW OF THE PROGRESSIVE IMPROVEMENT OF ENGLAND,
IN PROSPERITY AND STRENGTH, TO THE
ACCESSION OF HIS MAJESTY.

IN THREE VOLUMES.

BY ROBERT BISSETT, LL. D.
AUTHOR OF THE " LIFE OF BURKS," &.C. StC

A JVEW EDITION,

BROUGHT DOWN TO THE DEATH OF THE KINfl,

VOLUME I.

PHILADELPHIA.-
PUBLISHED BY EDWARD PARKER,
No. 178, mabket-street. 1822.

PREFACE.

— **©»«--=

TO enlarge on the magnitude of the subject on which
I have adventured to write, would be unnecessary, and
might be unwise. Every reader must know, that the sera
is eventful and interesting : an expatiation, therefore, on the
greatness and importance of the theme, would pnly mani
fest the imprudence of the choice, should the execution
prove inadequate. I am fully aware, that many votaries of.
historical literature deem it more difficult to write a histo
ry of present times, than of remote transactions : expe
rience, however, does not confirm the opinion, as some of
the most authentic and impartial works have recorded
events which passed during the lives of the authors. Ci
tation of instances would be superfluous, both to classical
and modern readers. THe reader who is competent to the
task of composing a history, may execute the work on a co-
temporary subject, as easily as on any other. ' The peculiar
difficulty belonging to a performance of this kind, is to
avoid prejudice and partiality ; yet it is no more impracti
cable for an historian to deliver the truth respecting living
characters, than for a witness to deliver faithful testimony
according to the best of his knowledge. An ardent parti
zan of any of the great political leaders, might find it im
possible to render impartial justice in a narrative which, in
cludes their conduct ; but a writer that is totally unconnect
ed with the parties, has no motive to distort truth for the
sake of either the one or the other. I conceive, therefore,
that no valid objection can lie against the choice of the
theme, except such as my refer to the competence of the
author. On this subject it would ill become me to speak ;
in a few words, however, I shall mention the reasons which
determined me to engage in the present undertaking, hop
ing they may serve as an apology to those who may think

fa PREFACE.
that I have made an essay beyond my strength. Having
devoted the chief part of my literary attention to biograpm-
cal and historical studies, I conceived an idea many years
ago of writing a history, choosing for my subject the trans
actions and events with which I was chiefly conversant,
and by which I was most deeply interested and impressed.
Britain, from the revolution to the present time, appeared
to me to afford a scope for narration and reflection, equal
to any that had hitherto been treated in history ; and I
cherished a hope of being able, some time or other, to com
plete a narrative of that period.
Commencing literary adventure with more moderate
pursuits, progressive encouragement emboldened me to at-1
tempt the Life of Burke. The subject naturally called my
attention to more recent transactions and events than those
which I had originally proposedjirsi to narrate ; and with
proud pleasure I contemplated the efforts of my country,
displaying in arduous struggles the exhaustless abundance
of British resources, and the invincible force of the British
character ; still more strikingly manifested in the times in
which I live, than even those which had immediately or
shortly preceded.
The reception which that work met from the public, and
from all the reviewers at the time, of whatever party or po
litical sentiments, inspired me with hopes that I might be
enabled to execute a work not uninteresting or unimpor
tant to others, on a subject the examination of which was
so pleasing and instructive to' myself. Other gentlemen, I
was aware, had handled the same period ; but, without dis
cussing the literary merits of either Messrs. Macfarlane or
Belsham, I readily saw, and knew the world believed, that
both these gentlemen were rather repeaters of party no
tions and reports, than original composers of authentic and
impartial history ; the ground, therefore, did not appear to
me to be pre-occupied.
For materials, besides examining all the periodical and
occasional narratives of the times, I carefully investigated
state papers, and many other written documents, with which
I had been liberally furnished by private communication.
For political, commercial, naval, and military information,-
I applied to men who were most Conversant in these sub-»
jects, and fortunately never applied in vain. By conversa-"
tion with intelligent and experienced gentlemen both in the
land and sea service, I acquired as much knowledge of
their respective professions, as enabled me to comprehend
the general tactics and discipline, their progressive im
provements, arid actual state ; and thus, in every particu-

PttEFACfc
kr action, to trace the cause and operation whence the
event resulted. The financial history and situation of the
country, I studied in the most approved works ; and in of
ficial documents, for access to which I am indebted to the
private friendship of a member of the legislature; Where
my subject required legal investigation, in addition to read
ing, I had recourse to eminent counsellors ; and to a gen
tleman, who is now about to leave a country adorned by
his genius atid erudition, I am peculiarly indebted for many
of the ideas that will be found in the parting view of lord
Mansfield. In short, on every topic that required either
narrative or discussion, I have consulted the most authen
tic evidence, and the best approved judges.
In the disposition of my materials, I have adopted the
following plan. Previous to the Commencement of the
History, there is an Introduction, which traces the progres
sive improvement of England in ¦ internal prosperity and
strength, as well as in estimation and importance among
foreign powers, from the earliest times to the beginning of
the war 1756. A preliminary chapter contains the causes
and outline of hostilities, with the internal transactions and
state of the country during the last years of the late king ;
in order that the reader, having before him at the acces
sion of his present majesty, the outset of national affairs,
foreign and domestic, may more easily perceive progress
sion and result. Both in the Introduction and History, it
has been my endeavour to place in a j ust and striking light
the force of the British character, formed and invigorated
by the British constitution ; and to demonstrate that Bri
tain, either in peace or in war, prospers and conquers, be
cause she excels in wisdom and virtue. This is the moral les
son which my narrative attempts to inculcate : and if I do
not succeed, the deficiency is in myself, and not in my sub
ject. It is possible that my narrative may be charged with
national partiality: I confess I love my country, and hate
her enemies ; and if this be a crime, I must plead guilty.
I trust, however, that notwithstanding my warm affection
for Britain, and my admiration of her stupendous efforts, I
shall be found, even in reciting the contests with her foes,
to have rigidly adhered to historical truth, and done jus
tice to the exertions of her enemies ; whoy in disciplined
valour, genius, and power, far surpassed any foes that were
ever opposed to the heroes of ancient Greece or Rome.
Such are the object, plan, and distribution of this present
History; and if its execution be received with equal favour
as my former labours, it will answer the most sanguine ex
pectations of the author.

INTRODUCTION.

Progressive Improvement of England— -in Internal Prosperity and Strength
— in Estimation and importance among Foreign Powers.
ANCIENT writers agree, in supposing that the first in- First inha-
habitants of Britain, migrated from the continent. This opi- bit?nts of
nion is founded on their language, manners, institutions, reli-Bntain'
gion, and complexion ; in which they closely resembled the
neighbouring Celts. Their governments, though monarchical,
were free ; they were under the guidance of druidical super
stition; their only records were the songs of their bards. They
were divided into a number of petty states, inspired with mu
tual jealousy, and respectively agitated by internal dissentions :
but though similar, to the continental Gauls in civil and re
ligious establishments, and in general character, yet being i
farther removed from the centre of civilization, they were still
more barbarous in their manners. Their possessions and their
wants were equally limited ; they were ignorant of the refine
ments of life. Subsisting by the chase, by pasturage, and
imperfect agriculture; clothed with the skins of beasts, which
their fields and forests supplied, and dwelling in huts raised in
their woods and marshes, they neither sought nor knew the
pleasures of foreign- luxury. In this uncultivated state, they
discovered that masculine boldness and strength of character,
by which their successors have been distinguished in all the
stages of progressive improvement. Ready and willing to
contribute whatever efforts their country might require, they
spurned at compulsion. The commons retained a greater
degree of power than among their Gallic kinsmen. Like all
European barbarians, warlike and ferocious, they exercised
their prowess in insular contentions, without attempting to in
terfere in the affairs of the continent. Their military force
consisted in their infantry, which wanted only discipline and
skill to have opposed with effect even the Roman legions.
Intestine divisions facilitated the progress of the enemy's
armies under the conduct and wisdom of Agricola. Chased
from the verdant and fertile fields of southern Britain, liberty
sought, found, and preserved an asylum in the bleak and bar-

man con
quest.

8 VIEW OF THE
Effects of ren fastnesses of Caledonia. The victor, in conformity to the
the Ro- Roman system, having subjugated the defenders of their coun
try, from mildness of disposition and soundness of policy, endea
voured to render the chains which he had imposed, easy and
agreeable. He taught them the Roman language and manners,
instructed (hem in letters and science, and inspired them with a
relish for the accommodations and luxuries of polished life.
That both the new acquisition, and the legions which defended it,
might be secure from the northern incursions of the unconquer-
ed mountaineers, he formed a line of posts along the Scottish
isthmus. Defended by these and subsequent fortifications, pro
tected by the conqueror's forces, acquiescing willingly in the do
minion of their masters, more effectually and durably subdued
by their arts than their arms, the once bold, hardy, and indepen
dent Britons became the timid, effeminate, and servile subjects
of the Roman empire. Detached from the continent, this pro
vince enjoyed profound tranquillity, long after the irruptions of
northern barbarians had pervaded the other parts of the empire.
The skilful avarice of its conquerors discovered many of the ad
vantages of Britain ; the general fertility of its soil ; the richness
of its pastures; the abundance of its flocks, sucure from wild
beasts and venomous serpents; the value of its minerals; the
number and conveniencies of its harbours, equally adapted to
commerce and defence. From her civilized subduers, Britain
first learned the powers which she possessed, and which, inspir
ed by liberty, and enlightened by knowledge, she has since car
ried to so unparalleled an extent.
The progress of northern invaders at length compelled the
emperors of now enervated Rome, to recall their legions from
distant frontiers, that they might defend the metropolis. Va
luable as Britain was, they were necessitated to evacuate that
island for ever. Debilitated by long peace, and dejected by
long slavery, the southern Britons had now to encounter fe
rocious foes, against whom the strength of Roman fortifications,
and the dread of Roman discipline, had hitherto afforded them
sufficient protection. The Picts and Scots, who dwelt in
the northern parts beyond the wall of Antoninus, made in
cursions upon their peaceable and effeminate neighbours; and
beside the temporary depredations which they committed,
these combined nations threatened the whole proyince with
subjection, or what the inhabitants more dreaded, with uni
versal plunder and devastation.1 Unable to defend themselves,
the Britons applied for assistance to their late masters. A
single legion, sent to their succour freed their couutry from
its desultory invaders ; and, having effected its deliverance,
again returned to the continent. The Britons were once more
exposed to the inroads of their impetuous neighbours. Still

Romans evacuate
Britain.

Picts and
Scots.

' See Hume, vol. i. p, 7.

STATE OF ENGLAND.
too little inured to war, to recover the valour of their ancestors,
they again sought security from foreign protectors.
Stretched along the coasts of northern Germany, and op
posite to Britain, were the Saxons, one of the fiercest and most Saxons.
warlike tribes of their nation. Hardy and intrepid in every
kind of warfare, from their maratime situation, they were pe
culiarly addicted to nautical expeditions. Originally fishermen,
they had become pirates; they possessed arms and ships, the
art of navigation, and the habit of naval war. Invading and
despoiling the neighbouring coasts, they had gradually ex
tended their depredations from the German ocean to the British
channel and the Bay of Biscay. The Romans had been fre
quently successful in repelling these piratical efforts,1 but they
could not prevent them from being renewed with increased
force. The dissolution of the Roman power encouraged the
Saxons to repeat their incursions into southern Europe; they
were a terror to other nations.
Such was the , people to whom the Britofis applied for aid*
Hengist and Horsa, the most celebrated warriors of the time,
easily persuaded their countrymen to engage in an enterprise
which appeared to them to promise a favourable opportunity of
displaying valour, and acquiring plunder. Preparing a consi
derable force, they landed in the isle of Thanet, and immediate
ly marched to defend the Britons from the Picts and Scots.
They were speedily successful against the ravagers of southern
Britain. Rescued from their enemies, the Britains now expect
ed to enjoy tranquillity, under the protection of their warlike
allies. They soon found, however, that a state cannot long
enjoy independence and security, that trusts to any efforts but
its own. The Saxons seeing, in the facility with which they
overthrew the Picts and Scots, how easily a people could be
conquered that were unable to resist such feeble invaders, soon
formed the project of subjugating the Britons themselves. They
were allured by the fertility, verdure, and riches of the country;
and inflamed with the desire of exchanging for it, the barren,
bleak, and indigent regions of uncultivated Germany. Of these
advantages they informed their countrymen, and soon received
re-enforcements, which enabled them easily to subdue that part
of the country which they had first known and attempted. The
ready establishment that the Saxons acquired in Kent under
Hengist and Horsa, invited other hordes to invade different
parts of the island. The Britons by degrees recovered that
valour3 which their ancestors had exerted against the conquerors
of the world : the contest became arduous and bloody : many
deeds of heroism were performed by the defenders of their liber-

1 Gibbon, vol. iv. p. 29.
'- Gibbon places the courage and perseverance with which the BritoDS
resisted the Saxons, in a more striking light than any other historian. SS'e
History, -vol. vi. p. 385, to 393.
Vol. I. 2

10

VIEW OF THE

ties, as well as by ambitious aggressors. The fame of prince
Arthur, though the theme of chivalrous mythology1 and poetic
fiction, is allowed by our historians to have its foundation in
truth.8 In the darkness of barbarity, as well as in the light of
civilization, Britain wanted not leaders and soldiers to combat
the assailants of her independence. The natives, however,
were yearly decreasing in numbers, while the losses of the
Saxons were supplied by recruits from the continent. After a
hundred and fifty years, the Germans fully established them
selves, by exterminating the ancient possessors. The Saxons,
in forming their heptarchy, having extirpated the Britons, in
troduced into this island the manners and institutions of their
native land, and effected a revolution more complete than that
which conquest has usually produced.3 The elegance and re
finement which had begun to spread through Britain while a
Roman province, were now'totally overwhelmed by barbarity.
Character ' But, uncouth as their manners were, the Saxons possessed
of the Sax- vigorous understandings, undaunted courage, supported by
ons" great bodily strength, and inspirited by an ardent love of liber
ty. Their several systems of policy, formed upon the principles
of their ancestors, as consecrated to immortality by the pen of
Tacitus, uniting kings, chiefs, and commons, were the rude but
strong foundation of that constitution, which their descendants,
inheriting the force of their character, now enjoy and preserve.
When they had settled themselves beyond all question and dis
pute as masters of southern Britain, the Saxons soon disconti
nued intercourse with their German countrymen, and maintain
ed little connection with any foreign country. Adhering to the
superstition of their forefathers,- they had broken one powerful
tie, by which many of the Britons were attached to christain
Europe. Having, in the products of their new possession, sup
plies for their wants, they rarely attempted to .cultivate the
knowledge of other countries for the sake of commercial bene
fits. From their insular situation, together with the state of
their continental neighbours, who were chiefly occupied in dis
putes with adjoining principalities, or internal arrangements,
they had no hostile interference with foreign countries ; nei
ther religion, traffic, nor jarring pretensions, engaged them
in amity, nor involved them in war, with the nations of the
continent.
Small con- Since the invasion of Julius Csesar, Britain was never so de-
with the ™!hed f«"n external politics, as during the first ages of the
continent, »axon heptarchy. Religion restored the intercourse which had
during the formerly subsisted between Britain and the continent The
heptar- conversion of the Anglo-Saxons to Christianity, beside the im-
Bdigion P°rtant effects which »* was calculated to produce upon the
first opens « gee Don Quixote.
tiveSrities.''' P" 16' ^ Gibb°n' V01, "• P: 390i with tWlr resPec-
3 Robertson's Charles V. vol. i. p. 197.

STATE OF ENGLAND. 11
morals and dispositions of its new votaries, proved the means a commu-
of opening a political connexion between this island and, less m??tion
barbarous regions. Coincidence of theological opinion gradu- JhernSEU.
ally introduced communications upon other subjects; the king-rope.
doms of the heptarchy began to interest themselves in the af
fairs of their southern neighbours, and to conceive that a naval
force was the most effectual means of defence and security to
islanders. Though the internal contests between the several Saxonsbe-
princes had prevented this newly discovered policy from being»gi« to un
earned into extensive execution, yet one prince (Offa of Mercia) derstand
set the example; and, when France under Charlemagne had ta^ceTof'"
risen to a great pitch of power and opulence, encouraged com- navalforce
merce, and formed a navy, as the certain security of this coun- and of
try against the conquerors of the continent.1 Offa perceived com-
the advantage to be derived from foreign trade being carried on merce'
by his own subjects, and for that purpose concluded a commer
cial treaty with the French monarch.
When the heptarchy was consolidated under Egbert into the
kingdom of England, circumstances became more auspicious to
the commercial and political aggrandizement of the country.
This revolution favoured internal trade, by putting a period to
intestine wars, and rendering the communication between the
several parts of England more secure and free : it was friendly
to external commerce, by making the English monarchy a great
er object to foreign merchants, and the English monarchs of
greater consideration in foreign countries. Still the Anglo Sax
ons were defective in that nautical power which their situation
required, and its resources admitted.
Depredations committed by a new enemy, who invaded the Danes
coasts, convinced the English of the necessity of equipping a
maritime force. The Saxons, who had remained in Germany
when their brethren established themselves in Britain, continued
to maintain the character, and follow the pursuits of their an
cestors, being distinguished for naval power, and becoming,
from its exertion in piracy, formidable to all the southern coasts.
As they still adhered to the pagan superstition, Charlemagne
undertook their conversion by means more agreeable to the vio
lent bigotry of the benighted ages, than to the generosity, mag
nanimity and wisdom of his own character. In the progress of
hjs conquests having subdued northern Germany, by the most
rigorous edicts against paganism he endeavoured to establish
Christianity, and severely punish the transgressors of his de
crees, in many instances decimating the refractory.3 Some of
these pagans complied with the imperious mandates of the con
queror; while others, more intrepid and independent, refused to
yield to injunctions so cruelly enforced, and, to avoid the fury of
the persecution, retired into the adjoining peninsula of Jutland.
» Henry's History of -Great Britain, vol. iv. p. 196. '
s Hume, vol. i. p. 42.

12

VIEW OF THE

Meeting there with inhabitants of similar manners, institutions,
and religious faith, they easily coalesced with the ancient pos
sessors, and having assumed a common appellation, the ,sax°n=
and Jutlanders, under the name of Danes, about the end oi me
eighth century, commenced a very extensive system ot maritime
invade invasion : in the course of which they were induced to visit ling-
England, land, at that time unprotected by an adequate naval torce. in
their inroads they showed that, though barbarians, they were
not destitute of judgment or prudence. Learning that the na
tives were as valiant soldiers as themselves, they trusted chiefly
to their skill and activity as sailors ; and having previously ex
plored the state of the coasts, they landed in the most defence
less and fertile parts; which having pillaged before an English
force could assemble, they retired to their ships ; and soon after
descended, in a similar manner, and with similar success, on
other parts of the coast. These enterprises harassed the vigor
ous reign of Egbert, who had not acquired the only force by
which they could have been effectually repressed. Elated with
their success, and farther encouraged by the feebleness and in
action of the superstitious Ethelwolf, they enlarged their
schemes, and formed the project of subduing the whole of that
country,'with the devastation of whose coasts they had hitherto
been contented. During the reign of this weak prince and his
elder sons, the Danes made rapid strides to the attainment of
their object; when the genius and wisdom of his youngest son,
Alfred, not only extricated his country from present danger,
but established the most effectual means of future security and
aggrandizement to the kingdom.
Alfred dis- Having restored his country from a state of humiliation and
cernsthat subjection, to honour, independence, and glory, the illustrious
!h ?ndCj~'.* Alfred turned his philosophic mind to a comprehensive survey
crandize- °f '**s situation and circumstances, and its relation to foreign
ment of powers. He saw that the safety and greatness of England
England must chiefly depend upon maritime effort. To promote trade,
must arise antj t0 establish a navy, after the expulsion of the Danes, was
navy. 6r a Principal object of his renowned administration. For the at
tainment of these purposes, as well as to gratify the inquisitive
spirit incident to genius, he cultivated an intercourse with fo
reign and even remote countries. His agents not only explored
the shores of the Baltic and the White Sea, but investigated the
state of Asia, from the Mediterranean to the Persian and Ara
bian gulf. He introduced new manufactures, which furnished
many articles for exportation, as well as for consumption within
the kingdom. By his inventive talents, he made great improve
ments in the art of ship-building. The vessels constructed un
der his direction, were much superior to any that were known
in the northern or western seas, in the three important qualities
of celerity, force, and facility of management.1 As the founder
'Henry, vol. iv. p. ,231.

STATE OF ENGLAND. 13
of English jurisprudence, and the establisher of internal security
and tranquillity, Alfred is not more deservedly celebrated, than Alfred
as the founder of English navigation and commerce, and thefounderof
establisher of external security and greatness. This extraordi- English
nary prince so clearly demonstrated and vigorously pursued the *jerI|^™"!U
real interests of his country, that other Anglo Saxon kings, ac- vigation,
cording to their adoption or neglect of the policy of Alfred sue- and com-
ceeded in resisting the efforts of foreign aggressors. The abili-™61,06*
ties and- vigour of the English sovereigns for several generations
maintained a powerful navy, which prevented the northern
plunderers from seriously infesting a country so strongly secu
red, and impelled them to seek pillage and settlement among
our continental neighbours.
The weakness of Ethelred in the neglect and mismanage
ment of naval affairs, manifested in its effects the wisdom of
Alfred, as clearly as it was shown in the able measures of his
immediate successors ; for when the system of defence, which
Alfred by his precept and example inculcated, was either aban
doned or feebly executed, the evils recurred, which he had so
vigorously repelled and afterwards prevented. But, though the
invasions of the Danes impressed the English with a high idea
of the importance of commerce, it was rather with the view of
affording the means of defence, than of being productive of
prosperity and civilization. Export traffic, so much interrupted
by northern cruisers, did not, in the time of the Saxons, rise to
that magnitude which Alfred had proposed and expected. The
total subjection of England to the Danes was salutary to the
commerce of the kingdom, by putting an end to those bloody
wars between the two nations, which had raged about forty
years with little intermission. Canute the Great, a wise as well
as a warlike prince, endeavoured to gain the affections of his
English subjects, by affording them the most effectual protec
tion; and every encouragement in his power. He employed the
influence which his high reputation, extensive dominions, and
mighty force had obtained, among foreign princes, to procure
favours and privileges from them to his trading subjects. From
his time, during the reign of his sons, and after the restoration
of the Saxon line, the navigation and commerce of England
continued comparatively flourishing till the conquest. The
Danes, having betaken themselves to cultivate the arts of peace,
no longer disturbed their neighbours by piracy. By the contest Contest
with the northern navigators, the Anglo Saxons were losers in with the
the interruption of agriculture and of internal improvement, ""j!^
but gainers in acquiring naval power, commercial ideas, and tors bene_
promoting an intercourse with the continent. From the acces- ficial to
sion of Canute, when the internal disadvantages ceased to England.
be felt, and the external advantages increased, the benefit
which they now derived, exceeded the loss that they had
formerly incurred. Though England, from religion, had
hitherto some intercourse with southern Europe, her chief

14

Norman conquest.

Affectingthe consti
tution,laws, and
mannersof Eng
land.

Inter
course with con-

ViEW OF THE
political connexion was with the north. She had very little
acquaintance with her adjacent neighbours the French. The
conquest of the kingdom by William of Normandy, made a
most important change, both in her internal state, and in her
relation to the continent.
Complicated as the feudal system was in its nature, and ex
tensive in its subjects, it was extremely simple in its principle,
and confined in its original objects: it was a policy, which,
overlooking every other consideration, narrowed its provision
to national defence ;4 and was merely a reciprocal guarantee
of acquisitions proceeding from conquest. The leaders and
officers among the northern subduers of middle and southern
Europe, in their respective tribes and divisions, entered into
agreements to prevent themselves from being dispossessed of
their lands by other invaders. The insulated state of the An
glo Saxons rendering them less exposed to ambitious depreda
tors than their continental neighbours; the feudal system had
not been established in England. The people had retained
more of the ancient German liberty than on the continent,
where an enslaving aristocracy was generally prevalent. Hence
was preserved that spirit of freedom, which the most aspiring
monarchs could never thoroughly subdue, and which has ren
dered this comparatively small territory, this " little body with
a mighty heart!" the admiration and terror of most extensive
and powerful empires. The manners of the Saxons, though
rude and unpolished, were frank, manly, and independent ; to
tally void of that servility and submissiveness which character
ize the subjects of either monarchical or aristocratical slavery ;
they were barbarians, it is true, but bold and generous. The
conquest of the kingdom by the Normans effected a considera
ble change ; though by no means like that by the Saxons, a com
plete revolution in laws and manners. William attempted to
model his new dominions according to the feudal system, with
partial, but imperfect success. The Saxon spirit of liberty con
tinuing, extended to the Normans, with whom, in a few a°-es,
the former inhabitants became entirely intermixed ; and obtain
ed, from the prudence of wise,3 or extorted from the fears
of weak,8 princes, the revival, and even the improvement,
of the Anglo Saxon constitution. Still, however, the Norman
laws and establishments subsisted in a considerable degree
and long continued to affect the condition and manners of the
people.* The changes produced by the Norman conquest were still
greater at the beginning, and eventually more permanent in

' Robertson's Charles V. vol. i. p. 13.
1 Henry I. and Henry II.
3 John and Henry m. See Hume, vol. i. and Blackstone, vol. iv c 33
B^Lt^t^

STATE OF ENGLAND. 15
other respects, than in our laws and establishments. Hence is tinental
to be dated the commencement of our intercourse with middle EuroPe-
and southern Europe, and especially with France, which has
formed so important a branch of our political history. From
that growing intercourse with continental Europe, proceeded
also, in the progress of time, the beginning of our commercial
efforts, and the revival and extension of our naval force. From Origin of
the possession of Normandy by the English princes, proceeded wars be-
those wars which so long raged between France and England EmjLuKj
to their mutual detriment. The crusades at certain times by an(f
giving them identity of object, produced alliance ; but this was Franse.
soon after followed by hostilities. The weakness and wicked
ness of John, abroad as well as at home, produced most bene
ficial effects to his country. The murder of prince Arthur ex
cited a war, which, terminating in the conquest of the English
dominions in France, extirpated the principal cause of dissen-
tion ; while the weakness of Henry III. and the wisdom and
goodness of Louis IX. maintained a long peace between the
respective kingdoms.
The lofty genius, comprehensive wisdom, and intrepid spirit Civil and
of the first Edward, were chiefly occupied with two grand ob- P°lltical
jects; the establishment of a perfect system of jurisprudence Edward I.
in England, and the consolidation of Great Britain into one
kingdom. Engaged so deeply within the island, he was involv
ed in no lasting or important hostilities with the continent.
In the unfortunate reign of Edward II. the feebleness of the
son in Britain, undid a great part of what the abilities of the
father had effected ; and with the continent he had established
no material connexion. The ambition mingled with the extra
ordinary qualities of his celebrated son found a new ground of
contest with France, which caused great disasters to both king
doms. Unwise as the policy was which prompted Edward III.
to seek the sovereignty of a kingdom in opposition to its estab
lished laws, and contrary to the interests of his own country,
his measures for executing the undertaking were concerted with
an ability worthy of his character. To make a powerful im
pression, formed an extensive confederacy with continental
states, and laid the foundation of a much wider intercourse
with the Low Countries and. Germany, than had ever existed be
fore. The first important consequence resulting from Edward's
alliance with the Netherlands was, that his attention was there
by directed to naval affairs. After the revival of commerce,
first by the Italian states in the southland afterwards by the
Hanseatic league in the north of Europe, centrical position,
maratime situation, fertility of soil, and industry of people, be
ing fostered under a government of less feudal aristocracy and
more enlarged freedom than prevailed in France and Germany,
rendered Flanders the medium oPcommercial communication
between the coasts of the Mediterranean and the Baltic. It
nearly monopolized that intermediate traffic, for its neighbours

!6 VIEW OF THE
of France and Britain made no attempt to improve their re
spective opportunities for trade. English materials indeed
were tbe principal subjects of Flemish skill ; from the raw pro
duce of the farms and pastures of England, Flanders derived
the staple of her flax and woolen manufactures. An empori
um of merchandize, she acquired wealth and force ; and was
Edward particularly distinguished for naval power. Resorting to Flan-
Ill, in (jeis t0 promote the purposes of the military alliance, Edward
Flanders wag not g*ow jn obgervlng the political state of that country.
the impor- His perspicacious mind discovered the cause to be, its commerce
tanceof and manufactures. He endeavoured to excite among his own
manufac- subjects, that spirit of industry, which he found so beneficial to
tures and jts votaries ; and to direct it to those objects in which he per-
m™~ce ceived its efforts to be most productive. He invited Flemish
artisans to settle in his dominions, and commenced the woolen
Directs manufactures in his own kingdom. Knowing his people to
the genius,nave genius, enterprise, and perseverance, he first turned those
2f h',? , qualities towards the arts which have raised England to be the
sub,e'ctsto foremost among commercial nations. As Edward I. formed
those ob- and digested English jurisprudence, so admirably fitted for ren-
jects. dering to every man his right, and guarding his property; Ed
ward III. laid the foundation of that skill, and those efforts,
which have acquired to Englishmen so much property to se
cure. From his engagements with Flanders originated naval
victory,1 which united with his commercial views to impress on
Raises , -his mind the importance of maratime power. The splendid
England achievements at Cressy and Poictiers, so glorious to English va-
to influ- jour anl| t0 the courage and conduct of Edward and his re-
cncs in -¦ • >
the affairs n°wned son, combining with the admired talents and character
ofEurope. of both, gave to them and their country a weight in other Eu
ropean kingdoms, which England had never before possessed.
The irritation of, the contest produced a spirit of hostility,
between the two first nations of the modern world. Frequent
wars impeded the advances of both to an opulence and power
suited to their respective genius and character. The reign of
Edward III. may be considered in English history, as the great
epoch of commencing manufactures and commerce in this na
tion ; as the periotl when England began to have an extensive
influence in the affairs of the continent; and when a spirit of
regular and permanent hostility first broke out between Eng
land and France.
Causes Though the basis of British commerce and naval power
thatre- was so ably and skilfully laid by Edward, yet general causes
operation and Part,c.ular events long retarded the superstructure. The
of Ed- martial spirit prevalent in England, when intermingled with the
ward's po- Pr|de of feudal aristocracy, represented the manufacturer and
licy. merchant as despicable, in comparison to the soldier; and
while the warlike character of the times depreciated in the
¦ OffSluisc, June, 1340,

STATE OF ENGLAND. 17
public opinion the estimation in which those peaceful profes
sions were held, and precluded from them the votaries of
honour and fame, the violence and turbulence of those rude
ages diminishing the security of property, often tended to ob
struct the votaries of interest in their mercantile adventures.
The character and circumstances of the succeeding sovereigns, Feudal
and the contests about the throne, promoting for a century aristocra-
tnilitary energy, and not restraining turbulent violence and in-cy and
justice, interrupted the natural progress of Edward's plans. character.
The feebleness of a long minority, the frivolity and profligacy
of Richard's personal character, the jarring interests of the Richard II.
princes of the blood, aud their respective pretensions to that
power which the incapacity of the sovereign was so little quali
fied to hold, prevented any advances from being made in great
shemes of policy. When' Richard*s sceptre was wrested
from his weak hands by the skill and force of a powerful usur
per, there still continued in the kingdom grounds of feud and
discord very unfavourable to national improvement. Henry Henry IV
IV. provident, vigilant, and wise, comprehended the great im
portance of commerce, and promoted it to the utmost of his
power. He formed a commercial treaty with the Hans-town
merchants; and promoted the settlement of mercantile foreign
ers within his own kingdom. He devised and encouraged the
formation of English factories in foreign parts ; a proposition,
which, as our knowledge of the globe enlarged, and our inter
course with remote countries extended, has in subsequent times
been expanded into a grand and valuable system of coloniza
tion. He, like his grandfather, saw how necessary superiority
at sea was to the security and prosperity of England, and made
it one of his chief objects to maintain a formidable navy.1 He
encouraged artisans and mariners, and inculcated industry ; but
the various insurrections by which his reign was disturbed,
though all successfully quelled by his courage and conduct, in
terrupted the execution of his commercial schemes.
The extrordinary genius of Henry V., equally fitted for the Henry Y-
field and the cabinet, directed its exertions chiefly to military
superiority; but he was impressed with the importance of naval
strength to England : he was as victorious at sea as at land ;
and in his reign the fleets of England rode triumphant in the
channel. Eagerly intent, however, on conquering France, he Attempt-
could not bestow an adequate regard on the commercial ad- ed con-
vancement of his kingdom. After this great prince was prema- Jluest °*
turely cut off, the first years of his son's reign were employed
in attempts to preserve and extend his father's conquest in Henry VI,
France ; but the succeeding part of his reign, replete with dis
comfiture abroad and discontent at home, lost the national
superiority both by sea and land. The renowned earl of War- Wars of
wick, indeed, recovered to England her maritime dominion : Lancaster and York
1 Henry's History, vol. x. p. 243".
Vol. I. 3

lg VIEW OF THE
interrupt but the discords in which he soon took so active a part, and
the pro- which terminated in such bloody and destructive civil wars, im-
gressive peded industry, commerce, and all the peaceful arts.and involv-
»dvance. ed England in grievous calamities. The duke of York, lineal
England, heir to the crown, induced by the imbecility of the reigning
internal ' prince, with probable grounds for expecting success, attempted
»nd exter- to finish the usurpation which the talents and character of the
na1, two preceding monarchs appeared to have firmly established ;
and though he himself did not live to attain the wished for
dignity, yet, seconded and supported by the illustrious War
wick, he paved the way for the speedy accession of his son.
Edward Edward IV. to dissipation and profligacy, joining great vi-
*V. gour of character whenever occasion required its efforts, exert
ing the maritime superiority of England with considerable suc
cess, invaded France with a powerful fleet. But the civil, wars
that recurred during the greater part of his reign, together with
the indolence that marked his conduct when not stimulated by
imperious and immediate necessity, prevented the promotion of
commercial schemes in proportion to the resources of the coun
try ; of which the state at that time, exhausted by long wars
and general devastation, was extremely unfavourable to the
success of arts and of commerce. The short and cruel reiga
Richard of Richard III., principally occupied in endeavouring to re-
UI- move the consequences of one crime by the commission of
others, was too much engaged in massacre and proscription to
afford him leisure and attention for supporting the internal
prosperity or maritime force of his country. The recent dis
comfiture of the English in France, added to their own internal
dissentions, occasioned great distress, depopulated the kingdom,
retarded agriculture and manufactures, and increased the fero
city of manners ; while the profligate character of the princes
of the house of York, and the wickedness which they excited
or directed, introduced flagrant depravity. Edward having
obtained possession of the throne by military force, however
well founded his right, very frequently violated the constitution
of his country, and tyrannized over the lives, liberty, and pro-
perty of his subjects. His courtiers and favourites imitating his
example, carried cruelty and oppression against their adversa-
Civd wars ries to a still greater pitch than even Edward himself. The an-
ffl-^,aif,i?0ftEn«,an1S W6re aJm°St entirel* -nihillted "y
bles. the dregful contests. Her own fatal dissentions, added to her
recent discomfiture in France, had lessened the influence of
England on the continent. During the greatest part of the
fifteenth century, her progress in point of Internal civilizat on
wWhT^ f- W -U ^ °f f°reiSn influence' »» little propo?
tioned to her intrinsic powers. Still, however, if her advances
were obstructed, they were not altogether impeded! Learning
raised her head, though mingled with the superst tion of ihf
cloisters in which she had been cherished andP preserved fr-
total extinctmn. Various colleges were founded and insti

om
institu-

STATE OF ENGLAND. 1£
tions promoted, which proved ultimately favourable to the ad
vancement of knowledge. The cultivated taste of polished
ages, or the enlarged moral and political science of enlightened
philosophers, were not to be expected in a state of society
clouded with darkness, and fettered with superstition ; yet some
of the seeds were now sown, which afterwards ripened into
literature. The efforts of reviving learning, though not very judiciously Efforts of
directed, were by no means feeble. The metaphysical theo- reviving
logy of the schools, originating in misapprehension concerning learning.
the most profound of philosophers,1 was not devoid of Grecian
acuteness; and if its discoveries did not greatly expand the
understanding, or its spirit liberalize the sentiments, yet its
contentions, by sharpening and invigorating the faculties, paved
the way for intellectual and moral improvement. Increased
sagacity began to produce discussion of authority in matters of
thought and reasoning : the bold doctrines of Wickliffe, though
chiefly opposed by menace and persecution, still excited a few
of the clergy to employ more rational arguments. Cotempo-
rary or collateral heresies moved some ecclesiastics to prepare,
by literary effort, for the defence of the existing superstition ;
while they disposed and formed others for attack. But erudi
tion, narrowly as it was still diffused, was not entirely confined
to the church. Humphrey of Glocester was a prince of con
siderable learning ;a Anthony earl of Rivers, and John earl of
Worcester, in the reigns of Henry IV. and Edward, were emi
nent for literary knowledge.3 Gallant and meritorious as were
many of the nobles, who perished in the wars between Lan
caster and York, their fall tended ultimately to the reduction
of the feudal aristocracy, which, though never so entirely pre
dominant in England as to stifle all remains of Saxon liberty,
was yet so prevalent as greatly to encroach on the constitu
tional rights of a free people. Generally bloody as were the
wars, tue animosity of contending chieftains, and the resent
ment, rapacity, or jealous fears of the successive conquerors,
rendered the proportion of grandees either killed in battle, or
massacred by cruelty, much greater than that of the gentry,
yeomanry, traders, and subordinate orders. The rising con
sequence of the great body of English commons, eventually
saved their country from the absolute monarchy which over
whelmed the neighbouring nations.
Similar, indeed, in calamitous circumstances, at different Different
though near periods of the fifteenth century, but dissimilar in institu-
the original institutions, and in the ranks and orders of men E°"k° d
which these generated, France and England were destined to an(f 0f
France.
• ' See in Dr. Gillies's Preface to his translation of Aristotle, his account
of the. difference between Aristotle's text and the comments of his pro
fessed interpreters.
1 See Hume's History of England.
3 Henry's History, vol. x. p. 147.

In Eng
land the
middling
class pre
serves li
berty.

Henry
VII. im
provements un
der him.

He redu
ces the
feudal aris.
tocracy.

VIEW OF THE
experience very unlike systems of polity, at the time they
both advanced in civilization and . knowledge. When the
FrenCh nobility, after being so much exhausted by internal
dissentions and the wars with England, were farther im
paired by the crafty, unfeeling, and oppressive policy of Louis
XI. ; there being no intermediate orders between them and the
labouring people, who were actually slaves, all ranks were in
volved in one vortex of arbitrary dominion. France became
a simple monarchy; while England, by rearing and cherish
ing a middle class.which augmented in force, as spreading in
dustry and increasing knowledge, enlarged the means of ac
quiring moderate independence, was improved into a free con
stitution, providing equally for the governing and governed,
and proposing the general welfare as the only legitimate ob
ject of political establishments and national conduct.
To the promotion of these beneficial purposes, no sovereign
was more instrumental than Henry VII. : though his measures
originated in the peculiar circumstances of his situation, rather
than in liberal policy; yet, without allowing either wisdom or
goodness the full credit of the beneficial effects produced, an
impartial examiner of his actions, and their evident con
sequences, must see, that he promoted the prosperity and
meliorated the condition of England. rHe, indeed, was the
first who carried effectually into execution, the great plans of.
improvement devised by the genius of his illustrious predeces
sor Edward III. Contracted in sentiment, covetous in dis
position, and suspicious in temper, Henry did not always pro
pose the most benevolent ends. Vigorous and penetrating in
intellect, cautious in deliberation, but decisive in conduct, he
both devised and 'employed the most opposite means. Ap
prehending the adherents of the house of York to be inimical
to his own doubtful title, if he did not create, he probably
brought into action, discontents which might have lain dor
mant; but when dissatisfaction rose, to revolt, he with firmness
and prudence suppressed repeated rebellions. Experiencing
or suspecting the principal enmity to subsist among the higher
ranks, he was anxious to weaken the order of nobles : he
permitted the barons to break the entails of their estates, and
made laws to prevent them from retaining large bodies of
clients, which rendered them formidable and turbulent.1 He
encouraged agriculture and commerce, perhaps with a view.
(as our great historian conjectures) of gratifying his avarice
by tilling his coffers from imposts;3 and he concluded several
very useful commercial treaties, which, though somewhat nar
row in their principles, were in their operation lucrative He
bestowed great attention on the promotion of navigation ¦ as
before his time, foreign trade had been chiefly carried on in
» Robertson's Charles V. vol. i. p. 102
» Hume.

STATE OF ENGLAND. • 21
foreign bottoms, he endeavoured, with considerable success, to
procure to English ships the carriage of our own exports and
imports. During this reign a spirit of maritime adventure for the pur- and en-
poses of discovery and commerce arose in several parts of Eu- courages
rope. The invention of the compass encouraged navigators to "*d j>* "f|"
explore oceans before untried by Europeans. Venice and cai disco-
Genoa had hitherto monopolized the traffic of the western very.
world to India. Portugal, in the fifteenth century, was go
verned by a succession of courageous, able, and enterprising
princes; who, perceiving the advantages accruing to the Ita
lian republics from a trade with India, attempted to employ
their maritime situation in profitable traffic. Nautical adven
turers, directed by the princes of that country, proceeded gradu
ally along the coast of Africa. At length, they extended their
voyage to the southern promontory of that immense peninsula:'
to which, foreseeing it would open a passage to the East Indies, ¦
they gave the name of the Cape of Good Hope ; and a few
years after arriving on the Malabar coast, showed to western
Europe, that India was more easily accessible to its commercial
adventurers, than to its eastern neighbours; and that oriental
riches were no longer to be exclusively acquired by the coast
ing traders of the Mediterranean, but to be shared by the bold
essayers of unknown oceans. But while Vasquez di Gama found
out an accessible though circuitous course, from the shores of the
northern Atlantic to the southern regions of Hindostan, Colum
bus, by the force of his genius, conceived, and by the boldness
of his enterprise and perseverance, discovered, to the inhabit
ants of Europe, much nearer to their own coasts, a new world,
replete with incentives to commerce and navigation ; and
abounding not only with materials for riches, but with subjects
of reflection, and means for enlarging human comprehension
and enjoyment. Soon after the illustrious Florentine found the
West Indies, Americus Vespusius, in prosecution of Colum
bus's plan, arrived at the southern continent, and gave his own
name to a quarter of the globe discovered by another. Acci-
• dent, and not the parsimony of Henry, prevented England
from enjoying the honour of this signal discovery. He soon
fitted out a squadron, which sailed to the west, in order to ex
plore unknown regions in latitudes more contiguous to his own
kingdom, and seek a nearer passage to India than by doubling
Africa. Sebastian Cabot conducted the enterprise, and arriv- Sebastian,
ed at a coast to which he gave the name of Newfoundland. Cabot.
Steering along to the southward as far as that part of the coast
which has since been named Virginia, he ascertained that there
were large tracts of land adjacent, convenient for naval enter
prise upon the Atlantic. Though Henry did not attempt to
establish a settlement on this coast, yet the enterprise was of
the highest importance, as it stimulated England to farther
nautical adventure. A spirit of navigation, commerce, and

22

Growingimpor
tance of
Englandamong
continental pow
ers.

State of
Europe.

VIEW OF THE
discovery was excited by Henry, which afterwards generally
diffused itself, and called into action the maritime exertions of
these islands, improved by all the sagacity and energy of the na
tional character when employed in the most beneficial direction.
But while Henry thus promoted the commerce, navigation,
and internal prosperity of his country, he extended her influ
ence among foreign states. He loved peace, without fearing
war. Though by no means comprehensive in his views tif
European policy, he understood sufficiently the relations, ob
jects, and condition of other kingdoms, to provide for the secu
rity and defence of his own dominions. He was courted J>y
cotemporary princes in every part of Europe, and the English
nation was never so closely interwoven in continental affairs as
during his reign. Other circumstances concurred with the
personal character of Henry, to extend the intercourse between
England and the nations of the continent. Previous to the
fifteenth century, little political connexion had subsisted be
tween the neighbouring states of Europe; their reciprocal hos
tilities were rather the effect of passion dnd personal animosi
ty, than of any well digested system of policy. Their means
of reciprocal annoyance, occasional impost, and temporary
militia, though sufficiently adapted to the desultory conflicts of
the pride or resentment of rival chieftains, were little fitted for
the purposes of systematic war. When England, under Hen
ry V. and in the posthumous execution of his great and ambi
tious projects, had almost overwhelmed France, the neigh
bouring principalities of Germany and Spain bestowed no at
tention on an event menacing the security and independence of
Europe.1 The contests between the several kingdoms of
Spain, evidently tending to unite that part of the continent into
one great empire, were regarded by the rest of Europe with
equal indifference. Princes were little affected by remote or
eventual danger. This inattention did not entirely arise from
the want of sagacity to foresee distant contingencies, but pro
ceeded in a considerable degree from the condition of their do
minions, which called their consideration to present and proxi
mate objects. The power of the barons under the feudal sys
tem, often either distracting the public tranquillity by the feuds
of rivalry, menacing the sovereign by rebellion, or by oppres
sion driving the populace to insurrection, with the imperfec
tions of the civil government, so fully occupied the sovereigns,
as to leave them little leisure to survey foreign affairs. This
was especially the situation of France, the most compact, cen
trical, and populous kingdom of Europe; and the best fitted,
from the advantages of her situation, the number and charac
ter of her people, if internally well governed, either to secure
herself, or to protect or disturb her neighbours. The fiefs into
which that kingdom was divided, weakened the force of the
¦ See Robertson's Charles V. vol. i. p. 89. The same truth n-n,, K» ~..t
ered from Hume's history of those wars! though UisTo? ™ %S?n§&

STATE OF ENGLAND. 23
monarchy ; but from, the destruction of the nobility in the wars
with England, the rapacious policy of Louis XI. and the re-
annexation of the English possessions and detached princi
palities to the crown, government was rendered almost simply
monarchical. This event was accelerated at home, and its influ
ence extended abroad, by another effect of the wars. These ge
nerated standing armies, which, being now first employed by
Charles VII. to preserve his crown, and afterwards maintained
by him to humble the remainder of his barons, were now enlarg
ed by his son, and exercised in crushing the ancient nobility,
and seizing the territories of his neighbours.
Charles VIII. the son and successor of Louis XI. found the Princes
nobility incapable of opposing the will or projects of the prince, becoroe
and. a powerful army, with little to employ its force but the g"r^? ^
resumption of Britanny. He effected this purpose partly by
war, and finally by marriage. The monarch of France, now
no longer occupied at home by the English or his barons, from
efforts commencing in successful defence and progressively
extending to internal usurpation, began to prepare measures of
offence against independent states, which had given him no
provocation. For the execution of such designs, he possessed
subjects whose energy of character rendered them formidable
and efficient instruments against all with whom they were at
war, either justly or unjustly. Having invaded Italy with a
powerful force, he first presented France as the disturber of
Europe; a character which she has so often resumed in the
three following centuries, with strength of operation, and vicis
situdes, of event ; not rarely with injustice of principles, impo
licy of object, and pernicious result. Charles overran Italy.
from the Alps to the southern extremity, and possessed himself
of the city and kingdom of Naples. Neighbouring nations Begin vi-
were now acquiring similar efficiency of force with France by gilantly to
similar means ; by the reduction of the nobles, the consolidation 0)bserve
of principalities, the reunion of fiefs Under the lords paramount, dugtc£f~
and the employment of a standing army. Exempted from their
constant anxiety and apprehensions from their own subjects, neigh-
they were enabled to watch the conduct of their neighbours ;bours-
and, in observing their motions, to view distant probabilities as
well as immediate effects. The most powerful prince of the
continent after Charles of France, was Ferdinand of Arragon,
who was now by his marriage with Isabella of Castile, actual
sovereign of Spain. This prudent prince, alarmed at a pro
gress which endangered the safety of his dominions, combined
with the Italian states and Maximilian of Austria in forming a
confederacy to repel the prosperous aggression of France, and
confine the invader to his ancient dominions. The object and Balance of
principle of this alliance form an epoch in political history, as power.
the first effort of modern1 times to maintain a balance of power;
1 From history it appears, that the sagacious Greeks very early discern
ed the necessity of resisting efforts against others, which might extend to

24

VIEW OF THE

which is merely self-preservation in a community, dictating
plans of policy, to provide against circuitous injury and annoy-
Weight of ance, as well as against direct attacks. To this treaty, which
England was concluded at Cambray, Henry VII. acceded, and, though
in the njs general caution, and distance from the scene of hostilities,
scale- did not suffer him to take an active share in the war, yet his
junction in the alliance is an epoch in the history of England ;
because England then first joined in a continental confederacy
to repress the offensive measures of France.
Effects of Though the reign of Henry VII. conduced eventually to poli-
Henry's tical as well as commercial and naval improvement, yet the ex-
reign on tension of freedom, far from being Henry's object, was by no
lish consti- raeans t'ie 'mmed'ate effect of his measures. The aristocracy
tution 'was reduced, but the people were not yet risen to such strength
and importance as to oppose a sufficient bulwark to the aug
mented powers of the crown. Twenty-eight temporal lords only
formed the first house of peers after Henry's accession ; and the
order was soon found to have decreased in authority, as well as
in number and possessions. In the interval between the fall of
the barons, and the rise of the commons, the power of the crown
was much greater than in former reigns. Henry VII. may justly
be termed an absolute prince. His government was arbitrary,
both in the series of his acts and -the general regulations or laws
which through him were established.1 In his time the authority
of the star-chamber was revived, and in some cases confirmed
by Haw, and armed with powers the most dangerous and uncon
stitutional over the persons and properties of the subjects. In
formations were allowed to be received, instead of indictments, in
and gene- order to multiply fines and pecuniary penalties. A tendency,
Tfllhe^are directly or indirectly, to augment the emoluments of the exche-
pjg ePeo' quer, was the general character of his laws. Ambition in Hen
ry, descending from its lofty rank, became the humble minister
of avarice; but the joint effects of both passions, though hurtful
at the time, were destined by providence to be beneficial to
posterity.

themselves. Animosity, ambition, and pride, were not the sole causes of
the Peloponnesian confederacy against Athens ; but, in a considerable de
gree, the apprehension of growing power. When the Spartans became
in their turn, predominant, a similar confederacy was formed, to reduce
the excess of their power ; an object to which the Athenians adhered with
such nicety of discrimination, that When they found the scale preponder
ate iri favour of the Thebans, sacrificing all animosity to sound policy, they
joined the Spartans in order- to preserve the balance of power. See Gil
lies, vol. u. chap. 5. vol. iii. chap. 27 and 30 ; but mostly in the last. Other
histories also illustrate this observation respecting the Greeks, whose po
licy was so contrary to that of other ancient nations, especially the victims
of progressive Roman conquest.
¦ Blackstone's commentaries, vol. iv. chap. 33, on the progress of the
English. laws and constitution.

STATE OF ENGLAND. %8
Henry VIII. was disposed to promote the commercial im- Henry
provements which his father had begun; but the knowledge VI11*
which either he himself or his ministers possessed of the sub
ject, was extremely imperfect. On the whole, all the direct
acts and immediate consequences of his government were in
auspicious to nautical discovery, and the extension of com
merce. Navigation and trade were indeed advanced during
this period, but rather by the efforts of private adventurers,
than the policy of either, the sovereign or the legislature. The
first part of Henry's reign was chiefly occupied at home in,
pleasurable dissipation, and courtly splendour, under the mag
nificent and ostentatious ministry of Wolsey ; wasting in sump
tuous entertainments and costly pomp, the riches whicli the
avarice of his father had acquired. The luxuries of the court
requiring foreign supplies, stimulated private adventure, and,:
without any meritorious plans of the sovereign or his counsel
lors, encouraged the importation of commodities from distant
and even newly discovered countries. The spirit of mari
time enterprise excited by the last king, though little promoted
by his son, operated on the nation, and the circle of trade was
gradually enlarged in various quarters of the worlc[.
Though no English colonies were yet settled in any part of Progress
the new world, their merchants carried on a trade with the of *™?e
islands in the West Indies which had been seized and settled ™|L sco"
by the Spaniards : they had agents residing in some of these
settlements, particularly in the great island of Cuba, for the
management of their trade. Mr. Thorn of Bristol, one of the
greatest merchants and boldest adventurers of the age, esta
blished a factory at Cuba ; and was the. first Englishman who
set the example, of a commercial settlement in the new world.
Employing the opportunities he thereby acquired, not only for
the purposes of present traffic, but for discovery and future ex
tension of commerce, he sent agents to the Spanish fleet, fur
nished with great sums of money, to bring exact charts of the
seas, rivers, and lands, which they visited, and as accurate
a description of the accessibility, state, and productions, of
the several countries, as they could procure.1 The spirit of
discovery in private adventurers was no less ardent, than the
desire of trading with countries already known. Henry in the /
beginning of his reign, appeared eager to promote inquiry into
new regions, and fitted out ships for exploring the southern
ocean. But the expedition by some misconduct or mischance
having failed,3 the king, from a fickleness incident to violent
minds, and the prominent feature in his character, totally aban
doned all thoughts of such undertakings. Merchants and ma
riners, however, persevered ; and though some of their voyages
appear not to have been lucrative, yet, by adding to the nation'

1 Hackluyt, vol, iL p. 726. » Henry, vol. xii. p. 327.
Vol. I.. 4

26 VIEW OF THE
al stock of nautical science, and extending the sphere of En
glish navigation, they produced important advantages.
Two ships destined for South America were committed to
Cabot, which visited the Brazils. The knowledge of that coast,
and its great projection into the Atlantic, being acquired, Haw
kins, father to the renowned voyager, directed his course to the
same country, and having opened a traffic with the Brazilians,
crossing over to the opposite promontory, was the first English
man who surveyed the coast of Guinea. With their progress
in gain, the desires of English mariners increased; and, their
ideas expanding with the advancement of knowledge, they di
rected their thoughts to Indian opulence. In their voyages to
the Mediterranean, having traded to its eastern coasts, they re
ceived accurate information concerning the riches of Hindos-
tan, which before were only imperfectly known through distant
and uncertain report. In their intercourse with Portugal, they
beheld with envy the vast wealth that flowed into that country
Attempts from the regions of the east.1 Conceiving with Columbus,
to find out that the islands which he first discovered lay contiguous to the
a north- vast continent comprehended under the general name of India,
west pas- ^y ^oped {0 gn(j a more compendious passage, through which,
by easily outstripping the Portuguese and all southern Europe,
they might acquire the principal share of the treasures of In
dia. Unsuccessful as the attempt proved to discover a north
west passage, and unfortunate as the adventurers were, yet the
Undertaking showed a bold spirit of commercial enterprise.
Notwithstanding partial discouragements and failures, the ge
neral result of private maritime pursuits in Henry's reign, was
a great accession of trade and riches to the country. Under
this monarch, from the progression of causes that began to ope
rate through Europe in his father's reign, the interests of Eu
ropean powers became more involved and intermixed, than
they had been at any former period.
Continen- Henry attained with the continental powers a very great de-
tal policy gree of influence; he indeed held the balance, but turned the
ot Henry, gca|e accordjng to present impulse and passion ; being more
frequently actuated by the suggestions of his proud, ambitious,
and resentful favourite, than either by equity or sound policy.
When he ascended the throne, the power of France, superior to
any other nation on the continent, the hostile jealousy between
that country and England, and the connexion and affinity be
tween Henry and Ferdinand, concurred in rendering the En
glish king inimical to the French.
Louis XII. was eager, like his predecessor, to conquer Na
ples ; but the opposition of Ferdinand, joined to the treachery
of that crafty and unprincipled monarch, prevented his suc
cess. A new field, however, was soon opened for the ambition
of Louis. Julius II. like many of his predecessors on the pa-
1 Robertson's posthumous America.

STATE OF ENGLAND. 21
pal throne, instead of promoting the meek benevolence of the
christian religion, was the incendiary of unprovoked and ini
quitous war. By his intrigues, a partition treaty was framed
between the three great powers of Austria, Spain, and France,
for dismembering the dominions and dividing the riches of the
illustrious republic of Venice. A league was formed at Cambray
for this nefarious purpose ; and it was stipulated, that the pope,
who instigated the robbery and projected the plan, should; have
a considerable share of the plunder acquired by more powerful
and efficient perpetrators.1 Such confederacies, composed of
jarring materials, contain the seeds of their own dissolution.
The rapid successes of French energy filled the allies with
jealously and alarm. The pope, who had first planned this al
liance of the great powers, anxiously sought to excite discord
among the several members, involving them in mutual quarrels,
that he might expel them successively from Italy, and enjoy
without control the sole direction of that country.2 He de
tached Ferdinand from the league, and endeavoured, through
that prince and his own influence, to excite Henry to war with
France. The sagacious prelate, thoroughly knowing the cha
racters with which he had to deal, made suitable applications :
he first addressed himself to Ferdinand's interest ; then to Hen
ry's love of distinction, national animosity to the French, and
passionate zeal for the catholic religion ; in which, as in every
thing else, his ardour was violent, and spurned at all contra
diction. He persuaded Henry, that in attacking France, he
should fight the cause of the church, whicli Louis was most
profanely defying ; he flattered and promoted his ambassador ;
and led Henry to expect, that the title of the Most Christian
King, so precious an ornament to the French monarchy, should
be transferred to the English sovereign. To fix the impression
of his religious authority on this devout monarch, he sent him
a sacred rose, perfumed with musk, and anointed with chrism.3
Inspired by devotion, impatient for displaying to Europe his vigorous
power and importance, and. reviving the ancient claims upon bl-lt u1>
France, Henry engaged in a war, which was neither necessary wise'
to the security, nor conducive to the interests, of his kingdom.
Chivalrous impolicy engaged the romantic James in the con
test, and kindled a war between Scotland and England. The
disciplined valour of the southern Britons overcame the impe
tuous rashness of northern heroism, and obtained a victory, fa
tal to the vanquished, and brilliant but useless to the conquer
ors. English courage and military prowess were again display
ed in France with splendid achievements, and signal success,

See the outlines of this confederacy and its operations, in Robertson's
i-ioc v .,„i : - 11* *„ ion . „„j in — « — 1. ii.p. 263 to 267. For the
istoire de la Ligue de Cam-

* oee tne outlines or this confederacy and its „,. 
Charles V. vol. i. p. 117 to 120 ; and HUme, vol. ii.p. 263 to 267. For the
detail, see Guicciardini ; and l'Abbe du Bos, Hi ' '

bray 2 Guicciardini, lib. viii.
3 See Hume, vol. ii. p. 265

,« VIEW OF THE
but followed by no important advantage: and all parties per
ceiving the unavoidable necessity of putting an end to tbe ca
lamities of war, a treaty of peace was concluded, which com
prehended all the belligerent powers. .
P After peace and tranquillity had continued for several years
anew state of European affairs gave a change to the scale ot
power, and to the policy that was expedient for maintaining the
balance. Charles of Austria had now succeeded to all the in
heritances and acquisitions of his paternal grandfather and
grandmother, in Germany, Italy, and the Low Countries ; and
to all the inheritances and acquisitions of his maternal grand
father and grandmother in Spain, Italy, Africa, and the new
world.1 Francis, the first of that name, had ascended the
throne of France on the death of his cousin Louis. The rela
tive position and state of their territories led these two princes
to political rivalry, while other causes concurred id inflaming
their competition. They were both young, and succeeded to
their respective possessions about the same time ; both were en
dued with great abilities, though of dissimilar dispositions ; and
both became masters of very extensive resources. Beside so
many general grounds of emulous animosity, they had a special
source in their respective application for the Imperial diadem.
The appointment of Charles, and rejection of Francis, called
immediately into action those causes of hostility which must
have soon operated from their reciprocal situation and respec
tive characters. Between these two mighty monarchs, Henry
of England only, by the greatness of. his power, was fitted to
hold the balance. Quick in perception, and vigorous in capacity,
he readily saw the general policy of preserving an equipoise;;
and, devoted to the honour of his country, as well as to his
own glory, he valued himself on being the umpire of Europe.
But though his talents were considerable, his judgment was
not proportionably sound ; at least, its exertions were too easily
swayed by the impulse of temper and passion.
Political The accumulated possessions of the emperor Charles V. ren-
security, dered him manifestly superior to Francis ; political security
the princi- therefore, the principle of English interference in continental
Ple °'. . affairs,2 required that Henry should lean towards France ; but
teiference he cherished the ancient English enmity to an opposite neigh-
in foreignbour. Francis, who resembled Henry in many of the accom-
affairs. plishments on which he greatly prided himself, and in some parts
of his character, (though much superior on the whole,) was the
object of his personal rivalry. Henry was moreover governed

' Robertson's Charles V., vol. ii. p. 1 to 26.
1 See lord Grenville's speech on the Russian armament in 1791 ; Mr.
Pitt's speech on the negociation with Buonaparte ; Mr. Fox's speeches on
the continental connexions which England ought, to pursue ; Mr. Pitt's ap
plying the same principle to our alliance with Holland and Prussia; and
parliamentary speeches on the object and grounds of the late war.

STATE OF ENGLAND. 29
by his favourite Wolsey, whom Charles courted, and bribed
most lavishly for the present, flattering him with the hopes of
being raised to the papal dignity, at that time the highest in
Christendom. Instigated by this, imperious counsellor, the En
glish king adopted a policy totally inconsistent with the inter
ests of his kingdom ; made war with France, and, by weaken
ing that country, rendered it more easy for Charles to increase
his already overgrown power. When Francis, defeated and
a prisoner, was reduced to the lowest pitch of distress, Henry's
motive of interference was much less the necessity of repressing
Charles, than the persuasions of Wolsey ; who, disappointed
of the expected promotion, (most fortunately for the indepen
dence of Europe,) became as violent against the emperor as he
had been before in his favour. Henry's conduct towards Cath
arine widened the breach between him and her nephew; so
that, during the rest of his reign, he was, with very few inter
missions, closely connected with Francis, and Charles was pre--
vented from endangering the- liberties of Europe.
The part which Henry took in the, affairs of the continent, Henry ful-
though far from being uniformly wise, or even, when right, pro- ly display -
ceeding from reasons of sound policy, was generally efficacious. J^y.1?6 En*
It demonstrated the force and weight of the English power, ftrength,
though not always wielded by the king from the best motives, though
or for the most useful purposes. The reign of this monarch, often inju-
the first period of active and uniform interference in the trans- ^Cl0usly
actions of the continent, showed that England was at least an rec
efficient member of the great European republic ; and that her re
lative power being once ascertained, its utility to herself or her
neighbours would depend upon the wisdom or folly, the justice
or injustice, of her directors.
The most momentous event by which Henry's reign is dis- The refor-
iinguislied, is the reformation; a change accelerated by parti- mauon.
cular incidents, collisions of passion, and individual circumstan
ces, but originating in general causes. Among these, on the
one hand, were the scandalous profligacy of the clergy, the
grasping rapacity of their avarice, the enormous usurpations
of their ambition, the overweening insolence of their pride, and
the gross ignorance of the great part of that immense body,
multiplying the absurdities of superstition, which had over
whelmed the wisdom and benevolence of the christian religion ;
and on the other, the progressive expansion of the human fa
culties, from that contracted state into which they had been
confined about the expiration of the tenth century,1 and from
which, though slowly at first, they bad since gradually extrica
ted themselves. The understandings of men, enlightened by
knowledge, became more acute and vigorous by exertion,' and
their moral discernment more just. That great engine of in-
1 See Robertson's Charles V. vol. i. ; and Hume's general observations
on the predecessors of Henry VII. at the conclusion of the reign of Rich
ard HI.

30 VIEW OF THE
tellectual communication, the press, was now invented; men
bpgan to read, and to reason on what they did read. The bible,
which had been so studiously concealed by the priesthood, was
discovered and perused. Penetration, now assisted by learn
ing, found out that many of the articles of faith, and injunctions
of both ritual and moral practice, were not only incompatible
with conscience, reason, and common sense, but opposite to ge
nuine Christianity as contained in the scriptures.
Finding so many defects in the superstructure, men gradually
began to examine the basis. Such was the course which the
renowned Luther pursued : who, perceiving the absurdity and
wickedness of selling indulgences to vice and profligacy, and
demonstrating what he perceived, proceeded from one step of
discovery to another, until he found that the whole system of
papal superstition was raised upon an hypothesis totally incon
sistent with history, experience, and reason; that its principle
was the infallibility of a human being, which was obviously
false, and consequently that the whole train of deductions de
pending upon this principle, were inadmissible on its authority.
With the intrinsic absurdity of papal superstitions, which diffus
ed reason and knowledge tended to dispel; with the profligacy
of the clergy, which conscience prompted to reprobate and op
pose; the policy and passions of princes and other individuals,
no doubt, concurred in promoting the reformation commenced
by Luther. Revived learning, however, raising human in
tellect to its real dignity, and through the press spreading its
influence much more extensively than even iu the enlightened
ages of antiquity, soon destroyed ecclesiastical thraldom, and
dispelled gloomy superstition. The metaphysical subtleties of
one set of reformers might be different from those of another;
but THE MOST ESSENTIAL AND VALUABLE PART OF THE REFORM,
THE EMANCIPATION OF HUMAN REASON FROM THE CHAINS OF HU
MAN authority, sprang from the efforts of that reason, and was
the source of the principal advantages, religious, moral, civil,
and political, which resulted from this great revolution in the
church. These changes, though- operating chiefly in the coun
try where enfranchised genius and learning had arrived at the
highest pitch, were not confined to nations which formerly pro
tested against the authority of an Italian clergyman, but ex
tended to countries where the pope's supremacy was still ac
knowledged. In protestant states, however, besides this great and general
advantage from the overthrow of papal authority, many other
more important benefits accrued, especially in England. Im
mense sums and demesnes, the tributes of superstition and cre
dulity to hypocrisy, fraud, and imposture, or the exactions of
tyrannic violence from the terrors of weakness, which had been
employed in fostering sloth, idleness, and sensuality, were now
amalgamated into the mass of national property, encouraged
rising industry, and improved the public revenue. The re-

STATE OF ENGLAND. 31
formation tended to promote agriculture, trade, manufactures, Effects of
and private and public opulence, the means of national defence, it on the
security, prosperity, power, and glory. Thus a revolution, at cummer-
first sight theological, became a most important event in the ^',pa° 2
commercial history of Britain. It tended also to the improve- mOTaUna-
ment of English jurisprudence; by removing from that admira- racter of
ble system, all those pernicious incumbrances, which had been England.
imposed on our laws by clerical artifice and usurpation, to shel
ter crimes.1
By the reduction of the clerical aristocracy, the still enfeebled
state of the lay aristocracy, and the hitherto slow progress of
the commons ; the abject servility of parliaments ; the vigor
ous talents, inflexible temper, and violent passions of the sove
reign ; this reign, though ultimately conducive to liberty, was
more absolute than any recorded in the English history. Though
the open, liberal, and intrepid mind of the monarch, never ex
ercised his authority in the treachery, dissimulation, and base
ness, so prevalent in despotic courts, yet the ungovernable fury
of his affections, the profusion and rapacity of his disposition,
and the violence and capriciousness of his inclinations, with the
fickle bigotry of his ever-changing theology, rendered him un
just, oppressive, tyrannical, and cruel. Under the sanction of
those pusillanimous parliaments, the encroachments of monarch
ical power were established by law. But the political evils of
Henry's reign which resulted from individual character and
special circumstances, were only temporary; the good arising
from the general causes, was permanent, and contained in itself
the means of progressive improvement.
The short reign of Edward VI. tended in many respects to Edward
extend the advantages, and correct the mischiefs of Henry's VI-
government. Commerce and discovery made considerable ad
vances at this period. The trade of England had hitherto been
carried on chiefly by foreigners, especially by a corporate com
pany from the Hans-towns, called the merchants of the Steel
yard. In former reigns, these had engrossed a great part of
the traffic with foreign countries, and employed German or
Flemish shipping. This establishment, which was encouraged Result of
by Edward III. and succeeding princes, in order to teach the Henry's
English commercial lessons, and excite mercantile emulation rei£n'
among them, had been long extremely useful. The council of
young Edward perceiving that the reasons for encouraging
these foreigners no-longer existed, and that a spirit of mercan
tile adventure being now raised among the natives of England,
such privileges enjoyed by aliens interfered with the national
interest, found it necessary to annul them, and place all foreign
ers on an. inferior footing to native subjects. This change con-
> Blackstone, vol. iv. c. 16 and 18, on the benefit of clergy ; and chap.
33. on the progress of the law and constitution ef England, fourth period,
under Henry Vni,

J2 VIEW OF THE
Edward tributed greatly lo the advancement of commerce and naviga-
promotes tion i1 and a commercial treaty was concluded with Sweden, on
navigation t|,e so\^ principle of reciprocal exchange of superfluity to sup-
merce1"' Plv mutual want.3 The great fishery on the banks of New-
er e' foundland became an object of attention, and was prosecuted
with activity and success.3 The English still cherished the idea
of opening a communication with eastern riches, by a more ex
peditious course than the Cape of Good Hope. Cabot, so re
nowned for naval enterprise, urged the English, instead of
steering towards the north-west, which had proved unsuccess
ful, to attempt the discovery of the desired passage by the north
east. At his instance, and under his direction, several noble
men and persons of rank, together with some principal mer
chants, having associated for this purpose, were incorporated
by a charter, under the title of the Company of Merchants Ad
venturers for the discovery of regions, dominions, islands, and
places unknown. Two ships and a bark were equipped for this
service ; and though they failed in the great end of their ex
pedition, one ship and the bark being lost, yet the other effected
very important discoveries. An intercourse with the vast em
pire of Russia, before unknown to English adventurers, was
opened ; and, on the return of this ship, a mercantile company
was formed for trading with Muscovy. Attempts were now
made to open a communication with India and China by land,
through the new connexion With Russia, by Astracan and the
Caspian sea; and though the adventurers did not penetrate so
far as they intended, yet they acquired a knowledge of the
countries, commodities, and inhabitants of Turkey ; which, com
bined with the maritime enterprises in the Mediterranean, laid
the foundation of English commerce with the Ottomans. A
commercial intercourse was also opened with the western coasts
of Africa ; while the traffic begun with Barbary was considera
bly extended in the reigns of Edward and Mary.
The war with Scotland, in which Henry had left his kingdom
engaged, together with the factions which prevailed under the
protectorship of Somerset and the administraion of Warwick,
prevented Edward from possessing on the continent that in
fluence which his father had maintained. The distraction of
English councils, and the connexion with Scotland, now so
closely united by the affiance of the dauphin with the infant
queen, encouraged and stimulated the French monarch to at
tack England in war; and though hostilities were soon ended
by a peace, the English, torn by dissentions, were losers by the
treaty : nor did this kingdom afterwards, in the course of Ed
ward's reign, interfere with effect in continental politics. The
internal part of Edward's history is of the highest importance.
1 See Hume. j ]bid.
3 Robertson's posthumous America, p. 16 : aid Hackluyt's voyages, pas-

STATE OF ENGLAND. 3:>
The first session of his parliament repealed all the laws enacted andabro-
through the arbitrary violence of Henry, which had tyranni- ptes l.lle
cally extended the crimes of treason and felony, and made i^Tof 'his
heresy a capital offence. father.
The- protestant religion was fully established, and though
the reformation might not extend to every principle and doctrine
whicirunfettered reason could impugn, yet it proceeded as far
as the sentiments, knowledge, and character of the nation could
bear. The reform was great, though less violent and more
gradual than in some other countries, where they laid the whole
hierarchy prostrate ;• yet from its moderate and progressive
nature it was the more likely to be durable. While it humbled
the pride and ambition of the clergy, and restrained their ava
rice and profligacy, it left them rank and property, to maintain
the dignity conducive to the purposes of their office, in a coun
try where great diversity of rank and property prevailed. Abo
lishing much useless pageantry, the English reformers, aware
that men are as frequently led by their senses and imagina
tions, as swayed by their hearts and understandings, left a suffi
cient degree of pomp, ceremony, and accompaniment, to amuse
the fancy, and please the eye and the ear, without substituting
idolatry for real devotion.
The leading features of Mary's character, were, an ardent Mary.
and boundless zeal for Romish bigotry, and an ungovernable
love for the man whom she married. , These passions, enhan
cing and enfiaming each other, account for the most important
transactions of her short and detestable reign. At once a re
ligious and amorous devotee, she persecuted and butchered pro-
testatrts, to please herself and her bigotted and cruel hus
band ; while to gratify his wishes, and secure a greater portion
of his company and love, she oppressed and exhausted her peo
ple, and engaged in a most impolitic and destructive war.* Hu
manity, patriotism, justice, every duty of morality and genuine
Christianity, were sacrificed to the violence of her affections.
Many beneficial laws, however, were enacted in her reign, Her reign, ,
which, -though proposed by Mary to reconcile the people to her though ty-
schemes of restoring the Romish faith and hierarchy, and to™"™^!/
her extortions of their money to lavish on her husband, pro-tive ofbe-
duced permanent good, while the evil of being governed by the neficial
tool of such infuriating passions, was a temporary evil, and,l2WS-
fortunately for the kingdom, of short duration. The gloom
was soon dispersed, and followed by the most resplendent
brightness. ,
The reign of Elizabeth, so auspicious to the prosperity and Elizabeth
happiness of her subjects, was extremely favourable to the ris
ing spirit of navigation, discovery and commerce. The peace,
foreign and domestic, which her wisdom and firmnesspreserved
with little interruption for almost the first thirty years of her
1 See Hume's History of Mary, passim.
Vol. I. 5

34, VIEW OF THE
reign, notwithstanding the hostile jealousy of surrounding na
tions, the furious passions which agitated the continent, and
the disconfent which bigotry and rivalry kindled or fanned in
her own kingdom, were peculiarly conducive to the enterprising
promotes efforts of able, bold, and adventurous Englishmen. Strict and
commerce vigilant economy exempted her subjects from the burthen of
and disco- taxes jnjurious {„ trade; the popularity of her administration
lery' among the greater part of her subjects, overawing disaffection
and preventing commotion, left her people full liberty to pur
sue nautical and commercial enterprise. Undisturbed by the
factions of a turbulent minority, or the cruel persecutions of
frantic bigotry, the sagacious Elizabeth, like the greatest of her
predecessors, saw that the security of a kingdom environed by
the sea must depend on its naval force.
th E™8 ®ne oi ^°e ^rst *cts °^ 'ler Sovernment was to increase the
glishpavy. number and strength of her navy. Before her reign, the En
glish had commonly been supplied with large ships by foreign
ers. The queen, desirous of having the resources of strength
and the vehicles of riches furnished within her own kingdom,
filled her arsenals with naval stores, promoted ship-building,
and encouraged her subjects to bend their attention to pursuits
which were destined to render themselves and their posterity
eminent among nations. With this view she built several ships
of great force and versatility ; and as the skill of artificers im
proved, the number of sailors increased ; and from the reign of
Elizabeth may be dated the first regulation of the English navy.
Her patronage and example stimulated and invigorated the ef
forts of her subjects in ship-building and nautical expeditions.
Carefully examining the advances made under her predeces
sors, she improved their discoveries and acquisitions; cultiva
ted and extended the connexion formed with the Russian sove
reign ; secured to her subjects the continuance of their exclu
sive and lucrative trade with his dominions ; and encouraged
the incorporated body of merchants enjoying that trade, to re
sume their endeavours of penetrating by land into eastern Asia.
Their efforts were at length successful in opening a lucrative
trade with Persia, which manifesting to her subjects the riches
of the east, produced a resolution of resorting to these countries
by sea.
to°Amerl. ^s t^le English advanced in the knowledge of Asia and its
ca- productions, their ardour increased to discover a short nautical
course to these opulent regions. Their disappointments in the
northwest and northeast, did not entirely chill their hopes:
they still flattered themselves that they might discover an outlet
which had hitherto baffled their inquiries ; and Frobisher, in
three successive voyages, explored the coasts of Labrador and
of Greenland, but without discovering the northwest passage.
Though the disappointment was sensibly felt, yet English
SirFrancis courage and enterprise rose superior to disappointment. Sir
Drakesails Francis Drake, so renowned in naval history, determined to

STATE OF ENGLAND. 35
sail round the world ; an undertaking hitherto achieved by round tbe
Magellan only. Having successfully finished this formidable worW-
voyage, and acquired an accurate and distinct conception of
the commodities both of the east and west, he inspirited his
countrymen to bolder and more comprehensive schemes of
naval and commercial enterprise, than any which they had
hitherto attempted. The English had formerly seen and ac
knowledged themselves far surpassed in seamanship by the
Flemings and Italians, and recently by the Portuguese, who
were the first for naval reputation in the annals of history.
They now. rivalled that country in its most splendid enterprise:
and having rapidly risen from inferiority to equality, they
doubted not soon to attain a striking superiority. Having
confirmed their skill, they felt their force; and perceived
that the surrounding ocean, so long neglected, was an English
man's element, on which he was destined to excel. They
formed a notion eventually true, bold, and beneficial, that no
object ' attainable by human ability exerted in maritime effort,
is beyond the reach of English seamen ; a nautical and com
mercial enthusiasm, therefore, diffused itself . through the
country. English adventurers, having hitherto confined their efforts to Firstseeds
visiting foreign and remote regions, and satisfied with present °f colozi-
discovery and traffic, had made no attempt to form new set- zatlon-
tlements. Sir Humphry Gilbert, a gentleman of ingenuity
and learning, enthusiastic for discovery, proposed to conduct a
colony to America : and, having applied to the queen, ob
tained the first charter for a colonial establishment.1 The
charter authorized him to discover and take possession of all
remote and barbarous lands unoccupied by any christian prince
and people ; vested in him and his heirs the property of the
soil of. such countries, with the legislative power, and the civil
and criminal jurisdiction over those who should settle in the
new plantations. The laws and -their administration were to
be conformable to the polity of England, on which the new
colony was still to depend. Arbitrary as the powers thus con
firmed were, such was the spirit of adventure now prevalent,
that many agreed to conform to the conditions, and became
Gilbert's associates. In his undertaking he was assisted and Walter
accompanied by his half-brother Walter Raleigh, afterwards so8*1^11-
renowned in political and literary history. Two expeditions
which Gilbert conducted to Newfoundland and Cape -Breton
ended disastrously. In the last, the leader himself perished.
The undaunted spirit of Raleigh, not disappointed by this
miscarriage, projected a new scheme of colonization. After
procuring a similar charter from the queen, adopting his
brother's ideas, but avoiding his errors, he resolved to steer a
much more southern course, and also to send trusty officers to
1 Robertson's posthumous America, p. 33.

36 VIEW OF THE
explore the country, before he should attempt a settlement.
On their return they reported, that they had found in southern
latitudes a most beautiful country, distinguished for fertility of
soil, and mildness of climate; of which they had taken pos
session in her majesty's name, and called it Virginia, as a me
morial that this happy discovery had been made under a virgin
queen. Raleigh accordingly fitted out a squadron, and planted
in that country the first colony ever established by Englishmen.
The new colonists, however, in the eagerness of their search
after the precious mines with which they supposed the new
world in every part to abound, neglected the means of sub--
sistence. Being on the point of perishing with famine, they
returned to England. Raleigh made a second attempt to
establish a colony; but he and other patrons of the settlement
being called to defend their country against the invasion of
Wise in- Philip, this colony also failed. Vigorous, beneficial, and glo-
ternal po- pious as the administration of Elizabeth proved.it was not very
hey of the favoura5]e f0 schemes of doubtful and contingent advantage,
" or to what in modern mercantile language are called specu
lations ; and plans of new establishments were in her reign
carried on at the expense and risk of individuals. Besides,
the wisdom and felicity of her internal government promoted
agriculture,1 manufactures, commerce, the means of subsist
ence, convenience, and comfort; and as it bestowed security
on her subjects for the enjoyment of their manifold advantages,
was not favourable to emigration. But though the first at
tempts to plant colonies were unsuccessful, the spirit of . co
lonization excited in the reign of Elizabeth, continuing to
prevail and increase afterwards, produced in colonies most
abundant sources of British opulence and power. Eager as
Elizabeth was for the encouragement and extension of trade,
in order to cherish it in its infant state, she granted many
monopolies ; which, though probably necessary at the time,.
would, if they had continued, have proved destructive to that
commerce they were intended to promote.3 The principal
» A law was made in the fifth of Elizabeth, allowing for the first time the
exportation of corn. To this enactment, Camden imputes the great im
provement of agriculture.
* Our great commercial philosopher in a few words states the reasons
for monopolies so clearly and strongly, and illustrates them by such appo
site analogies, as to present at one view the extent and bounds which po
licy allows and prescribes to trading corporations. « When," says he, " a
company of merchants undertake at their own risk and expense to esta
blish a new trade with some remote and barbarous nation, it may not be
unreasonable to incorporate them into a joint stock company, and to grant
them, in case of their success, a monopoly of the trade for a certain num
ber of years. It is the easiest and most natural way in which the state can
recompense them for hazarding a dangerous and extensive experiment,
ot which the public is afterwards to reap the benefit. A temporary mono-
ply of this kind -may be vindicated upon the same principles upon which a.

STATE OF ENGLAND. 37
companies established by Elizabeth, were the Russian and the Commer-
Turkish, and one which was destined far to surpass either in cial.com-
the momentous interests that it involved. Near the close of PameSi
this long and illustrious reign, John Lancaster proposing to
measuse part of the course of Sir Francis Drake, undertook a
trading expedition to India. A charter was granted to the ad
venturers, at whose expense the enterprise was undertaken,
and' they were formed into a corporation, under the name of
the East India Company. The first attempt by Englishmen East India
to participate in the trade of India, being eminently successful, company.
encouraged future adventurers. Thus the reign of this princess
very strongly and effectually promoted agriculture, internal
and foreign trade, maritime skill and enterprise, the means of
subsisting, enriching, and aggrandizing the people intrusted to
her care.
Under this extraordinary personage, nautical effort was not
merely encouraged as the means of opulence, but of defence,
of security, and' of power. France, at this time' engaged in in
testine wars by the bigotted frenzy of furious religionists, and
with all her resources possessing scarcely any commerce, was
totally deficient in naval force. Philip, who included in his
dominions the experienced sailors of the Low Countries and
of Italy; the Spaniards, who from their intercourse with the
new world were inured to nautical exertion and enterprise;
and by recent usurpation, the Portuguese, who far surpassed
all their neighbours in naval fame, appeared undoubted master
of the ocean, and able to crush at a blow every opponent.
This mighty engine, which, if moved and directed by wisdom
and skill would have been so efficient and formidable, in the
hands of bigotry, superstition, and impolicy, was at once enor
mous and inert. Part, indeed, of the machine, torn from the
rest by tyranny, recoiled upon its former owner. Philip's
civil and ecclesiastical despotism rendered the bold and skilful
sailors of the Low Countries eagerly hostile to a power which
attempted to overwhelm their rights and liberties. The
gloomy zealot, enraged against Elizabeth for protecting her
own religion and that of her people against his superstition ;
the imperious tyrant enraged against Elizabeth as the protect
or of freemen who durst vindicate their own rights, though
contrary to a despot's will; meditated a blow by which he
expected to subjugate England, and to involve the country and
its allies in civil and religious thraldom. For this purpose he Spanish
equipped the Armada, which he vainly fancied and denominat- Armada.
ed invincible. Elizabeth, in preparing and strengthening a Eliza-
navy, had not been guided solely by the general policy which beth's wis^
dictated maritime force as the means of defence in insular "om and
magnan -
imity.
like monopoly of a new machine is granted to its inventor, and that of a
new book to its author ; but upon the expirationof the term, the monoply ,
ought certainly to be determined." Wealth of Nations, vol. iii. p. 144.

38 VIEW OF THE
situation ; but having discovered the purposes, motives, and
plans of her most potent neighbour and rival, she had recently di-
Loyal and rected her peculiar attention to the increase of a fleet. In this
patriotic pursuit, she was seconded by the efforts of her subjects, who
asmcif her were insP'retI Wlt^ that patriotic loyalty, which the wisdom
subjects. ant-* virtues of a sovereign exerted for the public good, choosing
ministers and other executorial officers according to their fitness
to promote the national welfare, and actually effecting the ease
and happiness of the people, never fail to produce among En-
Armada glishmen. These dispositions, guided by private and individu-
discomfit- aj skill, combining with armaments prepared by her foresight
and headed by commanders selected by her sagacity, discomfi
ted the operose equipment of her foe. From that time, Eng-
Hencefor- land became mistress of the ocean ; her sailors thenceforward
ward En- conceived themselves superior to those of all other nations.
glish navy f^g conception powerfully contributed to the attainment of re-
mount. ahty. Since that time, defeat, disaster, and disgrace, have ne
ver failed to follow those who have presumed to brave England
on her own element. The same reign witnessed the first regu
lar formation of an English navy, and its supremacy over all
other naval powers. - So eminently and decidedly successful in
defensive effort, the English undertook repeated expeditions t»
the coasts of their enemies ; and though the issue of them was
not always, it was generally prosperous. Spain was humbled,
and England was exalted.
Continen- Respecting foreign politics, Elizabeth was placed in a situa-
of Eliza- tion of infinitefy greater difficulty than her father, or any of her
beth: predecessors. Religious bigotry was the chief spring which
moved the most powerful princes on the continent ; their very
ambition was subservient and instrumental to their theological
fanaticism. France, instead of watching the motions and re
pressing the encroachments of the house of Austria, devoted her
principal attention to the persecution of heretics, and joined in
all the dark and nefarious designs of the pope, Spain, and the
emperor. According to the sentiments and opinions of popish
sovereigns and people, Elizabeth was not the rightful sovereign
of England, because she was not approved of by an Italian
priest. The legitimate successor to the crown, according to
popish interpretation, was the queen of Scotland, a bigotted
catholic, and a near relation of the ablest and most ferocious
champion of the catholic league. Elizabeth was not, like her
father, so situated, as to trim the balance between the rival po
tentates of Fiance and Austria, and to turn the scale according
to her judgment or choice. Much more difficult was her part,
to secure the independence of her people, and of others whose
interests were closely connected with theirs, against a general
confederacy of priests and arbitrary princes, of bigotry and
despotisms bandied in atrocious barbarity, in order to dissemi-
tiffi? Sate, art.'clf S °f ^he,bl°g^al beli<* Jn the time of Henry VIII.
Qe" England showed she could maintain the balance of power.

STATE OF ENGLAND. 39
Under Elizabeth, in preserving that balance, England assumed pendence
the character which she has, except in the reigns of the Stu- °f Europe.
arts, ever since maintained, of supporting the rights and inde
pendence of Europe against the powerful disturbers of its tran
quillity. Such was the relation in which Elizabeth stood to fo
reign countries. Too vigorous in understanding and profound
in wisdom to be a bigot, or to estimate modes. of faith by any
other test than their conduciveness to private and public welfare,
in her choice of religion she was guided by prudent policy,
founded in her own situation, and the sentiments and interests
of the greater part of her people.1 It was expedient that she
should be at the head of the protestants. Fortunately, in the
two countries, more contiguous to her kingdom, and of which
the sovereigns, both from joint and separate motives, were well
disposed to give her disturbance, the number of protestants was
very great; so as in France to afford sufficient employment to
the popish combination at home, and in Scotland to be fully es
tablished, and totally paramount to the party which from theo
logical sympathy was favoured by the sovereign. So thoroughly
wise and prudent was Elizabeth, that for twenty-nine years
she discomfited all the designs and conspiracies of popish de
votees against her person and kingdom; supported the protes
tants in France, Germany, and the Low Countries; and fu
rious, implacable, and savage, as was the hatred of the con
federate princes to every supporter of the protestant cause, and
above all to Elizabeth, she never involved herself in hostilities ;
but when the aggressive invasion of Philip rendered war una
voidable, she showed that the same wisdom and strength of
mind which had maintained peace, so beneficial to rising indus
try and commerce, could carry on war with effect when ne
cessary for the security of her country. In her latter years, Security
policy as well as kindred genius, and wisdom aUied her to the the object
illustrious Henry of France. The catholic league being now°f^'lza*
broken, and the power of Philip reduced, there being no longer war
a popish pretender to the crown, the chief difficulties of both
her internal and foreign relations ceased ; and the queen and
country, which in such trying circumstances had arisen to a
pitch of high importance, were regarded by foreign states with
an admiration that never before had been so universally be
stowed upon the efforts of England.
In her ecclesiastical conduct and establishments, Elizabeth, Ecclesias-
guided by policy, and not stimulated by bigotry, was usually1'03-- P°l'-
moderate, but on "certain occasions led to acts of intolerance, t^fj"^.6*"
As long as. the. Roman catholics confined themselves to their ments."
own theological doctrines, and did not disturb her government,
she permitted them to enjoy their opinions without molestation ;
but when she found them engaged in conspiracies against her
> See Hume's account of Elizabeth's reasons for re-establishing the pro-
iestant religion, vol. ii. p. 565.

4Q VIEW OF THE
life, she and her parliament enacted very severe laws respect
ing a system of faith producing plots for treason and assassina-
. tion. These laws, though intended chiefly to operate for the
discouragement of popery, afterwards applied to other dissen
ters from the established church. A sect was now rising in
England composed of those who thought the reform as es
tablished by Edward and restored by Elizabeth inadequate to
the corruptions of the church, and who, professing to seek a
Puritans, greater degree of purity, were thence called Puritans. Begin
ning to seek civil as well as ecclesiastical liberty, they were by
no means agreeable to Elizabeth, whose notions of kingly prero
gative, being formed when the power of the crown, from the
depression of the aristocracy and before the elevation of the
commons, was so predominant, were extremely lofty. For the
repression of puritanical doctrines, she established the court of
ecclesiastical commission ; a most arbitrary tribunal, which, in
the powers vested, the jurisdiction conferred, the modes of pro
cess established, and the punishments prescribed, was not less
iniquitous than the popish inquisition, though, from the wise
moderation of Elizabeth, much more mildly exercised than by
i a Philip or an Alva.
Eliza- In her government, Elizabeth, like all the princes of the house
beth's of Tudor, was extremely absolute. A spirit of liberty, howev-
"vFtuaHv er' 'iac* begun t0 ™se' which, though fostered by the wise and
friendly to beneficial conduct of Elizabeth, was certainly not intended by
liberty. her to be cherished- The industry and enterprise whicli she
encouraged and promoted, diffused property among the com
mons; that property nourished independence, and joined with
advancing reasun and knowledge in disseminating a spirit of
freedom. The government, however, of the queen, though
imperious, yet generally lenient, did not irritate this new spirit
Popular by particular acts of oppression, tyranny, or cruelty. Her
manners con(]uctf steadily and wisely directed to the interests of her
sonalau- people, rendered her extremely popular- Her manners, enga-
tliority. ging and insinuating, increased the attachmeTit of her people.
From her character and situation, the greater number of her
subjects considered her welfare as identified with their own.
The most strenuous votaries of liberty were the most inimical
to popery, against the approaches of which they considered
Elizabeth as the strongest bulwark. From attachment to a
sovereign in whom they experienced so many excellencies, and
also from awe of so very resolute and intrepid a character, they
yielded a submission to the authority of Elizabeth, which
they by no means thought due to the mandates of kingly
power.
u^der'El"6 '^e literature which Elizabeth encouraged, tended also to
xabeth. '* Prom°te the spirit of freedom. The writers of Greece and
Rome, inculcating so strongly and impressively the principles
and sentiments of liberty, were now very generally read among
the higher and middling ranks. Genius, no longer fettered by

STATE Of GREAT BRITAIN. 41
priestly enactments, soared aloft ; and though not immediately
directed to political discussion, yet by enlightening and invigo
rating men's minds, prepared them for just notions respecting
their rights, and bold and manly conduct in asserting their liber
ties. The reign Of Elizabeth, theiugh like her father's manifest*-
ly arbitrary, has in its ultimate tendency and effects, proved fa
vourable to freedom. Thus in the various constituents of inter
nal prosperity and happiness, and in estimation and importance
among foreign powers, England never made such advances as
uftder the very long but much more glorious reign of Elizabeth.
Considered as a rational being, placed in authority, and intrust- Result of
ed with the government of mankind, examined according to the thls •S1.0"'"
circumstances of her situation, the duties required, her discharge ousrelSn-
of those duties, and the result in the condition in which she
found and left her subjects, (the true criterioft of a ruler's
ability or weakness as a sovereign,1) no prince that ever filled
a throne surpassed Elizabeth.
Different as Was the character of James from that of his illusi James I.
trious predecessor, his reign was in many respects conducive to
industry, commerce, and the internal prosperity of the kingdom,
though it generated disputes which were eventually productive
of the most fatal conclusions. Endued with scholastic learning
and pedantry, fitter for being a Latin leeturer on Controversial
divinity in a sequestered college, than for being the rfller of a
great,- bold, and enterprising nation, James possessed two quali
ties often resulting from literary seclusion : he was extremely
indolent, and extremely timid ; and therefore a lover of peace.
The pursuits of his subjects rendered his pacific character bene
ficial. The spirit of industry, adventure, and trade, being uninter* Reign be-
rupted by foreign wars, greatly increased in the reign of James, neficial to
The traffic with tbe East Indies was now entirely established "^""^
the stock of the company was considerably enlarged, and its ty.
profits became every year more extensive. The trade of
Turkey was advantageous ; a lucrative commerce was opened
with Spain, and the mercantile intercourse with Russia and
other northern countries increased in productiveness. The ex
port trade greatly surpassed the import,* which, though no cer
tain criterion of a flourishing commerce,2 proved that English
Commodities were numerous and valuable. James perceived
the hurtful tendency of monopolies, and Considerably lessened
their number and importance. Manufactures advanced in a
similar proportion, and especially woollen commodities. The
i
* This is the fight in which the; expanded fliind Of Hume ddnsiders olli!
Illustrious qu-eeli ; disregarding Such folbleS, ii, thdugh they ftugfht nWK
part of her character, did not intefere with her administration of affairs,
powerful, constant, and successful promotion of the public good.
1 See Wealth of Nations; and the marquis of Lansdown's speech on the
commercial treaty with France, in answering bishop Watson.
Vol. I. 6

42 VIEW OF THE
king eagerly promoted English cloths and laboured to prevent
Ihe exportation of raw materials, to be manufactured in foreign
countries for English consumption.1
Plantation In a commercial view, this reign was chiefly distinguished
ofcolo- by the colonies which were planted, and established on princi'
raes' pies the most beneficial of any recorded in the history of coloni
sation. The pacific disposition and conduct of James were fa
vourable to new plantations. The planters were not interrupt
ed in their settlements by foreign enemies, and the force sent
for their establishment was not obliged to be recalled for the
defence of the mother country. Bold and enterprising adven
turers, who languished in inaction during the peace, found in
colonial projects a new field for active exertion. A most strenu
ous promoter of plantations was Richard Hackluyt, eminent
for commercial, and nautical knowledge. That he might sti
mulate his countrymen to new efforts, this experienced navi
gator published a /collection of voyages and discoveries made
by Englishmen : he comprehended the proper objects of inquiry
and research concerning new countries, understood - the fresh
information that arrived, and saw to what purpose it might be
most usefully supplied. In the last year of Elizabeth, by Hack-
luyt's suggestion, Gosnold undertook a voyage to America,
and pursued a direct and middle course between the northern
route of sir Humphry Gilbert, and the southern circuit of sir
Walter Raleigh. Gosnold having reached a country called
Massachusetts Bay, coasted to the southwest, landed on the con
tinent, traded with its inhabitants, and having ascertained the
fertility of the country, returned to England. Having learned
these particulars, he combined them with what was before
known concerning Virginia; and, after consulting with other
men of ability and enterprise, proposed an association for esta
blishing colonies in America. The king, being petitioned, sanc
tioned the project with his authority. Informed of the extent,
and in some degree of the value, of the American lands, he di
vided into two districts the portion of the continent which he
intended to plant: the first to be called, the South Colony of
Virginia ; the second the North Colony of New-England. The
projected plantations were intrusted to the care of exclusive
companies; a system conducive to the protection of infant co
lonies^ though adverse to the prosperity of settlements arrived
at mature vigour. Associated under the name of the London
Company, Hackluyt and others received a grant of lands, and
were authorized tn settle a colony in Virginia. Several gen
tlemen and merchants of the west of England, incorporated un
der the name of the Plymouth Company, obtained a similar
grant and authority for colonizing New England. On each
were bestowed charters, which, though inconsistent with the
enlightened and generous spirit of liberty that since has pre-
1 Hume, vol. iii. p. 382.

STATE OF GREAT BRITAIN. 43
vailed in this country, were by no means deficient in security
to property, and encouragement to industry. The southern
colony was first established in the early part of James's reign,
Having left their country before the disputes between kingly
prerogative and popular privilege were publicly agitated, the
new planters carried with them notions, opinions, and sentiments,,
favourable to the church and monarchy, and. transmitted them
to their posterity.
The first attempt to colonize the north proved unsuccessful, Germs of
nor was the settlement finally effected till near the end of the republi-
reign, when great dissentions began to prevail. The plant- ^"w^JEnff-
ers of New-England were chiefly men, who, discontented lan(j *
with the established church and monarchy, sought for freedom
in the wilds of America. Afterwards, receiving accessions of
voluntary exiles from the persecutions of narrow and impolitic
bigotry, they formed a colony, which was inimical to kings and
bishops, and preserved that character to the present age.
Differing in pursuit from the Spanish conquerors of the New
World, the English settlers sought and acquired property, not
from the bowels of the earth, but from the surface of the soil,
and the bounties of the ocean liberally rewarded the efforts of
active and enterprising industry. The spirit of their institu
tions joined with the productiveness of their situation in rapidly
promoting colonial prosperity.
To the policy of James, the nation is indebted for the rugula- Settle-
tion of Iceland. His measures amended and secured the tenure ment of
of property, established the administration of justice, stimulated Ireland-
industry and the arts, and constituted an important branch in
the progressive improvement of the British dominions.
la his intercourse with foreign nations, this king was farContinen-
from preserving to his country that weight and consideration *•*) policy
which his predecessors had acquired. Though the feeble and J-^™^
inactive hands of the English sovereign were not qualified hurtful
to hold the balance of Eur-ope, yet the state of affairs rendered
his inertness safe to his own country, and not injurious to the
independence of other nations. Henry IV, had harmonized his Favoured
kingdom, lately so discordant ; and turned to arts and industry Zt f
those bold and active spirits that had been recently actuated by Europe
religious frenzy, and rendered France a sufficient counterpoise
for the unwjeldly greatness of Spain. After the death of her
renowned monarch, from her own strength, and the ability of
her minister, she fully maintained her weight in the scale. The
conquest of the. Palatinate, deemed so disgraceful to James,
was too distant an event to affect the political interests of Eng
land, and the forbearance of the king might be justified upon
principles of prudent policy. But as his motives were presum
ed to be his constitutional and habitual indolence and timidity,*
his conduct was exposed to mortifying contempt. He almost.
daily was trying treaties to obtain the re-establishment of the
elector, but without displaying that firmness and force which

44. VIEW OF THE
most effectually promote English negotiations for repressing
ambition. In the political government of his kingdom several errors of
the understanding, and weaknesses rather than vices of the
heart, combined with the circumstances of the times, and pro
duced dissatisfaction and discontent very troublesome to bim-
Lofty self, and fatal to his son. James entertained lofty ideas of
DieroffL kin§'y prerogative, totally incompatible with the real purpose of
tive > " any delegated trust, and much beyond the limits prescribed by
our fundamental laws, but perfectly conformable to the practise
of the house of Tudpr. He did not perceive the great diffe
rence of the case, both as to the characters of the princes, and
unsuitable the opinion and power of the subjects. The Tudors were more
to his per- fitted f o secure submission by cool, stern, and determined policy :
racter and to terrify resistance by energetic, though capricious and violent
estima- command ; or to exact obedience, .vnd ensure compliance,
tion, through the awe, veneration, and attachment entertained by
subjects for the magnanimity, wisdom, and patriotism of the
sovereign. A great class of men had now arisen, not only dis
posed, but able to question any branch of the asserted preroga
tive, which they considered as unneccessary or injurious to the
only legitimate object of government. In his disposition and
administration, James was neither tyrannical nor imperious,
butdelightingin discourse and speculative dissertation, he talked
much, more about the divine right of kings, than alt the princes
of the house of Tudor, who had contented themselves with ex
ercising absolute, dominion without searching into political meta-
and to the physics. James provoked and accelerated discussions about pre-
growing rogative, to which the commons were already sufficiently prone,
fpirit9f J*" and which his indolent, irresolute and timid character farther
•amon^theencoura§e^• The king's theology concurred with his political
Commfitis. sentiments in promoting discontent. From the study of polemic
divinity, he was the sincere votary of the high church doctrines,
and a zealous advocate of hierarchy. The strenuous friends
of liberty were inimical to popery, which they accused the
'king of regarding too favourably. His refusal to reduce the
power of the high commission court, whilst he granted every
indulgence to catholics, being construed into a predilection for
the Romish doctrines, and a hatred of the puritans, exasperated
the spirit of liberty, already so strong in the commons. Another
feature in the king's character, by helping to disgust his sub
jects, conduced to the depression of the kingly name ; his in
discreet and boundless attachment to frivolous and contemptible
favourites ; and the promotion of the minions of his childish
fondness, to offices for which they were totally unfit. The peo
ple very naturally and reasonably concluded, that a person can
prove no divine right to govern a kingdom, who shows him
self so very deficient in wisdom, as, in choosing a minister of
state, to consider merely personal graces, and courtly manners.
Contending with such a prince, the commons were both em-

STATE OF GREAT BRITAIN. '45
boldened and empowered to show him, that absolute power had
no longer subsisted in England ; that they were prepared to
vindicate the rights and liberties of freemen ; and that his boast
ing claims would only challenge stronger confutation, and his
eager but feeble opposition produce farther demands. Absurd
and extravagant as their theological cant and pretensions might
be, the puritans were hitherto actuated by an elevated and no
ble spirit of civil and political freedom, which every Briton who
justly appreciates the blessings of the present constitution must
acknowledge with veneration and gratitude. Their talents and
conduct were well fitted for promoting the attainment of liberty;
they proceeded cautiously and gradually, and enlarged their
views and systematized their plans, as their cause became popu
lar and the opposite obnoxious. The king employed rash and
violent letters and speeches,1 to which they opposed prudent,
vigorous, and decisive conduct. The course of contest produ- Disputes
ced the celebrated manifesto in which the commons of England between
first boldly, openly, and precisely declared, that the representa-tlle1kini'
tives of the people held certain liberties, franchises, and pri- mons.
vi leges, not as grants of the king, but as the rights of freeborn
Englishmen. Though James expressed great rage against the
contents and authors of this paper, yet he was afterwards obli
ged to court his parliament, to gratify them by passing several
popular laws, and by his concessions to acknowledge that there
was in the country a power fully equal to the king's, and arising
from the strength of the people. The latter end of James's Commons
reign is a most important epoch in the constitutional hiistory of ascertain
England, as then first the commons proved their own force. *. ,"[
James educated and formed his son, Charles, in the same po- Charles I,
litical and theological sentiments and doctrines which he had
himself maintained, professed, and inculcated. Notwithstand
ing his own experience of the change of public opinion and of
political power, he had taken no pains to model the prince ac
cording to the present dispositions and character of the peo
ple whom he was destined to govern. Young Charles very treads in
naturally imbibed his father's instructions, and conceived the Ws fa-
kingly prerogative to be such as James represented and argued, ther s
and as Elizabeth had exercised. Sincere in his profession, this ^sincere
prince was a zealous votary of the high church ; directed in his and zeal-
opinions and doctrines by prelates, and especially by Laud, heous
was confirmed in his notions of the divine right of kings, and church-
the inseparable connexion between episcopacy and monarchy. man'
With such principles and sentiments, so very contrary to those
of a great, powerful, and increasing body of his countrymen, on
the death of his father, Charles mounted the throne.
The unlimited power of Buckingham, James's minion, hav- Claimsand
ing overborne the pacific maxims of the king, and involved him v'ews°f
in hostilities with Spain, Charles at his accession found himself n,^0"8'
' See Hujne's'History.

46 VIEW OF THE
engaged in a war. As the contest was professedly popular, he
reasonably expected the support of his people and parliament ;
but the supplies voted were very inadequate to the expenses re-"
quisite for the arduous undertaking.- The leaders of the com
mons determined to persevere in the establishment of a free
constitution, considered the necessities of the prince as condu
cive to their purpose, and resolved to grant no subsidies without
a redress of grievances, and concessions favourable to civil li
berty. Amiable and affectionate, Charles was warm and steady
in his attachments, though not pr'oportionably judicious in the
selection of objects. Thence he had maintained Buckingham
in the high favour and trust little deserved by his talents and
virtues, and obnoxious to the parliament and public. He not
only protected this minister against the just resentment of the
commons, but, instigated by his councils, he adopted iniquitous
measures for extorting loans, and. invading the property of En
glishmen without their own consent. A series of acts, flagrantly
violating the privileges of Englishmen, alarmed and roused the
commons.
Petition of Opposing firm and profound wisdom to the desultory and il-
nghts. jygaj 0ppressi0n of the court, their strong, discriminating, and
bold remonstrance procured, in the petition of 'right, a "demar-
kation of the limits by which liberty and property were secured.
Notwithstanding the king's engagement' incurred by his con
sent to the petition of right, he for many years continued regu
larly and systematically- to transgress the established laws of
England ; to imprison, fine; and corporally punish men, without
the judgment of their peers ; to deprive them of their property,.
and compel them to pay subsidies without the consent of their
Illegal and representatives; and by manifold unconstitutional, lawless, and "
unconsti- tyrannical acts, to oppress his subjects.1 Virtuous in his do-
tutional megtic and private life, Charles, in relation to his kingdom, dis
regarded justice and the rights of the people, as much as if he
had been. wicked and tyrannical.
Chief in- n\a chief instruments of oppression were the star-chamber,
struments wj,icjj subjected liberty and property to the privy-council, in-
sionPtheS stead of the peers of the accused ; and the high court of corn-
star 'cham- mission, subjecting liberty; property, and life, to a(n arbitrary
ber, and body, also not constituted of the defendant's peers. Though
high court t[,ese tribunals subsisted in the time of Elizabeth, they were
sion°mmiS not only contrary to the great charter and other fundamental
laws of England, but tot-ally inconsistent with the principal
clauses of the petition of right, as admitted by Charles himself.
The chief agents in this oppressive violation of the constitution
Strafford were Strafford and Laud. The vigorous ability and stern inl
and Laud, periousness of the one, and the narrow bigotry and, priestly ty
ranny of the other, instigating the pliant Charles, produced in
iquitous judgments and punishments, and unconstitutionally ex- .
1 See Hume's History, vol. iii. chap. 52.

STATE OF GREAT BRITAIN. 47
torted money by arbitrary violence, but eventually hastened the
vindication* of rightful liberty. Even the frivolous mummery of
Laud's innovating ceremonies, though in itself merely laugha
ble, yet indicating a predilection for popery, added to the alarm
of the reforming party, and their impatience under the lawless
acts of this domineering ecclesiastic*
The usurpations of Charles and his ministers were destined Series of
to have a speedy end. Goaded by oppression, liberty rushed oppres-
forward with an overpowering force. Hampden, with manly e'g°"eg°st*'
breast resisting exaction unauthorized by the law, roused the ance-
votaries of freedom through the nation. Charles's unbounded Hampden-.
love of liturgy, excited from the north fresh enemies to his ad
ministration. Necessitated to call a parliament, the unhappy Meeting
prince found that the members brought with them a much of Parlia"
stronger spirit of opposition and resistance than had prevailed ment'
among their predecessors. In their very first acts they boldly Claims of
showed, that the commons of England, were determined. not on-the com"
ly to restrain, but to abolish iniquitous tribunals, however sanc-mons-
tioned by precedent ; to punish tyrannical violators of the
rights of the people, however supported by court favour ; and
to enforce the redress of grievances in church and state. .So First pro-
far as these votaries of freedom intended to limit the bounda- Credm^
ries of kingly power according to its legitimate object, the pub- °nj k°
lie good, and to prevent a repetition of tyranny, their purpose assertion
was beneficient, patriotic, and meritorious. The legislative of their
and political transactions of this memorable parliament, dur- rights*.
ing the first period of its operations, entitle its members to the
highest praise and gratitude from the (overs of liberty, and all
the subjects of the British constitution. These intrepid vota
ries of freedom, these resolute opponents of kingly and priestly
tyranny, saved their country from civil and ecclesiastical thral
dom, which Charles's priests and ministers were so rapidly im
posing. Had it not been for them, England, like France, would
have been a simple despotism, subjecting the rights and happi
ness of a whole people to the arbitrary will and caprice of a sin
gle individual.
With this generous zeal for liberty, was joined a repugnance Spirit of
to all authority, however salutary and expedient ; a spirit of de- freedom
mocratical and puritanical enthusiasm, seeking to level all ^°™e,s
ranks and distinctions, however necessary to the stability
and well-being of society. Actuated by these principles and
sentiments, the opponents of the king did not rest. satisfied with
measures and acts which restrained the monarchical and cleri
cal power from being oppressive and tyrannical. No sooner
had they accomplished that important and valuable purpose,
than they proceeded to reductions preventing them from being
active, efficient, and useful; and after their first year, the par-
» See Hume's account of the consecration of St. Catharine's church, by
Laud, vol. iii. p. 449.

48 VIEW OF THE
Commons liament (especially the commons) became turbulent and repub-
turbulent jican. i„ resisting ship-money, abolishing the star-chamber
publican. ant* h'§h court °^ commission, circumscribing executive pow
er within the bounds of law and the rights and welfare of the
people, the commons were the protecting guardians of British
liberty; but when, in their second year, they sought and at
tempted to grasp the chief provinces of the executorial power,
they became enemies of the constitution. In their judicial
proceedings, the popular leaders, patriotically and justly at
tacked the cousellor3 and ministers of tyranny; but in the
Tyranni- mode of prosecuting and trying Strafford and Laud, the accu-
cal prose- sers charging, and the judges admitting, acts to be tresori,
rations °f which were not treason by the law of the land, both commons
andLaud. ant* Peers were gu'lty of much greater and more irreparable ty
ranny, than any against which they had so properly and strong
ly remonstrated. From their meeting in 1640 to the close of
1641, they vindicated and secured the constitutional and bene
ficial rights, privileges, and liberties of English subjects: in
1642, they attacked no less constitutional and beneficial powers
delegated for the national good to an English king ; and demon
strated how natural it is for wise and able men, ardent in pur
suit of an object good within certain bounds, to transgress those
limits ; and after having begun with what was right, useful, and
even necessary, to end in whai is wrong, hurtful, and perni
cious. Not only the particular acts, but the general conduct of
the king, during the first fourteen years of his reign, recoiled
dreadfully on himself, and showed how dangerous it is for the
chief executive magistrate of a free people, by galling oppres
sion, to drive liberty to energetic resistance.
Civil wars. The civil wars, and their dismal catastrophe in regicide, de-
Democra- moCfaf,c anarchy, and military despotism, manifest the direful
destroys effects of popular and prevalent enthusiasm, even though it
church may have originated in the noble spirit of liberty. Lawless op-
and mo- pression drove a freehold, and generous people, to defensive
narchy i efforts, at first lawful and laudable.1 In their progress, their
*"teg*™1" measures became aggressive, and in their success, levelled
regicide monarchy with the dust; and instead of rational and modified
and mili- liberty, established a boundless license, terminated by military
tary des- despotism.
Ad'a'ce ^^ to Pr'vafe enterprise, commerce increased and flourish-
ofcom- eQl more than at any former period. The trade to the East
merce and Indies and to Guinea became very considerable. The corn-
navigation merce to Turkey and the Mediterranean, was also greatly en-
under Charles. 1 This opinion is sanctioned by the authority of Mr. Hume, vol. ii. p.
496. Mr. Hume, indeed though called an apologist for tile Stuarts, mere
ly states their conduct to be natural, without vindicating it as just, or en
titled to the submissive acquiescence of their subjects. See the history of
those reigns, passim : on the other hand, while he exposes the evils of
political fanaticism, ht allows the puritans to be the sa-vi6urs of Enfrlish
liberty. °

STATE OF GREAT BRITAIN. 49
larged. With Spain, inimical to Holland, England now enjoy
ed almost the sole traffic. Under the commonwealth, the pre
valence of republican principles engaged country gentlemen to
bind their sons apprentices to merchants, and commerce has
ever since been more honourable in England than in any other
European kingdom. Trade received great interruption from.
the civil wars ; but under the republic and the protectorate, it
revived with augmented vigour. The war with the states-gene
ral, carried on with such energy, distressed the commerce of
the Dutch, and promoted the trade of England, their only for
midable commercial rival. The exclusive companies, which
formerly confined trade, were never expressly abolished by any
ordinance of parliament, during the commonwealth; but as
men paid no regard to the prerogative, whence the charters of
these companies were derived, the monoply was gradually in
vaded, and commerce increased by the increase of liberty.1
The colonies also now afforded a considerable vent for En- Progress
glish merchandise. Virginia, strictly subject to an exclusive of the co-
corporation, experienced the various impediments necessarily l?.nie.s\,
resulting from the selfish and monopolizing views of such com- ir&in,a''
panies ; but by the advantage of its soil and climate triumphed
over these obstacles. Its colonists found it peculiarly adapted
to the cultivation of tobacco, a plant for which the relish was
becoming very general throughout Europe. The Virginians
rendered this their staple commodity. Having purchased some
negroes from a Dutch ship, which visited them from the coast
of Guinea, they found the natives of the torrid zone, so much
more capable of enduring fatigue under a sultry climate than
Europeans, that they afterwards increased their number by con
tinual importation.
New-England received in the time of Charles I. numerous New-Eng-
additions of emigrants, and increased in population and power. land-
Paying little regard to the royal charter, by which they were
first associated, the planters considered themselves as a society
voluntarily united ; and choosing a constitution framed on the
model of England, they formed four colonies into confederated
states, and asserted that they should be bound by no laws to
which they themselves did not assent, and subject to no taxes
imposed in an assembly wherein they were not represented.
Within a few years of their plantation, the colonists of New-
England manifested the same spirit, and vindicated the same
rights, which a century and a half afterwards produced a refusal
of British taxation, and independence on the British crown.
The coincidence of their sentiments with those of the English
republicans, rendered the New-Englanders particularly favour
ed under the commonwealth. Unfettered in their industry and
pursuits, they grew in internal prosperity and strength, and
promoted the trade and navigation of the mother country.
' See Hume's History of England, vol. iv.
Vol. I. ' r

50 View of the
To secure to Britain the commerce of her rising colonies, as well
as to extend her general trade, nautical exertions and naval
Naviga- power, was the great object of the navigation act, the most im-
tionact. portant and memorable of commercial statutes. This act, and
subsequent regulations, originating1 in the same principle, but
comprehending greater varieties of articles and details, secured
to England an exclusive commerce with her colonies ; and
formed and methodized the monopoly into a regular and com
plete system. It farther, in imposing a necessity of employing
British sailors, very powerfully increased our best means of
security and defence. With trade, the naval force of the king
dom improved. The ship-money, so illegally levied by Charles,
was applied to the professed purpose. • The English fleet in
his time was powerful, though not employed in war.' Crom
well, energetic and efficient in every object which he pursu
ed, had a navy, as well as an army, superior to all his ene
mies.
State of During the reigns of both James and Charles, England ap-
Europe. peared to have almost totally forgotten the affairs of the con-
Decline of tinent, though requiring her watchful attention. Spain, un-
Spain, and (jer a succession of weak princes and incapable ministers, was
rise of fas£ deciding jn power. The German branch of the house of
Austria was reduced and humiliated by the heroic Gustavus,
and his gallant Swedes. The bold, vigorous, and intrepid
Richelieu, operating upon the French character, was fast rais
ing his country in power and energy. The great objects of
that celebrated minister were, to render the monarchy inter
nally and externally efficient. He proposed to effect these
purposes, by subduing the Hugonots, frequently rebels against
the established government; by humbling the princes and
nobles, who often opposed the power of the crown; and by
curbing the house of Austria, the chief enemy of French great
ness. His consummate ability, directing the councils and ef
forts of his country, accomplished these objects. He con
quered the protestants, disconcerted and overcame the grandees
at home, and rendered France a monarchy entirely absolute.
Abroad, he made very considerable progress in his scheme of
humbling the house of Austria. In his time, France resumed
her station, and was the most powerful empire on the con
tinent. Cardinal Mazarine, succeeding Richelieu not only in
his ministry but in his designs, discomfited the factious princes
and nobles, and completed what Richelieu had so far ad
vanced. Every year aggrandized Fiance, and reduced the
power of Spain and the emperor. The French generals and
soldiers acquired daily a greater ascendant over the Spaniards.
Almost constantly victorious in a long war, and having de
tached from her rival, by revolt, dominions so productive^
France was now become obviously and eminently preponderant
in the scale of Europe. Such was her situation, when Oliver
Cromwell became supreme director of English affairs. The

STATE OF GREAT BRITAIN. 51
character, efforts, and achievements of this renowned usurper Continen-
comnumded from foreign powers an admiration and deference ^l??1"^
bestowed on no English ruler since the time of Elizabeth, cromwdl
The belligerent nations saw, that England, directed and in
vigorated by Cromwell, could give victory to whatever party
he chose to embrace. Each courted him with the most flat
tering and humble solicitations. If Cromwell had thoroughly
understood and regarded the interests of his country, he would
have supported the declining fortunes of Spain, against the
dangerous ambition of France ; and preserved the balance of
power, on which the greatness and security of England so
much depended. Allured, however, by the prospect of con
quest and plunder among the Spanish settlements in the New
World, and their ships on the intervening ocean, he threw his
weight into the scale which was already preponderant, and
contributed his powerful efforts to the exaltation of an empire
most formidable to England.
' From the time of the reformation, England had been emi- English
nently distinguished for the very highest efforts of literary literature
genius. Among many writers more remarkable for sublimity g"^esci"
and force than beauty and elegance, she had tor boast a phi
losopher, whom Aristotle himself did not surpass in extent of
knowledge and depth of investigation, in expansion of views,
power of invention, and importance of discovery; an epic
poet, whom Homer did not excel in sublimity, in pathos, and
in force of character; a dramatic poet, whom' not any, nor all
the illustrious writers for the ancient stage, exceeded or equal
led, in the knowledge or exhibition of man. A very con
siderable degree of learning was diffused, mingled with an in
correct taste, and tinctured by either the superstitious bigotry,
or the puritanical fanaticism, so generally prevalent. The
predominant enthusiasm formed characters great and en
ergetic, but not pleasing and beneficial. Gloomy in its tenets,
visionary in its fancies, austere in its observances, and dismal
in its external appearance, it effected a very striking change in
the national manners ; but the alteration was only temporary. Manners.
Doctrines and notions so totally inconsistent with vigorous and
distinguishing good sense ; sentiments so contrary to humanity
and liberality; demeanour so repugnant to frankness, sincerity,
and candour, could not be durable among Englishmen. The
ferment of passion cooled; the frenzy of boundless innovation
at length gave way to sober reason and experience. Men saw
that the liberty which they had pursued beyond all useful lim
its, had terminated in slavery ; they wished for the re-establish
ment of a monarchy properly circumscribed ; favourable events
seconded their desires, and with general acclamation Charles
II. was restored to the throne of his ancestors. Restora-
During the period between the restoration and the revolu
tion, commerce and navigation rose to a pitch never before
known in the annals of England. The two Dutch wars, by

fl2 VIEW OF THE
disturbing the trade of Holland, promoted the trade of this
Hapid ad- island ; and the peace which prevailed during the rest of
vance of Charles's reign, however censurable on political grounds, and
commerce however unfavourable in its ultimate effects to the balance of
a"t" "n™ power and independence of Europe, rapidly and powerfully
under' contributed to the opulence of England. Both the fortunes
Charles and views of mercantile men were greatly enlarged. There
andJames. were more merchants on London 'change at the end of this
time, worth ten thousand pounds;1 than at the beginning,
worth one thousand. With riches, ideas of accommodation and
ornament diverged, manufactures were also very considerably
improved. The general spirit of progressive industry was as
sisted by favourable incidents : the bigoted and tyrannical im
policy of Louis XIV. revoked the edict of Nantz, and drove
from their country great numbers of his most useful subjects.
He thereby furnished neighbouring states with arts and manu
factures, and was peculiarly beneficial to England. The reve
nue rose with trade, 'its various branches were much more ac
curately regulated, especially the customs,3 the species of tax
most connected with commerce. The excise, tending so much
more effectually to prevent frauds, was improved, the prin
ciples of finance began to be understood. Left chiefly to their
own industry and skill, the established colonies increased in
prosperity, and new settlements were either formed or ac
quired.
Extension New-York and New-Jersey were ceded by the Dutch;
of coloni- Pennsylvania and Carolina were planted : the first by quakers,
zation. w|10 ^ ffom tjje persecutions to which, by the intolerance of
Charles's government, sectaries were exposed ; the second, by
persons well affected to the king. These carried to their re
spective settlements their political sentiments, and transmitted
them to their posterity. The persecutions also drove other em
igrants to those established colonies which coincided in their
opinion. Thus, from New-Hampshire to South-Carolina, the
American coast was colonized by England. The northern set
tlements cherished a spirit of republicanism, the southern a
spirit of monarchical loyalty. Rapidly prospering under the
system of policy that had been embraced, they were adding
proportionably to both the export and import trade of the mo
ther country. The shipping of England, in twenty-eight years;
was more than doubled :s James and Charles both vigorously
promoted the increase of a navy, which, though misemployed
by the corrupt and pernicious policy of Charles, yet showed it
self efficient and fit for defending the country and her allies,
whenever the sceptre of England should be placed in hands
both able and disposed to wield it for the national good.
' See sir Josiah Child's brief observations.
2 See Wealth of Nations, vol. iii. p. 347.
3 See Dayenant's Discourse on the Public Revenue^.

STATE OF GREAT BRITAIN. 53
Charles's principles and schemes of government were un- Arbitrary
questionably inimical to civil and religious liberty ; and though ££" j101 °'
the bold and generous spirit of Englishmen prevented his de
signs from being fully accomplished, yet many of his acts, even
in England, were extremely tyrannical. His arbitrary mea
sures would have justified a much more forcible resistance
than they met ; and were, probably, by the recent experience
only of the miseries of civil war, prevented from recoiling
on himself. In Scotland, the constant and regular plan, as
well as the particular acts of his government, merited and exci
ted abhorrence. His iniquitous conduct, at once unjust and Excite the
profligate, caused great but only temporary evil, while the re- patriotism
tnedies which it suggested proved a durable good. His attacks ° ^^ "
on the liberty of the subject raised bulwarks of defence of the nia„y saiu
strongest materials, to last many ages after he and his tyranni- tary and
cal efforts had perished for ever. His formation and increase important
of a standing army gave rise to a law, that a standing army*awSi
was illegal, and made the national force dependant on the guar
dians of national liberty; unjust and unwarrantable imprison
ments produced the habeas-corpus act, which completed the se
curity of personal liberty : vigilant patriotism of the legislature
abolished military tenures; the prerogatives of purveyance and
pre-emption ; and the capital punishment of heretics. It estab
lished triennial parliaments ; and the test and corporation acts ;
and enacted many other laws which improved the security of
liberty and property.
Hostile as was Charles to the freedom and rights of the an<l to the
people ; yet in his reign the constitution of England, in its pro- m01"-?11-
gressive state, arrived at mature vigour; the true balance be- proveX
tween privilege and prerogative was established. By the law, ment of
now ascertained and fixed, the people had nearly as large a the consti-
portion of liberty as was necessary to their security and happi- tution.
ness;1 though fresh restrictions were still wanting. to ensure
its operation, without interruption from the pretended preroga
tives of arbitrary princes. The tyrannical proceedings of
Charles formed the' opponents of his pretensions into a firm,
well compacted, and powerful body. By promulgating the Whigs.
doctrines of passive obedience, so contrary to the rights and
liberties of Englishmen, to common sense and to common feel
ing, the king, his ministers, and churchmen, united the support
ers of opposite sentiments, under the appellation of whigs ; a
name important and venerable, while it signifies champions of
constitutional freedom, without extending to invaders of the no
less constitutional prerogatives of the crown. Carrying their Danger of
opposition to the measures and designs of Charles farther than premature
prudence admitted, the friends of freedom, in their discomfiture, resistance.
near the close of the reign, and the death of magnanimous
patriots on the scaffold, left to future votaries of liberty a
'V
' See Blackstone's last chapter. I

54 VIEW OF THE
warning lesson of the danger of premature resistance even
in the best cause. The same principles which influenced the
infernal government of Charles, directed his foreign politics.
Profligate Louis XIV. was absolute and unlimited sovereign of the
and perni- extensive, well compacted, and fertile empire of France, peo-
cious con- p]e(j xvith inhabitants, eminently ingenious, industrious, and
l'nii"talf energetic. Ardent, violent, and excessive in every pursuit, his
Charles, subjects were devoted to the will of their prince, and to the
promotion of his glory. The downfall of the Spanish monar-
Danger- °hy, and the triumphs of.the French arras, so gratifying to the
ous great- national pride, invigorated the military spirit of Frenchmen.
ness of Zealous attachment to their young monarch, and the desire
France. 0f extending his greatness, stimulated and encouraged their
farther efforts. The resources of the country were extensive
and increasing; the armies were numerous, well disciplined,
and commanded by consummate generals. The officers, in all
the various -ranks and gradations, were prepared for their pro
fession by regular and systematic tuition, and thoroughly fitted
for executing the plans of their commanders, by the skilful and
masterly performance of every subordinate duty. Gay and
dissipated in private life, they were in public service strict,
vigilant, and efficient. Military stores abounded, and nothing
was wanting to render the laud force of" France organized and
formidable. The rising spirit of navigation and trade; the
maritime opportunities ; the example of their neighbours, so
successful in acquiring opulence and strengthening security ;
stimulated France to naval effort. The extension of commerce
and navy became grand objects of French policy, and made
considerable advances. So situated in the youthful vigour of
his life, enterprising, both ambitious and vain, desirous of power
for ostentatious display as well as solid possession, Louis had
strong incitements to attack and disturb his neighbours. The
enfeebled and exhausted princes of Austria were little able to
oppose this potent monarch. The whole continent was incapa
ble of preserving the balance of power ; England only could
hold the scale.
state of Skilful industry, possessing plenty of materials, desires peace:
P''.1*31" rjf" the result of industry, skill, and materials, is property. War
the^conti-0 mav '3e necessary f°r security ; but on any other ground, must,
nent. to a commercial nation, be unwise. As prospective policy guards
against circuitous, as well as direct aggression, it becomes the
interest of an industrious and mercantile community to watch
the progress of ambitious neighbours. Britain, flourishing and
opulent, had no inducement to offensive war, since continental
acquisition could add nothing to her commerce and riches; but
had frequently strong motives to resist the offensive wars of her
neighbours, to preserve the balance of power, which if over
turned, would endanger herself. The aggressive character of
France, co-operating with her own circumstances and situation,
necessarily imposed upon Britain, her most potent and efficient

STATE OF GREAT BRITAIN. ;5.T
neighbour, the contrary character, of being for her own ultimate
seGUrity the protector of continental independence. Such has
been the relation in which frota the reigns of Charles and of
Louis, the British and French empires have stood to each other,
and to the rest of Europe. The arbitrary designs and profli
gate views of Charles, united in driving him to the treacherous
and fatal policy of promoting, instead of opposing, the exces
sive power and boundless ambition of France. Through Louis,
he hoped to establish in England his favourite despotism, and
policy, the engine of civil slavery. From Louis he received
the means of wallowing in debauchery : a king of England
betrayed his country for bribes from the king of France, to. be
squandered on prostitutes, and worthless minions ! From a
combination of motives, unconstitutional and profligate, Charles
II. abandoned his duty to these realms, joined with their most
dangerous enemy, attacked our protestant ally, and powerfully
assisted in raising France to such a pitch of dangerous great
ness. Avoiding the gloomy austerity of the puritans, and influenced Manners
by the example of the king and court, English manners now .""d ''tera-
ran into the opposite extreme of licentiousness and profligacy. e'
Many ingenious and able men fell into infidelity, immorality,
and impiety, and infected the literature of the times. A relish
for grossness and indecency mingled itself with composition the
most witty, humorous, and impressive, especially dramatic
productions. This alloy to very great literary excellence long
continued, until progressive refinement and delicacy removed ,
the abuse. Writers in the lighter kind of compositions, who
designed to exhibit the manners of the times, and represent
them truly, drew them much more minutely than was necessa
ry; and more favourably than they deserved. One writer,
however, though often chargeable with the indelicacy of the
times, often hasty and incorrect, remains the third of English
poets, and almost the first of English critics. In higher de
partments of intellectual effort, depending on general views of
ethics and divinity, on the investigation and comprehension of
physical phenomena and their laws, English genius rose to
great and beneficial exertions; talents and erudition supported
natural theology, Christianity, and the protestant faith ; and
from these, inculcated religious and moral duty.1 In the more
profound and abstruse studies of mathematics and natural phi
losophy, several sages attained very high eminence. One reach
ing the zenith of scientific discovery, invention, and deduction,
equalled the very deepest and wisest philosophers of all ages or
countries. James II. much inferior to his brother in talents, a zealous, James H,
ardent, and priest-ridden -bigot, considered the supreme good of
mankind to be a belief in the Romish faith. Imperious, tyran -
1 Barrow, Tillotson, and other eminent clergyman.

56 View of the
nical, and cruel, contrary to the most obvious observation of ht*
own early and recent experience, this prince conceived that
Englishmen would yield to any mandate which he, in the inso
lence of lawless sway, should dare to offer. Arbitrary power
was principally desired by this infatuated and contemptible zea
lot, to make converts in theology. Neither, like his brother,
treacherous or corrupt, though not without a sense of the na
tional honour, nor a jealousy of the power of France, yet he
Folly and sacrificed all considerations to his darling popery. His priests
infatuation and his rituals, his masses and his mummeries, he preferred to
of his con- t(,e welfare of his people, and the security of his throne. Uni-
ting against him tories, churchmen, parties, and classes most
zealous for monarchy, as well as whigs and votaries of liberty;
his conduct was more fortunate for the country, than if less
completely odious : it facilitated the success of our glorious de
liverer. The very madness of this poor infatuated zealot was
extremely beneficial to his country, by withdrawing from him
all confidence and support, and effecting a bloodless revolution,
in driving him from a throne, which he was totally unqualified
Cause and to fill. His conduct brought the question between liberty and
principle prerogative to a crisis ; it showed English kings, that by abus-
of the re- jj1g) for arbitrary and iniquitous purposes, powers vested in them
vo u ion. ^ ^e constitution to promote the public good, they soon should
have no prerogative to exercise.
Extent Necessity compelled a deviation from the rules of hereditary
H"** succession to the throne of England ; the same necessity that
thechanKedictated the except»on, defined it bounds. The disqualifica-
in the sue- tion of James had arisen from his arbitrary principles and con
cession, duct, chiefly originating in popish doctrines, and exercised to
promote popish notions and government. The next protestant
successors not only presumed, but known to be the enemies of
civil and ecclesiastical tyranny, were substituted, on their
/agreeing to conditions necessary for the security of liberty and
religion.
William The revolution having been thus produced, and the terms
III. prescribed on which the new sovereign was to reign, foreign
politics became the most urgent consideration. The overgrown
power of Louis rendered a confederation of other states neces
sary for their joint and separate security. Having heroically
defended and protected his country from the unprovoked inva
sion and usurping ambition of Louis, William bentthe principal
force of his genius to the repression of France. Much less effi-
Confede- cacious in power, and less spjendid in character, than the mo-
aframst nSLVC}x °f Paris, the stadtholder of the Hague had a more solid,
France for f°rc'lljle, and inventive genius, creating and acquiring resources
the securi- that rendered him ultimately equal to his foe. By delivering
ty and in- his own country from impending thraldom to France, William
dePce f Was enablecl afterwards to effect the delivery of England. His
Europe successf"' accomplishment of this momentous object, produced
the adoption by England of that system of foreign policy which

STATE OF GREAT BRITAIN. 5,7
the state of Europe required. Blameable as were Charles and
James in so many parts of their administration, yet they had
both applied with great vigour and effect to the increase of the
navy, and left to a successor, seeking the real interest of his
kingdom, a formidable engine to be employed against the friend
.and ally of their mischievous counsels. Louis had acquired a French
considerable naval force, and was not without the hopes that navy»
France would obtain by sea the same supremacy which she
had established by land. Some partial successes in the begin
ning of the war against England, encouraged this expectation.
But at length* exerting the full force of her fleet, England, at
La Hogue, crushed the navy of France } and again taught her crushed at
enemies that she was still to be mistress of the ocean. During LaHogue.
the rest of the war, though detached ships might be troublesome
and vexatious, no French fleet was powerful or formidable.
The army which Charles and James had levied and maintained
for wicked ends, under the guidance of William, was conducive
to salutary purposes. Inspired by the national spirit which
supported the protestant asserters of their rights and liberty
against a popish tyrant, they performed feats of magnanimous
valour1 and discomfited all the invading projects of the depos
ed tyrant. They could not prevent him from perpetrating hor
rid cruelties, but they hindered his blood-thirsty murders from
promoting his permanent interest. They at length manifested
to the world, that no person proscribed by the choice, of Eng
lishmen, could attain dominion over them by force. ,They also
showed to their French invaders, that an attempt to subjugate
any part of this island by a foreign power, must ultimately re
coil on the invaders. On the continent, the weakness and dis- character
tractions of the allies, and the immense land force of the ene-of Wil-
my, prevented the confederates from obtaining complete suc-Ham'sc.on"
cess ; but the efforts of William were strenuous and important. ^
Without gaining splendid victory, he prevented consummate
generals, numerous and disciplined veterans of the enemy, from
obtaining any signal or material advantage. Jarring parties,
and treacherous conspiracies, frequently disturbed the internal
tranquillity of William's .reign ; but the greater number of his
people, awake to the national honour and interest, desired to
prosecute a war with vigour, which was necessary to repress
the ambition of France. ,
The exertions of the nation and parliament to humble the England
foe of British independence, exhibited that combined magnani- the most
mity and -wisdom, which bears great inconveniences, in order efficient
to repel much greater evils. They induced Louis to listen to -prenc|,
much more reasonable terms of negotiation, than in, the days of encroach*
British supineness he had been accustomed to dictate, and ment,
showed the direct tendency of warlike strength and effort to
« See defence of Londonderry, in Smollet's continuation of Hume, Vol,
i. chap. 1. and the Whole narrative of the war in Ireland.
Vol. I. ' 8

¦55 VIEW OF THE
produce peace to an intrepid and mighty people. In the detail
of battles, Louis was the conqueror ; yet, in the result of suc
cess, prosperity, and power, the ambitious and imperious mo
narch of France found, at the treaty of Rhyswick, his dictatorial
command limited and circumscribed. He there was taught
that the most formidable foe of Gallic encroachment is England.
Folly of a Deprived by a contest with Britain of that naval power which
seeking- it had been one of the chief objects of his long reign to raise
maritime ant' extend, France might have learned, that a nation which
power in seeks maritime aggrandizement by warring against a nation much
attacking more powerful at sea than herself, only labours to defeat her
England own purp0Se, From his continental successes, and his mari-
ove'r- Ca™ t'me disasters, Louis might have learned, that while she direct-
whelm all ed her principal attention to armies, France might gratify her
naval op- unbounded ambition ; but that her marine exertions to cope
ponents. with England, brought a reduction of her strength.
' The policy of France under her vain-glorious despot, disturb
ing her neighbours, unjust in principle, and barbarous in
operation, was in its events ruinous to the country, which that
despot governed. Fitted, from climate, soil, situation, and the
genius of her people, to acquire, enjoy, and preserve riches,
and all the comforts of life ; She, under the splendid but de
structive domination of Louis, experienced poverty and misery.
The wars occupied numbers of the hands which the welfare
of the people required to have been employed in cultivating the
ground. The imports of corn wanted to supply the deficien
cies, were intercepted by the naval armaments of her over
powering enemy. Multitudes perished by famine. The pom
pous pageantry of triumphant rejoicing for useless victory,
could not prevent the melancholy spectacles of wretches starv
ing with hunger. The impious strains of pretended gratitude,
attributing to the divinity the successes of unwise injustice,
were followed by the groans of, subjects dying in the streets,,
because the infatuated ambition of their prince preferred ruin
ous wars to beneficial peace. These, together with the depopu
lation of his kingdom by narrow bigotry, were among the
glories of Louis's aggressive: policy. By his external politics,
he reduced the internal prosperity, which the physical and
moral resources of his country, the talents and skill of his
ministers had so rapidly advanced. The commercial and
maritime improvements, rising under the superintending wisdom
of Colbert in their salutary tendency to the happiness of the
people, received effectual checks from Louis himself.' This
veiwofthe consequences of his wars might have taught; that
king, that his projects led only to splendid misery. His ap
parent moderation at Rhyswick affortled some grounds for ex
pecting that, for the future, he would pursue a system more
wise and magnanimous, and would sacrifice the tinsel of false
thlt ,1 ° ™at bTfit of h1 conntrJ- But those who fancied
that the experienced errors of past counsels and conduct would

STATE OF GREAT BRITAIN. 59
produce a change of object and principle, gave him credit for
a wisdom and greatness of mind which he did not possess.
His object continued the same, he only varied the means : by a
negotiation, and a dissolution of the defensive confederacy, he
sought that rapacious encroachment, which he found to be no
longer attainable by force. The peace of Rhyswick was in
tended to facilitate the accession of a Bourbon prince to the
throne of Spain. Crafty in design, and dextrous in address, A French
amusing the allies by partition treaties, Louis over-reached the ^.J-'^f to
sounder and more vigorous understanding of William, and the throne
raising his grandson to be monarch of Spain, rendered a king- of Spain.
dom, so long' the rival, at length the appendage of France.
This new act of ambition, so dangerous to the independence of
Europe, produced a new confederacy to avert the danger by
removing its cause.
The overgrown dominion of France demanded an expense
unknown in the history of our wars, and very heavily felt by
the nation. To lessen the immediate burthens of the people, a
scheme was proposed, and adopted, for answering a great part
of the exigencies of war, by anticipating the products of peace
and prosperity. To supply the deficiencies of present income, English
sums were to be borrowed, on the probable expectation that the finance*.
finances would increase in tranquillity and flourishing com
merce, and afford a surplus beyond the expenditure. The
debts contracted were to be guaranteed by the public faith, and
to be discharged from the public savings: hence first arose, in
England, the funding system. At its outset, the national debt
was incurred under an idea* of certain and even speedy liquida
tion. The security was chiefly, an assignment of specific taxes,
which was supposed, by an hypothetical calculation, sufficient
to pay principal and interest in a few years. A national bank The bank
was established, for extending the credit and security of govern- establish
ment, and for facilitating commercial intercourse and exchange. e<J"
A mercantile joint stock company was, with that view, incor
porated, under the name of the Bank of England. This body,
composed in 1694, advanced the sum of twelve hundred thou
sand pounds, at eight per cent, constituting their first capital,
and repayable at the option of government in 1705; but the
debts incurred both to that corporation and other bodies and
individuals, greatly increasing during the war, a system of per- Funding
petual funding was deemed expedient. In 1697, the debts of system.
Great Britain, funded and unfunded, amounted to 21,515,7421.
13s. 8|d. incumbering the productive industry of the country
with an annual burthen of nearly one million seven hundred
thousand pounds for interest, at the rate of eight per cent, then
paid by government.
To this system of supplying national exigencies, several strong Argu-
objections were made. It was alleged, that the incumbrance, ments
would be an oppressive weight upon productive industry ; that 8Sainst li-
it was a temporary prop to national credit, which Ought to be

60 VIEW OF THE
-Supported on the solid basis of economy ; that neither economy
nor prudence justified the contraction of certain and great debts,
upon uncertain and contingent means of repayment; that by
this mode, the state resembled an improvident spendthrift, who,
from his prodigality, being urtable to wait for, the regular pay
ment of his revenue, and exceeding in expenditure the amount
of his income, was obliged to borrow on usurious terms, and
thus to impair his fortune. Enabled to borrow upon extrava
gant interest, ministers and princes would have internally the
means of corruption, and obtain by influence what they could
not enforce by power. The restriction imposed upon kingly
prerogative, would be really unavailing. The king might make
i wars, not conducive to the defence or security of his people, and
therefore injurious. The treasury, from borrowed money, af
fording funds for bribery, might, in the hands of an artful and
corrupt minister, win a majority in parliament to support per
nicious measures of the crown. The facility of raising money
would incline aud encourage the executive government to pro
mote wars.'and other expensive and useless undertakings. All
the funds for paying national debt being transferable, and flue-;
tuating in value, would introduce a system of stock-jobbing, and
withdraw capitals from agriculture, manufacture, and com
merce, to be employed in speculations in the public funds. In
stead of seeking riches, as traders, by the progressive efforts of
industry and skill, many would become money-brokers and
gamblers. Individuals, without ability, beneficial enterprise,
and effort, would accumulate fortunes, from the exorbitant
profits allowed by government ; and the public would be im
poverished in the same proportion. A system of borrowing
unnecessarily, like every other pecuniary profusion, would in
crease by indulgence ; the debt would not be temporary as its
authors asserted, but permanent and progressive, until it ended
in bankruptcy. Such were the principal disadvantages which
the adversaries of' the -funding system anticipated from its
adoption.1
Argu- Its supporters alleged, that the loans were not upon the
mentsfor principles of a spendthrift,. squandering without any prospect
of return ; but in the true spirit of enlightened merchants, di
minishing the pressure of payments necessarily made for the
attainment of beneficial objects. Asa merchant would, with
out hesitation, borrow money at a great interest, by which he
had a moral certainty of either preventing a greater loss, or ac
quiring a greater gain; government«borrowed, for the defence
of the country against the enemies of the constitution, and
• See Smollet's History of William, passim. From various political wri
tings as well as the histories of the times, this was generally the opinion
of the tories and the landed interest, as the contrary was the opinion of
the whigs and moneyed interest. Enmity to the funding system, though
not necessarily connected with tory principles, was, from extraneous cir
cumstances, a mark of toryism.

STATE OF GREAT BRITAIN. 01
for the security of our national independence against Gallic
ambition. Agreeably to the soundest principles of mercantile
policy, the public, when straitened for ready money, had incur
red future and distant responsibilities, at seasons- of more con
venient liquidation. The efforts made through the loans, and
which but for them would have been impracticable, would ex
tend the greatness, prosperity, and opulence of the country.
The establishment of this system, including the national bank,
would revive and confirm public credit, and extend circulation.
Increasing currency would, by, competition, lower interest, en
hance the value of land, promote the spirit of manufactures
and commerce, facilitate the annual supplies, and augment the
means of private wealth and public revenue. The scheme
would attach the national creditors to the recent establishment,
from which the security of their loans was derived ; and find,
in the private interests of moneyed capitalists, a strong bulwark
against the house of Stuart; commercial men, a class of subjects
already numerous and important, and zealous supporters of a
free government, would be firm friends to the revolution.
As the funded system was an anticipating tax on future and Impartial
contingent, though probable industry, its efficiency towards the view-
proposed discharge of debt, was necessarily to depend upon
the amount of that indnstry, and consequently on the existence
or continuance of circumstances favourable to its exertions. It
was a burthen upon future effort, the disadvantages of which
were immediately felt, were pecuniary, and could be: instantly
appreciated by the most ordinary capacity. The advantages,
commercial. and political, could not be so obvious; and tube
understood, required -extensive knowledge and enlarged com
prehension ; and, though understood, to be relished required a
wisdom and firmness which would encounter a smaller but pre
sent and certain inconvenience, to attain greater but more dis
tant and enventual benefit. The new taxes imposed for liqui
dating the debt, were immediate deductions from either the
profits or enjoyments of the payer. If the system was neces-^-
sary, justice demanded that it should be adopted no farther than
the necessity required; and that money borrowed on the na
tional faith, to be paid from the national industry, should be em
ployed for the national security, honour, and advantage. During
the peace, the debt contracted by government was, in four years,
reduced to sixteen millions, the reduction being upwards of five
millions.1 The wars inwhich William was engaged, considerably dis- Progress
tressed mercantile adventurers, by the capture of their ships. of com-
Unable, after the battle of La Hogue, to meet the English na- ^" this
vy, France directed her chief maritime attention to. the annoy- re]gnf
ance of our commerce. These depredations, producing indj-
> Two millions of this sum were advanced by the new East India company,
constituted in 1693. See Anderson's History of Commerce, vol.ii. p. 597.

VIEW OF THE
vidua! loss, and consequently diminution of public revenue,
caused great clamours against government; and the disaffected
party represented our trade as having greatly decayed in the
time of William. An impartial examination of commercial
history leads to an opposite conclusion, Louis's attempts to
destroy the commerce of England, like those against her navy,
recoiled on himself. Precluded, during hostilities, from traffic
with France, the English began to seek from their own industry
manufactures, which before they had imported from that coun
try. Cut off from traffic with her southern neighbours, she en
couraged and stimulated the manufacturing skill Of the protest
ant refugees, whom the tolerating spirit of William protected
from the persecution of Louis. This liberal and enlightened
policy, cherishing such useful preceptors, tended eventually to
render the scholars superior to their masters. Affording se
curity to artisans, the free constitution of England applied the
strongest motives to the exertion of industry.. France lost her
exports of linen, by which before England had been chiefly
supplied ; various articles of hardware, her silk manufactures,
and: many other commodities, that these realms, taught to pre
pare for themselves, were soon able to furnish for other nations.
Though not without a share in the calamities of war, the
American colonies continued* rapidly progressive in prosperity.
The West Indies were now cultivated in the manner which
rendered them most eminently lucrative. Sugar occupied the
chief care of the planters, though, without excluding in the
appropriate soils the cultivation of other productions. Barba-
does and Jamaica, especially, had obtained very great popu
lation and prosperity at this period. The African and Turkish
trade was considerably extended ; the northern was risen in a
still greater proportion, as William, from inclination, vicinity,
and command of the north seas,1 was closely connected with
the northern powers. With Spain and Portugal, from political
as well as commercial relations, England enjoyed the principal
share of commerce. Even in the East Indies, notwithstanding
the misconduct of the first company, and its contest with its
competitor, the mercantile spirit of England overcame the dis
advantages of a corporate monopoly. The renovated and im
proved system of polity which the revolution confirmed, secur
ed property, and its general operation promoted the spirit of-
commerce. The acts, both for extending national and mer
cantile credit, stimulated commercial adventure and enterprise,
by facility of accommodation, increase of currency, and an
enlargement of that confidence on which mercantile transac
tions principally rest. The subsequent means for supporting
the bank, also tended to the unprecedented extension of trade.
Very favourable to the promotion of the same object, was the
principle of re-coinage, adopted by Montague, in the depre-
' See Anderson's History of Commerce, vol. ii.

STATE OF GREAT BRITAIN.' 63
ciated state of the existing coin. By subjecting the public,
and not individual holders of current coins, to the l°ss accruing
from the diminished weight he confirmed national credit. The
re-coinage of silver, on terms so liberal and wise, was one of
the most beneficial measures by which commerce was advanced
in William's reign.1 In the fpur peaceful years of William's
reign, English commerce very far surpassed any former efforts
and success.
Conducive as the counsels and acts of this illustrious prince
were to the prosperity of England, there were reasons,
not destitute of plausibility, for imputing to him partiality to
his native country, whenever her interests and those of his
kingdoms came into competition. The Scottish projects of
establishing a colony on the isthmus of Darien, in order to trade
with the South Sea from its western to its eastern houndaries,
having been first countenanced and afterwards opposed by
the king, his disapprobation of the scheme was imputed to the
jealousy of the Dutch. In his continental politics, he was
represented by the disaffected in England, as mindful chiefly
of the interests of the states-general. According to detractors,
English blood and treasure were sacrificed for an ideal balance
of power, not necessaryfor the security of these islands. En
glish interference in continental politics might be useful to the
Dutch but was hurtful to this country. Bending our chief efforts
to our navy, we, surrounded by the ocean, could defend our
selves against all foreign attempts, and therefore ought not to
waste our strength in foreign disputes. The burthen and ex
pense of continental war were owing either to the impolicy or
injurious designs of William. Such were the views of the tories ;
who, because unfavourable to William individually and his
schemes, became inimical to the interference of Britain as a prin
cipal party in the contests of the continent. The whigs, friendly
to William, and hostile to Louis, whom they deemed the great
protector and abettor of arbitrary power, ardently promoted the
most active efforts of Britain against France. These distinc
tive and opposite plans of policy respecting the continent, com-
,lThe following remark by Mr. Anderson after his account of the sum
subscribed by the second East India company, strongly* illustrates both the
increase and actual state of commerce at the conclusion of William's war.
" After so long, and such an expensive war, which was now but just end
ed' ; wherein, also, there had been very great losses, by captures of so
many of our rich merchant ships, it gave foreign nations a high idea of the
wealth and grandeur of England, to see two millions sterling money sub
scribed for in three days' time, and had the.books been kept open longer,
there were persons ready to have subscribed as much more j for although,
higher proofs have since appeared of the great riches of the nation, be
cause our wealth is visibly and much 'increased since that time, yet till
then there had never been so illustrious an instance of England's opu
lence. This, .however, was undoubtedly owing, in a great measure, to. the
illegal establishment of our free constitution, by the accession of king Wil
liam and queen Mary to the throne ; by which a firm confidence in the
public feith was established on a solid basis."

64 VIEW OF THE
mencing at the end of the seventeenth century, lasted through
the eighteenth. Both parties have professed to seek securityr
The one has deemed naval effort sufficient for guarding the
British isles against every danger; the other, either more com
prehensive or more fanciful, has extended its vigilance against
contingent as well as impending danger; and, for that purpose,
has promoted powerful continental efforts, as the wise policy
of Britain.
Polity of The constitution of England, having been ascertained at the
E"fi 1 commencement of William's reign, assumed nearly the same
bythere- appearance which it has since worn. The doctrine of resis-
volution, tance to an executive magistrate, violating our laws and con
stitution, was confirmed and exemplified in awful practice.
The laws having been before defined with accurate precision,
the power of dispensing with them was for ever terminated.
Prerogative was completely circumscribed, that no king could
of his own will act contrary to the interests and liberties of his
subjects. From that time, if the counsels or measures of the
sovereign were either arbitrary, or injurious to his people, they
must be so through the neglect of the people themselves, or,
their chosen representatives in parliament ; and not from any
power, Jodged in the king. If the influence of the crown and
its ministers has ever produced noxious measures since the re
volution; the people must blame themselves for appointing de
legates, either not qualified, or not disposed to promote the
welfare of their country. The people and parliament may,
either immediately or speedily, control and prevent every act of
secures li- the crown which they do not approve. The liberty, property,
berty.pro- an(j |jfe Qf a -griton cannot be invaded, but by his own act, either
^ery, an through himself or his representatives. If, therefore, since the
revolution, liberty, property, or life, has, in any one instance,
been unjustly attacked, the injustice is chargeable to the whole
Grand body of the people, and not to the existing polity. Increased*
scource of jn prosperity, the means of subsistence, accommodation, and
prosperi- security ; in riches and power; in invention, sagacity, enter-,
fy, power, prise;, in aggregate industry and skill; in physical resources,
and glory, and the characters of her inhabitants ; Britain brings undoubted
Act of set- evidence .to show, tliat a system producing such a multiplicity
tlement. of advantages must be wise and good.
The same modified principle of hereditary succession, which
had dictated the substitution of William and Mary for the lineal,
monarch, on the death of the princess Anne's son, suggested,
the act for setting the crown on the next protestant heir.
Princess Sophia, grand daughter of James I., was his nearest
descendant, not disqualified for the throne by the declared reso-.
lution and act of the English lawgivers. The act of settlement
was a corollary from the act of the convention parliament,
which hari settled the crown in 1689. The political doctrine
established in both, was simple and explicit : m the mixed mo
narchy and free government of England, an hereditary line of

STATE OF GREAT BRITAIN. 65
princes is the most expedient, and conducive to the tranquillity
and welfare of the people. But if the lineal heir, or even posses
sor, be under disqualifications incompatible with the good of
the nation, the next in the lipe, not disqualified, shall succeed.
These were the grounds on which Anne ascended the throne,
to the exclusion of her brother, the son and representative of
king James.
From the revolution, and through the reign of William, the English
political parties were, in principles and objects, three. The parties.
¦first, the Whigs, who supported the new establishment from the I. Whigs ;
love of liberty, as well as enmity to popery and French influ
ence. The whigs were inimical to the extensive' power of the
clergy, as incompatible with the freedom which they adored.
^ Their doctrines, civil and ecclesiastical, were extremely disa
greeable to those' who abetted passive obedience, either to the
monarch and his servants, or the church, its bishops, and its
convocations. In theology, as well as politics, the whigs esti
mated the importance of .doctrines, by their tendency and ef
fects upon civil society, and little regarded the contentions of
metaphysical divinity. Friendly- to toleration, they reckoned
the criterion of its extent and bounds, political expediency;
and proposed, that all sects should be unmolested, who did not
disturb the public tranquillity, or the constitutional rights of En
glish subjects. They patronized and encouraged the protestant Dissen-
dissenters, a very powerful body, and firm friends to the revo- ters •
lution. On the side of the whigs, many votaries of the church
of England were ranged ; these were persons who venerated
the established church, as the promoter of true christian piety
and morality ;* but who, not desirous of exalting either kingly or
priestly power beyond constitutional bounds, were denominated and low
the low church. ' church.
The second party consisted of Tories, votaries of passive H. Tories -,
obedience, and staunch supporters of the church. These, being
inimical to popery, thought the revolution necessary for the
preservation of the protestant religion, and considered the
popery of James and his son as the sole reason for excluding
them imn the throne. The tories reprobated the political doc
trines of the whigs, and the theological opinions of the dissent
ers*; a-nd exalting the pretensions of the priesthood, thereby
acquired the •denomination of high church. According to these, and high
profanene'ss and impiety were the distinguishing characteristics church.
of William's reign, and were bringing the nation fast to destruc- '
tion.B The third party was the Jacobites; who, though tories in in. jaco-
many of their principles and sentiments, exceeded them in the bites.
practical adoption of passive obedience, and maintained the
iniquity of resistance to the hereditary prince, whatever his con
duct might be, and sought the restofatron of James to the throne.
> To this class of whigs, belonged Burnet, Tillotson, Hoadley, and Addison .
•> See Pope's Essav on Criticism.
Vol. I. 9

All concur
in support
ing queen
Anne.
Respec
tive rea
sons and
motives.

66 VIEW OF THE
The two former parties had been alternately opponents to king
William ; but the whigs had most frequently supported his po
litical measures. The Jacobites, from their principles and ob
jects, had been uniformly inimical to our deliverer, but varied
their mode of hostility according to circumstances. Sometimes
they tried rebellion, sometimes conspiracies ; but, finding their
treasonable efforts unsuccessful, during a great part of his
reign, they confined their attempts to the diffusion of discontent.
Different as the three parties were, and in many respects
opposite, yet they concurred in supporting queen Anne. The
church party knew that her majesty was a sincere and zealous
member of the church of England, and trusted that she would
support the ecclesiastical establishment and doctrines ; they ex
pected, that, through her protecting influence, the high church
would triumph over sectaries, schismatics, heretics, presbyte-
rians and whigs, over low churchmen and lukewarm friends of
the hierarchy. The Jacobites, conceiving her majesty attached
to the hereditary line) hoped that, having no issue alive, she
would attempt and effect the restoration of the lineal heir.
Aware that the queen held her throne upon their principles, the
whigs doubted not that, from prudence and self-interest, she
would rest chiefly for support on the most strenuous adversaries
, to the claim of the pretender. They knew that Anne, a per
sonage of very moderate intellects, was entirely governed by
Maribo- the countess of Marlborough, and through her, by the consum-
rough. mate talents of the earl ; and that the whig plans of policy
were- the most consonant to the interests and views of this cele
brated hero. Having succeeded to the crown with the favour
of all the jarring parties, Anne, on her first appearance in par
liament, declaring her sincere attachment to the church, grati
fied the tories ; and testifying her resolution to maintain the
laws and liberties of her country and the protestant succession,
and her determination to adhere to the counsels and engage
ments of William, satisfied the whigs. England, again the pro
tectee of European independence, and the provident guardian
of her own security, went to war with France, the encroaching
disturber of Europe. The succession war originated in the
same principles as the former confederacy of William. Agree
ing in the necessity of hostilely opposing France, the tories
wished Britain to act only as an auxiliary ; but the whigs, if not
more patriotic in intention, at least more comprehensive in view,
saw that partial and secondary efforts from Britain would not
effectually answer the purpose of her interferences : a mere ma
ritime and defensive war would be only a half measure, qf short
sighted and inefficient policy. The whigs succeeded, in procuring
the adoption of their plan to be carried into' execution, under a
renowned general, now at the head of their party. The powerful
efforts of the free states imparted to their allies a portion of their
Succes- spirit, as well as a considerable share of the manifold resources
sion war. which liberty formed and nourished. The discomfiture and

Confede
racy
against France.

STATE OF GREAT BRITAIN. 67
destruction of his bravest troops whenever they faced an
Eugene or a Marlborough ; Turin, Ramillies, and Blenheim ;
the annihilation of his navy, and the ruin of his commerce,
under the resistless navy of England ; the empoverished state
of his finances, and the bitter miseries of his subjects ; afforded
to the aged violator of justice an awful lesson, that the wise
policy of France, fertile, strong, internally secure, improved
and improveable, is not, by disturbing her neighbours, to dis
tress and empoverish herself; but by peace, and the arts which
peace promotes among so ingenious a people, to cultivate and
extend her immense resources for her own comfort and hap
piness. What peace had done for her prosperity, war had as
uniformly undone. The combination begun, and long employ- Peace the
ed for maintaining the balance of power, and ensuring future real inte-
exemption from disturbance, had completely accomplished its?est of
object. But the confederates, in the exultation of victory, rance-
forgot the actual and the only wise purpose of the war. Not
contented with the king's dereliction of Spain, they sought the
subjugation and dismemberment of France itself; disdained
the very ample and momentous concessions offered by Louis,
under the dejection of continued defeat ; and drove him,
through indignation and despair, to efforts which in any other
circumstances he would have never attempted. His people, Modera-
enraged at the haughty and unrelenting severity of the confe- tl0n ln .vic-
derates, and interested for the glory of their monarch and the ™jjcwisfe
defence of their country, made exertions that amazed both their
enemies and themselves. The impolitic refusal of victors to
grant favourable terms to foes defeated but not subdued, in
spirited the vanquished, and enabled them to make head against
the combination, until the jealousies incidental to such alliances,
and Other favourable circumstances, produced its dissolution.
The confederates learned, when it was too late, that having in
decisive victory the means of concluding honourable and ad
vantageous peace, which would have fully effected the wise and
meritorious purposes of the war, they ought to have embraced
the propitious moment. Intestine divisions had not then with
drawn the most efficient member of the alliance. The intriguing
artifices of an inferior court servant,1 the bigoted declamation
of a hot-headed zealot,? had not displaced the first general of
his time, or detached England from a confederacy for preserving
the balance of power. If they had subdued Louis as com
pletely, as by continuing the war they proposed, Britain and
Holland, in rendering Austria predominant, would have totally
overturned the balance which they had been fighting to estab
lish.3 The objections of the confederates, from a professed
doubt of the sincerity of the French sovereign, were by no
means consistent with the sagacity of that consummate politi
cian, who guided the counsels as well as led the arms of the
¦ Mrs. Marsham. * Sacheverel.
3 SeeSomerville's History of queen Anne, passim. Snioll-et's History, passim.

68 VIEW OF THE
allies.1 The penetration of Marlborough might have seen the
probability of the sincerity of Louis, in his situation and con
duct. An interest,' almost amounting to necessity, rendered
peace upon humiliating terms desirablei in the ruinous and
miserable state of the French kingdom. The party which, in
England, was supreme in power, could have dictated a peace
that would have fully separated Spain from France; repressed
Bourbon ambition ; confirmed the independence of Europe,
the protestant succession, and the security of Britain ; and ob
tained every national object for embarking in the confederacy-
If they desired more, they desired too much. Prolongation of
the war, therefore, was unnecessary, and consequently unwise
and hurtful. In the changes of political rulers, extravagant
concessions completed the evils of impolitic rigour. . The preci
pitate advances of the tories yielded to Louis infinitely more,
than, when offered, the repulsive haughtiness of the whigs had
refused. The terms were far from corresponding with the ob
jects for which the war had been undertaken; and very une
qual to the success with which it had been attended, and the
force which the allies still possessed for its farther prosecution.
But if the whig3 most justly and severely censured the peace of
Utrecht, impartial examiners must admit, that its evils might
have been prevented at tbe Hague, or Gertruydenburg. Oxford
and Bolingbroke could not have concluded an inadequate
peace, unless Marlborough had three years before rejected con
ditions, not only adequate, but highly honourable and advanta
geous for Britain and her allies.
Parties The parties, from which sprung this great diversity in plans
become and measures of foreign politics, in their long and violent con-
more de- tentions, became more determinate in their principles, more de-
xTtheir ° ^n'te if their character, more uniform in their views, and more
characters methodical in their plans, than during the preceding reign. In
and ob- the first years of Anne, the tories, always much more agreeable
jects. to the, real inclinations of the queen, were apparently superior
in the house of commons and nation. But the use which they
made of these advantages, manifested no great depth of policy,
and tended little to secure the continuance of their power. The
principal object of the tory majority in the first parliament of
queen Anne, was to promote high church doctrines, and to re
strict the dissenters. To effect their purpose, a cry was raised
that the church was in danger.
Fluctua- The prudence and expediency of exciting an alarm, in order
tions of to secure political influence, depends, in a free country, on the
popular exact state of popular opinion. At the end of William's reign,
opinion when discontent had been so studiously spread against the
Anne^s king, and all those whom he favoured, many conscientious
reign. members of the church really believed that conspiracies were
1 See Dr. Somerville's account of the negotiations at the Hague in 1709;
and at Gertruydenburg, in 1710. Cunningham's history ; also the Memoirs
of Torcy, and the several negotiators.

STATE OF GREAT BRITAIN. 69
forming by republicans and schismatics, to overthrow th& eccle
siastical establishment. To its well meaning votaries the
church was then the chief subject of anxiety and alarm. But
though they were churchmen, they were Englishmen and pro
testants; and if they hated presbyterians much, they hated
Frenchmen and popery more. The war breaking out, occupi
ed their attention, and engaged their passions. The grand and
comprehensive scheme of operations promoted by the whigs,
proved successful. If they regarded the tories as the protect
ors of the church, they considered the whigs as the van
quishers of our most inveterate enemies. Their fears for
the church were forgotten in the triumphant joy for the
glory of their country. Dissenters were not the only enemies
of the church. Conspiracies in favour of the pretender, reviv
ed their fears of popery ; and turned their favourable attention
to those whom they considered as the champions of tl;e protes
tant succession. The house of lords, averse to the bigotry and
violence by which the commons were actuated, strenuously op
posed their bill against occasional conformity, and other mea
sures of impassioned persecution, tending to oppress the dissen
ters. Defeating these illiberal propositions, they exhibited that
moderation which so peculiarly becomes the intermediate body,
that the constitution intends to hold the balance between popu
lar intemperance and monarchical encroachment, and afforded
a striking and salutary instance of the wisdom and utility, of
the controls established by the British constitution. From
these causes, the tide of popular opinion began to flow for
the whigs. With a support so very momentous to a political
party, other circumstances co-operated: the whig system of
continental policy rendered our allies peculiarly friendly to
that party, because, urging the most extensive and vigorous
efforts -. they were closely connected with the moneyed interest,
that could and did contribute most powerfully to the immense
pecuniary exertions requisite in the present scheme of war.
If inclination, therefore, attached the queen to the tones, policy
impelled her to support and employ the whigs. The interest
and ambition of Marlborough directed him to join that party,
as his transcendent abilities placed him at the head of any set of
men, with whom he united. His dutchess, by her uncontrolled
power over the queen, strohgly assisted in rendering her ma
jesty (though in her heart a zealous tory) in her conduct
a most active and effectual instrument under the direction of
the whigs. Though there were among the tories, men of con- Whigs, a
siderable abilities, yet in the aggregate of talents, the whigs compact,
were greatly superior. The men of the highest estimation in *""' "?4
church,1 state,-1 and literature,3 were of their side: not onlyfjJJJ}^ u
1 Atterbury was not yet known.
1 Harley, Harcourt, and St. John, had not joined the tories.
3 Swift was connected with Addison, Halifax, and other illustrious whig
Pope was not yet known.

70

VIEW OF THE

Whig lite
rature.

Politicalmetaphy sics take
the tone
of Locke.

Practical conduct.

favourable circumstances, but continuance in office, mutual
intercourse, and coincidence of views and interests, rendered the
whigs a closely compacted body, capable of acting very power
fully in concert. Their principles of conduct and bond of
Union were such, as they durst openly avow ; a firm attachment
to liberty, to the British constitution as recently ascertained and
established, and to the protestant succession as preserving and
securing our rights and polity. Hence they were eager promot
ers of every scheme that tended to ensure the settlement of the
crown, and closely connected themselves with the family of
Hanover ; which, from their principles, protestations, and con
duct, regarded this body as its most assured friends, and in
deed the bulwark of the expected accession.
The able and enlightened politicians of that party strenu
ously promoted literary effort : some of them were themselves
men of taste, erudition, and philosophy: those who were not
Scholars, possessing vigorous understandings, knowing man
kind, and the state of society in England, liberally and wisely
patronized learning. Many works were published in favour of
general freedom, and particularly the whig acceptation of free
dom, by the disciples of the celebrated Locke. Intending the
greatest perfection of polity, and the highest happiness of man
kind, but accustomed to metaphysical disquisition in specula
ting upon government, this renowned philosopher rather con
templates his own abstractions, than considers man as he is found
by observation and experience. Taking their tone from this
extraordinary man, other whig writers on political subjects, re
curring to his metaphysical principles, drew from them subtile
inferences, leading, if admitted, to republicanism, democracy,
and even to equality of rank and property.1 This was also
the kind of doctrine often advanced in the senate, where there
was a great predilection for abstract reasoning on politics.
Neither speakers nor writers" appeared aware of the consequen
ces of such theories, if practically adopted ; and though it
was very evident they were far from desiring to carry them li
terally into execution, they however afforded a handle to their
opponents, to charge them with an inclination to overturn the
church and monarchy. The tories represented their adversa
ries as republicans, and endeavoured to impress the queen with
the same idea, and to revive among the people an alarm that
the church was in danger. Established with the people by a
series of victory and glory, with the queen by the applause of
the country, the splendour and success of their achievements,
and the influence of the Marlborough family, with the destined
successors to the crown by their exertions in their favour, the
whig party numerous, able, compact, and skilful, had probable
grounds for conceiving that its power would be lasting. This
expectation, however, proved vain : soon after their power had

1 See Hoadley, Tindal, and many other literary supporters of the whigs.

STATE OF GREAT BRITAIN. 71
reached its highest zenith, it was overthrown by trifling instru
ments. An inferior menial first broke one great tie by which
the queen was bound to the whigs, and through them to the con
tinental confederacy : and was the means of conforming her po
litical conduct to the wishes of the tories, by disposing her to
abandon the whig administration, and its political plans. She
was soon impressed with an opinion, that the church was en
dangered, from the prevalence of the whigs, and their friends the
dissenters. Meanwhile, the high church party was extremely
active in inciting the people against their adversaries: they re
presented the war which had brought very heavy and oppres
sive burthens on the public, as carried on now for the interested
purposes of the ministers. According to the tories, the increas
ing taxes, and the loss of so many countrymen and relations,
were now no longer undergone for the security and glory of
England, but to gratify the ambition and avarice of an interest
ed faction. Besides the horrors of a now unnecessary war, the
whig counsels, (they asserted,) and measures, were pernicious in
peace, and tended to overthrow government and religion. The
whigs were schismatics, infidels, republicans, and levellers.
The church was in the most imminent danger, and must perish,
unless the people were roused to overwhelm the whigs and dis
senters. Eagerly urged by clerical demagogues and other ar
dent partisans, these topics now spread the alarm which had in
vain been attempted some years before. The train having been
thus laid, a person was not long wanting to light the match.
Sacheverel, a furious adventurer in high church doctrines, with- For a time
out ability, learning, or eloquence, directed the opinions, and defeated
guided and stimulated the conduct, of the majority of the peo- by ^-r1
pie throughout England. His discourses, contemptible in them- thusiasm.
selves, were venerated and adored, for the reason which has
so often procured currency and admiration to frivolous nonsense
or inflammatory fanaticism; they declaimed for the popular
prejudices which then happened to be afloat. The fumes of bi
gotry which he blew up might have evaporated, had not the
whigs, by a trial, taken the most effectual means to give him
and his inculcations importance. Exalted by a well deserved
but ill judged impeachment, Sacheverel afforded a lesson to
future statesmen and politicians, of the inefficacy of persecu
tion to remove popular delusion. The extravagant ravings of
this infuriated bigot were received throughout the kingdom as
oracles of wisdom. Imbibing the general sentiment, the queen
became eagerly desirous of being freed from the whig adminis
tration. Addresses, drawn up in the moment of enthusiasm,
were represented as the dictates of conviction and solid reason
ing. During the popular ferment, parliament being dissolved,
the elections (as might have been with certainty foreseen) prov
ed decidedly favourable to the promoters of the ferment ; the
whigs were dismissed. Mr. Harley professed to desire a coali
tion of parties ; but, the means that were employed by those
whom he now headed, being very inimical to such a junction,

ra

Whigszealously
support
the pro
testant

Union with Scot
land,

a grand
source of
internaland exter
nal benefit
to both
kingdoms.

VIEW OF THE
the. tories held the offices of administration which had been
forcibly wrested from the Whigs, and these two parties became
irreconcilable adversaries. As the tories had represented their
party as the only friends of the church and monarchy, the
whigs declared themselves the only supporters of constitutional
liberty and the protestant succession ; and imputed the peace
to a partiality for Louis, as the supporter of arbitrary power and
the pretender., With a resolute firmness, adhering more closely "
to their principles and party than even when in office, the whigs
were a very powerful body to promote or thwart any political
measure. Both principle and interest bound them to the house
of Hanover ; they impressed that family with the persuasion,
that both the internal and foreign politics of the tories were in
tended and calculated for the restoration of James Stuart; that
the queen eagerly desired that violation of the parliamentary
settlement; that the whigs, and they only, were securing the
throne to the protestant succession; and thus, that when the
Hanoverian prince should be called to the crown, he would find
his subjects divided into two parties; the one his friends, and
the other his enemies. Successful in conveying to the court of
Hanover this opinion, they gave to its princes a bias, which'
lasted long after their accession to the British throne.
From zeal for the protestant accession, as well as from sound
and comprehensive general policy, proceeded a measure, which
though opposed by narrow views of national prejudice and pride,
has been momentously beneficial to the two countries that former
ly constituted separate kingdoms in the island of Great Britain.
The union for ever put an end to those internal wars which had
formerly occasioned the desolation of both. It detached Scot
land from a connexion with France, not less hurtful to herself
than troublesome to England. It prevented the crowns from
being separated,1 as would have most probably taken place,
had the two kingdoms continued in a state of political disunion.
It delivered both nations from the impending evils of a contro
verted regal succession, and the fears which were justly enter
tained for the protestant religion and civil liberty. Preserving,
to both countries the protestant faith and a free limited mo-v
narchy, both in ecclesiastical and civil concerns, it left to each
party the forms, articles, institutions, and laws, to which they
were most accustomed and attached, which were interwoven
with their manners, their sentiments, their opinions, their pro
perty, their domestic and civil engagements, and their duties..
Both Scotland and England could now impart to each other,"
their respective advantages, and both were gainers by the par
ticipation. Of the two, the party which laboured under the
greatest wants, no doubt, acquired the greater advantage by a
• See proceedings in the Scottish parliament and nation, from the first
years of queen Anne till the union ; and the views not only of the jacob'-
ites, but of the Presbyterians. See Somerville, Cunningham, Smollet, &c

STATE OF GREAT BRITAIN. 7Z
co-partnership, which afforded the means of supply; but the
benefit which Scotland derived, being still dependent on her
own industry and skill, she by those very qualities promoted
the interest of England. Without minutely scrutinizing the
comparative emoluments of both, we evidently perceive, that
England and Scotland, in the means of subsistence, accommo
dation, defence, riches, power, comfort at home, and respecta
bility abroad, are both severally and jointly beyond all calcula
tion benefited by the Union.
Commerce continued in this reign to increase in enterprise, Corn-
skill, and success : the views of merchants were enlarged, as merce and
their importance so greatly rose in the community. The war, "^f*
no doubt, interrupted trade, by the capture of ships ; this evil, queen
to a certain degree unavoidable, was heightened by the inatten- Anne.
tion of the admiralty to the important department of its busi
ness, which should provide convoys. The near relation of the
lord high admiral to the sovereign, through delicacy prevented
so close and vigorous investigation into the conduct of naval
affairs, as the interests of commerce and the good of the coun
try required. But notwithstanding these disadvantages, manu
factures and commerce were extremely flourishing. Civil and
religious liberty invited many industrious and skilful foreigners
into this country ; while others fled thither from the horrors of
war. The enlarged policy of the whigs, who saw the advan
tages that had resulted, and were resulting, from the emigration
of ingenious and industrious refugees, and who knew that the
wealth and power of the nation rises with the number of capa
ble and active inhabitants, in order to attach the late emigrants
completely to the country, proposed that they should be natu
ralized, and a law was actually passed for that purpose ; which,
lasting till near the end of the reign, was extremely favourable
both to trade and public credit. The refugees promoted manu
factures and merchandise, and were also purchasers to a very
considerable extent in the funds. One very convincing proof of
the increase of commerce during this reign, was the rise of pub
lic credit ; the ease with which very large1 supplies were raised
for the use of government; and the readiness with which loans were
obtained at six per cent, instead of eight, amounting to upwards
of three millions annually,3 besides the yearly taxes. Our North
American colonies continuing to experience that wise and be
nignant policy, which, satisfied with affording protection and
claiming general allegiance, left internal efforts and industry to

' According to the value of money and estimation of expenses in those
times. 3 The national debt, which, at the commencement of Anne's reign, was
16,394,701 1. 10s. 7£d, at the end of it amounted to 53,681,076 1. 5s. 6-|d.
As by far the greater part of this debt was owing to British subjects, it is a
proof how much commerce and private riches must have been augmented.
Vol. I. 10

74* VIEW OF l'HE
their own course, was the most important and rising market for
British manufactures and commerce.1
The trade to the West India colonies Was also now of con
siderable importance. The East India traffic, small as it was,
compared with present times, yet notwithstanding the ces
sation of competition by the union of the two companies into
one, was making a lucrative accession to British opulence. Our
trade with Spain almost ceased, during the war concerning its
crown ; but our traffic to other parts of Europe, and to Africa,
was, from our maritime strength and the weakness of our ene
mies, proportionably enlarged. Exerting our naval force in
annoying the enemy, and (though not uniformly) in protecting
our own commerce, we fully taught contending nations a lesson,
which they might have partially learned before, that if weaker
commercial naval powers are fighting with a stronger, while
the inferior loses his mercantile gain, tjie superior, by command-
Principles ing the seas, promotes his trade. Of commercial treaties con-
of pohti- eluded in this reign, the convention with Portugal proved bene-
my not"0" fic'a' to this country, though it showed that the principles of
thorough- commercial philosophy were not yet thoroughly understood.
ly under- The revered authority of Locke had impressed statesmen with
stood. >a very erroneous principle in political economy, that national
wealth consists in the quantity of gold and silver which a
country possesses ; that therefore the chief object of a com
mercial statesman is to increase these precious metals. The
professed object of Mr. Methven's treaty, with Portugal, was to
procure for our commodities, gold from the Brazils; a purpose
which might have been effected without any treaty, while Bri
tain could supply such articles as the possessors of gold wanted.
The interchange has, on the whole proved more lucrative to
the Portuguese, than to the British : still, however, though the
balance of trade may have been against us with Portugal,51' it
has been advantageous as a source of traffic, of revenne, and a
nursery for seamen. The chief objections to the commercial
treaty of Utrecht, were founded on the same erroneous system.8
It was alleged, that a treaty with France, by interfering with
our treaty with Portugal, would diminish our imports of Brazil
gold.
Character Anne's reign, notwithstanding a war of eleven years, was
and result favourable tocommerce, and the prosperity of the country. In
reign" ner extei'na' relations, Britain made much greater and more
extensive efforts on the continent, than at any former period,
though she was precipitate and impolitic in the negotiation at
• See the statement quoted by Mr. Burke from official documents, in his
speech, March 22d, 1775, on conciliation with America.
1 See Wealth of Nations, vol. ii. p. 325.
? That a trade may be advantageous to a party, against whom the balance
is, is now very evident ; as may be clearly seen in the Wealth of Nations,
and also in the marquis of Lansdown's speech on the commercial treaty
with France.

STATE OF GREAT BRITAIN. 7>
Utrecht, and thereby yielded much too advantageous terms to
the aggressor, whom she had vanquished ; Vet, in the misery
of his j>eople, the bankruptcy of his finances, and the discom
fiture of his force, she evinced to Louis, that the unjust am
bition of the French sovereign which compelled Britain to arm
against him, rendered that fine coiintry wretched, which might
have been happy.
While the parties, that raged with such violence from the
dismissal of the whig ministry, were increasing in mutual hatred
and inveteracy, the death of Anne called a ncw family to the
throne. George, elector of Hanover, a prince of a solid and vigorous
capacity, well skilled in the history of politics and interests of
the different European powers, a brave, prudent, experienced
general, was in the prime of life, when, as next protestant he'ir
of the royal line, he became by the rule of inheritance, as it
had been modified by the king and parliament, sovereign of
these realms: In his person, hereditary succession was as
closely adhered to as was compatible, with liberty and religion :
the direct and next presumptive heirs having chosen to dis
qualify themselves, the next who had not disqualified himself,
succeeded. George, a great grandson of a king of England, George I.
sprung from that king's daughter, came to the throne; instead
of James, another great grandson of the same king, sprung
from his son. Hereby the extent and limitations of hereditary
succession to the crown were ascertained : the lineal heir was
to succeed, unless, by refusing to comply with the conditions
required, he himself should virtually renounce the inherit
ance. Fitted by his talents, dispositions, and character, to govern
his new kingdoms suitably to their interests and views, George's
administration gave much satisfaction to those who had stood
forth as the champions of civil, religious, and constitutional
liberty. Policy as well as inclination attached him first and attached
chiefly to the whigs, the strenuous supporters of himself and to the
his family. The tory leaders in the last ministry of queen w lgS;
Anne, had gone such lengths in opposing the whigs, as to be
deemed inimical to the succession of the house of Hanover. If
they did not design the restoration of the lineal heir, their ac
tions had appeared conducive to that purpose. They had
cultivated a close intercourse with Louis, the great patron of
the pretender; promoted known Jacobites to civil and military
offices; and dismissed from the army whig officer?, to make
room for persons attached- to the house of Stuart. At the
election, Jacobites had been countenanced and chosen, through
the influence and patronage of the tory party.1 The ministers suspicions
had effected the repeal of the barrier treaty, which bound the °f the to-
r J ries.
¦ See Somerville's Dissertation on the Danger of the Protestant Succes
sion, at the end of his history, passign. Cunningham's history.

76 VIEW OF THE
states-general to gurantee the protestant succession ; were
extremelv cold to the Dutch, the zealous friends of that set
tlement; and encouraged invectives against king William, its
framer, and all its principal supporters. The tories encouraged
writings and writers inimical to the protestant succession. The
high church, so much venerated by the tories, abetted the
doctrines of indefeasible hereditary right, and were ardent in
inculcating intolerance to dissenters, the warm friends of the
revolution and protestant succession, and enemies of jacobitism
and the principles by which it was upheld. While the tories
so acted, as to exhibit a probable appearance of a friendly dis
position to the Jacobites, they strenuously opposed every mea
sure desired by the friends of the house of Hanover as conducive
to the security of the protestant succession.1 Although the
concurrence of so many circumstances did not positively prove
the tory leaders to have formed a design against the Hanove
rian succession, and though they all might have arisen from
different causes, yet they together constituted such a degree of
probability, as to render it prudent in the king to repose his
first trust in the whigs, and to be cautious and circumspect
in bestowing high offices on any of the active tory leaders until
he had investigated their intentions. But, perhaps, it might
have been practicable for the king to have gradually concili-
Employs ated the greater number of the most active tories. His pro-
whigstoo motion of whigs exclusively, and' dismission of tories indis-
exclusive- criminately, from the recent conduct of both respectively, was
^' natural, though a more comprehensive scheme of policy would
have been wise. At the time of the accession, the passions
and prejudices of both sides were extremely high. The cool
and impartial examination of a discerning and unbiassed
stranger must have, seen, that there were on both sides great
abilities and great virtues, mingled with the violence and ex
cesses of party zeal ; and that the leading and acting men on
both sides might be rendered useful in various departments of
public service. But George, though discerning, was not un
biassed; though calm in his own temper,, judicious in his opi
nions, and temperate in his conduct, yet, from his situation, and
the connections which it had dictated, he was become the
member of a party ; and ascended the throne of England, on
the one hand, with the liberal and enlightened principles, but
on the other with the prejudices and passions, of an English
whig. Choosing from that party his ministers and confidential
advisers, he not only, by this first measure of his government,
disgusted the tories, on account of the exclusive preference of
Intemne t'lelr atlversar,es> but imbibing the resentments of the whigs,
rate vio- too readily and hastily countenanced their prosecutions. The
lence of intemperance of ministerial proceedings excited great displea-
the whigs. sure among the friends and supporters of the prosecuted lead-
> See Swift's Thoughts on the present State of Affairs, passim.

STATE OF GREAT BRITAIN. 7',
ers, and giving particular umbrage to the high church party,
inspired the Jacobites with a notion, that the disapprobation
testified or discovered on account of these acts, and the par
tiality of the king to the whig party, indicated a general dis
satisfaction with the whole system of his new government.
. From this misapprehension, tney conceived the opportunity
favourable to the pretender. Hence, together with the in
stigations of the old tyrant of France, arose the rebellion of
1715. The comparatively small number of those who joined
in this insurrection, and the vast majority which adhered to
king George, to civil and religious liberty, proved, that, though
certain councils of ministry were not agreeable to the whole of
the nation, yet the house of Hanover was firmly established on
the throne. The trifling attempts that were afterwards made
in the same reign, heing so speedily discomfited, confirmed the
same position. Indeed it was evident that the good sense of
the British, their firmness and patriotism, would strenuously
and successfully resist every future attempt to deprive them of
the blessings which they enjoyed under the house of Hanover.
It was farther obvious, that the security of the king and the
existing establishment rested solely upon his subjects them
selves, as by those only the disturbances were quelled. . But
though the number of those who actively rose against the king
was but small, very many continued dissatisfied with the mo
nopoly of favour and confidence enjoyed by the whigs. That
'^policy, justifiable only if necessary, maintained a very great
division in the kingdom, and precluded the nation from the
services of many brave, able, and enterprising men. The PrQsicu-
prosecutions against the tory leaders very strikingly manifested tions-
the injustice and oppression arising from a violent spirit of
party. The most arbitrary ministers could not have wrested
facts and circumstances more, to give a plausible colour to
tyranny, than the professed champions of liberty in their con
structions of lord Oxford's acts : in their endeavours to impute
treason1 to Bolingbroke and Atterbury, and in compelling the
most illustrious and able men, without any evidence of guilt, to
seek refuge in exile.
The first years of the whig administration being employed
chiefly in reducing their adversaries, they afterwards proceed
ed to a system of general policy. Their professed objects were,
to secure the protestant succession, and to promote the financial
and commercial prosperity of the country. The real tendency
of their conduct, however, in a great degree, was to extend the
influence of ministry over the moneyed interest and the legisla
ture. The first parliament which met after George's accession,
being elected when the whigs had just recovered their supe-
1 Swift's account of the mode proposed in the academy of projectors, for
discovering plots and conspiracies, was not a much overcharged satire
against the whig deviators from the salutary strictness of Edward III.'s de
finitions of treason.

78 VIEW OF THE
riority, consisted in a great measure of members of that party.
Before the three years had expired, ministry had declined
very much in popularity. The nation, though it bad shown
itself firmly attached to the establishment, did not approve of
the exclusive government of one class of men. There was
much reason, therefore, to expeet, that a new election might
return many representatives not friendly to the whig monopoly.
To prevent so probable an obstruction, the whig leaders formed
a very bold and effectual project : this was to procure an act
Septen- establishing septennial parliaments instead of triennial, and pro-
ments"11* '°'n§*DS the present for four years. The amount of this act was,
that delegates, chosen by their constituents for three years, vo
ted withoutthe consent of these constituents, that the trust should
last for four years longer than it had been conferred by the
owners. The alleged reason was, the prevalence of disaffec
tion and jacobitism, which the ferment of a new election would
stimulate and promote. Triennial parliaments served to keep.
up party divisions : a longer term would contribute powerfully
to the evaporation of discontent and factious passions, and se
cure the protestant settlement and the tranquillity of the coun
try. The opponents of the change insisted, that on the same
principle by which trustees continued their office beyond the
appointment of their employers, they might render their power
perpetual, and cease to depend on those employers ; that so
long a duration would afford to ministers an opportunity of sys
tematizing corruption, and establishing by its means an influ
ence over the legislature, which might render that body merely
instrumental in the hands of the executive government; that^
the will of the king and minister would be the sole rule of legis
lative as well as executorial conduct ; that the power of the
crown would, through the whigs, be rendered really much
greater than the tories had ever wished to establish or support.
Growth of It is certain, that ministerial influence in this reign, whe--
ministerial ^er from ^e ]ong continuance of parliament, or other causes,
uen . j,ecame njych greater than at any former time. Corruption had
been carried to a considerable length by the whigs, in the time
of queen Anne, on particular occasions: but it was reserved for
Walpole to establish it as a methodical and regular engine of
government ; and to bribe in a dexterous and circuitous man
ner, which might not only escape detection, but in some degree
even impose on the receiver, and which might make him sup
pose that to be the reward of merit from his country, which
was really the wages of service to a minister. Closely con
nected with stock-jobbers, and other adventurers, in projects
Walpole. for the acquisition of money, Walpole found, through loans and
similar government transactions, various opportunities of be
stowing indirect donatives. Nor was he sparing in direct pre
sents. He appears to have been the first minister who thorough*
ly understood the mode of managing parliaments, and making
law-givers willing tools in the hands of the court. He first com-

STATE OF GREAT BRITAIN. 79
pletely succeded in identifying, according to the apprehension
of the majority, compliance with ministers, and patriotism ; op
position toministers.and disaffection to the constitution. George's
reign is an epoch in parliamentary history, as, since that time,
whether ministers have been able or weak, wise or foolish, they
have rarely failed to have the co-operation of parliament in their
projects, whether useful or hurtful. The influence of the crown
was established on the most solid basis by the whig party, arid
the whig leader sir Robert Walpole.
The relative state of Britain and foreign powers, did not re- Ration
quire from this country any great efforts. Louis XIV. after for |~ j^-1™
sixty years disturbing the tranquillity of Europe, was at length powers!
dead. During the minority of his successor, the regent of France,
fortunately for his country, from private and personal ambition,
cultivated amity and intercourse with England, in hopes that
should the young king die, Britain might assist him in succeed*'
-ing to the throne, in exclusion of the still more nearly related
Philip Bourbon of Spain. These selfish views long cherished
peace and alliance between the two chief powers of the world.
France being pacific, none of the other nations could afford any
serious ground of alarm. The menaces of Charles XII. or the
displeasure of the czar of Muscovy, excited little apprehension.
The repeated attempts of Spain to promote the claims of the
pretender, and to disturb the peace of Britain, unassisted by
France, were easily crushed or prevented. A signal defeat at
sea effectually convinced the Spanish king of his impolicy in
provoking the attack of an English fleet. The harmony which Peace be-
prevalled between France and George I. though arising from tween
temporary coincidence of views in his majesty and the French j"ge-
regent, rather than-- from an enlarged comprehension of solid ta;n the
and permanent interests, was beneficial to both parties ; by al- interest of
lowing the two countries in tranquillity to recover from the evils both.
of the dreadful wars which had occupied the two preceding
reigns, it manifested to both, that sound policy dictated agree
ment, and not discord, to the two first kingdoms of the universe.
The king, in his negotiations and engagements with France and
with other powers, intended to strengthen the security of the
protestant succession : that was the chief object of the greater
number of the treaties in which his history so very much abounds.
Large and numerous subsidies were paid to purchase assistance,
or to buy off apprehended and threatened hostility.1
The party in opposition to ministers asserted, that as the va
rious attempts made in favour of the pretender, had been crush
ed by British patriotism and energy, the recourse to foreign as
sistance was totally unnecessary. Experience had shown, that
a great majority of the people was disposed and able to support
the constitutional establishment. While British subjects were
attached to their sovereign, he wanted no foreign props to his
throne. i See the treaty concluded with the king of Sweden, in 1717.

gO VIEW OV THE
King's It was extremely natural for his majesty to retain a partiality
partiality f0r his native country, and under that partiality to blend and
forhisna- ^p^ify interests that certainly had no real connexion. Some
Sons ' of the treaties concluded, and subsidies paid by Great Britain,
were, on very probable grounds, alleged to be employed in
promoting the advantage of Hanover, without affording the
smallest benefit to this country. The balance of power in the
two former reigns, so necessary an object of attention, and so
wise a ground of confederacy, though. under George I. it pro
duced a multiplicity and variety of alliances, yet really, "while
France remained quiet, appears to have been in no danger.1
The foreign policy, however, of the' first George, though, per
haps too minute and busy in detail, was, on the whole, fitted
to maintain the rank and respectability of his kingdoms among
the continental powers. If Britain in his time did not rise in
dignity, at least she did not fall.
The connection between the whigs and the moneyed inte
rests, produced acts and consequences that make a memorable
part of this reign. Commerce had opened the way to riches;
riches acquired, stimulated accumulation ; or contemplated,
excited enterprise and adventure. The gains of merchandise
are commonly progressive. The high interest paid, or the do
natives granted by government on loans, enabled many indi
viduals to acquire fortunes much more rapidly than trade could
An enthu- admit. The fluctuating credit of the national funds opened a
siasm of source of hazardous gains, by dealing in stock ; or, to use the
avarice appropriate term stock-jobbing. This kind of traffic, that had
cornmer- been ris'nS '" frequency as the national debt increased, was
cial Eu- become extremely prevalent, and was indeed very much en-
rope; couraged by the successive ministers of George; who seeing
that jobbing kept up the price of the stocks, considered it as a
very beneficial practice. There seemed, indeed, to be a kind
of enthusiasm of avarice throughout maritime and commercial
Europe at this time, no less violent than the religious or po
litical enthusiasm of other periods. Money was the supreme
object of their thoughts ; they considered projects of new
banks ; new schemes of administering or employing established
funds ; and new' modes of traffic, as the means of miraculous
and stimu- accumulation.2 On the frenzy- of covetousness which impe-
lates its (jed the use of sound reason, and generated the most visionary
votaries to fancjes, the deep and designing villany of ministerial projectors

ruinous

adven- contrived the famous South Sea bubble, that burst with such
tures. destruction to its deluded votaries.- Notwithstanding the ruin
South Sea '
bubble. ¦ It was upon the anxiety of the British government about the relative
strength of its neighbours, that the author of the History of John Bull in
troduces his hero as keeping a pair of steelyards to weigh his neighbours.
1 Besides the famous South Sea scheme, there was the Mississippi plan
of Mr. Law, and numberless others on the same visionary principle, though
less extensive in influence and importance,

STATE GF GREAT BRITAIN. &1
vyhich overwhelmed so many from thisi speculation, there con
tinued a strong propensity to wild and fanciful adventures, for
many years afterwards. Stock-jobbing very naturally promotes
other species of gaming,1 either to increase its gains, or com
pensate its losses. Gambling became much more frequent
than it had been in former times.
The liberal principles and sentiments of the whigs, extend
ing toleration to the various sects of religionists, continued hate
ful to the high church ; nor were the whigs behind in enmity ;
their aversion to bigotry carried them into the opposite extreme.
Many of them are justly chargeable with infidelity} and their Religious'
leading politicians, if riot unbelievers, were indifferent about infidelity.
religion, and great patrons of infidels. The court, in general,
was very lukewarm in religious matters. With the minister*
himself, his supporters and favourites, articles of faith, the
church, and clergy, were most frequent and acceptable subjects
of merriment and raillery. Impiety was extremely fashionable immoni-
in the various gradations of society, to which the court exam-Ety.
pie did, not fail to reach. Corresponding to such a state of re
ligion, there was great laxity of manners. To this evil, the
conduct of the court had its" share in contributing. George,
though by no means profligate in his own character, yet tended
to encourage licentious gallantry : according to the mode of
debauched courts on the continent, the king's mistresses made
their appearance regularly among the nobility ,a were visited by
women of the highest rank and fashion, and. even introduced to
the young princesses his grand daughters. The minister, and
all who possessed or sought favour, paid a most submissive
attention to the royal favourites. Where such persons presid
ed, modesty and chastity could not be expected greatly to pre
vail. Decency and morality were by no means characteristics
of George's court.
This reign was favourable to commerce and finance, espe- Advances
cially after the appointment of Walpole, to be prime minister. of com-
The policy of this statesman, constantly and steadily pacific, merce ^^
was by that single but momentous quality, conducive to pri- {n,,^ ^
vate aud public opulence. Raised to office immediately after George.
the failure of the South Sea scheme, he studiously and earn
estly endeavoured to repair the mischiefs produced by that ce
lebrated fraud, and was successful in his efforts. Having settled
the business of the South Sea, and restored public credit, he di
rected his attention to manufactures and trade, and showed
that his views were both liberal and extensive. He found the
foreign' trade shackled with numerous petty duties and em-
poverishing taxes, which obstructed the exportation of our ma
nufactures, and lessened the importation of the most necessary
commodities. He framed the beneficial plan of abolishing all Liberal
policy of
» See Life of Budget,' in Bisset's edition of the Spectator. , p
¦> See Lord Orford's Reminiscences.
Vol. I, U

8a VIEW OF THE
these restrictions, and giving freedom to the most valuable
branches of our external and internal commerce.1 At his in
stance, a bill was passed for that purpose. By his persuasion
also, a law was enacted for encouraging the importation of na
val stores from North America. Since these commodities were
necessary for the navy, he thought it much wiser to be suppli
ed from our own plantations, especially as we could be furnish
ed at a cheaper rate, and as our colonies took our own manu
factures in exchange. Besides, should England be at war with
Russia, that source of naval stores might be closed ; by Wal-
pole's regulation, another was opened. The promotion of com
merce was one great object of his pacific dispositions : he was
very averse to hostilities with Spain when threatened in 1726,
through the unnatural union between Philip and the emperor.
The commerce with Spain was very extensive and important to
Great Britain. Such a source of revenue and riches he was
His views unwilling to obstruct by precipitate war. His views of the
of colp-. benefits arising from our foreign settlements, just and sound,
" presented a lesson of colonial policy, which it would have been
fortunate for Britain if his successors had always followed. A
speculative projector having proposed, that the American
plantations should be subject to taxes, Walpole, with a dis
criminating and comprehensive idea of their real utility, saw
that without impost, by their industry and prosperity, they were
rapidly promoting the private wealth and public revenue of
Britain, and totally rejected the advice.
In the contests between king George and his son the prince
of Wales, Walpole, though he could not avoid giving some um
brage to the heir apparent, yet impressed both him and his prin
cess Caroline, with a very high opinion of his political talents.
When, on the king's death, George II. ascended the throne,
Walpole was continued in his office, because their majesties*
thought no other person could be found so well qualified for di
recting the helm of public affairs.
George n. George II. a prince of upright intentions and the strictest
honour, but of moderate talents, and inferior to his father in
adopts the force of understanding, adopted his political notions and pre-
and fo? Jut*'ces.» considered the whigs as the only subjects to be trusted ;
eign poli- entertained groundless alarms of the designs of the Jacobites ;
cyofhis and renewed or formed numerous alliances for securing the pro>-
father. testant succession.8 He was anxiously and incessantly busy
i See Goxe's Memoirs of sir Robert Walpole, part i. p. 164.
» From lord Oxford's Reminiscences, it appears that the king intended
to choose a new minister ; but that the queenj greatly his superior in abili
ties, who governed his majesty, though she appeared to be implicitly sub
missive to him,, induced him to continue Walpole in office.
3 The prince of Hesse, .the duke of Wolfenbuttle, and other petty prin
ces of Germany, gravely undertook to guarantee the throne of Britain, and
received subsidies for their notable services ! See Smollet, passim ; see
also the comments of the Craftsman ; and Fog's Journal.

STATE OF GREAT BRITAIN. 83
•with engagements and projects for preserving the balance of
power, and very partial to the interests of his German dominions.
The minister, adhering to his pacific plans, gratified his master
by promoting German alliances and subsidies, but prevented the
nation from being embroiled in war. Some of his treaties were
deemed very impolitic, especially the treaty of Sevile, by which
Britain introduced a branch of the house of Bourbon into Italy,
and depressed the house of Austria, the natural ally of Eng
land. Skilful as he was in forming productive schemes of finance, Expense
Walpole's public economy was by no means equal to his inven- of subsi-
tion or discovery of pecuniary resources. There was indeed, diary trea
a profuse waste of the national treasures. Trade had greatly ties-
increased, and many new taxes had been imposed ; yet in so
long a period of profound peace, which underwent no material
interruption from the treaty of Utrecht to the commencement
of the war 1739, the whole sum paid off was no more than
8,328,3541. 17s. llT33d. and the capital of the public debt at
that time amounted to 46,954,6231. 3s. 4-^d. A great source
of expenditure was what the minister called secret service mo
ney, by which he professed to mean sums required for disco
vering the secret intentions of neighbouring powers. This fund,
according to the minister's account, was extremely useful in
enabling him to discover and disconcert the wicked projects of
Jacobites, and their friends in foreign countries. Another great
soUrce of expense, the subsidies to German principalities for
watching oyer the safety, interest, and established government
of Great Britain, was also, by the minister's account, to be reck
oned a premium paid for ensuring the kingdom against Jacobites.
The balance of power also had its share in exacting subsidies
from England. The British statesmen of that time, indeed, ap
pear to have considered the maintenance of an equipoise, as
the supreme and constant end of our foreign -politics, instead of
a means sometimes necessary for the security of Britain, and
only when necessary, wisely employing British efforts. Al
though by the act of settlement, it was provided, that Britain
should not be involved in any engagements on account of Ha
nover, yet various treaties and stipulations were made, by which
expense was incurred by these realms on account of that elec
torate. The protestant succession, and balance of power, were
also ministerial reasons for the regular and constant maintenance
of a much greater number of troops within the kingdom, than the
apparent state of internal tranquillity and foreign politics ren
dered necessary. Cardinal Fleury, as pacifically disposed as
the British minister, and having unlimited control over the weak
and incapable Louis XV., cultivated a friendly intercourse 'With
England. The emperor found it his interest to resume his con
nexions with Great Britain, in order to secure the pragmatic
sanction, by which his hereditary dominions were guaranteed
to his daughter, his only issue. Spain interfering with certain

84 VIEW OF THE
parts of our trade on coasts to which she pretended an exclu
sive right, employed no efforts which a naval force, vigilantly
exerted and judiciously stationed, might not have prevented.
Other states were either too inconsiderable, or too remote, to
give any alarm to Great Britain, or to render any unusual mili-
High tax- tarv exertions necessary, The taxes required by the minister
estnot- for'defraying expenses, deemed by a considerable part of the
withstand- nation useless, were felt as severe grievances. The regular
Tn tIlC increasing pressure, however, caused much less displeasure and
p°eace. alarm, than one of the modes proposed for levying the imposts;
this scheme of establishing an excise on wine and tobacco, though
if the assessments were at all necessary, as productive, and as
little burthensome1 a means of collection, as could be adopted
in such subjects of revenue ; yet, from party ardour and misre
presentation, combined with the interest of smuggling mer
chants, raised such a clamour as would have driven him from
his office unless he had abandoned his proposition.
State of The opponents of his administration, or any of his counsels
parties, the minister affected to consider as enemies of the state ; and
succeeded in impressing that opinion on many patriotic and
loyal subjects, and also on the king himself, who, possessing
honest intentions and not great sagacity of understanding, was
credulous, and easily duped by the professions of those whom he
regarded as his friends. The ability of Walpole did not only
convince the king, that the adversaries of the minister were
the enemies of the house of Hanover, and of the protestant
succession, but even imprinted the same notion on the superior
penetration of the queen. Caroline, indeed, as is now well
known, was the chief supporter of Walpole, as she was the su
preme director of his majesty.3 But, with the address of a
stronger mind governing by influence a weaker, she cautiously
concealed from the king himself her power over his public mea
sures. Walpole established with the court party the following
doctrine : " Whoever opposes this whig administration is a tory ;
•"all tories are Jacobites; every one, therefore, that opposes
" the minister, is a jacobite." So much is the generality of
mankind governed by words instead of precise ideas, that
many expressed their approbation of secret service money,
foreign subsidies, the increase of the army, and frequent sus
pension of the habeas-corpus, to demonstrate that they were not
Jacobites. The minister, indeed, was supported by the princi
pal whig families, by those who, styling themselves the whig
Whig con- connexion, have professed to think that they, and they only,
nexion. supported the principles of constitutional liberty and the
protestant succession: and, therefore, that they only ought
to be intrusted with the administration of affairs under
' See Wealth of Nations, vol. iii. p. 358.
1 See Lord Orford's Reminiscences, and Coxe's Memoirs of sir Robert
Walpole, passim.

STATE OF GREAT BRITAIN- 85
the house of HanovCr. This combination was strengthen^
ed and consolidated by domestic affinities. The great whig
houses by an extensive chain of intermarriages, formed a kind
of family compact, subservient to their political schemes for
governing'the state. Walpole held his office by various tenures :
his own abilities, and his declared attachment to whig princi
ples and the protestant succession ; his efforts for keeping out
the pretender, and supporting the moneyed interest ; for extend
ing commerce, and Improving revenue, and maintaining the
balance of power : he was farther strengthened by the whig -
junto, guided by his talents and address ; the high opinion and
attachment of the king and queen, and the conviction of both
that his councils chiefly and most effectually secured them on '
the throne. He rivetted the confidence of George, by the
zealous promotion of his electoral and subsidizing projects. He
possessed many personal friends, whom he had attached to him
self by his conduct, the apparent openness and familiar ease
of his manners, by accumulated benefits, and especially by a
liberal and judicious distribution of secret service money. He Walpole's
had also, through the last mentioned means, a very numerous literary
body of supporters in literary men, at least in writers, who g"JP
in various departments of composition, historical,1 political,
theological, in lyric and dramatic poetry,3 praised the ministe
rial plans, and vilified the opponents of government. Perhaps,
indeed, in the history of literature, never had so many pens
been employed in panegyrizing a court or ministry, as while
sir Robert Walpole directed 'the helm of affairs.
With such intrinsic and extrinsic power, Walpole continued
longer in office,3 than any minister since the Cecil of Elizabeth.
In all that time, he had experienced great opposition, and uni
formly resisted attacks with an ability and address that very
dexterously adapted themselves to the changing nature and
mode of political enmity which he had to encounter. Though
the minister endeavoured to represent the opposer of his*
schemes as the supporter of the pretender, he very thoroughly
knew that the greater number were not friends to the house of
Stuart. The adversaries of Walpole consisted of different, and Opposi-
indeed heterogeneous, classes of political men. First, there !^n, *°.
were discontented whigs, who disapproved of his measures, "
and. repined at the preference given to sir Robert Walpole over
themselves : secondly, the tories, who were displeased at the
exclusive promotion of the whigs, „but not inimical to the house
of Hanover: and thirdly, the Jacobites. Though these last
were unfriendly to the family on the throne, many of them con
tented themselves with wishes, and appeared nowise disposed
• Tindal, Oldmixon, &c.
a Eusden, Cibber, &c. Of pamphlets, periodical journals, and political
sermons, there was a vast multiplicity of writers.
i From his second appointment in 1720, to his dismission in 1741.

86 VIEW OF THE
to hazard their own lives and fortunes in order to elevate the
pretender to the throne. They adhered to the tories, in hopes
with them to foment and increase national discontent. Ex
pectations had arisen on different occasions, that the minister's
downfall approached : the tories and the opposition whigs re
spectively hoped to succeed, but both were disappointed.
Boling- The splendid genius of Bolingbroke, now pardoned and re-
broke, turned from exile, animated and directed the tories ; while the
acute and strong understanding, brilliant wit, vigorous and
Pulteney. impressive eloquence of Pulteney, headed the disaffected whigB.
Different as these two classes were in abstract political opinion,
yet they concurred in present object and proximate motive :
they both desired to overthrow the minister. The Jacobites
were no less desirous of the dismission of the whig connexion,
and Walpole individually. A coalition was now deemed expe
dient: and the anti-ministerialists, with Bolingbroke and Pulte
ney at their head, became one united body; the former
being the chief framer of their schemes, the latter the most ac
tive and efficient agent in parliament. Their plan of opera
tions was, by the union of parliamentary and literary talents
and their combined influence, first to sap, and then destroy the
power of Walpole. In the execution of their plan, they set on
The foot the celebrated Craftsman, which, with great and compre-
Crafts- hensive ability, viewed the various causes of discontent, and,
" with versatile ingenuity, adapted itself to the numerous classes
of the discontented. This paper attracted high churchmen, by
ridiculing and satirizing low churchmen, whig bishops, and
particularly Hoadley. Reprobating the impolicy and iniquity
of continental alliances and subsidies ; secret service money,
taxes, and stock-jobbing ; the mischiefs that arose from a fund
ing system, the anticipation of future industry, and the immense
mass of corruption which ministers had established through the
command of so much national treasure ; and the evils of the
South Sea scheme, cotemporary and subsequent bubbles, all
which originated in the national * debt ; it gratified the tories.
To please the Jacobites, it exposed the expensive inconvenience
and uselessness of engagements incurred by Britain for the
sake of Hanover; and exhibited the present government as in
its conduct totally opposite to the principles and stipulations
of the act of settlement. To the whigs it appealed, upon their
own genuine and original doctrines and sentiments. The pre
sent administration had, by unexampled corruption, established
an influence more despotical, than the power which the most
tyrannical of the Stuarts ever sought. Through corrupt legis
lators, the influence of the crown invaded our 'property by ex
orbitant taxes, totally unnecessary for the security of the coun
try, and employed the money, either for bribery, the increase
of a standing army, or some other means of giving efficacy to
ministry, at the expense of British liberty and property. The
promoters of boundless kingly power, by whatever means, di-

STATE OF GREAT BRITAIN. fif
rect or indirect, must be vigorously opposed by every real whig:
the supporters of ministry were only nominal and pretended
whigs, whose great object it was to extend the influence of the
executive government. These varied reasons, addressed to
different political classes, the ablest men of opposition, both in
parliament and the Craftsman, as well as in subordinate publica
tions, adapted to particular subjects, occasions, and circum
stances. Accommodating their strictures to the political di
versities of Englishmen, they spoke also to principles in which
they were very generally agreed. They addressed their mer
cantile and warlike spirit; they inveighed against the depreda
tions of the Spaniards, as injurious to our national interest ;
and our long and tame sufferance of these, as incompatible with
national honour. At last they succeeded in driving the nation
to war with Spain, and compelling' Walpole to retire from the War with
administration of British affairs. Spain.
That dexterous politician, knowing the nation to be incensed Walpole
against him, when he saw that it would be impossible for himresiSns*
any longer to retain his office, found means to secure an indem
nity and a peerage; to divide the party that had exerted itself
so long, eagerly, and strenuously, against his measures ; and to
form a coalition with a considerable body of his adversaries.
By this means, he ensured the undisturbed enjoyment of his
riches and honours. The people thought themselves betrayed
by the late declaimers against ministerial corruption ; and in
their resentment toward those whom they branded as apostates
from patriotism, forgot their rage against sir Robert Walpole.
The administration that was now formed consisted chiefly of
whigs, with some tory converts. They engaged warmly in con
tinental politics, and, in a great degree, merely to gratify his ma
jesty's electoral prepossessions, involved the nation in war much
farther than was necessary for the security of Britain.1 They
encouraged treaties and subsidies for purposes totally useless to
the country, though requiring immense sums of British money;
and they supported the introduction of foreign mercenaries for
guarding and defending England.
France having, by long peace and prosperous commerce, re- Continen-
paired the strength that had been exhausted by the splendid buttal affairs.
infatuated ambition of Louis XIV. resumed her usual charac
ter, and disturbed the tranquillity of the continent. The death
of the emperor afforded her a favourable opportunity of interfer
ing in the affairs of Germany ; and, notwithstanding her acces
sion to the pragmatic sanction, of endeavouring to wrest pos
sessions from the queen of Hungary. The critical situation of
the house of Austria rendered it expedient for Great Britain to
employ a considerable force to prevent Maria Teresa from be
ing overpowered. From the loyal and patriotic zeal of her
gallant subjects, together with the contributions of Great Bri-
1 See Smollet, vol.i. chap. 7. passim.

88 VIEW OF THE
tain, the Austrian dominions were soon delivered from the im
pending danger. Thus far impartial politicians approved of
British interference ; but when vast sums, of money were ex
pended for adjusting disputes in the north of Germany, by ¦
which it was impossible the interest of Britain could be either
directly or indirectly affected, very great discontents arose.
Under the pressure of enormous taxes, the people grievously
complained, that a great portion of the fruits of their indus-
Bntishm- try were employed to promote the interests of Hanover, and
in Gen-nan a'*orc'et' t'1e contributors no advantage in return for their con-
politics, tributions. In the ardour of continental projects, the British go
vernment bestowed very inadequate attention on the chief bul
wark of British power. Our commerce was much more annoy
ed than at any former period, even while we had to contend
with Spain only as principal'. France having soon without pro
vocation taken a part in the war, our trade was extremely dis
tressed. The merchants loudly complained that their interests
were neglected, and joined in an outcry against the electoral
prepossessions of the king, to which they said our commerce
and navy, were sacrificed. The employment at this time of a
great body of Hanoverian troops within this island, added to
the dissatisfaction of the nation ; and the Hanoverians became
extremely unpopular. The Jacobites, seeing the prevailing sen
timent, earnestly promoted the discontent ; but conceived it tti
be much greater than it eventually proved. They exaggerated
the displeasure which was excited By the king's supposed pre
ference of Hanoverian to British interest, and construed it into
a dislike of the house of Hanover, in hopes that the dissatisfac
tion might pave the way for the re-establishment of the house
1744. of Stuart on the British throne. Foreign powers conceived
Hostilities the same idea, and France attempted an invasion. The naval
plth force of England, however, began now to be better directed,
and easily crushed every open attempt of the enemy.
1745. The arrival of the young pretender the following year, prov-
Attempt ed that loyalty and patriotism in British hearts, when the king
of the and country are attacked, absorb all partial discontents. The
Pretln- voung adventurer, supported by a strong band of heroic though
der, misguided votaries,1 found that every attempt was and would
be unavailing, to ascend a throne which was confirmed to
unites all another by the free choice and interest of the people. Corn-
parties in mon danger abolished all distinctions ; whigs and tories, church-
support- men and dissenters, united against an inroad which threatened
kins* and tlle Aversion of the constitution and the plunder of property.
constitu- Government experienced from the funded system one of the
tion. chief political advantages which its first authors had predicted.
The great numbers who were interested in supporting nation
al credit, vigorously exerted themselves to support the cause
with which they considered private and public prosperity as
"See Home's History of the Rebellion in 1745.

STATE OF GREAT BRITAIN. gQ
identified. In opposing rebellion and supporting their lawful
and constitutional king, they knew and felt they were support
ing their liberty, their property, their families, and themselves.
The rebellion in 1745 proved a most favourable crisis to the
house of Hanover. It marked the difference between disap
probation of certain measures of his majesty or his ministers,
and disaffection to the title and government of the house of
Brunswick. Britons saw, regretted, and censured, the king/S
predilection for his German territories, and the expense ^and
trouble in which they involved this country : but they-^diseeriied
that this was only a temporary inconvenience, arising from
George II. individually, as it had from his father, but not likely
to descend to future representatives of the family of Hanover.
The reigning king was not only born in Hanover, but educa
ted there in all the notions and sentiments of the country, and
had never left it until he passed his thirtieth year ; a period at
which the characters of men are formed, matured, and ascer
tained. It was therefore natural for George to cherish Hano- Natural
yer, once the only object of his expected inheritance, and toforGeorge
attend to its interests much more than was wise and politic inU-t0|>e
a king of Great Britain. ,The whigs, whom he had long con- fhewhies
sidered as the props of his kingly power, and who had, from
the time of William, been favourable to continental connexions,
readily coincided in his electoral projects, and encouraged his
costly scheme of subsidizing foreign states to fight their own
battles, or the battles of other powers whose success was not
necessary to the security of Britain. Frederick prince ofFrederick
Wales, heir of the crown, was a child,1 when his grandfather as- Prince of
cended the throne of Britain. Having early imbibed English Wales, re-
ideas, he was inimical to such a multiplicity'of continental en- *?'"
gagements and expensive subsidies, and averse to that policy ients and*
of his father and grandfather which conferred offices of high merit .
trust on one party exclusively. Hence it was expected thatwitllout
when providence should call him to the throne, he would be resPect °f
less partial to his Hanoverian dominions, and less disposed to*,a^5,,
an interference in German politics. The prince had a nume
rous -family, who, being all natives of England, were brought
up from their infancy in the opinions and sentiments of English
men. Eminent for domestic virtues, his highness and his prin- and instils
cess directed their chief attention to the tuition of their children, nis sen.ti-
and especially to initiate their heir in the opinions, principles, ment.s '"•
sentiments, and dispositions, befitting a personage destined to be Geon?e.e
sovereign of Great Britain. The rebellion also demonstrated
that the house of Brunswick was not supported by a party
only, but by the British nation ; and probably added strength
to the former conviction of the heir of the crown, that a king-
placed on the throne of Britain should rule for all his, subjects,
1 He was born January, 1707; and was in the eighth year of his age at
the accession, Aug. 1st, 1714.
Vol. I. 12

30

Improve ment of
Scotland.

VIEW OF THE
and choose servants accprding to merit, and not party creeds J
and confirmed his determination to infuse the same doctrine in
to his eldest son.
The measures speedily adopted for preventing future rebel
lion, effected a most important and happy change in the north
ern part of the united kingdom. The overthrow of aristocrat'
ical tyranny in the abolition of hereditary jurisdictions, esta
blished law and order, extended constitutional liberty, secured
property, stimulated industry, and contributed powerfully to
civilize the Highlanders, and turn to beneficial efforts that bold
energy of character, which had hitherto been chiefly exerted
in depredations, feuds, and insurrections. So strongly exhibit
ing the striking and prominent virtues, the intrepid courage, the
indefatigable activity, the invincible hardiness, the unshaken
fidelity,1 and ardent attachments of those generous mountain
eers, actuated by a mistaken principle, pointed them out, when
they should be better informed and more fortunately guided, as
powerful contributors to the benefit, honour, and glory of Bri
tain.3 In her continental exertions, Britain in this tedious war dis
played her usual courage, and incurred enormous expense, with
out accomplishing any purpose tending to compensate her pro
fusion of blood and treasure, her bravest soldiers, betrayed and
deserted by faithless allies, were far out-numbered by their en
emies ; but, though frequently worsted, they never received a
complete and decisive defeat.3
On their own element, Britons, totally unencumbered with
allies, could exert and direct their most valuable force; and
although by the remissness of ministers, and the negligence, in
capacity, or quarrels of commanders, they performed few bril
liant or important exploits in the first years of the war; yet,
through the remainder, they were victorious in every quarter,

1 Never did this quality appear more conspicuously eminent and honor
able, than in ,the escape of the unfortunate chevalier ; which we cannot
better mark than in the words of Smollet: " He (Charles Stuart) was ob
liged to trust his life to the fidelity of above fifty individuals, and many of
these were in the lowest paths of fortune. They knew that a price of thir
ty thousand pounds was set upon his head ; and that, by betraying him, they
should enjoy wealth and affluence : but they detested the thought of obtain
ing' riches on such infamous terms ; and ministered to his necessities with
the utmost zeal and fidelity, even at the hazard of their own destruction."
Vol. ii. p. 7.
1 As various Highland chieftains were at this time favourable to king
George, their respective clans rendered important services in the course
of the rebellion. Selected companies had been already formed into a re
gular corps ; and at Fontenoy, where they first saw an enemy, the forty-
second regiment began the tenour of heroism, which through four succes
sive wars they have so uniformly and illustriously displayed, from Fontenoy
to Alexandria.
i Even at Fontenoy, the French killed and wounded considerably ex
ceeded the number of the British; and our army was able to make an or
derly retreat, without the loss of their camp. See Smollet, vol. i. p. 770.

STATE OF GREAT BRITAIN. 91
and showed the house of Bourbon, how vain and pernicious to
themselves were their attempts to cope with the navy of Eng
land. The peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, concluded on the general prin- Peace of
ciple of reciprocal restitution, without any indemnification to A?x"la'1,
either party for the immense expense and severe losses which chaPelle-
the belligerent powers respectively incurred, demonstrated
that the two principal contributors, France and England, had
grievously suffered by the contest. To the national debt of
England, a war of nine years had added 31,338,6891. 18s. 6-ld.;1
so that the whole debt at this time amounted to 78,293,3131.
Is. 10|d. The addition to French debt, no less considerable, War be-
tended to prove, that a war producing such an incumbrance, be- ^een
sides the interruption of commerce and bringing no equivalent, ^ an
was extremely hurtful to both parties, to the aggressor as much France,
as the defender. pernicious
The commercial genius of England rose superior to all inter- t0 both-
ruptions and disadvantages from her political plans. During
the last five years of the war, trade had made extraordinary
advances ; money poured into the kingdom, and private enter
prise and public credit rose to an unprecedented height. Mr. Mr. Pel-
Pelham, now chief minister, possessing great industry and finan- ham.
cial skill, very zealously and successfully promoted the exten
sion of national credit and commerce. Aware of the benefits
resulting to Britain from trade with Spain, he cultivated an
amicable and close intercourse with that country. He encou- Rapid in-
raged fisheries, manufactures, and colonization,2 the benefits of crease of
which have ever since been felt. But the measure by which c?dnrne0rge
his administration is principally distinguished, was the reduction perity
of the public interest, with the consent and approbation of the from the
creditors, from four to three per cent. His scheme for this blessings
purpose, which would have been totally impracticable unless of peace.
commerce had been flourishing, money abounding, and the funds
very high, was executed with great ease and popularity.. The
greater number of creditors, having the option of being paid the
principal or lowering the interest, chose the latter alternative.
Mr. Pelhain, indeed, though not distinguished for force or bril
liancy of genius, was upright in intention, and indefatigable in
application, always directing his understanding to subjects and
exertions within the compass of his abilities. Though bred up
in party notions, being candid and moderate, he employed coad
jutors and agents without regard to their political party, and was
one of the most useful ministers that ever improved the bless
ings of peace to an industrious and commercial people. This
peace, however, was destined to be but of short continuance : for
Europe was soon engaged in a war more general and extensive
than any in which it had ever before been involved.
¦ See James Postlethwaite's History of the Publie Revenue.
1 See Smollet, vol.ii. from p. 49 to 104.

9£ VIEW OF THE, &c.
The origin, proximate causes, principles, plans, events, and
results, of this war, to the accession of George III. with the
state in which they placed Britain, are particularly detailed in
the first chapter of this History.

l'tthH.t7i<;'{ 7>r 7T,-/>r,n;/ f,tr/,;-7 ¦ J'htl.i,~i:L2fl22.

HISTORY OF THE
REIGN OF GEORGE III.
CHAP. I.
Rise, Progress, Operations, and Results of the War 1756, to the accession'
of George III.
A LIBERAL and expanded policy would have suggested to CHAP.
France, which experienced so little advantage from her wars and *•
ambition, the wisdom of permanent peace. She might thus have ^^vw
cultivated the arts of which her country was so susceptible, and
by an intercourse with England, might have improved her com
merce and her naval skill. She might have raised herself by
industry and beneficial enterprise, instead of seeking to humble
her neighbours by efforts at once ineffectual against their object
and ruinous to herself. But if she did prefer aggression and
War to peace and prosperity, she might have learned from awful
experience, that her success had arisen, and must arise, from
continental effort, in which she might be and was superior to any
power ; instead of maritime effort, in which she Was and must
be inferior to one power.
Another scheme of policy remained ; which was, to direct Schemes
her chief attention to commerce and navigation, in order to ri- °f France
val and surpass England. She saw that colonial establishments 'Jf^-Jri-
very extensively and powerfully promoted our commercial and tjsh colo-
naval pre-eminence. Her statesmen, confounding effect with nies.
cause, supposed our prosperity to have arisen from our planta
tions: whereas those flourishing settlements, with many other
constituents of opulence and power, were really.rCsults from
skilful industry, acquiring capital under fostering freedom, and
thus rapidly increasing and extending its power of operation.
They concluded, that the effectual means of out-rivalling Bri
tain was to reduce her colonial possessions. This object count
de Maurepas the French minister proposed ; and for this pur
pose formed apian, which, ever since the peace of Aix-la-Cha-
pelle, operated in. various parts of the world, but first and chief
ly in North America.
During the seventeenth century neither France nor England North
was sufficiently acquainted with the geography of America, to America-
ascertain with precision the limits of their respective claims. In

94

HISTORY OF THE

1752.

CHAP, treaties1 between the two crowns, after general stipulations to
L abstain from encroachment, the adjustment of bounds had been
^^r^"/ intrusted to commissioners. Even at the peace of Aix-la-Cha-
pelle, the American limits were still left to be settled as before,
and thus a ground remained open for future contention. Though
the line of demarkation had never yet been ascertained on the
frontiers of British America, yet,, rapidly flourishing on the
coasts, the colonists sought a new source of wealth from the re
motely interior country. They cultivated the Indian trade, for
which their navigable lakes and rivers opened an easy and ex
peditious conveyance. Extending to the west of the Allegany
mountains, our planters conceived that we had a right to navi
gate the Mississippi, opening another communication between
English America and the ocean. With these views, a company
of merchants and planters obtained a considerable tract of land
near the river Ohio,2 but within the province of "Virginia ; and
were established by a charter under the name of the Ohio Com
pany, with the exclusive privilege of trading to that river. This
was a measure by no means agreeable to the court of Versailles:
the French had projected an engrossment of the whole fur
trade of the American continent, and had already made con
siderable progress, by extending a chain of forts from the Mis
sissippi, along the lakes Erie and Ontario, to Canada and St.
Lawrence. Incensed at the interference of the English in a
traffic which his countrymen proposed to monopolize, the go
vernor of Quebec wrote letters to the governors of New-York
and Pennsylvania, informing them, that as the English inland
traders had encroached on the French territories and privileges,
by trading with the Indians under the protection of his sove
reign, he would seize them wherever they could be found, if
they did not immediately desist from that illicit practice.3 A
denunciation of punishment for the infringement of an alleged
right, neither admitted nor proved, met with no attention from
the English governors. The Frenchman, finding his complaints
disregarded, next year ordered three of the British traders to
be seized and carried .to Quebec. He confiscated the goods of
the accused, and sent the men to Rochelle in France, where
they were detained in confinement. The earl of Albemarle,
ambassador at Versailles, remonstrated to the French ministry
on the unjust confinement of British subjects, and procured
their release, with promises from the French ministry, that no
grounds of complaint should be suffered to continue ; but the
insincerity of those professions was soon manifested by the
conduct of their servants, which was afterwards commended

Encroachments of
France.

1753.

* See the treaties (Jf Rhyswick and Utrecht.
•> So far back as 1716, the governor of Virginia had formed a project of a
mercantile company to be established on the Ohio j but the relative poli
tics of George 1. and the duke of Orleans.prevented the king from grant
ing a charter.
3 See Smollet, vol. ii. p. 125.

REIGN OF GEORGE m. ' 95
and justified by the court. Meanwhile the French, pursuing CHAP.
their plan of encroachment, built forts on the territories of In- I-
dian tribes inalliance with Britain, at Niagara, on lake Erie, in w"*"**-**
the back settlements of New York and Pennsylvania. The 1753.
governor of Virginia, informed of these depredations, sent ma
jor George Washington, since so illustrious, with a letter to the
commandant of a French fort recently built withiq the confines
of his province. The encroachments, he said, were contrary to
the law of nations, repugnant to existing treaties between the
two crowns, and injurious to the interests of British subjects.
He asked by whose authority the territories of his Britannic ma
jesty were invaded, and required that he should evacuate the coun
try, and not farther disturb the'harmony which his sovereign
wished to subsist between himself and the French king. The
French commandant replied, that it did not belong to him to
discuss the right of his master to the territories in question ; that
he commanded the fort by order of his general the Marquis Du-
Quesne ; that he would transmit the letter to him, act accord
ing to his directions, and maintain the fort, unless commanded
by his general to relinquish possession. ' The English governor,
now projected a fort to be built on the Riviere Aiibeuf, in the
neighbourhood of that which- the French had recently erected ;
and the Virginians undertook to provide the stores, and defray
the expense.
In more northern parts of British America, the same schemes
of encroachment were carried on, with a consistency of de
sign, and perseverance in execution, which evinced that both
emanated from one uqiform and vigorous plan.
• At the peace of Utrecht, Acadia had been ceded by the Settle-
French to the English ; but before the peace of Aix-la-Cha- ™ent ^
pelle it had turned to very little account. During the adminis- ti°va eo"
tration of Mr. Pelham, so auspicious to commerce and reve
nue, a scheme was formed for rendering this province a bene
ficial acquisition. An establishment was proposed, which
should clear the improveable grounds, constitute communities,
diffuse the benefits of population and agriculture, and pro
mote navigation and the fishery. The design having been ap
proved by his majesty, the earl of Halifax, a nobleman of good
understanding and liberal sentiments, and at that time president
of the board of trade, was intrusted with the execution. Offi
cers and private men, dismissed from the land and sea service,
were invited by offers of ground in different proportions, ac
cording to their rank, with additional considerations according
to the number and increase of their famlllies. A civil govern
ment was established, under which they were to enjoy the li
berties and privileges of British subjects. The settlers were to
be conveyed to the place of destination, and maintained for a
year at the expense of government. From the same source
they were to be supplied with arms and ammunition for de
fence, as well as with materials and utensils for agriculture,

96 CHAP. I.

1753.

Jealousy of the
French.

HISTORY OF THE
fishery, and other means of subsistence. In May 1749, the
adventurers set sail from England, and in the latter end of June
arrived at the harbour of Chebucto. This port is at once se
cure and commodious ; it has a communication with most parts
of the province, either by land carriage, navigable rivers, or
the sea, and is peculiarly well situated for fishery. Here go
vernor Cornwaltis pitched on a spot for a settlement, and laid
the foundation of a town, the building of which he commenc
ed on a regular plan, and gave it the name of Halifax, in hon
our of its noble patron.
The actual advantage to accrue from the colonization of
Nova Scotia, which must be contingent or at least distant, ap
pears to have had less share in inducing Britain to make the es
tablishment, than the desire of securing it from being repos
sessed by the French ; as they, if again masters of the coun
try, might very much annoy the more southern colonies, which
were then rapidly flourishing. The French, regarding the new
colony with jealousy and displeasure, as promoting the advan
tage of Britain, and counteracting their own views, did not them
selves at first disturb the new settlers, but instigated the Indians
to give them every annoyonce.
When Halifax was built, the Indians were spirited to com
mit hostilities against the inhabitants, some of whom they mur
dered, and others they carried prisoners to Louisbourg, where
they sold them for arms and ammunition. The French pre
tended that they maintained this traffic from motives of pure
compassion, in order to prevent the massacre of the English
captives ; whom, however, they did not set at liberty, without
exacting an enormous price. These marauders, it was found,
were generally headed by French commanders. When com
plaints were made to the governor of Louisbourg, he answered,
that these Indians were not within his jurisdiction.
The commissioners appointed to ascertain the limits of the
two powers met repeatedly ; but the pretensions of the French
were so exorbitant, and so totally inconsistent with the letter
and spirit of treaties, and the generally understood description
of the countries, that they plainly perceived that every attempt
to establish amicably a fair demarkation would be vain.1 The
governor of Canada detached an officer with a party of men
to fortify a post in the bay of Chenecto, within the English
Nova Scotia, under the pretence of its constituting a part of the
French territory. Besides being a palpable invasion of a
British possession, this was productive of a two-fold evil to
the new colony. When Acadia had been ceded to the crown
of England, Annapolis was the chief town, and indeed con
tinued so till the building of Halifax. Many of the French
families that inhabited the town under their native government,
were suffered, and chose to continue in it, and in fact became

' Smollet, vol. ii.p. 119.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 97
British subjects. Not a few, however, still retained their pre- CHAP.
dilection for their mother country, were closely connected with L
the French establishments in Cape Breton and Canada, and'*^^^^'
were active partisans in instigating the Indians to molest the *753'
English colonists. Encouraged by the vicinity of the fort now
raised, they became openly rebellious. By the fortification of
the same post, the Indians also acquired an easy entrance into
the peninsula, to annoy, plunder, capture, and massacre the sub
jects of England.
In spring 1750, general Cornwallis detached major Law
rence with a small body of men to reduce the Annapolitans to
obedience ; but at his approach they burnt their town, forsook
their possessions, and sought protection from monsieur la Corne,
who was at the head of fifteen hundred men, well supplied
with arms and ammunition. Major Lawrence, knowing that
he was unable to cope with such a force in the open field, de
manded an interview with the French commandant, and asked
on what principle he protected rebellious subjects of Great
Britain ? La Corne, without entering into any discussion, mere
ly replied, that he was ordered to defend that post, and would
obey his orders. The major found it necessary to return to
Halifax, and lay the proceedings of the French before the go
vernor. The Annapolitans, better known by the name of the Hostilities
French Neutrals, in conjunction with the Indians, renewed their of the
depredations upon the inhabitants of Halifax, and of other set- French
tlements in the province.' Incensed at the ingratitude of the j^jjjjji-
French Neutrals towards that country which for near forty ans, ' "
years had afforded them the most liberal protection, general
Cornwallis determined to expel them from a country which
they now so much disturbed. He accordingly detached ma
jor Lawrence with a thousand men, attacked the Neutrals and
Indians, routed them, and killed and wounded a considerable
number, until they took refuge with M. la Corne. This gen
tleman, an officer under the French king, and commanding
that monarch's troops,, gave shelter and assistance to rebels
against the British government, then at peace with his sove
reign. The English built a fort not far from Chenecto, called.
St. Lawrence, after its founder, and this served in some degree
to keep the French and their auxiliary barbarians in check.
Still, however, the Indians and Neutrals1 were able very often
to attack the English in the interior parts of the peninsula.
During the years 1751 and 1752, the Indians and their coad
jutors continued to disturb, plunder, and butcher the new colo
nists. In their expeditions they were countenanced and sup-

« At the cession of Acadia to England, a considerable number of its
French colonists had, as we have before observed, been permitted to re
main in the country, on engaging to yield allegiance to Britain, and under
taking to be neutral in any subsequent dispute between Britain and France,
and thence they received the name of Neutrals.
Vol. I. 13

98 CHAP. I.

1753.

French
scheme of
aggres
sion.

Operation
and pro
gress.

1754.
British go
vernmentdemandssatisfaction of
France.

Receives an evasive
answer,and re
solves to
repelforce by
force.

HISTORY OF THE
ported by the French commanders, who always supplied them
with boats, arms, and ammunition. While the French thus
stimulated and assisted the enemies of our country, they were
no less active and persevering themselves in encroachment,
and continued to erect forts withiu the English limits, to secure
their own inroads and aggressions. They projected, and in a
great degree finished, a chain of posts in the north, as they had
erected and were erecting a similar chain in the south. It was
obviously the intention of the French to. command the whole.
interior country from the river St. Lawrence to the Mississippi,
and thereby to prevent intercourse between the Indians and the
English colonies : in peace to command all the Indian trade,
and in war to enable themselves to make continual inroads up
on the English, and to have the whole assistance of the Indians
to annoy and devaslate the British plantations. Thus they
proposed to surround our settlements by a strong and compre
hensive line on every side but that next the sea, so as not only
to contract our bounds and reduce their productiveness, but
to have the means of progressively advancing to the coast, and
depriving us of our most valuable possessions. This was their
grand scheme of territorial and commercial acquisition in North
America ; in which they had made very considerable progress,
before Britain took effectual steps to check their encroachments.
Such was the state of affairs in 1753.
The British government, by repeated representations, was
made sensible that the encroachments of Frahce were extreme
ly important ; and it was soon discovered, that, besides the
other advantagesfwhtch would accrue to that nation from the
transfer of so much of our American trade, and the enclosure
of our colonies, she would rapidly enhance the value of her
West India islands. A reference to treaties proved, that these
pretensions were as contrary to justice, as the resources of the
country demonstrated them to be hurtful to our interests. Un
willing, however, to have recourse to hostilities without pre
viously demanding satisfaction, George instructed his embassa
dor at Versailles to state the grievance, and require redress.
The ambassador accordingly represented the injuries which had
been sustained by British subjects, through the instigation of
the French, and the aggressions made by their governors, in
entering our* territories and building forts within British limits.
He demanded the indemnification of the sufferers, the punish
ment of the aggressors, and the transmission of orders,4 to pre
vent future violence and invasion, and to demolish the forts
already erected. The French court gave general promises of
sending such instructions to its officers in America, as would
preclude every future cause of just complaint. So far, however,
was that court from being sincere in its professions, that de la
Jonquiere, commander in chief, proceeded more rapidly than
•Smollet, vol. ii. p. 129.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 99
before to extend the encroachments. Britain, finding how little CHAP.
the conduct of France tallied with her professions, resolved to L
assume a different tone, and despatched orders to the governors ^«*"v''*»"-'
of America to repel force by force, and to form a political con- 1754..
federacy for their mutual defence.
It was an important object to England, to detach the Indians
from their connexion with France, and procure their co-operation
with the British settlements. The governor of New York was
directed to attempt the accomplishment of these purposes.
The undertaking was difficult: the French were employing Negotia-
every art which their versatile ingenuity could devise, to win tions of
the attachment of $e Indians. The English governor, how- BT'[ai1?
ever, made overtures to the chiefs of the Six Nations ; and, by ]^diai)gf
the promise of valuable presents, prevailed on them to open a
negotiation. A congress was accordingly appointed at Albany,
whither the governor, accompanied by commissioners from the
other colonies, repaired. By the few Indians who attended,
the proposals of the English were received with evident cold
ness.. They; however, accepted'the presehts, professed, attach
ment to England, and declared their enmity to France. They
even renewed their treaties with Britain, and demanded assis
tance to drive the French from the Indian territories. To avail
themselves of these professions, the British governors sent ma
jor Washington, with four hundred Virginians, to occupy a post-
on the banks of the Ohio. That officer erected a fort to de
fend himself, until an expected re-enforcement should arrive
from New-York. De Viller, a Ffench commander, marched
with nine hundred men to dislodge Washington ; but firstsum-
moned the Virginians to evacuate a fort, whicli was built, as he
asserted, on ground belonging to the French, or their allies.
Finding his intimation disregarded, he attacked the place.
Washington^ though inferior in force, for some time defended
himself with great vigour ; but was at length obliged to yield
to superior numbers. He surrendered the fort by capitulation,
stipulating the return of his troops to their own country. The
Indians, notwithstanding their recent professions and contract,
attacked and plundered Washington's party, and massacred a
considerable number.
Affairs were now drawing to a crisis between England and
France. The French were persevering in a system of encroach
ment, which the British were determined no longer to permit.
It now therefore remained for France, either to relinquish her
usurpations, and make satisfaction to the injured, or to support
injustice by force. As she appeared evidently resolved to em
brace the latter alternative, both nations considered a rupture
as probable, and began to prepare for hostilities. France seht
re-enforcements of troops to America, and England directed
her colonies to take proper measures to prevent or repel the in
roads of the enemy.

100 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP. In the internal state of British America there were circum-
i- stances favourable to the progress of the aggressors. Each
********* settlement had separate interests, and was internally divided
1754. into different factions. Some unseasonable disputes between
the executive government and popular speakers in the assem
blies, occupied the time and attention which the mutual inte
rests of all parties required to have been devoted to the common
defence. When the British parliament met in 1754-5, his majesty's
speech,1 without expressly mentioning the probable approach
of hostilities, evidently implied a conviction that they were suf
ficiently probable to call for vigorous precautionary measures.
The king declared, that his principle view was, and should be,
to strengthen the foundation and secure the continuance of a
general peace; to improve the present advantages of tranquil
lity for promoting the trade of his subjects, and protecting those
possessions which constituted one great source of their wealth
and commerce. In voting the supplies, parliament made pro
vision for more than the peace establishment of land and sea
forces. Meanwhile preparations were making at Brest, and
other ports of France. A powerful armament was equipping,
and acknowledged to be intended for North America, though
the French government continued to make amicable profes
sions. .
1755. Qn the 25th of March 1755, a message from his majesty in-
f omhis f°rmec' parliament, that the present situation of affairs rendered
majesty to '* necessary to augment his forces by sea and land ; and take
parlia- such other measures as might best tend to secure the just rights*
ment. and possessions of his crown in America, as well as to repel
any attempts that should be formed against his majesty and his
kingdoms. A loyal and suitable address was returned to this
message, and a supply voted fori the purpose recommended.
The French still offered the most solemn assurances of intended
amity, and adherence to treaties. With such artifice and
duplicity did the court of Versailles conduct itself, that even
the instrument of these professions, the ambassador at the
court of London believed his employers to be sincere ;a and, on
discovering his error, repaired to.his own country and upbraid
ed the French ministers with making him the tool of their dis
simulation. Persevering in deceit, the court of Versailles ordered him to
return to London, and give fresh assurances of its peaceful in
tentions. Undoubted. intelligence now arriving that a strong
armament was ready to sail from Rochefort and Brest, afforded
proofs of the little confidence due to the French professions of
pacific intentions. The court of London in vain applied to
France for redress, and finding her fleet destined for the scene
of her continued aggression, naturally and justly concluded her
' See state papers for that year. * See Smollett, vol. ii. p. 161.

REIGN OF GEORGE III.

101

intentions to be hostile, and sent a squadron under admiral Bos- CHAP.
cawen to watch the motions of the enemy's fleet. Having sailed '
toward the end of April for the American seas, to intercept the '¦^'v-w
armament, he reached in June the coast of Newfoundland. 1755.
The French squadron arrived about the same time at the mouth Prepara-
of the river St. Lawrence. The fogs so prevalent on those ^.°"s
coasts, prevented the fleets from seeing each other. A great
part of our rival's armament escaped up the river; but the Al-
cide and Lys, two ships of the line, with land forces on board,
being separated from the rest of the fleet, fell in with two British
ships,1 and after a vigorous engagement were captured.
This was the commencement of maritime hostilities; and.com-
were we to overlook preceding acts of the French, it might ap- mence-
pear to be an aggression on our part ; but the fact, as we have men* °f
seen, was, that they had for several years encroached on our ^f^ Xs*
American territories : we had repeatedly applied for redress but
in vain; for they continued and increased their invasions. Thus
they had commenced hostilities, while we had only used force
in our own defence, to weaken an armament which was des
tined to support and extend their acts of injustice. It is as evi
dent a principle as any in jurisprudence, that injuries attempted
may be prevented, and therefore, that war to hinder an attack,
is as lawful as war to repel or punish an injury. The French, France
however, had done more than attempt, they had inflicted in-theaS'*
jury, and were continuing in the same course; satisfaction Sressor-
having been demanded, they gave no redress ; therefore force
on our part was not only justifiable, but necessary. Hostilities
being on the side of England just, the conduct of France from
the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, especially her schemes of naval
aggrandizement, and the vast increase of her marine, rendered
it expedient that we should endeavour chiefly to weaken that
part of her power by which we might be most annoyed. Po
licy coincided with justice in dictating an attack upon her ships ;
this was really no more than making reprisals at sea, for her
aggressions on land. As the provocation of the French jus
tified reprisals, prudence required that, in order to weaken the
enemy as well as indemnify ourselves, they should be as exten
sive as possible. The court of London formed a very vigorous
and bold resolution: it issued orders, that all French ships, Seizure of
whether outward or homeward bound, should be seized and tllfi
brought into English harbours. To execute this plan, admirals Fre"?h
of the highest celebrity were chosen, and English cruisers were men
judiciously disposed in every station. Though our squadrons
had not the good fortune to fall in with the enemy, our frigates
and sloops were so successful in annoying the French trade,
that before the end of the year, three hundred of their merchant
ships, many of them from St. Domingo and Martinico, extremely
rich, and eight thousand of their sailors, were taken. These
1 The Dunkirk, capt. (late earl) Howe, and the Defiance, capt. Andrew

102 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, captures not only deprived the French of a great source of
'• revenue in the property which they contained, but of a great
*>^"v">«»'' body of seamen, and thus were extremely advantageous to this
1755. country. They also afforded a. lesson to a power seeking com
mercial and naval aggrandizement, that no policy could more
effectually obstruct such an object, than a hostile attack on
Great Britain.
The English and their colonies began regular hostilities in
Campaign America, to repel the invasions of the French, and to dispossess
in Ameri- them of their unjust acquisitions. In the plan of operations for
ca. the campaign 1755 in North America,, it was proposed to at
tack the enemy on the confines of Nova Scotia in the north, their
forts on the lakes in the west, and on the frontiers of Pennsyl
vania and Virginia in the south-west. Early in the spring, a
body of troops was transported from New-England to Nova
Scotia, to assist in driving the Frertch from their encroachments
on that province. Colonel Monckton was appointed by the
governor to command in this service. Three frigates and a
sloop were sent up the bay of Fundy, under the command of
captain Rous, to second the land forces. The British and pro
vincial troops, attacking a large body of French regulars, Aca-
dians, and Indians, compelled them to fly. Thence Monckton
advanced to the fort of Beau sej our, which the French had built
on British ground. Investing it on the 12th of June, he in four
days forced it to surrender. Changing the name to Cumber
land, he secured the possession by a garrison. On the 1 7th, he
reduced another fort; a valuable acquisition, as it was the chief
magazine of the enemy in that quarter. Captain Rous, no less
successful, obliged the French to evacuate a fort which they had
erected at the mouth of the river St. John. These successes se
cured to England the entire possession of Nova Scotia, which
had been so long disturbed by the enemy.
But the most important object of the campaign was, to drive
the French from their posts on and near the Ohio. The strong
est fort for securing their settlements was Du Quesne, against
which an expedition was projected, to consist of British and
provincial troops under general Braddock. This commander
arrived in Virginia with two regiments in the month of Feb
ruary. When he was ready to take the field, he found that
the contractors had provided neither a sufficient quantity of
provisions for his troops, nor the requisite number of carriages.
This deficiency, however, might have been foreseen, if proper
inquiries had been made into the state of that plantation. The
Virginians, attending little to any produce but tobacco, did not
raise corn enough for their own -subsistence ; and, being most
commodiously situated, for water carriage, they had very few
vehicles of any other kind. Pennsylvania, on the other hand,
abounded in corn, in carts, waggons, and horses ; that, there
fore, would have been the fitter colony for forwarding military
operations. Besides, it would have afforded a shorter route,

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 103
by equally practicable roads, to the destined place. The CHAP.
choice of Virginia considerably delayed the expedition. From r-
Pennsylvania the commander was at length supplied, and *-*-*"***
enabled to march ; but a fatal obstacle to success still remained 175s-
in the character of the general. Braddock, bred in the English General
guards, was well versed in .established evolutions. Of narrow Braddock.
understanding, though sufficiently expert in customary details,
he had never ascended to the principles. of military science.
Rigid in matters of discipline, but fully as often for the display
of command as the performance of duty, he was very unpopu
lar among the soldiers. Positive and self-conceited in* opi
nion, haughty and repulsive in manners, he closed the avenues
to information. Brave and intrepid, he, with' his confined
abilities, might have been fit for a subordinate station, but
evidently had not the power, essential to a general, of com
manding an ascendency over the minds of men. The creature
of custom and authority, he despised all kinds of tactics and
warfare which he had not seen practised. He did not consider,
that the same species of contest may not suit the plains of
Flanders and the fastnesses of America. The duke of Cum
berland had written his instructions with his own hand, and
had both in word and writing cautioned him strongly against
ambuscade. The self-conceit of his contracted mind suffered
him neither to regard these counsels, nor to consult any under
his command respecting American warfare. The Indians, if
well disposed, would, from their knowledge of their country
and their countrymen, have rendered essential service. Dis
gusted, however, by his overbearing behaviour, most of them
forsook his army. On the 18th of June he set off from Fort
Cumberland, and marched with great expedition through the
woods"; but, though entreated by his officers, neglected to ex
plore the country. On the 8th of July he arrived within ten
miles of fort Du Quesne, still utterly regardless of the situation
or disposition of the enemy. ' The following day, about noon,
as he was passing a swamp between a lane of trees, he was
suddenly attacked on both flanks by bodies of French and In
dians concealed in the wood. The general, in his dispositions
for resistance, showed the perseverance of his obstinacy. He
was advised to scour the thickets with grape-shot, or with In
dians and other light troops ; but he commanded his forces to
form in regular order, as if they had been advancing against
an enemy in an open country. His soldiers, perceiving them
selves misled into an ambuscade, were seized with a panic, and
thrown into confusion ; which was soon increased by the fall
of most of their officers, at whom the dexterous Indian marks-.
men had chiefly aimed. The general fought valiantly; but
receiving a shot, was carried off" the field, and expired in a few
hours: an awful instance, how little mere courage and forms
of tactics, without judgment and prudence, can avail a com
mander in chief when he is employed on an important service.

104 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP. The provincial troops advancing from the rear, and engaging
'• the enemy, gave the regulars time to recover their spirits and
s^"v">"' ranks, and thus preserved them from total destruction. Not-
1755. withstanding this support, more than half the troops were cut to
pieces. The remains of the army made a masterly retreat to
Virginia under colonel Washington, to whose skill and conduct
it was chiefly owing that they were not overtaken and destroy
ed ; but they thus necessarily left the western frontier exposed
to the French and Indians. '
Opera- The same general object was attempted from the more
*j°n' °n northern provinces : thence it was proposed to dispossess the
" French of the cordon of forts erected between and along the
lakes. General Shirley, who had succeeded Braddock, ordered
the. surviving troops to march from Virginia to New-York, that
they might join the northern forces. An expedition was accor
dingly undertaken against two of the principal forts; one at
Niagara, between lakes Erie and Ontario, and the other at Crown
Point, near lake Champlain. General William Johnson, who
having long resided in the interior parts of the' province of
New-York, had learned the language and gained the affections
of the Indians, was appointed to command against Crown Point.
On the 18th of August the general began his march, and was by
the Indians exactly informed of the disposition of the enemy.
He found baron Dieskan proceeding against him with a strong
body of troops. ' An advanced party of British provincials ana
friendly Indians, being attacked by the French suffered consi
derably before the rest of the army arrived ; but Johnson, hav
ing come up with the main body, engaged and completely de
feated the French forces, of whom almost one thousand were
kjlled. Autumn being now far advanced, it was considered as to»
late in the season to attack Crown Point, and the troops retired
to quarters.
Shirley himself headed the expedition to Niagara ; but the de
feat of Braddock had damped the spirits of the provincials, and
even of the British troops, so that not a few deserted. It was
the middle of August before he could collect a force sufficient
for his purpose; and he was obliged to leave a number of his
men to guard the fort of Oswego, on the western confines of
New-York, lest the French should seize it, and intercept his re
turn. There also he was obliged to wait for provisions till the
twenty-ninth of September. The autumnal rains being now set
in, many of the Indians deserted the army. It was determined
in a council of war, that under all these disadvantages they
should defer the projected expedition till the following season.
Shirley, therefore, leaving a garrison of 700 men at Oswego, re
turned to Albany.
Thus, in the campaign 1755, the general object was, to dis
lodge the French from their usurped possessions in America.
This purpose was attempted oh the side of Nova Scotia with

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 105
success ; against the French chain of forts with partial advan- CHAP.
tage, but without ultimate or material effect ; and against their I-
encroachments on the confines of Virginia, not only without sue- s^~v"^«'
cess, but with grievous disaster: ana, on the whole, this cam- ^755.
paign in America was unfortunate to Britain. Our losses in
that quarter of the world, however, were amply compensated by
the decisive blow which was struck in Europe, against the trade
and shipping of the enemy.
Meanwhile, the contending parties were actively employed Negotia-
in interesting neighbouring princes in their respective causes. tions-
France, in conformity to her general plan of naval aggrandize
ment, bent her most strenuous efforts to inspire Spain with a
jealousy of the English, and to render her inimical to this coun
try; but Spain was at this time peculiarly well affected to Bri
tain. Ferdinand VI. was chiefly desirous of cultivating the arts
of peace; of rousing his people from the lethargic indolence un
der which they had so long laboured ; of propagating a spirit of
industry and encouraging manufactures and commerce. His
ablest and most confidential adviser in these projected improve
ments, was Don Ricardo Wall, a gentleman of Irish extraction,
respected for political ability, and from the conclusion of the
peace, Spanish ambassador at the court of London. The minis- Friendly
ter bestowed great pains in learning the nature and processes of disposi-
the manufactures arid merchandise which had so much aggran- ^on.oi
dized England ; and communicating his various observations ^ '
to his master, convinced the monarch that, commercially and
politically, an amicable intercourse with Britain was, and would
be, most conducive to the best interests of Spain. These
were sentiments which the catholic king continued to che
rish ; and when hostilities broke out, the French ministers pro
fessed to Ferdinand a desire of an accommodation, but insisted
that a suspension of arms in America should be a preliminary.
The Spanish king appeared not averse to the office of mediator;
but the British minister stated, that, however willing his ma
jesty might be to accept of Spain as an umpire, he could not
agree to the proposed preliminary, without hazarding the whole
British interests in America. Wall, thoroughly acquainted with
the real state of affairs between the two powers, seconded these
arguments, and Spain resolved to observe a strict impartiality in
tjie contest.
With other powers the negotiations of Fiance were more
successful. Overtures were made to German princes for suc
cours, which implied an intention of attacking the electoral do
minions of the king of England. Hanover had evidently no
concern iD the disputes between the belligerent powers, and
was, respecting France, in a state of absolute neutrality. The
design of invading that country was obviously unjust, and con
trary to the law of nations. The French, however, knowing
the predilection of George for his native dominions, thought
that, to protect them, he would make great sacrifices of the
Vol. I. H

106

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP. British claims in America. Aware of their designs, his Britatt-
'• nic majesty concluded a treaty with the landgrave of Hesse-Cas-
*"""v^*»' sel, for the employment of eight thousand troops in the service
1755. 0f jj,e king whenever they might be wanted. An alliance was
treaties"7 also concluded with Elizabeth empress of Russia, by which she
' was to hold fifty-five thousand men in readiness for the service
of his Britannic majesty.
1756. When' these treaties came before parliament, they underwent
discussed a very able discussion. The parties in parliament were at this
in parlia- ^;me tj,ree . the first consisted of the Newcastle interest ; the
second was headed by Mr. Fox, with powerful connexions,
which were formed and combined by the solid and masculine
Mr. Pitt, ability of that statesman ; and the third was led by Mr. Pitt,
who rested for support on superior genius, splendid eloquence,
a bold and intrepid spirit, and the exalted character and exten
sive popularity whicli these qualities commanded. Ever since
the final downfall of the pretender's hopes, and the discomfiture
of the Jacobites, the chief offices of government had been bestow
ed less exclusively upon whigs, than during the first thirty years
of the house of Brunswick. Since the death of Mr. Pelham,
Mr. Fox had been secretary of state, Mr. Pitt paymaster-gene
ral of tbe forces, and Mr. Legge, Mr. Pitt's friend, chancellor of
the exchequer; so that the whig connexion, though the duke of
Newcastle was prime minister, did not monopolize administra
tion, and the other servants of his majesty did not always coin
cide in his grace's political measures.. The treaty with Russia
was very severely censured by Pitt and Legge, as producing an
enormous expense, from which Britain could derive no benefit,
since the efforts of Russia could not be employed against the
French in North America, where only they were invading our
rights and possessions.1 The Newcastle party, however, ar
gued, that this danger of Hanover was incurred from her con
nexion with Britain, without any act of her own : and that it
was therefore equitable and just that Britain should contribute
towards- her defence. On this ground, the treaty was approved
by a great majority, and Legge and Pitt resigned their offices.
Vigorous preparations were now making for war. In France,
several bodies of troops moved towards the northern coasts, and
excited in England an alarm of an intended invasion. Ere
long it appeared, that the sole design of France was to divert
our attention, while she meditated a blow in another quar
ter.
Expedi- The French had prepared an armament in the Mediterrane-
tion of an: at Toulon, twelve ships of the line were ready in April
France 1756, and conveyed an army of eleven thousand men to.Minor-
Mmorca. ca* Landing there they invested Fort St. Philip on the 25th of

¦ There is a very animated description of this debate in a letter from lord
Orford. See Horace Walpole to General Conway, dated November 15,
1755. Orford's Works. ^

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 107
April. The ministers and consuls of England, residing in Spain CHAP.
and Italy.had repeatedly sent intelligence to government of the l-
armament preparing, and that they apprehended Minorca to be ,*^~V"V^
its object. In this opinion they were confirmed, by certain in- 1756,
formation that the fleet was victualled with only two months
provision, and consequently could not be designed for America,
or any distant expedition. General Blakeney, governor of Mi
norca, under the same conviction, repeatedly represented to the
British ministers, the weakness of the garrison of St. Philip,
which was the chief fortress of the island. No steps, how
ever, were taken to reinforce the general, until the French were
about to invade Minorca. Convinced at length of the danger,
ministry attempted measures of defence ; which were neither
effectual in force, nor, as it afterwards appeared, in the com
mander who was intrusted. The French fleet now consisted
of fifteen ships of the line, well equipped and manned. Ten Byng sent
only were despatched from Britain, and under the conduct ofj?'tsre"
admiral Byng, who had never acquired a character sufficient ie
to justify so important a trust On the 7th of April they sailed
from Spithead for Gibraltar. The admiral, being instructed to
inquire whether the French fleet had passed the Streights, learn
ed at Gibraltar that the enemy had actually descended upon
Minorca. He wrote to the admiralty, that if he had been sent
in time, he could have prevented the French from effecting a
landing. He complained that there were no magazines in Gib
raltar for supplying his squadron with necessaries ; that the ca
reening wharfs, pits, and storehouses, were entirely decayed,
so that he would have the greatest difficulty in repairing his
ships; that it would be impolitic to attempt the relief of St.
Philip, as it could not be saved but by a land force strong
enough to raise the seige ; and that a small re-enforcement
would only increase the number of men who must fall into the
hands of the enemy. This letter implying a charge of culpa
ble negligence against administration, and also anticipating the
miscarriage of his enterprise, was very unpleasing at home, and
rendered Byng odious to government.
The admiral, re-enforced by a squadron under Mr. Edge-
cumbe, left Gibraltar on the 8th of May.1 Arriving off Minor
ca, he attempted to send intelligence to general Blakeney. The
French fleet now appearing, he formed his line of battle. In
the evening the enemy advanced in order, but tacked about to
gain the weather-gage. The next morning both advanced to
the conflict. Rear-admiral West, second in command, attack
ed the enemy with such force as soon to drive them out of their
line ; but he was not supported by admiral Byng's division.
The admiral, though his own ship had 90 guns, and was well declines
manned and equipped, kept aloof. His captain exhorted him ™e„"^S£*
to bear down upon the enemy ; but he declared his resolution iae™ W1
French
\ See Smollet, vol. ii. p. 202. fleet.

108 CHAP. I.

1756.

Popular
indigna
tion.

Byngtried,

and exe
cuted.

HISTORY OF THE
to avoid the error of admiral Matthews, -who, in the preceding
war, by pushing too far forward, had broken the line, and ex-
* posed himself to the enemy's fire. Such precipitation Byng
was determined to avoid ; and, indeed, so resolutely did he ad
here to his cautious plan, that he really did not engage. The
French admiral, not wishing to compel a closer fight, took ad
vantage of Mr. Byng"s avoidance of rashness, and retreated. .
Calling a council of war, Byng stated his own inferiority to the
enemy in weight of metal and number of men ; with his opi
nion, that the relief of Minorca was impracticable, and that it
was safest to retire to Gibraltar. The council having concur
red in these sentiments, he accordingly did retreat to Gibraltar;
and Minorca thus deserted, after a very gallant defence of nine
weeks by general Blakeney and his valiant band, fell into the
hands of the enemy. The admiralty, informed of this conduct,
was extremely enraged against Byng. How, they asked, could
he ascertain the impracticability of defending Minorca, without
trying the experiment ? Was the impression made by West, a
proof of the inferiority of our naval force? Had not the En
glish generally prospered from adventurous boldness ? Where
was the danger of seconding, instead of abandoning, the other
division, when it had broken the enemy's line ? Was it by such
avoidance of contest that England had attained the highest"
pitch of naval glory? These sentiments extended from the
admiralty over the whole nation. A violent popular rage
arose against Byng. This predominant passion, said by the
historians of the time1 to have been cherished by ministers, in
order to divert the public attention from their own supineness,
naturally overlooked the circumstances of the case. Presum
ing him guilty without ascertaining the grounds of the alleg
ed guilt; the nation, by anticipating, perhaps in a certain
degree produced, the sentence which he afterwards under
went. Byng, having been superseded, was brought home un
der arrest, and committed close prisoner to Greenwich-hospital.
He was tried for cowardice, treachery, and not having done
his utmost. Acquitted of the two first charges, he was condemn.
ed on the last. Great intercessions were made in his favour,
and even by the court which sentenced him, to procure the roy
al mercy. The applications, however, were unsuccessful ;
though respited for a time, he was shot on the 14th of April
1757. Many, who did not pretend to vindicate Byng from the
charge of misconduct, considered his fall as a sacrifice to the
numerous, but now feeble junto, which supported the measures
of the duke of Newcastle. Indeed it is evident, that, whether
Byng's conduct (if he had a sufficient force) arose from timidi
ty, professional ignorance, or gross error of judgment, it was
such as demonstrated him unfit for the office with which he was -
intrusted, and consequently was disgraceful to those ministers

»See Smollet, vol. ii. p. 204.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 109
who had selected him for that employment. As he never had CHAP.
established a high character as a naval commander, and there I-
were other officers who had attained eminent distinction, it v-^-v^-w
was alleged that the choice of: Byng arose from . political 1756.
connexion, and not from personal character. His trial and
execution, however, if they for a time diverted the public at
tention, did not continue to abstract it from the conduct of ad
ministration. Negotiations had still been going on between the courts of
London and Versailles ; but the king of England, from the in
vasion of Minorca, considering France as determined to reject
all amicable overtures, declared war in May 1756, and publish- Declara.
ed a manifesto stating the ground both of its justice and neces- tion of
sity. In the following month, war was declared by France war"
against Britain.
The transactions in America in the campaign of 1756,, Were Campaign
neither advantageous nor honourable to England. The British m Ameri-
plan was, to attack the fort of Niagara, in order to cut off the ca"
communication between Canada and Ontario; to reduce Ti
conderoga and Crown Point, that the frontiers of New York
might be delivered from the danger of invasion, and Great
Britain might become master of. lake Champlain; to detach a
body of troops, by the river Kennebec, to alarm the capital of
Canada ; and to besiege Fort Du Quesne and other fortresses
on the Ohio.1 The preparations, however, were by no means
adequate to such numerous and extensive objects. There was
great tardiness in despatching troops from England. The earl
of Loudoun, appointed commander in chief, arrived so late with
his. armament, that it was useless for the whole year. Thus
the enemy were enabled, not only to be better, provided against
future attacks, but even then to act on the offensive. The
French and Indians continued to molest the British settlements
with impunity. Encouraged by the inactivity of the English
forces, they attacked the fortress of Oswego, and made them
selves masters of it, though strongly garrisoned. The earl of
Loudoun, finding himself unable to act offensively that year,
employed his time in preparations for beginning the following
campaign early, and with great force. No action of importance
distinguished the naval history this year. Single British ships
took merchantmen and ships of war belonging to the enemy,
but the fleets were not engaged after our retreat from Minorca.
The most important acquisitions to this country were attain
ed through privateers, which considerably distressed the ene
my's trade.
In the hostilities between Britain and France, other countries Affairs on
now became involved. His Britannic majesty had, as we have the conti-
seen, formed a treaty with Russia, in order to preserve the neu-nen '
trality of Hanover, and to employ a great portion of the French
¦ See Smollet, vol. ii. p. 221.

n.ofPrus- sia

110 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, forces. Circumstances, however, speedily gave a total change
r- to this system of alliance, and effected a confederacy between
^"*~**s the king of Britain and the Prussian Frederick, who was the op-
1756. ponent of Russia. These engagements, and their objects, neces
sarily demand a short review of the progress and state of the
Prussian power under that extraordinary man, who then held
the sovereignty.
In the seventeenth century, Brandenburgh was a principality
of little importance in the politics of Europe. Towards its
close, its sovereign became an elector ; and in the beginning of
-Jrrep|r'c the last century, a king. Frederick William, the second mo-
 narch of Prussia, with a view to increase the power and impor
tance of his kingdom, devoted his attention almost exclusively
to his army. He established a military force, much superior to
any that had been on foot under his predecessors ; and formed
an army, with the most perfect discipline, according to the ex
isting rules of tactics, but far inferior in number and strength to
the forces of the neighbouring potentates. Indeed, his domi
nions could not supply, much less maintain, a very powerful ar
my. His soil was unfruitful, his population was scanty, his peo
ple were poor, and his revenue was inconsiderable. These were
the narrow resources which, on the death ofFrederick William,
fell into the hands of his son and successor,1 Frederick II. But
Frederick had, in his genius and spirit, resources which supplied
the political and physical wants of his kingdom : he was a man
born to render a small state great.
The house of Brandenburgh had ancient claims to the two
principalities of Silesia, almost as great in extent, and fully
equal in value, to half its dominions. The claim was in itself
intricate. Austria asserted with truth, that Brandenburgh had
yielded Silesia for an equivalent; but Frederick denied that his
predecessor possessed the power of ceding that -territory; al
leging besides, that no equivalent had been received ; and that
the consideration given, was totally inadequate. As Austria
altogether reprobated this construction of the treaty, Frederick
had, on the death of the emperor Charles VI., invaded Silesia;
the queen of Hungary, who was then engaged with so many
enemies, and unable to defend Silesia effectually, had ceded it
at last, by the treaty of Breslaw, to the Prussian king. Hos
tilities being again renewed between Maria Teresa and Frede
rick, a second peace was concluded at Dresden in 1745, in which
the king of Prussia dictated the terms, and Silesia was renoun
ced more solemnly than before. The empress-queen,3 consi
dering the valuable province of Silesia as not restored by her
justice, but extorted from her weakness, had scarcely settled
this peace, before she began to project schemes for its recovery.
In 1746, she formed, with the court of Petersburgh, a treaty
' See Gillies's Frederick, p. 62.
1 Francis Stephen, her husband, had been then just chosen emperor.

REIGN OF GEORGE IU. HI
which was ostensively defensive, but really offensive. Byase- CHAP.
cret article it was provided, that if his Prussian majesty should L
attack the empress-queen, the empress of Russia, or the republic v^"v^w
of Poland, the aggression should be considered as a breach of 175S-
the treaty of Dresden ; the right of the empress-queen to Si
lesia, ceded by that treaty, should revive; and the contracting
parties should mutually furnish an army of sixty thousand men
to re-invest the empress-queen with that duchy. Poland, with
out actually signing this treaty, was understood to accede to its
conditions. After the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, the empress-queen had Maria Te-
devoted great attention to the internal improvement of her^sjV?
country, especially to the increase of her military strength.
This engine of power she promoted by a judicious choice of
officers, liberal encouragement to her troops, and, above all, by
her rare and happy talents of exciting in those who approached
her person, zeal, emulation, exertion, and a resolution to en
counter every risk in order to obtain her favour.1 She rendered
her army much more perfect, and formidable than any force had
' before been under the house of Austria : and while thus making
preparations at home, she was not idle abroad, she employed
her utmost efforts to embroil the king of Prussia with the court
of Petersburgh, and made rapid though secret progress in her
undertaking. The politics of Maria Teresa were at this time'
chiefly directed by count Kaunitz, who for so many years
served the house of Austria with distinguished zeal and ability.
Kaunitz, anxious to gratify his mistress by the recovery ofKaunitz.
Silesia, was aware that the loss of that province, and the ag
grandizement of Frederick, had been materially promoted by
the war between Austria and France. While the courts of Ver
sailles and Berlin continued connected, it would be very difficult
for the empress-queen to execute her designs of humbling
Frederick and exalting herself. Investigating the history and
interests of Austria, Kaunitz saw that her dissentions with
France, her most powerful neighbour, had been the greatest
obstacle to the gratification of her ambition. He knew also,
.that the house of Austria had been the chief obstacle on the
continent to the aggrandizement of France. The French and
Austrian sovereigns had been rivals from the time of Francis
I. and Charles V. Kaunitz projected a sacrifice of ancient
rivalry to present interest, by effecting an alliance with France.
.Having impressed on the empress-queen the justness and force
of his views, he was sent as ambassador to the court of Ver
sailles. Qualified by the depth of his genius for conducting
any great or difficult business, he was by other qualities as well
as his ministerial talents, peculiarly well fitted to acquire ascen
dency at the court of France. Versatile, capable of accom
modating himself to any characters or humours which it suited
1 Giules's Frederick, p. 207. ,

112 CHAP. I,

1756.

Alliance between
Britain andPrussia:

HISTORY OF THE
his purpose to conciliate, he greatly resembled a French cour
tier. In his taste and manners as trifling, as he was in his un-
' derstanding and political views profound, he could match a
Frenchman in either his frivolity or strength. Having esta
blished his influence at Versailles, he employed it in promoting
his grand project of confederacy. He represented to the
French ministers, "that the time was now come, when the
"French ought to emancipate themselves from the influence of
"the kings of Prussia and Sardinia, and a number of petty
"princes, who studiously sowed dissention between the great
"power-s of Europe, in order to benefit themselves. Excited
''by their artifices, the courts of Versailles and Vienna were
"continually contriving schemes hostile to each other, and
"hurtful to both; whereas, in conformity to the rules of just
" policy, they ought rather to adopt such a system of public
"conduct, as would remove every ground of difference or
"jealousy, and lay the foundation for a solid and permanent
" peace."1 The novelty of this* plan of politics at first appear
ed extravagant to the court of France, which had been- long
accustomed to consider the houses of Austria and Bourbon as
rivals; but, on maturely weighing the propositions, they be
came more disposed for their reception. Besides the many
continental advantages which Kaunitz from time to time stated
as'about to accrue from this plan, they would be able, by amity
with Austria, to direct the principal part of their force against
Britain. Meanwhile, France urged the king of Prussia to assist her
in invading the electorate of Hanover. King George applied
to the empress-queen to send to the Low Countries a certain ,
number of men stipulated by treaty, which she declared it was
impossible for her to spare for that purpose, as she was appre
hensive of the designs of the l|ing of Prussia. Alarmed for the
safety of his electorate, our king proposed to Prussia a treaty
for preserving the tranquillity of Germany. Frederick thought
this proposition more adviseable than a renewal of the alliance
with France, which was then on the eve of expiration. A trea--
ty was accordingly, concluded between Britain and Prussia on
the' 16th of January, 1756, by which the contracting -parties
bound themselves3 not to suffer foreign troops of any nation to
enter or pass through Germany, but to secure the empire from
the calamities of war, and to maintain its fundamental laws and
constitutions. The court of France appeared to believe that the
king of Prussia was a subordinate prince who was bound to exe
cute the mandates of Versailles. Informed of Frederick's trea
ty with England, the French courtiers and ministers were so ar
rogant and insolent, as to charge him with defection from his
ancient protector.3

'See Gillies's Frederick, p. 209. » Paper Office, vol. i. p. 39.
3 King of Prussia's History of the Seven Years War.

REIGN Of GEORGE III. 1 13
Kaunitz SaVUthat this was the proper time for obtaining the de- CHAP.
sired alliance with France, and accordingly the treaty was con- *•
eluded on the 9th of May 1756. This famous confederacy, an- *"*"N'~,W
nounced as the union of the great powers, contained a mutual J756-
promise between the contracting parties, of reciprocally assisting Yraace1
each other with twenty-four thousand men, in case either ofandAus-
them should be attacked. ' The czarina, being applied to by the tria.
now allied powers, readily acceded to a confederation calculated
to promote the projects formed between her and Maria Teresa
in 1746. As the depression of the power of England was the
object which France sought by her encroachments in North
America, and the cause of the war between these two nations,
so the depression of Prussia was the object that Austria sought
through her alliances with the other great empires, which in
volved in war the, whole continent of Europe. The elector of
Saxony, (king of Poland,) though he professed neutrality, really
joined in the designs against Prussia. Frederick, one part of
whose policy it was to keep in pay spies at every court whose
designs it imported him to know, was accurately informed, not
onlyof the objects, but the plans of the allied potentates, and
made vigorous preparations for defending himself and his king
dom. Maria Teresa collected magazines, and assembled two ar
mies in Bohemia and Moravia. The king of Poland under pre
tence of exercising his soldiers, drew together sixteen thousand
men, and occupied the strong post of Pima in Saxony. The
Russians formed a camp of fifty thousand men in Livonia. Per
ceiving these hostile preparations, Frederick demanded catego
rically of the empress-queen whether she meant to keep or to
violate the peace. If she meant the former, nothing would sa
tisfy him, but a clear, formal, and positive assurance, that she
had no intention of attacking him either this year or the- next.
He declared that he should deem an ambiguous answer a de
nunciation of war, and attested heaven that the empress alone
would, in that event, be responsible for the blood spilt and all
the dismal consequences. To this demand, requiring so short
and direct an answer, a long, indirect, and evasive reply was
returned by Kaunitz. The evident intention was, to compel
Frederick to commence hostilities.1 Seeing war unavoidable,
the Prussian hero resolved to strike the first blow ; but, before
he proceeded, intimated to Maria Teresa, that he considered
Kaunitz's answer as a declaration of war.
To cover Brandenburgh, and carry the war into Bohemia, it Frederick
was necessary to secure the command of Saxony; because, ^™es
unless he became master of that electorate, its sovereign might
intercept the free navigation of the Elbe, cut off his intercourse
with his own dominions, and discomfit his expedition. Frede
rick, accordingly, in August, entered Upper Saxony, and took
' See Gillies's Frederick, p. 216.
Vol. T. 15

114 CHAP. I.
1756.

Discon tents in
Britain.

HISTORY OF THE
possession of Dresden the capital. He had already, through his-
spies, procured copies of the negotiations between the king, of
''Poland and the two imperial powers; but, wishing to manifest
their designs to the world, and aware that they would declare
the alleged papers to be forgeries, he was particularly anxious
to find the originals. For that purpose, he carefully ransacked
the Saxon archives, and at length foUnd the desired documents.1
Having thus procured the most authentic evidence of the in
tended partition of his dominions, Frederick published them to
the world, to expose the designs of his enemies, and justify his
own conduct. The Saxon army being so strongly posted at
Pirna that Frederick saw it would be impossible to force their
lines, he blocked them' up with one division of his army, and
with another marched against the Austrians, who were advan
cing to their relief under general Braun. He attacked them on
the first of October, though greatly superior in number, at Lowo-
sitz on the left bank of the Elbe ; and, completely defeating
them, forced them to abandon all hopes of succouring the Sax
ons. Frederick, with his victorious troops, returned to the
blockade of Pirna. The Saxons, being in great distress for want
of provisions, and now deprived of all hopes of assistance, re
solved to attempt their escape ; but in making the experiment,
being surrounded by the Prussians, and finding it impossible to
force their way through the enemy, they were compelled to lay
down their arms, and surrender, themselves prisoners of war.
Having thus defeated the intentions of the enemy for this cam
paign, and the season being far advanced, Frederick placed his
troops in winter quarters.
In Great Britain, the people were very much dissatisfied with
the campaign 1756. The loss of Minorca, followed by the in
activity in America, excited general indignation. Addresses
praying a strict inquiry into the causes of our misfortunes, were
presented to parliament from all parts of the kingdom. Mi
nisters were loudly accused, as being, by their incapacity and
disunion, the sources of our disgraces and disasters. It was cer
tain that great discord prevailed in the cabinet. Though the
duke of Newcastle, found it necessary to have the assistance of
Mr. Fox's abilities, he by no means regarded him with confi
dence and favour. Mr. Fox, on the other hand, far from ap
proving the particular measures, and farther still the general
conduct, of his colleagues, disdained to continue the tool of so
feeble a junto, and resigned his employment. The public loudly
called for sacrificing an inefficient combination to the highest
individual genius, and for bringing Mr. Pitt into office. The
1 It was here that Frederick found the secret artibles'-of the treaty of
Petersburgh, which I have already mentioned as concluded between Aus
tria and Russia against Prussia, soon after the peace of Dresden ; with a
reference to a partition treaty made between the powers before that peace ;
which treaty of Petersburgh was in effect acceded to by the king of Po
land.

REIGN OF GEORGE IU. 1 15
duke of Newcastle resigned. Mr. Pitt, in November, 1756, was CHAP.
appointed principal secretary of state ; Mr; Legge, chancellor of *•
the exchequer ; and the duke of Devonshire, first lord of the l*^~v~**s
treasury. 1756.
His majesty, desirous of making great efforts in Germany, in Jlp^gj
his speech to the house took notice of the unnatural union be- minister.
tween France and Austria, which he considered as threatening Parlia-
the subversion of the empire, and the destruction of the pro- ment.
testant interest on the continent. He called on parliament to
enable him to use effectual efforts against such pernicious de
signs. Soon after, Mr. Pitt delivered, a message to the house,
of which the substance was, " that, as the formidable prepara
tions and vindictive designs of France were evidently bent
"against his majesty's electoral dominions, and the territories of
"his good ally the king of Prussia, hi3 majesty confided in the
"Zealand affection of his faithful commons, to assist him in
"forming and maintaining an army of observation for the just
"and necessary defence of the same,- and to enable him to ful-
'.' fil his engagements with his Prussian majesty, for the security
"of the empire, and the support of their common interests."
In the house of commons, when the message was discussed,
strong objections were made to an interference in continental
politics. It was asserted, that it was neither the duty nor inte
rest of England, to exhaust its blood and treasure in defence of
Hanover ; and that Austria herself, notwithstanding her recent
alliance with France, would not suffer that power to acquire a
permanent footing in Germany. Mr. Pitt, viewing the course
of French policy, showed that the main object of France had
long been the depression of England. Perceiving distant as
well as immediate consequences, he contended that continental
acquisitions, by increasing her power and- revenue, would ulti
mately render her more dangerous to this country. He had
disapproved of various treaties and subsidies that had been
formed and granted in the present reign on account of Hanover
solely, and without any advantage to Great Britain ; but the
treaty with the king of Prussia had for its object the balance of
power, now endangered by the confederacy between France and
the two empresses. Adherence to it was absolutely necessary
for the security of England. Hanover was endangered on ac
count of Britain; it was therefore just that from Britain she
should receive protection. Besides by employing the forces of
France in Europe, we weakened her exertions in America.
Such was the reasoning by which Mr. Pitt supported the request
of the message; it was received by the majority of the house
with great approbation, and suitable supplies were voted.
Though parliament had shown itself eager for the vigorous 1757.
prosecution of the war, and had in its votes made very liberal Dissen-
provisions for the year; yet there was still a want of harrtio-fjonsin
ny in his majesty's councils. The whig confederacy sought an n£
exclusive direction in the administration of affairs. Mr. Pitt

116 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, would not sacrifice his< own opinions and measures to those of
'¦ the party. The Newcastle combination was most agreeable to
*"^"vr>*"' the king, and willing to go the greatest lengths in gratifying
1757. hjs electoral partialities. Mr. Pitt, in his principles and system
of continental interference, considered the. dignity and interest
of the British crown and nation,1 and not the prepossessions of
the elector of Hanover.' He did not at that time conceive
that so great a force was necessary to act in Germany, as the
Mr. Pitt king and the Newcastle interest thought requisite. Being in-
dismissed; flexIl>le on this subject, he and his friend and supporter Mr.
Legge, were dismissed from their offices. During several
months there was no regular administration. A coalition was
proposed between Mr. Fox and the Newcastle party ; but in
the present state of public opinion it would be evidently inef
fectual. The Newcastle adherents saw, that they could now
only possess a share of the government by suffering the chief
direction of affairs to be vested in superior ability. Number
less addresses were presented to his majesty, beseeching him
to reinstate Mr. Pitt. Party spirit appeared extinguished ;
all voices, without one dissonant murmur, were united in his
praise. Mr. Fox, in this state of circumstances, knowing it
would be vain for him to contend with the general voice of the
people which was eagerly and loudly soliciting the sovereign
to place Pitt at the head of his councils, with much prudence
and judgment advised the king to comply with the public de-
is again sire. Mr. Pitt was again made principal secretary of state,
appoint- and now become prime minister of England. This appoint-
ed' ment of a chief minister, is an epoch in the history of the
Brunswick administration of Britain. From the accession of
the house of Hanover, the highest offices of state had been uni
formly held by members of the whig party. Mr. Pitt, a
friend to the constitution of his country, and favourable to
the genuine principles of original whigs, was not a member of
any confederacy, and owed his promotion to himself only.
He commanded party. His elevation manifested the power
which the people never fail to possess in a free and well con
stituted government. Personally disagreeable to the king, un
supported by any aristocratical confederacy, he was called by
the unanimous voice of the people in a situation of great dan-
ger and difficulty to be the chief3 manager of British affairs.
¦ Smollet, vol. ii. p. 284.
•> This is a difference very evident between the continental engagements
advised by Mr. Pitt, and many of thoSe encouraged, or at least agreed to,
by former ministers, both of George II. and his father. The earl of Sun
derland, sir Robert Walpole, earl Granville, and the duke of Newcastle,
concluded treaties, the exclusive objects of which were, German politics,
and the security of Hanover. Mr. Pitt's policy, though it embraced Hano
ver in its compass, yet had for its object the humiliation of France, and the
prosperity of England.
' Mr. Legge was restored to his office of chancellor of the exchequer;
the duke of Newcastle was again made first lord of the treasury; lord An-

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 1 ] 7
His appointment was also an epoch in the history of the war ; CHAP.
as from the time that he was firmly established in office, and I.
his plans were put into execntion, instead of disaster and dis- ¦••^¦v'w
grace, success and glory followed the British arms. 1757.
In the campaign 1757, however, the wisdom and energy of Campaign
Mr. Pitt were employed too late to operate effectually. This >" Ameri-
summer the earl of Loudoun, instead of attacking Crown Point, ca-
as had been expected, undertook an expedition to Cape Breton
against Louisbourg. Admiral Holbourne arrived at Halifax on
the 9th of July, with a squadron of tranports for conveying the
troops consisting of about twelve thousand men. Small ves
sels, which had been sent to examine the condition of the ene
my before the armament sailed, brought the unwelcome intel
ligence, that ten thousand land forces, of which six thousand
were regulars, were stationed at Louisbourg ; that seventeen
ships of the line were moored in the harbour ; and that the
fortress was plentifully supplied with provisions and military
stores. Informed of these particulars Lord Loudoun resolved to
postpone the expedition ; so that in fact nothing was either
effected, or even attempted, that year, by the army under his
lordshipls command.
While Loudoun was absent at Halifax, Montcalm the French
commander in chief, extended the enemy's possessions in the
back settlements, which it had been their principal object to
increase. He attacked and captured Fort William Henry on the
southern shore of Lake George ; and by this accession to their
former advantages, the French acquired the entire command
of the extensive chain of lakes that connects the two great
rivers St. Lawrence and Mississippi, and that forms a grand line
both of communication and division between the northern and
southern parts of this vast continent. Thus in 1757 the
interests of Great Britain in North America continued to
decline. Admiral Holbourne, with fifteen sail of the line, appeared off
Louisbourg ; and, being re-enforced with four more, attempted
to draw the French to battle ; but the enemy were too cautious
to venture an engagement. The English fleet, after cruising
in those seas till the middle of September, was overtaken by a
storm, which wrecked one of the ships, and damaged the
greater number; and they returned to England in a very shat
tered state.
The king of Prussia, having wintered at Dresden, published Affairs of
a manifesto, setting forth the conduct and designs of the impe- Germany.
rial powers and of Saxony, and asserting that he himself had
proceeded on principles of self-defence. Meanwhile the com
bined powers were making great preparations ; and France by
a subsidy prevailed on the Swedes to join in the confederacy.
son wasplaGed at the head of the admiralty; sir Robert Henley was made
keeper of the great seal, in the room of lord Hardwicke ; and Mr. Fox
was appointed to the subordinate, but lucrative office, of paymaster-gene
ral of the armv.

118 CHAP. I.

1757.

Opera
tions of
the duke
of Cum
berland.

HISTORY OF THE
Maria Teresa exerted herself with great zeal and success;
she persuaded the empress of Russia, that the invasion of Sax-
•'ony, a country guaranteed by Elizabeth, was an insult to her
dignity. Besides addressing the czarina's pride, she tempted
her avarice by a subsidy of two millions of crowns, and added
considerable bribes to her ministers. With the Germanic body
her exertions and success were similar; and it was proposed,
that the electors of Brandenburgh and Hanover should be put*
to the ban of the empire. The king of Prussia in these cir
cumstances had recourse to his only powerful ally George II.
and proposed a plan of co-operation more extensive than the
British sovereign deemed necessary. George confined his plan
to the defence of the eastern bank of the Weser, while Frede
rick wished that of the Rhine to be the principal station, as,
from the depth and rapidity of the river, it was much more te
nable than the Weser, which was fordable in many places.
An army of Germans in British pay was formed on the plan of
king George, and the command intrusted to the duke of Cum
berland. In July 1757 his royal highness took the field on the
eastern bank of the Weser. The French commanded by mar
shal d'Estrees, as Frederick had foreseen, easily passed that ri
ver, and proceeded to Munster. On the 25th of July they at
tacked the duke in his intrenchments at Hastenback, and seiz
ed one of his batteries. The hereditary prince of Brunswick,1
then only twenty-one years of age, regained the battery sword
in hand ; and to use the words of a respectable historian, " prov
ed, in the first exploit, that nature had formed him for a hero."2
At the same time, a Hanoverian colonel, with a few battallions,
penetrating through a wood, attacked the French in the rear,
put them to flight, and took their cannon and colours. The
main body of the enemy, however, being in possession of an
eminence that commanded and flanked both the lines of the
infantry and the battery of the allies, the duke of Cumberland
thought it impossible to dislodge them from their posts; and
commanded his forces to retire towards Hamalen. Marshal
d'Estrees had formed so very different an opinion of the issue
of the contest, that he was actually ordering a retreat himself,
when he perceived, to his great astonishment, the allied army
withdrawing.3 The duke having evacuated Hamalen, retreat
ed to Nienbergh, then to Verden, and at last to Staden ; and
thus abandoned the whole country to the French, without any
farther contest. The duke of Richelieu, successor to d'Estrees,
pursued his highness, and reduced him to a distressing dilemma ;
before him was the ocean, on the right the Elbe, on the left the
Weser, become deeper as it approached the sea ; behind was
the enemy. Nothing remained, but either to fight their wav
through the hostile force, which they considered as impossible,

' Now duke of Brunswick.
3 Gillies's Frederick, p. 247.

1 See Gillies's Frederick, p. 247.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 119
or to surrender themselves prisoners of war. Accordingly,' the CHAP.
duke capitulated with his whole army, and concluded the noted L
convention of Cloister-seven, in September 1757. By this treaty s^*>r***'
the troops of Hesse and Brunswick were to return to their re- 1757.
spective countries ; the Hanoverians were to remain at Staden, J-ontf"
in a district assigned them, and no mention was made of the cloister-
electorate, which was occupied by the French. This unfortu- seven.
nate event was imputed to two errors ; one in the original plan
of the campaign, in choosing a weak line of defence on the We
ser, instead of a strong line on the Rhine ; another in the exe
cution, by the order for retreat when there was a probable
chance of victory. It was also said, that if the allied army in
stead of- retiring to a narrow angle, had proceeded towards
Prussia, they might have been easily covered by the Prussian
forces. His royal highness having returned to England, and
not finding his conduct received with that approbation which
he expected, resigned all his military employments. The king
dom being now under the administration of Pitt, in order to
cause a diversion of the French force favourable to the allies
in Germany, he planned an expedition to the coast of France ;
and a formidable armament was equipped with surprising des
patch.1 The fleet was commanded by sir Edward Hawke, and
the army by sir John Mordaunt.
On the 23d of September, the fleet anchored off the river Expedi-
Charente, and took the Isle of Aix, with its garrison. It was ^^of
proposed to attack Rochefort. Sir Edward Hawke was eager France.
for this measure, but sir John MordaUnt deemed it too danger
ous an attempt. After continuing in the river, and reconnoi-
tering the coasts for many days^ it was. resolved in a council of
war that they should return to England. The nation was dis
appointed, and enraged, at the failure of this expedition. All
were sensible that the minister had done every thing in his
power, and were perfectly satisfied with the conduct of the ad
miral. The blame was thrown upon the general. He was tri
ed by a court-martial, and acquitted. His exculpatory sentence,
however, did not alter the public opinion.
During these disasters of his ally, the king of Prussia having Plans and
to contend against five great powers, was in the most perilous ^Wof
circumstances, which only served to display the extraordinary Prussia5
vigour of his genius, the wisdom of his councils, and the mag
nanimity of his disposition. From his winter quarters at
Prague, he in the beginning of April took the field. Pretending
» The equipment affords an instance of the vigorous boldness and deci
sion of the minister's character. When he ordered the fleet to be equip
ped and oppointed the time and place of its rendezvous, lord Anson said
it would be impossible to have it prepared so soon. " It may .(said Mr.
Pitt) be done ; and if the ships are not ready at the time specified, I shall
signify your lordship's neglect to the king, and impeach you in the house
of commons." This intimation produced the desired effect : the ships
were ready. Belsham's George H. p. 42&

120 CHAP. I.
1757.

Defeated at Prague
by the
Austrians.Perilous situation,

stimulates
his genius
and cour
age.

He gains a
great vic
tory at
Rosbach over the
French.Proceeds in quest
of the
Austrians,

HISTORY OF THE
to design only a defensive war, be fortified his camp at Dres
den, and made some feeble incursions into Bohemia. The
Austrian general, conceiving him to intend nothing beyond
these petty enterprises, was lulled into security. Frederick or
dered his troops to assemble by different routes at Prague on
the 5th of May, where general Brown was posted with a con
siderable force. The king, knowing that his enemies expected
a great re-enforcement, determined to bring them to battle
before fresh troops should arrive. He attacked them without
delay, forced their intrenchments, and gained a complete
victory.1 The Aussrians took refuge in Prague. Frederick
summoned that city to surrender ; but marshal Daun, hastening
to its relief, encamped at Kolin upon the Elbe. The king of
Prussia, on the 18th of June 1757, having attacked his intrench'
ments, was repulsed and defeated with great loss ; and in con
sequence of this disaster, raised the seige of Prague. If mar
shal Daun had been as active in pursuing, as he was skilful in
obtaining his victory, lie might have prevented Frederick from
retreating with the remains of his troops. From Prague, the
king retired into Saxony. The Austr|ans recovered the whole
country of Bohemia, and advanced in pursuit of Frederick.
Meanwhile the Russians ravaged Prussia, and the Swedes en
tered Pomerania. To increase the multiplied dangers of the
Prussian monarch, the convention of Cloister-seven had de
prived him of his only ally ; and the French forces were now
at liberty to direct against him their whole efforts.2 This hero
was always more energetic and formidable than ever, after a
defeat. Instead of yielding to difficulties, he was the more
strongly incited to extraordinary exertions. With a small body
of men he marched against the French, and the troops of the
Circles, posted at Rosbach, near Leipsic, in Upper Saxony.
He drew up his forces (November 5th, 1757) with such skill,
that he overcame a great army. Ten thousand of the enemy
were killed and wounded, and seven thousand taken prisoners.
Having thus overcome the French, he marched with the ut
most expedition against the Austrian army, now assembled in
Silesia. The Prussians had lost almost all the towns of that
country, and at last Breslaw itself, the capital. Frederick in the
end of November arrived in Silesia with an army of thirty-three
thousand men. He found the Austrians posted at Louther,

1 Nineteen thousand were killed, and five thousand taken prisoners. The
loss of the conquerors was also very considerable.
•> At this, time the king of Prussia thus expressed himself in a letter to
his friend earl Mareschal : " What say you of this league, which has only
the marquis of Brandenburgh for its object? The great elector Would be
surprised to see his great grand son at war with the Russians, the Swedes,
the Austrians, almost all Germany, and a hundred thousand French auxilia
ries. I know not whether it will be disgrace in me to submit; but I am'
sure there will be no glory in vanquishing me."

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 121
being sixty thousand in number, under marshal Daun. By the CHAP.
mere force of military genius, he gained a complete and de- I-
cisive victory, having killed or taken twenty-one thousand ^^^^^
men.1 Frederick, who knew how to use as well as to gain a ^7S7-
victory, retook Breslaw, and recovered Silesia. In the midst of '^decisive
such numerous and complicated operations, Frederick's genius victorv.
exerted itself in policy as well as in arms. The Russians were
so powerful in Prussia, that his troops contended against them
in vain. Frederick, by his emissaries, entertained a secret cor
respondence with Peter the Great, duke and heir apparent to
the throne of Russia, who was well affected towards the Prus
sian- king. The chancellor Bestuchew, prime-minister, in order
to gratify Peter, likely soon to be his master, gave orders to
the Russian troops to retire towards Poland. Marshal Leh-
wahi, who had commanded against the Russians, freed from
their formidable army, marched against the Swedes in Pomera-
nia, defeated them, and drove them out of that province. Frede-'
rick, before he went into winter quarters, reduced Leibnitz, the:
only fort in Silesia, and' so recovered -from the Austrians the
whole of that province, on account of which they had begun
the war. Thus did this extraordinary man, deserted by every JGlorious
ally, with a comparatively small number of forces, make head a-esult of
against the most formidable combination recorded in the annals £r?.<Je"
of Europe; defeat their several armies, distinguished for va- "^pairm
lour and discipline, and commanded by the most skilful gene
rals; dispossess them of all their acquisitions;' and, though
fighting against almost the whole continental force of Europe,
evince his superiority over all his enemies.
The principal object of British preparations, and the chief 1758.
theatre of war in 1758, was North America. The earl of Lou- North
doun being recalled after the unsuccessful campaign of 1757, the AmenCfl-
chief command devolved on general Abercrombie.' Next in au-Aber-
thority was major-general Amherst. Admiral Boscawen having ciombie
arrived early in the^year, the forces, including provincials astat<;Mbe
well as regulars, amounted to no less than fifty thousand men. objects'
The generals and admiral concerted the plan of the campaign ;'an(i plan,
the Xbjects of which were, the reduction of Louisbourg, and the of the
capture of the French line of forts. General Amherst, sailing campaign.
with ten thousand men under convoy of Boscawen's fleet to jj^
Cape Breton, anchored on the 2d of June in sight of Louisbourg a„ainst
fortress, which a few days after was regularly invested. After cape Bre-.
ton suc
cessful.
» Dr. Gillies, who displays great military science in his account of the en
gagements -of Frederick, shows, that in this battle he adopted both the dis
position and movements of Epaminondas at the battle of Eedctra. He di
rected his main attack against one part (the left wing) of the enemy|s '
troops, and by worsting them, threw the rest into confusion. One of his
evolutions was by marshal Daun mistaken for a retreat ; which secured the
vtetory to the Prussians,' as a similar misapprehension of the enemy had
done to the Theban hero. Gillies's Frederick, p. 262.
Vol. I. 16

1&2 CHAP. I.
1758.

Attempt on Ticon
deroga.

Britishtroops sur
prised and
defeated ;

neverthe
less cap
ture forts
Frontig
nac and
Du Ques-

Result of
the cam
paign hon
ourable
and advan
tageous to
Britain.

1759.
General , ,
Amherstcomman der in
chief; un
dertakes an expe
dition to
Canada.

HISTORY OF THE
standing a siege of seven weeks, it was compelled to surrender
on the 27th of July. Besides the conquest of the whole island,
six ships of the line and five frigates were either taken or de
stroyed by the English.
General Abercrombie himself, with the main body of the
army, undertook the expedition against the forts. His first at
tempt was against Ticonderoga, a fort situated between lakes
George and Champlain, surrounded on three sides with water,
and in front secured by a morass. It was defended by a
breastwork and intrenchment, and garrisoned by five thousand
men.1 The badness of the roads had prevented the artillery
from keeping pace with the army, and it was not yet arrived.
Notwithstanding this material want, the general determined to
attack the fort ; but, though the troops behaved with great gal
lantry, they were repulsed with considerable loss ; two thou
sand being killed or taken prisoners, and the number of the lat
ter was comparatively few. The general made a hasty retreat
to a camp on the southern banks of lake George'. Notwith
standing his loss, being still superior in force to the enemy, his
retreat was censured by military men as precipitate. It was al
leged that he ought to have waited for the arrival of his artillery,
and being- so supplied, to have proceeded in his operations
against the fort. Abercrombie detached a considerable corps
under colonel Bradstreet, against Fort Frontignac, situated at
the entrance of the river St. Lawrence from lake Ontario ; and
another body of- troops against Fort Du Quesne, under general
Forbes. Both these expeditions were successful. Fort Du
Quesne being now a British possession, was called by a British
name, and thenceforward denominated Fort Pitt.
In consequence of these advantages gained by the British
troops, the Indian nations between the lakes and the Ohio very
readily entered into a treaty with Great Britain. Thus, not
withstanding the repulse at Ticonderoga, the campaign of 1758
in America was very advantageous to the British interest, and
very honourable to the British nation; as Louisbourg had been
reduced, the fortified line of communication in the back settle
ments broken, the Indians in consequence reconciled, the Bri
tish territories freed from the danger' of invasion, and the French
obliged to confine themselves to a defensive plan, while this
country could now project offensive operations.
Amherst, encouraged by his own successes, and the general
superiority of the British arms, projected the entire conquest
of Canada in one campaign. He proposed, as soon as the
season should admit, with the principal army to reduce the
forts from the river St. Lawrence along the lakes still in the
possession of France ; to send a large body of land forces, and
a strong squadron of ships of war, to undertake the siege of
1 In a skirmish which took place on their march, the British army and
peerage suffered a great loss by the fall of lord Howe, a young nobleman
of the highest promise. He was elder brother to the late earl Howe.

REIGN OF GEORGE m. 12S
Quebec, the capital of French America ; that he himself, after CHAP.
reducing the fofts, should beseige Montreal, sail down the ri- l-
ver, and join the beseigers of Quebec. In July 1759, he arri- ^-*"v'w
ved at Ticonderoga, which, strong as it was, the enemy aban- tf*9*
doned, and retired to Crown Point. This post they also evacu
ated, and the fort of Niagara was captured. The projected seige
of Montreal was for this year obliged to be postponed.
The command of the forces sent to Quebec was intrusted General
to brigadier-general Wolfe, an officer who, though young, had Wolfe
acquired a high reputation, and had distinguished himself parti- ^nst
eularly at the capture of Louisbourg. The conquest of Cape Quebec.
Breton, by giving us the command of the entrance to the river
St. Lawrence, enabled us to have the co-operation of ships of
the line up to the very walls of Quebec. A fleet, consisting of
seventeen ships of the line with frigates, accompanied by an
army of eight thousand men, sailed up the river. The fleet was
commanded by admiral Saunders, with admiral Holmes second
in command. The next in military authority to general Wolfe
were brigadiers Monckton and Townshend, elder son to the
lord of that name,1 and brigadier Murray, brother to lord Eli-
bank. On the 26th of June, the armament prepared against Canada
arrived at the island of Orleans, formed by the river St. Law
rence very near its northern bank, and extending to the mouth
of Quebec harbour. The town is situated at the confluence of the
rivers St. Lawrence and St. Charles. It Consists of an upper
and lower town. The lower town is situated upon a plain
along the banks of the river ; the upper on a bold and lofty em
inence, that runs westward behind the plain, and parallel to the
river. On the east is the river St. Charles, and on the north
were deep woods. The French army, under the marquis of
Montcalm, was posted on the eastern bank of the river St.
Charles, extending to the Montmorenci, with thick woods to
the north. From the strong situation of the city, the English
general was aware that nothing but a decisive victory would
procure him success. He endeavoured, therefore, to induce
the French to come to battle. Montcalm, able and cautious,
would not relinquish his advantageous post. Wolfe, therefore,
determined to attack him hi his intrenchments. On the 31st Action
of July he landed his forces, under cover of the cannon of his "ear Q*u§;
fleet, neAr the western banks of the Montmorenci, and gave or- ec*
ders to his troops not to advance till the whole army was
formed. The British grenaidiers, notwithstanding these orders,
rushed on to- the attack, but were soon thrown into confusion
by the enemy's fire and compelled to retreat. The general British
advanced with the rest of the army; but the disorder occasion- repulse.d.,
ed by the retreat of the grenadiers, entirely disconcerted the
plan of the attack, and general Wolfe was obliged to repass the
» Now marquis Townsheijc!.

124 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, river to the isle of St. Orleans. Our gallant general had, as we
'¦ have already said, expected the co-Uperation of Amherst ; but
^*"v>^' the career of that great officer, though successful, had not
D'ffi59f been so rapid as to enable him to proceed to Quebec. Gene-
ties of the ra' Wolfe, in his despatches to England, manifested that he
underta- knew and felt the difficulties of his situation. " We have (said
king. "he) almost the whole force of Canada to oppose. In such a
" choice of difficulties, I own myself at a loss how to determine.
"The affairs of Great Britain I know to require the- most vi
gorous measures; but the courage of a handful of brave men
"should be exerted only where there is some hope of a favour-
Anxiety of" able event." The repulse at Montmorenci made a deep im-
Wolfe. pression on the English general. He had a very high sense of
honour, and an ardent desire of military fame; he was aware
that men judge of conduct from the event, much oftener than
from the circumstances, intentions, and plans of the agent.
Inferior as his force was, destitute of the expected aid, great
as was the. strength of the enemy and of the country with
which he had to contend, he well knew that if unsuccessful,
he should incur censure and reproach. These considerations
operated so powerfully on the susceptible mind of Wolfe, that
it affected his constitution, naturally delicate and irritable, and
Plans the produced a fever and dysentery. Feeble and distempered as
ofth™ Sf was' ^e determined either to effect his enterprise, or die in
tress t °r" *ne attempt. He formed a design manifesting great boldness
of conception : this was, to land his troops above the city on
the northern banks of the river, at the base of the heights of
Abraham which covered the town, to scale those precipices,
and gain possession of the eminence, in reliance on which the
city was on that side but slightly fortified. Having communi
cated this scheme to admiral Saunders, it was concerted that
they should sail up the river, and proceed several leagues far
ther up than the spot where they intended to land-, with a de
sign of returning down during the night. They fell down soon
after it was dark (Sept. 18th,) and accomplished their disem
barkation in secrecy and silence. Captain Cook, afterwards so
famous as a circumnavigator, commanded the boats that were
gains the employed to land the troops. They proceeded to the preci-
heights of pice ; co]onel Howe,1 with the light infantry and Highlanders,?
ra am, ascent]e(j fl-*e rocks with admirable courage and activity; made
themselves masters of a defile, and dislodged a j*uard that de
fended a small intrenched narrow path, by which alone our
and leads forces could reach the summit. The heroic general, regard-
tobattle 'ess °f the distemper which preyed on him, led up:.his troops,
and arrayed them on the heights. With such despatch was
all this achieved, that the beseiged were ignorant of the at
tempt until it was completely effected. Montcalm being in
formed that the enemy hail possessed these commanding
- Afterwards sir William. * The forty-second regiment.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 125
heights, determined to hazard a battle, by whicli only he con- chap.
eluded the town could now be saved. He passed the river St. I-
Charles, and advanced intrepidly to meet the English. Gene- ^^v***
ral Wolfe, perceiving the approach of the enemy, formed his 1759.
line of battle. Montcalm attempted to flank the left of the intrepid
English, but was prevented by the skill and activity of briga- valour of
dier Townshend, who presented a double front to the enemy. the
A very warm engagement took place. General Wolfe stand- Fre\
ing in the front of his line, inspired and directed his valiant
soldiers. At this time the French had begun their fire at too
great a distance to do much execution. The British forces
reserved their shot until the enemy were very near, and then
discharged with the most terrible effect. The whole army,
and each individual corps, exerted themselves with the greatest
intrepidity, activity, and skill. They had just succeeded in ma- overpow-
king an impression on the centre of the enemy, when their he- ired,.bv
roic general received a wound in the wrist. Pretending not to wroisra
notice this, he wrapped his handkerchief round it, and proceed
ed with his orders, without the smallest emotion. Advancing The gene-
at the head of his grenadiers, where the charge was thickest, a r^wou1"1*
ball pierced his breast. Being obliged to retire to a little dis- ed ;
tance, when his surrounding friends were in the utmost anxie
ty about his wound, his sole concern was about the fate of
the battle. A messenger arriving, he asked, " How are our
'•(troops ?" "The enemy are visibly broken." Almost faint,
he reclined his head on the arm of an officer, when his faculties
were aroused by the distant sound of "They fly !" Starting
up, he called, " Who fly ?"— " The French."—" What (said he,
with exultation), do they fly already ? then I die happy." So dies in the
saying, he expired in the arms of victory.1 Generals Monck- arms of
ton and Townshend, after the death of the commander in Vlctory-
chief, continued the battle with unremitting ardour. Monck
ton being wounded, the command devolved upon Townshend.
Though the English were greatly superior, the battle was still
not completely gained; The British troops being somewhat
.disordered in their successful pursuit, the general marshalled
them with great expedition. Montcalm having exerted every
means that could be employed by a skilful general and valiant
soldier to rally and animate his* troops, was mortally wounded.
The French fled on all sides, and the British victory was com
plete. Quebec capitulated to general Townshend. Quebec
Some writers have endeavoured to attribute the success ofsurren-
this celebrated enterprise, in a considerable degree, to accident. deis-
There were, said they, sentinels disposed along the river, who

« The circumstances of his death, so picturesque and glorious, naturally
suggests to the historical reader a comparison with the death of Epami-
nondas at Mantinea, and of Gustavtis Adolphus ; and produced some pretty
affecting poems in the English and Latin Languages, both on the death of
Wolfe, and its resemblance to that of the other heroe-i.

126 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, might have discovered the approach of the British troops to
x- the precipice of Abraham, and if they had made the discove-
^^^s**** ry, could have given the alarm in time to prevent success.
1759. -phe amount of this reasoning is, that when a purpose is to
be effected by despatch, secresy, and surprise, if these be not
Causes of employed, the attempt will not be successful. The success of
this signal this design was owing to its probable impracticability. The
achieve- enemy were not alarmed for the safety of a post which they
m deemed impregnable. The sagacity of our general penetrated
into their sentiments, and he formed his project on- the moral
certainty of their secure inattention to that quarter. His rea
soning was fair and just, in the circumstances of the case: the
design originated in military genius: it was a very bold, and
even a hazardous undertaking ; but such attempts, the general
history of wars, and of British wars in particular, would teach
us to encourage; because, on the whole, they have been often-
er successful than otherwise.
The news of this glorious victory and important acquisition
excited the most lively joy in England. Every honour was
bestowed on the memory of the hero who had achieved the
conquest, and the warmest thanks were given to the generals
and admirals who had been instrumental to its execution.
By the great and rapid successes of 1759, joined with and
proceeding from the advantages of 1758, France had not only
been driven from her encroachments in North America, but
deprived of her most valuable original possessions. Montreal
and the rest of Canada still remained under her power, after
the capture of Quebec.
1760. In the following campaign, the efforts of the French in that
Campaign quarter of the globe were directed to the recapture of Quebec,
in Amen- whjc[, they determined to attempt early in the season, before
the river should be open for the admission of the re-enforce
ments about to arrive from England. General Murray, then
governor of that city, took every precaution to maintain so im-
The portant an acquisition. As the French approached, being ad-
French vantageously posted in the neighbourhood of Quebec, he de-
attempt to termined, though inferior in number, to risk an engagement ;
Quebec - hoping, through the bravery of his troops, for a success which
would damp the spirits of the enemy ; and knowing that, if
disappointed, he could securely shelter himself in Quebec. Be
ing unsuccessful, he retreated to that city, which was immedi
ately invested by the enemy.
It being now the month of May, and the river open, intelli
gence arrived that the British fleet and troops were sailing up
and are to Quebec. The French raised the siege with great precipita-
repulsed. tion, leaving their provisions, stores, and artillery, in the hands
of the British. The governor-general of Canada now centered
all his hopes in the defence of Montreal; which, concluding
that it would be attacked by general Amherst, he strengthened
with new fortifications ; at the same time raising new levies of1

REIGN OF GEORGE IU. 127
troops, and collecting large magazines of military stores. The CHAP.
English general, as the French governor apprehended, under- '•
took the siege of Montreal ; and, to facilitate his operations, t-^v>^
reduced several small posts up the river. Having arrived at W60.
Montreal, he was soon joined by general Murray from Quebec, Seneral
and invested the place in September 1760; The French go-COmpietes
vernor, despairing of relief, capitulated; and all Canada sur- the con-
rendered to the British arms. Thus did tbe ambition of France, quf-*st of
after compelling this country to go to war by its unjust aggres- Canada.
sions in North America, during the first years of hostilities,
while the convulsions of our councils prevented effectual mea
sures on our part for its suppression, prove successful ; but when
dissension yielded to unanimity, when incapacity .gave way to
genius, when wise counsel selected for the execution of its plans
the ablest agents, and prompt and decisive vigour afforded the
most .effectual means of execution, the ambitious enemy was
not only checked, but overthrown; France was deprived of
her unjust, acquisitions, and bereft of her most valuable ancient
territories, which, but for her own aggression, she might have Result of
enjoyed unmolested. Such was the change effected during the operations
three years that Mr. Pitt had presided at the helm of affairs ; m 4m^ri'
and such was our situation in America in October 1760. tober °*
In Europe, .though the first operations projected by Pitt had 176O.
been unsuccessful, the disappointment was by all acknowledged Affairs of
not to have been owing to the want of adequate preparation, EuroPe-
and the succeeding plans were attended with no less success
than in America. Early in 1758, a new expedition was pro- Expedi-
jected against the coast of France, the object of which was to tion to the"
destroy the maritime/power of the enemy. By the latter end ^Sl—
of May two squadrons were ready ; one consisting of eleven dy.
ships of the line, under lord Anson and sir Edward Hawke,
to watch the motions of the Brest fleet ; the other consisting of
four ships of the line with seven frigates, . commanded by com
modore Richard Howe, to convoy the transports that carried
the land forces, consisting of sixteen battallions, and nine troops
of light horse, destined for the coast of Normandy, under the
command of Charles duke of Marlborough. They sailed from
Portsmouth on the 1st of June,1 and landed on the 5th ill Cas
tle Bay, on the coast of Brittany ; thence they marched to St.
Maloes, the principal harbour on the channel for privateers,
and which greatly distressed the English trade. Finding that
place too strong to be taken by assault, they contented them
selves with setting fire to about a hundred sale of shipping, the
greater number of them privateers, and to* several magazines
filled with naval stores. From the coast of Brittany they sail
ed across the bay towards Normandy, but were prevented by a
violent storm from effecting a landing. They returned to St.
Helen's to refit; and, the duke of Marlborough being called to
1 A day, thirty-six years after, so auspicious to the naval-glory of Eng
land and Howe.

128

1760.

Navaltransac tions.

Signal vie
tory of
Boscawenoff Cape
Lagos.

HISTORY OF THE
another service, general Bligh was appointed to command the
land forces. In. August the armament again sailed to the coast
of Normandy, and anchored before Cherburg. This place, in
the midst of the channel, well situated for protecting the com
merce of France, for annoying that of England, and even for fa
cilitating an invasion, had been strongly fortified. The English
armament attacked and captured the town, destroyed the har
bour and bason, (a work of much ingenuity, charge, and labour,)
razed the fortifications, and took considerable quantities of ord
nance, and naval and military stores. Again attempting St.
Maloes, the English army met with a check at St. CaS, on which
they returned to England.
The naval operations in Europe in 1758 were not decisively
important, though Britain had; a manifest superiority. Sir Ed
ward Hawke and lord Anson almost annihilated the French
trade on the western coasts. In the Mediterranean, admiral
Osborn dispersed the French fleet oft" Carthagena, and estab
lished the superiority of the English in that part of the world.
This year the English navy was also successful in Africa.
Mi-. Cumming, an African merchant, of the sect of Quakers,
presented' to the minister a plan for the reduction of Fort Louis
on the river Senegal. This project being approved, a small
squadron whs equipped* under the command of commodore
Marsh. Mr. Cumming1 went on board that officer's ship, in
Order to forward and guide the expedition. Some armed ves
sels that opposed the British at their entrance into the river,
dispersed ; and the fort and adjoining factory surrendered.
In the latter end of the year, a British squadron, commanded
by commodore Keppell, made an attack on the island of Goree,
situated southward of the Senegal, and compelled it to surren
der, notwithstanding its being defended by two forts, and bat
teries amounting to above a hundred pieces of cannon. Dur
ing the attack, the African shores were covered by multitudes
of the natives, who expressed by loud clamours and uncouth ges-
ti culatioos, their astonishment at the terrible effects of European
artillery. In 1759, greater naval preparations were made than in the
former year. Admiral Boscawen, being now returned from
America, was appointed to command a British fleet in the Me
diterranean. The French had prepared powerful armaments
both at Toulon and Brest. Boscawen blocked up the enemy's
fleet at Toulon ; but, being obliged to return to Gibraltar to re
fit, the French took the opportunity of putting to sea, hoping
¦ to pass the Straits, and join the Brest fleet. Admiral Boscawen,
having now refitted his damaged ships, prepared to meet the
enemy. On the 18th of August, having come up with them off
» Mr. Cumming defended his conduct as perfectly consonant to his reli
gious principles, affirming himself to have been previously persuaded that
it would prove a bloodless conquest.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 129
Cape Lagos in Portugal, he entirely defeated the hostile fleet ; CHAP.
and four ships of the line surrendered to the British. ' *¦
The French were making great preparations, with an inten- v^"*"^**
tion as it was thought of invading either Britain or Ireland. In- 1760.
telligence being received that a number of flat-bottomed boats
were ready at Havre de Grace, for the purpose, as it was con
ceived, of landing their troops, Admiral Rodney was sent, in
the beginning of July, with a squadron of ships and bombs to
the coast of Normandy. Anchoring in the road of Havre, he
commenced the bombardment, burnt a considerable part of the
town, destroyed many of their boats, and consumed a quantity
of their stores.
The principal preparations, however; were making at Brest,
where a formidable fleet was equipped under admiral Conflans.
Against that force the chief fleet of England was directed, un
der sir Edward Hawke ; who arrived on the coast of France be
fore the Brest fleet had left the harbour, and blocking them up,
long prevented them from sailing.
In the beginning of November, the British fleet was by stress
of weather driven from the coast of France, and compelled to
anchor at Torbay.- The French admiral seized the opportunity
of sailing from Brest, with twenty-one ships of the line and four
frigates. Informed of their departure, Hawke sailed in pursuit
of them, and arrived in Quiberon Bay, which the enemy had
then reached. The French admiral retired close to shore,»with
a view to draw the English squadron among the shoals and
islands, on which he expected they would be wrecked ; while
he himself and his officers, perfectly acquainted with the navi
gation of the place, could either stay and take advantage
of the disaster, or, if necessary, retire through channels unknown
to the British pilots. The days were now very short, the wea
ther was extremely tempestuous, and there was the farther dis
advantage of a lee-shore. Admiral Hawke, not deterred by a
lee-shore even during the storms of winter, pursued, and at
three in the afternoon, attacked the enemy with that adventur
ous boldness which has generally marked British warriors, and
been so often productive of British success. Sir Edward, in
the Royal George, ordered the master to bring him along side
of the French admiral, who commanded on board the Soleil
Royal. The pilot remonstrated on the danger of obeying the
command, as there was a great probability that they would run
upon a shoal. " You have done your duty (replied the admiral)
" in showing the danger ; now you are to comply with orders,
"and lay me along side of the Soleil Royal." The command
was obeyed, and the battle became general. Four of the French
ships were burnt or sunk during the action, and one was taken';
the intervention of night only prevented the destruction of the
whole French fleet. The next day another ship being stranded
on the shoals, was burnt. This victory gave a finishing blow to
Vol. I. 17

130 CHAP. I.

1760.

Thijrot.

HISTORY OF THE
the naval power of the enemy, and prevented them from making
any important attempt during the remainder of the war.1
' In 1760, admirals Hawke and Boscawen were alternately
stationed hi Quiberon Bay and the adjacent coasts, thereby em
ploying a great body of French forces, under the idea that an
invasion was intended ; and several advantages were gained.
Admiral Rodney destroyed a considerable quantity of shipping,
both mercantile and warlike ; but as the enemy had only an
inconsiderable fleet, no important exploit was achieved in those
seas. The most noted enterprises in the channel, or adjacent
oceans, in the year 1760, were those in which the famous
Thurot headed the army. This bold and enterprising adven
turer, in the beginning of the war, had been master of a Dun
kirk privateer. In 1758, he had with his ship" done great exe
cution in the north seas ; had taken numbers of merchantmen ;
and had once maintained an obstinate engagement against two
English frigates, and compelled them to desist from their attack.
Becoming known to the court of Versailles, he was in 1759
employed to command a small armament, fitting out in the har
bour of Dunkirk. Toward the end of that year he sailed, de
signing to invade Scotland or Ireland, as opportunity might
serve. Commodore Boys pursued him to the north seas, but
was obliged to put into Leith for a supply of provisions, during
which time Thurot escaped his reach. Being overtaken by a
storm, he parted company with one of his thirty gun ships, and
was driven into Bergen, where he was detained by stress of
weather nineteen days; after which time he sailed for the west
ern islands of Scotland, with a view to proceed to the north of
Ireland. The weather, however, again becoming stormy, he
parted from his twenty-four gun ship ; and being entreated by
his officers to return with his now diminished force, declared
that he would not again show himself in France until he had
struck some blow for the service of his country. Landing in
the island of Isla, one of the Hebrides, he behaved with much
moderation and generosity, paying a fair price for cattle and
other provisions which he found there. Meanwhile this adven
turer had alarmed all the coasts of Britain and Ireland. Re
gular troops and militia were posted in various places, where it
was thought that he would most probably attempt a landing.
Commodore Boys pursued him round the Orkneys, while ships
of war were ordered to scour St. George's Channel, in order to
intercept his return. In February 1760, sailing from Isla, he
proceeded to the bay of Carrickfergus. On the 21st of that

¦ The English, from the beginning of the war, had already taken and de
stroyed twenty-seven French ships of the line, and thirty-one frigates ; and
two of their great ships with four frigates, perished ; so that their whole
loss, in this particular, amounted to sixty-four ; whereas the loss of Great
Britain did not exceed seven sail of the line, and five frigates.
1 Called the Belleisle, and carrying forty-four guns.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 131
month, he effected a landing, and attacked the town, which colo- CHAP.
nel Jennings, with a force greatly inferior, defended with intre- '
pidity and skill, and made an obstinate resistance; and even N^**'^^
after the enemy had taken one part of the town, continued to i760,
defend the remainder,1 but was at last obliged to yield to the
force of the enemy. He surrendered by capitulation, by which
he preserved the castle from attack. Meanwhile the Irish mili
tia assembling from all the neighbouring districts, Thurot found
it necessary to depart.
At this time captain John Elliot, a young officer who had al
ready greatly distinguished himself by acts of valour, having
sailed from Kinsale with three frigates, was on his way to meet
Thurot. On the 28th of February he descried him off the Isle
of Man, and immediately gave signal for battle, in which
Thurot very readily engaged. Both sides fought very valiantly,
but the Britons carried the day. The adventurous hero was
killed, and his ships surrendered themselves to the conquerors.
The name of Thurot had become so terrible to merchants, that
the defeat and capture of his squadron were celebrated with as
hearty rejoicings as the most important victory could have pro
duced. The West Indies, at the commencement of the war, had w. Indies.
been but little attended to by an administration, equally narrow
in its views as feeble in its resolutions. Commodore Frankland
had -been sent, in 1755, with four ships of the line ; and admiral
Coates had, in the beginning of 1757, taken the command : but
nothing material had been done. Toward the end of 1757, a
British squadron, much inferior to the French in point of force,
engaged them off Cape Francois, and forced them to retreat in a
scattered condition. Several other actions took place, but these
were unimportant in the result.
The comprehensive genius of Mr. Pitt was directed with
vigour, and effect, not to a part, but to the whole interests of his
country. He attacked the enemy in every quarter where they
could be annoyed by attack. He proposed, in 1758, to send an
expedition against the French settlements in the West Indies,
and a strong armament was equipped under general Hobson
and commodore Moore, who commanded the land and sea
forces. They arrived in the West Indies at the latter end of
1758. MartinicQ was the first object of their destination ; but,

• The following note, which I transcribe from Smollett's history, will, I
doubt not, be acceptable to my readers, as a striking instance of the union
of courage and humanity. " While the French and English were hotly
engaged in one of the streets, a little child ran playfully between them,
having no idea of the danger to which it was exposed : a common soldier
of the enemy, perceiving the life of this poor innocent at stake, grounded
his piece, advanced deliberately between the lines of the fire, took up the
child in his arms, and conveyed it to a place of safety ; then, returning .to
his place, resumed his musket, and renewed his hostility."

132 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, finding that island very strongly defended, they proceeded to
I- Guadaloupe, thirty leagues to the westward. Arriving there on
l»^-v->»' the 23d of January, they made a general attack upon the citadel,
1760. the town, and the various batteries by which it was defended.
The enemy made an obstinate resistance; but, their cannon
being at last silenced, the British troops were enabled to land ;
on which the French abandoned the town and its fortifications.
In the interior parts of Guadaloupe a vigorous resistance was
made, but at length proved ineffectual. The whole island was
conquered, and the neighbouring islands of Deseada and Mari-
galante surrendered themselves to the British arms. Though,
in 1760, the operations of Britain in the West Indies were not
so splendid as in the preceding year, they were far from being
unimportant. A dangerous insurrection took place among the
slaves in Jamaica, which was suppressed, not without great dif
ficulty. The British completely protected the trade of their
country, annoyed that of the enemy, and destroyed or took num
bers of French privateers, and several ships of war. On the
whole, they had in that quarter gained valuable acquisitions
from the enemy, and so completely established their superiority,
as to have paved the way for future conquest.
East In- The same general policy which directed France to her en-
dies, croachments in America, had also extended to India; but, that
we may have a clear view of the operations and events in that
quarter, it is necessary to consider the state of our settlements
and those of the French, at the time when our narrative begins.
Immense have been the accessions to British power and influ
ence in that country, during the period of which our history
treats ; but of both progress and results we can judge only by
first taking a view of the outset.
At the conclusion of the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, the pos
sessions of the English in India were merely commercial facto
ries, guarded by forts near the sea-coast, or on the great navi
gable rivers. They had penetrated very little into the interior
parts of the country, except on the banks of the Ganges. At
this time, England had, on the Malabar, or western coast of the
peninsula, possessed Surat, at no great distance from the mouth
of the Indus, and the most northern settlement on that coast.
Proceeding southward, their next factory was Bombay, situated
on a small island. After that came Tillicherry, fifteen leagues
from which was Calicut. The last and most southern settle
ment which they possessed on the Malabar coast, was Anjengo.
Doubling Cape Comorin, and coming to the coast of Coroman-
del, the first English establishment that met the sailor, was
Fort St. David's. Farther to the northward, was the principal
possession on the eastern coast, Fort St. George, called Madias,
from its contiguity to that city, which, with several villages in
the vicinity, was purchased in the last century, by the East India
company from the king of Golconda. Still farther to the north
ward, was the chief British settlement in India, Fort William,

REIGN OF GEORGE IU. 133
close to the town of Calcutta, situated in the kingdom of Bengal, CHAP.
on the Hoogley, a branch of the Ganges. Besides these settle- *•
ments, the English had several interior factories for the pur- s-^"v">*'
poses of trade, which were secured by forts. They had also 176°-
settlements at Bencoolen, and other parts of India beyond the
Ganges. The principal French possession was the city of Pondicherry, Designs
on the Coromandel coast, between Forts St. David and St. and pro-
George. This was a large and populous town. On the Mala- <-|edmgs
bar coast they had also established factories at Surat and Cali-pren^h
cut, and at Rajapore. On the Ganges they had a factory at
Chandernagore, above Calcutta.
When peace was concluded at Aix-la-Chapelle, M. Dupleix
was the French governor-general in India. He was a man of
great ability and soaring ambition, who projected the establish
ment of the empire of France in Hindostan. For that purpose
he embraced the same policy which had been adopted by his
countrymen in America, of stirring up the natives against the
British settlers. All the provinces and kingdoms of Hindostan
had belonged to the empire of the mogul; but his power had
been so much reduced by Kouli Khan, that he was not able to
assert his former authority over such extensive dominions. The
princes that had been tributary, and even the subahs and na
bobs, who had been governors appointed by him, his own offi
cers and servants, now refused to acknowledge his superiority,
and asserted their independent supremacy over their respective
territories. These princes or chieftains very often quarrelled
with one another, and naturally solicited the assistance of Eu
ropean settlers in their neighbourhood ; while the Europeans,
on the other hand, endeavoured to interest the native princes
in their contests. Dupleix seeing that they might be useful
tools in the execution of his project, paid great court to these
chiefs, especially such of them as showed themselves bold and
unprincipled adventurers. Nizam Amuluck, the subah or
viceroy of Decan, having officially the appointment of a nabob
or governor of Arcot, had nominated Anaverdi Khan to that
office. The viceroy dying, was succeeded by his son Nazirzing,
whom the mogul confirmed. Between the subah and the En
glish at Fort St. Geogre, there was an amicable intercourse.
Dupleix supported a pretender to the office, Muza Pherzing,
cousin to the other ; and found means to engage Chunda Saib,
an enterprising adventurer, in favour of the pretender, against
the legally constituted viceroy.1 A body of English troops ad
vanced; the French, afraid of an engagement,, retired. The
pretender, abandoned by his own army, threw himself on the
mercy of his cousin, who spared his life, but for his own security
kept him in confinement. Dupleix, disappointed in his project
of raising by his own force an usurper who would be subservient
¦ See Smollett's Continuation, vol. ii. p. 14*1.

134 HISTORY OF #HE
CHAP, to his designs, formed a conspiracy against the viceroy's life.
r- The chief conspirators were his prime minister and two of his
^"v">»-' nabobs. Encouraged and stimulated by the Frenchman, they
1760. murdered their master, and, releasing the cousin, proclaimed
him viceroy of Decan. The usurper associated M. Dupleix
with himself in the government. In the tents of the murdered
viceroy they found an immense treasure, of which a great share
fell to Dupleix, the promoter of the crime. The usurping col
leagues in the viceroyalty attacked the nabob of Arcot, who
was legally appointed by the royal viceroy, and under the pro^
tection of the English presidency at Madras. They disposses
sed him of his government, and appointed Chunda Saib, their
own agent, nabob of Arcot. The English, considering these
proceedings as an aggression on their ally, and as tending to
raise the French influence to a very dangerous height, sent a
considerable force to repel the usurper and his French auxili
aries. The British troops were commanded by the celebra-
Clive. ted Clive. This gentleman had entered into the service of the
East India company as a writer ; but being formed for more
arduous situations, and desirous of a military life, he had offered
his services in that capacity, and was employed to command in
this expedition. With such resolution, secresy, and despatch,
did he proceed, that the enemy knew nothing of his approach
until he was actually before their capital ; and the capture of
Arcot, an important acquisition to the British interest, was far
ther memorable, from being the first occasion in which Clive
displayed his extraordinary talents. Meanwhile, the usurper
of the Decan having been murdered, Sallabah Sing, the younger
of the two brothers of the former viceroy, was proclaimed by
M. Dupleix, in opposition to the elder, who had been appointed
by the mogul, and supported by the English. The usurper,
finding means to cut off his brother by poison, and considering
himself as undoubted viceroy, made a grant to M. Dupleix, of
all the English possessions north from Pondicherry, consequently
including Madras. Dupleix was, in 1753, preparing to avail
himself of this grant, when he was recalled to Europe, and a
successor appointed. Sieur Godeheu, the new French governor,
being of a less daring character than Dupleix, did not venture
to carry his designs into execution, but proceeded more secretly
against the English interest, by stimulating the native princes
to hostilities. While he was pursuing these measures, he pro
fessed the most pacific intentions, and even concluded a pro
vincial treaty with the presidency of Madras. War, however,
soon commenced in the Carnatic ; and there the English, com
manded by general Stringer Lawrence, were on the whole suc
cessful. But a severe blow was struck against them in another
quarter of India, a blow which may be traced to the artifices
Captureof and intrigues of the French. Alii Verdi Khan, subah of Ben-
Calcutta, gal, Bahar, and Orissa, a man of great abilities, having died in
April 1756, was succeeded by his adopted son, Sou Rajah

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 13 j
Dowla, a young man weak in his understanding, violent in his CHAP.
passions, and profligate in his morals. The old viceroy on his *•
death-bed, had exhorted Dowla to bend his principal attention v^"yw
to the reduction of the English. Impressed with these ideas, 1760.
the young subah, soon after his accession, marched to Calcutta,
and summoned the fort and city to surrender. Mr. Holwell, the
governor, with a few officers, and a very feeble garrison, main
tained the city and fort with uncommon resolution and courage,
against several attacks, until he was overpowered by numbers,
and the enemy had forced their way into the castle. He then
submitted, the subah having promised, on the word of a soldier,
that no injury should be done to him or his garrison. Never
theless, they were all driven, to the number of a hundred and
forty-six persons of both sexes, into a place called the Black
Hole prison, a cube of about eighteen feet, in which there was
hardly any current of air. Here they were exposed to a scene
of as cruel distress as can be conceived ; most of them died in
the greatest agony, but Mr. Holwell and a few others, came out
alive. Colonel Clive was at this time employed in the company's
service in another part of India. On the Malabar coast, he and
admiral Watson reduced Angria, a piratical prince, who had
been extremely formidable to all those countries. Returning
in triumph to Madras, they concerted measures for the restora
tion of the British affairs in Bengal. On the first of January
1757, the company's armament arrived off Calcutta. The ad
miral, with two snips, attacked the town, and though opposed
by the enemy's batteries, in two hours silenced their guns ; on
which, as fast as possible, they abandoned the place and' fort.
Colonel Clive attacked the town in another quarter, and by his Clive re-
intrepid conduct facilitated the reduction of the settlement, stores the
Soon after he attacked and took Hoogley, a city of great trade, Merest
and containing immense stores, magazines, and riches, belonging
to the subah. The viceroy of Bengal advanced with an army
of 20,000 horse and 15,000 foot, being resolved to expel the
English out of his dominions. On the 2d of February, he ar
rived opposite the English camp, within a mile of Calcutta.
Clive, being re-enforceu from the fleet, drew up his army and
attacked the enemy so vigorously, that the viceroy retreated
with the loss of a thousand men killed or taken prisoners, and
a great number of horses with all their spoils. Intimidated by
his defeat, the viceroy, on the 9th of February, made a peace,
the general principle of which was, that the factories and pos
sessions taken from the English company should be restored;
that their losses should be completely. compensated ; that what
ever rights and privileges had in any former time been granted
by the mogul, should be confirmed and established for the fu
ture; and that the English should have the liberty to fortify Cal
cutta in any manner which they should judge expedient. Having
concluded this treaty with the viceroy, colonel Clive and admiral

136 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP. Watson turned their victorious armsagainst the French, and al-
l- tacked their fortress and factory at Chandernagore, situated
^"v~s"' farther up the Ganges than Calcutta, strongly fortified, and the
1760. mos^ important settlement of the French at Bengal. It was
garrisoned by five hundred Europeans and twelve hundred na
tives. Clive, now re-enforced by troops from Bombay, invested
the place on the land side ; admirals Watson and Pococke at
tacked it on the Ganges; their united efforts soon compelled
the enemy to submit, and the place was surrendered. The
ammunition, stores, effects, and money found in Chanderna
gore, were very considerable : but the chief advantage of the
conquest arose from depriving the enemy of their principal set
tlement on the Ganges, which had greatly interfered with the
English commerce on that river. The viceroy was far from be
ing pleased with the progress of the English. He indeed, dis
covered a great partiality towards the French, and evidently
showed an intention of joining them as soon as he should be
Treachery prepared for hostilities. He evaded the performance of the
of the vice, articles of the treaty which he had so lately signed, and con-
r°y- certed with French agents to attack the English, while they
promised him the assistance of such a body of European troops
as would enable him to drive them out of his vicinity. Mr.
Watts, a man of ability, was then English resident at the vice
roy's court, and possessed considerable influence with the subah's
ministers. He not only learned, and was able to communicate
to the council of Calcutta, the intentions of the subah, but
found means to form a party against him in his own coun
try. The subah, by all the arrogant insolence of a mean and
despicable mind in high power, had provoked the enmity of the
chief men in his court and army. A plan was concerted for
depriving him of his power, and conducted by Meer Jaffier Alii
Khan, his near ally by marriage, prime minister and chief com
mander of the army. The project being communicated to Mr.
Watts, he sent intelligence of it to the company, and by the
company's authority concluded a treaty with the malcontents
for depriving Dowlah of a power which he was trying to ren-
Clive der destructive to the English interest. Colonel Clive,. strongly
takes the urged by Jaffier, took the field to assist the malcontents. The
English commander, with a handful of troops, began his march.
Crossing the Ganges, he advanced to Plassey, within one day's
march of Moorshedabad, the capital of Bengal. There he
found the vicerby encamped with seventy thousand men, in all
the feeble magnificence which eastern effeminacy has in all ages
brought against European hardiness, courage, and resources of
intellect. The elephants, with their scarlet housings, the rich
and variegated embroidery of their tents and standards, the
glittering parade and costly decorations of their cavalry, their
gilded canopies, equalled any of the pageantry which a Persian
satrap or king, ever brought against the wisdom, strength, or
valour, of Greece or Macedon. The subah, as weak and timid

field-

REIGK^OF GEORGE HI. 137
in difficulty and danger, as insolent and overbearing in safety CHAP.
and prosperity, now courted the forgiveness and friendship of *¦
Moer Jaffier ; and, believing that he had prevailed, gave him s~*~*^**'
the command of his left wing. Colonel Clive, with about three 17j60-f
thousand two hundred men, advanced against more than twen- pfasSgy°
ty times that number. Jaffier took no part whatever in the ac
tion ; the rest of the Indian troops were completely defeated, Victory of
with the loss on the side of the conquerors of only seventy men. *h* E"S-
Colonel Clive, with wise policy, forbearing to express any re- 1S 1*
sentment against the part which Jaffier from indecision and
double treachery had acted, saw that he would be a useful
tool in the hands of England. He saluted him subah of the
three provinces, and exhorted him to pursue his march to
Moorshedabad, engaging to. follow him immediately with his
army. Arriving at the capital, colonel Clive deposed Surajah Revolu-
Dowlah, and with great solemnity substituted in his place Jaffier, tjon w ¦
who was publicly acknowledged by the people as viceroy ofan<i§affier
the provinces of Bengal, Bahar, and Orissa. Jaffier put to death ma(je vise.
his predecessor, and granted to his allies and supporters, the En- roy.
glish, all the conditions on compliance with which they granted
his vice-royalty. He paid into the treasury of the company, a
crore of rupees,1 as an indemnification for their losses at Calcut
ta, and ceded to them a considerable territory, in the vicinity of
that city. Thus, in the space of fourteen days, a great revolu
tion was effected, and the command of a country superior in ex
tent, fruitfulness, riches, and population, to most European king
doms, was, by a handful of troops, who were headed by an offi
cer bred to a civiL profession and not instructed in the art of
war, transferred to a company of merchants residing in one of
the most remote corners of the globe. ¦ Thus ended the war with
Surajah Dowlah, in which the viceroy of Bengal was not only the
aggressor, but had- to the utmost extent of his power, perpetra
ted the most atrocious cruelties. The subsequent conduct of
Clive was necessary to procure justice to his injured country.
After the subah had concluded a peace, which restored to the
English their rights, and indemnified them for their wrongs, he
immediately entered into a concert with their enemies for viola
ting the peace, and depriving them of their long established pos
sessions and privileges ; "but being as weak as wicked, he fell a
sacrifice to his own ill conducted villany.
While the northern provinces of India engrossed the princi
pal attention of the company's council and officers, the French
took advantage of the temporary absence of their forces from the
coast of Coromandel, and attacked Ingeram, Vizagapatam, and
other settlements in that quarter.
In 1758, large re-enforcements arrived under M. Lally, with
a strong squadron under M. d'Apche, and the enemy projected
' A rupee is about 2s. 6d. ; a lack is 180,000 rupees, that is about 12,5001.;
a crore is a. hundred lacks; consequently, 1,250,0001.
Vol. I. 18

138 HISTORY OF #1E
CHAP, the entire conquest of the English possessions on that coast.
'• They invested Fort St. David's in the south part of the Caraatic,
'*'"*"*>*' and, before an English force could arrive to its assistance, com-
1760. pe|ie(l it to surrender. Lally also attacked Tanjore, because
the rajah had distinguished himself as the zealous and faithful
ally of the English. The French general demanded of him a
sum of money which would have amounted to 810,0001. Being
refused, he invested the city; but the rajah's native troops as
sisted by British engineers, made so vigorous a defence, that
the French general was repulsed with loss, and obliged to raise
the siege. Retreating northwards from Tanjore, he took pos
session of the city of Arcot, and made preparations for the siege
of Madras. The English were at this time so much surpassed
in land force, that during the remainder of the campaign they
acted on the defensive.
Nayalope- The same year admiral Pococke succeeded to the command
rationsin of the British fleets in India, on the death of admiral Watson.
seas* a" ^n ^e 26th of March, he came up with the enemy's ships in the
'' road of Fort St. David's, and attacked them in the afternoon.
D'Apche having fought warmly for two hours, in the evening re
treated. The misbehaviour of three of his captains1 prevented
Pococke from a successful pursuit. The next day he learned,
that the enemy had lost a ship of the line, which had been da
maged in the engagement. About five hundred of the enemy
were killed or wounded, and scarcely one hundred of the En
glish. This was the first action ever fought between a British
and French fleet in the Indian seas; and, notwithstanding the
disadvantages under which admiral Pococke laboured, it was
auspicious to England.
Admiral Pococke having gone into harbour, to repair the da
mage incurred by his fleet; as soon as he was refitted, set sail
again in quest of the enemy. Having cruised for several weeks,
he found them on the 27th of July at anchor in Pondicherry
road. On descrying the English fleet, the French unmoored
and fled, Pococke closely pursuing the enemy, could not come
up with them till the 3d of August, when, having obtained the
British weather-gage, he bore down on them in order of battle. The
successful, engagement began with great fury on both sides ; but in a short
time the French retreated toward Pondicherry. Night interve
ning, they escaped ; but their ships were so much damaged, that
they were obliged to sail to the Mauritius to refit, and thus leave
to England the sovereignty of the Indian seas.
But the completion of British victory over the French in
India was reserved for the glorious 1759. In the month of
December 1758, Lally began his march towards Madras, and
in the beginning of January commenced the investment of that
important fortress. The besieged, though inferior to him in
* Two of the English captains being tried, were dismissed the service ;
and the third was deprived of bis rank as post -cap tain for one year.

REIGN ?0P GEORGE HI, 139
strength, made a gallant defence. The event was for some CHAP.
weeks doubtful ; but a considerable re-enforcement of troops and Ip
stores arriving, conducted by captain Kempenfelt, M. Lally *-*~v~w
raised the seige, and retreated to Arcot, extremely chagrined at 176°-
his ill success.
About the same time a detachment under colonel Ford dispos
sessed the French of Vizagapatam, and Masulipatam. The subah
of the Decan, who had been favourable to the French as long as
they appeared superior, finding the English now so powerful in
his neighbourhood, proposed a treaty to the government of Ma
dras. An alliance was accordingly concluded, by which he re
nounced all connexion with France, and ceded the entire circar
of Masulipatam to the company ; who on their part, engaged not
to assist or countenance the subah's enemies.
Colonel Coote now commanded the English forces in the Car-
natic, and, being able to act on the offensive, proceeded against
Lally. Having gained several advantages over the enemy, he
endeavoured to bring him to a general engagement, which he ef
fected at Wandwalsh. In this battle1 the English gained a great
and important victory, which decided the fate of French India
on the Coromandel coast. Lally, with the remainder Of his troops,
retired to Pondicherry. The British general recovered Arcot ;
and, except Pondicherry, the French had no settlement of any
importance in the Carnatic.
The conquest of Arcot finished the campaign.2 Admiral Po- Conquest
coke, during the same campaign, again defeated the French, and of Arcoti
compelled them to leave those seas. On the Malabar coast, a
squadron of English, under captain Richard Maitland, made
themselves masters of the, factory of Surat.
Thus we have seen French aggression, after being for a
time successful, rousing British energy, and producing British
victory ; we have seen her attempts to exalt herself by hum
bling England, lead to her own humiliation, and the aggran
dizement of her rival ; aud we have seen her unjust and un
warrantable ambition discomfited. Such was the state of
affairs where Britain was engaged for herself solely ; we must
now follow her to her co-operation with allies. We left Frede- Transac-
rick in winter quarters, after the campaign of 1757, that tion9 m
glorious sera in his history. In England, the king of Prussia, ^u.™Pe °*
since the dissolution of his political connexion with France, w*t', iier
and his alliance with this country, had become a very popular allies-.
character. This predilection rose to enthusiasm, on his gain
ing the victory at Rosebach over the ancient enemy of Britain.
' From the detail of this engagement, to be found in Smollett, it appears,
that great valour was displayed on both sides; but that the French gene
ral was rash and impetuous ; and that the victory of th^ English was owing
to colonel Coote's superior skill.
1 The campaign somewhat exceeded the boundaries of 1759, A<rcot be.
ing taken in the beginning of February 1760,

140 HISTORY OF^THE
CHAP. The union of the two catholic powers was by many considered
*• as a confederacy to oppress and subvert the protestant interest
^"v">"*' in Germany. The English applauded and extolled Frederick
1760. as the protestant hero, and, anxious for his success, were willing
Compre- to contribute toward his support and defence. Mr. Pitt, having
hensive taken a view of the state of affairs on the continent, as well as
and ener- the w|10]e operations of the year, saw that the strenuous ef-
cy of Mr.' f°rts °f Britain were necessary to preserve the balance of pow-
Pitt. er; and that exertions in Germany, by employing the strength
of France in that quarter, would weaken her operations in
America. He therefore proposed, that a strong army should
co-operate with the king of Prussia in Germany in the ensuing
campaign. A subsidiary treaty was concluded, by which the
king of England stipulated to pay into the hands of his Prus
sian majesty, the annual sum of 670,0001. to be employed at
his discretion for the -good- of the common cause; and parlia
ment cheerfully voted the necessary supplies for that object, and
other purposes of the war.
The convention of Cloister-seven was considered as a dis
grace to the nation, apd also as infringed by the subsequent
conduct of the French in Hanover. The army, which had
been dispersed by that treaty, was re-assembled in British pay,
and the command, by the advice of Mr. Pitt, bestowed
on prince Ferdinand of Brunswick ; whose object in the cam
paign of 1758 was to drive eighty thousand French troops
from Lower Saxony and Westphalia. His own forces, at the
beginning of the campaign consisted of only thirty thousand
Hanoyerians, but they were afterwards joined by the troops
of Hesse-Cassel and Brunswick, .whom England engaged
by subsidies to assist jn the deliverance of Germany. The
plan of operations concerted with Frederick was, to compel
the enemy to evacuate Brunswick and H&nover, through
the fear of having their communication with the Rhine inter
cepted. For these purposes he. sent in March two detach
ments to the Weser, of which one gained possession of Verden,
the other, under the command of his nephew, the hereditary
. prince, took possession of the strong and important post of
Opera- Floyer. In April, prince Ferdinand himself, crossing the Aller,
tions in. advanced south towards Brunswick, assisted by a detachment
Bruns- 0f prussian troops under prince Henry, the king's brother.
der prince^- Clermont, who had succeeded Richelieu in the oommand of
Ferdi- the French forces, apprehensive of being cut off from his inter-
nand : course with the Rhine evacuated Brunswick, Wolfenbuttel,
and Hanover, and marched to Westphalia. Crossing the We
ser, Ferdinand besieged Minden, and took it in sight of the
On the enemy's army. Count Clermont now retreated towards the
Rhine. Rhine ; repassed it at Wesel in May ; and stationed the army
on the left bank of the river, after having lost a number of his
troops, which were taken in the retreat. Ferdinand would
not suffer them to remain undisturbed within the boundaries

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 141
of Germany. In June, he attacked them at Crevelt near CHAP.
Cleves, and gained a victory more glorious to his military r-
character than decisive in its consequences. The prince of*"^ '
Soubise, who commanded a considerable body of French, 176°-
having defeated a detachment of Hessians, Ferdinand was BatWe of
obliged to act on the defensive, and the affairs of France Crcve1'"
began to wear a more favourable aspect. In July, twelve
thousand British troops arriving from England under the com
mand of the duke of Marlborough to re-enforce the allies,
Ferdinand now resumed his offensive operations. Through his
judicious, well planned, and well executed movements, he
completely effected the object of the campaign, by driving
the French out of Lower Saxony and Westphalia.1
The king of Prussia now endeavoured to make the utmost Exploits
advantage of the victories which he had gained at the close of ofFrede-
the preceding campaign. Of Silesia, the fortress <lf Schweid-
nitz alone remained in the hands of Austria. This place, which
was blockaded during winter, on the return of spring he at
tacked by a regular siege. Commencing his works on the 2d
of April, he on the 15th carried the garrison by assault. Having
thus completely recovered Silesia, he invaded Moravia, and be
sieged Olmutz its capital ; but, having opened the trenches at
too great a distance from the town, he spent his time and ammu
nition uselessly; and count Daun arriving, obliged him to raise
the siege. Meanwhile the Russians and Cossacks had invaded
Brandenburgh, and were committing the most barbarous ravages.
Their army being divided into two parts, it was Frederick's ob
ject to come between them, so as to cut off their communication
with each other. In this design, he succeeded ; and was able
to bring Romanzow, with the principal division, to battle at
Kustrin.3 The ready genius of the Prussian king, on perceiving
the disposition of the Russian troops, formed his men in such a
way, as to bear with his artillery on their thick mass, and pre
vent the parts of their army from supporting each other. Sue- Defeats
cess followed his attempt; he gained a most decisive victory ; ^}e Rus-
and the loss of the enemy amounted to 17,000 men, with a^""?*
great quantity of cannon and stores: the loss, on the side of the
Prussians, amounted to about 1200 men. Having thus freed
his country from the danger of the Russians, he hastened against
the Austrians under marshal Daun. On the 14th of October,
he was surprised by that general at Hochkirchin ;3 suffered a
defeat, but not decisive ; acted with such ability, as to prevent
the enemy from deriving any material advantage from a victory ;
and ultimately compelled Daun to retire into Bohemia. The
Russians and Swedes were also obliged to withdraw to Stral-
sund. In 1759, prince Ferdinand took the field against the French, French m-
who had again invaded Westphalia in great force, under Messrs. va<]e
- ' lia" P 'a'
' Smollett, vol. ii. p. 435,. : Gillies. 3 Smollett.

142 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP. De Confades and Broglio. Prince Ferdinand in July found
*• tbem posted at Minden. The prince thinking the enemy too
^-^"v"^*' strongly posted to render an attack by him wise, took a position
1760. aj some distance, hoping to provoke them to commence an as
sault, which he was well prepared to resist. The French ge
nerals very imprudently left their own strong posts to attack
Ferdinand prince Ferdinand. The battle began at dawn, and was fought
and the with great impetuosity on both sides till noon : when the vigour,
British in- fjrmnesSj an<j courage of the English infantry determined the
a ^gnaf"" fate of the day, and gained a complete victory. The British
victory at cavalry, commanded by lord George Sacville, were ordered to
Minden. advance, and bear down upon the enemy when routed and fly
ing. They did not advance, and were of no service in the battle.1
The same day, the hereditary prince of Brunswick, who was
fast rising to military eminence, having been sent by his uncle
against a detachment of French at Gofeldt with six thousand
men, defeated twice that number of the enemy, killed three
French thousand, and took as many prisoners. These successes ena-
driven outbid Ferdinand to drive the French a second time out of Ger-
of Germa- many, and to leave the allies in possession of every province
"^ and town which belonged to them at the declaration of war.
The campaign of 1759 was far from being equally prosperous
to the Prussian monarch. Besides the formidable enemies that
he had to encounter abroad, he was distracted at home by dis
sentions among his generals. It was the object of the Austrians
and Russians, who had before fought separately, to form a
junction this campaign. Frederick's first purpose was, to pre
vent this junction, and to attack one division before they could
be supported by another; but the disorders among the generals
prevented them from acting with their usual skill and alacrity.
Losses of The Prussians were defeated, on the 23d of June, at Kay, on
the king the Oder, with the loss of more than four thousand men. This
Prussia' disaster disconcerted the king's measures, and was the prelude
to la much greater defeat. The Austrians and Russians, soon
after this battle, joined their forces and encamped at Kunders-
dorf, near Frankfort on the Oder. On the 12th of August, the
king of Prussia attacked the enemy, and had almost succeeded
in defeating the Russians, when the intervention of marshal
Loudohn and the Austrian army gave a fatal turn to affairs. Not
withstanding the extraordinary efforts ot the king, who exposed
himself in the most dangerous parts of the field, had two horses
shot under him, and his clothes rent by musket balls, the Prus
sians were completely defeated and dispersed ; the approach
of night saved their army from total ruin.9 The pressure of
¦ His lordship's conduct on this occasion underwent an inquiry and a
trial. He alledged in his defence, that contradictory orders had been sent.
This allegation, however, was not made out to the satisfaction of the court ;
the issue was, that he was declared unfit for serving his majesty in a mili
tary capacity.
» The king finding, the defeat inevitable, sent a letter to the queen in

REIGN OF GEORGE IU. 143
calamity served only to increase the elastic force of Frederick's CHAP.
genius. He recruited his army with indefatigable diligence, re- *•
placed his artillery from the arsenal of Berlin, and soon found ^-«r^w
himself at the head of a considerable body of troops. But the 176°-
jealousies between the Russians and Austrians concurred with
the active ability of Frederick. When Daun proposed to pur
sue the enemy, the Russian general would not consent ; and the
time was wasted without any important effort, until winter gave
the Prussian monarch Some respite for restoring his affairs.
In 1760, the court of Versailles made great preparations for French
. recovering their footing in Westphalia. The hereditary prince, Invasion of
in April, having assailed the count de Germain too adventurous- Gennan3'-
ly, was repulsed ; but afterwards, on the 16th of July, attacked
a numerous body of the enemy at Exdorf, and gained a brilliant
victory ; five battallions were taken prisoners, with their arms,
baggage and artillery.1 On the 31st of the same month; prince
Ferdinand, with the main army, had an engagement with the
French near Cassel, in which the enemy were compelled to re
treat. The hereditary prince was afterwards defeated near
Campen, but by a masterly retreat was able to rejoin the main
army. Tbe successes of that campaign towards the close were
very various, but on the whole it was not favourable to the allies, as
the French had again got possession of a great part of Westpha
lia, and the whole principality of Hesse.
The king of Prussia strained every nerve to compensate the
losses of the preceding year, and so distributed his forces as
to oppose the Russians, Swedes, and Austrians, in separate di
visions ; while the Russians, on the other hand, attempted to
join the Austrians, in Silesia. Frederick used every art to ani- Masterly
mate and inspire his troops ; he addressed himself to their su- policy of
perstitioii, credulity, and every other principle by which wise Frederick.
policy could operate upon vulgar minds: thus inspired, they
took the field. The king found means to combine attack and
defence. While protecting Silesia, he invested Dresden ; but
the approach of marshal Daun, obliged him to raise the siege
of that city ; and the enemy also took Glatz, in Silesia. The
king found it necessary now to resort to Silesia in person, to
maintain his interest in that long contested province; with his
usual dexterity, he separated two divisions of the Austrian ar
my, and kept such positions that it was impossible for them to
surrou-ad his forces. He changed his movements and posts so
often, that he kept ihe enemy always on the watch ; and de
termined to attack them himself, as soon as he should, by
these terms : " Remove from Berlin with the royal family ; let the archives
be carried to Potsdam : the town may make conditions with the enemy."
Gillies.
'Elliot's regiment of light horse appeared for the first time in the
field upon this occasion : and, to the astonishment of the veteran troops,
charged five different times, and broke through the enemy at every charge.
See Hclsham's History of Great Britain, vol. ii. p. 478.

144 CHAP. 1.

1760. .
Opera
tionsagainst
their ar
mies of
Prussiansand Aus
trians.

Defeats
Loudohnwith one
Austrianarmy.

Induces the Rus
sians to
re treat..

HISTORY OF THE
marches and countermarches, draw the one division to too great
a distance from the other to receive from it any support. Be-
' fore him was marshal Daun with one army; behind him, Lou
dohn with another ; and he was informed by his spies, that a
third army of Russians had crossed the Oder and joined Daun.
Daun being re-enforced by the Russians, on the evening of the
14th of August prepared to give the king of Prussia battle.
Next day his majesty decamped at night with his army, and
crossed the Oder towards general Loudohn. Frederick took
possession of an advantageous ground, which he justly Conclu
ded Loudohn would wish to occupy; Loudohn advancing, and
perceiving that there were troops posted there, supposed that
it was but a small detachment, and that the main army of
Prussia was in camp at Lignitz. Proceeding to dislodge the
fancied detachment, he suddenly found himself attacked by
the whole Prussian army. The darkness of the night, and the
surprise, rendered the defeat inevitable and complete : 10,000
Austrians were slain, and 6000 taken prisoners. In the camp
at Lignitz, Frederick had left somehuzzars, who imitated the
noise of patroles and sentinels. Daun, not doubting that he
should in the morning find the Prussians where they had been
in the evening, marched towards the camp; but to his utter
surprise, he found it entirely empty. The wind had been so
boisterous and adverse, that Daun had hot heard the report of
two hundred pieces of cannon at half a mile's distance ; and
knew nothing of the enemy, till he saw them arrayed in order
of battle on the opposite side of the river. Daun was evident
ly undetermined whether he ought to attack the enemy or re
treat. Frederick ordered his troops to fire, in demonstration of
joy for victory ; adexterous manoeuvre, which completely dis
pirited the Austrians, and precipitated their retreat. He dis
persed the Russians by a stratagem not unlike that which The-
mistocles employed towards Xerxes. He sent a peasant with a
letter to his brother Henry ."telling him that he was advancing as
fast as he could after his victory over the Austrians, to attack the
Russians, and he hoped with equal success. The peasant pur
posely throwing himself in the way of the enemy was taken ;
the letter was found on him ; and, on being read, they repassed
the Oder, and destroyed the bridge ; and thus, in order to avoid
the pretended pursuit of Frederick, they cut oft' their own com
munication with the allied army. Frederick, meanwhile, in
stead of following them endeavoured to make the best of his
victory by driving the Austrians out of Silesia. Daun, regret
ting that he had been so completely Out-generaled by Frederick,
employed every means to prevail on the Russians to repass the
Oder, and invade Brandenburgh. He at last prevailed ; and in
October, the Prussians entered the electorate, and invested Berlin.
The number of Prussians that had been left to guard the capi
tal, was less than half that of the Austrians and Russians. The
combined armies entered the capital, and behaved with savage

REIGN OP GEORGE III. 145
ferocity; but the king hastening from Silesia, the enemy on his CHAP.
approach thought it expedient to retire. Having delivered his r-
country from the combined troops, he returned to oppose mar- ^^"""^
shal Daun, drew him into a battle in a disadvantageous situation, l76<?-
and gained at Torgan a victory still more decisive thaii that "^ a
which he had obtained over marshal Loudohn. The Russians, Austrian
on hearing of the defeat of their ally, retired into Poland ; and armyun-
thus Frederick became again superior to all his enemies. They der Daun;
might invade his country, takes his towns, defeat his armies, ex
haust many of his resources; but he had in his genius one re
source, which they could not exhaust: with his transcendent
abilities he ultimately predominated over all their force, experi
ence, and skill. Such was the state of our principal ally in war, state of
in October 1760. British al-
The war gave occasion to discussions between Britain and ''e'» in 0c"
Holland, which involved general questions concerning the rights i7^'
and conduct of neutral states, when neighbouring powers are niSCUs-
engaged in hostilities. By the barrier treaty it had been ex- sions be-
pressly declared, that no fortress, town, or territory of the Aus- tweenBri-
trian Low Countries should be ceded or transferred to the tam an.
crown of France on any pretext whatever. Notwithstanding powerSj ;«
this treaty, the states-general had acquiesced in the surrender of October,
Ostend and Nieuport to the French. They had also given 1760:
permission for the free passage of warlike stores through their Wlt^ Ho1';
territories, for the use of the French army. A memorial, by an '"
order of the British king, was presented to the states. They
answered, that they could not prevent the infractions of trea
ties. The Dutch for several years had been supplying the
French with all sorts of warlike stores, and transporting the
produce of the French sugar colonies to Europe, as carriers hir
ed by the proprietors ; and were at this time very active in car
rying contraband goods to France. The supineness and ineffi
ciency of the Newcastle administration had suffered such viola
tions of neutrality to escape with impunity ; but with the energy
of Pitt, the case was changed. The court of Great Britain hav
ing complained of this violation of neutrality without obtaining
redress, took the most effectual step for redressing themselves.
They issued orders to arrest all ships of neutral powers, that
should have" French property on board. These necessary orders
were strictly and vigorously executed. A number of Dutch ships
with French cargoes were seized and confiscated ; a great fer
ment arose among the Dutch: they remonstrated, and they com
plained. ,The British government assured them, that we were
desirous of remaining in amity with them, but that we never
could connive at such a deviation from neutrality ; and that we
should continue to capture ships caught in such acts of violation.
Towards the close of 1758, they began to make some prepara
tions for hostilities. The princess dowager of Orange, daughter
of George II. by her judicious management prevented the two
Vol. I. 10

146 CHAP. ].

1760.

Negotia tions for
peace be
fore Octo
ber, 1760.

Relativestate of
the bellig
erent
powers.

HISTORY OF THE
nations from a quarrel, which it was so much the interest of both
to avoid. English privateers haying frequently, without any
authority, rifled Dutch ships, the masters were punished as pi
rates; but by our ships of war, authorized for the purpose, the
aggressors of the law of nations continued to be captured-
The princess dying, the conduct of the states threatened the
dissolution of peace ; and they persisted in supplying the French
in the West Indies, and in the East had manifested a hostile
disposition to the English interest. A second memorial was
presented by sir Joseph Yorke. They endeavoured to justify
themselves ; but as the attempt was evasive and Unsatisfactory,
the British minister instructed the ambassador to reply in more
peremptory terms. The Dutch, aware that Pitt never threaten
ed in vain, promised1 to abstain from every kind of traffic that
gave umbrage to Great Britain, and to inflict exemplary punish
ment on any of their subjects or servants who should give offence
to England.
Ferdinand king of Spain died in 1759, and .was succeeded
by his brother Charles. This prince was very far from adopt
ing the sentiments and policy of his predecessor respecting
England. Hitherto, however, the difference did not manifest
itself. During the contest which was carried on by Britain and her
allies, overtures were made by George and Frederick towards
the termination of war. In the winter which followed the cam
paign 1759, immediately after the capture of Quebec and ad
miral Hawke's victory, Mr. Pitt, aware that the day of success
is the time for offering peace, proposed that the allied kings
should intimate their willingness to open a negotiation. Fre
derick consented and a memorial was delivered to. the French,
imperial, and Russian ambassadprs, signifying that their Bri
tannic and Prussian majesties were ready to send plenipo
tentiaries to any proper place that should be appointed, in order
to receive overtures for a general peace. A preliminary article
proposed was, that the dominions of the king of Prussia should
be preserved entire. This proposal being communicated to the
court of Versailles, France replied, that she had no other wish
but to make peace with England ; but that not being at war with
Prussia, she could not confound the interests of that nation with
those of Britain. JFrance had been completely discomfited in
every quarter in which England and she had to cope, apart
from their mutual allies. She was entirely subdued in North
America, the East and West Indies; and had been also de
feated in Germany. The inferiority of her naval power oblig
ed her to despair of success in any maritime efforts; but in
Germany, though defeated, her case was by means so despe
rate. From the exhausted state of the king of Prussia, and the

Smollett, vol. ii. p. 710.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 147
enormous expenses of the war to England, she was in hopes CHAP.
that she and her allies might in that country obtain advantages, L
which would procure more favourable terms than she could ex- >*.^~,'">*'
pect from the events in those quarters in which she and Eng- l76°-
land had been singly engaged. The preservation of the ba-j
lance of power, by supporting the king of Prussia against the
great confederacy, had been the principal object of the war in
Germany. Had France ratified the proposed preliminary there
would have remained little which she could set against the con
ditions that Britain was empowered by her victories to demand.
She therefore determined at present to reject a proposal with Negotia-
sUch a preface. The empress-queen, though hitherto frequent- t'°n bj*--
ly baffled, trusted to the resources of the combination, for thekenoH'
ultimate attainment of those objects which she sought by the
war, and would by no means enter into a negotiation, the pre
liminary article of which was the abandonment of her views
on the Prussian dominions. The overtures were rejected by
both France and Austria, in the belief that at a future period
they could procure conditions more compatible with the views
with Which, they had respectively commenced their aggressions.
Such was the state of Britain respecting war, negotiation, allies, General
told neutral powers, in October 1760. The condition of this state of af-
¦buhtry in her various relations had, from July 1757 to Octo- *'" ™ 0c*
Tier 1760, in three years and a quarter, been raised from de-iygo'
pression and disgrace to exaltation and glory. This change and result
under Divine Providence,' had been principally effected by the of Mr.
force of geiiius, Which overbore all private juntos and party f1^- smm-
distinctions, formed the wisest and most vigorous plans, selected J^'"_
the fittest instruments of execution, and by the combination of nod.
wisdom, firmness, and judicious choice, produced the most sig
nal and important success. On two individuals, though of de
ferent ranks, yet Who had each risen to a much higher eleva
tion than that in which he was born, depended the fortune of
Europe, artd other quarters of the World. In their different
situations, William Pitt, and Frederick of Prussia overbore con
federacy by intellectual pre-eminence and moral energy. An
eyent now took place, in itself of great importance, and which
led to the commencement of a reign in all its history, connex
ions, and relations ; in the events, changes, and vicissitudes, that
it has witnessed ; in the difficulties which it has had to encoun
ter, and In the displays of human nature which it has exhibit
ed, the most-momentous that is recorded in the annals of man
kind.
Ni'On Saturday morning the 25th of October, 1760, king Sudden
George II. of Great Britain, then near seventy-seven years of' death of
age, being at Kensington palace, rose at his usual hour, called George H.
his page, drank his chocolate, and inquired about the wind, as
he was anxious for the arrival of the mails ; observing, that as
it was a fine day, he proposed to walk in the garden. A few
minutes after this declaration, his page, who had left the room,

148 CHAP. I.

1760.
His cha
racter.

National resources and pros
perity.

¦Litera- ture-

HISTORY OF THE
heard a noise, as of something falling. He returned hastily
into the apartment with other attendants, and found the king
weltering on the floor; being lifted on a bed, he in a faint
voice desired they would call Amelia, but before the princess
could reach his apartment, he breathed his last.
George II., with abilities not exceeding mediocrity, possessed
amiable and estimable qualities : he was just, open, sincere,
brave, and though in his temper prone to anger, yet placable,
and in his dispositions mild and humane. His government was
equitable and constitutional, as far as depended on himself, but
varied in vigour and wisdom according to the characters of his
ministers. The chief defects of his politics arose from his
predilection for his native dominions, which involved Britain in
alliances, subsidies, and hostilities, that, being unnecessary,
were pernicious, in proportion to their magnitude. His pre
ference of one party of his British subjects, during a great
part of his reign, though neither very liberal nor wise, was the
natural consequence of the circumstances in which he was
placed, operating on his limited capacity. The last years of
his life proved to him that connexion with a certain confedera
cy was not necessary to the highest ministerial ability. In
the first part of his reign, a minister of considerable talents, and
in many respects beneficial to his country, established system$|
atic corruption as an engine of executive government; and
for many years this engine was believed indispensable. In the
last period of his reign, a minister demonstrated, that corrup
tion was not necessary to superior genius, magnanimity, and
energy ; but that talents and virtue, promptly, directly, and
decisively exerted for patriotic purposes, overbore all opposi
tion, and procured, with the applause of the people, every re
source which was wanted for British security and glory. The
pacific policy of s'ir Robert Walpole, and the persevering at
tention of Mr. Pelham, had a share in promoting the manu
factures and commerce of this country : but their astonishing
rise under this king, was chiefly owing to a more general cause
of British greatness — the progressive spirit of industry and
enterprise which freedom fosters.
From the same source, flowed literature and science ; and
in the various departments of learning, Britain was eminently
distinguished. Swift, Pope, and Bolingbroke, began the lite
rary glory of George's reign ; Thomson graced its middle stage ;
Johnson and Hume adorned its later periods. Having before
rivalled, and at this time rivalling the ancients, in the various
species and degrees of poetry and philosophy, Britain now for
the first time contested the palm of history, and brought her
Robertson and her Hume, to match the Livy and Herodotus,
the Tacitus and Thucydides, of the Romans and Greeks.
Theology, investigated by the inquiring and philosophical
spirit of free and enlightened Englishmen, produced valuable
Recessions to theoretical and practical knowledge, in the works

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 149
of Waiburton, Hurd, Sherlock, Hoadley, and Seeker. The CHAP.
dissenters also contributed a considerable share to the learning *¦
and piety of the times. While Foster, Watts, and Doddridge, *-*~>r>+'
inculcated religious conduct, by expounding and impressing in 176°-
detail the doctrines of Christianity ; the learned and logical
Leland' defended with force and success the whole christian
religion against the attacks of the deists. Not rational piety
only, however, mark the theological efforts of this period ; in
genious adventurers in fanaticism framed a new species of
superstition, which both at that time and since, has produced
very important effects on the sentiments, character, and man
ners of numbers of people in all ranks. Whitefield and Wesley,
having perceived that not a few of the established clergy had
relaxed in the performance of their official duties, formed a
project of supplying, in their own persons, this deficiency of
spiritual instruction ; and, in order to establish sufficient influ
ence, professed superior sanctity, and pretended divine illu
mination. Being both men of dexterity and address, they
played' successfully on the fancies and passions, and made a
multitude of converts to their respective kinds of enthusiasm.
They certainly were the means of rousing fiie clergy to a more
vigorous discharge of their professional occupation; and it is
probable that they may have also made some of their votaries,
by working on their fears and fancies, pious and charitable,
whom reason and conscience might not have influenced. So
far their efforts may have been salutary ; but the first principle of
their theory, divine illumination, superseding the necessity of
human discipline and learning, has opened the way to many
illiterate, and ignorant undertakers, who, either circulating or
stationary, have inculcated and impressed their absurd and
often pernicious doctrines on the weak and credulous ; so
that frequently profligacy, and not rarely insanity and suicide
have flowed from such spiritual instructions. In the lighter
species of composition, England showed that she could excel,
as well as in the graver and deeper. If Spain and France
could respectively boast of Cervantes and Le Sage, Britain
could boast of Smollett and Fielding. But now they were not
only, as in the time of Anne, a few illustrious in the different
provinces of genius ; there were many respectable. The pre
cepts, and much more the example, of, the great writers of
that age, had diffused taste and the study of composition ; and
many more had obtained a competent share of useful and ele
gant erudition, than at any former period of English history.
In no age or country had learning been more widely spread,
than in Britain in the year 1 760.
In the fine arts, England was beginning to attain distinction. Fine arts.
The encouragement bestowed on the sublime composition's of
Handel, had stimulated the natives to musical effort. Hogarth
showed that England could use the pencil as well as the pen ;
and with the bold originality of genius, he pursued a path

150 CHAP. I.

1760.

Manners.

HISTORY OF THE
hitherto untrodden. Reynolds also laid the foundation of that
fame, which he since raised to so great a height. In architec
ture, improvements were made by the taste and genius of a Bur
lington ; still, however, a relish continued for the ponderous
structures of Vanburgh.
The manners of that age, though abounding in parade and
form", were in many respects dignified and impressive. They
certainly contained a much greater degree of pomp, and state,
and ceremony, than was necessary for social parties in common
life. Mingled with this stiffness and precision, there was, in con
versation and in familiar writing, an indelicacy, less indeed than
in the preceding age of George I., but still far short of just taste
and moral refinement. This was probably encouraged by the
practice of the court, to which modesty and reputation were not
then necessary passports. The king's mistresses still continued
to mix in all fashionable parties, and even to be companions to
the princesses.1
The signal successes which adorned the last years of George
II. the exaltation of England, and the depression of her enemies,
raised his majesty to a degree of popularity which he had never
before enjoyed. The warm fancies of his admirers represented
him as equal in wisdom and heroism to any, or all, the princes
that ever sat on the English throne ; and we may. safely concur
with the historian of his reign,a that no prince was ever more
popular at the time of his decease.
George in his person was somewhat lower than the middle
size, well formed, with prominent eyes, a high nose, good fea
tures, and a fair complexion. He was born in November, 1683,
and in 1705 married princess Caroline of Anspach, by whom
he had six children, who came to maturity, besides several
others who died young: two sons, Frederick born in 1707,
who, on his father's accession to the throne, was prince of
Wales, and William duke of Cumberland ; and four daughters,
the princess of Orange, princess Amelia, the princess of Hesse,
and the queen of Denmark. Frederick married in 1736 the
princess Augusta of Saxe-Gotha. By her he had five sons
and three daughters, who came to maturity ; George born May
24th, O. S. 1738, now our gracious sovereign; Edward late
duke of York; William Henry duke of Gloucester; Henry
Frederick late Duke of Cumberland ; Frederick William, de
ceased ; Augusta duchess of Brunswick ; Louisa, deceased ;
and Matilda, late queen of Denmark. His highness the prince
of Wales dying in his father's life-time in 1751, his eldest son
George became prince of Wales, and heir of his grandfather's
crown. As Frederick himself had not confined his preference
to whigs, but desired to be king of Great Britain, and not of a
party, he endeavoured to instil the same sentiments into his heir.

1 See lord Orford, passim.

See Smollett, vol. ii. p. 743.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 151
The tuition of prince George was committed to John Stuart, CHAP.
earl of Bute, who was a nobleman of respectable talents and I*
erudition, and particularly distinguished for decency and, pro- '*^>r~>*-'
priety of conduct. During the life of his grandfather, his ,i7S0:
highness had been brought up in a state of retirement, and wasof Qeore"
totally free from juvenile excesses. A warm, affectionate, and p-.-,nce of
benevolent heart was unalloyed by vicious habits ; on the other Wales.
hand, a sound and acute understanding was not furnished with
the actual experience and discernment into characters, which a
more enlarged intercourse with mankind, in such a mind, must
have produced. The filial, fraternal, and other affections of
the prince were very strong. Those whom he loved, he loved
fervently ; in that number was his tutor, the earl of Bute ;
whom his judgment readily discovered to be a man of merit.
It must be the coldness of experienced age, after frequent Senti-
deceptions correctina; its errors, not the generous credulity of "jentsand
. unsuspecting youth, that will accurately scan the talents of those
whom it loves. Even in age itself, wisdom is often lost in af
fection. It cannot therefore be surprising, that the attachment
of a youth of twenty years of age should exaggerate the merits
of its object. His highness's regard for the earl of Bute was
very great ; and his lordship being zealously attached to the
church of England and his religious duties, studiously and suc
cessfully infused these principles and sentiments into the mind
of his royal pupil. Being a man of irreproachable morals, he
saw it necessary, from the state of the court and its influence
on the public, to instil such sentiments into the heir of the crown
as might induce him to patronize decency and modesty, and
give a change to the prevailing manners. The prince so edu-
- cated, although he did not much appear in public, was, from
the general report of his character, very popular. He was,
besides, a native of England, and presumed to possess the senti
ments of an Englishman — to be more attached to his own coun
try, than to the foreign territories of his family. A face both
elegant and manly, combining the blooming freshness of youth
with firmness 'and vigour ; a countenance expressing the open
frankness, benevolence, and boldness of the English character;
a stature above the middle size ; a figure uniting strength and
comeliness ; with unassuming and liberal manners ; co-operated
with the general opinion of his head and heart, and his situation,
in rendering him a favourite with the nation.
The total discomfiture of the jaeobite party in prince George's
very early youth, by taking away the only plausible pretext
for "the exclusive encouragement of whigs, facilitated the road
to a more liberal choice of counsellors. Thus the change of
ci*-cumstances concurred with the sentiments of his parents and
the education of the prince, in forming him to be king of a
country, and not of a party. — Such was our present sovereign,
in character and estimation, at the death of his grandfather.

152 HISTORY OF THE

CHAP. II.

Accession of George, III. — State and resources of the country. — First coun^-
cil of the king. — Prince Edward and lord Bute made privy- counsellors.
— Meeting of parliament.— His majesty's first speech.— Expresses his
satisfaction at the cessation of party dissensions — his resolution to adhere
to the engagements of his grandfather. — Is universally popular. — Gene
ral principle of the young king in the choice of counsellors. — Unanimity
of parliament, and liberal supplies. — The king recommends measures
for securing the independence of the judges. — An act passed for that
purpose. — Recompense bestowed on Mr. Arthur Onslow. — Parliament
dissolved. — Partial changes in administration. — Lord Bute made secreta
ry of state. — Campaign 1761. — British operations. — Attack and capture
of Belleisle. — America. — East Indies; seige and reduction of Pondi
cherry. — Powerful army sent by France to Hesse-Cassel. — Prince Fer
dinand disconcerts their projects. — Military ability of the hereditary
Prince. — Marquis of Granby. — King of Prussia acts chiefly on the defen
sive. — Baffles the attempts of his combined enemies. — Negotiations. —
Proffered intervention of Spain indignantly rejected by Mr. Pitt. — He
discovers the hostile compact of the House of Bourbon. — Bold and de
cisive scheme for compelling Spain to declare her intentions, — opposed
by lord Bute, and overruled by a majority. — Mr. Pitt resigns his office.
— Character of his administration. — Marriage of the king to the princess
Charlotte of Mecklenburg Strelitz. — Lord Bute, chief director of affairs.
— Prejudices against. — Event justifies the foresight of Mr. Pitt. — Hostile
avowals of Spain. — Britain declares war against that kingdom.
CHAP. NO sooner was the death of George II. known, than Ihe
n- prince of Wale's was proclaimed king, by the title of George III.
^"^^^ On his accession, all ranks of men ardently and sincerely testi-
1760. -ggd their satisfaction. The whigs were attached to a prince of
A,Cgess'°™ the house of Brunswick, and the tories rejoiced that they were
in. to be governed by a sovereign free from party prejudices. Those
who were neither whigs nor tories, were delighted with a king
acquainted with our laws and constitution, a native of Britain,
fond of this country, and who .was expected to employ talents
and virtue wherever they were to be found. All regarded their
young king with affection, predicted, from his character and
the circumstances of the country, an auspicious reign, and were
happy in the prospect afforded by his age and state of health that
it would also be long.
The resources of the country which his majesty was now
called to govern, were increased beyond all former computa
tion. War, which is so pernicious an obstacle to other mer
cantile nations, had opened new channels to the -traders. of
Great Britain. The superiority of her marine force had crushed
the navigation of France, her great rival in commerce. She
now supplied, on her own terms, all those foreign markets, at
which, in time of peace, she was undersold by that dangerous
competitor. Revenue and national credit were proportionably

REIGN OF GEORGE III. ^ iJrJ
great; the immense sums required for the manifold services of CHAP,
the war, were forthcoming on demand. The sum total grant- n-
ed for -that year amounted to nearly sixteen millions sterling. <~"~*~**>'
The British army in various parts of the world consisted of 1760*
ninety-seven regiments of foot, and thirty-one of horse and
dragoons, amounting to about a hundred and ten thousand ; the
German auxiliaries in British pay were sixty thousand ; the ships
of the line, including fifties, were a hundred and twenty-one;
the frigates and sloops proportion ably numerous ; and the sea
men in actual service amounted to seventy thousand. The ord
nance establishment was in proportion to those of the army and
navy. This force was commanded by officers selected by the
penetration of the minister; who, in his choice of agents, con
sidered merely the Object of the respective trusts ; and disre
garding family connexion, or any other adventitious ground of
preference, appointed instruments the most fitted for effecting
the destined purpose. The recent establishment of a national
militia, answering most of the ends of internal defence, permit
ted the executive power to employ the regular troops, if neces
sary, out of the kingdom. Notwithstanding the expensive war,
the means of internal security, as well as of influence and digni
ty at home and abroad, were under the command of the execu
tive government, which employed so very energetic a minister
as Mr. Secretary Pitt.
On the 27th of October the king held his first council, in The
which he declared his resolution to prosecute the just and neces-klnSjsfirst
sary war in which his kingdom was engaged. His majesty's first J?™c ama*
proclamation, dated the 31st of October, was a strong and strik
ing instance of his regard for the interests of religion and virtue.
Its purport was, to encourage piety and morality, and to prevent
and punish vice, profaneness, and immorality, which at that time
were extremely prevalent. His majesty, two days after his ac
cession, appointed his eldest brother prince Edward and John
earl of Bute privy-counsellors. Parliament agreeably to an
act made for the purpose, continued to exercise its office for six
months after the decease of the king. On November the 18th First
it assembled ; and the new king, seated on the throne, deliver- speech of
ed a speech, well fitted to confirm the high opinion of the pub- 1 y^^.*."
lie. He expressed his concern for the loss which he and the nament,.
nation had sustained by the death Of his grandfather, especial
ly at a season so critical to the country ; and his sense of the
weight and importance of the task now devolved upon him,
being called to the government of this country at such a time
and under such circumstances. He implored the divine assist
ance in his endeavours to discharge his duty, and proceeded in
the following energetic strain: "Born and educated in this
" country, I glory in the name of Briton ; and the peculiar hap-
" piness of my life will ever consist in promoting the welfare<of
" a people, whose loyalty and warm affection to me I consider
"as the greatest and most permanent security of my-throne;
Vol. I. 20

154 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, "and I doubt not, but their steadiness in those principles will
!I- "equal the firmness of my invariable resolution to adhere to,
v-*~^>*/"and strengthen, this excellent constitution, in church and
1760. « state, and to maintain toleration inviolable. The civil and re-
" ligious rights of my loving subjects are equally dear to me with
" the valuable prerogatives of my crown ; and as the surest foun-
" dation of the whole, and the best means to draw down the
"divine favour on my reign, it is my fixed purpose to coun-
*' tenance and encourage the practice of true religion and vir-
"tue." He then mentioned the successes of ourselves and our
allies, the state of commerce, and the land and sea force in
which he found the kingdom ; after which he proceeded as fol
lows : " In this state I have found things at-my accession to the
"throne of my ancestors : happy in viewing the prosperous part
" of it; happier still should I have been had I found my king-
adorns, whose true interest I have entirely at heart, in full
" peace : but since the ambition, injurious encroachments, and
"dangerous designs of my enemies, rendered the war both just
" and necessary, and the generous overture made last winter
"towards a congress for a pacification has not yet produced any
"suitable return, I am determined, with your cheerful and pow
erful assistance, to prosecute this war with vigour, in order to
" attain to that desirable object, a safe and honourable peace.
"For this purpose, it is absolutely incumbent on us to be early
"prepared ; and I rely upon your zeal and hearty concurrence
" to support the king of Prussia, and the rest of my allies, and
"to make ample provision for carrying on the war, as the only
" means to bring our enemies to equitable terms of accommoda-
"tion." After addressing the house of commons on the sup
plies, he concluded his speech in the following words: "The
"eyes of all Europe are upon you ; frofn your resolutions the
"protestant interest hopes for protection, as well as all our
" friends for the preservation of their independency ; and our
" enemies fear the final disappointment of their ambitious and
¦* destructive views. Let these hopes and fears be confirmed
" and augmented by the vigour, unanimity, and despatch, of our
" proceedings. In this expectation I am the more encouraged
"by a pleasing circumstance, which I look upon as one of the
" most auspicious omens of my reign. That happy extinction of
" divisions, and that union and good harmony which continue to
*• prevail amongst my subjects, afford me the most agreeable pros-
" pects. The natural disposition and wish of my heart are to ce-
" ment and promote them ; and I promise myself that nothing
i " will arise on your part, to interrupt or disturb a situation so
" essential to the trade and lasting felicity of this great people."
gives ge- This speech was extremely satisfactory both to parliament
neral satis- and to the public. Very loyal addresses were returned by both
taction. houses; but that of the house of commons was peculiarly for-
Suspen- cible and eloquent. From the promotion of Pitt to be prime
sionof minister, there had been no parliamentary opposition. Una-
parties *

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 15j
nimity in both houses marked the first session of the reign of CHAP.
George III. and the most liberal supplies were granted without, u-
a dissenting voice. The sums required for the public services <^~**>-'
of 1761 amounted to nineteen millions, twelve of which it was 176°-
necessary to raise hy a loan, and add to the debt which his ma- a?a.un%
jesty found at his accession. The civil list was fixed at 800,0001. l™l$-
A message from the throne stated the extraordinary expenses ment.
incurred by several provinces of America in their exertions du- Liberal
ring the war, and parliament, as a compensation, voted 200,0001. SQPPlies*
On the third of March 1761, his majesty, in his speech from ir61.
the throne, recommended a measure displaying the liberality The king
and patriotism of his character. By the death of the king, all rec°m-
officers appointed by him are vacated, and require new com-m<^sto
missions. Of these were the offices of judges. In very early menTu>
times, our kings in person often heard and decided causes ; but render
ever since the reign of Edward I. and the establishment of the, tbe judges
different courts and of regular circuits, they have delegated \"dep<j.n"
that power to the several judges. For a long period these\eld crown
their places during pleasure: consequently, the administration
of justice must have depended very often on the views, inte
rests, or passions of the reigning prince. In the reign of Wil-
i Ham III. a more stable tenure of office was proposed and esta
blished, and it was enacted,1 that the commissions of the judges
should be made, not as formerly, during pleasure, but during
the faithful discharge of their duties ; and their salaries were as
certained and established, so that it might be lawful to remove
them, on the address of both houses of parliament.3 Notwith
standing this wise provision, the office of the judges determined
on the demise of the crown. With praise-worthy earnestness
for the impartial administration of public justice, his majesty
signified, that he considered the independency and uprightness
of the judges, as essential to the proper exercise of their office,
as one of the best securities for the rights and liberties of Ms
-subjects, and as most conducive to the honour of his crown.
He therefore recommended to the consideration of parliament,
that such farther provision might be made for securing the
judges in the enjoyment of their offices during their! good be
haviour, notwithstanding" the demise of the crown, as should be
most expedient. Parliament expressed a strong sense of the act to that
wisdom and liberality of this measure, and an act was passed to PurPose-
the effect recommended in the speech.3
¦ Statutes at large, 13 W.III. cap. 2.
> See Blackstone's Commentaries, vol. i. p. 267.
3 Mr. Belsham labours to diminish the merit of this proposal of his ma
jesty ' by which, fop the general good of his people, he showed his dispo
sition to lessen the influence of the crown. He asserts, that this was no
sacrifice on the part of the crown, as no minister would advise such a dis
missal. This, however, is a mere assumption of Mr. Belsham's.. A minis
ter might advise the refusal of new commissions to judges obnoxious to
him, as good judges might be to a bad minister ; and anew king, before
the act of 1761, had the power of such dismission : that power is, in the act
desired by his majesty, entirely renounced.

ISd HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, The parliament was now approaching to its dissolution. Mr.
ll- Arthur Onslow had been speaker for thirty-three years in five
t^rv>"1^ successive parliaments. He now declared, that his age and in-
1761. firmities would prevent his return to the house ; and on this de
claration, it was immediately moved, and unanimously carried,
" that the thanks of the house should be given to Mr. Speaker,
" for his long and faithful services ; for the unshaken integrity
" of his conduct ; for his steady impartiality in the exercise
" of his office ; and his unwearied endeavours td promote the
" real interests of- his king and country, to maintain the honour
" and dignity of parliament, and to preserve inviolable the
Pension " rights and privileges of the commons of Great Britain." The
Stowed house farther unanimously addressed the king, beseeching him
thur Ons-" *° confe<r some testimony . of his royal favour on Mr. Onslow.
loW. His majesty, in answer, expressed his high esteem for the gen
tleman recommended, and bestowed on him a pension of 30001.
nissolu- a year for his own life and that of his son On the 19th of
tion of March, his majesty, having expressed his complete, approbation
parlia- 0f the conduct of parliament, prorogued it; and in April, it was
dissolved. About this time some partial changes were made in^ adminis
tration. Mr. Legge was dismissed from his office of chancel-
Lord Bute lor of the exchequer,1 and viscount Barrington appointed in his
appointed place ; lord Holdernesse resigned his office of secretary of
•secretary
0f state. ' Mr. Belsham, in the account that he gives of this change, imputes to
his sovereign mean and unworthy motives. According to this writer, his
majesty had, at the preceding election, (being then prince of Wales,) sent
a peremptory message to Mr. Legge, who was about to be chosen mem
ber for Hampshire, pressing him to relinquish his pretensions in favour of
sir Simon Stuart, a near relation to the earl of Bute. " Mr. Legge (says
Mr. Belsham) represented, in very respectful language, his earnest desire
to gratify the wishes of his royal highness, if timely intimation had been
given him of his intention ; but, as things were now circumstanced, he
could not, in honour to himself or justice to his friends, recede from the
nomination already made. This (continues Mr. "Belsham) was a species of
contumacy altogether unpardonable ; and the new monarch took a very
early and decisive opportunity to demonstrate to the worlds how different
was his system of thinking from that of Louis XII. who, with a magnanimi
ty truly royal, declared it beneath the dignity of a king to revenge the
quarrels of a duke of Orleans." Belsham, vol. i. p. 17. This paragraph
contains an assertion injurious to our sovereign, without any proof or
vouchers. Where is the evidence that the prince sent such a message 1
There is none in Mr. Belsham's history ; but even if the prince had sent
such a message, is there any proof, that, because Mr. Legge did not do
what was not practicable, the prince should conceive such resentment
against him, as on that account to deprive him of his office seven years af.
ter ? Where is the testimony that supports this assertion, imputing- to the
sovereign, malignity and revenge ? Is it a construction founded on gene
ral experience of that illustrious personage's dispositions ? Are malice
and rancour supposed, even by his enemies, to be component parts of the
king's character ! An impartial historian, will admit no assertion that is
unsupported by testimony and contrary to probability,

REIGN OF GEORGE' HI. iSy
state, and was succeeded by lord Bute. Mr. Pitt still continued CHAP.
principal secretary, and consequently at the head of adminis- »•
tration, as he must have been of any political body of which he >«-*^^*«^
was a member. 1761.
The chief military enterprise undertaken by Britain in the The cam-
campaign 1761, was the attack of Belleisle, a large island lying pa-gn
off the south coast of Brittany. This place was about twelve ppen%
leagues in circumference, strongly fortified, and afforded to its tion to
possessors tne command of a great extent of French coast. Belleisle.
It was apprehended, that it -might be of service to the English
trade and shipping in time of peace ; and as a receptacle for
privateers, might annoy the trade of France in time of war;
¦or that the French, when a treaty should be set on foot, aware
of its advantages, might offer in exchange for it some other
valuable possession ; and under these ideas, an expedition was
ordered. The land forces were commanded by general Hodg
son, and the fleet by commodore Keppel, brother to the earl of
Albemarle. On the 29th of March, they sailed from Spithead,
and on the 7th of April, arrived off TJelleisle. On the 8th, they
attempted a landing where its beach was most accessible ; but,
after several brave and repeated efforts, were obliged to desist,
with the loss of near five hundred men. Not dispirited, how
ever, by this repulse, they determined to make another trial, as
soon as less boisterous weather should permit ; but this was not
the case till the 25th of April. On that day they made a second
attempt, and not where the coast was weakest, but strongest;
they proceeded on the same principle, the application of which
had. carried the heights of Abraham, and they placed their chief
hopes- in the difficulty of the precipices ; and. concluded that
the enemy, trusting to that circumstance, would be off their
guard. To conceal their main attempt, they amused the enemy
by two feigned attacks in different quarters. By these means,
brigadier Lambert, effected a landing, and gained possession of
a hill overhanging the sea ; formed his men, and repulsed a
body of French, which had been sent to dislodge hiin from his
post. Having now the command of this part of the shore, the
British troops in a short time made good their landing, and im
mediately commenced the siege with great vigour : while the siege of
fortress, on the other hand, was very gallantly defended, and the fort,
several bloody contests took place. At last the chevalier St.
Croix, debarred by the British fleet from any communication
with the continent, and pressed on all sides, surrendered, by an and cap-
honourable capitulation, on the 7th of June, two months after ture-
the arrival of the British armament. Although in England all
men did not equally estimate the value of the conquest, yet they
agreed in praising the military and naval exertions by which it
had been obtained. Transac-
In America so much had been already done, that little re- Actlon.s m
mained now to be accomplished by war. The Cherokee Indians un;mpol.,
had been troublesome arid incursive on our western frontiers, tant. ,

158 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, but were entirely defeated by colonel Grant, and compelled to
n* make peace on our own terms. In the West Indies, a small
*-^N^>^ armament, under lord Hollo and sir James Douglas, sailed
1761. against Dominica, one of the neutral islands, but occupied
by the French, and reduced it under the dominion of Great
Britain.
Opera- In the East Indies, as we have seen, Pondicherry only re-
tionsinIn-mainec| jn possession of the French. Against this beautiful
town and important fortress, in the progress of success the
The Bri- British troops proceeded. Colonel Coote invested it by land;
tish be- and admiral Stevens by sea. In November 1760, the batteries
siege Pon- an(j wor|jS raised by the besiegers suffered great damage from
*' a violent storm, but were quickly repaired, and the operations
Gallant were carried on with vigour and perseverance. The besieged
defence, made a resolute and 'gallant defence, expecting the arrival of a
powerful fleet to their relief; but at length being attacked by
famine, they were reduced to extreme distress, and obliged to
subsist on the flesh of camels, of elephants, and even of dogs.
On the 1st of January, 1761, a violent storm dispersed the
British fleet, and gave the besieged sanguine hopes of provision
and succour. The British admiral, however, exerted such dili
gence and celerity, that in four days after the storm, he again
appeared before the place, with eleven ships of the line and
one frigate, two of the line having been wCecked. Being disap
pointed, after such flattering hopes of assistance, the besieged
became desperate ; but neither they nor their general made any
offer to surrender. At length a breach being effected, and only
one day's provision of any kind- remaining, a signal from the
town was made for a suspension of arms. A Jesuit and two
civilians offered to capitulate ; but the governor would propose
no terms, and sent out a paper full of invectives against the
English, as breakers of the treaties relative to India. As the
governor would not capitulate, and the offer of the inhabitants
Taken by without his concurrence could not be regarded, the city was
storm. taken by storm, and abandoned to the plunder of the victors.
Colonel Coote and his coadjutor, by their courage, conduct,
unanimity, and perseverance, effected this conquest on the loth
of January 1761, and thus gave a final blow to the French power
in the Carnatic.
Affairs in In Bengal, an attempt was made to revive the power of
Bengal. France. On the taking of Chandernagore in 1757, Mr. Law,1
a subject of France, had, with a party of French fugitives, re
tired into the north-western regions of India, and his European
followers soon amounted to about two hundred men. The
great mogul had a short time before been deposed by an irrup
tion of Mahrattas, and soon after dying, one of his sons, Shah
Taddah, assumed the title of his father, supported by some of
Projects his provinces, and opposed by, others." Law offered this young

of Law,

» Nephew to Law, so noted about 1720, for his Mississippi scheme.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 159
prince his service with his two hundred Europeans, which was CHAP.
accepted with great joy; and, though the prince's opponents n-
were extremely numerous, yet, by the superiority of European ^^~>r^*-'
genius, enterprise, and military skill, to those of the feeble 1761,
Asiatics, he easily turned the scale in his favour and reduced
several considerable districts to obedience. Law, elated with
this success, in an evil hour persuaded him to turn his arms
against Bengal ; and he accordingly entered that kingdom with
eighty thousand men of his- own, and upwards of two hundred
French. The subah of Bengal marched to oppose him with
twenty thousand natives, but a much more formidable force in
five hundred English, The British and their allies gained a discomfit-
complete victory over the French and their auxiliaries : Mr. ^d Kyhtbe
Law was taken prisoner, and his fellow adventurers killed,
taken, or dispersed; the great mogul being among the native
prisoners. This victory happened on the same day on which
Pondicherry was taken, and thus by both was a final blow given
to the power Of France in India.
We left the French in possession of the whole territory of Campaign
Hesse, and a considerable part of Westphalia. Their force of the al-
in Germany greatly surpassed that of prince Ferdinand, and pes m
rendered it necessary for him to act with cautious circumspec- ermany-
tion. The general object of the allies was the same in this
as in .the preceding campaigns ; namely, to drive the French
out of Germany : but the scene of their efforts was different.
The French army was powerful, and well supplied with pro
visions. - Prince Ferdinand, in forming his plan of operations, Objects
considered the different characters of the contending troops. and pkm
The French, though equally brave, he knew, were not equally °f P™ce
hardy with his own soldiers; he therefore projected a winter nan(j"
campaign, in which the hardiness of his own troops, inured to
the country and climate, would somewhat compensate for the
superior force of the enemy. Accordingly, on the ninth of Feb
ruary, he prepared to attack the enemy on every side, while
they were totally off their guard ; and on February the 10th,
began his march. The centre, led by his serene highness in
person, penetrated directly into Hesse, and made its way
towards Cassel ; the right and left of the army were each at a
very considerable distance from this body ; but so disposed
as fully to co-operate in the general plan, which was very ex
tensive. The hereditary prince, who commanded on the right,
marched by Stadbergen and Mengeringhausen ; and leaving
the country of Hesse towards the eastward, as the alarm was
to be as sudden and as widely diffused as possible, he pushed
forward with the utmost expedition into the heart of the French
quarters. General Sporcken, commanded a corps of troops to
the left and penetrated into Thuringia. These movements cut
oft" the ' French from communication with a strong garrison
which they had placed at Gottingen, and with the army of

160 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, the empire in Lower Saxony : and at the same time opened A
n* communication between the arxy of the allies and of'Prussia. On
W'"vr*^r<' the approach of the allies, the French, notwithstanding their num-
1761. bers, fled in great consternation ; and had not the country, by its
defiles and difficulties, favoured their retreat, they might have
been entirely destroyed. Prince Ferdinand attacked Fruster, a
well fortified town on the river Eder, one of the streams which
He redu- fall into the Weser.1 He found the place well prepared; but
cesFrus- though at first repulsed, he in a few days compelled it to sur
render, and there got possession of a large magazine. That
Achieve- gallant and enterprising officer the marquis of Granby,2 who
ments of had succeeded lord George Siickville „in the command of
lord Gran- the English, attacked and stormed several strong forts and
J° castles in the neighbourhood, and the chief magazines of the
enemy were either taken or destroyed. Marpurg, upon the
river Laun which falls into the Rhine, arid Leighayn, were
Siege of blockaded; but the chief object of the prince was the siege of
Cassel, Cassel, on which the fortune ,of the campaign must evidently
turn; since, ,if the strqngly fortified capital of Hesse were
taken, the inferior places would certainly fall. Meanwhile mar
shal Broglio, the French commander, collected his dispersed
troops, and, being re-enforced from France, returned to meet
the victorious enemy. The allied army had been divided, in
carrying on the different operations ; and the hereditary
prince having advanced a considerable way before his uncle,
was attacked by Broglio and defeated. Prince Ferdinand,
raised. finding it necessary to raise the siege and evacuate Hesse,
made a very able retreat towards Hanover ; and though disap
pointed in tbe hopes that he entertained from his winter
campaign, yet his expedition was far from being without effect ;
for, by seizing and destroying the magazines of the enemy,
he prevented them from availing themselves of their succes
ses. Both armies returned to. winter quarters, and it was the
Broglio end of June before they again took the field. Marshal Brog-
re-enforc- Ho, being strongly re-enforced, marched from Cassel, and mov-
Cd'bl"dt et' towar('-5 the Dimet,3 to joiq a body of troops in Westphalia
act* on the una"er the prince de Soubise, General Sporcken, who occupied
offensive, a strong position on the banks of the same river, on the ap-r
proach of the grand army of the enemy, attempted a retreat,
but did not effect his purpose without his rear being attacked,
and suffering considerable loss. Marshal Broglio having joined
Soubise, marched forward against the allied army, which
prince Ferdinand had posted on the Lippe, on the eastern
frontiers of Westphalia and the confines of Lower Saxony.

1 Not directly, but after its confluence with the Fuldo.
» Grandfather of the present duke of Rutland.
3 A river on the cofines of Westphalia and Hesse ; which falls into the
Weser.

reign oe george iu. 161
Discovering that the design of the enemy was to attack him, CHAP.
the prince took a very strong position, and also employed ef- n-
fectttal measures for securing a retreat, should it be necessary, i-^*****
Broglio, on the 1 5th of July, made a furious attack upon the 1761-
marquis of Granby's posts, and after a violent conflict was re- by Gran-
pulsed f but the next day the French made a general attack, by.
Prince Ferdinand, though with very inferior numbers, by his
skilful disposition, and his readiness in seizing advantages
which were afforded him on one side by* the tardiness of the
French, was victorious ; but the victory was not decisive.
Broglio thought it expedient to separate the troops, and sent
Soubise westward to besiege Munster, while he himself pro
ceeded towards Hanover and Brunswick ; and so secured ,
his communication, that he could easily retreat into Hesse,
should that be expedient. Prince Ferdinand, moving east
ward to watch the motions of Broglio, sent the hereditary
prince to protect Munster; which purpose he effected so com
pletely, as to prevent Soubise from besieging that city, and
compel him to retire. Meanwhile Broglio was making rapid
advances in Lower Saxony : on the 5th of October he attack- Various-
ed the city of Wolfenbuttle, which after a siege of five days success-
he took, and proceeded to Brunswick. The hereditary prince,
however, being sent by his uncle to the relief of his father's
capital, by the skill and activity of his movements compelled
the enemy to raise the siege, and also to evacuate Wolfenbuttle:
soon after, both armies retired into winter quarters. After all Results of
the variety of operations and vicissitudes of fortune, both the thf ca™-
French and the allies were nearly in the same situation as at the •pai^nj™
„ , . J western
commencement ot the campaign. Germany.
The king ef Prussia in this campaign, contrary to the plan
which he had adopted in the former years of the war, and not
withstanding the glorious actions and important achievements
of the preceding season, resolved to act upon the defensive. In the east
Aware, however, that this resolution would encourage his ene- lile ^kln?
mies, he skilfully concealed it, by threatening operations which °cts™^e
he did not mean to carry into execution. The plan of his ene- defensive.
mies was, that Loudohn, assisted by the Russians, should un
dertake a war of sieges in Silesia; that Romanzow should car
ry on the war on the side of Prussia and Pomerania, and, as
sisted by the Russian and Swedish fleets, besiege Kolberg;
while marshal Daun commanded an army in Saxony, which
was to serve as a magazine for re-enforcing the other armies,
and co-operating either with Loudohn or Broglio, or causing a
diversion in favour of Romanzow. After a long siege, the
Russians and Swedes captured Kolberg. The king himself
undertook the defence of Silesia against the Russians and Aus
trians ; and the chief display of his military skill was in the
encampment that he formed, which defied the attack and pre-
vente4 the progress of the enemy during the greater part of
Vol. I. 21

I'62

HISTORY, OP THE

CHAP. 11.

1761.

Negotia
tions for
peace.

the campaign.1 In September he destroyed the Russian maga
zines ; and, had not his own provisions failed, would have pre
vented any important blow from being struck in Silesia ; but
on the 29th of September, being obliged to leave his strong post,
general Loudohn attacked and surprised Schweidnitz, which
closed the campaign in Silesia. By this loss, added to the cap
ture of Kolberg, the campaign of 1761 was on the whole disas
trous to Prussia.
The British minister was how engaged in a business which
in its consequence gave occasion to very great changes in the
state; this was a negotiation for peace. In winter 1760,
France began to see that her hopes from successes in Germany
were by no means likely to be realized •; that Britain, invigora
ted by Pitt, continued with unrelaxed efforts to support her al
lies on the continent ; and that Frederick still baffled, and was
likely to baffle, all the force of his enemies. Her revenue,
which had principally supported the expense of the war, was
exhausted by enormous expenses, and her ambition was hum
bled by discomfiture and' disaster, which had made the war so
general; Expressing her wishes for peace, therefore, she now
seemed to be in earnest. Her allies were aware, that' if she
withdrew from the confederacy, it would be unsafe for them to
Continue hostilities. Sweden, the subsidiary of France, was in
formed by the court of Versailles, that the state of the French
finances did not permit the longer continuance of the subsidy ;
and the courts of Petersburg, Vienna, Sweden, and Poland,
concurred in overtures for a negotiation. On the 25th of
March, 1761, declarations to that effect were signed by the
ministers of the five powers at Paris, and on the 3lst of the
same month delivered at London. A declaration of the same
import, by the kings of Britain and Prussia, was dated on the
3d of April ; and Augsburg was by both parties fixed on as the
most commodious situation for a congress. As the number, of
the parties concerned, and the variety and complication of their
interests, must render the negotiation intricate, it was unani
mously agreed by the parties, that neutral powers should
Views and be admitted to the convention. To simplify as much as pos-
interests sj(j|e fl,e views and objects of the different parties, it was found
ties.epar most exPedient to recur to the origin of the war, in which then-
respective purposes had been first manifested, and by the
events of which they had since been jointly or severally affect
ed. Many as were the relations and consequences which the
war in its progress involved, yet, on tracing them to their
sources, they were found to originate in two objects totally un
connected ; namely, the limits of the French and English ter
ritories in North America, and of the dominions of the king of
Prussia in Germany and Poland. It was agreed, that the ad
justment of German differences should be the business of the

i See Gillies's Frederick, p. 353.

' iEIGN OF GEORGE III. l6S
general congress at Augsburg; and that a separate negotia- CHAP.
tion should be opened at London and Paris, for the arrange- n-
ment of such concerns as belonged exclusively to Great Britain s-^v^>-'
and France. , 1761.
To this negotiation, as pertaining more immediately and di- Overtures
rectly to our subject, we shall pay the first and principal atten- between
tion. Ministers were reciprocally sent; Mr. Stanley to Paris 5"itam
on the part of England, M. Bussy to London on the part of'FranOT.
France ; and the negotiation now appeared to be in the fairest
train. France, which had proposed the separate treaty with
England, thereby offered a dereliction of any hopes that she
might have derived from the state of affairs in Germany.. It
was now obvious, that in order to obtain peace, she must make
very humiliating concessions. Her proper quarrel was, by this
arrangement, separated from the general cause ; and she must
expect very disadvantageous conditions, as in her proper quar
rel she had suffered grievous disasters. When in such a situa
tion she desired a separate peace, it might have been very na
turally imagined that she was sincere; and not only by su
perficial politicians, but by men of information and experience,
she was really conceived to be in earnest. France was, how
ever, playing a game artful in its design, but shallow in its poli
cy. The court of Spain, she hoped, would not look with indif
ference on the humiliation of the principal branch of the house
of Bourbon. Charles, she well knew, was originally far from
being so favourably disposed to England, as his predecessor
had been. The great successes of the English, on an element
and in quarters in which they might be eventually dangerous
to Spain, had added jealousy to original displeasure. The
more advantageous and imperious the terms demanded by Bri->
tain should be, the more would the resentment and jealousy of
Spain be inflamed, and the more easily would that power be in
duced to take a part in the war. On the side of England there
was sincerity in the negotiation, but there were circumstances
which obstructed a peace. France was a country whose ambi
tion had always displayed itself toward her neighbours, and
more especially towards Britain, whenever she had power to
give it effect: in the present contest, she had been evidently
the aggressor. Our ambitious rival having commenced an un
just war, and being totally vanquished, and almost prostrate at
our feet; this was conceived to be the time for reducing her to
a state which would long disable her for future aggression. Such
was the general opinion of the people, and such also was the opi
nion of the principal minister.
The negotiation however opened, on the ground of uti possi- Principle
detis ; that is, that the two parties should remain in possession of the
of reciprocal conquest, and that whatever cessions were made, overturies-
should be granted for an equivalent. As no cessation of arms
had hitherto taken place, and as the war might make a daily
alteration in the fortune of the contracting powers, it was ne-

ife4 HISTORY OF THE •
CHAP, cessary to fix upon some epoch to which this possessory article
n- should refer. The French proposed, that the situation in which
^^T***" they should stand on the first of May 1761 in Europe, on the
1761. £rgt 0f juiy jn the West Indies and Africa, and on the first
of September in the East Indies, should be the basis of the trear
ty proposed to be negotiated between the two powers ; but they
declared their willingness to fix upon other epochs, if these prov
ed not to be agreeable. The British minister, at fi^st, refused'
to admit any epochs, but those that referred to the day of sign
ing the treaty of peace. To this the French replied, that unless
a certain period of the war was fixed, it would be impossible to
ascertain the nature and value of the possessions which might
be relinquished ; and they declared that, unless specified epochs
were fixed, the negotiations must be at an end. The English
minister at length saw the propriety of the measure, but before
he would treat definitively oh that point, he proposed two pre
liminary conditions : first, that every thing adjusted between
the two crowns concerning their particular war, should be made
final and conclusive, independent of the fate of the negotiation
at Augsburg :v secondly, that the definitive treaty of peace
between Britain and France, or preliminary articles to that
effect, should be signed and ratified between the date of that
memorial and the first of the following August. If these con
ditions were accepted, Britain agreed to name as determined
epochs, the first of July for Europe, the first of September fdr
Africa and America, and the first of November for the East In
dies. France, having consulted with her principal ally, con
sented to the independence of the treaty on the negotiation at
Augsburg, provided nothing should be stipulated to the prejudice
of the house of Austria. To the second article, and to the pro
posed epochs, she also agreed. The general principle, and the
terms of its application, being ascertained, they came next to
particular stipulations. The great objects in the negotiation
Were six : 1st, the limits of the two crowns in North America :
2d, the conquests of Great Britain in the West Indies, together
with the neutral islands there : Sd-r our conquests in Africa and
India ; 4th, the adjustment of the particular affairs between the
English and French in Germany : 5th, the conduct which the
two crowns were to adopt, with regard to their respective allies
in Germany: 6th, the restitution of the captures made by Eng-
- Proposi- 'and previous to the declaration of war. France proposed to
tions of cede Canada ; stipulating, that whatever French colonists should
France. g0 choose, might remove with their effects, and that those who
remained should be allowed the free and public exercise of the
catholic religion.1 She required the restitution of Cape Breton,
and a confirmation of the privilege of fishing on the coast of
Newfoundland. In the West Indies — of the neutral islands, she
proposed to relinquish Tobago to England, but that Dominica,
¦ Annual Register for 1761, p. 38 ¦ and Magazines for ditto.

REIGN bF GEORGE HL 165
St. Lucia, and St. Vincent, should return to her protection as CHAP.
before ; and to repurchase Guadaloupe and Marigalante, she •"¦
offered Minorca. In Africa, she required the restoration of ei- 1*^^^*»>
ther Senegal or Goree ; and in Europe of Belleisle : as a com- ^l.
pensation for ifchich, she offered to evacuate Germany eastward
of the Maine. In the East Indies*, being stripped of all her pos
sessions, she had nothing to offer. She endeavoured to prove,
that the territorial acquisitions of England would hurt the com
mercial interests of the English as well as the French East In
dia company ; and proposed that the peace in India should be
on the same footing as the convention concluded some years be
fore between M. Godeheau and admiral Saunders, in totally
different circumstances ; and that the cession of her conquests
iti Germany, should be a Compensation for thoste in Africa and
India. The chief difficulty was in the fifth object; for England
declared that she would: inviolably preserve her faith to the king
of Prussia ; and France had recently stipulated at the court of
Vienna, that she would admit nothing in the treaty with Eng
land to the disadvantage of Austria. To solve this difficulty,
France proposed, that the Frehch and British armies in Ger
many should observe a strict neutrality ; that when his Britannic
majesty should recall his forces, the christian king would recall
double the number ; and that no French troops should remain
in Germany, but in proportion to those who continued there in
British pay. The French also demanded the restitution of the
captures made before the declaration of war. These proposals
were, in July 1761, sent in a memorial to London. Mr. Pitt's Reply of
answer, dated July *29th, agreed to receive Canada, but without England*
any limitation ; and, in addition to the French offer of all Cana
da, demanded its appurtenances. It rejected the .requisition of
Cape Breton, or any other island in the gulf of St. Lawrence :
it allowed the privilege of fishing, if the French would demolish
Dunkirk : it acceded to the propositions respecting the West
Indies, and to restore Belleisle on the compensations offered :
it refused the neutrality proposed in Germany : and insisted, iu
addition to the evacuation of Hesse, that France should evacu
ate all Germany : it refused the restitution of either Senegal or
Goree : it rejected the treaty of admiral Saunders as the basis
of peace in India, but proposed that the East India companies
of the two nations should negotiate on this ¦ subject ; and lastly,
it refused the restoration of the captured ships.
While these matters were 'depending, M. Bussy, the French Proposed
agent, delivered a private memojgjal from France, proposing, interfe-
with the consent and communication of the king of Spain, that ™°?^ ™
his catholic majesty should be invited to accede to the treaty, the'ne'go-
to prevent any disputes between the crowns of Great Britain tiation,
and Spain from producing a new war : specifying the points re
quired by Spain to be, first, the restitution of some 'captures
made upon the .Spanish flag ; secondly, the privilege of the '
Spanish nation to fish on the banks of Newfoundland; and,

166 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, thirdly, the demolition of the English settlements made on the
ll- Spanish territories in the bay of Honduras. The sagacity of
s-^v">"-' Pitt immediately penetrated the object of the proposed interfe-
1761. rence, and readily comprehended, not only the insincerity of
the French in the proffered negotiation, but also the motives of
their duplicity. He expressed himself rather, as might be ex
pected, from conscious wisdom discovering an attempt to im
pose on it by trick and artifice, than in the complaisant style of
rejected court and diplomatic etiquette. He rejected with the strongest
by Mr. and most unqualified expressions of contempt, the proposals of an
Pltt- enemy humbled at our feet, to interfere in disputes with a nation
with which we were in friendship; and called on the Spanish
minister to disavow a memorial asserted to have been drawn up
Discussion by the consent of his court. That ambassador returned at first
between a verbal message, and soon after was authorized by his court to
and Spain deliver a written answer, in which he openly avowed and jus-
' tified the step taken by the French agent, as entirely agreeable
to the sentiments of his master. He declared that the kings
of France and Spain were united, not only by the ties of blood,
but by mutual interest. He applauded the humanity and great
ness of mind, which his most christian majesty had shown in
the proposition complained of by Pitt; insisted much on the
sincere desire of peace, as the only, motive which influenced
the conduct of the two monarchs ; and added haughtily, that
if his master had been governed by any other principles, " his
"catholic majesty, giving full scope to his greatness, would have
" spoken from himself, and as became his dignity."1
The whole of this paper not only indicated, but avowed, an
union of interests and views between the courts of France and
Spain, which if the negotiation should be broken off, as it was
likely to be on the rejection of the proposed interference, must
produce hostilities. In the negotiation between France and
England, there were two great points on which the parties could
not agree. France continued to insist upon the neutrality of Ger
many, which was refused by England, and also on the restitu
tion of the captures previous to the declaration of war. The
faith of the country being pledged to the king of Prussia, the
English administration considered the repeated proposals for
neutrality, as attacks upon national integrity. Mr. Stanley
was ordered to deliver the ultimatum of the court of London,
requiring the cession of Canada and its dependencies, Cape
Breton, and other islands in the gulf of St. Lawrence, as de
manded in Mr. Pitt's memorial of the 29th of July ; agreeing
to the territorial restitution in Europe and the West" Indies, on
the conditions proposed ; requiring the cessions in Africa therein
mentioned, and. also* the evacuation .of Ostend and Nieuport,
and the restitution of Cleves, Wesel, Gueldres, and all the ter
ritories belonging to the king of Prussia and other allies of Bri*
• State papers relative to a rupture with Spain, 1761,

REIGN OF GEORGE IH. 167
tain. England insisted, that she should be left at full liberty CHAP.
to support the cause of the king of Prussia, according to the "¦
terms of existing treaties : she proposed to admit France to a *,<^"v>*«'
share of the Newfoundland fishery, and to give her the small 1761.
island of St. Pierre ; but she continued determined to refuse the
restitution of the ships captured before the war. Britain would
neither agree to the proposed neutrality in Germany, nor to the
restitution of prizes ; France insisted on these two points, and
thus the negotiation was set aside, and Messrs. Bussy and Stan- Negotia-
ley were ordered to return to their respective countries. u0I>v «•
Our ambassador at the court of Madrid was instructed to -^pitt
require a categorical and - satisfactory declaration concerning conceives
" her final intentions. If he perceived on the side of Spain any Spain h«s~-
intention -of disavowing, or even of explaining away, :the of- tile.
fensive transaction, he was ordered- to accept it, and to" afford
to her an opportunity of plausible denial. He accordingly
made the desired representation to general Wall, the Spanish
minister, and received many professions of the friendship en
tertained by Spain for the English king and nation, but a very
evasive account of the purport of the proposed interference ;
the minister merely saying, that nothing was intended by it
-that could be inconsistent with the dignity of his Britannic
majesty. He magnified the matters in dispute between Spain
and Britain, and added either trivial or groundless subjects of
complaint. Subsequent conferences were evasive and unsatis
factory, and consequently by no means answered the requisi
tions made by the British minister. The French interest was
evidently gaining ground in the Spanish court. France strongly
pressed upon Spain the dangerous greatness of England, Which
would render her now so formidable a neighbour to Spanish
America, and enable her, if not checked,, to engross so much
commerce. The christian king earnestly solicited his catholic
majesty to form a family compact, which should include an
offensive and defensive alliance, a reciprocation of benefits,
and a mutual guarantee from dangers and attacks. Charles
agreed to the propositions of Louis ; a convention was formed
for these purposes, and signed- August 15th, to which the other
branches of the house of Bourbon were invited to accede. The
conclusion of this treaty, afterwards so famous under the title
of the family compact, was speedily discovered1 by Mr. Pitt,
and confirmed his opinion of the hostile intentions of Spain. ,
"Considering war with that kingdom to be on these grounds in
evitable, Mr. Pitt proposed in councih that we should strike the Proposes
first blow, attack Spain before she was fully prepared, and to strike
thereby give her a lesson how she should presume unasked, tojjjj^nrst
interfere in our affairs, with a mediation at once dictatorial, in-
¦ The informant of the British minister is generally understood to have
been the earl Marischal of Scotland ; who having been attainted, had long
resided in Spain, but was now reconciled to the British government.

168 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, selent, and menacing. He proposed, that we should consider
a' tbe answer of Spain, as a refusal of satisfaction ; and that re-
*^"v"^«*' filial, as a declaration of war. Conceiving that hostilities were
^61- unavoidable, he proposed that we should carry them on with
the utmost speed and vigour. We were paramount at sea; let
us send a fleet immediately to intercept their galleons, and thus
at once strike a blow that should weaken them for the remain
der of the contest. In the projects of united genius and mag
nanimity, tlteore is often a grandeur, which transcends the com
prehension of ordinary minds, and appals rather than inspirits
tbe requisite efforts. Bold in conception, prompt in plan, de
cisive and rapid in execution, Mr. Secretary Pitt 6aid, Spain has
hostile intentions, let us anticipate her efforts, let us disable her
power: so shall we speedily compel her to sue for-peace and
prevent ourselves from being disturbed by her unjust partiality.
It is evident that we must have war ; the sooner we begin, the
better for us, as we are prepared, and she is not : her chief re
sources are on the element which we command, we may there
fore arrest their progress to her ports. His colleagues, though
men of sense and information, were not endowed with those
powers which at one glance can view a great and complicated
subject in all its parts, diversities, and connexions. They con
sidered Mr. Pitt's proposal as tending to precipitate us into a
war which plight be avoided, and argued on the impolicy of a
rupture with Spain. That nation, they admitted, had taken a
very extraordinary and unjustifiable step; but his catholic
majesty had probably been seduced by the artifices of France,
and a temperate but spirited remonstrance from the British
court might recall him to a true sense of his interests. The ad
dition of another war would diminish our national strength ;
Out-voted and the proposed seizure of the flota would alarm all neutral
in council, nations. This was the opinion of all the members of the coun
cil, except lord Temple; but as it did not overturn Mr. Pitt's
reasonings, his opinion remained unaltered. The amount was,
war is an evil ; war with Spain is contrary to the interests of
England; and negotiation is a more desirable mode of settling
disputes, than hostilities. These general propositions Mr. Pitt
neither did nor could deny ; negotiation, he admitted, was
preferable to war, if it could be employed, hut it had been tried
without effect. Spain was resolved to violate the peace; it
was therefore just in England to prevent her attempts, and
-her interest to strike the first blow. As that branch of Bour
bon showed a disposition to join in the enmity of the other,
now was the time for humbling the whole house ; and if the
opportunity were suffered to escape, it might never be re
covered.* We are now taught by the event, that this illustrious
statesman explored the views of both actual and intentional
enemies; fur Spain proved hostile, as he predicted. It is also
» Annual Register, 1761, p. 43.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 169
evident, that in such circumstances, the plan which he proposed, CHAP.
was as wise as it was vigorous. If immediately executed, it ll-
would have disabled the enemy, and prevented the necessity w*"-*!*
and expense of our subsequent efforts. The succeeding part *761
of his conduct is more liable to exception. He said, that if he
could not prevail in this proposition, he was resolved to sit no
longer in that council. He thanked the ministers of the late
king1 for their support. He was himself called to the ministry
by the voice of the people ; to them he considered himself as
accountable for his conduct, and he would not remain in a
situation that made him responsible for mfeasures which he
was no longer allowed to guide.3 It was very obvious, that in
ability Mr. Pitt far surpassed any of his colleagues ; and if it
be expedient for the nation that in council superior wisdom
should guide inferior, it was certainly expedient that such men
as the duke of Newcastle and the earl of Bute should be govern
ed by Mr. Pitt. Perhaps, however, wisdom can best exercise
guidance, where she does not assert a claim that implies consci
ous superiority.*1
Had this extraordinary statesman condescended to employ
a' softer and more conciliating mode of conduct, he perhaps
might have won over a majority of his colleagues to his opi
nion ; but the experiment Was not tried. Being Out-voted in the
council, he resigned his employment into the hands of his He re-
sovereign. His majesty declared his concern for the loss of so signs.
very able a servant, but without requesting him to resume his Tne kinS
office. He offered him any reward in the power of the crown hfsPreOTev
to bestow ; at the same time he expressed himself satisfied
with the opinion of the majority of his council ; and even de
clared, that, had the council concurred with Mr. Pitt, he should
have found it difficult how to have acted, in the light in which
he had viewed the subject. The king did not conceive Spain
to have exhibited any clear proofs of hostile intentions ; and,
entertaining such a view, he could neither think it just nor
prudent to commence a war.4 Having, therefore, with the

' The earl of Bute was said to have frequently thwarted Mr. Pitt in the
cabinet, but had been hitherto overborne by his superior abilities.
* Annual Register 1761, p. 43.
3 Since writing the above, I observed, that- lord Orford, in a letter to
general Conway, expressed the same opinion : " He (Mr. Pitt) and lord
Temple have declared against the whole cabinet council. Why, that they
have done before now, and yet have acted with them again : it is very true;
but a little word has escaped Mr. Pitt, which never entered into his former
declaration; nay, nor into Cromwell's, nor Hugh Capet's, nor Julius Cae
sar's, nor any reformers of modern or ancient times. He has happened to
say, he will guide. Now, though the cabinet council are mighty willing to
ibe guided when they cannot help it, yet they wish to have appearances
saved : they cannot be fond of being told that they are to be guided ; still
less, that other people should be told so." Lord Orford's letters.
•* Annual Register 17&I, p. 44.
Vol. I. 22

iro

HISTORY OP THE

1761.
bestows
on him a
pension.

CHAP, greatest condescension explained his sentiments (sentiments
1 ! that, in the light in which he regarded the matters in question,
do him the greatest honour), Mr. Pitt was extremely affected
by the united dignity and goodness of his sovereign. The
following day, a pension of three thousand pounds a year was
settled on Mr. Pitt for three lives, and at the same time a title
was conferred upon his lady and her issue. This pension sub
jected the acceptor to much frivolous and contemptible oblo
quy. Mr. Pitt's original fortune was small ; the situation into
which he had been advanced by his. abilities, required great ex
penditure ; his powerful mind engaging him in momentous
politics, and grasping the interests of his country and other
nations, he had bestowed too little attention on his own pe
cuniary affairs, so that he was very far from being in affluent
circumstances : he had, during a most arduous conjuncture,
served his country in the highest station that he could occupy ;
and having found her in a state of unexampled humiliation, he
left her in a state of unexampled exaltation. Such a man de
served reward. All the ribaldrous invective poured out against
his acceptance, of this annuity, may be answered in a few words;
AS A SUPPLY, IT WAS WANTED; AS A RECOMPENSE, IT WAS FAIRLY
EARNED. Mr. Pitt's resignation of an employment in which his con
tinuance would have promoted the most momentous interests of
his country, cannot easily be justified. From his wisdom, his
country might have expected that he would have overlooked
an opposition of opinion in a case which very fairlv admitted
of two constructions, though he was eventually proved to be
right; that his patriotism would have induced him to have
employed his talents, even though every particular mea
sure adopted might not be agreeable to his views ; and that
his magnanimity would overlook what he might suppose
Character personal competitions. But, whatever sentiments were en-
ofMr. tertained respecting Mr. Pitt's going out of office, every im-
Pitt's ad- partial man agreed, that a greater minister had never acted un-
ministra- fjer a sovereign of England. Lofty in genius, profound in wis
dom, and expansive in views ; inventive in counsel, bold in re
solution, and decisive in conduct ; he long overbore party by
unequalled ability. Sagacious in the discovery of general ana
official character, he discerned the fittest instruments for the ex
ecution of his plans ; and employing none in offices of high po
litical, naval, or military trust, but those whom he knew to be
thoroughly qualified for effecting the purpose, he laid a sure
foundation for success. The enterprises under his administra
tion were brilliant, and the result was at once advantageous
and glorious. A mind of such force of intellectual and moral
qualities, energy of operation, and perseverance of exertion,
which had in its powers and endowments no motives for arti
fice or disguise, perhaps bestowed too little care to conceal
from others that superiority which it so transcendently possess-

- REIGN OF GEORGE III. 171
¦fed. A little more indulgence for common understandings, and CHAP.
somewhat less of austerity of temper and of inflexibility of dispo- u-
sition, might have preserved this illustrious man to the councils ^^~vr^*^
of his country. , l76i-
This summer a very pleasing"and important event took place, Marriage
in the marriage of the king. The nation, from the accession of of the king
his majesty, was very desirous, both on public and private con- p°inCeSS
sideratiohs, to see him united to a consort capable of render- charlotte
ing him happy. Various conjectures were formed, who theofMeck-
lady should be that was to become the queen of Great Bri- Jenburg
tain. Different princesses were mentioned ; and an English re ' L'
woman was by many supposed likely to attain that high rank.
Pamphlets were written for and against the king of Great Bri
tain allying himself with a subject ; but, on the 8th of July, a
gazette extraordinary put an end to all conjectures. This pa
per announced that his majesty had declared his resolution of
demanding in marriage the princess Charlotte, sister to the
. reigning duke of Mecklenburg Strelitz ; a princess distinguish
ed for talents and amiable qualifications. It was directed by
his majesty, that lord Harcourt should repair to the court of
Strelitz, to demand her serene highness ; that the duchesses of
Ancaster and Hamilton should be sent to accompany her, and
lord Anson, with a fleet, to receive her in the Elbe, and con
duct her to England. On the 14th of August, the noble em
bassy arrived at Strelitz ; and the next day, lord Harcourt ask
ed the princess for his sovereign. The proposal being accept
ed, a contract was signed. On the 1 7th, her highness set out ;
and on the 23d, she reached Cuxhaven, where the English
squadron lay, and was received with every demonstration of
joy by the fleet. After encountering very tempestuous weather,
and being driven a considerable way to the northward, on the
6th of September, the squadron arrived safe at Harwich late in
the evening, and the next day the princess landed on British
ground. Returning with the most distinguished affability the
attentions that were paid to her at Harwich and the interme
diate places, she captivated the affections of all the spectators.
That night she slept at William, the seat of lord Abercorn ; and
on the 8th of September, proceeded towards London, when she
was met at Rumford by the king's coach and servants. On their
approach to the metropolis, to avoid the streets they turned
aside toward the Islington road, from thence drove to Padding-
ton, passed through Hyde Park, and coming down Constitution
hill, stopped at the garden gate of St. James's palace, where
she was received by all the royal family. The duke of York
handed her from the coach. In the garden she was met by his
majesty, who saluted her with the greatest affection, and led
her to the palace, where she dined with the king, the princess
dowager and the rest of the family. At eight in the evening
the marriage ceremony was performed by Dr. Seeker, arch
bishop of Canterbury. The Duke of Cumberland gave the

172 CHAP. II.

1761.
Corona
tion.

The Earl
of Bute'.

HISTORY OP THE
princess away ; the princess became queen Charlotte, and Lon
don and Westminster were the scenes of festivity and joy.
About a fortnight after, the coronation of the king and queen
was solemnized with a magnificence and grandeur befitting those
illustrious personages, and the country over which they reigned.
The deportment of the young queen on these great occasions, at
public places, and wherever she appeared, charmed all specta
tors ; and, when added to the accounts given by those who had
an opportunity of knowing the understanding and heart of her
majesty, made every loyal Briton rejoice at the happy lot of his
beloved monarch.
On the resignation of Mr. Pitt, the earl of Egremont was ap
pointed to his department ; but, as the earl of Bute was now
considered as the chief director of affairs, and not long after,
by the dismission of the duke of Newcastle, became first lord
of the treasury, we may from this time date the 'commence
ment of the Bute administration. John Stuart, earl of Bute,
whose respectable private character has been already mention
ed, was the representative of a noble family of considerable
eminence injhe southwest of Scotland, and connected with the
first nobility in that part of the kingdom ; especially with the
house of Argyle, so distinguished for its efforts in support of
our present establishment; and he had uniformly taken the side
of the Hanover family.1 His lordship was a man of talents
somewhat exceeding mediocrity, with a considerable share of
that species of literature and knowledge which is within the
reach of moderate abilities. He was a good classical scholar,
conversant in natural history, botany, some branches of chemis
try, and experimental philosophy ; a liberal patron of letters,
and a magnificent promoter of useful experiments and disco
veries.8 Pious in his sentiments and habits, he was meritorious
in domestic and social relations; and, as a private nobleman or
gentleman, a very valuable member of society. Such a cha^
racter constantly contemplated by a prince so well disposed as
Ills royal pupil, when joined to the pains and attention bestow
ed upon himself, naturally produced respect and affection; and
affection in the inexperience of youth, as naturally exaggerated
the merits of its object.

' I mention this circumstance, in opposition to a notion once prevalent,
that lord Bute had been tainted with jacobltism ; a charge totally devoid
of proof, and which really appears to have had no other foundation than
his name of Stuart. Indeed his appointment by George n. to be tutor to
tbe heir of the crown, when whig principles were exclusively paramount,
is a sufficient answer to any assertion resting on such a feeble basis.
-> Various expensive works were printed at his cost for the dissemination
of curious and useful knowledge. Indeed, there never perhaps was a no
bleman in greater favour mth printers, as I am assured by very respectable
¦members of that body.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 173
The king evidently meant to choose his servants, without CHAP.
respect to their party connexions, according to his esti- 1I-
mation of their fitness for the offices of state. He had good s^^~>^
reason to entertain a favourable opinion of lord Bute, from }7el-
what he himself had seen and known; and it was a very na- Hl,s maJes-
tural process of reasoning, especially when mingled, with youth- ^ *h° Ject
fid affection, to suppose him qualified for higher departments, choice of
There certainly was a man of much greater talents than lord ministers.
Bute, but he had relinquished his employment. It would, per
haps, be difficult to show that there was any other statesman
at that time but Mr. Pitt (except Mr. Fox, who was a support
er of the existing administration,) in point of genius, much
elevated above lord Bute. The earl of Chesterfield had retired
from public affairs : earl Granville was too much advanced in
years for so active a situation ; Mr. George Grenville was one
of lord Bute's colleagues; neither Mr. Charles Townshend
nor lord North were hitherto known. The ministerial abilities
of.the duke of Newcastle had been already ascertained so
completely, as to afford little encouragement, for again trusting
him with the chief conduct of affairs. During the adminis
tration of Mr. Pitt, he had frequently attempted to thwart that
great man, in which he had been joined by others of the old
whig confederacy; but as often as he made the attempt, he
had been over-ruled. After Mr. Pitt had left the council, his
grace fondly hoped that he should again recover the leading in
fluence which he once possessed. He did not perceive that it
must be a prejudice, which could attach the qualifications of a
statesman, to descent from certain families, or connexion with
a certain confederacy ; and that there had been circumstances
which favoured such a prejudice, which now no longer existed.
A power and influence founded upon accidental circumstances
not personal qualities, he expected would remain, after those
circumstances were changed. It Is, no doubt, proper in the
mixed constitution of this country, that men of high rank and
fortune should have a share in the administration; but the
precise place which, consistent with sound policy, they are to
hold, and the influence which they are to possess in the execu
tive councils of the nation, must be supreme or subordinate,
according to their respective talents, combined with the situa
tion of affairs. In point of rank and property, the administra
tion of lord Bute, supported as it was by the house of Bedford
and many other great families, was not wanting. It did not
possess the highest talents: that was a want which the accept
ance of the duke of Newcastle for its head, would not have
enabled it to supply. It must be a bigoted prejudice in favour
of the whig connexion, that could wish to have reinstated the
ministry which presided at the beginning of the war. As a
state puppet moved by the ability of Pitt, the duke, from his
numerous connexions, was of great use ; but, as himself a
leader of administration, he had already demonstrated his un-

174 IHSTORY OF THE
CHAP, fitness. Much as has been said, it has never been proved, that
11 an administration, unless headed by Mr. Pitt, could have been
s-*"v'>"' formed at that time composed of greater ability. The asto-
1761. nishing powers, however, of the favourite statesman, discredited
with the public the administration of his successor, as it must
have discredited any administration that could have been
formed. Besides this comparison, the change of policy in
the present king, which would not employ men merely be
cause they were whigs, and belonged to certain great fami
lies, was misconstrued or misrepresented, as a predilection for
principles contrary to those which had supported his family.
The minister was represented as the abettor of arbitrary pow
er; as holding an office through the partiality of his master's
affection, to which he was not entitled by his abilities, nor fitted
by his principles. This idea of his arbitrary notions of go
vernment was farther increased, from the place of his origin
and his name. He was a native of Scotland, in which there
had been many Jacobites, whence he was supposed to be a
jacobite himself, and, as a Stuart, attached to the exiled family,
at least to their political doctrines. In examining real facts,
the historian finds no documents or evidence to support this
charge of arbitrary principles. In the series of his ministerial
conduct, there is certainly, on the one hand, nothing to excite
very great admiration, and to justify the fulsome panegyrics of
some writers of the time; nor, on the other, to justify the cen
sures, invectives, and obloquy of a much more numerous class,
which comprehended abler individuals.
The negotiation with France being broken off, the court
of Versailles published, what it termed an historical memorial
of the war, containing the pacific overtures, and the causes of
their inefficacy. The object of this memorial, as might natu
rally be expected, was to throw the whole blame of the war
and its continuance on Great Britain. It included also person-
Hostile al invectives against the conduct of Mr. Pitt, whom the enemies
avowal of of this country regarded with bitter resentment. The French
Spain. now circulated with great industry a report, that Spain, in con
sequence of a treaty recently concluded, would immediately de
clare war against Britain*. The new ministry of England in
structed the ambassador at the court of Spain to demand, in
moderate but firm terms, a communication of this treaty; at least
a disavowal that it contained any part that would affect the inte
rests of Britain. Before these orders arrived, his lordship had
received authentic information of the actual conclusion of this
alliance, and applied, to the Spanish minister for satisfaction.
The flota of Spain was safe in harbour, and in other respects
that country was better prepared. Mr. Wall now throwing off
the mask, justified the sagacity of Mr. Pitt. He gave no direct
answer, but entered into a long complaint of the treatment re
ceived by Spain from Britain during the administration of Mr.
Pitt, and also of the terms proposed by the court of France.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 175*
It was not proper, he said, for his catholic majesty to suffer a CHAP.
relation, a friend, and an ally, to be in danger of compulsorily *'•
yielding to any terms which an insulting conqueror chose to ,»^v^^'
prescribe; he added, that the conditions offered. by Fiance 1761-
were reasonable; that, in not accepting such terms, Britain
manifested an ambitious design to ruin the power of France,
which, if not opposed, must ultimately crush the power of
Spain ; and that, in proposing to dispossess France of her
American possessions, the British intention must be to proceed
next to the American dominions of Spain. The impartial read
er must see, that the amount of this declaration expressed in
plain language was, if Britain will not make peace with France
on the terms which France offers, she must make war with
Spain. The British ambassador replied with cool indifference
to the invectives, and with temperate firmness to the menaces ;
recalled the Spanish minister to the object for which he had
desired the conference, and repeated the question. Wall again
evaded ; but at last said, that the king of Spain had thought
proper to renew his family compacts ; and there the conversa
tion ended. The earl of Bristol immediately communicated to
his court this change in the Spanish procedure.1 It was not
doubted, either at home or abroad, that the knowledge of the
resignation of Mr. Pitt had contributed to the assumption of
such a style. The earl of Bute and his colleagues, apprehen
sive that their cautious measures to avoid war might be imputed
to fear, in their next step showed that, though they did not
wish, they did not dread a war with Spain. They instructed
the ambassador to renew his demand respecting the treaty
with the former union of moderation and firmness, and to sig
nify that a refusal to communicate the compact, or to disavow an
intention of taking part with France, would be considered as
an aggression on the part of Spain, and an absolute declara
tion of war. On the 10th of December, the earl of Bristol
made the demand, when the required satisfaction was refused;
he announced his instructions to leave Spain, and the Spanish
ambassador at London received similar orders from his court.
Before his departure from London, the count de Fuentes, mi
nister of the Spanish king, delivered to the earl of Egremont, Manifesto
secretary of state, a manifesto in the form of a note, setting of Spain.
forth the haughtiness and boundless ambition of the British
nation, and of its late minister Mr. Pitt, as experienced by
Spain ; and the insulting manner in which the British minister
had answered the proffered and friendly interference of Spain.3 Family
Respecting the family compact,3 it was the mode and not the compact.
substance of the requisition that had prevented compliance on
the part of his catholic majesty. The king had now ordered
¦ Papers relative to a rupture with Spain, 1761
•> Mr. Pitt's answer was that he should not relax from the terms that he
proposed, until the Tower of London was taken sword in hand.
3 See State Papers, 1761 ,- family compact.

176 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, him to declare, that the treaty in question contained only a re-
**• ciprocal guarantee of the dominions of the several branches of
s*^~t°'w tbe house of Bourbon ; but with this particular restriction, that
1761- it should only extend to the dominions remaining to France af
ter the present war. It thence proceeded to declare, that
Spain had been entirely in the right, and Britain in the wrong:
and this manifesto was professedly addressed, hot to the king
of England only, but also to the English nation.
The earl of Egremont's answer to this production afforded a
very favourable specimen of the official ability of the ministry
and council by which it was composed. It stated the irregu
larity and indecency of appealing to the English nation, in a
discussion between the two sovereigns. It reprobated personal
invective, as inconsistent with the dignity of the princes con
cerned, and irrelevant to the subjects at issue. It confined it
self to facts, and recited those with an accurate reference to
their respective dates and documents, specifying exactly the
instances of hostile conduct which Spain had exhibited ; and
from these demonstrated the progress and increase of her hos
tile intentions, with our temperate and often repeated endea
vours for conciliation; showing at last, that her procedure
amounted to an actual declaration of war.
The Spanish ' ambassador having departed at the end of
December, war was declared against Spain on the 4th of Janu
ary 1762.

REIGN OF GEORGE HT.

CHAP. III.
Lord Bute unpopular. — Meeting of new parliament—Debates on the War
in Germany. — Resignation of the duke of Newcastle. — France and Spain
declare war against Portugal.— -Campaign. — Capture of Martinico. — Ex
pedition to the Havannah. — Policy of the undertaking. — Strength of the
place. — Arduous siege. — Reduction. — Manilla taken. — Capture of the
Hermione. — Birth of the Prince of ¦Wales.—Campaign in Portugal — in
Germany. — Revolution in Russia ; and effects of it on the confederacy.
— Proposals for peace.— Duke of Bedford sent to France.— Peace of
Paris. — Approved by majorities in parliament. — Severely censured by
Mr. Pitt, the minority, and out of the houses. — Impartial view of its me
rits.— Great clamour against lord Bute. — Cidertax. — Popular ferrflent. —
Inflamed by anti-ministerial writings.*— Unexpected resignation of lord
Bute. THE resignation of Mr. Pitt in circumstances of such CHAP.
danger, did not pass without censure from impartial men and -HL
profound admirers of his illustrious character, and, when com- s^"v>|*/
bined with his acceptance of a pension, was the subject of gross 1762.
and illiberal abuse, in publications known to or supposed to be Lold But-e
favoured by his successor. If these writings were really patron: ™.p0I)U,¦
ized by lord Bute, they produced an effect quite different from
his intentions, being imputed by a great majority of the nation,
to an invidious desire of degrading to his own level, a character,
whose soaring sublimity he could little hope to reach. Lord
Bute became daily more unpopular, from his apprehended at
tempts to injure the popularity of a man so much his superior;
and both himself and his supporters were extremely disagreea
ble to the English nation.
The first parliament of the present king assembled on the Meeting
6th of November 1761, and sir John Cust was chosen speaker of the new
of the house of commons. His majesty's speech commenced, J^1.?"
with noticing the happiness which accrued to himself, and the
joy of his country, from his marriage with so amiable and ac
complished a princess. He wished that this first period of his
reign had been marked with another felicity in the return of
peace ; but, though overtures had been made both for a general
pacification and a separate peace between France and England,
and a negotiation had been opened; yet it had not produced the
desired effect. He observed, that to him the continuance of
the war could not justly be attributed; adverted to the princi
pal events of the preceding campaign, and stated the necessity
of vigorous efforts, which would require proportionate supplies ;
and added, that by powerful exertions only they could expect a
safe and honourable peace. Addresses were returned, corres
ponding with the tenor of the speech, and the supplies granted
Vol. I. ^

1 78 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, for the year were 18,299,1531. 18s. lljd. of which 12,000,0001.
were raised by a loan. Seventy thousand seamen were voted ;
""^"^^^ of land forces, either British or "in British pay, 1 70,000 : 100,0001.
1762. a year was se{tled on the queen as a jointure, in the event of
her surviving his majesty j1 with the palaces of Richmond old
park for a country seat, and Somerset-house for a town resi
dence.
Debate on [n the house of commons, the ablest champion of the minis-
German1" ter was ^r* ^ox' a gent-eman who. w'th very vigorous talents
and great political experience, had repeatedly underrated his
own abilities when he condescended to act an inferior part to
such men as either the duke of Newcastle or the earl of Bute ;
to both of whom he was far superior in the qualifications of a
statesman. In the present session he had not to encounter any
regular opposition. Mr. Pitt poured forth his energetic elo
quence to invigorate government: but did not attack any of
their measures, or impugn any of their propositions, unless they
compelled him to vindicate his own policy. In the course of
the session, the expediency of the German war underwent a
considerable discussion. The origin of that war was strongly
reprobated ; the expense in which it involved the country was
painted in glowing colours ; and its events were asserted to be
not only unproductive, but pernicious to Britain. Our principal
ally (it was asserted) was totally regardless of our interests ; he
minded nothing but his own aggrandizement : and, though pre
tending to be the supporter of the protestant religion, was, as his
writings and conversations demonstrated, altogether indifferent
about every religion, and had invaded and laid waste Saxony, a
protestant country. /
On the other side it was answered, that the war in Germany
was necessary for preserving the balance of power ; that it
exhausted the French in supporting their allies, much more' than
. it exhausted us in supporting ours ; that the money expended
and the force employed by France in Germany, had weakened
her efforts in other quarters of the world, and had greatly con
tributed to our extraordinary successes. That respecting our
ally, whatever might be his private sentiments concerning reli
gion, he had most vigorously and effectually defended the pro
testant cause in Germany; that his invasion of Saxony was
justified by the hostile designs of the Saxon prince ; that the
papers found in the palace of Dresden were authentic proofs
of jvhat he had himself before learned, that the attack upon
Saxony was necessary to his own preservation ; and to sum
up all, that our honour was pledged to support our allies, as
well as our interest engaged to preserve the balance of Europe.
1 It has been said, either from misapprehension or wilful misrepresenta
tion, that the queen, ever since her marriage, has had an independent in
come of 100,0001. a year. This report is totally unfounded, as a perusal of
the act of parliament will show.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 170
The former arguments were used by some strenuous friends CHAP.
of the Bute administration ; the latter by Mr. Pitt, and his sup- IJI-
porters. For the present, however, it wa3 deemed necessary to ^-^^^^
persevere in the German war, and the sum of one million was 176%.
voted for that purpose. No bill of sufficient importance to de
serve particular mention in history, was passed or proposed in
this session, which closed on the 2d of June.
Considerable disunion at this time prevailed in the cabinet.
The duke of Newcastle, adhering to the political notions in which
he had been trained, was desirous that the government should
be carried on by the whig confederacy. Lord Bute was averse
to the renewal of this system of party monopoly, which Mr. Pitt
had so effectually overborne. Newcastle, still nominally prime
minister, could not bear the preponderating influence of lord
Bute in the cabinet. Besides personal competition and dis
agreement in general politics, they differed on a particular mea
sure; namely, the mode of carrying on the German war, and
the subsidy to be afforded to the king of Prussia. The duke pro
posed two millions, and, being thwarted by lord Bute, was still
•further incensed. He accordingly resigned ; the earl of Bute
became first lord of the treasury, and Mr. Grenville secretary of
state ; thence nominally commenced the ministry of Bute, which
had really begun at the resignation of Pitt.
Spain in a short time declared war against England, and the Spain de-
situation of Great Britain was at this time extremely critical, clares war
She was engaged, directly or indirectly, in war, with all the -D^ain
great continental powers ; and, what was more important,
against the chief part of the maritime strength of Europe. The
navy of Spain consisted of one hundred men of war ; and
though the navy of France was reduced, it was not so entirely
destroyed as not to make a considerable addition to the Spa
nish force. From the new alliance, powerful in its real
strength, and in its principles so gratifying to the national
attachment towards the house of Bourbon, despondency was
succeeded by sanguine hope and animation in the minds of
that volatile people. They flattered themselves that they
should now be able to obtain that superiority over Britain which
they -had so eagerly sought, and in pursuit of which they had
met with such repeated disappointments and dreadful losses.
Companies and individuals at their own expense, fitted out ships
of war; and private zeal animated public efforts. The confed
erates were farther encouraged by the departure from the Bri
tish councils of the most formidable and dreadful foe to the ene
mies of England ; they expected that the measures of the new
ministry would be feeble and inefficient, and that the country,
which had cheerfully borne the expenses required to execute
the great plans of Pitt, would, when deprived of its favourite
minister, feel the heavy burthens arising from the war. All
these circumstances tended to inspire with confidence Fran ce
and her new ally.

180 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP. To balance these disadvantages, Britain had the uniform
m- success, which had made the people believe themselves invinci-
v"^"'r^w ble. She had the hope of plunder arising from a Spanish war,
1762. which had always rendered it popular, and called forth the
most vigorous efforts both private and public. She had hither
to the command of that element, over which a great part of
the Spanish resources must be transported. Though devoid
of such a minister as Pitt, she had an administration, whom
the knowledge of his character and conduct, his fame and
popularity, and the low estimation in whicli they themselves
were held, stimulated to strenuous exertions, in order to ap
prove themselves not unworthy of their office; and who had al
so the advantage of his plans and counsels, which they had be
fore opposed.
Applica- France and Spain, knowing the natural connexion between
tion of Portugal and England, and the momentous advantages ac-
France c ruing to this country from her commercial intercourse with the
^Prtu" t'om'n'ons °f h'-3 faithful majesty, and from the Portuguese
gal, " docks and harbours in time of war, determined to compel the
court of Lisbon to renounce all friendship with Britain, and to
violate the neutrality. On the sixth of March, the Bourbon
ministers delivered a joint memorial, representing Britain as
assuming a despotic authority at sea, which was equally dan
gerous to Portugal as to other powers, and urged the necessity
of joining in an offensive and defensive alliance against Eng
land. They exhortqd the king to dismiss the British from his
court, to exclude thenceforward from his ports all the men of
war and merchant ships of that country, and to join his forces
to those of France and Spain. His catholic majesty, from the
great affection which he and his brother of France entertained
for the king of Portugal, in order to secure that prince from
danger, spontaneously offered and insisted on sending Spanish
troops to garrison all the principal harbours of the most faithful
king.
Answer, His Portuguese majesty declared, that his country and re
sources were totally incapable of supporting a war; that,
although sensible of the good intentions and beneficent offers
of their christian and catholic majesties, and desirous of grati
fying their wishes, it was impossible for him to comply ; and
of this they themselves must be convinced, on fully reflecting
upon the circumstances. He was closely connected with Bri
tain, as well as with France and Spain ; and between Portu
gal and Britain there were ancient and uninterrupted alliances.
Britain had given him no offence; he could not therefore go to
war with his Britannic majesty, without violating the honour
of his crown, the law of nations, and every principle of jus
tice. In this situation lie had determined to observe a .strict
neutrality in a war between three friends and neighbours
whom he so highly regarded, and to confine himself only
to such preparations as were merely necessary for self-defence.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 181
In reply to this answer, the Bourbon sovereigns, on the first CHAP.
of April, delivered at the court of Lisbon a second memorial, ni-
more imperious, insolent, and unjust than the first. It set forth, ^-^^w
that, from the relative situation of Portugal and England, the 1762-
alliance between them was in effect an offensive treaty against Reply.
the house of Bourbon. It stated, that a British fleet,1 had, in
1750, attacked a French squadron in a Portuguese harbour,
which justified a declaration of war by his faithful majesty,
unless suitable satisfaction were obtained ; and if so, the ships
taken ought to have been restored to his most christian majesty,
the failure of which restitution would justify the French mo
narch in declaring war against the king of Portugal : but still
it was the earnest desire of the French and Spanish sovereigns
to be on terms of the strictest friendship with his most faithful
majesty, to open his eyes to his real interest, and to induce him
to join them against the common enemy. The king of Portu
gal, far from being convinced by the reasoning or moved by the
exhortations of this memorial, refused more peremptorily than
before to comply with the requisition, and supported his refusal
by the strongest arguments. On the 23d of April, a third me
morial was delivered, still more unjust in its demands, and
more insulting in its -language, and which concluded with an
nouncing orders to their ambassadors to leave the court of Lis
bon. In his reply to this ultimatum, the king of Portugal
proved, that the Bourbon princes, in their imperious attempts
to force a neutral nation to war, and in their declaration of
hostilities because their endeavour was unsuccessful had viola
ted the rights of an independent nation. Such was the origin TheBour-
and cause of the war made upon Portugal by the house ofbonP"n-
Bourbon ; and a more unjust or ungrounded procedure is not °fas
to be found in the annals of modern Europe known at that time, asa;nst
not even in those of the French themselves.2 The Portuguese Portugal.
declaration of war was issued on the 23d of May ; the procla
mation of Spain against Portugal on the 16th of June, and of
France on the 20th.
Before the resignation of Mr. Pitt, an expedition had been Campaign.
projected against Martinico, the centre of French trade; and British ex-
the war being finished in North America, we were enabled to ^ai^'s°n
draw from thence a considerable part of the army. General Martinico;
Monckton commanded the land forces, and admiral Rodney the

»¦ Under admiral Boscawen. See ,p. 128.
1 In this opinion I concur with Mr. Belsham, and we both have the ho
nour of agreeing with the renowned Frederick. "Wherefore," said he,
" did France and Spain attack the king of Portugal, who had given them
no offence, and over whom they had no right of control ? Their object
was, the destruction of the profitable English commerce with Portugal,
and the attainment of better terms from England in return for their ces
sions of the conquests which they expected to make in Portugal. But is
it a reason for attacking a sovereign, that there exists no lawful reason >
0 law of nations, how vain and useless is thy study '"

182 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, fleet. Being re-enforced by some troops stationed in the British
m- West Indies, the army consisted of twelve thousand men, and
***~*~>»' the fleet of eighteen ships of the line. On the 7th of January,
1762. the English armament arrived before the island of Martinico,
and on the 16th they effected their landing at Cas Navire with
out any loss ; but they had still considerable difficulties to en
counter. The island was populous and opulent, and supported
by a numerous well armed and well disciplined militia, peculiarly
qualified for the species of war which the country permitted,
and provided with a considerable body of regular troops. In
many places the island was intersected by ravines and deep
streams, narrowed into defiles, or involved in woods : where
it was more open and praticable, batteries were posted with
all the skill of French engineers, who had been, ever since the
first attempt in 1759, strengthening the place in expectation
that our successes would induce us to assail so valuable a settle
ment. These works were most complete in the neighbourhood
of Fort Royal, a strong town which defended the approach to
St. Pierre, the capital, and must be conquered before we pro
ceeded against that city. Two lofty and steep eminences, cal
led Morne Tortenson and Morne Gamier, protected by deep ra
vines, overlooked and commanded the fortifications. These
heights were occupied by the enemy ; which, while they were
retained, secured, or being lost, as certainly lost the city and
citadel. The sea was upon the right, the country on the left,
and the eminences immediately before them, of which Morne
Tortenson, being the nearest, must, from its position, be first
attacked. On the right, a body of regular troops and marines
was ordered to advance along the beach towards the town,
which lay in the lower grounds beyond the eminences. A thou
sand sailors, in flat-bottomed boats, rowed close to assist that
division: on the left, the light infantry, covered by artillery,
were employed to turn the enemy on that side ; while the cen
tre, consisting of the grenadiers, and supported by the seamen
dragging along the cannon, attacked the enemy's centre, being
covered by the seamen acting as artillery from batteries which
had been erected and disposed with great skill and activity.
The general having made such dispositions, the troops perform
ed their parts with equal courage, enterprise, and effect in every
point. They drove the enemy from post to post after a vigor
ous contest, and at last made themselves masters of the Morne.
The enemy fled precipitately, either towards the town, or to
the Morne Gamier. This second eminence was as strong as
the first, and much higher ; and until it was carried, the town
could not be reduced. It was three days before batteries could
be erected, and other dispositions made, for carrying the place.
While the British troops were preparing these, the whole force of
the enemy descended from the hill, and sallied from the town up
on the advanced posts of the English. The main body rushing
forward to support their countrymen, not only repulsed the ene-

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 183
my, but pursued them past the ravines, ascended the hill, siezed CHAP.
the redoubts, and made themselves completely masters of Morne *'1-
Gamier. The French regular troops escaped into the town, and l^~*r*>*'
the militia dispersed into the country. The situation which 1762>
commanded the town and citadel being now possessed by the
British, as soon as the batteries were completed, and before
they began to play, the enemy capitulated on the 4th of Fe- which ca-
bruary. pitulatas.
St. Pierre still remained to be reduced. This was a city
which, though not so strong as Fort Royal, might have made a
considerable resistance, if the garrison had been proportioned
to the strength of the place and of the interjacent country ; but
the militia were quite disheartened and scattered ; great part
of the regulars were killed or taken at Fort Royal ; the plant- *
ers were unwilling that their country should be laid waste, in a.,
defence whicli, from the late and former successes of the En-*
glish, they were convinced would be unavailing. It was, there
fore, agreed, that they should capitulate for that place and thfc
whole island, which was accordingly surrendered on the I2tili
of February. Martinico, Granada, St. Lucia, and St. Vincent's;,
soon after yielded to the British arms. This important under
taking is to be imputed to the plans of Mr. Pitt ; the next whi'ch
we have to record, belongs to his successors in the conduct of
the war.
The chief advantage expected by France from the assistance
of Spain, was through her finances and navy. Aware of this
expectation, the British ministry form their plan for the cam
paign with a view to these objects, and proposed to strike a
blow at the beginning of the war, which should debilita'ce and
exhaust her new antagonist, disappoint the hopes of J.ier old
enemy, and compel both France and Spain to sue foi.- peace.
The whole navigation and trade of the Spanish, West Indies
centered in the Havannah ; an expedition, therefore.*, against
this important possession was resolved on, as soon as war com
menced. It was both a bolder and a wiser plan to attack the Expedi-
centre and strong hold of our enemy's dominions, tha n to begin t!?n P™'
with a place of less consequence, in hopes thereby C;f gradually Jhei^Ha-0
attaining the principal conquest. In the war with Spain which vannah.
commenced in 1*39, we had begun with subordinate attacks.
The capture of Porto Bello did not ensure the capture of Car
thagena, nor would the capture of Carthagena have ensured
the command of the Spanish West Indies. The conquest of
the Havannah would intercept the enemy's principal resources,
and, if we chose to pursue our advances, expo-se the whole of Policy of
Spanish America. The attempt against Carthagena, was as *h.!jVmid''
difficult as against the Havannah. Where the danger and ex
pense of two objects were equal, it was wiser to employ them
upon that which, if attained, would be most advantageous.
The policv of lord Bute and his coadjutors in this undertaking,

HISTORY OP THE
therefore, as war ministers, was superior to the policy of sir
Robert Walpole and his colleagues.
1 Such an enterprise being determined on by ministry, we are
next to view their ability in the commanders which theychose,
and the preparations which they made for carrying the plan
into execution. A very powerful armament was fitted out}
and the chief command of the land forces was bestowed on the
earl of Albemarle, the friend and military pupil of the duke of
Cumberland. Admiral Pococke, who had extended the naval
glory and political power of his country in the East Indies, was
employed to command the fleet for humbling our enemies in the
West. Commodore Keppel, brother to the earl of Albemarle,
was second in naval command. Thus administration regarded
not only the skill of its principal officers, but their harmony,
• thereby avoiding the fatal error which had so powerfully tended
¦to our discomfiture at Carthagena. On the 5th of March they
Sailed from Portsmouth ; and on their arrival off the coast of
IJispaniola, were re-enforced by a great part of the fleet and
aamy which had achieved the conquest of Martinico and the
p^her Caribbee islands. There were two routes from Cape Ni-
chola to the Havannah; the one circuitous to the south of
Ciiba, between that island and Jamaica, round by Cape St. An
tonio ; the other direct, to the north of Cuba, by the old Baha
ma channel. The first was the safer, but tedious : the second,
in a narrow strait, by much the shorter, but hazardous. The
success of the enterprise depended in a great degree on its being
far adyanced before the hurricane season : despatch was there
fore a very important object. The season of the year was not
stormy, and it was thought most advisable to take the northern
route. This attempt was esteemed bold, but not rash ; and so
admirable were the dispositions of the naval commander, in
sending vessels to reconnoitre the passage, and dividing the ar
mament according to the nature of the sea, that, by favourable
ness of weather, with which from his knowledge of that climate
and situation he had laid his account, our whole force in nine
days passed through this strait, seven hundred miles in length,
without the smallest interruption ; and on the fifth of June ar
rived before the place of their destination.
Island of Cuba, belonging wholly to Spain, is by far the largest island
Cuba. i^ the West Indies. It runs from east to west, verging towards
the north-west, about nine hundred miles in length ; irregular
in breadth, but at an average about one hundred miles. Its
nominal capital is St. Jago on the south-east coast ; but the
most important place for size, strength, population, and wealth,
Tie Ha- js the Havannah. The harbour or this city is entered by a
vainah. narrow passage, about half a mile in length, opening into a
large bason, which diverges into three smaller inlets, capacious
enough both in extent and depth to contain a thousand of the
largest ships, and on all sides secured from the wind. In this
haven the rich fleets from the various Spanish settlements in the

, REIGN OF GEORGE III. 18 J
West Indies and Mexico assemble, before they set sail for Eu- CHap.
rope. The Havannah, a rendezvous, of such wealth, was itself l'l-
so flourishing and opulent, that no pains were spared to give it ***~*^>*'
proportionate security. The narrow entrance of the harbour 1762.
was protected on the 'east side by a very strong fort, called the
More, on a projecting point of land ; and by a fort called Pun-
ta-1, on the west, which joins the town opposite the Moro fort..
The town itself is surrounded by a strong rampart, with bas
tions and a deep ditch. The Spanish navy intended for the
West Indies, consisting of twenty sail, mostly of the line, were
at this time in the harbour of theHavannah. Though not much
inferior to the British in maritime force, they did not attempt to
risk an engagement; but in other respects made many able dis
positions for defending the town. Across the mouth of the har
bour they laid a strong boom, behind which they sunk several
ships. The English commanders proposed to land on the eas
tern side, so as to be able at once to invest the Moro, and com
mand the country. To divert the enemy from attending to
their design, a great part of the fleet sailed to the westward.
While the enemy were attending to the motions of the fleet, our Siege of
troops on the 7th of June effected a landing. The army was di- the Ha-
vided into two great corps ; the chief body was employed ^"a'1-
against Fort Moro, the other advanced southwards a considera
ble way into the inland parts, to cover the siege, and secure
our watering and foraging parties, and on that side, to cut off
the enemy's intercourse with the country. A detachment was
posted under colonel Howe to the westward, to create a diver
sion in favour of the principal objects, and to intercept the com
munication with the country on that side. Thus the place was
either invested or blockaded on the east, south, and west, by
the army ; and on the north by the fleet, which commanded
the sea.
Notwithstanding this masterly disposition, the British had Difficul-
still very great difficulties, dangers, and hardships, to encoun-tles-
ter. The sun being then vertical, the heat was excessive ; wa
ter was to be fetched from a great distance, over paths to be
cut through thick woods, and the cannon was to be dragged
over a rough and rocky shore ; but such a spirit diffused itself
over the whole army, and such an unanimity prevailed among
the commanders, officers, soldiers, and sailors, that, in spite of*
heat, thirst, fatigue, and the enemy's fire, they erected batteries
against the Moro. The enemy not only acted on the defensive,
but on the fourth week of the siege made a powerful sally, in
which they were repulsed, with the loss of three hundred men.
Our sea forces, who had hitherto afforded every assistance on
shore to the land service, on the 1st of July made a very bold
attempt from their own element, and opened their broadsides
with a terrible- fire against the Moro. As it was impossible,
however, to act from sea upon that castle, without being also
iexposed to the batteries of Puntal, they were extretpely annoy-
Voi,. I. 94

186 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP. ed from both garrisons, and at length obliged to desist from.
111 - their cannonade. Although this heroic effort of the ships pro-
y*<~v~>*' duced little effect on the north side, which they attacked, yet
1762. ^ was 0f great service to the land besiegers on the east side of
the Moro. While the defenders of the garrison were returning
the fire of the fleet, they paid much less attention than usual
to our land batteries, which during that time did considerable
damage to their works, but when the sea attack had ceased,
thev were enabled to return to their operations towards the land
jwith their former effect. The contest was carried on with ex
treme perseverance and obstinacy, and the event seemed very
doubtful; While affairs were in this state, the principal British
battery took fire, and was unfortunately consumed. Sickness
now becoming prevalent, in this severe service and destruc
tive climate, rendered one half of the forces unfit for duty, and
doubled the fatigue of the other. The want of fresh provi
sions and wholesome water increased the diseases, and aggra
vated the sufferings of the besiegers. As they were daily more
exhausted, and the season advanced towards the time of the
hurricanes, their hopes of ultimate success became fainter.
Those who escaped the dangerous siege and dreadful climate,
expected final destruction if they waited till the tempest began.
From North America they had long looked for re-enforcements,
but none arrived. Oppressed with these distresses, the com
manders endeavoured to re-animate their troops. The enemy,
they represented, had made a most gallant resistance; and were
Spaniards in military efforts to surpass Britons ? The richest
prize was before them, which British valour and perseverance
might still obtain. These incitements inspiriting the heroic
breasts of British soldiers and sailors to the most astonish
ing exertions, new batteries were raised. They now silenced
the cannon of the fort, beat to pieces the upper works, and
made a lodgment iu the covered way ; hence their hopes
of success revived. At this time the Jamaica fleet brought
them a supply of provisions, and in a few days they were suc
coured by a strong re-enforcement from New York. Their
hopes now redoubled : but a new difficulty appeared after their
lodgment was effected, from an immense ditch, which was cut
chiefly in the solid rock. A thin ridge, however, had been left
to flank the ditch towards the sea ; this, though totally uncover
ed, the miners passed without fear, and were enabled to carry
on their operations in the wall. The governor of the Havannah
seeing that the Moro must soon fall, unless an effort was made for
its relief, sent a great body across the harbour on the 22d July
before day-break, to attack our posts in three points ; but they
were repulsed with severe loss. Meanwhile our miners advan
ced rapidly in their operations ; a part of the wall was blown
up, the ruins fell into the ditch, and a breach was left, which the
engineer judging practicable, the general marched at the head
of his troops to attack, mounted the breach, and entered the

REIGN OF GEORGE 1H. 187
fort. The enemy made a brave but ineffectual resistance ; the CHAP.
gallant commander fell, and the Moro was taken by the British IU-
troops. No time was lost in improving this momentous advan- s*^>r>'**'
tage. A second re-enforcement now arrived, which still far- 1762-
ther encouraged the exertions of our armament. As the Moro
commanded the whole eastern part of the town, the fire of the
fort was turned against the enemy ; a line of batteries was plac
ed from the fort along the hill on the extremity of which it
stood, and another line was erected on the west side of the
town. On the 10th of August, when they were all prepared to
play, the general informed the governor by a message, that,
knowing the irresistible force of the attack which he was ready
to make, he suspended it, in order to give him time to capitu
late. The governor replied, that he would defend the place to
the last extremity. The general the next morning ordered the
fire to commence from all the batteries, which, after playing
for six hours with most tremendous effect, compelled the ene
my to hang out a flag of truce. A capitulation was concluded; Capture
and the English troops took possession of the Havannah on the
14th of August, after a siege of two months and nine days.
The conquest of the Havannah was the most important exploit
achieved during the war. The reduction of so strong a for
tress was an arduous military enterprize; the capture or de
struction of the enemy's fleet was a very great naval victory;
the plunder taken, amounting to three millions sterling, was a
most lucrative acquisition; and the enemy being deprived of
the chief sinews of war, was a decisive blow that compelled them
to sue for peace.
While the English efforts were so successful against the pow
er and influence of Spain in the West Indies, strenuous and suc
cessful exertions were also made in the East. As soon as it Manilla
was known that hostilities had commenced, an armament equip- taken.
ped at Madras sailed against Manilla, the chief city of the Phi
lippine islands. The expedition appeared before that settlement
on the 23d of September, which, after a short and vigorous re
sistance, was taken on the 4th of October. A capitulation was
offered for ransoming the place at four millions of dollars, about
900,0001. sterling, and accepted. An Accapulco ship, valued
at about three millions of dollars, was soon after taken in those
seas. In Europe, a very important Spanish treasure was obtained Capture of
by the capture of the Hermione, from Peru to Cadiz, by two ,h.e Her-
English frigates near Cape St. Vincent's : the prize was estima- nutme*
ted at a million sterling.
The Bourbons had entertained great hopes of success and War in
advantage in their war with Portugal ; and at first their expectr Portugal.
ations appeared likely to be realized. Their declared object
was, to exclude the English from the military and commercial
use of the Portuguese ports, especially Oporto and Lisbon, to
which they had hitherto resorted ; and to this their efforts were

188 HISTORY OP THE
CHAP, chiefly directed. They planned the invasion in three divisions :
ni- the first, in the nortii of Portugal, between the Minho and the
'v^v^*' Douro; the second, in the middle, between the Douro and the
1762. Tagus ; and the third, to the south of the Tagus, to co-operate
on that side with the middle corps in its attempt upon Lisbon.
The northern division, under the marquis de Sarria, commenced
hostilities ; entered the Portuguese province of Traeos Montes,
and invested Miranda, the capital of that district. This city
might have made a vigorous defence> but very unfortunately a
powder magazine blew up by accident, the fortifications were
ruined, and the Spaniards, before they had raised their first bat
tery, marched into the town by the breaches in the wall. Be-
May 30. fore the end of May, they had made such progress, that Opor
to was in imminent danger; and the English admiralty, under
the apprehension of its capture, prepared transports to carry off
British effects. The Portuguese peasants, instigated and di
rected by some English officers, arming themselves, took pos
session of a defile through which the enemy must necessarily
pass, drove them back, and thereby checked their progress
Successes upon that side. The middle division of the Spaniards entered
af the Spa- Portugal by Beira, and laid siege to Almeyda, on the frontiers
niards. Qj- gpft;n- fhis city made a gallant resistance ;. but the Span
iards being joined by the greater part of their northern army,
and by eight thousand auxiliaries; compelled it to capitulate on
the 25th of August. After this capture, the Spaniards made
themselves masters of the greater part of the province of
Beira, as far as the Tagus, and even Lisbon itself was in dan
ger.
Arrival of At this juncture a body of troops arrived from England un-
British der the command of brigadier-general Burgoyne, and count
troops. Lg. Lipp6j a German officer of great celebrity, was placed at
the head of the native forces. Early in the campaign, the
court of Lisbon had not paid the proper and prudent attention
to the advice of the British ambassador and officers, but, taught
by their miscarriages, and influenced by the persuasions of La
Lippe, they now adopted a different line of conduct. The
Portuguese and English commanders, having in concert in
vestigated the state of affairs, adopted a plan of military policy
very frequently successful. The most effectual measure of de
fensive war, they concluded to be offensive operations. History
informed them, that the best mode of relieving a country from
invasion, was by invading the country of the enemy. The-
third body of Spaniards destined for southern Portugal, was
still in Spanish Estremadura. Should it effect a junction with
the army in Beira, it was probable that the whole would
overwhelm the Portuguese and their auxiliaries. While La
Lippe himself watched the motions of the middle army, he sent
general Burgoyne into Spain against the other, posted at Va-
lentia d'Alcantara,1 where they also understood the enemy
"-Not the great city of Valentia, which is an opposite part of the kingdom.

REIGN OF GEORGE IU. 189
had considerable magazines. Burgoyne, by a forced march of CHAP.
five days, arrived at Valentia, surprised the Spanish troops, de- In-
feated them, destroyed one of the best regiments in their ser*>v-^v^*'
vice, and took many prisoners, including their principal of- 1*r62-
ficers and the general. Though the British were disappointed
in their expectation of finding magazines in this place, yet their
success produced a very important change in the aspect of the
campaign. It not only prevented the invasion of Portugal on
that side, but disconcerted the plan of the main army; which
Was, to cross the Tagus from Biera, a mountainous country, to
Alentejo, an open champaign country, where their cavalry, in
which their chief force consisted, could act with the full veft'ect.
The chief Bourbon army still continued to attempt the passage of
the Tagus, to the banks of which they were now advanced. La
Lippe and Burgoyne, by very active and skilful efforts, pre
vented them from effecting their purpose. Burgoyne being
posted at Villa Velha, on the southern bank of the river, where
the Spaniards occupied the opposite side, observing their camp
was not guarded with military vigilance, and that their flank
and rear were uncovered, determined to attack them by sur
prise. Accordingly, fording the river in the night of October Spaniards
the 6th, he attacked them on the flank, while colonel Lee as- defeated.
saulted them on the rear, and : defeated them with great
slaughter. This victory, which at another time of the year
might have been attended only with temporary advantages,
from the advanced season, proved decisive. Great rains falling,
and winter approaching, the enemy, having siezed no posts fit
for winter quarters, evacuated Estremadura, and returned to
the frontiers of Spain. Thus, after partial success, they were
entirely defeated in the great object of the campaign ; and the
unjust ambition, which had stimulated the Bourbons to war
with Portugal, ended in disappointment, and disaster to them
selves. In winter 1761-2, at a time when the king of Prussia's affairs Affairs of
appeared to be at the lowest ebb, and when, from the events of Prede-
the preceding campaign and the progress of the enemy, little rlck-
doubt was entertained that, in the ensuing summer, the com
bined parties would attain their object in the dismemberment
of his dominions, an event took place, which made a total
change in the situation of the contending parties. This was Death of
the death of the empress Elizabeth of Russia, the zealous Elizabeth
friend of the house of Austria, and the inveterate enemy ofofRussia;-
Frederick, on the 2d of January, 1762. Elizabeth's enmity to
the Prussian king in some degree arose from resentment, but was
much more the result of ambitious policy. By conquering Prus
sia in addition to the extent of coast which she already possess
ed on the Baltic, she would have the means of becoming a very,
great maritime power, the first object of the Russian sovereign,
since czar Peter the Great. She would also open the way to
an irresistible power in Poland, and be able to overawe Dtn-

190 , HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, mark, and her ancient rival Sweden ; but if the power of the
IU- king of Prussia continued entire, these great objects could not
^"v">»' be attained. Peter, her heir, was partial to the king- of Prus-
1762. sja . antii as we have seen, used his influence, in 1758, to call
off the Russians. On his accession to the throne, he im
mediately concluded a peace and an alliance with Prussia;
and the Russian army in a short time joined the troops of
favourable Frederick against Austria. At this time, Sweden, which had
to £rede- been principally directed by Russia, also made peace with the
Prussian king. This was a most unexpected revolution in
Frederick's favour, as it left him, now supported by Russia, to
contend with Austria only.
A treaty had been annually renewed between Britain and
Prussia, by which they engaged not to conclude a peace with
out mutual consent ; and this year the British government re
fused the renewal.. Frederick exclaimed bitterly against this
conduct as a breach of faith,1 but without reason : the engage
ment being expired, its renewal was no longer a question of
justice, but of policy. When the king of Prussia was pressed
by a combination of enemies, it became necessary for Britain
to support him in order to preserve the balance of power, but
now he was more than a match ' for his enemies. Though it
was our interest to prevent him from being overwhelmed, we
had no interest in promoting his ambition ; the war in. Ger
many, therefore, was continued not to support Frederick, but to
oppose France.
Opera- The French were in possession of Cassel, and great part of
-orince Westphalia. Marshal Broglio was now displaced from the
Ferdi- command ; the prince de Soubise succeeded to his employment
narid. of general in chief, and marshal d'Estrees was second in com
mand. The French this year maintained only one army iu
Germany, with a reserve under the prince of Conde, to cover
the Lower Rhine ; and their object, as in the former year, was
to penetrate into Hanover. Prince Ferdinand's purpose was
nearly the same as* in the preceding campaign, to dispossess the
enemy of their conquests, and drive them out of Germany.
He sent the hereditary prihce to oppose Cond£, while he him
self formed his measures against the main army. The French,
at the opening of the campaign, were strongly posted on the
frontiers of Hesse at a place called Graebestein ; and, trusting
to their position, apprehended no attack from prince Ferdi
nand. The prince, however, made a general assault upon the
camp on the 4th of July; in which, by his skill and intrepidity,
the valour of his whole army, and particularly the courage and
activity of the marquis of Granby, he gained so great a victory,
as to give him a decided superiority through the whole cam
paign. Every measure of prince Ferdinand was part 6f a weli
digested and arranged plan ; so that when successful, he was
* Stee his Seven years War— winter 17615.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 191
able to make the best use of his advantage. Lord Granby and CHAP.
Lord Frederick Cavendish were sent forward in pursuit of a "V
numerous body of French that were stationed at Horn, in >^^>^
order to preserve the communication between the main army V62.
and Frankfort. The English commanders attacked the enemy Achieve-
with such vigour on the 6th of July, that though they defended ment of
themselves valiantly, they were defeated and routed. By this Gx"^y
victory, the intercourse with their magazines at Frankfort was EnJ-gh
entirely intercepted ; and they now found it necessary to troops.
evacuate Gottingen. Prince Ferdinand attacked prince Xa-
vier, who commanded the Saxon auxiliaries in the French pay
at the Fulda, and defeated him ; but marshal d'Estrees com
ing to his1 support, saved him from utter destruction. The
French generals being straitened for provisions and hard pres
sed on every side, thought it expedient to call the prince of
Conde to their assistance. The hereditary prince, finding that
the reserves of the enemy were preparing to join the main
army, made dispositions for obstructing their progress. Prince Success of
Ferdinand endeavoured to bring the French to battle before the a'lies-
the junction could be effected, and proposed to ford the Fulda
and make a general attack on the 8th of August ; but, im
mense rains having fallen, the river was impassable. The
general of the allies sent his second nephew, prince Frederick
of Brunswick, towards Cassel, with a view to blockade that
place. The hereditary prince watched the prince Of Conde
so closely, that he could not advance to join the main army:
and the prince de Soubise, therefore, was obliged to retreat to
join the reserves. The hereditary prince, on the 30th of Au
gust, attacked a body of French, which he conceived to be a
detachment; but soon found that it was the Van-guard of Sou-
bise's army. His serene highness defended himself with his
usual conduct and intrepidity ; but, being pressed by superi
ority of numbers, and dangerously wounded, his troops were
obliged to give way. This misfortune for a time disconcerted
prince Ferdinand's plan ; but having with the utmost despatch
collected the routed forces, he again prepared to act on the
defensive ; and prince Soubise, to avoid an engagement, re
tired. Prince Eerdinand's army being now between the
French and Cassel, prince Frederick regularly invested that
city on the 15th of October, and on the 7th of November, The ene-
it surrendered by capitulation, and the whole of Hesse was"??81'-3
recovered. Thus, in the campaign of 1762, the French, who fr"^enGer.
had projected to conquer Hanover, were, by the skill and many,
courage of Prince Ferdinand, the hereditary prince, and lord
Granby, driven from their former conquests.
The king of Prussia, instead of being obliged to act on the Campaign
defensive, was now enabled to resume offensive operations. ?fkF r"
His object was, to recover Silesia, compel marshal Daun, who
was posted there, to retire to Bohemia, and afterwards to re-
enforce prince Henry (now in Saxony,) and a second time con-

19i2 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, quer that electorate. To distract the attention of marshal
,H- Daun, he employed a body of troops to assist the Tartars, whom
v"*~v^*»»/ he had instigated to harass Hungary and Moravia. In June,
1762. Frederick beilig joined by the Russians, made great advances,
and, without any regular battle, obliged marshal Daun to
abandon very strong posts in Silesia, to retire to the extremities
of that country, and leave Scliweidnitz entirely uncovered.
With his Russian auxiliaries Frederick now prepared to in
vest that city, and a considerable body of those allies ravaged
Bohemia ; when a very unexpected and extraordinary revolu
tion threatened to overturn his plaH of operations.
Peter III. Peter III. no sooner ascended the throne of Russia, than he
of Russia, showed that he had fallen into one of the most fatal errors
which a sovereign of ordinary capacity can commit ; this was,
the adoption of the example of a very able and extraordinary
ruler for the model of his conduct. Peter, indeed, chose two
very great men for his patterns ; his grandfather czar .Peter the
Great, in civil and political ; and the king of Prussia, in military
departments. The government of Russia, absolutely despotic,
is, from this very despotism, the most insecure to its holder,
unless he has the policy to conciliate the affections of its sup
porters. Fear being the principle of a despotic government,
its most effectual, props are gloomy superstition and military
force : accordingly in Russia, priests and soldiers were the chief
stays of the emperor's authority, and with both these bodies
Peter imprudently contended. He began like Peter I., with op
posing the exorbitant pretentions of the Russian clergy, and
ventured to appropriate their possessions to the public revenue.
The Russians were the slaves of the most abject superstition
that could enchain ignorant minds, and valued their priest more
than their monarch. The extraordinary qualities, of the first
Peter, and the benefits accruing from them to the country, had
given to him a superiority over any of their clergy, even in the
estimation of the bigoted barbarians whom he governed ; but in
the character, of his grandson, there was nothing which would
excite such veneration, or confer such influence. The bound
less admiration of Peter for the king of Prussia extended to the
adoption of his religious opinions, and operated in a line of con
duct which that king was too wise to pursue. He interfered
with the institutions that were venerated by his people, and ob
structed rites and ceremonies, which, however trivial in them
selves, no wise governor wijl interrupt when associated by his
subjects with religious doctrines aad sentiments. Desirous of
innovation, but narrow in understanding, he pursued it in ob
jects commensurate to the littleness of his own mind. He pro
posed changes in the dress of the clergy, and that the ecclesias
tics should no longer, as before, be distinguished by beards. To
this momentous change he added also some new regulations
about images and pictures in churches. From this attack upon
the beards of the living, and the pictures of the deceased, to

REIGN OF GEORGE ni. 193
gether with various other alterations, his subjects apprehended CHAP.
their prince to be a heretic, if not an infidel. In the seizure of nl-
the revenues, however, the clergy found the most dangerous ^^N'>"»'
apostacy from the purity of the Greek church, and regarded his 176%.
reforms with dread and resentment: with them also the other
powerful body, the army, concurred in discontent. The same
admiration of the king of Prussia made Peter extravagantly
fond of his military discipline; and being a native of Holstein,
he was farther induced to this preference by a national par
tiality; He was evidently most attached to the German guards,
in preference to the native Russians. He himself wore the Prus
sian uniform, and obliged his soldiers to adopt that dress, and
abandon the modes with which in their minds the glory of Rus
sia was associated: in short, he disgusted the Russian army.
The king of Prussia foresaw the dangers of his ally from these-
precipitate changes; and frequently, by private letters and mes
sengers, endeavoured to dissuade him from persisting in his
present conduct; his dissuasives, however, were unavailing.
Meanwhile Peter was preparing to go to war with Denmark,
on account of a dispute between that country and Holstein in
which Russia had no concern. This project increased the dis
affection of his subjects, who considered themselves as sacrificed
to German interests, and a conspiracy was formed against his
government. As Peter had alienated -the affections of his sub- .
jects, he had long lost those of his own family. His wife Ca- Catharine .
tharine, a princess of the house of Anhalt Zerbst, was a woman
of powerful understanding and boundless ambition.1 Prone to
the gallantry so prevalent at the dissolute .court of the voluptu
ous Elizabeth, her love of pleasure was secondary to her love
of power: her most distinguished favourites were paramours of
such talents and qualities as could well promote great designs.
For the last seven years of Elizabeth's reign, Peter and she had
rarely cohabited ; each was occupied with their respective in
trigues. Catharine, too able and prudent to neglect appear
ances, was somewhat attentive to concealment; while Peter,
fronvthe silly vanity of a'weak understanding, was ostentatious
in the display of amours. He lived openly with the countess
Woronzoff; and was even suspected to intend confining the
erhpress, and raising his courtezan to the throne. The prin
cipal nobles and chief officers of the state and army formed a
combination to depose a. prince, who was hated for his conduct,
and despised for his incapacity. So little was the czar inform
ed respecting his most momentous interests, that the conspiracy
became general, and the clergy were met for'his deposition, be
fore he knew that such a step had been projected. Catharine, .Hevolu-
understanding that the design was declared, immediately wrote ^on }n
to Petersburgh, and harangued the guards, who unanimously ussia'
declared Peter deposed, and the empress independent sovereign
'•$e% Memoirs of Catharine II,
Vol I. 25

194 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, of Russia. This act being applauded by the nobility and cler-
' gy, Catharine, at the head of her troops, marched towards a
*^^~s»' country seat in which Peter resided. The weak and timid
1762. prjnce being informed that he was no longer emperor of Russia,
quickly wrote letters renouncing the sovereignty, and requested
leave to retire to his native Holstein with his mistress ; but this
leave was denied. He was farther intimidated to sign a paper
declaring his incapacity for government, the weakness and folly
Death of of his administration, and the necessity of his deposition : he
Peter. was thrown into prison, where in a few days, on the 6th of July,
he died of what was called an hemorrhoidal colie, the causes
and symptoms of which it belongs not to this history to inves
tigate. Having ascended the throne of Russia, Catharine fearing
that the Prussian king might prevail on the Russian troops who
served in his army to declare in favour of Peter, ordered them
to withdravvfrora Silesia into Poland. Frederick, contrary to
her apprehensions, made no opposition to their departure ; he
only requested that it might be deferred for three days, to which
the general very readily consented. The Austrian comman
ders were ignorant of the revolution in Russia. Frederick trust
ing to their conviction that the Russians were co-operating with
him, attacked marshal Daun, compelled him to retire, and by
this means rendered the siege of Schweidnitz still practicable.
Though he was now deprived of auxiliaries, he invested the
town on the 20th of September, and soon compelled it to sur
render. In Saxony prince Henry had been no less successful,
when, towards the close of the campaign, he was re-enforced
by his royal brother; and all the conquests that he had achieved
in that country early in the war, and lost the last campaign, were
completely recovered.
Birth of In the internal history of England the most material event
Yw1}"06 w'1*c^1 happened this summer, was the birth of a son and heir
* es' to their majesties. On the 12th of August, between seven and
eight in the morning, the queen was safely delivered of a prince.
Just after this important accession to the royal family was an
nounced, the treasures of the captured ship Hermione, drawn
in waggons, and escorted by troops from Portsmouth to Lon
don, entered St. James's street in a grand procession. His ma
jesty and the nobility went to the palace windows, and joined
with the acclamations of the people on two such joyful occa
sions. The young prince, from his birth electoral prince of
Brunswick-Lunenburg, duke of Cornwall and Rothsav, earl of
Carrick, baron of Renfrew, lord of the Isles, and great steward
of Scotland, was, on the 17th, by letters patent under the seal
of Great Britain, created prince of Wales and earl of Chester,
On the 8th of September, the anniversary of the royal mar
riage, his highness was christened by his grace the archbishop
of Canterbury, the duke of Cumberland and the duke of
Mecklenburg Strelitz being godfathers, %nd the princess dow-

REICJN OF -GEORGE III. ftQ5
ager godmother. The young prince was named George Augus- CHAP.
tus Frederick. HI-
The court of France, in the events of this campaign, found s*"v>*'
that the expectations Which had been formed from the family 1762.
compact were entirely disappointed. Spain saw that her inter- Th^ bfr'
ference to assist the principal branch of the Bourbons, instead pfwers
of producing the desired effect to her ally, was involving herself manifest
in similar disasters and humiliation. They both began to wish pacific dis-
sincerely for peace, and were in a disposition to purchase it by Positl0n?'-
very great concessions. In Britain, changes had taken place
Which rendered the re-establlshment of tranquillity much lesB
difficult. From the commencement of his administration, the
earl of Bute had shown a disposition to procure peace, as soon
as it could be concluded with sound policy and national honour ;
and, though patriotism may have had its share in exciting this
desire, yet there were other causes which no doubt co-operated.
These are to be found in the character of the Bute administra
tion, the state of parties, and of the public mind. The eai;l of Conduct
Bute had for some months been first lord of the treasury, and andsitua-
the greater number of whigs had either been dismissed, or re . ^0"°"ord
signed ; so that there was a formidable confederacy hostile to u e'
the present minister. A less numerous but more able body,
headed by Mr. Pitt, without coalescing with the Newcastle
party, was adverse to the ministry. From the known attach
ment of his majesty to the earl of Bute, that nobleman was ac
counted the private and confidential friend of the king. Being
decorated with honours at the commencement of the reign, and
soon after promoted to high office, which was not in the public
estimation conferred upon his political talents, and virtues, he
was generally esteemed and styled the royal favourite.
Though his majesty himself proposed to govern the kingdom
by wisdom and virtue, and not by party, yet that was thought
to be far from lord Bute's object. Since, by the appointment
of him and his friends, the nation did not conceive that there
was an accession of wisdom or virtue to his majesty's counsels;
and since their rise was imputed to private favour and not
public merit, it was apprehended that the project of the minis
ter was to govern by what his opponents called a system of
mere court favouritism. The supposed operation of this plan
was exhibited with great force and eloquence, both by speak
ers in parliament, and political writers.1 The deportment of
Bute was by no means such as tended to counteract this unpo
pularity. Notwithstanding his erudition and knowledge, he
had imbibed the pride and prejudices of a Scottish chieftain.
With exemplary morals, he was reserved and haughty in his
manners, and in that respect as different from the frank, affable
> The substance and spirit of all that was said, or perhaps could be said,
upon this subject, may be seen ih Mr. Burke's celebrated pamphlet on the
Discontents published in the Grafton administration.

196 CHAP, in.
1762.

renderhim fa
vourable
to peace,
Negotia tions.

Terms.

HISTORY OF Tttfc
duke of Newcastle, as in point of abilities from Mr. Pitt. He
was, besides, charged by the whigs with being the friend of
•* arbitrary power. In his appointment to subordinate offices,
he ¦ had frequently removed Englishmen of known and respec
table characters, "to make room for Scotchmen, who, however
respectable, were not known, and were presumed to be the
abettors of arbitrary power; and this partiality increased the
popular ferment. The whig party had been uniformly con
nected with the moneyed interest, and Pitt possessed the most
unlimited confidence of that important body of men. The
supplies of the current year had been raised while the duke
of Newcastle was at the head of the treasury. On lord Bute
they had no reliance; and in the year which was to follow,
the capitalists were more likely to obstruct than to facilitate
•the supplies. A great host of opposition, though in two di
visions yet one in enmity to the minister, appeared ready to
attack him when parliament should be assembled. So thwart
ed and obstructed, to carry on the war with the force and suc
cess which the nation, exulting in recent victory, expected,
would, he conceived, be impracticable. Besides, he thought
the actual resources of the country were nearly exhausted,
anAthat another campaign would produce financial distress; the
difficulties of perseverance in attempting, to reduce the power of
Bourbon, therefore, appeared to his mind as impossibilities : for
all these reasons, he was desiroTis that a negotiation should be
commenced. The king of Sardinia, the friend of the contending- states on
both sides, understanding their respective and relative disposi
tions, offered so far to interfere, as to communicate them to
each of the parties. The belligerent powers very readily con
sented to open a negotiation ; and it was agreed, that a person
of the first distinction should be reciprocally sent to London
and Paris. The duke de Nivernois came on the part of France,
and the duke of Bedford went on the part of England, in Sep
tember 1762. In the negotiation of 1761, a principle had been
established between the two crowns, that their respective pro
positions, if the treaty were broken off, should be considered
as retracted, and as never made : the negotiation of 1762, there
fore, was not a renewal of that of 1761. Still, however, from
the similarity of circumstances, it assumed somewhat of a si
milar spirit, so far as regarded the peculiar interests of Great
Britain ; and respecting Germany, there was a very material
difference. France and England both recurred to the original cause of
the war, the limits of the North American territories. The
French king not only renounced all pretensions to Nova Scotia,
but ceded the whole of Canada and its dependencies, includ
ing the Louisiana; and whereas the French had pretended a
right to the country which reaches from the Ohio to St. Law-
' rence, and had built a train of forts to command the communi-

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 1&?
cation, his christian majesty ceded the whole of that tract, and CHAP.
also the forts and settlements. Spain relinquished Florida; Iu-
so that from Hudson's bay to the southern cape of Florida, *^~*^**
from the Atlantic to the confines of New Mexico, the continent 1762-
of North America was a part of the British empire. To
command the navigation of St. Lawrence, and to secure the
possessions of her northern acquisitions, Britain was to retain
the islands of Cape Breton and St. John. We were to give up
to the French the small islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon
near Newfoundland. By the treaty of Utrecht, the Newfound
land fishery had been divided between France and England.
Britain wished her rival now to relinquish the whole, but
France would not hearken to the proposal ; at length a com
promiser was made, by which Britain was to possess the greater
share. The next object was the West Indies, which was one of the
chief sources of commerce, wealth, and maritime force to our ene
mies ; here we had made great conquests ; the question was, whe
ther we should retain them, as acquisitions to ourselves, and as an
increased security for a permanent peace by diminishing to the
opposite party the means of war ; or without carrying our views
to distant objects, sacrifice them, in order to facilitate an im
mediate peace. The British ministers favoured the latter alter
native. We ceded to Spain the Havannah, with a considerable
part of Cuba; to France, the islands of Martinico, Guadaloupe,'
Marigalante, Desirade, and St. Lucia. We retained the islands
of Tobago, Dominica, St. Vincent's, and the Grenades.1 "To
the three former (as well as to St. Lucia which surrendered)
Britain had an old claim ; the last only was a new acquisition,
and the three others were then of little value. Spain consent
ed that the English should without disturbance cut logwood
in the bay of Honduras. In Europe, Belleisle was restored
to the French, Minorca to the English, and the fortifications
ef Dunkirk were to be destroyed, according to former treaties.
In Africa, Goree was restored to France, and Senegal retained
by England. ' In the East Indies, Britain returned all the
French factories and settlements ; France having stipulated . to
erect no fortifications in Bengal or Orissa, and to acknowledge
the reigning subahs of Bengal, the Decan, and the Carnatic.
Concerning our allies, it was agreed, that the French and Peace con-
Spahiards should evacuate Portugal, and that France and clu<ied'
Britain should observe a strict neutrality respecting the disputes
in Germany ; that each should withdraw their forces, and dis
continue subsidies. Such are the outlines of the peace, of
which the preliminaries were signed and interchanged on the
3d of November 1762, between the ministers of Great Britain,
France, Spain, and Portugal.
; On the 25th of November, parliament met: his majesty's Meeting
-speech described the successes obtained in various quarters of the of parlia-
world by the perseverance and valour of his land and sea forces ; ment'
and stated as the consequence of those victories, that the enemy

198 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, had made peace on terms highly advantageous to Britain; by
which his territories were greatly augmented, and new sources
^^v"^^ were .opened for trade and manufactures. He recommended
1762. attention to the improvement of our acquisitions, and firmness
and unanimity, as the surest means of tendering the advanta
ges of the peace more extensive and permanent.
The peace The preliminaries underwent a very able discussion in both
discussed, houses. Mr. Pitt attacked them as derogatory to the honour
December an{j interestg 0f the kingdom, as being totally inadequate to the
terms which our successes might have commanded, as a sur
render of those advantages which our glorious efforts had pro
cured to ourselves, and a sacrifice of public faith in the aban
donment of our allies. These general objections he and oth
ers illustrated by a detailed inquiry into the several articles.
ments France, it was contended, was chiefly formidable to us as a
against it. maritime and commercial nation. Though we had acquired an
extensive territory in America, yet by our stipulation respecting
the Newfoundland fishery, we had left her a nursery of seamen;
by the restoration of her West India possessions, we had given
her back the means of a most beneficial commerce; and thus
had put her in the way of recovering her losses, and being
again formidable on our own element The fishery formed a
multitude of seamen, and the West India islands employed
them when fully trained. France, by possessing a much great
er quantity of sugar land, had been long superior to us in this
lucrative branch of commerce. She had thus enriched her
merchants, increased her revenue, and strengthened her navy :
why then, after we had in a just and necessary war deprived
her of such valuable possessions, should we restore to her the
means of again annoying. ourselves ? The retention of the con
siderable French plantations, was necessary to the permanent
security of a peace. Besides, after so expensive a war, our
victories gave us a claim to some indemnification ; in that view,
the islands would have been the most productive of our con
quests. Our acquisitions in America might tend to our securi
ty, but it would be very long before they could lead to our in
demnification. They neither increased in any important de
gree our commerce, nor diminished the commerce of France ;
but the West India islands, if retained, would have been an
immediate great gain to Britain, and loss to our rival. The
retention of the West Indies was farther necessary to the im
provement of our acquisitions in North America,, and also to
our commerce with Africa. In that event, it was argued, the
African trade would have been augmented by the demand for
slaves, ari*d the trade of North America would have all centred
in Britain ; whereas, the islands being restored, a great part of
the northern colony trade must fall, as it had hitherto done, to
those who had lately been our enemies, and would still be our
rivals. For these reasons, either Martinico or Gaudaloupe, or
even both, should have been retained by Britain. The cession*

REIGN OF GEORGE HI, 199
made in Africa and in the East Indies would have fully justifi- CHAP.
ed the reservation to ourselves of our West India conquests. Ilr-
Provident policy required that we should have reserved those ^^v***
possessions, and our resources and resistless naval strength 1762-
would have enabled us to retain them, in defiance of the enemy.
If in the negotiation, availing ourselves of our advantages, we
had decisively refused such cessions, the enemy would not have
adhered to the requisition, with the alternativeof the continued
war; or, had they been so obstinate, British force would soon
have reduced them to compliance. Concerning our ally the
king of Prussia, it was insisted, that, in deserting his interests,
we had violated the national faith.1
Such were the arguments adduced both in and out of parlia- Argu
ment by those who disapproved of the peace, which the mi- Pents for
nister and his supporters answered to the following effect. The lt-
original object of hostilities was, the security of our continental
possessions in North America; the dangers to which these
colonies had been exposed, and the expensive and bloody war
resulting to Great Britain from those dangers, rendered it ne
cessary to prevent the possibility of their recurrence. Ex
perience had shown, that while France possessed a single
place on the continent of America, we should never be secure
from a renewal of hostilities : the removal of the French from
our neighbourhood in that country, was therefore the most
effectual means of preventing future war.3 The security so
produced would also tend ultimately to indemnification: as it
would not Only save us from the necessity of another war, in
crease our trade and revenue, and lower our debt, but permit
our eolonies to extend their commerce and population. The
population of the colonies had of late very rapidly advanced,
and the increase of the trade with the mother country had been
proportionate. North America itself would soon afford a de
mand for our manufactures, and employ almost all the working
hands in England. They expatiated on the immense resources
to commerce which must arise from the possession of the

1 The writings of those times charged the minister with very gross breach
of faith and base treachery, in endeavouring to stimulate both Austria and
Russia against Prussia, while he was professing the greatest zeal for the
security of that prince ; but no authentic evidence is adduced to support
the allegation. See History of the Minority, 1762, 1763, 1764, 1765.
1 It has been frequently alleged by speculative politicians, that this very
removal of the French from our American colonies, by freeing them from
the apprehension of a foreign enemy, encouraged that proud and refrac
tory spirit which ended in revolution. Tins, however, appears to be a.
fanciful hypothesis. The Americans were morally certain that the French
would join in supporting disaffection, rebellion, and revolt, in order to an
noy Great Britain ; and they could have contributed their assistance more
easily and expeditiously if they had retained part of their North American
settlements, than when totally deprived of those possessions.' In short,
this theory originates in French ingenuity, and not in English reasoning.

iCO HISTORY OF THE
CHAP. American continent; and argued, that, great as commercial ad-
IH- vantages are, they ought not to be the sole consideration, but
"^"v'**to/ that number of subjects and extent of territory,* contributed no
1762. iess t0 the greatness of an empire. France, "they said, would
never agree to a considerable cession in theWest Indies, where
the importance of our possessions depended on the North
American colonies, from which they derived their principal
provisions and other supplies, and that commerce fully com-
' pensated for our inferiority in West India productions. They
contended, that the points which, file opposite party had proposed
to contest, were not of sufficient importance to justify the con
tinuance of the war on their account. The king of Prussia we
s had supported as long as he was likely to be overwhelmed by
enemies ; but now, by his peace with Sweden and Russia, and
by the neutrality of France, he had to contend with Austria
only, for which he was fully a match. It was the interest of
Britain to save Prussia from destruction, but not to prbmote her
ambition. The impartial historian, however, who is totally uninterested
in the contentions of parties, must differ from both ministry
and opposition. On the subject of Prussia, ministers appeared
to have judgeiT prudently, as the reason for defending Frede
rick was the maintenance of the balance of Europe ; when that
ceased to be in danger, policy no longer required the waste of
our blood and treasure in his contests. Concerning the West
Indies, our cessions appear by far too great. The reasons al
leged by ministers for the dereliction of such valuable posses
sions, were futile in the present situation and relative force of
the parties. According to their allegations, France would not
give up what she had actually lost ; but if Britain insisted
on the reservation, where were her means of recovery ? The
principle on which the cession was justified, was contrary to
magnanimous and wise policy. A declared willingness to
abandon momentous advantages, rather than continue a con
test to secure them when already possessed, directly tended to
make the adversary more stubborn, and afford an injurious
example in future contests. To a power transcendent in re
sources, it can never be a prudent reason for relinquishing
valuable interests, that they are not to be maintained without
a struggle. Such conduct is really as contrary to pecuniary
economy on balancing accounts upon a large scale, as to na
tional dignity and honour. The abandonment of acquisitions
affording to the possessor riches and naval strength, tended, as
was foreseen, to furnish France with the means of maintaining
another war whenever a favourable opportunity offered. It
was unnecessary to expatiate on the advantages which we
secured by our acquisitions in North America, as a reason for
giving up the West Indies: such being our power, that we
could not only have obtained, but enforced both. Our great
efforts had certainly exposed us to considerable difficulties, and

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 201
lord Bute had been uniformly anxious to terminate the war. CHAP.
Peace was desirable, but the peace concluded was not so nl-
honourable or advantageous as Britain could have dictated, '^~>r>**
and contained in itself the seeds of dissolution. The definitive 1763.
treaty was <signed on the 10th of February, 1763, and termin
ated a war begun by boundless ambition, in which defeat and
disaster paid the price of impolitic rapacity, and repeated the
lesson which former hostilities had so often inculcated, that
France, seeking the extension of territory and the augmenta
tion of commerce and naval power, by attacking England, em
ployed the most effectual means to prevent the attainment of
her purpose.
The peace of Fountainbleau, however, though certainly by
no means the best which Britain might have concluded in the
existing circumstances, produced against its framers obloquy
and invectives which they did not deserve. It was openly and
loudly asserted, that the earl of Bute entertained the ancient
Scotch partiality for France, and intentionally betrayed his
king and country.1' It was very plainly insinuated, that the
duke of Bedford had been actually bribed by the court of Ver
sailles to conclude a peace on such terms.3 Improbable as
these charges were in their nature, and totally unsupported by
any extrinsic evidence, yet during the public ferment they ob
tained very general credit. The tide of popular odium ran
extremely high : demagogues never fail to increase the fury of
a populace already inflamed, and on the present occasion an ad
ditional subject was not long wanting. The war had made a
prodigious increase in the encumbrances of the country, and
there was such an arrear of floating debt as to render a very
large loan necessary ; the people, however, could not so clearly
see the necessity of taxes being no less requisite at the con
clusion, than during the continuance of an expensive war.
While exulting in victory, and elated with hopes of crush
ing their ancient enemy, they did not repine at expense ; but
now such flattering expectations were terminated by a peace,
whicli was generally disapproved. Ministers were aware, that
in such a disposition no scheme of supply would be well re
ceived. They therefore determined to impose as few taxes as Finance.
the public service could possibly admit. The nation, they
contended, was exhausted, and it Was therefore necessary to
repair our finances by the most rigid economy. In pursuance
of this plan, they proposed to raise the supplies, first, by taking
2,000,0001. out of the sinking fund; secondly, by issuing
1,800,0001. in exchequer-bills ; thirdly, by borrowing 2,800,0001.
on annuities ; and, lastly, by two lotteries for 350,0001. each.
The rest of the supplies were necessarily raised by taxes. The
principle of taxation under the Bute ministry was, to subject
' See North Briton, and Junius's Letter to the dake of Bedford.
- See Junius's Letter to the duke of Bedford.
Vol. I. S6

202

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP. ¦ luxuries, and not necessaries, to imposts, for the exigencies of
I!!- the state. The luxuries of the lower ranks, are, on the whole,
*",^v">'"' a much more productive source of revenue, than those of the
1763. higher; it was therefore expedient to include the poor as well
as the rich: there were taxes upon beer, ale, and porter di
rectly, and indirectly in that upon malt ; as well as upon wine,
on which, in this session, an additional duty was imposed.
Cider tax. Cider hitherto had been subject to no impost; it was judged
expedient this year to tax that beverage, though in a less pro
portion than ale and porter, to which in its nature, and in
the situation of its principal consumers, it was held most
analogous ; and to levy it by the same mode, an excise.
Those who examine the nature and operation of different modes
of levying taxes, can very easily perceive, that excise is less
burthensome to the consumer than any equivalent raised in cus
toms. Customs, though advanced by the merchant, must ulti
mately fall on the consumer; as the merchant must not only
be reimbursed, but have a profit on all his advance, it follows,
that the earlier in trade customs are paid for any commodity,
the heavier they must fill on the consumer. The excise being
Excise, levied on commodities in use, and paid by the consumer, does
not require him to reimburse the merchant for his advance, nor
to contribute to his profits. But in customs, the tax being in
volved in the price of the commodity, is not felt as a tax ;
whereas excise is immediately felt, and, though really lighter,
is imagined to be heavier.1 From this unfounded supposition,
excise is a much more unpopular mode of taxation, than cus
toms. Two circumstances add to the unpopularity of this spe
cies of tax — the necessary procedure of the tax-gatherers, and
the established mode of trial. The visits of excise officers, it is
alleged, are inconsistent with the rights of an Englishman, ac
cording to which his house is his castle ; yet it is obvious, that
there are many other instances in which that castle must be en
tered for the public good. The next is, the summary process
before commissioners, instead of trial by jury; which is really
mercy, anil not severity, to delinquents. The expense and de
lay of prosecutions, either by action or indictment, would fall in
finitely heavier on defendants, than this expeditious manner of
ascertaining the matter in dispute.2 The excise is a much more
effectual mode of preventing contraband dealing, than customs :
and therefore smugglers are much more interested in abetting
the unpopularity to which it is liable from vulgar and inveterate
prejudices. From all these causes, every scheme for extending
the excise has never failed to excite great opposition and tu
mult in' this country. Sir Robert Walpole's famous scheme,
firmly as he was established by the favour of the king and the
great whig confederacy, had nearly cost him his place, and was

' See Dr. Smith's Wealth of Nations.
3 See Blackstone's Commentaries, b. iv. p. 281.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 203
obliged to be abandoned. The enmity to the excise was still CHAP.
undiminished, and was likely to exert itself with redoubled fu- m-
ry against a minister otherwise so unpopular. The cider tax <^rv^-'
in itself appears to have been as fair aud equitable as any that 1763-
could have been devised ; it merely made those who chose to
regale themselves with a distillation from apples, contribute to
the revenue, as well as those who chose to regale themselves
with a distillation from barley : its prudence, however, was
questionable. Great and able statesmen will not be deterreil
from plans of national benefit, by the misapprehension of po
pular prejudices and ignorance; because they know, that
though some of their acts may incur censure, their general mea
sures and conduct, which command the veneration of their
countrymen, will ultimately prevail over occasional disappro
bation. But lord Bute must have been aware that he was not
an object of Veneration, since no pains were spared to convince
him, that by the majority of Englishmen he was regarded
with abhorrence and contempt; that he was the last man who
could overbear popular prejudice, however sound the argument
might be to justify his financial measures. It was therefore.
impolitic in him to propose, and still more unwise inflexibly to
pursue, this tax, though in itself unobjectionable. He however
did persist ; and, strong as the opposition1 was in both houses,
loud and violent as the clamours were throughout the kingdom,
the bill passed into a law. In pamphlets and periodical publi
cations, and in all popular meetings in the city of London,
which were entirely directed by opposition, this act was repre
sented as part of a general scheme formed by lord Bute for
plundering England, to gratify the rapacity of Scotchmen,2 and
for establishing arbitrary power.
While the minister* was by numbers considered, and by ma-Unexpect-
ny more represented, as meditating the most destructive de- ed . As
signs to be effected by his power, to the surprise of the public, S°"°[
as soon as his financial measures were passed, he relinquished
1 The ablest opponent of this tax was Mr. Pitt. That statesman denied
the general position of ministers, that the nation Was exhausted. There
were still resources for carrying on the war longer, and much more towards
clearing off incumbrances on the peace. As w^ were necessarily involved
in an immense debt, our wisest policy in such circumstances would be, by
liberal and comprehensive grants to add ass much as possible to the nation
al income. After discussing in detail the other parts of the financial scheme,
he came to the eider tax, against which he directed the force of his elo
quence. Mr. Grenville in answer contended that it was unavoidable.
Where (said he) can we lay another tax of equal efficiency ? does Mr. Pitt
tell us where we can lay another tax. He several times repeated, " Tell
me where you can lay anether tax?" Mr. Pitt replied to him in a musical
tone, in the words of a favourite song, " Gentle shepherd, tell me where ?"
Mr. Grenville ever after retained the denomination of gentle sliepherd.
•> See North Briton, No! 43; Churchill's Poems ; History of the Minority;
and other popular writings of the time.

204 HISTORY OP THE
CHAP, his employment, "Having, (he said) restored peace to the world,
Hi. « performed his engagements, and established a connexion
v^"v"^---' " so strong as no longer to need his assistance, he would
1763. « now depart to the domestic and literary retirement which he
"loved." Few ministers have been more generally hated than lord
Bute was by the English nation ; yet, if we estimate his con
duct from facts, without being influenced by local or tempora
ry prejudices, we can by no means find just grounds for the odi
um which he incurred. It is true, an impartial reviewer can
find nothing in his political character to justify the praises of
some of his supporters, but still less will be found to justify the
obloquy of many of his satirists. As a war minister, though
his plans discovered little of original genius, and naturally pro
ceeded from the measures of his predecessor, the general state'
of our resources, the conquests achieved, and the disposition of
our fleets and armies, yet they were judicious; the agents ap
pointed to carry them into execution were selected with dis
cernment, and the whole result was successful. His desire of
peace, after so long and burthensome a war, was laudable, but
perhaps too eagerly manifested. As a negotiator, he did not
procure the best terms, which, from our superiority, might have
been obtained. His project of finance,1 in itself unobjectionable,
derived its impolicy from the unpopularity of his administra
tion. Exposed from unfounded prejudices to calumny, he de
served and earned dislike by his haughty deportment. The
manners which custom might have sanctioned from an imperi
ous chieftain to his servile retainers in a remote corner^ of the
island, did not suit the independent spirit of the English me
tropolis. The respectable mediocrity of his talents with the
suitable attainments, and his decent moral character, deserved
an esteem which his manners precluded. Since he could not,
like Pitt, command by superior genius', he ought, like the duke
of Newcastle, to have conciliated by affable demeanour. His
partisans have praised the tenacity of lord Bute in his purpos
es ; a quality which, guided by wisdom in the pursuit of right
objects, and combined with power to render success ultimately
probable, is magnanimous firmness ; Jtmt without these requi
sites, is stubborn obstinacy. No charge has been . more fre
quently made against lord Bute, than that he was a promoter of
arbitrary principles and measures. This is an accusation for
which its supporters could find no grounds iu his particular acts;
they endeavoured, therefore, to establish their assertion by cir
cuitous arguments. Lord Bute had been the means of dispos
sessing the whig connexioti of power, and had given Scotch
men appointments which were formerly held by the friends of
' His loan was much censured, as affording extravagant terms to the
lender, and bestowing the principal shares upon Scotchmen. This charge
however, though in some measure true, was greatly exaggerated.

REIGN OF GEORGE IU. 205
the duke of Newcastle. To impartial investigation, however, CHAP.
it appears evident that lord Bute merely preferred himself, as a IH-
minister, to the duke of Newcastle : if we examine his particu- *-*"v~^>''
lar nominations, we shall find that he neither exalted the friends 1763.
of liberty nor despotism, but his own friends. It would proba- ,
bly have been better for this country nad lord Bute never been
minister; but all the evils that may be traced to that period,
did not necessarily proceed from his measures, as many of them
flowed from circumstances over which he had no control. Can
dour must allow that the comprehensive principle on which his
majesty resolved to govern, was liberal and meritorious, though
patriotism may regret that he was not more fortunate in his first
choice. The administration of lord Bute teaches an instruc
tive lesson, that no man can be long an effectual minister
of this country, who will not occasionally attend, not only to
the well-founded judgment, but also to the prejudices, of En
glishmen.

2W8 HISTORY OF THE

CHAP. IV.
George Grenville prime minister.— Violent writings.---J*7orth Briton.—
John Wilkes — his character. — Proceedings against him. — Outcry against
ministers. — Wilkes engrosses the chief attention of the public. — Meeting
of parliament. — Animadversions on Mr. Wilkes — he is expelled the 'com
mons — in the lords charged by the earl of Sandwich with an impious
and immoral libel — withdraws into France to avoid prosecution — is out
lawed. — His cause continues popular. — Prejudices against Scotchmen. —
Churchill's satires. — Question on the legality of general warrants.-*-
Waved by a ministerial majority. — Mr. Grenville's character and schemes
of finance. — His measures for the suppression of smuggling — he inti
mates a project of taxing America. — Marriage of the prince of Bruns
wick to the princess Augusta of England. — Prince Frederick, the king's
second son, appointed bishop of Osnaburg. — Session rises. — Affairs of
Europe. — France experiences the effects of her impolitic wars. — Pecu
niary embarrassments and refractory parliaments. — Beginning spirit of
liberty. — Austria. — Prussia. — Catharine of Russia. — Election of the king
of Poland. — Joseph, heir of Austria, chosen king of the Romans. — Ame
rican colonies. — Effect of the minister's intimation in the colonies. —
Meeting of parliament. — The minister's plan for levying stamp duties
on America — important debates in parliament thereon— opposed on two
grounds, right and expediency — represented as a dangerous innovation
against beneficial experience — passed into a law. — Stamp act, an impor
tant epoch in history. — Ferment in the colonies. — Massachusetts' Bay
takes the lead in opposition, and instigates concerted resistance. — An
nexation of the Isle of Man to the crown of Great Britain. — Indisposition
of the king. — Bill for a regency in case of a minority. — Ministers lose
the favour of the court — are dismissed from administration.
CHAP. ON the resignation of lord Bute, the honourable George
Iv- Grenville, brother of earl Temple, became prime minister ; lords
v^v">-' Egremont and Halifax continued secretaries of state ; and the
1763. ear| 0f Sandwich was appointed first lord of the admiralty in
Mr. Gren- ^ room 0f jjr# Grenville. As the present ministers were all
minister!16 'n^mately connected with lord Bute, it was believed that his
influence continued to predominate, and that his maxims were
still adopted. Party rage increased in virulence, and the press
teemed with invective. During, the* administration of lord Bute,
government had appeared totally indifferent to these attacks ;
but an essay published a few clays after his retirement, changed
its plan. One of the most abusive assailants of the late mini
ster had been the North Briton, which was begun in the pre
ceding year, and being continued periodically, had, at the re
signation of lord Bute, sent forty-four numbers into the world ;
and to this work, the celebrated Mr. Wilkes was an occasional
contributor.
John John Wilkes, esq. member for Aylesbury, was a man of ready
Wilkes, ingenuity, versatile talents, taste, and classical erudition; he

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 207
was distinguished for wit and pleasantry, and surpassed most CHAP.
men as an entertaining and engaging companion. He was not, IV-
however, eminent as a senator or a lawgiver ; he was extremely ^^V^»»
dissipated ; as indifferent to religion as to morals, and to his pe- 1763-
cuniary circumstances as to either.1 Prodigality had ruined
his fortune, and profligacy his character. Bankrupt in circum
stances and reputation, he had applied to lord Bute to extricate
him from his 'difficulties. His character was so notorious, that
a statesman who regarded religion and morality could not pa
tronize him, though he might have easily rendered him a tool.
Wilkes in revenge, became a flaming patriot, inveighed against
the attacks upon our rights and liberties, and against the un
principled wickedness of the rulers ; and the North Briton was TbeNotth
one of the chief vehicles of his animadversions. The observa- Briton.
tions and arguments in this work were merely declamatory ini
vectiyes, and the echoes of vulgar prejudices, which nothing
but popular prepossession could have preserved from contempt.
That abuse which preceding North Britons had poured out
against lord Bute and Scotchmen, No. 45, had the audacity to
direct with increased scurrility against the sovereign. The
matter was false and absurd ; the language used by a subject
to a sovereign, was totally unworthy of the pen of a gentleman :
the wickedness of the intention, and insolence of the address,
deserved detestation; but the frothy feebleness of the execu
tion ought to have overwhelmed that sentiment in contemptuous
neglect. The course which ministry pursued, gave a conse
quence both to the paper and its author which the intrinsic
merit of either would never have attained. On the 23d of No. 45.
April 1763, this number was published, and it was no sooner
perused by ministry, than a council was called, and an immedi
ate prosecution proposed. The chief justice Mansfield de
clared his disapprobation of that mode of procedure : " I am,
"(he said) decidedly against the prosecution : his consequence
" will die away if you let him alone ; but by public notice of
" him, you will increase that consequence ; which is the very
" thing "he covets, and keeps in full view." The contrary opi
nion, however, prevailed ; and on the 26th, a warrant was issued
for seizing the authors, printers, and publishers of the North
Briton, No. 45. By the law, a general warrant to apprehend all Wilkes 13
persons suspected, without specially naming or describing any ?ppde',
person, was illegal, and, to use Blackstone's words, "void for its eI
" uncertainty ; for it is the duty of the magistrate, and ought
« not to be left to the officer, to judge of the ground of suspi-
" cion."3 But this mode of procedure, though it was inconsis-
¦ The character of Mr. Wilkes is accurately, justly, and severely drawn,;
in a celebrated publication of those times, entitled, the Adventures of a
Guinea, vol. iv. .
•> Blackstone's Commentaries, book iv. p. 291. Judge Blackstone, in a
note upon this place, explains how such a proceeding* though actually ille
gal, came to be reckoned justifiable. " A practice had obtained (he says) in

208 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, tent with written law, had all the sanctions which it could de-
Iv- rive from precedent. It had been used ever since the revolu-
v^v"'w tion, and by the successive whig administrations from that time,
1763. i^d never before been called arbitrary, and indeed was nothing
but an irregularity. Mr. Wilkes refused to comply with the
warrant, but was at last compelled to accompany the messen
gers to the secretary of state's office ; he was committed to the
and his pa- Tower, his papeus were seized, and admission to him was
pers are strictly prohibited, until a motion was made in the court of com-
sieze . mQn pjeas for a wr;t 0f habeas-corpus ; by virtue of which, on
the 3d of May, he was brought into Westminster-hall. That
they might have time to form an opinion upon so important a
case, the judges deferred decision till the 6th, on which day the
lord chief justice Pratt delivered an opinion that did not, as is
commonly alleged, declare general warrants to be illegal, but
the warrant in question to be void, on a specific ground, the
privilege of parliament. Members of the legislature are ex
empted from arrest, except in three cases, treason, felony, and
breach of the peace ; and as neither of these applied to the charge
He is dis- against Mr. Wilkes, he was released by the court. This Iibera-
charged tion, on account of parliamentary privilege, was by the popular
irom con- party construed to be a victory gained by an oppressed indivi-
nemen . juaj over an arbitrary government, wishing to crush constitu
tional liberty. The day before his release, in consequence of
an order from the secretary of state to earl Temple, lord-lieu
tenant of Buckinghamshire, he was discharged from the com
mand of the militia of the county ; and the attorney-general
was directed to commence a prosecution against him for a libel.1
Mr. Wilkes not only refused to answer the information which

the secretary's office, ever since the restoration, grounded on some clauses
in the acts for regulating the press, of issuing general warrants to take up
(without naming any person in particular) the authors, printers, and pub
lishers of such obscene and seditious libels as were particularly specified
in the warrant. When those acts expired in 1694, the same practice was
inadvertently continued in every reign, and under every administration
(except the last four years of queen Anne,) down to the year 1763 j wnen,
such a warrant being issued to apprehend the authors, printers, and pub
lishers, of a certain seditious libel, its validity was disputed ; and the war
rant was adjudged by the whole court of king's bench to be void, in the
case of Money, v. Leach."
1 Lord Temple having supported Mr. Wilkes, in combatting the prose
cutions carried on at tbe instance of ministers, his lordship also, in offici
ally announcing the dismissal of Mr. Wilkes from the militia, expressed
regret for the loss sustained by the county from this resolution. The con
duct of lord Temple was so disagreeable to his majesty's counsellors, in
cluding his lordship's own brother Mr. Grenville, that he was discharged
from the lord-lieutenancy of Buckinghamshire. His lordship continued to
support Wilkes ; but it was evidently on account of his political prosecu
tion, and not from an approbation 6f his private conduct and character.
See History of the Minority ; Universal and Gentleman's Magazines for
1763. b

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. , 209
the law officer filed, but on the other hand brought an action CHAP.
against Mr. Wood, under secretary of state, for seizing his pa- lv-
pers, and procured a verdit, with a thousand pounds dama- y^~v~*»s
ges, and full costs of suit He also commenced a process 1763'
against lord Halifax, which, however, subsequent occurrences
abated. The proceedings relative to Mr. Wilkes during the year popular
1763, occupied the principal attention of the whole nation, enthusi-
The popular party represented him as the champion of liberty, ?*m in bi*
and the object of persecution on account of his patriotism.
Anti-ministerial writers directed their efforts almost exclusively
to the praises of Wilkes, and the abuse of his prosecutors. Every
publication, of which he was the subject, was read with astonish
ing avidity. Not the populace merely, but men of real talents
and virtue, though they detested his profligacy, considering the
freedom of Englishmen as violated in his person, associated the
idea of Wilkes and liberty.
Wilkes was not slow in availing himself of the popular opi
nion in his favour. He set up a printing press, and published
the proceedings against him at one guinea a copy; by the ex
traordinary sale of which, he procured a degree of affluence to
which he had been long unaccustomed, and a degree of impor
tance whiph he could never otherwise have established. Finally,
he expressed his resolution of making the proceedings against
hiin a subject of formal complaint in parliament.
The ministers who now conducted public affairs were want- State of
ing, if not in talents, at least in influence and estimation. Their the minis-
supposed dependence prevented both respect and popularity ; ir^' .
and the proceedings against Mr. Wilkes, which were presumed
to originate with lord Bute, rendered his conceived tools hate
ful as a body, however meritorious some of the members were
individually accounted.* George Grenville, a man of sound un
derstanding, with a resolute heart, and fair and unimpeached in
tegrity, had been, during the greater part of his public life, the
friend and partisan of his brother-in-law Mr. Pitt; and, though
deserving of respect and influence on his own account, had
been indebted for actual consideration to his connexion with
that illustrious character. His personal importance was by no
means sufficient to give strength and stability to a political party, ,
especially to an administration having such formidable oppo
nents. Of his colleagues in office, lord Egremont, by his abili
ties, experience, and reputation, possessed the greatest weight.
Of this statesman's assistance, he, on the 21st of August, was
deprived by death; and the cabinet was now reckoned extremely
feeble and inefficient.
The object of the king uniformly was, to employ political Overtures
ability and virtue in the government of the nation, without to Mr. Pirt.
regard to party. The first statesman of the kingdom had
withdrawn from the cabinet ; and to recall his most efficacious
talents into the executive service of his country, was the benig
nant wish of our sovereign. He accordingly made application
Vol. I. "X

210 CHAP. IV.

1763.

Meeting
of parlia
ment.

HISTORY OP THE
to Mr. Pitt, and an interview took place on the 27th of August.
The patriot being consulted respecting measures and men,
'delivered his opinion freely and explicitly; that in the circum
stances and opinions of the times, it would be expedient for
the insurance of public confidence, to restore the great whig
families to a certain share of that power from which they had
been recently driven, and their deprivation of whicli had caus
ed such alarms in the country. The king did not object to
those general propositions, and appointed Mr. Pitt to a second
interview on the 29th, to enter into particular arrangements.
On the intervening day, Mr. Pitt conferred with the chief
whig leaders, and his own political friends, concerning the
persons who should constitute the new cabinet, and a plan was
formed. The day following, he met the king at the appointed
hour, and laid before him the names of his proposed coadju
tors. His majesty, desirous of the services of Mr. Pitt in
dividually, was willing to admit in conjunction with him certain
members of the whig party; but, true to the policy with
which he had set out, would not surrender the whole direction
of his affairs to a combination ; he therefore proposed a plan
which should, together with Mr. Pitt and some of those whom
he recommended, extend to others. Mr. Pitt appears to have
adhered to his first opinion, and the king to have persevered
in his determination not to yield to so exclusive a system of
administration. The conference broke off,1 and Mr. Pitt and
his friends did not become a part of the ministry. Having
failed in the attempt to procure the ministerial services of
Mr. Pitt on admissible terms, his majesty bestowed a considera
ble share of power on the duke of Bedford and his parti
sans, making the duke himself president of the council. The
accession of the numerous connexions of the Bedford fa
mily gave Mr. Grenville an assurance of a parliamentary
majority, whicli enabled ministers to carry their projects into
execution. The session opened in November. His majesty having in"
his speech exhorted parliament to cultivate the blessings of
peace, to improve the acquisitions which they had made, to
extend the commerce, increase the revenue, and reduce the
debt of the country ; in the close, he strongly inculcated the
necessity of domestic union, and the repression of licentious
ness. • Before the speech could be taken into consideration,
the minister delivered a message from the king to the following
effect: "That his majesty having been informed that John
" Wilkes, esq. a member of that house, was the author of a
" most seditious and dangerous libel, he had caused the said
" John Wilkes, esq. to be apprehended and secured, in order
¦ Various reports were disseminated concerning this negotiation. The
documents on which it chiefly rests, is the letter of- lord Hardwicke to his
son lord Royston, afterwards published.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 211
" to take his trial ih due course of law : and Mr. Wilkes hav- CHAP.
',' ing been discharged out of custody by the court of common IV-
" pleas, on account of -his privilege as a member of that house, ^^"v">"<*'
w and having since refused to answer to an information filed i^63-
" against him by the attorney-general, his majesty, desirous to
" show all possible attention to the privileges of the house of
"commons, and at the same time solicitous not to suffer the
" public justice of the kingdom to be eluded, had chosen to direct
" the said libel, and also copies of the examinations upon which
" Mr. Wilkes was apprehended and secured, to be laid before
"them." The ground which administration took in supporting the
proceedings relating to Mr. Wilkes was, a proposition to cen
sure a work as false, scandalous, arid seditious, the merits of
which were actually before a court of justice; and that very
day Mr. Grenville proposed the following resolution ; " That
" the paper entitled the North Briton, No. 45, is a false, scan-
" dalous, and seditious libel against his majesty and both houses
" of parliament, manifestly tending to alienate the affections
" of the people from his majesty, to withdraw them from their
" obedience to the laws, and to excite them to traitorous insur-
* rection." In supporting this motion, the friends of minis
ters expatiated on the nature and mischievous tendency of
seditious libels, demonstrated the calumnious falsehoods of the
work in question, contended that they were fitted to estrange
the affections of the people from the king and legislature, and
that therefore the author deserved the strongest marks of ' cen
sure that could be passed by the house. Opposition endeavour
ing to extenuate the offence »f Mr. Wilkes, contended, that he
had been already treated with such illegality and harshness as
amounted to persecution ; that the decisions of the court had al
ready shown his treatment to have been oppressive ; and that
his offence, whatever might be its nature or heinousness was now
before the judicature of his country, whose judgment it did not '
become a branch of the legislature either to anticipate or to in
fluence by interference.
The resolution was carried by a great majority; and imme-Proceed-
diately after it was resolved, that No. 45, of the North Briton i"g?
should be burned by the hands of the common hangman; and ?S?,mst
tile lords, in a conference, agreed to the resolution, and to the
sentence. On the 26th of November both houses joined in
an address, expressing their indignation at the contumely with
which his majesty was treated in the libel, and at the outrage
which had been offered to every branch of the legislature.
The next question relative to Mr. Wilkes was, the extent of
parliamentary privilege. Ministry moved, that the privilege of
parliament does not extend to seditious libels. Opposition argu
ed, that many authorities in law, particularly the late decision
i» the court of common pleas, established the extension of par
liamentary privilege to every case, except treason, felony, arid

312 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, breach of the peace. Mr. Pitt declared his abhorrence of the
IV- paper in question to be as great as any man's, " but, (said he)
^~v~>m> " let the author be punished in due course of law, according to
1763. « ^he amount of his guilt. Do not let us sacrifice the privileges
" of parliament, and subject every man to the danger of impri-
" sonment who may happen to write against ministry. A mem-
" ber of parliament possesses the privilege claimed by Mr.
" Wilkes, and admitted by the court of common pleas ; but if
" an offender wished to shelter himself under his privileges, the
" house, from its regard to justice, would deliver him up to pro-
" secution." The friends of ministry, in reply to the argument,
from legal authorities endeavoured to prove, that a libel was a
much more hurtful offence than what are usually called breaches
of the peace, and even than several species of felony. The pri
vilege of parliament was intended merely to prevent a me m-
ber from being distracted in his attention to national busi
ness, by litigations concerning his private property, but not to
prove a protection for crimes. The resolution, after undergoing
a very violent contest, was passed, and carried also in the house
of lords. During these proceedings, a personal altercation be
tween Mr. Wilkes and Mr. Martin, member for Camel ford, pro
duced a duel, in which Mr. Wilkes was Wounded; and the
house delayed farther proceedings until he should be able to at
tend.
1764. In the Christmas vacation he retired into France. On the
19th of January 1764, the last adjourned day for farther pro
ceedings against him, the house received certificates from
French surgeons, that, from his wound, he was unable to re
turn to England*; but, conceiving this excuse to be an unfounded
pretence,1 they proceeded with his case. On the 29th of Janua
ry, it was proposed, " That John Wilkes, esq. member for Ayles-
" bury, being guilty of writing and publishing the North Briton,
" be expelled this house." In this debate, opposition was very
moderate ; the evidence was so unquestionable, that the most
patriotic members could not conscientiously support the cause
of Wilkes. Disapprobation of the proceedings of ministry as
illegal and violent, was not incompatible with a thorough convic
tion of the wickedness of the paper in question, and the unfit
ness of the author to hold a place in the house of commons ; the
He is ex- question was therefore carried in the affirmative, and Mr. Wilkes
pelled the was expelled the house.
house. rj-jjg game jay tjjat jje was deprjyed 0f his sea*t {n -foe assem
bly of the commons, he underwent an accusation from the
peers. He had written,8 and privately dispersed a book, en
titled, An Essay on Woman, being a burlesque on Pope's Essay
- lie had gone to Paris after his wound ; and his return thence, it was
apprehended, could not be more impracticable than his journey thither.
'lam aware that the EBsay on Woman has been ascribed to a different
author : but the proof then adduced affixed it on Mr. Wilkes.

REIGN OF GEORGE 111. 213
on Man, and consisting of obscene and blasphemous ribaldry. CHAP.
To this production he had subjoined notes, stated in the title IV#
page to be written by bishop Warburton, so eminent for learn- ^^v****
ing and virtue. The man who first declared his abhorrence of 1764"
such an offence against decency and piety, was the earl of
Sandwich. His lordship had recently been extremely intimate
with Mr. Wilkes, and had at the very time thoroughly establish
ed a character, of which holiness and virtue were not constitu
ents ; but he was extremely active in procuring evidence to fix
this publication upon Mr. Wilkes, in order to bring to condign
Cunishment the violater of morality and religion.1 His own
abits of intercourse,2 and sources of information, peculiarly
fitting his lordship for bringing such flagitiousness to light, he
procured a copy of the work, and complained of it in the house
of peers, as a flagrant outrage against the most sacred duties
both to God and man. The peers, on the slightest inspection,
saw that it was an infamous performance; and, in the attack
upon the venerable, excellent, and illustrious prelate, an evident
breach of the privileges of the lords ; they therefore addressed
his majesty to give directions for prosecuting the author. He
was accordingly indicted for blasphemy, while the proceedings
respecting the libel were pending ; and, on the 2lst of February,
tried before lord Mansfield, for republishing the North Briton,
with notes ; and on the same day, for printing and publishing
the Essay on Woman. Not returning to receive sentence, he Retires
was outlawed ; the suits carried on against the two secretaries into exile.
of course abated; and Wilkes himself might have been forgot
ten, if another ministry had not rekindled the popular flame.
The votaries of a favourite hypothesis endeavoured to make
every fact and case bend to their theory. The people still con
sidered Bute as the real director of affairs, and imputed to his
arbitrary principles the acts of the Grenville administration,
which they represented as unconstitutional and tyrannical. If
considered impartially, the arrest by general warrant is found
to be a mere adoption by this ministry, of the mode followed
by all ministries since the revolution. From such a procedure,
therefore, no inference can be justly drawn that their intentions
were tyrannical ; but their conduct was certainly irregular, and
was also very unnecessary. If, as a member of parliament,
Mr. Wilkes was subject to any warrant for a libel, he "was ame
nable to a special as, well as a general warrant. To have ar
rested hiin in the legal way, would have been as easy and expe-

¦ The earl of Chesterfield, in a letter to his son, appears to think equal
credit due to the patriotic commoner, and to the holy peer. " Happy (says
he) is it for this nation, that God hath been pleased.to raise up in Mr.
Wilkes a patriotic defender of our rights and liberties, and m the earl ot
Sandwich so zealous a defender of our religion and morals."
•> The popular writings of the times on this occasion, applied to the peer
a fictitious character, taken from a very celebrated performance.

214 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, ditious as in the illegal. Mr. Wilkes's conduct in itself was a
IV- gross violation of law, but to its cognizance the courts of law
s"^v^»' were fully competent. While it was before these tribunals, it
1764. d^ not appear consistent with either the justice of the minister
to propose, or of parliament to adopt, measures that might tend
to a prejudication of the case. Conviction must have ensued
on such criminality, established by indubitable proofs ; and the
house might have then proceeded with much greater propriety
to censure or punish the author. The impartial historian,
though he find in the prosecutors of Wilkes no designs or inten
tions hostile to constitutional liberty, must perceive, that a con
siderable part of their conduct was totally inconsistent with
prudence, with the stability of their own power, and with the
tranquillity of government. Wilkes had before been little
known, except for his profligacy; the ministers raised him to
eminence; discontent was before very great, and the proceed
ings against him made it spread with accelerated rapidity,
Though not justly deemedtyrannical, the prosecution of Wilkes
by the Grenville administration, was unwise at the time, and in
jurious in its consequences.
Question Though Mr. Wilkes was himself retired from the political
concern- stage, questions resulting from his case continued to occupy
rafwar"6' parliament, and to agitate the public mind. Members of op-
rants, position now proposed the question of general warrants in an
abstract form, merely as a point of constitutional law, without
seeming to involve in it any particular case. On the 14th of
February, sir William Meredith moved a resplution, stating,
"that a general warrant" for apprehending and seizing the
"authors, printers, and publishers of a seditious libel, together
" with their papers, is not warranted by law." Ministry con
ducted themselves with great dexterity concerning this question ;
for they kept aloof from the position itself, and did not support
the legality of such warrants. " The house of commons," they
said, " being only a part, and not the whole of the legislature,
" cannot declare law legislatively ; and not being a court of
"judicature, cannot declare it judicially : the assumption of
" such a power would introduce confusion into the courts of
" law. The judges considered themselves as to be 'guided only
Argu- "by the whole legislature. If the commons were to declare
ments for « the law, their declarations might be different from what the
them ; « |jjng an(j parliament had pronounced. In the present case, it
" would produce not only general confusion, but particular in-
" justice. There was a bill of exemptions depending before
" the ordinary judges, on the alleged illegality of general war-
" rants; and the proposed resolution would in a great degree
"prejudge the cause. It would condemn men who acted upon
" the most numerous precedents, and of the best times ; men
" whose known characters, and the tenor of whose conduct,
"had secured them from every suspicion of an ill intention to
" liberty. Though the words of the resolution extended only

REIGN OF GEORGE. III. 215
"to the case of libel, yet the spirit of it would apply to all CHAP.
" cases whatsoever. -Such warrants had often been productive
"of the greatest good, and had nipped in the bud the most >>^~**>»'
"dangerous conspiracies. If general warrants are illegal, 1764.
" await the determination of the courts; if the decisions of.
" the courts are not satisfactory, declare the law by act of par-
*' liament." The supporters of the motion argued on the illegality and against
oppressive tendency of the process by a general warrant. Such them.
a mode left a discretionary power over the liberty of the sub- ¦
ject; not only to magistrates, whose knowledge, wisdom," and
value of their reputation, might moderate the exertion of their
arbitrary authority ; but to the inferior officers of justice, often
the most ignorant and profligate of mankind. The argument
from precedent could not justify what was contrary to law. Ca
ses, it was admitted, might occur, in which necessity would
justify general warrants; as in time of war and public dan
ger, when issued against the persons and interests of the ene
my, they might be requisite for the preservation of the country.
Mr. Pitt, in a speech on the subject, acknowledged that he had
signed two of them himself, though aware of their illegality,
because he would risk his head for the public safety: but in
the case of a libel, there was no such necessity ; every pur
pose of public justice might be fully obtained by the regular
process of law. The house of commons neither pretended to j
be the whole of the legislative body, nor a court of judicature ;
but it was their undoubted right, confirmed by clear and un
equivocal precedent, to censure every illegal practice, not there
by declaring law, but admonishing courts of justice and ex
ecutive officers to keep within the limits of law as already es
tablished. Ministers proposed an amendment, stating the constant and
uncensured practice of officers. They moved that the question,
so amended, should be adjourned to that day four months ; that
is, should be actually dismissed : and a motion to that effect was
carried by two hundred and thirty-four against two hundred and
twenty.1 We have hitherto been considering acts of administration
which appear to have resulted from their united counsels ; we
now come to measures, in which the lead was taken by Mr. Mr. GJtn-
Grenville himself, belonging peculiarly to his department, and ville ; I

• Among those who voted with opposition on the present occasion was
general Conway, who was presently after dismissed from the command of
a regiment, and other military as well as civil employments. This act was
severely censured in the opposition .writings of the time, and even by not
a few connected with no party. This dismissal is the subject of several
letters by Horace Walpole, who also wrote a pamphlet upon the subject,
entitled, " An address to the public on the late dismissal of a general offi
cer ;" which is published in his works.

216 CHAP. IV.

1764.

his finan
cialxh ernes.

HISTORY OF THE
deriving their nature and tendency from his character. Mt.
Grenville was a man of a clear and sound understanding, of
' great parliamentary experience, indefatigable application, and
extensive knowledge, especially in the laws of his country, in
commerce, and in finance. He had adopted an opinion, that
the resources of the country were in a very exhausted state ;
that therefore the chief business of a prime minister was to find
but in what way the deficiencies might be supplied. His great
object was, the improvement of the revenue without addition
al burthehs on the country. With this view one part of his po
licy was, to restrain smuggling of every kind, that the establish
ed imports might be as productive as possible : in the execu
tion of his schemes he was very active and successful ; and
farther, to promote his purpose, he had recourse to the aid of
the officers of the navy. A number of small ships of war,
with cutters and tenders, were stationed on the coasts of Bri
tain and Ireland, and similar powers conferred on them with
those usually given to revenue officers. Those regulations
were a powerful restraint on contraband trade, and added
greatly to the productiveness of the revenue. Having thus
enlarged the products, he diminished expense by rigid econo
my. He enquired into abuses which Wasted the public money,
and by correcting them made great savings ; in his bargains
for the public with moneyed men, he procured very advanta*-
geous terms, and was a most frugal, faithful, and skilful steward
to his country.
By these means he was able in 1764, only one year after the
termination of so expensive a war, to come forward with a
scheme of finance which precluded the necessity of additional
taxes. One part of the debt was 1,800,0001. in exchequer bills,
which were at a great discount. The bank contract was to be
renewed ; Mr. Grenville stipulated, that the bank should take
1,000,0001. of these bills for two years, at an interest reduced
by one fourth ; and, at the same time, should pay a fine on the
renewal of the contract of 100,0001. The residue of the bills
were renewed ; and another floating debt of 2,000,0001. still
remained ; to its liquidation, the surplus of the sinking fund was
applied, and also 700,0001. the produce of French prizes taken
before the declaration of war. The savings of unnecessary ex
penses, the increased productiveness of the revenue by the pre
vention of smuggling, added to the funds before established,
precluded the necessity, not only of a new loan and taxes, but
even of a lottery.
The state of supply was laid before the commons on the 20th
of March, and the friends of ministry justly gave it credit as a
display of combined skill and economy in the administration of
the revenue, and exulted in the effects which it produced ; nor
were their praises controverted by opposition in parliament.
The plan was, however, strongly attacked in anti-ministerial
publications, in which it was attempted to be proved, that the

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. gjy-
statements were fallacious, and the alleged. savings frivolous; CHAP.
but the objections were chiefly founded upon hypotheses/while IV-
the arguments in favour of the minister were supported by au-*^^^*"^
thentic documents ; and, indeed, an impartial reviewer of this I754"
part of Mr. Grenville's ministry, must allow him the praise due
to a prudent and well informed"finaneier.
To promote his favourite object, of increasing the productive- Regula-
ness of revenue, Mr. Grenville extended the" collecting powers tions for
of naval officers to America and the West Indies. There wasPrevent-
a clandestine trade carried on between the English, and Span- 1",*?n_au^
ish colonies, to the great advantage of both, especially the5 S*
latter, and even of Great Britain herself; because through
this channel British manufactures were introduced into the
Spanish settlements, and the returns were made principally in .
gold and silver.1 Though this traffic was not contrary to the
spirit of any act of parliament, yet the officers of the navy ap
pointed to prevent smuggling, not having received definite in
structions from home, put a stop to the intercourse however
beneficial : they seized indiscriminately all the ships employed
in* this commerce, whether belonging to fellow subjects or to
foreigners. The North Americans, who had found this trade
extremely lucrative, murmured loudly at the fatal check which
it thus received ; and Mr. Grenville's laudable desire of increas
ing the revenue, being pursued too exclusively, produced mea
sures which, though not very important in their financial ope
rations, were followed by political consequences of the highest
moment. He formed a plan to oblige the inhabitants of the
American colonies to bear a share in the expense necessary for
their protection, by paying taxes to be imposed by the British^!
parliament. A distinction had obtained in these provinces, be
tween duties on the importation and exportation of merchandise,
and taxes. Customs had been imposed upon certain enumera
ted goods, if carried to some other place instead of Great Bri
tain ; and when specific articles, the produce of one colony, were
to be exported to another, they paid a duty.3 To these imports,
considering them merely as regulations of trade, and not as
taxes, the colonies had submitted. Mr. Grenville therefore pro- Project*
posed a deviation from the established practice, and the assertion respect-
ef a claim, which involved in it very important questions, re-'n-5Aniei
spectingnot only general liberty, hut also the constitutional free-Tlca'
dom of a British subject. Intended by him merely as a scheme
of finance upon old and established grounds, his project propos
ed a political change founded upon new principles, of which ex
perience had afforded no means of ascertaining the operation
1 See Stedman's History of the American war, vol. i. p. 14.
•** Rum, sugar, and molasses, for instance, imported from the West Indies
to North America, paid a duty before they were shipped ; as did also tobac
co and indigo, imported from the North American continent to any of the
other plantations.
Vol. I. 28

218 HISTORY OP THE
CHAP, and effects. It was a much more important and more complica-
1V- ted proposition than its author apprehended; and a plan for
%^~*r>*-' making an inconsiderable addition to British revenue eventually
1764. iai,j the foundation of one of the greatest and most momentous
revolutions which history has to record.
Innova- As a part of this innovating system, Mr. Grenville moved in
tingsys- parliament a bill for granting certain duties on goods in the
tern of British colonies, to support the government there, and encou-
the^colo- " ra£e *'le trade to ti"5 suSar plantations; and on the 6th of April,
hies. this proposition was passed into a law. He also proposed ano
ther to the following purport: " that towards further defraying
"the expense of protecting and securing the colonies, it may be
"proper to charge certain stamp duties in the colonies." He
postponed, however, during this session, the introduction of a
bill founded on the last resolution, that the Americans might
have time to offer a compensation for the revenue which such a
tax might produce. The' colonial assemblies during the war
had been in the practice of issuing bills, which were made a le
gal tender for money : these had begun to be attended with
great inconvenience, and to suffer very considerable deprecia
tion. To remedy the evils, a law was proposed by Mr. Gren
ville, and passed by parliament, for preventing such bills as
might be hereafter issued in any of his majesty's colonies or
plantations in America, from being made legal tenders in pay
ment of money. The restrictions on the clandestine trade had
given great Umbrage in North America; the law obstructing
their paper currency added to the dissatisfaction ; but the du
ties actually imposed upon merchandise, and the resolutions
'-•Tfbncerning the stamp duty, excited a loud clamour. The New-
Englanders were the firgt to investigate these measures. Con
ceiving the new laws to be part of a general plan for assum
ing a power not heretofore exercised by Britain over her Ame
rican colonies, they immediately controverted the fundamental
principle, and totally denied the right of a British parliament to
levy in any form duties or taxes upon the colonies. The exer
cise (they said) of such an authority was a violation of their
rights as freemen ; as colonists, possessing by their charters the
power of taxing themselves for their own support and defence ;
and as British subjects, who ought not to be taxed but by them
selves or their representatives. These topics were the subjects
of petitions sent over to the king, to the lords, and to the.
commons.
The New- Placed in a rigorous climate, and on a soil requiring active
England- and persevering industry to render it productive, the Nevv-Eng-
ers- landers were strong, hardy, and capable of undergoing great
labour and fatigue. Having many difficulties to overcome and
dangers to encounter, they were formed to penetration, en
terprise, and resolution. Their country, less bountiful than
those of their southern neighbours, rendered recourse to traffic
necessary. The puritanisih which they inherited from their

REIGN OF GEORGE in. , 219
forefathers,1 v> ith its concomitant hypocrisy, incorporated itself CHAP.
with their commercial conduct ;. and avarice is never keener 1V-
than after a coalition with fanatical austerity, and never with ^^^^*^
more ardour uses the ministry of fraud, than when arrayed in 1764
the garb of sanctity. The traffic of New-England, of a minute
and detailed kind, less resembling the pursuit of an enlightened
merchant than a petty shop-keeper, while it narrowed liberality,
sharpened artifice. Inheriting a tinge of democratic republican
ism, the people submitted with reluctance to the constitutional
authority of a government in which monarchy made a con
siderable part, and spurned at the idea of yielding to what
they conceived to be usurpation. Avarice being a prominent
feature, in their characters, they were peculiarly jealous of an
apprehended usurpation, which was calculated to affect their
purposes, As their sentiments and principles prompted them
to oppose such attempts, their intelligent and. bold character
enabled them effectually to resist them. In the middle colonies, Middle
ia which the temperature of the climate and fertility of the soil
easily afforded the necessaries and accommodations of life,
though active and industrious, the inhabitants were not equally
hardy and enterprising ; they were less austere in their man
ners, admitted luxury and refinement to a much greater degree
than the colonists of the north, and were attached to a mo
narchical form of government. The southern, colonies were and soutU-
dissipated, relaxed, and Indolent ; and therefore though little ern colo-
adapted to resistance themselves, were well fitted to receive mes-
impressions from more vigorous characters. The New-Ehg-
landers were extremely active in diffusing their own sentiments
through the provinces attached to the mother country ; till, at
length, the spirit of dissatisfaction became so prevalent, as to
attract the notice and animadversions of the British govern
ment. While subjects so interesting and important were agitating War with
the civilized p?.rts of British America, government was dis- the Indi-
¦turbed by a desultory warfare with the Indian savages. British an9»
settlers had impolitically neglected the means of gaining the
affections and confidence of the natives. Seeiog England so
completely established, the Indians regretted that they had not
been more active in supporting the French interest. The
cordon of forts along the lakes trenched upon their hunting
•^rounds, almost the sole resource of savage life ; and they be
came apprehensive that British colonies would be planted in
those woods from which they now derived their subsistence.
In ±he midst of these apprehensions, a report was spread, that
the American provinces had formed a scheme for extirpating
.the Indian tribes; though totally unfounded, this rumour was
believed by the natives, and had no small share in inciting
them to hostilities. A confederacy was formed, and a sudden
' See the Introduction, p. 42.

220 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, attack made, during the harvest, on all our frontier-settlements.
IV- Before the design was suspected, numbers of planters were
*^~*~*J*' surprised, and put to death, with every torture that savage
1764. ingenuity could devise ; their effects were plundered, their
houses burned, and their crops, destroyed. The itinerant
merchants, who, relying on the general peace, traded in the
Indian country, were murdered, and their effects, valued at
two hundred thousand pounds, plundered. The western
frontiers of Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, were totally
abandoned by the planters ; the savages had surprised three of
our forts, and were advancing fast to our principal garrison,
Fort Pitt. Informed of -this alarming irruption, general Am
herst sent a strong detachment against the Indians, under
captain. Dalzell. The savages, however, being apprised of
his intentions, attacked the king's troops on every side, and
Dalzell with great difficulty, made his retreat to Fort Detroit.
A numerous body of Indians now surrounded Fort Pitt, at
which re-enforcements were not yet arrived ; the general sent
to its relief a strong corps under colonel Bouquet. Informed
of the march of this detachment, the Indians raised the siege,
with a view to attack the English ; and encountering Bou
quet's troops, after a sharp contest, pretended to retreat, and
drew their adversaries into a most dangerous ambuscade: the
British, however, formed themselves into strong columns, and
preserving the strictest order, encountered tomahawks with
fixed bayonets; and disciplined valour prevailing over savage
impetuosity, they repulsed the enemy. The Indians had again
recourse to ambuscade, to which then: country is so peculiarly
favourable. Our commander wished to bring them to a close
engagement ; but the enemy with skilful dexterity eluded bat
tle. In his attempts to effect his purpose, Bouquet was drawn
into a defile, in which he was extremely distressed for want of
water, and saw that, if he were not able to bring the Indians to
regular action, his troops must moulder away for want of pro
visions. The enemy had increased in confidence from their
late success ; and the colonel perceiving this boldness, con
trived the following stratagem for drawing them into battle.
The British troops were posted on an eminence, while two
companies were stationed in more advanced situations. These
he ordered to fall within the circle, as if retreating, while the
other two were drawn up so as to appear to cover that retreat.
The first two companies moved behind a projecting part of the
hill, so as not to be perceived by the enemy. The savages,
leaving their woods, attacked the two companies that were
nearest them ; but while they pressed forward, believing them
selves sure of victory, the two that had made the feigned re
treat rushed on, and attacked them in the flank, while the oth
ers charged them in front. The savages were defeated and
routed ; and the British troops arriving at Fort Pitt,- secured
that important post. The savages now made an attack upon

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 221
Niagara, and carried four hundred men in canoes across Lake CHAP.
Erie ; but these were defeated by an English schooner. IV-
General Amherst, aware that, though the disciplined force v^-vw
of Britain must ultimately triumph over savage ferocity, the 17>64-
inroads of the Indians was a great interruption to colonial pro- c°nclud-
sperity, made such proposals as, by the great influence, of sir
William Johnstone, were accepted by the principal tribes; and
the rest, sensible that they were no longer able to contend with
the British, also sought and obtained peace.
At home, little happened of sufficient importance to be a sub
ject of history, except the proceedings regarding Mr. Wilkes, ¦
already mentioned. The cider tax, however, occasioned a num
ber of meetings and resolutions, and some riots. The crop had
been very deficient, and the dearuess of provisions caused great
discontent ; which was increased by the' representations of de
magogues, imputing the scarcity in a considerable degree to the
influx of Scotchmen,1 whom, it was asserted, lord Bute had
brought hither to eat the fruits of England. The dissatisfaction
in many places rose to tumult. The scarcity also contributed
to a different evil, the prevalence of robberies to a very alarm
ing degree: this mischief was farther increased by the dis
charge of numbers of soldiers and sailors at the peace, who had
not since that time got into a regular employment: indeed, at no
time were felonies more pregnant, daring, and atrocious.
During this year the legislature was informed, that very Abuses in
shameful practices prevailed in private mad-houses. Commit- mad-hou-
tees of both houses inquired into the subject, and found that ses-
these pretended receptacles for lunatics were very frequently
converted into prisons for the confinement, by the authority of
private individuals, of persons who had done nothing offensive
to the laws of their country ; wives who interrupted the de
baucheries of their husbands ; parents, who chose to 'manage
their own affairs, without implicitly submitting to their children ;
children, sisters, and wards, who did not implicitly yield to pa
rents, brothers, and guardians ; in short, whoever opposed the
will of relations assuming despotic power. Individuals, invested
with no authority by the law of the land, arrogated to them
selves a power not granted by our laws to any part of the ex
ecutive government. They committed fellow subjects to goal
without an examination : they suspended by their sole will and
authority the habeas-corpus act ; and in effect established bas-
tiles in Britain. It was found, that the keepers acknowledged
• The poet Churchill was peculiarly zealous and successful in impress
ing these ideas on those credulous readers who would' receive the colour
ings of fancy for authentic truth . His writings were highly prized by crit
ics who had not sufficient discrimination to perceive the difference be
tween the acrimony of malignant invective and the strength of well-found
ed satire ; who, to use the language of Johnson concerning another inci
ter of disaffection, " mistook the venom of the shaft for the vigour of the
bow."

HISTORY OF THE

1764.

State of
Europe.

CHAP, this absolute power of individuals; and, without any inquiry,
,v- received whomsoever their lettres de cachet chose to send to
confinement. They admitted and detained persons in their
perfect senses, requiring nothing farther than to be paid for
their maintenance. The legislature, having investigated this
evil and discovered its extent, made regulations to prevent its
continuance or renewal.
During this year, two events took plaoe, which were important
to the royal family, and consequently to the country. The he
reditary prince of Brunswick, who had so eminently distinguish
ed himself in the war, was in January married to the princess
Augusta, eldest sister of the king. The bishopric of Osnaburg,
which was alternately in the gift of the houses of Hanover and
Saxony, becoming vacant, and it being king George's turn, as
elector of Hanover, to present, was bestowed upon the infant
prince Frederick, second son to their majesties.
Before we revert to the internal and colonial contests which
agitated the first portion of the present reign, it seems proper to
take a short review of the state of Europe, especially of those
parts of it whose acts must always be important to Great
Britain. The alliance between France and Austria had been so far
from answering its purpose, that its consequences had left both
the contracting parties in an exhausted and depressed state.
The family compact between France and Spain, which was in
tended to exalt, had humbled both kingdoms. In France, inter
nal dissatisfaction interrupted the measures of government for
repairing the losses sustained by the war. The immense ex
penditure of France, both for herself and her allies, had involv
ed her in the greatest pecuniary difficulties, and obliged go
vernment to levy very heavy taxes. The parliament of Paris ob
jected to some of the new financial decrees; and force being
employed to reduce them to compliance, they resigned their
offices. Various representations were made to the king, to jus
tify their conduct. The duke of Fitz-james, governor of Lan-
guedot, imprisoned some refractory members of the parliament
of Thouknise. As a customary mode of procedure with the
executorial officers of the king of France, this act might indeed
Rising spi- raise indignation, but could not excite surprise ; the proceedings
r'l^f^Tee'olthe parliament, however, in these circumstances were unu
sual, and manifested a deviation from the spirit by which that
country had been actuated ever since the establishment of the
house of Bourbon. The parliament of Thoulouse impeached
the duke, gave orders for the arrest of his person and the se
questration, of his estates, and referred the cause to the cogni
zance of the parliament of Paris, as the supreme court of ju
dicature. That body, accepting the appeal, ordered their presi
dent to request the king's presence in the examination. The
king replied, that, as the duke of Fitz-james represented his
person, he would himself take cognizance of the cause. To

France.

dom.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 223
this intimation the parliament returned a very strong remon- CHAP;
strance. The death of Fitz-james prevented the dispute coming lv
to issue, but the spirit of resentment which had manifested itself v^"v**-w
did not evaporate. 1764.
Austria had concluded a peace with the king of Prussia a Austria.
few months after the treaty of Fontainbleau ; she had for ever
renounced her claim to Silesia, and by her stipulations ac
knowledged herself to have totally failed in the purposes for
which She had Undertaken the war. By her ambitious projects
she had, during the contest, incurred a debt amounting to twen
ty-five millions sterling; which was to her an enormous sum.
The counsels of her able minister, Kaunitz, were necessarily oc
cupied in devising means for the diminution of this burthen.
One important object she obtained by the treaty of Hubertsburg,
in the express consent of the king of Prussia to the archduke Jo
seph, eldest son and heir of the emperor and empress-queen, be
ing chosen king of the Romans, and the election took place in
April 1764.
The king of Prussia, though he had overcome all his enemies, Prussia.
and dictated the terms of peace, equally able in every depart
ment, had been so provident, that at the end of the war he
had not contracted a shilling of debt, and had even one
year's revenue in his treasury.1 Frederick, though now at peace,
did not relax ; he employed himself in cultivating the advantages
of tranquillity, reviving industry, encouraging agriculture and
commerce, improving his revenue, and rendering his country
flourishing. Russia, though advancing more slowly toward civilization Russia,
than the ardent genius of czar Peter had conceived, was rapid
ly increasing in the solid constituents of power. Her military
force, arising from such extensive resources, was extremely
strong. In hostilities she had commonly been subsidized as
an auxiliary, instead of contributing as a principal; hence
the wars in which she had been engaged exercised her soldiers
without exhausting her finances. Her commerce was extend
ing on every side; not only from her pursuing the schemes of
Peter, but from the policy of other countries. During the
present century, more than at any preceding period, the na
tions of Europe had sought maritime strength. Russia was
the grand magazine of naval stores : these exports increased
her wealth; intercourse with the traders enlarged her com
mercial ideas, and more strongly impressed on her the impor
tance of maritime force. Her marine was rapidly advancing ;
and from her various resources she had the greatest influence
with nations with which she was nearly connected. Such was
the state of Russia when the sceptre fell into the hands of a
princess thoroughly qualified by understanding and temper to
cultivate the productiveness of the country, improve and mul-
¦ See Gillies's Frederick, p. 364.

224 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, tiply its resources, and call them forth to beneficial action. The
IV- empress Catharine, in the beginning of her reign, appeared so
^~"**** much occupied with her own dominions, as to attend little to*
1764. foreign transactions ; and merely to wish to be on terms of
eathanne. peace fln(j am;t^ wjt(, her neighbours, without interfering in
any of their contests or concerns. She had made a defensive
alliance with the king of Prussia, without embroiling herself
with Austria ; she was on amicable terms with Sweden and
Denmark : she had kept totally aloof from the disputes of the
maritime powers, and professed the highest regard for all the
belligerent parties, and the greatest satisfaction when their
wars were at an end. But at length an event took place,
which showed that her ambitious character was destined to
display itself in other countries as well as Russia. On the
5th of October, 1763, "Augustus, elector of Saxony and king of
Poland, died ; and his son, the young elector, offered himself
as candidate for the throne. The king of Prussia, very anx
ious to prevent the crown of Poland from becoming hereditary
in the house of Saxony, opposed the choice of its present
head. The Russian empress joined Frederick in his opposition
to the house of Saxony, and recommended count Poniatowsky a
Pole by birth, representative of a powerful and illustrious
family, and himself a man of great virtues and accomplish
ments; and, in order to strengthen his interests she sent a
powerful army into Poland. Austria, France, and Spain, con
nected with the house of Saxony, wished success to the
elector, but had neither the disposition nor power to employ
force in his favour. Branitzkv and Radzivil, two Polish chief
tains of great power and authority, endeavoured to oppose Ponia
towsky, but were defeated, and driven out of Poland ; and Ponia
towsky was, on the 7th of September 1764, elected, by the title
of Stanislaus II. king of Poland.
In southern Europe, a war had subsisted for upwards of
twenty years, between the republic of Genoa and the inhabit
ants of Corsica. The islanders had been at first headed by a
German adventurer, whom, trusting to his air-built promises of
interesting the great powers in their favour, they chose king,
by the title of Theodore king of Corsica. Finding him, how
ever, not to possess the power and influence to which he had
pretended, they compelled him to abdicate the throne and re
tire into banishment. The Corsicans, after this event, chose a
native chieftain, named Giacinto Paoli, general of their armies,
and president of their councils; and under this commander
they were superior to the Genoese troops. After a contest of
many years, the senate of Genoa applied to the most christian
king for assistance; and in August 1764, a convention was
signed between the French and Genoese, by which the king of
France guaranteed the island to Genoa, and promised to send
a naval and military force to assist in its reduction. The
Corsicans applied to the courts of Vienna and London, to

REIGN OF GEORGE III. . 22i
mediate far them with the French monarch ; but nothing was CHAP.
done in their behalf, and the French troops took possession of lv-
the principal fortresses of Corsica. " v^v**,,
The British parliament met on the 10th of January, 1765. V?5-
The question of general warrants was early in the season, 0feparlia-
brought again before the house, in a new form, and on the 29th, ment.
underwent a very able discussion, in which many ingenious General
arguments' were brought forward on both sides, new rather in warrants.
detail and illustration than in principle. The speakers of op
position showed the evils which might arise from general war
rants in a greater multiplicity of lights than before, and ad
ministration enlarged much more than formerly on the improprie
ty of the interposition of the house of commons in declaring the
law of the land : but the real grounds of argument on both sides
were and must have been the same, as the subject had been so
Completely debated in the preceding year. After a very warm
contest, it was dismissed by the previous question.
The deliberations of parliament were now turned towards Plan of
America. Both tbe justice and expediency of taxation under- taxing A-
went a discussion, on much more comprehensive principles thanmerlca*
in the former year, when the probable efficiency of the tax ap
peared to be the sole consideration. The petitions and mani
festos from the American colonies, denying the right of the Bri
tish parliament to tax them, being read, the minister submitted
the question to the house. A more important subject of discus
sion had 'rarely been presented to the British parliament. It
was a question, the extent and consequences of which its pro
poser had by no means digested; it involved the general objects
of colonization, the means by which those were to be effected,
and the particular constitution, state, and sentiments of the Bri
tish colonies. In considering this subject, many, by arguing
from the practice of parent countries and their plantations in
ancient times, were led to very, faulty conclusions respecting the
question between Britain and her colonies. The motives for
colonization have been extremely different in different ages,
countries, and circumstances ; and from that dissimilitude arose
a proportionate diversity of relation and reciprocal interest be
tween the mother country and the plantations. Small states,
with confined territories and an ineresfesih-g population, were fre
quently obliged to send the surplus of their inhabitants in quest
of new settlements. This was the cause of colonial establish
ments from Phenicia,;and from Greece; whose plantations in
Asia, Africa, Italy, and elsewhere, were from their nature not
dependent on the parent country. They often, indeed, retained
a close intercourse with each .other, from identity of extrac
tion and language, and similarity of manners and government ;
but the parent country was far from claiming any authority over
its emigrated descendants. This kind of colony resembled the
childern of a family setting out to seek their fortunes abroad,
because they had no means of subsistence at home : settling
Vol. I. 29

226 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, themselves in a foreign country, subsisted and protected by
1V- their own efforts ; consequently no longer under the command
^"^*"' of the parents, whatever their affection might be for them and
1765, their brethren. The colonies of the Romans were planted from
other causes, and were, in consequence, on a very different
footing. The state, increasing at home in population, and
abroad in territories, found conquered countries drained of in
habitants by long wars, but abounding in cultivated land. They
therefore sent settlers from Rome1 to occupy the lands, which
might otherwise have been in a great measure waste from the
reduced population. Here the mother country offered com
fortable subsistence to her offspring for their industry, and pro
tection for their allegiance. The Roman colonists were not ad
venturers sent to seek their fortunes with the " world all be
fore them," but children settled by parents in farms entirely
dependent on themselves; and these plantations were, and
must have been, part of the Roman dominions. Advocates for
the taxation of the British colonies, in writings and speeches,
quoted the subjection of the Roman plantations ; advocates-
against that system quoted the independence of the Grecian
emigrations : although, in reality, neither example would apply.
Modern colonies have neither, like those from Greece, been
establishments originating in necessary separation, and there
fore in their nature independent ; nor like those of the Romans,
springing from specific donative within the jurisdiction of the
Principles donor, and therefore in their nature dependent. They have
andsys- been settlements formed for the purposes of immediate or even
s' it c 'ua* -=a'n ' anc' *^ey ProPosed ^ accession of resources to the
ionization. Parent country. The great and leading inquiry was, how are
these colonies to be rendered most beneficial to a state so cir
cumstanced as their parent country ? The plans of different
European nations in the government of their colonies, varied
according to the general policy of the parent country, the cir
cumstance's of the settlements, and the character of particular
administrations. The constitution of the American colonies
was similar to the polity of Britain, in established provisions
for the security of property, liberty, and life ; they therefore
possessed the right of taxing themselves by their representatives.
This was a privilege which the Americans thought inherent in
them as British subjects, and confirmed by charters admitted by
the mother country ; its practical enjoyment constituted a great
part of their comfort arid happiness ; and teaching them to
value themselves and their respective colonies, inspirited those
exertions which rendered them so beneficial to the British em
pire. The actual benefits that accrued to England from her co
lonies, consisted in the increase of people, as the means of se
curity and productiveness were augmented; and in the vdst-

¦ Smith on Colonies, Wealth of Nations, vol. ii. p. 346.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. g2f
and rapidly, growing accession to our trade,1 to supply the wants CHAP.
of the multiplying colonies. Commercial benefits were the ob- IV-
jects of thet plantations ; the question, therefore, to be consider- *-^~*~*>*
ed simply was, how are these advantages to be most effectually l76s-
promoted, insured, and improved ? It was a mere question of
expediency, requiring no metaphysical disquisitions about ab
stract right. Experience showed that our gains had been very
considerable, and acquired without murmur or dispute, by the
old plan, of profiting from their commerce, and demands for our
productions : wisdom had now to determine, whether an adhe
rence to a system of experienced benefit daily increasing, or the
adoption of new schemes of doubtful operation and certain op
position was most likely to continue and extend that benefit for
which colonies were established.
The British minister ¦ preferred the untried theory to the es- Bill for im-
sayed plan ; and stated to parliament, that having postponed posing t
his scheme-of taxation till this session, expecting that the colo- ^™p du*
nies would have offered an equivalent, instead of a compensa
tion, they had sent remonstrances. On the 7th of February
1765, he opened his system to the commons, and in a committee
moved fifty-five resolutions for imposing stamp duties on certain
papers anddocu ments used in the colonies, and introduced a bill
grounded upon the propositions.
Of the two parties which opposed government, the duke of
Newcastle's was the more strenuous in combating the stamp act.
The principal leaders among the whig party in the house of
commons, were general Conway and Mr. Dowdeswell. Mini
stry had now acquired a very powerful auxiliary in the brilliant
ipgenuity of Mr. Charles Townshend, who had lately come
over to their side. The supporters of British taxation asserted, Argu-
that the colonies had been planted by our care, and nourished ments &*>
by our indulgence ; and that. as America had been the cause of
great expense, it was but reasonable that she should contribute
toward the general demands of the empire, as a part of which

¦ This was sir Robert Walpole's view of the subject, declared when,, as
we have already observed, he was expressing his objections to taxing
America. As his opinion was much quoted during the discussion before
us, it may not be foreign to our purpose to repeat it in his own words :
"I will leave the taxation of America," said he " for some of my success
ors, who may have more courage than I have, and be less a friend to com
merce than I am. It has been a maxim with me, during my administra
tion,, to encourage the trade of the American colonies in the utmost lati
tude s nay, it has been necessary to pass over some irregularities in their
trade with Europe; for, by encouraging them to an extensive growing
foreign commerce, if they gain 500,0001. 1-am convinced, that in two years
afterwards, full 250,0001. of their gain will be in his majesty's exchequer,
by the labour and product of this kingdom ; as immense quantities of every
kind of our manufactures go thither ; and as they increase in their foreign
American trade, more of our produce will be wanted. This is taxing them
irfore agreeably to their own constitution and to outs."

228 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, she was protected. The British legislature (they said) had a
lv" right to enact laws for every settlement within the British ter-
^"v">»'' ritories. The Americans, though not nominally, were really
1765. represented in the British parliament, and thus were on a foot
ing with many individuals and bodies of Britons, who, having
ostensibly no vote in the election of members, were equally in
cluded in the provisions of the legislature. The British finances
were exhausted by a war begun for the security of the colonies ;
it was therefore not only equitable that they should contribute,
but extremely ungrateful in them to refuse. The nation had
contracted an immense debt to give them protection; the navi
gation act, that palladium of British commerce, had been relax
ed in their favour; in short, Britain had treated them as favour
ite children.
ami The arguments of the opposers of the stamp act were re-
against solved into two heads; the right of Britain to tax America,
ac* P and the expediency of exercising that right. The sovereign
claim of taxation proposed by the pending bill, was totally in
consistent with every principle of freedom ; it would undo the
security of property, and was contrary to the rights of British
subjects. The perfection of the representative system is, that
the delegate is placed in the same situation as the constituent,
and is 'bound himself by the laws which he has a share in
enacting. In Great Britain, every individual may be said to be
virtually represented ; as every law and impost extends equally
to those who have, as to those who have not votes. The
Americans were not even virtually represented, and so far
were members of the British parliament from being interested
in securing the property of the Americans, that, if the right of
taxation were admitted, by increasing the burthens of the colo
nies, they would relieve their own. Such were the arguments
used against the right of taxation. On the ground of expedi
ency it was urged, that from the established system we had
derived very great benefits, commercial and financial ; that the
willing contributions of the colonies in demands for our com
modities, though circuitously, increased our revenue much more
than any direct impost would augment it, since it was already
manifest that they would very unwillingly pay. The particu
lar regulations of the act itself also underwent a severe discus
sion. But, whatever arguments might be forcibly used against
taxation as a political system, the stamp act itself, merely as a
measure of finance, was liable to little objection. The subjects
and duties were extremely clear and definite, so as to preclude
arbitrary exactions ; simple and practicable in its operations, it
would require little expense in the collection ; and equitable ia
its subject, it would fail most heavily on those who were ablest
to bear its burthen. It was likely to be productive, through the
increase of commerce, and consequently of engagements
Is passed subject to the duty. It bore the character of its author, skil-
into a law. fui in finance, but not profound in legislative politics. The bill

REIGN OF GEORGE IH. 229
was carried through both houses by a great majority ; and, on CHAP.
the 22d of March, passing into a law, became an important 1V-
epoch in the history of the present reign. The arguments on s^^^>^
both sides in parliament were repeated, and enlarged upon in 1765-
the political writings of the times. Opponents to government
represented the act as not only iniquitous in itself, but as part of
the general arbitrary system of lord Bute, whose councils they
conceived to have still a direction in government. According
to their account, the court intended, by subduing the liberties
of America, to prepare the way for overturning the constitu
tion of England. These allegations, little as they were justi
fied by facts, were very generally believed by persons already
disposed to impute evil designs to the executive government.
The American agents were not slow in transmitting to their Effects of
respective colonies an account of the stamp act, the opposition the new.
that it encountered in parliament, and the dissatisfaction which ^stelfl m
prevailed in England. Prepossessed, as the colonies were, with a AmCTICSl'
notion that the British government entertained arbitrary designs,
they now conceived that America, thus taxed without her con
sent, was intended for slavery ; and they resolved on a vigor
ous resistance.1 They saw powerful opposition in parliament,
and displeasure throughout the nation ; they, therefore, enter
tained hopes that parliamentary ability, anti-ministerial publica
tions, and1 popular clamour, might bring about a repeal; and
they were aware that a ferment in the provinces would power
fully promote such a measure. The leaders of all the colonies,
bestirred themselves to excite the indignation of the people;
they published in pamphlets, and circulated in news-papers,
arguments against the justice and expediency of taxation, and
represented it as the forerunner of slavery. The provincial
assembly which first met after the promulgation of the stamp
act, was the assembly of Virginia; a colony particularly distin
guished for loyalty to the sovereign, and attachment to the mo
ther country and the English constitution. Virginia, indeed,
was more remarkable for a sympathy of sentiment with Britain
than any of the other provinces, and had received the impres
sion so prevalent in England from the commencement of lord
Bute's administration, that the constitution was in danger; and
here commenced provincial opposition to taxation by the British
parliament. The assembly having met on the 29th of May,
after a very warm debate, passed resolutions disavowing the
right of the British parliament, or of any other body than the
assembly of Virginia, to legislate for that colony. The grounds
of the disavowal, however, implied their attachment to the
British constitution; they rested their claims on their rights as
British subjects, declared and confirmed by their charters.
The assemblies of the other colonies adopted similar resolutions
against the stamp act, which they all concurred in voting to be
« See Stedman's History of the American War, vol. i. p. 29.

2'30 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, a most unconstitutional law, and a violation of their rights.
^' The assembly of Massachusetts' Bay had, in the preceding year,
v^"v"^,/ taken the lead in denying to the British parliament the right of
1765- taxation ; and now, seeing that the other states were severally
strenuous in the opposition, projected a general concert among.
the colonies. For this purpose they formed a resolution, de
claring the expediency of holding a congress, to consist of de
puties from the several, assemblies, in order to consult on the
common grievances under which the colonies laboured from the
late acts of parliament, and frame and prepare a general peti
tion, with* addresses, to the king and queen, and to both hous
es. Letters sent to the different assemblies communicated this
resolution, and invited the other provinces to meet in congress
at New-York on the 12th of October. Such of the colonial as
semblies as met before this period, acceded to the proposition,
and nominated deputies; but though a great ferment arose
through America, yet it did not break out into actual tdmult till
autumn. The people then threatened to discontinue the use of
British manufactures until the stamp act should be repealed :
yet the British minister meanwhile acted in such a way as to
show that he had no apprehensions of any serious or important
opposition to the execution of his financial scheme. He had
formed no measure to enforce its operation; from his conduct,
it was evident that he considered it as merely a tax, which
though it might be somewhat unpopular before it was perfectly
understood, would soon cease to be a subject of complaint.
He proceeded, therefore, in his favourite pursuit for the good of
the revenue.
Annexa- Mr. Grenville found that the Isle of Man, from its centrical
tion of the situation, and its adjacency to such a line of roast, was a great
Mle °f h receptac'e for smugglers : an evil whicli could not be thorough-
crown! 'v prevented under its existing government, as the sovereignty
was not vested in the crown, but in a British subject. It had
originally belonged to the family of Derby; and, by the affi
ance of a daughter of that house to the family of Athol, had
descended to the dukes of Athol. Mr. Grenville proposed a
bill for annexing the sovereignty to the crown of England,
leaving to the duke the estates which he possessed in the island,
and indemnifying1 him for the rights that he was required to

¦ The terms granted to the duke of Athol were 70,0001. besides a pen
sion for life to himself and to the duchess. As the bargain, on the part of
his grace, was a compulsory sacrifice to the good of the state, on every
principle of justice between sovereign and subject, he ought to have re-
ceived very full indemnification. It was alleged by the duke's friends,
that the compensation was not adequate. His son and successor, the pre
sent duke, having afterwards personally examined and inspected the state
and resources of the island, and the advantages of which his family had
been deprived, applied for a modification and amendment of the present
bargain; but this belongs to a much more advanced period of the history

REIGN OP GEORGE HI. '231
Telinquish. The bill was passed on the 10th of May, and fol-. CHAp.
lowed by laws for preventing illicit trade. IV-
Several causes now combined to weaken and distress ad- ^*<**a*
ministration. The stamp' act was very unpopular in its princi- 1765.
pie, and still more obnoxious from the apprehensions that were
entertained of its effects. The threats of the Americans to
abstain from the use of British manufactures, caused a great
alarm among manufacturers, merchants, and ship owners ; and
this alarm naturally spread among all the mechanics and la
bourers dependent "on those three classes. While afraid that
they would be deprived of work, they had another subject for
dissatisfaction in the scarcity of bread, and high price of pro
visions : evils to which they were exposed during the whole of
this year, and which created great discontent and clamour. Al
though the dearness of these necessary articles could not justly
be attributed to ministry, yet by the populace it was charged to
their account.
With these causes of popular discontent, a measure relating
to the royal family co-operated in accelerating the downfall of
the Grenville administration.
Toward the close of this session, the king having been Indisposi-
indisposed, a very great alarm took place, from the general j-1?11 of the
affection with which his majesty's virtues were regarded, and "#•
also on considering the long minority which must have taken
place if the termination had been fatal. The king, on his re
covery, having gone to the house, in his speech took notice of
his illness, and said, "that though not attended with danger,
" it had led him to reflect on the state in which his family and
" country would be left, should it please heaven to put a pe-
" riod to his life while his successor was of tender years. For On his re-
" that reason he recommended to parliament to make such covery he
"provision as would be necessary, should any of his children ^c°m"a
" succeed to the throne before they respectively attained the provision
" ao-e of eighteen years j1 and proposed to their consideration, for an
" to empower him to appoint, by instruments in writing under eventual
*¦ his sign manual, either the queen, or any other person of the minority.
" royal family usually residing in Great Britain, to be the
" guardian of the person of such successor and the regent of
" these kingdoms, until such successor should attain the age
" of eighteen years, subject to the same restrictions as had
" been provided by a regency act which had been passed on
" the death of the late prince of Wales." A bill was pro
posed in the house of lords, in consequence of his majesty's
recommendation, that the council of regency should consist
of the dukes of York and Gloucester, his majesty's brothers ;
the duke of Cumberland, his uncle ; princes Henry Frederick*3
and Frederick William, the king's two youngest brothers;
and the chief officers of state for the time being. A question
• See his majesty's speech, State Papers, 1765.
¦» Late duke of Cumberland.

332

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP, arose in the house, who are the royal family ? The law lords
Iv- explained it to be the descendants of George II. ; ministry ac-
<^~w^*~' quiesced, and the bill passed the house of Jords. According
1765. to this interpretation, no one could be named regent, except
Regency ^ queen or 90me one Sprung from George II. ; her royal high
ness the princess dowager of Wales, therefore, was not included.
In the house of commons this omission was construed to be an
indignity to her royal highness ; and a motion was made, that
the name of the princess should be inserted immediately
after the name of the queen. This amendment being ad
mitted, the bill was returned to the peers, and so it passed into
a law. The administration having never been popular, was now be
come, very obnoxious; and temporary and incidental distresses
were imputed to their misconduct and evil designs. Complaints
had for several months prevailed among the silk weavers that their
employment had been greatly injured by the encouragement be
stowed on French manufactures. Near the close of the session,
their murmurs rose to tumultuous expostulation ; and in numer
ous bodies they surrounded the palace and the houses of par
liament, and presented a petition for the redress of their griev
ances. A mob once collected, from whatever cause, rarely con
fines itself to just, legal, and constitutional operations; these
persons therefore proceeding to various outrages, were at length
repressed by the interference of the military, who were called
in to assist the civil power in the re-establishment of order and
tranquillity. Inimical to ministry, great numbers of the peo
ple and some of the : popular leaders ascribed the ground of
complaint to their misrule, and severely censured the mpans
that were necessarily .employed for the suppression of the dis
orders. •'!¦(¦ ' * ; •
Other circumstances now co-operated with the popular enmi
ty to administration. The cabinet had evidently lost the fa
vour and confidence of the sovereign. The framers and sup
porters of the hypothesis concerning the secret supremacy of
lord Bute, ascribed the declension and decay of their influence
to the suggestions of the alleged favourite. According to this
theory, Mr. Grenyille and the duke. of Bedford had not be,en
such subservient tools to what was styled the interior cabinet
or secret junto, as was expected and required, and had fre
quently thwarted the sovereign and his private friends and
counsellors both in measures and appointments. The popular
party asserted the omission of the princess dowager's name
in the first bill of regency, to have been regarded by the court
as an intended insult, and as such to have been resented..
But it has never been proved that lord Bute retained the
alleged power and influence ; and therefore no conclusion
founded on such a supposition can be admitted as historical
truth. That the king might be more attached to some indi
viduals than to others, independently of their political qualifica-

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 233
tions, is no less probable, than that a sovereign should have CHAP.
the affections of another man. It is equally natural and allow- 1V-
able, that a monarch should wish to promote the interests and v^"s°*"'
aggrandizement of the objects of his attachment, in preference 1765-
to indifferent persons. The duty of his situation precludes
not the bestowal on his friends of offices of honour or emolu
ment, for which they may be respectively qualified. In the ma
ny departments of executive service, there are offices which do
not require an equal degree of ability and effort as others.
Places of high trust a patriotic sovereign will bestow, to the
utmost of his power, on the fittest that can be found for pro
moting the public benefit; but there are many other subordi
nate appointments which, without detriment to the public good,
may be given according to private favour. Agreeably to the
principle and rule which directed his choice of ministers from
the beginning, the king chose his chief official counsellors; but
some offices of less importance he was willing to bestow accord
ing to his own predilection. It appears, that after the duke
of Bedford had firmly established himself and his partisans,
one of his chief objects was to extend his own patronage by
donatives to his creatures ; that he strongly thwarted his royal
master;1 and that the other chief members of the cabinet
joined in his unaccommodating and refractory opposition.
Hence was thought to be derived their procedure in the regen
cy bill; and at the close of the session, ministers possessed
ho more favour with the king, than they had enjoyed with
the people from the commencement of their administration.
Various conferences took place between the chief ministers
and the sovereign, respecting their • continuance in office ; at
length, according to general and uncontradicted report, the
duke of Bedford presumed to use such language to his sove
reign, as could not possibly be tolerated;2 and, as his colleagues
adhered to the president of the council, the administration was
dismissed. Mr.' George Grenville's ministry has eventually proved a Dismissal
very important sera in the history of this reign. He himself °f 'he _
was a man of good understanding and upright intentions ; ^epv.'"e
possessing, however, that species and degree of ability which trat;on '
may be of great public service in the ordinary course of
affairs, he by no means rose to that genius which can adapt
its exertions to situations untried.8 Besides, the new circum-
¦ See Life of lord Chatham ; History of the late Minority ; and Junius's
Letter to the duke of Bedford. " After two years submission (says Ju
nius) you thought you had collected a strength sufficient to control his in
fluence, and that it was your turn to be a tyrant, because you had been a
slave." 1 See political writings of 1765, passim ; also Junius's Letter to the duke
of Bedford in a note.
3 See the admirable character of Grenville, drawn by Mr. Burke, in his
speech on American taxation.
Vol. I. SO

&34 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, stances which Mr. Grenville encountered, were of his own
1V- creation ; he assumed an hypothesis, that the country was so
V*"^***-*-1 much exhausted as not to have the means of adequate reve-
1765. llue wjthout a new source ; but his theory was demonstrably
erroneous : such a revenue was raised as, exclusive of Ame
rica, and during the continuance of peace, annually reduced
the national debt. Industrious as Mr. Grenville showed him
self in his inquiries, and accurate in financial calculations, as
a politician he proved himself not equal to the situation in
which he was placed. His projects to produce a partial
increase of revenue drove the colonies to disaffection, and ge
nerated a fatal political change, without obtaining the revenue
which he sought, and which might have accrued circuitously
to the country if he had left the subject untouched. Mr.
Grenville has been charged with being the tool of lord Bute
to establish absolute. power ; but his conduct affords no ground
to justify the imputation of unconstitutional views. The pro
ceedings respecting Wilkes were rash and precipitate, but inter
fered no more with li6erty, than the measures of every minis
ter had done since the revolution. His schemes of finance,
on which, including American taxation, the.merits of his minis
terial character rest, display an industrious man, of official habits
and experience, conversant in details, without rising to the ge
neral principles of political economy ; but neither in their plan
nor execution do they manifest arbitrary intentions. In his acts
he did not conceive himself to be violating the rights of British
subjects ; and in his measures for the operation of his acts, he
showed no intention nor disposition to give them effect by force.
Authentic history is not justified in exhibiting him as the pro
moter of arbitrary power; but the reviewer of his administra
tion, allowing him the credit of an upright public steward, will
discern that he was not a consummate statesman, and must re
gret that political measures most fatal to this country originated!
in the ministerial projects of Mr. George Grenville.

REIGN OF GEORGE 111. , 2.3a.

CHAP. V.

His majesty continues to desire a ministry unconnected with party poli
tics. — Applies through lord Bute to Mr. Pitt for that purpQse— Mr. Pitt's
propositions deemed by the sovereign inadmissible. — Frustrated in his
grand object, the king commissions the duke of Cumberland to form a
ministry. — The marquis of Rockingham and the whig party come into
office. — New ministry court the popular favour1 — but want the support
and co-operation of Mr. Pitt.— Sudden death of their patron, the duke
of Cumberland. — Change in administration encourages in America op
position to the stamp act.— Colonial concerts and associations against
British commodities. — Outcry in Britain against the stamp act. — Meeting
of parliament. — American affairs chief subjects of ministerial considera
tion. — Minister's plan, a declaratory law, reserving the right of taxation
and the repeal of the stamp act — plan adopted — declaratory law passed
— repeal of the stamp act. — Rockingham's system shows good inten
tions, but temporizing policy. — Series of popular acts. — Plan for the go
vernment of Canada. — Change of ministry. — Mr. Pitt receives full pow
ers to form anew administration  View of affairs in British India, from
the close of the war with France to the grant of the Dewannc . — Charac
ter of the system pursued by the company's servants in India at this pe
riod. WHEN the Grenville administration was drawing to a CHAP.
close, offers had been again made to Mr. Pitt, but that illustri- v"
ous statesman, considering solely the good of his country, and v"^"v"^*-'
proposing ministers to be appointed merely for their fitness, 1^65,
made no allowance for particular predilections, would not ac
cede to any terms short of a complete change of men, measures,
and counsels, and would not even gratify the court by leaving
to its appointment the subordinate offices. His majesty did not
deem it expedient to purchase at such a price even the services
of Mr. Pitt. The agent in this last negotiation had been the
duke of Cumberland, who was now employed by the king to
form a new ministry. The duke had himself been much con
nected with the whig party; of which the duke of Newcastle be
ing far advanced in years, the marquis of Rockingham, an up
right, amiable, and well disposed nobleman, of very great for
tune, was now reckoned the head. His highness, not having
succeeded" in his application to'-'Mr. Pitt, made proposals to the
marquis of Rockingham, which' he, without any communication
with that great man, accepted. The marquis of Rockingham Rocking-
was made first lord of the treasury, the duke of Newcastle lord n?m adffll"
privy-seal, Mr. Dowdeswell chancellor of the exchequer, the ms ra 10":
duke of Grafton, and general Conway principal secretaries of
state, and the earl of Northington chancellor.
• This administration, considering itself as the whig confedera
cy, which had in two preceding reigns possessed the direction

236 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP. 0f affairs, appeared determined to proceed upon the whig prin-
v' ciples, and to court popular favour ; for ability or political ex-
i^~v~*+s perience none of the principal ministers were distinguished.
1765. The severest accuser of lord Bute would not pretend that the
marquis of Rockingham was raised for his wisdom, any more
than his lordship; so far, however, as pleasing manners and
whig principles, with moderate talents, fit a man for conducting
the affairs of a great nation, the marquis was qualified for be
ing prime minister. This cabinet did not at first attain the po
pularity which its members expected from the appointment of a
whig connexion. Why, said the city of London and other nu
merous bodies, is not Mr. Pitt at the head of affairs? The
marquis of Rockingham may be a very well disposed man, but
what are the proofs of his political capacity and of his being
able to remedy the many evils that have , befallen this country
since the resignation of Mr. Pitt? The public had in fact, with
out perceiving it, undergone a change of opinion as to the con
stituents of a beneficial administration. Men no longer consi
dered the question, Is or is not the minister connected with the
great whig families ? but, Is he or is he not fit for conducting
the business of the nation ? It was apprehended that the whig
party had made its peace with the secret junto by which, ac
cording to the prevailing popular hypothesis, the country was
governed. The chief prop of this ministry, was the duke of
Cumberland, who was himself a most zealous whig, with all the
principles, sentiments, and prejudices which had distinguished
that party during the reign of nis father and grandfather ; but
Heath of this advantage they did not long enjoy : on the 31st of October
the duke his royal highness died suddenly of an apoplexy, in the forty-fifth
berUnd" jear of hislge. ' ^ '
His cha- William Augustus duke of Cumberland, was a man of very
racter. respectable and amiable moral qualities. In the private rela
tions of life, his conduct was highly meritorious. He was an
affectionate brother and uncle, a mild and generous master, a
sincere and ardent friend, and a zealous well-wisher to the in
terests of his country. He was charitable to the poor, liberally
bestowed alms on those who could not work to earn their bread,
and devised a variety of employments for those who could la
bour. He was a brave, intrepid soldier ; and if, as a general,
he was not very successful, his disappointments could not be
imputed to want of resolution, activity, or enterprise. His cam
paigns in Flanders were, no doubt, less successful than the ex
pectation of the country anticipated ; but those were too san
guine. It was not considered that his highness, when comman
der in chief of the allied army, was only fou r-and-t wenty years
of age, with few antecedent opportunities of military expe
rience, and had to combat marshal Saxe, one of the first gene
rals of the time, at the head of a more powerful army than
France had ever before brought into the field. His conduct dur
ing the rebellion met with great praise. The severeties that

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 23S
followed (and which the perverse malignity of Jacobites styled CHAP.
cruelty, and, no doubt, exaggerated,1 in order to render the he- v-
roic prince unpopular) were perhaps salutary and beneficial. s^w^*"
Fortune does not always attend the brave. The campaign, i765'
which ended at Cloister-seven, certainly was not successful: his
highness's retreat, however, saved a number of brave men, who
might have been destroyed by the French, had he been rash
enough to continue the contest. His cautious prudence pre
served an army destined to victory under another general, and
actually laid the foundation of prince Ferdinand's successes.
His highness, after this event living in retirement, was eminent
for the exercise of the private virtues ; and so liberal, munificent,
and kind was he to all within the sphere of his influence, that,
although historical readers may perhaps not immediately disco
ver in his life the ground for his usual title of the great duke
of Cumberland, they can in every part of his character find facts
to justify the application of the sood duke. '
When the change of ministry became known in America, Proceed-
the spirit which had been long gathering burst into openings in
violence; first and principally at Boston, and afterwards in America.
several of the other colonies. At Boston the fury of the popu
lace was directed against the officers of the crown ; both those
who were supposed friendly to taxation in general, and those
who were appointed for executing the stamp act. Their houses
were pillaged, their furniture was destroyed, their official papers
were committed to the flames, and only by concealment did
they save their persons. The governor assembled the council
of the province, arid found no inclination in them to suppress
the riots.3 He attempted to muster some companies of militia
in order to keep the peace ; but they refused to obey his orders.
The stamp officer, seeing the danger of the employment which
he was required to exercise, resigned his office. In the other
colonies the disorders were not so outrageous as at Boston, but
¦ were sufficiently violent to frighten revenue officers from col
lecting the duty on stamps. No duty was levied, and the act
was completely inefficient. Deputies from nine of the thirteen
colonies met at New- York, on the first of October 1765, to
hold a general congress.3 After having spent several days in
« The report generally prevalent in Scotland, concerning the sufferings
of rebels not brought to trial, are so totally inconsistent with the mild and
benevolent character of the royal general, and are founded on suppositions
so repugnant to law, justice, and common humanity, that they carry with
them intrinsic evidence of their falsehood.
¦¦¦ See Stedman's History, p. 39.
3 « The four colonies not represented in this congress were, New-Hamp
shire, Virginia, North Carolina, and Georgia. From the last three of these,
deputies were not sent, because the letters from Massachusetts' Bay arriv
ed during the recess of their assemblies, which were not afterwards per
mitted to meet till the 1st of October had passed : and in New-Hampshire,

238

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP. V.

1765.

debate and deliberation, the delegates drew up a declaration of
the rights and grievances of the colonies. Respecting the first
head, their rights, they proceeded more on the moderate prin
ciples of Virginia and the middle colonies, than on the violent
republican ideas of New England ; the rights which they as
serted they claimed as British subjects, and according to the
British constitution. The declaration set forth, that they owed
the same allegiance to the sovereign as the people of Great
Britain, and all due subordination to parliament; that they
were entitled to the same rights, privileges, and immunities, as
their fellow subjects ; that no taxes could be imposed upon
free born Britons, but by their own consent, or that of their re
presentatives ; that the colonies were not, and could not be,
represented in parliament ; that the only representatives of the
inhabitants of the colonies were those that were chosen by
themselves ; and that no taxes had been or could be imposed
upon them but by their representatives; that all supplies to the
crown were free gifts from the people ; that, therefore, it was
unreasonable in the British parliament to grant the property of
the inhabitants of the colonies ; and finally, that trial by jury
was the right of a British subject. They next proceeded to
their grievances: the stamp act tended to subvert the rights and
liberties of the colonies; the duties imposed, unconstitutional
in their principle, were oppressive in their operation, and the
payment impracticable ; the British manufactures, which they
were in7 the habit of purchasing, contributed greatly to the
revenue ; the restrictions imposed by the late acts would disable
them from purchasing these articles, and consequently would
materially injure the revenue ; the increase and prosperity of
the colonies depended on the free enjoyment of their rights and
liberties : and these considerations of right and expediency they
had firmly, but respectfully, urged in memorials and petitions to
the king and both houses of parliament. ,
Besides the actual resolutions formed, an important point was
gained by the meeting of this congress, in the establishment of
a correspondence and concert between the leading men of the
several colonies; which paved the way for a combination,
should future circumstances render their joint efforts necessary
or expedient. The moderation of their proceedings, the alleged
grounds of their claims, the fairness of their professions, and
the apparent respectfulness of their statements to the king and
parliament, manifested a sound policy, much more formidable
than tumultuous violence. Associations were formed for pro
hibiting the importation of British manufactures until the
againstim- stamp act should be repealed. On the 1st of November, when
ports from tjje act was to commencej neither stamps nor distributors were
the assembly did not think fit to appoint deputies, although they approved
of the holding of a general congress, and signified an inclination to join in
any petition that should be agreed upon by the deputies of the other colo--
nies." See Stedman's History, vol. i. p. 39.

Resolutions

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 239
to be found. Commerce was at a stand, because the instruments CHAP.
were wanting that were now to legalize its transactions. The v-
civil courts could not proceed for the same reason. The cus- ^^*~*~>*
toms could not be levied : in short there was a general stagna- I765-
tion of business ; and Mr. Grenville's scheme of taxation, so
far from improving the revenue, obstructed one of its principal
sources. In Britain, great clamours arose against the stamp act, and effects of
the manufacturing- and mercantile interests promoted petitions these on
for its repeal. The colonies were represented as grossly in- Brltain-'
jured, and the violence which had been committed was imputed
to despair. Britain itself was in a distressed situation ; manu
factures were at a stand, commerce was stagnant, provisions
were at an enormous price, and a numerous populace without
the means of procuring a livelihood. A great part of our evils
was imputed to the situation of America ; and from that cause,
commercial difficulties were likely to increase; as vast sums
were owing to British merchants from the colonies, which
the debtors declared an inability to pay in their present situa
tion. American affairs were, the chief objects that engaged the at- plans of
tentionofthe Rockingham administration, whose situation was adminis-
extremely delicate and embarrassing. On the one hand, the tration-
Grenville party, the devisers of American taxation, and the fra-
mers of the stamp act, insisted on coercive measures : on the
other, Mr. Pitt and his adherents disavowed the right of taxing
America, and acquiesced in the revenue circuitously derived
from her by commerce. Ministry proposed to steer a middle
course, which they thought would neither precipitate disturb
ances in America by the rashness of their counsels, nor degrade
the dignity of the crown and nation by irresolution and weak
ness. Mr. Secretary Conway wrote letters to this purport to
tKe governors of the chief colonies, expressing at the same time
a disposition to grant relief to grievances, and to vindicate the
rights of the British crown and parliament. He recommended
to them to try lenient measures ; but, if they should fail, to use
the force with which they were intrusted.
Parliament met on the 16th of December 1765 ; when his Meeting
majesty in his speech took notice of important occurrences in of parlia-
America. He stated, as a reason for assembling the parliament raent-
before the holidays, that numerous vacancies1 had taken place
in the house of commons, which he wished them to have an
opportunity of supplying, that they might proceed after the
recess to a great variety of important affairs. On the 14th of 1766.
January 1766, they met after the holidays ; his majesty again,
in his speech from the throne, treated chiefly of American
affairs, and recommended such a temperature of policy as
might restore harmony to the colonies, without detracting from
' By the new appointments, and the change of ministry.

240 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, the rights of Britain. This was the middle course which'minis-
v- try adopted, and by which they hoped to satisfy both the pro-
v"^"v"w moters and opposers of American taxation. The beginning of
I766- the session was employed in examining a great variety of peti
tions, both from Americans and from British merchants and
manufacturers ; the object of which was, to establish the evils
that resulted from the stamp act. The original proposers of
the tax contended, that these petitions were procured by minis
terial artifice ; but that, even if trade had suffered to the degree
alleged in those petitions, it would be better to submit to a tem
porary inconvenience, than by a repeal of the act to hazard the
total loss of British supremacy!,
To ascertain the grounds of the petitions and complaints,
and also other important facts respecting the colonies, witness
es were examined by parliament ; and of these, the most
distinguished was Benjamin Franklin. Bred a printer, this ex
traordinary man, through genius and industry regulated and
directed by judgment, rose to a high pinnacle of physical dis
covery : he soon showed, that the mind which could elicit fire
from the heavens, could converge and reverberate the rayB of
moral and political light. He had visited and inspected the
greater part of the colonies, was well acquainted with the best
informed and ablest men in all, and none was conceived more
accurately to know the circumstances of the colonies and the
dispositions of the people, or more ably to comprehend the
policy which in such circumstances and dispositions would be
most suitable and beneficial. Highly estimated among his
countrymen, he had been appointed the provincial agent for re
presenting to the British government the evils that must accrue
from the new system of taxation. The Grenville ministry little
regarded statements tending to demonstrate the impolicy of
their own measures. By the Rockingham administration his
accounts were very differently received, and he was called to
give evidence before the house of commons. His testimony
tended to prove, that the colonists were well affected to the
parent country, and considered the interests of Britain and
America so closely connected, that they could not be separated
without the greatest loss to both parties. Impressed as they
were with this truth, and attached to the parent country, theirs
was the affection of British subjects, enjoying constitutional
rights : the new system of taxation and the stamp act they
deemed flagrant violations of those rights, and would not sub
mit to the present act, or any other proceeding from the same
principle, unless they were compelled; a conciliatory system,
therefore, beginning with the repeal of the stamp act, would re
establish tranquillity and harmony. Such was the substance of
Franklin's evidence ; and from its intrinsic probability and con
sistency, as well as.the character of the witness, it made a very
strong impression both on parliament and the public.

1766.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 241
Those \vho were friendly to a repeal consisted of two par- CHAP.
ties: the friends of ministry, who maintained the right of J['^_
American taxation, although they supported the expediency of '
rescinding that particular act; and the votaries of Mr. Pitt,
who entirely denied to parliament the right of taxation. The
question resolved itself, therefore, into two divisions : 1st, whe
ther Britain possessed the right of taxing the colonies or not?
2dly, whether the stamp act was or was not expedient ? The
first question depending chiefly upon great and constitutional
principles, afforded an ample field for political ^reasoning. The
deniers of the right of taxation, after prefatory remarks on
the nature and end of government, and the component prin
ciples of just and beneficial polity, took a view of the constitu
tion of England in the means that it has established for levying
taxes. Tracing our history up to the earliest times, and pur
suing it downwards, they contended that no British subject had
been taxed but by himself or his representatives : and that this
right the planters of colonies carried with them when they emi
grated, not as a specific charter granted to those colonies, but
as a general right of British subjects. The operation of this
right they illustrated in a great variety of instances ; they en
deavoured at the same time to make a distinction between what
they called external duties, that is, restrictions on commerce ;
and internal, to be levied on the body of the people. They ad
duced various arguments from the practice of ancient states ;
and quoted modern instances of the impolicy of coercive mea
sures and taxation on colonies.
The arguments in favour of taxation were less forcible,
though more extensive and detailed, and supported by a great
variety of alleged precedents as well as instances. The British
constitution was in a fluctuating state ; and many things which
were once constitutional were no longer so now. Various taxes
had been raised, contrary to law, by forced benevolences, ship-
money, and other means ; and the connexion between the re
presentation and taxation could not stand the test of historical
inquiry: representation was very arbitrary and accidental;
whereas taxation was general. There was in the different
colonies a diversity of forms and regulations, which all showed
the jurisdiction of the mother country, exerting itself as might
best answer the circumstances of the case ; and heretofore du
ties had been levied without the least opposition. The naviga
tion act shut up their commerce with foreign countries; but
did they ever question the legality of that act? Their ports
were made subject to duties which cramped and diminished
their trade, yet it never was maintained that this impost was
illegal. The distinction between internal and external taxes
was totally unfounded : if a tax were laid on any article at the
ports of New-England, Pennsylvania, Virginia, or any other
colony, its operation would be as much felt as if it were raised
in the inland part of the country. Respecting the representa-
VdL. I. ' 31

24,2 HISTORY OJ? THE
CHAP, tion in parliament, the Americans were as much represented as
v> the greatest part of the people of England. America, it was
s<*'~*~**' alleged by the Grenville party, never could have objected to
1766- taxation, unless they had been encouraged by the seditious doc
trines, recently so prevalent in England. The question was not
now, what was laW, arid what was the constitution ? but, what
is law, and what is the constitution ? If a practice had generally
prevailed, had beeh held to be law, and never had been ques
tioned, as a number of precedents proved this to be, it became
law and the constitution by that very admission. Various sta
tutes respecting Chester, Durham, and other places, were quo
ted, particularly by Mr. Grenville, to support the practice of tax
ing without representation. Protection and obedience were re
ciprocal : we protected America, therefore she was bound to
obey this country, and she must either obey in all points, or in
none. When was America emancipated ? Was she not still de
pendent, on the mother country ?
Mr. Pitt, who had spoken with his usual ability on the
opposite side, replied to Mr. Grenville, and demonstrated the
absurdity of arguing on judicial precedents in great questions
of legislative policy. " I come not here (he said) armed at
"all points with law cases and acts of parliament, with the sta-
" tute book doubled down in dogs ears, to defend the cause of
" liberty ; but for the defence Of liberty, upon a general con-
" stitutional principle : it is a ground on which I stand firm : on
" which I dare meet any man." He contended, that if Ameri
ca hud yielded to taxation by the British parliament, in which
she was not represented, she wduld yield to slavery ; and that
a myriad of judicial decisions could not make slavery liberty,
nor agreeable to the constitution of England. He insisted that
there was a difference between internal and external taxation ;
the first being imposed for the express purpose of raising a re
venue, and the second for that of regulating commerce. Mr.
Grenville had asked, when were the colonies emancipated?
" When (said Mr. Pitt) were they made slaves ? America has
" produced to this country, through a trade in all its branches,
"a revenue of two millions a year : this is the price that Ame-
''* rica pays you for protection. Are the proceeds of the stamp
" act to indemnify us for the loss of that revenue ? and, as
"she has shown a determination to resist, how are you to
" render your stamp act efficient ? Is it by force ? force will
"destroy the value of the object for which you are contending :
" the event will be extremely precarious, and even success de
structive: if America falls, she will fall like the strong man,
" and with her pull down the pillars 6f the constitution." On
these grounds, he proposed that the st-amp act should be abso
lutely, totally, and immediately repealed.
Ministry introduced a prefatory bill, declaring that Britain
had a right to tax America. 'The declaratory act passed in the
beginning of March; and on the 18th the stamp act was re-

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 240
pealed, by a majority of 275 to 167.1 Some time after, another CHAP.
bill was passed to indemnify those who had incurred penalties v-
on account of the stamp act. Vfrv-"^***
The great object of the Rockingham ministry appears to have 1769-
been popularity. The cider tax had been most undeservedly £°PU lar
unpopular. To court the favour of the people, they proposed
and procured the repeal of this tax, though equitable and pro
ductive. Resolutions of the house were pass.ed, declaring the
illegality of general warrants and the seizure of papers. They
proposed and procured an act for restraining the importation of
foreign silks, and thereby excited the joyful gratitude of the
English manufacturers. The price of corn still continuing
high, previsions were made for preventing monoply and ex
ports, and procuring by, importation, a more liberal supply.
They promoted tlie extension of trade, especially by a com
mercial treaty with Russia. Npt withstand ing these popular and
beneficial acts, tbe ministry cpuld not acquire credit, strength,
and stability. The votaries of the hypothesis concerning secret
influence, represented them as the tools of lord Bute, who em
ployed them until a more efficient cabinet could be formed, and
would soon abandon them when no longer necessary for his pur
pose. The partisans of Mr. Pitt, and those who from patriot
ism wished the reins of government to be placed in the ablest
hands, desired that he should be prime minister; and before
the termination of the session, a great majority of the nation
wished and expected a speedy change of ministry. Their im
mediate dissolution is generally believed to have been accele
rated by the chancellor Northington. After the prorogation
of parliament, ministers projected a plan for the civil govern
ment of Canada. The new system proposed to leave to the
natives their ancient rights of property or Civil laws, and to tem
per the rigour of their criminal codeliy the more equitable and
liberal systetn of English jurisprudence. The chancellor re
presented the scheme as theoretical, visionary, and totally un
worthy of practical statesmen ; and declared he could no longer
be member of so -incapable an administration. His majesty was
convinced of their incompetency to carry on with beneficial ef
fect the functions of administration. He made overtures to Mr.
Pitt, containing ample powers to form a ministry, and on the
12th of July the administration of the marquis of Rockingham
terminated. Rockingham's ministry had been formed on a principle which
prevailed during the greater part of the two preceding reigns.
It was composed of what was called the whig connexion, but
certainly showed neither ability nor efficiency that could make
it permanent. The extraordinary powers of Burke, which were
employed in its defence, endeavoured to impute its dissolution
to the interior cabinet, th? existence of which he assumed, and
• See Parliamentary Journals.

244 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, the fancied operation of which he described with such strength
vr and brilliancy.1 But it really fell, from its own weakness : in
s^'v',w the most important offices there was neither great talents, poli-
1766. ty.a] knowledge, nor official experience. The marquis himself
was a very upright and disinterested man, and his colleagues
possessed fair and respectable characters ;• but they do not ap
pear to have acted from their own judgment : tbey wished to
please all parties, a sentiment indicating more of an amiable
disposition than of profound wisdom, and leading to indecisive
and consequently ineffectual measures. Of this kind was their
principal policy, that ascertained the character of their admi
nistration — the law which declared the British right of taxing
America, and the repeal of the stamp act.2 Their less impor
tant measures were popular rather than able. They certainly
were very moderate in the bestowal of lucrative appointments
on themselves or their friends; but, on the other hand, their
claims on public gratitude were not great. Perhaps, indeed,
it will be difficult to find, in the history of ministers, a set of
men more respectable for private characters, or more inefficient
as public servants, than the marquis of Rockingham's adminis
tration.
Affairs of Before we proceed with British affairs, it is necessary to take
India. a vjew 0f Jnfli^ Qn the coasts of Coromandel and Malabar,
we have brought the narrative of those India transactions in
which i France was concerned, to the close of the war. Those
of Bengal, to which her power and influence in the last years of
hostilities very little extended, we have not pursued to so late

•t In his Thoughts on the Discontents.
> The reader will, I hope, pardon me for repeating what I had formerly
written on this subject, as it illustrates the grounds on which I formed a
judgment of the marquis of Rockingham's ministry. — "An attempt to sa
tisfy two parties of totally contrary views, by not deciding the point at
issue, is rarely either the offspring of wisdom, or the parent of success.
Such temporizing indecision generally dissatisfies both parties, and keeps
the differences alive. The stamp act had been opposed in America, not
as inexpedient, but as unjust. They had not pretended they could not
pay the impost, but that the imposers had no right to tax. Either the
stamp act was a grievance, or was not: if a grievance, the redress did not
apply to the subject of complaint : if not a grievance, why offer redress >
If the objections of the colonies were- groundless, it would have been just
in parliament to disregard them; and wise or unwise, according to the
value of the object, means of coercion, and probable result. If the right
was ascertained, and we thought coercion prudent, the repeal would be
absurd ; if not, the declaration of right would be a mere impotent bra
vado. If the complaints of America were well grounded, then it would
have been just and wise to renounce the exercise of an unjust power.
Here was the maintenance of an obnoxious speculative principle, with the
abandonment of practical benefit, for which only it could deserve support.
The declaratory law tended to counteract, in America, the effects of the
repeal. The measures of the Rockingham administration were esteemed
the result of good intentions, but of feeble and short-sighted policy."
Life of Burke, 1st edition, p. 76.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 24*y
a period, but left them at the perfect establishment of the CHAP.
company's power. Meer Jaffier Ally Cawn, the viceroy of v-
these provinces, elevated by the English, and dependent on v-*"v^»-'
them, found himself by his elevation surrounded with difficul- 1766-
ties and dangers. The relations of his deposed predecessor
regarded with resentment the man whom they deemed the
murderer of their kinsman, and the usurper of his power. The
sums stipulated to indemnify the English had exhausted his
treasury; and the commercial privileges granted to them, di
minished the revenue by which he might have repaired his
finances. To relieve his necessities, he betook himself to un
warrantable and tyrannical methods of levying mbnev, and
thus lost the affections of his subjects. From the indigence
and dissatisfaction of his people, he was unable to procure or
extort the supplies that he required; his troops were ill paid
and useless; and his principal lords not only resisted his ar
bitrary exactions, but refused the just and accustomed tribute.
Thus distressed, he tried to relieve himself by infringing on the
privileges and exemptions granted to the servants of the India
Company, and thereby alienated the affections of those who alone
were able to defend him against his enemies. In the year
1758, the mogul or emperor of Hindostan had been deposed
by a conspiracy, headed by his vizier, and assisted by the
Mahrattas, and not long after his deposition, he died in prison.
His eldest son, Shah Zadda, endeavoured to assert his right to
the throne of Hindostan, and was seconded by Mr. Law, a
French gentleman, who, with about two hundred of his coun
trymen, after the conquest of the French settlements in Bengal
by the English, had retired among the natives. Shah Zadda
marched toward the frontiers of Bengal. Ramnorain, the na
bob, or governor of Patna, within Jaffier's viceroyalty, had
refused to acknowledge his authority, until the approach of
colonel Clive and the English army intimidated him to sub
mission. When Shah Zadda reached the vicinity of Patna,
Ramnorain, thought the present a good opportunity to render
himself independent of the viceroy of Bengal, and declared
for the prince of Hindostan. Jaffier was again obliged to ap
ply to the English council. Colonel Clive marched towards
Patna; Ramnorain proposed to return to his allegiance; and
Shah Zadda retired, sending at the same time a letter to colonel
Clive, representing his distressed situation, and declaring that
he did not mean to disturb Jaffier's government, but wished to
collect a force against the usurper of his father's throne. Colo
nel Clive, finding on inquiry that it would be impolitic to inter
fere in his behalf, sent him a very polite answer, declining, in
the company's name, to take any share in the dispute concern*.
ing the succession. Soon after, on the 14th of January, 1760,
colonel Clive resigned the command to colonel Cailland, and re
turned to Europe.

246 HISTORY OF THE
CHAp. ghah Zadda, despairing of assistance from the English, topk
v- the advantage of the interval between the departure of colonel
**&*'***** dive, and the arrival of his successor. Attacking, and defeat-
1766. ing Ramnorain, he besieged Patna; but colonel Cail laud, with
the European troops, having come to its relief, he raised the
siege. The prince, now by the death of his father, declared
emperor of Hindoston, by the name of Shah Allum, was
assailed by the British and Bengal trqops, and entirely de
feated.
Newrevo- In the summer of 1760, Mr. Vansittart arrived at Calcutta
lution in ag governor-general, and successor to colonel Clive, when a
Bengal. new §c|]eHle 0f politics was adopted. It was the opinion of
the council, that the war in support of Meer Jaffier was ex
tremely imprudent ; that he was unworthy of the protection of
the English ; that he was altogether destitute of gratitude for
the favours which he had received ; that he and his son were
endeavouring to dissolve the connexion ; that the young mo
gul's affairs wore a favourable aspect in his own country ; that
it would be wise in the company to enter into a treaty with
the hereditary prince ; and that, if established on the throne
of Delhi, he might be a most beneficial ally. To this al
liance, the enmity between Shah Allium and Jaffier was a
great, but, to the ingenuity ' of the council, not an insuperable
obstacle. It appeared to the governor-general and council of
Calcutta, that Jaffier was totally unfit for the viceroyalty ; and
therefore it was expedient that he should have a protector, in
vested with full powers to guide him to the best and most
salutary counsels. The fittest person for this office was con
ceived to be Cossitn Ally Khan, son-in-law to the viceroy ;*
to arrange and execute the proposed change, therefore, go
vernor Vansittart and colonel Caillaud marched to Moorsheda-
bad, surrounded his palace, and demanded that he should dis
miss evil counsellors, and instantly place his government in the
hands of his sonrin-law ; threatening, in case of refusal, to
storm the palace. Jaffier, knowing that he was incapable of
resistance against such a force, yielded to their request, and
beseeched them to grant him an asylum in Calcutta ; to which
they assented, on condition that he would entirely abdicate the
viceroyalty. Cossim was proclaimed subah of the three
provinces, having previously stipulated, as a recompense for
this great service dpne to the provinces, the entire resignation
to the India company of a considerable part of the revenue.
The new viceroy generously bestowed a present for the use of
the army, amounting to five lacks of rupees, about 62,5001. and
further added a gift of twenty lacks of rupees, about 225,0001. to
general Vansittart, and three other members of a select com
mittee which had concerted the plan. There were, however,
members of ,the council, and others, who did not approve of
these transactions. Jaffier's viceroyalty had been guaranteed
¦ His own son had been killed by a flash of lightning.

REIGN OF GEORGE m. 247
by a treaty* of which there was no evidence to show any viola- CHAP.
tion on his Jiart, no proof that he had conspired against the En- _V"_
glish interest. Nothing conducive to the general advantage of '&r>r**'
the company could bte rationally expected from such a revolu- 1766-
tion, as no successor could be more completely subject to them,
from his want of personal capacity or ifh'portiihc-e : and this last
reasoning was found by experience to be just.
Cossim Ally Khan was of a character very different from ^09s!J?.
that of his father-in-law. Bold, subtle, enterprising, and in-A1'yKhan
genious, he conceived the design of freeing himself from depend
ence on the English. Not ascribing to generosity*, services for
which he had paid so high a price, he did not think that he
owed a return of gratitude. Though determined, however, to
attempt his own emancipation, he did not precipitately discover
his intentions. He availed himself of their assistance, defeat
ed Shah Allum, and drove him from the frontiers of his pro
vince. He also reduced the refractory rajahs, who had rebel
led against the feeble administration of Jaffier, and compelled
them to make good the payment of their tribute ; repaired
the exhausted finances, confirmed the discipline and fidelity of
his' troops, and brought his territories to peace and obedience. '
Having thus secured nimself at home, he began to prepare for
shaking off his dependence on the English. He first removed
from Moorshedabad, where his conduct, from his vicinity to
Calcutta, was exposed to the vigilant and jealous inspection of the
company; and in 1761, pitched his residence atMongheer, two
hundred miles farther up the Ganges, which he strongly forti
fied. He also began to new modelhis army, and tried to over
come the timidity that made them stand so much in awe of
British soldiers. Sensible of the superiority of European dis
cipline, he studied it With great attention, taught it to his sol
diers, and introduced the European modes and construction of
fire-arms. He changed the muskets from match-locks to tire-
locks ; and, altering the cannon, formed, ac'cordingto the English
pattern, a powerful train of artillery. Aware of the mischiefs
from treachery, so frequent in India, he endeavoured to concili
ate the chief men of his court, and confined or cut off' those whom
he apprehended to be insincere. Having thus strengthened
himself, he began gradually to throw off the mask. In the
latter end of the year 1762, he insisted that the English pri
vate traders should be subjected to the regular payment of du
ties throughout his dominions. This step alarmed the factory,
and Mr. Vansittart himself went up to Mongheer, to expostu
late with him on the subject. The viceroy answered with great
firmness, that if the English were permitted to trade without
paying of customs, they would in time monopolize the com
merce of his country, and consequently .annihilate that part of
his revenue.' Should, this.be the case, it would be much more
for his interest to lay his trade entirely open, which would draw
a greater number of merchants into his dominions, promote the

248 CHAP. V.
1766.
revoltsfrom the
English.

War.

HISTORY OF THE
sale of their produce and manufactures, enrich his territories,
and improve his revenue. He added that it would also effect-
' ually cut oft' the principal subjects of dispute between him and
the English, an object which he professed to have very much at
heart. The governor, sensible that an open trade was in the
viceroy's power, and that it would be a great loss to the private
traffic of the company's servants, thought it expedient to agree
to certain restrictions. The factory at Calcutta, informed of
this agreement was enraged ; and it was now generally regretted
that Jaffier had not been suffered to continue upon his throne.
On the 17th of January 1763, the council of Calcutta publicly
disavowed the treaty concluded by the governor, not only as
having been made without authority, but as being dishonour
able to the English name, and pernicious to the English interest
Great disputes arose, commerce was interrupted, and applica
tions were made to Cossim to enter into a new agreement;
but, confident of his strength, he peremptorily refused, and
even returned a very haughty answer : both sides now pre
pared for war.
The English struck the first blow, by surprising Patna on the
25th of June 1763 ; but the conquerors, despising the enemy too
much, neglected prudent precautions. In their eagerness to
pillage that opulent city, they dispersed themselves on every
side. The Indian governor informed of the disorder of the ene
my, and re-enforced by the country, returned to Patna, attacked
the scattered English, destroyed many of them, and compelled .
the rest to seek refuge in the fort. Finding themselves unable
to defend the place, they abandoned it, crossed the Ganges, and
marched downwards toward Calcutta. On the 1st of July they
were overtaken by the enemy in great force, and, after an ob
stinate resistance, entirely defeated. About this time the de
puties that had been sent to Mongheer, returned to the presiden
cy, and were, with their attendants, treacherously murdered.
Major Adams now took the field, with one regiment of the
king's forces, a few of the company's, two troops of European
cavalry, ten companies of sepoys, and twelve pieces of cannon.
The English commander was anxiously desirous to bring the
enemy to battle ; and, by his judicious manoeuvres, succeeded
(July 19) in compelling them to an action at Ballasora on the
Ganges, about forty miles below Moorshedabad.1 Cossim's
troops, elated with recent victory and improved in discipline,
received the Europeans with great firmness, but were at last
completely defeated. Major Adams losing no time, proceeded
immediately to Moorshedabad, but found a considerable body of
(lie enemy intrenched before the place. Their intrenchments
were fifteen feet high, and defended by numerous artillery :

1 The reader, who has not attended minutely to the geography of Ben
gal, will be pleased to observe, that this is not Ballasore, whicli is at the
mouth of the Ganges.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 249
the English commander, therefore, had recourse to stratagem. CHAP.
On the 23d of July, in the evening, with a small body, he made v-
a feint of an attack upon the part where the enemy was strong- l*^~v~>*'
est; and the same night, while the Indians were amused on that 1766-
side, he led the main body of his troops round to the weakest
and least defensive part of the intrenchments. The Indians in the
morning, astonished and frightened by this movement, aban
doned their position, and left Moorshedabad to the English.
Major Adams, without slackening his diligence, pursued the
viceroy through marshes and forests, across many wide branches
of the Ganges. Cossim, with great judgment, abstaining from
a decisive engagement, defended his dominions post by post,
and in various detachments. On the 2d of August, however,
they were so strongly stationed on the banks of Nullas, one of
the tributary rivers of the Ganges, that they resolved to await
the attack of the enemy. A very obstinate battle took place,
in which at last, the English obtained the victory. The Indians
again made a stand at a strong fort called Audanulla, covered
in front by a considerable swamp,* on one side by mountains,
and on the other by the river. To this natural security, they
added very strong fortifications, amounting to 100 pieces of
cannon, and surrounded by a deep ditch, fifty-four feet wide,
and full of water, except on the side of the mountains. The
only dry ground by which the English could carry on their ap
proaches, was a small part between the swamp and the river.
Having invested the place on this side for a fortnight, without
much progress, major Adams tried another. Observing that
the Indians, who trusted to its remoteness and natural strength,
were negligent on the side of the mountain, he detached, du
ring the night of the 4th September, major Irvine, to attack that
post; and before day-break, followed with the rest of his troops.
By this unexpected movement, the Indians were thrown into
the utmost confusion : the intrenchments were carried sword
in hand, and great slaughter ensued. They abandoned the
place, and made no farther stand until they came to Mongheer,
the viceroy's residence. Major Adams followed them, and on
the 2d of October invested the town, which, after nine days
siege, surrendered at discretion. The last strong post of Cos
sim now was Patna, which was well fortified, and defended by
ten thousand troops within the city, with large bodies of horse
in the neighbourhood, to annoy, the besiegers. Cossim had
about two hundred English prisoners, taken in the defeat at
Patna, whom he cruelly murdered : but they were not long un?
revenged. He had, indeed, made skilful dispositions for the de
fence of his city, but, not sufficient to withstand English force
and art, so well conducted. On the 6th, November, after a
siege of eight days, major Adams took the city by stqrm ; and
jthus, first of Europeans, effected the entire conquest of the king
dom of Bengal. He fought, in four months, four decisive bat-
ties, forced the strongest intrenchments, took two regularly forti-
VbL. I. -32

„!J0 CHAP. V.

1766.
Cossim ex
pelled
from Ben
gal, takes
refuge in
the vicini
ty of Oude.
Sujah Dowla.

AVar be
tween the
English:md Sujah
Dowla.Restoration of
Jaffier.

HISTORY OF THE
fied places, with great quantities of arms and stores, and sub
dued the ablest, most skilful, cautious, and resolute enemy
which Britain had yet encountered in India.
Driven from his own territories, Cossim sought refuge with
Sujah Dowla,1 nabob of Oude in the north-west vicinity of Ben
gal, and hereditary vizier to the great mogul. The subah of
Oude afforded an asylum to Cossim's person, but would not
admit the remains of his army. Being unwilling rashly to em
broil himself with so formidable a power, he declared that he
wished peace to continue between Oude and the English. Not
withstanding these professions, however, Sujah Dowla saw the
advances of such neighbours with a jealous eye. A negotia
tion was set on foot between him and Shah Allum, for uniting
to restore Cossim. Encouraged by the assistance oi these pow
ers, Cossim drew together a considerable force;, and mean
while the council of Calcutta issued a proclamation for restor
ing Jaffier. Major Adams being now dead, was succeeded by
major Hector Monro; and the new commander, with great
spirit, activity, and military skill, marched against the Indian
confederates in 1764. His whole army consisted of fifteen
hundred Europeans, and seven thousand five hundred native
troops. It was the 22d of October before he could come up
with the enemy, who were posted at a place called Buxard, on
the confines of Bahar and Oude. The major perceiving their
situation to be very strong, deferred an attack until he had ex
plored their force on every side, keeping himself prepared,
however, lest they should anticipate his intentions. His pre
caution was not unnecessary : the following day the Indians
advanced to his camp, and, after a contest of three hours, were
completely defeated. The major attacked Chandageer, a fort
about fifty miles farther up the country, and being repulsed,
found it expedient to raise the siege. Dowla soon afterwards
collected his scattered and defeated troops. Major Monro was
at this time recalled home, and major Carnac appointed his suc
cessor ; but before he arrived, sir Robert Fletcher, second in
command, wishing to signalize himself, attacked and routed
Dowla's army, and stormed the fort of Chandageer on the 14th
of January, 1765. Sir Robert proceeded to Eliabad, a large
city on the Ganges, and the enemy's capital, which he soon re
duced. In this state major Carnac found affairs on his arrival
in April, when be took the supreme command. Sujah Dowla
was now abandoned by the mogul ; who, observing the signal
successes of the English, made overtures for a treaty. Dowla,
a man of courage, resolution, and policy, did not yield to de
spair ; he collected his scattered troops, and also interested the
Mahrattas in his favour. These tribes, inhabiting the moun
tains of India, more active aud warlike than their neighbours

L This prince, from the similarity of names, is often confounded with
Surajah Dowla, the viceroy of Bengal, who was displaced by colenel Clive

UEIGN OF GEORGE in. 251
tm the plains, entered Oude. Terrible to the other Indians, the CHAP.
Mahrattas were of little efficacy when opposed to the valour and V"
discipline of English soldiers. On the 20th of May, Carnac at- v*-^"v">*-'
tacked the Indians at a place called Calpi, and gained a decisive 17^6.
victory. Sujah Dowla now surrendered at discretion to the ren(jersat'
English commander. discretion
Jaffier Ally Cawn, having returned to Moorshedabad as su- Death ol
bah of Bengal, died in the beginning of February 1765. HeJ»ffier
was a weak and cruel tyrant ; and in his promotion, depression,
and restoration, the mere tool of the English council. A short
time before his death, he nominated his second son, Nazim HI
Dowla, then about eighteen years of age, his successor, in pre
ference to Mii-am, the heir of his deceased eldest son. Know
ing the moderate talents and character of the youth, the coun
cil supported him in the succession, previously stipulating the
terms of their protection. His father had been obliged by
treaty to maintain an army of twelve thousand horse, and as
many foot; but, as the military establishment had not been
kept up according to the terms of the agreement, the company
abandoned them entirely, and took on themselves the care of
defending the prince against all his enemies ; as a recompense
for which spontaneous protection, he was to pay seventy lacks
of rupees1 annually. Having made this provision for his secu
rity, they did not lose sight of his instruction and internal accom
modation. The father's chief favourite had been Nunducomar,
his prime minister, who held the same place in the esteem of
the son. This officer, a man of considerable ability, was disco
vered to have strongly urged the subah to shake off" his depen
dence on the company, and was suspected of carrying on a
correspondence with Sujah Dowla. The company insisted
that this minister should be dismissed, and that another per
son, to be appointed by them, should act in the double capacity
of minister and tutor. The young prince objected strongly to
these regulations, and contended earnestly for having the ap
pointment of his own servants. This was a license, however,
which the council thought it by no means fitting to grant, and
he was obliged to sign the agreement according to their dicta
tion. The contract so formed was said to be the most advan
tageous for the English, that had ever been concluded with an
Indian power. Nunducomar was summoned to Calcutta, to
stand his trial for treason, and underwent an examination by
a select committee; to whom he advanced such convincing ar
guments in favour of his innocence, that he was allowed to de
part untried.
The company, informed of the wars that had broken out in LordCiivi
India, sent over lord Clive, with powers to act as commander returns to
in chief, president, and governor of Bengal. His lordship ai-1"'1^-

About 87S;0001.

252 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, ,-ived at Calcutta, on the 3d of May 1765. The business to be
v' performed was intricate ; the persons with whom he would
,-'^v^s~/be obliged to contend, were able, active, powerful, and ha-
1766. bituated to the highest exertions of authority; it was there
fore expedient to send a personage of the highest name in
British India. Lord Clive discovered that the acceptance
of presents was become extremely prevalent among the com
pany's servants : this mode of opening business had obtain
ed time out of mind in the east, and was found not disagreeable
to its visitors from the west. A select committee was formed,
with lord Clive at its head, for scrutinizing the gifts ; but the
investigation was by no means pleasing, either to the council, or
to many of the principal officers. It was alleged on one side,
that luxury, corruption, and extreme avidity for making im
mense fortunes in a little time, had so totally infected the com
pany's servants, that nothing less than a general reform, and an
effectual eradication of those vices, could preserve the settle
ments from certain and immediate destruction. Fortunes, lord
Clive said, of 100,0001. had been obtained within two years;
and individuals, very young in the service, were returning home
with a million and a half. It was answered, that the gentle
men in question had done the greatest services to the country ;
that its present happy situation was owing to their efforts ; that
the presents were conformable to the custom of India, and not
being accepted till after the negotiation was concluded, had no
influence on the terms; that the salaries allowed by the com
pany were so small as to be no inducement to men of talents to
run the risk of their lives in so remote a situation, without other
advantages; and finally, that those who objected to the pre
sents, had made their own fortunes by the same means. Re
gardless of these remonstances, and of all personal allusions,
lord Clive framed regulations calculated to restrain the rapacity
of the company's servants.
Having adopted this measure for the civil government of the
province, he joined the army at Ellabad, to conclude the peace
with Sujah Dowla. On his arrival, he found that the success
of the English arms in that quarter promised nothing but future
wars ; that to ruin Oude, would break down the barriers be
tween the Mahrattas and Bengal ; and that therefore it Was
prudent to leave to Dowla considerable power. Accordingly,
peace was concluded with that prince ; and the nabob agreed
to pay fifty lacks of rupees to the company, as an indemnifi-
Englisli cation for the expenses of the war. A treaty with the mogul
obtain the was also concluded on the 11th of August 1765, by which the
collection conlpany were appointed perpetual collectors of the revenues
venue ^ ^or Bengal- Bahar, and Orissa ; for which privilege they were
to pay twenty-six lacks of rupees annually. The revenue ac
cruing to the company by this treaty, after all deductions,
amounted ta 1 ,700,0001. a year; and lord Clive, having esta-

REIGN OF GEORGE III.

Wished peace on such profitable terms, made several judicious CHAP.
regulations for securing and improving it to the greatest advan- V-

tage

Thus have we seen a mercantile company, in less than ten 17t66v.
years, acquire by war and policy, more extensive possessions, jj^jg^
and a richer revenue than those of several European monarchs. transac-
This was an epoch in the history of conquest. Nations of tions in
merchants had before conquered very extensive dominions, bullndia-
this was a mere corporate body of private subjects. The prin
ciples on which the servants of this company of merchants pro
ceeded, were formed in a great degree by the habits and con
ditions of the masters. The leading object was gain ; ambition
was only secondary and instrumental : power and dominion
were esteemed merely as the means of profit. Where the Ro
mans carried their arms, they sought warlike glory, victory, and
the splendour of triumph, as well as the gains of plunder ; they
took their superstition with them ; and from the conquered coun
tries made additions to their gods, as well as to their treasury.
The Spaniards, the creatures of gloomy bigotry, carried to Mexi
co their zeal for making converts, as well as for acquiring silver
and gold. These and many other victors were actuated by va
rious passions ; but the British conquerors in India directed their
pursuits to one object exclusively, the acquisition of money.
They considered, in every transaction of war, peace, or alliance,
what money could be drawn from the inhabitants. In their
modes of exaction from the feeble natives, they observed the
systematic regularity of commercial habits ; they made bargains :
and for the money received, stipulated value delivered. They
pillaged, not with the ferocity of soldiers, but with the cool ex
actness of debtor and creditor.:; Instead of saying to the sovereign
of Hindostan, " You have a very ,-rich territory, and we must
have a great part of the product," (which might have appear
ed the language of robbers,) they adopted a mercantile mode :
" We shall collect your revenue for you, reserving to ourselves
" only eighty per cent, for factorage :" this was the spirit of
their agreements. Before they planned aggression, they calcu
lated the probable proceeds, the debts that they might extin
guish, and the addition, on the balance of accounts, which
they might make to the sum total. They considered war with
the natives, merely as a commercial adventure : by so much risk
encountered, a certain quantity of blood spilt, and a certain ex
tent of territory desolated, great sums were to be gained. In all
their intercourse, however, with the natives, in the plans which
they devised, and the efforts which they employed for the accu
mulation of wealth, they manifested the immense superiority of
the British character with a rapidity of success, that brought an
unprecedented influx of opulence to this country, and effected a
considerable change in the sentiment?, habits, and pursuits of
Englishmen."

254 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP. The sufferings of Hindostan attached no blame to the nation ;
v- they merely demonstrated, that a copartnery of trading subjects
*^~****»' is not fit to exercise sovereignty. Even if their schemes of po-
1766. liCy were wise and equitable, they did not possess a sufficient
control over their servants, to ensure the execution. To supply
this deficiency, was afterwards the work of legislative wisdom.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI.

CHAP. VI.
Mr. Pitt receives unlimited powers to form an administration — differs with
earl Temple coneemingthe appointments.— Temple refuses any office. —
Duke of Grafton first lord of the treasury.— Charles Townshend, chan-
cellor of.the exchequer.— Pitt, lord privy-seal, and created earl of Chat
ham. — King of Denmark marries princess Matilda of England. — State of
Parties. — High price of provisions — order of council to prevent expor
tation and engrossing.— -Proclamation discussed in parliament. — Lord
Mansfield proposes an act of indemnity, as an acknowledgment of its il
legality — resisted by ministers. — Parliament inquires into the affairs of
the India company — rescinds the proposed increase of dividends — an
opinion started that a territorial possessions belong to the crown, alarms
the company. — Mr. Townshend opposes the prime minister on a question
of land tax. — Mr. Townsbend's new scheme for raising a revenue from
America. — Session rises.— Affairs on the continent — France — Germany
— Prussia — Russia — Poland — Suppression of the Jesuits in Spain. — Death
of the duke of York — of Charles Townshend.— Earl Chatham by ill health
prevented from taking an active share in public affairs. — Weakness and
distraction of ministi-y.— -Short meeting of parliament — dissolution. —
Review of Irish affairs.
MR. PITT projected an administration that should in- chap.
elude men of all parties. He proposed lord Temple to be first VI.
commissioner of the treasury; but that nobleman, being now wv'w
politically connected with his brother, wished for a greater 1765.
share of power to the Grenville supporters, than Mr. Pitt
thought expedient ; and, as they could not agree on the terms
of the other appointments, his lordship would not accept of the
proffered office. At length the duke of Grafton, who had been Grafton
secretary of state in the marquis of Rockingham's administra- adminis-
tion, was made first lord of the treasury, and general Conway, trat,0-B'-
another member of the whig party, was continued secretary
of state; his colleague was the earl of Shelburne, a nobleman
of considerable abilities, possessing a great extent of literary
and political information, a warm admirer and zealous supporter
of Mr. Pitt, and an adopter of his opinion, that neither whig
confederacies nor court cabals, but talents assisted by public
opinion, at once participating and directing its energies, ought
to govern this country ; and that appointments of trust in the
various departments of the state should be conferred according
to the appropriate fitness of the person to be nominated. Mr.
Charles Townshend, recently a member of the Grenville party,
was appointed chancellor of the exchequer; lord chief justice
Pratt, created lord Camden, was made chancellor; his pre
decessor, the earl of Northington, became president of thej!e'?'j
council ; and Mr. Pitt himself took the privy-seal. He was earj 0f
now called to the upper house, under tbe title of the carl of Chatham".

256 CHAP. VI.

1766.

Marriage of the
princessMatildato the king
of Den
mark.

HISTORY OF THE
Chatham ; but his acceptance of a peerage lessened the popu
larity of this illustrious statesman. If the case be impartially
' considered, the first man of his age and country accepting high
rank, affords no ground for censure. On the verge of sixty,
and oppressed with bodily infirmity, he had become less fit than
formerly for the vehement and contentious eloquence of the
house of commons. His wisdom and patriotism might ope
rate in the upper as well as in the lower house; and the office
which he held in administration had no connexion with one
house more than with the other. There is nothing inconsistent
with true greatness, in desiring to found a family; and the peer
age can never receive more honourable accessions, than from
those who have exerted distinguished ability in performing emi
nent services.
During this year, the distresses from the high price of pro
visions continued to increase, and excited commotions and riots.
The popu|ace, thinking that certain dealers were engrossing
and using other illegal means to enhance the price of provi
sions, took upon themselves to regulate the markets and punish
alleged delinquents, and proceeded to flagrant violence, which
proved fatal to several lives. Special commissions were ap
pointed to try the offenders, of whom the ring-leaders were ca
pitally condemned ;' but most of them were afterwards repriev
ed and pardoned. On the 11th of September, a proclamation
was issued for enforcing the law against forestallers, regraters,
and engrossers of corn. By not a few it was apprehended
that this denunciation would do more harm than good, as it
presumed the scarcity to be artificial, which actually. arose from
real want. As the price of wheat continued to increase, an
other proclamation was issued on the 26th, prohibiting the ex
portation of grain, and an embargo was laid on all outward-bound
ships laden with corn.
The opponents of the present ministry consisted of two par
ties, the Grenville and the Rockingham. A coalition was at
tempted between the former and the ministry, but without effect.
Meanwhile Charles Townshend was intriguing with the Rock
ingham party, and trying to effect the removal of the duke of
Grafton ; and, though he did not succeed, the administration
was evidently discordant. Lord, Chatham, on account of the
bad state of his health, could not control as formerly the jarring
elements. This summer there happened an event which was very in
teresting to the royal family. The princess Matilda, posthu
mous daughter to the prince of Wales, and sister to his majesty,
in the sixteenth year of her age, was married to her cousin the
king of Denmark. This treaty was expected to strengthen the
connexion between the two countries, and in that view was
deemed politically advantageous to both; and to Denmark it
brought pecuniary emolument, as a portion of 100,0001. was
bestowed on her highness. Frederick William, the kind's

REIGN OP GEORGE HI. £57
youngest brotheri was now dead, and the income which had CHAP.
been enjoyed by William duke of Cumberland, amounting to VX
45,0001. a year, was divided between his majesty's surviving ^^"^^^^
brothers ; the youngest of whom, Henry Frederick, was created . 1766,
duke of Cumberland. '
In the course of this year, the chevalier de St. George, pre
tender to the crown of Britain, died in the seventy-eighth year
of his age, leaving two sons, Charles, who headed the rebellion
in 1745, and the second a Romish cardinal.
On the 11th of November parliament met, and the princi- Meeting
pal subject of his majesty's speech was the high price of pro-ofP*rlia'
visions, with the measures which he had embraced, the disturb- men '
ances which had arisen, and the orders that had been issued.
The proclamation laying an embargo upon corn, occasioned
a discussion of the prerogatives of the crown, and was repre
sented as an assumption by the council of a power to dispense
with the laws, a practice which was effectually precluded by
the revolution. The measure was allowed to be expedient, and
even necessary; but, to prevent its establishment as a precedent,
it was suggested that an act of indemnity should be passed to
protect from punishment the framers and executors of an ille
gal order. A bill to that effect was accordingly proposed,
which caused warm debates, especially in the house of peers.
Lords Chatham and Camden contended; that a dispensing
power in cases of state necessity was an inherent prerogative
in the crown : a power to provide for the public safety in cases
of emergency, must be lodged somewhere : by our constitution
it was lodged in the king, only to be exerted under great neces
sity occurring during the recess of parliament, and to last only
until parliament could be assembled. It was answered, that
necessity was the principle by which all the evil practices of the
Stuarts were justified. The exception of necessity had been
proposed as a clause to the petition of rights ; the lords had
agreed to it ; but, on a conference with the commons, it had
been rejected. If a necessity, of which the executive govern
ment is to judge, be admitted as a reason for (deviating from the
established law, the laws and liberties of the people may de
pend on the discretion of the crown. The proposed mode of
a bill of indemnity asserts the general constitutional law, while
it excuses the deviation, after parliament has on an inquiry dis
covered that the alleged necessity did exist. These arguments
were chiefly supported by lord Mansfield, and were evidently
more agreeable to the precision with which prerogative is defin
ed by the British constitution, than the opposite reasonings ; and
lords Chatham and Camden were charged with deserting their
former principles. The two patriots indeed appear to* have been
carried by the heat of debate into speculative error; but the ge
neral tenor of their respective conduct through the whole oftheir
political history, affords the best proof that they intended, no vi
olation of British liberty. ,,,.„
Vol. I. 33

258 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP. The late immense acquisitions in India rendered that country,
VI- and the company's affairs, objects of the highest importance to
*^>r>»* law givers and statesmen ; and this year, for the first time, ori-
1766. ental concerns occupied the chief time and attention of parlia-
fairs con-' ment» but not tiH theY ha(* undergone a contentious discussion
sideredin in the East India house.
parlia. When the late acquisitions that accrued from the peace and
ment. treaties of lord Clive were known in England, it was generally
expected, that, as the possessions had so much increased in
value, there would be a proportionate rise in the dividends ;
thence India stock, in July 1766, had risen from a hundred and
eighty-eight to two hundred and thirty-one. The Dutch com
pany had, in April, declared a dividend of twenty per cent, j
and their possessions and revenues, it was contended, were
far surpassed by the English. Our India company, therefore,
(the proprietors asserted,) could afford a much greater dividend
than six per cent. On this ground they urged the directors to
declare an increase, but were answered, that though many
advantages had been acquired, great debts had also been incur
red : and that, both in justice and prudence, the payment of
debts ought to precede the division of profits. If we make a
great increase in our dividends, (said they,) we may give* an
ideal value to stock, which, as it cannot be supported, will, like
the South Sea bubble, burst upon our heads. But not con
vinced by this reasoning, the proprietors charged the directors
with an intention of limiting dividends, to increase their own
riches. On the 24tli of September, at a general quarterly court
of the proprietors, it was proposed, contrary to the* opinion of"
most of the directors, that the yearly dividend should be in
creased from six to ten per cent. Two days after, the question
was put by ballot, and carried in the affirmative, 340 against
231. Government at that time sent a message to the directors^
informing them, that parliament was to examine the state of In
dian affairs, and directing them to have their papers ready for
inspection. On the 25th of November, a committee was appointed to
inspect the state of the company's affairs,, commercial and ter
ritorial. Orders were given, that every account, letter, treaty,
or document of any kind, should be laid before the committee.
The court of directors presented a petition, setting forth the
great injury that it would be to the company, and the many ill
Consequences which would probably attend the publication of
the private correspondence between them and their servants :
and after a considerable debate, it was agreed that the private
correspondence should not be printed. The statements before
parliament, however, were so important, as to introduce ques
tions much more comprehensive than any hitherto discussed by
the legislature concerning British India. Having viewed and
examined the management of the commercial and territorial
possessions, several members, and among them lord Chatham,

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 259
denied the right of the company to have territorial possessions, CHAP.
as such were not conveyed by their charters, and were totally V1,
foreign to the nature and object of a trading corporation. Even V*"v"^»'
if it were legally just, and politically expedient, that an associ- I757-
ated body of merchants should be sovereigns of those extensive
dominions, the great expense of government in the protection
of that company entitled it to the revenues, for the purpose of
indemnification. The supporters of the opposite opinion denied that the charter
restricted its holders from acquiring territory ; and contended,
that if government had a right to the late acquisitions in India,
it ought to submit its claims to a court of law. Towards the
end of the session, the company proposed a convention with'
government concerning the disputed dominions ; that an agree
ment should be made hetween government and that body, con
cerning the territorial acquisitions ; and, after various overtures, Agree-
the following terms were accepted, presented to parliament, ment be"
and passed into a law on the 24th of June ; being entitled, " A yg,?nmJJi°'
" bill for establishing an agreement between government and an(j the
" the East India company." By this stipulation, the chartered companvi
corporation engaged to pay to government 400,0001, yearly for ,
two years, by half-yearly payments : during which time the
territory and revenues lately obtained were to continue in the
hands of the present possessors ; but if they were deprived of
any of them by a foreign powe,r, a proportional abatement was
to be made i,n the annual payments; and money wrongfully
paid, was to be refunded. Meanwhile the company held a
general court on the 6th of May, in which the half-yearly
dividend from midsummer to Christmas was declared to be 6-j,
being one-fourth beyond that of the preceding half year. Min
istry had sent a message, advising the company not to increase
their dividend until their affair^ were farther axamined ; but,
finding that the recommendation had not produced the desired
effect, the duke of Grafton proposed a bill to prevent them Bill for re.
from raising their dividends before the meeting of the next ses- striding
felon of parliament. The object avowed by his grace and the ^-jj"^
supporters of the bill,, was to prevent such augmentations as
might raise the imaginary value of the stock far beyond its
real, so as to introduce stock-jobbing speculations, which had
been so fatal in a former reign ; that, besides, government was
interested in preventing such increase of dividend as might
diminish the value of the territorial revenue; to which the
claims of the state, though postponed, had not been relinquish
ed : moreover, the rapid rise in India stock would diminish the
price of the qther funds, The opposers of the bill contended,
that the circumstances of the company fully justified the pro
posed addition, and that means, could easily have been employ
ed to prevent any farther rise ; that a legislative interposition
for controlling the dividend of a trading company, legally made
by those in whom the power was by law vested, and when no

260 CHAP. VI.
1767.
passed in
to -a law.

;'.Vew im
posts on
America.

HISTORY OF THE
abuse was alleged, was an ex post facto law, that infringed the
rights of property ; and by tending to lessen the security and
'freedom from the control of government, which made the
British funds so much the repositories of continental money, it
might affect the national credit. The rescinding bill passed into
a law after a very powerful opposition, in which two of the
ministers, general Conway and Mr. Townshend, joined : in the
house of lords a strong protest was made by the united force of
the Grenville and Rockingham parties.
In another motion the prime minister was entirely defeated.
It had been uniformly the practice, at former periods of peace,
to reduce the land tax from four to three shillings in the pound :
but since the peace of 1763, the state of the public finances
was not thought to admit of this reduction, and accordingly it
had not been proposed by either of the successive administra
tions. This year, when the chancellor of the exchequer moved
the annual bill, there was a strong opposition ; and it was car
ried against ministry, that the tax should be no more thah three
shillings. Mr. Townshend was on this occasion accused of not
being sincere and earnest in his professed exertions : there was
evidently in his character a great degree of instability ; hut
whether his fluctuations arose chiefly from an understanding
more brilliant than solid, or from some other cause, the time
during which he acted a conspicuous part on the political stage
was too short to ascertain. Fertile in devising expedients,
rather than wise in choosing the most beneficial ends, Mr.
Townshend this session proposed a scheme for raising a revenue
from America, which he conceived would be productive, with
out being objectionable on the same ground as the stamp act.
The reader will recollect the alleged difference between external
and internal taxation: hastily assuming this principle, Mr*
Townshend, with the ardour of inconsiderate ingenuity, dedu
ced from it a theory, and projected a plan to which his specious
and brilliant eloquence gave a great appearance of plausibility.
He proposed a bill for imposing certain duties on glass, paper,
paste board, white and red lead, painters' colours, and tea, pay
able on the importation of these articles into the American
colonies; which duties, when collected, were applied to making
provision for the administration of justice, and the support of
civil government, in the colonies in which it should be necessa
ry ; and the residue was to be paid into the exchequer in Eng
land. The bill was passed into a law ; and, as might easily
have been foreseen, was regarded by the Americans as a mere
variation of mode, and not a change from the principle that had
produced the stamp act : its effects, however, shall be hereafter
mentioned. The conduct of New York underwent severe animadversion
in this session of parliament. A new regulation had been made
in the preceding session, concerning the quartering of troops in
America, and the additional articles of salt, vinegar, beer, or

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 26 i
cider, were required to be furnished by the colonists. The CHAP.
governor of New-Vork communicated tins change to the assem- VI-
bly ; and the next day some forces, who happened to arrive in ^^^^>^
the city, found it necessary to applyv to them for the accommo- l7^7-
dation' provided by the new law, particularly specifying their
requisite articles. The assembly postponed the consideration
of the message, and meanwhile furnished the troops with such
necessaries as they had before been accustomed to afford, but
did not supply the new requisitions. After various messages
and addresses, the assembly positively refused, alleging that the
principle was exactly the same as of the stamp act, since it
taxed them without their own consent. This refusal being re
presented to parliament, a bill was passed, by which the go
vernor, council, and assembly, were prohibited from passing or
assenting to any act of assembly, for any purpose whatsoever,
till they had in every respect complied with all the terms of
this act of parliament. Unfortunately for the nation, the earl
of Chatham, - from his ill state of health, could at that time
rarely attend either the council or senate : had he possessed
his wonted vigour, he might successfully have reprobated such
temporizing and trifling measures as merely tended to irritate
without being efficient. If America afforded, through our
manufactures and trade, a very great revenue, as could be and
was proved, it was a puerile policy to hazard its productiveness,
rather than let glass and paste board be duty free, and pay for
our soldiers the cost of their salt, vinegar, and small beer.
There was a littleness in a considerable part of our proceedings
respecting America, as inconsistent with the dignity of a power
ful, as with the policy of a wise nation. This long and import
ant session closed on tbe 2d of July 1767.
While so many internal and colonial objects engaged the at- Affairs of
tention of 'Britain, she had no reason to apprehend any distur-the conti-
bance of the peace from' foreign countries. The French court, "®nt-
soon after the peace, had been occupied in disputes with thej,^"'^
provincial parliaments, in which bodies a spirit of resistance the king
began to inanifest itself of a different cast and character from and par-
any displayed since the time of Henry IV. The parliament of ^,araent °*
Brittany haying rendered itself peculiarly disagreeable to the rance'
monarch, was dissolved, and all its decrees were annulled. The
other assemblies showed a disposition to combination and re
monstrance ; the parliament of Rouen reminded the king of his
coronation oath, and intimated, that there was a compact be
tween him and his people ; they also made decrees in favour of
the parliament of Brittany. The king answered, " The oath
"which I have taken, is not to the nation, as you presume to
" say, but to God alone.'' The several parliaments immediate
ly began to question the' royal doctrine and theory, and evinced
themselves not disinclined to dispute it in practice ; but strong
measures repressed their boldness, and, in the year 1767 they
were tolerably quiet. If Louis XV. had been so fortunate as

1G-2 CHAP. VI.
J 767.

Germany.
Joseph be
comes em
peror.

Intended
improve. ment of
Prussia.

HISTORY OF THE
to have had for his directors wise* Upright, and intrepid advisers,
he might even then have been taught to perceive a change in
' the public sentiment. To meet with safety the new doctrines,
would have rendered moderation in the exercise of his power
expedient. However imprudently the court might be employed
in its proceedings with parliament, in other respects it exerted
itself wisely for the encouragement of manufactures, commerce,
naval force, ai>d revenue. Agriculture had, by the partial sys
tem of Colbert,1 been very much neglected as a subject of politi
cal economy ; a new set of philosophical economists inculcated
its exclusive cultivation, as the sole physical means of prosperi
ty. Extravagant and visionary as they were in their theories,
yet the novelty of them made a great impression upon the
French, and was to a certain extent useful in making agriculture
a much more fashionable and popular pursuit than it had for
merly been. France, thus occupied with the schemes of inter
nal improvement, appeared to have no disposition to quarrel
with her neighbours ; she was more closely than ever connected
with Spain, which from a variety of causes was no less disposed
to peace, and her alliance continued unbroken and uninterrupted
with the court of Vienna.
The emperor Francis was now dead, and succeeded by his
' eldest son Joseph on the Imperial throne ; while Leopold, his se
cond son, filled the place of Joseph as grand duke of Tuscany.
The young emperor regarded the* king of Prussia with the great
est veneration ; and, soon after his accession to the throne, he
privately gave Frederick to understand, that he wished every
subject of ftffture dispute to be at an end, and desired to culti
vate the.Strictest friendship with his majesty ; but he intimated,
that it* Would be necessary to conceal some of his intentions from
his mother, who still retained the hereditary dominions of the
house of Austria. The empress dowager found full employ
ment in recovering from the disasters of the war.
The king of Prussia, in his political, economy, displayed a
genius that insured success in every thing which he chose to
pursue. Aware that wealth is the result of productive industry,
he was far from imagining those trades always the best which
produce the greatest quantity of money. He considered chiefly
the physical and moral effects of the work done, upon the
workman. He thought that the labour which invigorated the
body and emboldened the mind, was more productive of the
real constituents of national prosperity, than labour which en
ervated and relaxed the operator, though the latter might be
the more lucrative. "He perceived, (says i his philosophical
"biographer) that great differences obtained in populousness
" and prosperity, according to the various employments of agri
culture and manufactures; that even in agriculture, greater
"exertions and purer manners might be expected from men

1 See Smith's Wealth of Nations, vol. Hi. p. 4.

REIGN OF GEORGE Hi. i*3J
'"who cultivate corn, than from those who rear the vine; chap.
" and that in manufactures, the hardy workmen in wood V1,
" metal supplied very different citizens, and very differ- *********
" ent soldiers, from those furnished by the mechanical 1767-
" operations of sedentary drudgery."* In the nibdern Systems
df political economy, the short-sightedness of avarice regards
nothing but the labour effected ; and whether it be effected by
machines, or by men little better than machines, appears a mat
ter of small moment. But Frederick having provided asiply
for the subsistence and defence of his subjects, thought that he
had yet done nothing for their happiness, until he had improved
their physical and moral state, procured them rational enjoy
ments, trained them to virtuous habits, and directed them to
useful and honourable pursuits ; he imitated the neighbouring
nations in the institutions in which they respectively excelled;
his plans of rural economy he formed chiefly on the model of
England ; and in dividing unappropriated lands, he adopted the
mode of the British parliament. Peace at this time was "his main
object, although by his financial and military economy he was
Well prepared for war.
The character of the empress of Russia was now developing Russia.
itself, and she became conspicuous for the force and solidity of
her genius, the extent of her capacity, the greatness of her
views, and the adaptation of her measures to the circumstances
in which she was placed. Sovereign of an immense empire,
she comprehended the state of her dominions ; she saw its re
sources and susceptibility of improvement ; and, great as its
strength was; how much was wanting to make Russia what it
might become. The substantial amelioration of her country
and people, was the object to which she evidently directed her
principal attention. She accurately studied the materials with
which she had to work, discriminated the state in which she
found the people, accommodated herself to their notions, won
their affections and veneration, and by her conduct was as ab- ¦
solute in authority as in power. Dissipated, as she might be in
her private life, she did not suffer pleasure to interfere with the
performances of her imperial duties. Wishing to promote in
her country, commerce, navigation, and all the useful arts, she
sought a close correspondence with the most commercial and
enlightened nations ; with Britain she concluded a commercial
treaty," in principle and detail very beneficial to both nations.
Desirous also of introducing the elegant arts and erudition at
her court, she invited thither eminent artists and scholars, and
established literary institutions for the advancement of know
ledge and science. Although from the time of czar Peter the
Great, considerable advances had been made in the internal im
provement of Russia, yet that ought to have been much more
exclusively the object of her princes and government than if
actually had been. Extension of territory was by no means
« Gillies's Frederick, p. 380. * See this volume, p. 243

264 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, wanting, for her dominions were enormous already. Consum-
VI- mate wisdom would have withheld Catharine from projects of
'**~v~+*' foreign conquest ; but that a bold aspiring princess, with such
I767- power/should not project an increase of her territories, was ra
ther to be wished from the highest practical exercise of political
philosophy, than to be expected from sovereign ambition, pos
sessing so fully the means of gratification. We have already
seen her interference in foreign affairs in the management of,
Poland ; but disturbances were there arising, which soon brought
her farther into action, and more openly manifested her en
croaching character.
Southern In the south of Europe an event took place this year, of the
Europe. greatest importance to domestic, civil, religious, and political
Expulsion society ; the expulsion of the Jesuits from Spain, the country
of the Je- whose superstition had rendered it so much subject to that
suits. extraordinary order. The great, energetic, versatile, and
skilfully directed ability of that singular fraternity, had ex
tended their authority and power very widely in all Roman
catholic countries. Their talents for calling forth abilities,
their great skill in every species of political intrigue, and their
dexterity in every kind of business, spread their influence
among many others beside the gloomy votaries of depressing
superstition. Their authority had long been very great
amidst the gay splendour of the French court, as well as in
the sequestered retirements of Spanish cloisters. But their
most incontrollable power was in South America; where it
must be admitted, by, their efforts among the natives, they
contributed very effectually to the civilization and industry
of those tribes, though they bore a sway dangerous to any
state in the heart of its dominions. The authority acquired
by the Jesuits in the course 'of two centuries was so exorbi
tant, that monarchs. began to regard them with a very jealous
eye. They saw that they really did much incidental good,
and were extremely subservient ; but that they were acquiring
the means of becoming imperious. As in France there was
more of united genius and energy than in any other popish
country, there first Romish fraternities were attacked. Louis
XIV. had from parade and ostentation cherished literary ef
forts, though in his time they were chiefly confined to subjects
of taste, sentiment, and physical research, without extending
to theological and political philosophy. Once set in motion,
however, genius would not limit itself to prescribed operations.
The very enormous extent to which superstition had carried
the influence of the church, attracted sagacious speculatists,
who proposed to inquire how far the various privileges claimed,
doctrines inculcated, and observances enjoined, by the clergy,
were consistent with natural religion, truth, and reason; how
far the lives, sentiments, and opinions of churchmen were
agreeable to the dictates of virtue and common sense; and
how far their system of faith and practice was conducive t*

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 265
the public welfare. They easily discerned, that in the doc- CHAP.
trines, institutions, and practices of the Roman catholic church, V1,
there were parts totally incompatible with reason, morality, and *>^~w~**'
enlightened policy ; but, in the volatile* violence of French- l™7-
men, they carried their animadversions infinitely farther than
truth admitted. Confounding religion itself with its abuses,
they charged against Christianity the errors and mischiefs of
popish corruptions ; imputing to our Saviour and his apostles,
the consequences of the ignorant, superstitious and usurping
institutions of popes and cardinals. Deism, and infidelity of
all kinds became very fashionable in France ; and in a prevailing
dislike of religious establishments, it was not to be expected Establish-
that the Jesuits should escape; as, beside the imputations com- ment-
mon to other monastic orders, there were such strong objec
tions attaching peculiarly to themselves; their principles, their
activity, their enterprise, their corporate ambition, and, above
all, their casuistical morality, leaving a wide field open for
palliating every crime. That emnity to the Jesuitical order,
which virtue justified, if not arising from a sense of the hurt
ful arts, and policy required, was in fact owing in a great
degree to infidelity. But other causes co-operated : the order
of Jansenists had become very succeesful, and had acquired
great influence ; the Jesuits were known to be extremely rich,
and the public treasures were very much exhausted. Ideas
were long entertained, for these various reasons, of suppressing
this order; and, in October 1763, they were actually crushed
in France and all the French territories. The following year
they were suppressed in Portugal and all its dependencies ;
in Spain they had been suffered to exist some years longer,;
but the influence of French counsels at the court of Madrid,
the example of his neighbours, jealousy of their power, and
avidity for their, riches, determined Charles to extinguish that
order through all his dominions. Accordingly it was in Janu
ary 1767 ordained, that the Jesuits should be expelled, and
their whole property seized for the king's use. The Jesuits,
notwithstanding their sagacity and extraordinary intelligence,
had not the least idea that any such scheme was in agitation ;
and, during the months of February and March, they went
on with the usual zeal and ardour in their ordinary occupations,
totally unsuspicious of the impending blow that was to crush
them forever, where their power had heen strongest.
On the 31st of March, about midnight, the six houses of the
Jesuits in Madrid were surrounded at the same time by de
tachments of military, who opened the outer doors, secured
the bells, and placed a sentinel before each cell. These pre-
. cautions being taken, the brothers were ordered to rise ; and
when assembled, being informed of his majesty's commands,
they assisted in packing up a few moveables necessary for their
journey. Meanwhile, a sufficient number of coaches, chaises,
and waggons were secured, and without loss of time,
Vol. I. '94

266 CHAP. VI.

1767.

Heath of
tbe duke
of York,

and of
CharlesTown shend.

HISTORY OF THE
they were conveyed nnder a stong guard towards Cartha
gena. This revolution was conducted with such order and
silence, that the inhabitants of Madrid knew nothing of what
had taken place till they were informed of it in the morning :
three days after, the expulsion and confiscation were carried
jnto execution in every part of Spain, and in the month of
July in Mexico and Peru. The confiscated estates and effects
pf the Jesuits in Europe and the Indies, amounted to above
thirty millions sterling; and thus did a government, at one
sweep, deprive a corporation, of its subjects, and of an im
mense property, without any proof of guilt. However just the
political reasons for suppressing the order might be, the rapa
cious seizure of their property was inconsistent with every
principle of justice, and could not have taken place under any
equitable system of polity. In Naples, and other catholic coun
tries, the Jesuits were suppressed with similar circumstances of
tyranny. In the course of this year, the royal family of England re
ceived a very afflicting blow in the sudden death of the duke
of York, eldest brother of the king. His highness had been
travelling through France, Germany, and Italy ; and at Mo
naco was seized with a putrid fever, which terminated fatally
on the 7th of September. He belonged to the navy, and had
Served during the war ; he was esteemed a prince of good ac
complishments, amiable disposition, and affable manners, and
was beloved by those who had the chief access to his confidence
and intimacy. He died in the 29th year of his age, and his re
mains were brought home and interred in Westminster-abbey.
About the same time, died a gentleman who was rising fast
into the first political eminence, the honourable Charles
Townshend, chancellor of the exchequer. Lord Chatham's
infirmities had for some time almost entirely prevented him
from taking any efficient share in administration ; during
his lordship's inaction, Mr. .Townshend, with shining and
versatile talents, was the most active member of the ministry,
and was taking a lead in the management of affairs. He was
a personage of very considerable abilities ; prompt, brilliant,
witty, and eloquent ; not indeed, very select, either in the
measures which he proposed, or the arguments that he em
ployed, but extremely happy in the art ot giving the best co
lour to the sentiments and opinions which he happened to
adopt. Although a man of genius, he appears to have been
rather more fit for literary than political attainments, or much
more anxious about currency of opinions than their weight ;
he was extremely inconstant. When the stamp act was popular
in the house, he declaimed in its favour; when it lost its popu
larity, he voted for the repeal ; and when the repeal was af
terwards a subject of complaint, he proposed a new plan for
raising a revenue. He took no time to form general and
comprehensive views, and had no fixed principles of policy.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI, 287
As an orator, he was an ornament to the house of commons ; CHAP.
but must have entirely changed his modes and habits, before he VI-
could be a very advantageous accession to the councils of his ^~*~*-'
country as a principal statesman. 1767.
Ministry Was now weak and distracted; various plans of Weakness
coalition and comprehension, to give it strength, were pro- ofadininis-
posed; but the negotiations were unsuccessful. Several par- von'
tial changes were made, in which the offices were filled by
noblemen and gentlemen connected with the house of Bedford.
Lord Weymouth was appointed secretary of state in the place
of general Conway, who had been advanced in his professional
line. A new office, of secretary of state for the colonies, was
created, and bestowed on lord Hillsborough. The earl of
Northington, loaded with years, retired from his place of
president of the council, and was succeeded by earl Gower.
Besides these promotions of the friends of the Russel family,
Frederick lord North, eldest son of the earl of Guilford, was
made chancellor of the exchequer. The venerable earl of
Chatham had been consulted previous to the proposed alter
ations, and had declared that the state of his health rendered
his interference impracticable. He, indeed, had no share in
the appointments, and from this time cannot be considered as
making one of the Grafton ministry, responsible for any of its
acts.— The scarcity of corn continued ; and from the distres
ses of the poor, great riots took place in the manufacturing
towns. On the 24th of November parliament wet. Nothing from
abroad (bis majesty said) appeared likely to disturb the public
tranquillity, or to divert their attention from the internal affairs
of the kingdom. The sole object specifically recommended to
their notice was, the scarcity and. dearth of corn. Interference
in the price of provisions on the part of government, is ex
tremely delicate and difficult; nor can the legislature easily
adopt any effectual mode for that purpose,, except by' the en
couragement of importation in times of exigency, and the pro
motion of agriculture to prevent their recurrence. Parliament
renewed the regulations of the former year, adding to them a
bill for importing wheat and flour from Africa ; and an act, simi
lar to the law of the preceding session, was passed for limiting
the dividends of the East India Company.
The most important measure discussed in this session of
parliament was, a law proposed by opposition for limiting the
period of resuming crown grants to sixty years. This bill
originated in a transaction affecting two private individuals.
William III. had made a grant to the first earl of Portland, of
the honour of Penrith in the county of Cumberland, with the
appurtenances thereunto belonging. The forest of Inglewood,
and the manor and castle of Carlisle were considered as parts
of this grant, and had been accordingly enjoyed by the family
by the same tenure and in the same quiet possession as the rest.'

268 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP. These last tenements, however, were not specified in the grant ;
VI" and sir James Lowther, being accurately informed of this cir-
v-*^^>^ cumstance, in summer 1767, presented a memorial to the lords
1767- of the treasury, stating, thkt he had discovered that the forest
of Ingle wood, and the soccage of the castle of Carlisle, had
been long withheld from the crown without its receiving any
benefit from them, and therefore prayed a lease of three lives.
Having consulted the surveyor of crown lands, they granted
the possessions in question, notwithstanding the representations
of the duke of Portland. His grace now stopped progress in
the exchequer office ; the cause was tried before the barons of
exchequer, and sir James Lowther was nonsuited. Upon this
attempted resumption, the bill was founded. Opposition in
sisted, that the attempt was a revival of the obsolete and tyran
nical law, nullum tempus occurrit regi, by which no length of
time or possession can be a bar against the claims of the crown.
The exercise of any right upon this maxim, it was shown, was
practised only by the most arbitrary princes, and even by them
with caution, as they were sensible of the general abhorrence
• which every act of the kind excited. It was farther said, that
the present, grant was founded on a most unconstitutional mo
tive, to obtain a party and undue influence in the general
election ; and that the avowed opposition of interests in the
same country . between the parties, and the particular con
nexions of one of them, left no room to doubt that this was
the object in view. On the other side it was observed, that
the tenements in question were neither specified nor understood
in the grant; that they belonged to the crown, not by re
sumption (for there had been no alienation,) but by original
right ; and the crown was no more to blame for taking pos
session of its own property, than a private person. The earl
of Portland and his family had been sufficiently compensated
for their services ; and, after seventy years possession of an
estate to which they had no right, they might contentedly re
sign/it to the true owner, when there was no demand made
upon them for the past issues. Ministry after finding their
arguments against limitation of resumptions not likely to be
successful, changed their mode of procedure, and proposed
that the bill should be postponed till the next year, and this
motion was carried by a majority of twenty ; but the supplies
being settled, and other business finished, an end was put to
the session ; and, on the tenth of March, parliament was dis
solved. The first parliament of George III. exhibits no distinguish
ing marks of. legislative wisdom. Its chief objects were, indi
vidual prosecution and colonial regulation : respecting Wilkes,
and other persons involved in his publications, the majority of
its members proceeded with the passion of partisans, ana not the
cool policy of senators ; and towards America, the conduct of
this body was a succession of contradictory measures, neither

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 269
effectual in coercion nor concession. They irritated, concilia- CHAP.
ted, and irritated again ; and left the colonies ill-affected to the VI-
country, sowing the seeds of the American war. But, though *^~****»>
their aggregate policy was' either inefficient or hurtful, yet they I7"7-
contained a considerable degree of individual ability. In the
latter years, mature and formed eloquence was most conspicu
ous in the house of peers. In the house of commons, after the
death of Mr. Townshend, the ablest orators had not arrived at
the perfection which they were severally destined to attain.
The eloquence at that time, though brilliant, animated, and im
pressive, did not, either in closeness and force of reasoning,
comprehensiveness of views, or political philosophy, equal the
efforts of more recent periods.
Having brought the first British parliament of his majesty to Affairs oT
a conclusion, we must now turn our attention to the affairs Ireland.
of Ireland, which, from the commencement of the reign, were
of more than usual importance, and since that time had become
extremely interesting. To comprehend the passing transactions
of the sister kingdom, it is necessary to take a short retrospec
tive survey of causes and events,- , which powerfully affected the
state of the country and the character of the people.
The Irish were originally- sunk in barbarism, far beneath any
other inhabitants of middle Europe, even in their most unciviliz
ed ages.1 Never conquered, nor even invaded, by the Romans,
they continued still in the most savage state ; and were distill- <
guished by those vices, to which human nature is always sub
ject, when it is neither tamed by education nor restrained by
laws. The small 'principalities into which they were divided,
exercised ¦ perpetual rapine and violence against each other ;
the uncertain succession of their princes was a continual source
of domestic convulsions; the usual title of each petty sovereign
was the murder of his predecessor; courage and force, though
exercised in the commission of crimes, were more honoured
than any pacific virtues. The most simple arts of life, tillage,
and agriculture, were almost wholly unknown. They had felt
the invasion of the Danes, and the other northern tribes ; but
these inroads, which had spread barbarism into the rest of Eu
rope, tended rather to improve the Irish; and the only towns
which were to be found in the island, had been planted along
the coast by the freebooters of Norway and Denmark. The
other inhabitants exercised pasturage in the open country ;
sought protection from any danger in their forests and mo
rasses ; and being divided by the fiercest animosities against
each other, were still more intent on the means of mutual inju
ry, than on the expedients of common, or even private interest.
So situated and disposed, when they were conquered by Henry
II., the Irish did not improve from their connexion with a -less
barbarous nation. * > ¦»
' See Strabo, who describes the Irish as infinitely more savage than the
Gauls, Germans, or Britons.

270 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP. Although no country had been blessed with a greater propor-
Vl' tion of able sovereigns than England, from the time of Henry II.
'"* '"v">*' to the reign of Henry VII. ; yet no policy could be more absurd
i767- and prejudicial, than the system which had been uniformly pur
sued respecting Ireland. The conquerors not only took no pains
to communicate to the conquered their own progressive civiliza
tion, but even prevented those advances which the latter might
have themselves made. While from the close of the eleventh
century, other countries were emerging from that profound ig
norance in which Europe was then sunk; that unfortunate isl
and, possessing every natural means of improvement, a climate
temperate and salutary, a fertile soil, a maritime situation, num
berless harbours, a people sprightly, ready in apprehension,
having a fire of ingenuity that beamed through the thick fogs
of their ignorance,' with every physical, moral, and intellectual
capability of improvement, they, from political debasement,
were in a condition of stationary savageness. Such men,
strangers to arts and industry, were naturally prone to disorder
and insurrection. To quell revolt, and prevent its recurrence,
Henry VII. proposed the extension of English jurisprudence to
the appendent island. Poyning, lord deputy to the king, pro
cured the enactment of that memorable statute, which bears
his name, by which all the former laws should be of force in
Ireland, and that no bill could be introduced into the Irish par
liament, unless it had previously received the sanction of the
council of England. The purpose of this ordinance was evi
dently much more to ensure dominion than to impart civiliza
tion ; and though the communication of English laws might
ultimately tend to infuse a portion of English arts, manners, and
industry, yet its direct and immediate tendency was to trench
upon Irish independence ; and they long continued discontent
ed and turbulent. • After the reformation was established in
England, theological difference inflamed the discontents. If men
so uncultivated possessed any vestiges of Christianity, being to
tally unfit for the genuine wisdom and goodness of that divine
system, they must have received it with the grossest corruptions
which it had acquired from interested imposture, oscitant negli
gence, or torpid stupidity. " Superstition (says one of the glo-
•' ries of that country, after Irish genius had begun to show its
"strength and brilliancy1) is the only religion of ignorant minds."
Devoted to the most abject popery, the Irish, during the reign
of Elizabeth, were easily the dupes of all the artifices of the
Romish combination: discontent, bursting out in partial insur
rection, spread to general rebellion. The vigour and prudence
of Mountjoy crushed revolt ; but a more difficult task still re
mained, to civilize the inhabitants, to reconcile them to laws and
industry, and to render their subjection durable and useful to
the crown of England. King James proceeded in this work by
¦ Burke.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. ofi
a steady, regular, and well concerted plan, and made greater CHAp.
advances towards the reformation of that kingdom, than had VI-
been achieved during the four hundred and forty years which ******>*
had elapsed since the conquest. The act of Poymngs had given 17&7.
authority to English laws, and rendered future statutes of Ire
land dependent on the English government, but had not abolish
ed the Irish customs, which supplied the place of laws, and
were calculated to keep the people in perpetual babarism and
disorder. Of these usages, the most noted respecting penal
proceedings was the brehon, by which every crime, even mur
der itself, was punished, not with death, but by a fine or pecu
niary mulct, which was levied upon the criminal. In the dis
tribution of property, the customs of gavelkind and tanistry,
were no less inimical to the purposes of civilized society : the
land, by the custom of gavelkind, was divided among all the
males of the sept or family, both bastard and legitimate ; and,
after partition made, if any of the sept died, his portion was
not shared out among his sons ; but the chieftain, at his discre
tion, made a new partition of all the lands belonging to that
sept, and gave every one his share. As no man, by reason of ¦
this custom, enjoyed the fixed property of any land; to build,
to plant, to enclose, to cultivate, to improve, would have been
so much lost labour.1 The tanists, or chieftains, though drawn
from the principal families, were not hereditary, but were es
tablished by election, or, more properly speaking, by force and
violence. Their authority was almost absolute; and notwith
standing that certain lands were assigned to the office, its chief
profits resulted from exactions, dues, and assessments, for which
there was no fixed law, and which were levied at pleasure.
These customs James abolished, and in their place substituted
English law, established circuits, banished oppression, adminis
tered justice, ascertained the rules of property, and severely
punished crimes and disorders. He did not confine his im
provements to the introduction of laws for securing property and
punishing crimes, but promoted means of acquiring riches and
preventing enormity. He first endeavoured to stimulate indus--*-
try, and was peculiarly successful in the province of Ulster,
which, having fallen to the crown by the attainder of rebels,
was entirely at his disposal. The land was divided into mode
rate shares, the largest not exceeding 2,000 acres. Many na
tives of England and of Scotland received grants of estates,
and brought from their respective countries, tenants, who were
capable by skill and industry, to cultivate and improve the
grounds, and also to practise other useful pursuits. The Irish
were removed from the hills and fastnesses, and settled in the
open country : husbandry and the arts were taught them ; a
fixed habitation was secured; plunder and robbery were
punished ; and, by these means, Ulster, from being the mos'
, " Hume, vc-1. iii. p. 307.

272 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, wild and disorderly province of all Ireland, soon became the
V1, best cultivated and most civilized.1 By these wise and prudent
x*~*~*~> measures, James laid the basis of justice, security and humani-
.1767. ty in Ireland; but various obstacles impeded the superstruc
ture, which were principally referable to two sources, property
and religion. Long established custom, however absurd, or
even pernicious, is extremely difficult to be overcome, especially
among barbarians, whose regard to mere usage is in the inverse
proportion of their liberality and intelligence. The appropri
ation to individuals of lands, which, according to their ancient
custom, belonged to a sept or family, was extremely disagreea
ble to the Irish. Besides their disapprobation of the new te-
* nure, they were greatly dissatisfied with many of the proprie
tors, who, possessing the lands which had formerly belonged to
communities, were regarded by the aboriginal inhabitants as
aliens and interlopers, and a distinction arose between the new
settlers and the old Irish, that long subsisted, and often manifest
ed itself in very fatal effects. Most of the ancient inhabitants
continued iaddicted to the Romish superstition. The liberal
spirit of England towards diversities of theological belief,
granted to the catholics of Ireland a degree of indulgence al
most amounting to a toleration; but so long as the churches
and the ecclesiastical revenues were kept from the priests, and
they were obliged to endure the neighbourhood of profane he
retics, being themselves discontented, they continually endea
voured to prevent the establishment of cordial amity between
the English and Irish nations. Instigated by these spiritual
directors, as well as inspired with a love of national indepen
dence, they ardently desired the expulsion of the English, and
waited with impatience for an opportunity of making the at
tempt. When the Scotch presbyterians began their hostilities
against Charles I. and his liturgy, and the English puritans me
naced the mitre and the crown, the Irish leaders thought the
occasion auspicious to revolt. A conspiracy was formed, for
overpowering the English, repossessing the lands of their fore
fathers, effecting a complete separation between England and
Ireland, and re-establishing the catholic religion as paramount
and supreme. Actuated by such powerful passions, in pursu
ing their objects they displayed not only impetuous ardour, but
a vigour of ability, and a skilful and comprehensive concert of
measures, that demonstrated them to be very far advanced, since
the desultory insurrections of the former century. The na
tive genius of the Irish, improved even by partial and reluc
tant intercourse with the English, evinced the beneficial tendency
of the system of James; and their very counsels and efforts to
effect a separation, proved the benefits that must accrue from
the connexion. To the historical reader, who can perceive and
combine the mixed uniformity and variations of national cha-
• Hume, vol. iii. p. 308.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 273
racter in the progressive stages of knowledge and civility, the CHAP.
Irish conspiracy of the seventeenth century affords subjects of VI-
reflection, which are not only important in themselves, but illus- v<-vw
trate transactions, pursuits, and conduct in very recent perjods. I767-
The plotof 1641 was remarkable for unity of design, exten
sive organization of plan, and secrecy of preparation from which
there might have been expected to follow, firm, cool, and reso
lute execution ; but when it ripened to insurrection, it burst
forth with an impetuous fury and atrocity, liker to the blood
thirsty cruelty of savage animals, than the regulated courage of
rational Creatures seeking momentous objects. More and Ma-
guire, the projectors, were able men, but their associate O'Neal,
and the greater portion of their followers, were barbarians,
with the violent and uncontrolled passions of rude tribes ; which,
in any evil direction, were the more mischievous, from the na
tural sagacity, ingenuity, and force of the Irish character; and
which were then stimulated by the interested, bigoted, and in
furiated teachers of a gloomy and ferocious superstition. The
massacre that ensued, so horrid in its enormities, spread over
all the provinces of Ireland, and involved the whole island in
guilt. The daring vigour of Cromwell crushed the insurrec
tion of Ireland, and employed plunder and forfeiture, the usual
means of military usurpers to reward the instruments of their
dominion, and to strengthen present tyranny ; little regardless
of the real interests and permanent prosperity of possessions
which they hold on such a precarious tenure. In the confisca
tion were comprehended, not only the revolters against the Eng
lish government, but the loyal partisans of the ill-fated mo
narch. A more sudden and violent change of- property was
then unknown in the annals of injustice; five millions of acres,
which had been' wrested from the former proprietors, were di
vided among the creditors of the anti-monarchial party, and
the soldiers of the protector. An order was even issued, to
confine all the native Irish to the province of Connaught, where
they would be shut up by rivers, lakes, and mountains : and
could not, it was hoped, be any longer dangerons to the English
government.1 A policy at once so absurd and inhuman, was
a principal cause of subsequent discontents, disorders, and
convulsions in Ireland, and very long counteracted the wise and
beneficent purposes which the system of James had sought to
obtain: the insatiate rapacity of the usurper rendered ineffec
tual the provident cares and counsels of the lawful king. To
redress the grievances of the Irish sufferers, was a great object
of the wise counsellors by whom Charles the Second was direct
ed in the earlier part of his reign ; but it was found an ardu
ous task, either to undo, or compensate, such flagrant and ex
tensive iniquities. Tbe revolutionary soldiers and moneyed. spe
culators could not be dispossessed, because they were the. most
., ', Hume, vol. iv. p. 117.
Vol., I. 3o

274 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, powerful ami only armed part of Ireland ; and, besides, it ap-
V1' peared expedient to favour them, in order to support the protest-
***^v***/ ant atid English interest in that kingdom, and because they had
1767. generally, -with a seeming zeal and alacrity, joined in the king's
restoration. Charles therefore promised by a ploclamation to
maintain their settlement, and at the same time to make amends
to the innocent sufferers ; and proposed to perform this engage
ment from several funds, but Chiefly a quantity of land whidi
was still unappropriated. When the various sources of recom
pense were accurately examined, tlrey were found totally inade
quate to the purpose of indemnification*; so that either the preseuft
possessors must be disturbed, or the grievances of the ancient
proprietors continue without redress : anxiety and alarm seized
both the Claimants and the holders; the former eager to re-
coverfheinheritance of their fathers, the latter afraid to lose, but
resolute to retain their own acquisitions. The duke of Ormond,
appointed lord lieutenant, was deemed the most proper person,
from prudence and equity, to compromise differences, and recon
cile jarring pretensions; and, after encountering various obsta
cles and difficulties, he at length succeeded in prevailing
on the parties to accede to a modification. The Cromwel-
lian possessors agreed to relinquish one third -of their lands,
which was to be distributed among the dispossessed Irish, Who
had either been entirely innocent of insurrection, or had ad
hered to the royal family. In the former case they were com
pelled to undertake one of the most arduous tasks that can be
required in the establishment of truth — the proof of a negative :
they were to be presumed guilty, unless they evinced the con
trary : they were, besides, debarred from pleading innocence,
if tiiey had ever lived in the quarters of rebels. From the
wide latitude of constructive guilt, and the difficulty of excul
patory demonstration, many persons free from the crime re
mained involved in the punishment ; and as two-thirds of the
lands still were held by persons whom the former proprietors
regarded as usurpers, they deemed themselves the victims of
injustice. These sentiments were not confined to actual suffer
ers, but diffused among their friends and connexions, and in
corporating with the spirit of national independence and pope
ry, overspread the ancient Irish. There were now in Ireland
two great parties, in the nature of things reciprocally hostile :
the present holders, attached to the English government, whose
power only could secure their possessions; and the expelled
descendants of the ancient owners, who were inimical to that
government which they conceived to preclude the vindication
of their rights. In both, interest and6 religion went hand in
hand. The new proprietors, chiefly of English extraction,
were generally protestants, and the ejected Irish, catholics.
The mild and equitable administration of Ormond, however,
prevented the discordant spirit from immediately bursting out
in renewed insurrection. His great object was, impartially and

REIGN. OF GEORGE III. 275
equitably to promote the good of all classes, whether prates- CHAP.
taoxta or catholics, and to engender in both a disposition to con- V1,
ciliation. In the latter yeans of Charles,, the expectations thai *^~y">»''
were entertained from a popish successor, distinguished for ar- 1767'
dent zeal,. co-operated with the wisdom of Ormond, in prevent
ing the catholics, from attempting to disturb the English go
vernment of Ireland, The furious bigotry of James overleaped
every bound of. true policy ;, and, without any preparation or pre
caution, eagerly endeavoured to re-establish the catholic reli
gion in intolerant supremacy, annulled protestant charters and
corporations, filled the offices of state with Romanists, and gave
|he supreme direction of affairs to, Tyrconnel, as violent a
bigot as himself. The protestants in great numbers left the
kingdom,, and the interests of England in the sister island were
almost totally destroyed, when the frantic folly of James gave
way to the ability of William. The Irish catholics strenuously
embraced the interest of the exiled king, and hoped that his re
storation would both re-establish the Romish religion, and enar
hie them to regain all the lands, now occupied by protestants.
Repossession and .religion being the chief purposes of their
adherence to the popish prince, they combatted with their
usual impetuosity, and butchered with their usual fury;
but, after a t»fo°dy contest and repeated defeats, the in
surgents were finally overcome by the disciplined valour of
Englisli sqldiers. Having the rebels at his, feet, William per
ceived the policy which wisioqi dictates towards reduced rebels,
who may be reclaimed and rendered useful subjects ; apd at the
celebrated treaty of Limerick, granted to the Irish catholics
what they considered as the grea,t charter of their civil and reli
gious liberties, and allowed an amnesty for the past, on their
swearing allegiance for the future; allowing those who were
dissatisfied with the present government, to retire into other
countries. Various forfeitures having fallen to the crown be
fore,, this capitulation, the king gratified the friends of the En
glish government with a part of the confiscations, but remitted
a CQnsid.era.ble portion ; and adopted conciliation, as the means
which, would render the two kingdoms reciprocally beneficial.
Great pains were employed to, spread industry and the arts ;
the intercourse of Ireland with England and Scotland, no lon
ger interrupted by rebellions, being rapidly increased, taught
and encouraged manufactures, and promoted husbandry. The
Irish, ingenious and intelligent, readily comprehended the les
sons they, received ; and, in. sortie parts of the island, employed
perseverance and industry, and felt the, strength and resources
which their country contained, if they were steadily and judi
ciously employed. During the reign, of Anne they grew in
prosperity, and appeared to- be well satisfied with the English
government. In the reign of George I. a law was passed, tpaking a ve.ry
materjal change in the relation between Great Britain andlxe*-

276 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP. land, and rendering the sister kingdom much more dependent up-
vr' qn Britain, than even the statute of Poynings had proposed ; and
v"^"v""w whereas that lawgiver had procured a negative and preventive
1767. control over Irish legislation, the bill of George I. gave a posi
tive and enacting power, and also established the subjection of
Irish courts of justice to the corresponding tribunals of Eng
land. This change passed without much animadversion at the
time, though it was destined to be afterwards a very important
subject of discussion and correction. The Irish in that reign
appear to have been chiefly engaged by the interests of their
new commerce, from which may be derived their violent oppo
sition to Wood's half-pence. The growing trade of Ireland was
regarded by many of the English with an unfounded jealousy,
as they apprehended from its increase a competition of com
mercial interests; and the legislature of Britain clogged the in
dustry of Ireland with various restrictions, which were extreme
ly injudicious, immediately injurious to Irish, and ultimately to
British, prosperity.
In the reign of George II. the incumbrances were partially
removed ; wool and woollen yarn were allowed to be imported
both to Scotland and England ; afterwards cattle and tallow,
salted beef and pork, obtained the same permission. At one
period there arose a contest between the government and the
Irish house of commons respecting privilege and prerogative, in
the application of the surplus of revenue, which the commons
conceived they had a right to ap-propriate without the consent
of the crown. Popular orators operating on the fiery spirit of
the Irish, the dispute became extremely violent :* and though
afterwards quieted by the skilful application of government to
the leaders of most influence with the people, yet the seeds of
dissatisfaction still remained, and the persons most keenly in
opposition to government acquired proportionate popularity.
The duke of Newcastle, agreeably to the general rule of his po
licy, sought to govern Ireland by a junto, composed of men of
family or official influence. Another body of men assumed the
name of patriots ; they professed to make the commercial be
nefit and political rights of their country the great objects of
' their pursuits, and to reprobate every measure or practice that
appeared to lessen the political or commercial benefits of Ire
land ; they inveighed against the powers asserted by the British
government, the restrictions upon trade, and the expenses of the
pension list, and co-operated with any party or individual that
happened to be in Opposition to administration. Conceived to
be sincere in their professions of patriotism, they were revered
by the populace, who received their representations as the ora
cles of truth, and at the death of George II. a spirit of disaffec
tion and discord was manifest in many parts of Ireland.
George III. proposed to govern Ireland as well as Britain
without any regard to party distinctions ; but, in the first year
of his reign, the animosities were inflamed to a very high pitch,

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 277
by a dispute about a money bill. In October 1761, his majesty CHAp.
sent as lord-lieutenant the earl of Halifax, who was esteemed VI-
well qualified by united vigour and prudence for supporting the v"^"v"w
rights of the crown, and conciliating the affections and promo- 1767-
ting the interests ofthe people. In his speeches to the legisla
ture, and in his executorial conduct, he endeavoured to soften
and banish animosities, to promote unanimity, to recommend
and enforce the improvement of agriculture and manufactures,
and to encourage the education of youth, and the diffusion of
useful knowledge. But the very progress of husbandry pro
duced discontents and commotions among many of the ignorant
people, who had neither discernment to understand improve
ments, nor patience to await results. Parties of men assembled
to destroy enclosures, under the pretext of restoring commons
to the poor, and committed various outrages : "the insurgents
wearing over their' clothes a white frock, thence received the
name of white boys, that afterwards became so noted and terri
ble. These banditti secured their union, and increased their
numbers, by oaths of secrecy, an organized plan, and by inflict
ing the severest cruelties on all who refused co-operation. Du
ring the year 1763, they carried their atrocities to so alarming a
height, as to call the attention of parliament ; but no effectual
measures were adopted for their suppression. Convened for the
purpose of rescinding the muniments of property, they attacked
rights and establishments of various kinds, and were peculiarly
resolute in the refusal of tithes. The professed patriots, by ex*
claiming against the pension list and other alleged abuses, and
calling loudly for reform at a season when the public ferment
and the violence of the populace were so unfavourable to such
discussions, tended to inflame the disorders ; and the spirit of
dissatisfaction, which was so industriously Spread through Bri
tain, acted also powerfully in Ireland.
In the houses of parliament, a regular and systematic oppo
sition was now formed to the measures of government. It con
sisted of two classes: individuals of great personal popularity;
and a combination of family connexion and political union.
This band, headed by lord Shannon and the house of Ponsonby,
was nearly akin, in principles and views of government, to the
Rockingham party in England; with whom its several mem
bers maintained a close intercourse, consolidated in various in
stances by relation and affiance. These may without impro
priety be termed the whig confederacy of Ireland : and, in the
successive political changes,' joined and co-operated with the
corresponding body in Britain. In parliament, a considerable
subject of debate was the origination of money bills. Hitherto
measures of finance were proposed by the privy-council of Eng
land and sent to the Irish house of commons, which bad mere
ly a power of refusal. In 1764, Mr. Perry, one of those mem
bers who claimed the merit of patriotism, proposed, that pro
positions of aids should spring from the commons. The mover

278 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, was strenuously supported by Mr. Ponsonby andhia adherents ;
VL and though his proposition was not passed into a law, yet its
,M^V'"W principle and spirit deserve the attention of the historical read-
1767. erj as manifesting a disposition to assimilate the Irish constitu
tion to the British, and consequently lessen the dependence of
Ireland. In 1766, a more important and comprehensive scheme was
tried for effecting a similarity to the polity of Britain. The par
liament of Ireland at this time was subject to dissolution only
by the demise of the crown, or the exercise of the kingly prero
gative. Several attempts had been made, during the preceding
four years, to render their duration septennial, but were reject
ed by the Irish legislature; a new bill being now introduced,
passed tbe Irish parliament, but was rejected in Britain. Soon
after, lord Chatham, who had received the direction of English
affairs, and his friend lord Camden, declared themselves favour
able to the limited duration of the Irish parliament Charles
Townshend agreed to this opinion, and his brother viscount
Townshend was appointed lord-lieutenant of Ireland. Instead
of a septennial, an octennial law was recommended. The new
viceroy repaired to his government in October 1767, and a bill
for limiting the duration of parliament to the period of eight
years, was proposed, speedily and unanimously passed, and re
ceived by the people with a joy and gratitude that domonstrated
the eagerness of their desire to obtain the benefits which, were
possessed and secured under the British constitution.

BEIGN OF GEORGE 417. 279

CHAP. VII.
Prevalent discontents. — Mr. Wilkes i-etunis from exiJ-e — offers himself can
didate -for iLondoia— -a'ejected — chosen for Middlesex — prosecuted at the
instance of ministers — tried before lord Mansfield — sentenced tQ the
iing'sbench prison — popular invectives against the judge. — Riots in St.
George's fields. — Wilkes's outlawry reversed. — King of Denmark visits
Britain. — Favourite studies of hii Britannic majesty. — Voyages of disco
very and science.— Capt. ©ook.— Mr. Banks.— Affaire on the continent.
—Parties in Poland. — Dissidents.— Interference of Prussia and Russia. —
(Conduct of Austria — of France. — Rupture between Russia and Turkey.
* — American colonies enraged at Mr. TownshencPs new impost. — Pro
vince of Massachusetts more active in resiStance.-~New combination
against British commodities. — Lord Hillsborough the secretary of state,
his letter to Hie governors of their respective provinces. — Riots at Bos
ton — England. — Dissatisfaction and licentiousness. — Wilkes ijaflames the
discontent. — Supported by the chief citi?ens of tW metropolis. — Eord
Chatham resigns the privy-seal. — Parties mutually adverse, concur in
opposition to administration.
WISE and liberal as was the policy of our king, which CHAP.
sought to govern by virtue and ability instead of a party con- vn-
federacy, it had not hitherto attained the merited success. The *«^~^>»'
royal plan had to encounter obstacles which partly arose from l76s-
particular incidents and characters, but were chiefly owing to
general causes.
The long supremacy of the whig combination -had* conferred
on its members, in the public opinion, a prescriptive right to go
vern. When Pitt adopted the project of Bolingbroke, or more
probably followed the natural course of transcendent talents,
he was aware of the authority which the junto had acquired :
he well knew that political changes ought to be gradual, and
accommodated to the opinions and sentiments of the times.
He therefore did not propose entirely to exclude the phalanx ;
but, without admitting their command, to enjoy their assistance.
Even this partial invasion they bore with impatience, and only
from the overpowering force of genius did they bear it at all:
Pitt's administration afforded strong proofs, that a change of
political system must be gradual, and that the projected altera
tion would be arduous, unless pre-eminent ability guided and
invigorated the execution. The earl of Bute attempted a more
extensive and rapid change, than befits the progressive varia
tions of human affairs: in seeking a reform agreeable to rea
son and justice, he failed, by precipitation and the want of su
perior talents. His personal unpopularity was prejudicial to
any scheme which he could undertake, and his successors (long
conceived to be his tools) partook of the prevalent hatred,

280 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, which was farther increased by their internal and colonial mea-
V'*1* sures. The administration of Rockingham courted popularity,
wv-^.' but in its weakness and inefficiency demonstrated, that the
1768. whig phalanx was fallen in strength : still, however, it was not
dissolved. Pitt tried the experiment of governing without the
whig connexion ; but found, that either the attempt was prema
ture, or that the execution required more vigorous exertioa
than the infirm state of his health permitted him to employ.
Feeble as a ministry, the combination of whigs was a powerful
body of opposition ;'and others, not of their sept, united with
them in thwarting the measures of government. The earl of
Chatham ceased to be an active member of his majesty's coun
cils; and instead of the union of talents that the sovereign
sought and the statesman proposed, there was in the cabinet a
weakness and distraction, which excited the censure of the
patriotic, and encouraged the hopes of the ambitious. The
notion of a secret cabal continued to prevail, and had its share
in giving spirit and strength to anti-ministerial efforts. From
these causes, and not from any disloyal acrimony, seems to
have arisen the opposition to government, which forms so very
prominent a feature in the early history of our sovereign. Be
sides, the immense augmentation of trade and opulence in the
preceding reign, had raised the moneyed capitalists to a much
greater degree of importance, than at any former period they
had attained. Always connected with the whigs, the mercan
tile body entered into their present views, and imputed to evil
and unconstitutional motives, the interference of the monarch
with their political monoply. They were farther dissatisfied
with the measures adopted towards America, which had event
ually proved so detrimental to trade. The citizens of London
exchanged their former zeal in favour of the house of Bruns
wick, for violent enmity to the successive servants whom their
king chose to employ, and were foremost in supporting every
turbulent individual who attacked administration. Such was
the spirit now raised into a strong fermentation by the general
election. To prevalent discontents, an individual case proved a very
formidable addition. Mr. John Wilkes had applied to the
Rockingham party when in administration, for patronage and
redress; but the terms which he proposed, a general pardon,
50001. in cash, and a pension on the Irish establishment, were
totally inadmissible ; and his confident presumption was npt
only disappointed in its extravagant expectations, but prevent
ed the amnesty which modest humility might have procured..
When the duke of Grafton became prime minister, the hopes
of Mr., Wilkes again revived. He had been extremely inti
mate with that nobleman, and expected friendship from their
former social and convivial intercourse, as well as patronage
from the whig principles which the minister. professed. He
wrote a letter to the duke, congratulating his grace and the

REIGN OF GEORGEHI. 281
•country Cn his promotion, and entreating his mediation with CHAP.
the king. This petition, however, was entirely neglected by V,I>
the duke: and Mr. Wilkes's hope of pardon vanishing, he Srf^v"^"'
resolved to attack his adversaries with the keenest severity. 1768-
On the dissolution of parliament, coming from Paris, he pro- Return of
posed himself as a candidate to represent the city of London. Wilkes.
The, conduct of the court was in this case altogether irreso
lute and feeble ; while prudence dictated determined measures
either of rigour or of lenity. If -they determined on severe
justice by immediately enforcing his sentence of outlawry, this
could have driven him back to banishment, and forever crushed
his projects either of ambition or revenge : if the more mag
nanimous and wiser alternative of mercy had been adopted by
a full pardon, his influence and popularity would have ceased
with the prosecution from which they sprung. But ministers
eftibraced half measures, the usual offspring of imbecility, and
parent of disappointment. Known to be odious to the court,
Wilkes was received by the people with rapturous applause.
Mr. Harley, the lord-mayor, being in the interest of the court,
prevented Wilkes from being chosen for the city ; whereupon
he immediately offered himself for Middlesex. Adored by
the freeholders of a county which, from its adjacency to the
metropolis, speedily catches its spirit; supported by the most
opulent men in the city and the ablest at the bar, after a riotous
and tumultuous election, the popular candidate was returned
by a very great majority. Meanwhile, a legal process wasHeischo-
carried on against him upon the former charges : he was tried, se.n for
sentenced to imprisonment for two years, obliged to procure M"""'"
security for his good behaviour for seven years, and sentenced
to pay a fine of a thousand pounds. A trifling alteration in
the judicial records was magnified by popular clamour into
the most flagrant and oppressive injustice. It had been a com
mon and unchallenged practice with the judges, when request
ed by the prosecutor, to amend informations, in order to add
to their clearness and precision. At the instance of the
treasury solicitor, lord Mansfield had suffered the word pur
port, in the information against Mr. Wilkes, to be erased, and
the word tenor to be substituted. This change, perfectly con
sistent with law and usage, and which could not have the
smallest weight in criminating the defendant, was represented
as an, iniquitous measure, flowing from the arbitrary principles
and designs which were imputed to the chief-justice as a
Scotchman, and a friend of lord Bute. Extremely enraged at
the judgment passed upon their favourite, the populace forci
bly rescued him from the officers who were conducting him to
prison, and carried him triumphantly through the streets ; but
Mr. Wilkes, that he might not appear a party in this violence, as
soon as the mob was dispersed, prudently surrendered himself
to the marshal of the king's beffch.
Vol. T. -S6

Middle-
sex.

282

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP. VI f
1768.

Riot in St.
George's
fields.

Wilkes's
outlawry
is revers-

The new parliament met on the 10th of May, and was opened
by the lord-chnncellor ; who, in a speech, informed the house,
that his majesty had not called thein together at that unusual
season of the year for the purpose of general business, but mere
ly to despatch certain parliamentary proceedings necessary for
the welfare of his subjects, especially the renewal of the acts
against the exportation of corn, whicli were then on the eve of
expiring. On the day on which the parliament met, great numbers of
persons assembled in St. George's fields, expecting to see Mr.
Wilkes go from prison to the house of commons. The mob
becoming very outrageous, the Surry magistrates, when unable
to preserve the public peace, were obliged to read the riot act,
and call in the military to assist the civil power. Instead of
separating, the populace insulted and attacked the soldiers : the
legal time for dispersion being elapsed, force was found ab
solutely necessary ; the soldiers were ordered to fire ; and, as in
a mob it is impossible to distinguish active outrage from idle
curiosity, a man who had not been riotous was unfortunately
killed : this was Allen, who, though humble' and abscure in life,
was from his death consecrated, to perpetual remembrance by
the pen of elegant invective, poignant acrimony, and impres
sive misrepresentation:1 several others also were unavoidably
killed. On the 17th of May, a proclamation was issued, by
order of the council, for suppressing tumults, and unlawful
assemblies. Both houses of parliament thanked his majesty for
this measure, and united in expressing their approbation of the
magistrates who had been active in quelling the disturbances :
and lord Weymouth wrote a letter by his majesty's command,
to the justices for Surry, which testified the utmost satisfaction
with the conduct both of the magistrates and the troops in sup
pressing lawless disturbances. Samuel Gillam, esq. one of the
justices, was tried on a charge of having murdered William
Redburn, by having ordered the soldiers to fire ; in consequence
of which, Redburn had been killed. The jury seeing the ab
surdity and the injustice of such a prosecution, would not suffer
the accused to take the trouble of entering upon his defence ;
but, when the prosecutor's evidence was closed, pronounced a
verdict of acquittal. Donald Maclean, a soldier, was tried for
the murder of Allen ; but being proved to have acted only in
discharge of his duty, he was acquitted. The mob was very
much displeased with this sentence; and, as Maclean was
either known, or from his name presumed to be, a Scotch High
lander (and consequently the countryman of lord Bute,) the
clamour was the more loud and outrageous. Mr. Wilkes ap
plied to the court of king's bench for a reversal of his outlawry,
as irregular and illegal ; and, after many learned arguments on

' See Junius, passim.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 283
both sides, the judges unanimously delivered their opinion, that CHAP.
the sentence was illegal, and must be reversed. vu"
On the 13th of May the king lost his second sister, the prin- *-^v"^»'
cess Louisa Anne, in the twentieth year of her age. In the K1768;
course of the summer, the king of Denmark, under the title °f Denmark
the prince'Travendahl, visited England; and, arriving in Lon- visits Eng-
don, was honoured with every possible mark of respect and dis- land.
tinction, and entertained at court with all the princely magnifi
cence which befitted the guest and the host. Having viewed
every thing most worthy of notice in the metropolis, his Danish
majesty made a tour to York; and visiting Cambridge, was re
ceived by that learned body with all the discriminating atten
tion of lettered politeness. He returned by Oxford, where his
reception was no less pleasing to the monarch. Arriving again
in London, he honoured the lord-mayor with his company to
dinner, and expressed high satisfaction and admiration at the'
hospitality of the most opulent body of the most opulent nation
in the universe. Having remained two months in the kingdom
of his brother-in-law, he departed for his own. Little indebted
to nature for either brilliant or vigorous talents, yet by a comely
countenance and figure, in the bloom of youth, and by pleasing
and affable manners, added to his rank, and connexion with the
British royal family, the Danish king became extremely popu
lar during his stay in England.
Our sovereign had from his youth devoted a great portion of Favourite
his attention to philosophical experiments, scientific enquiries, studies of
and the consequent arts, both curious and useful ; he had ap- -1S xJies-
plicd himself particularly to geography, astronomy, and other ty_
subjects connected with navigation ; a study peculiarly momen
tous to the realms over which he was destined to reign. Soon Voyages
after the conclusion of the peace, the king projected a voyage of dlsco"
-of discovery to the South Sea ; and in July 1764, the Dolphin ^ence
ship of war and the Tamar frigate were equipped for this pur
pose, under captain ByroE, with captain Mowat second in com
mand*. -Arriving oft' Patagonia, they were astonished at the
6tature of -the inhabitants, which rose to a gigantic height.
They afterwards descried Falkland's islands, and finding a har
bour extremely commodious, entered it, took possession both of
the port and surrounding is-lands in the name of the king, and
called the haven Port Egmont, in compliment to the nobleman
who was then . at the head of the admiralty. Entering the
Pacific Ocean, they sailed to Batavia, whence they returned by
the Cape of Good Hope, and anchored in the Downs in May
1766; having circumnavigated the world in a year and ten
months. His majesty lost no time in farther prosecuting the
discovery of unexplored parts of the physical and moral world ;
and the Dolphin was immediately refitted, and sent out in
August 1766, under the command of captain Samuel Wallis,
accompanied by two frigates, the Prince Frederick and the
Swallow. Wallis having entered the Pacific, took a different

284

HISTORY OT THE

CHAP. VII.

1768.

direction from captain Byron, (who had first sailed north and
then west,) and proceeded diagonally almost in the hypothenuse
of his predecessor's track. This course brought the British
voyagers to an island, which presented man under a different
aspect from any in whicli he had been hitherto seen by Europe
ans. This was the place now so well known under the name
of Otaheite. The manners of the inhabitants exhibited a com
bination of savage ignorance and voluptuous effeminacy, never
before seen together in the same national character. The inci-
vilization of the North American Indians, with the mildness of
Gentoos, and the licentious lewdness of Moorish masters of
harams, constituted the character of the islanders whom cap
tain Wallis now discovered. Partly by intimidation, but still
more by attention, he obtained a very favourable reception. In
a year and nine months, having made very important accessions
to our knowledge of the habitable globe, he finished his circum
navigation. The existence of these islands being ascertained,
his majesty's next desire was to explore their resources, and
prosecute discovery. It had been long before calculated, that
the planet Venus would pass over the sun's disk in 1769 ; and
one of the South Sea islands within the tropic of Capricorn was
reckoned the most commodious station for observing the pheno
menon : so that one object of the voyage was astronomical im
provement, though it comprehended several others. The com
mand of this expedition was conferred on lieutenant James
Cook, who was not only distinguished as a skilful navigator
and gallant officer, but as a mathematician and astronomer.
Other men of science and philosophical research were prevail-
Mr. Banks, ed on to accompany Cook : among these were, Joseph Banks,
esq. a gentleman of talents and fortune, who had from his early
youth employed his abilities and wealth in improving his un
derstanding, enlarging the boundaries of human knowledge,
and increasing the resources of human wants: conversant in
the various branches of literature and science, he had bestow
ed peculiar attention on natural history, natural philosophy,
botany, mineralogy, and chemistry; and was therefore a most
important coadjutor for advancing purposes of physical dis
covery. Dr. Solander, a Swede of great ingenuity and learn***
ing, and deeply skilled in mathematics and natural philosophy,
likewise joined this expedition ; and Mr. Charles Green, the
colleague of Dr. Bradley the royal astronomer, conducted the
astronomical part of the undertaking. Thus an expedition
was projected, which tended not only-to promote observation
and discovery, but deduction and science ; and this was the
first voyage ever undertaken upon such grand and philosophi
cal principles^ The honour of first planning an expedition
for the advancement of science, was reserved for the reign of
George III.
Affairs of On the continent, several disputes disturbed the general
the conti- tranquillity. The changes Which the different princes were

CaptainCook.

REIGN OF GEORGE IU. 28$
making in ecclesiastical affairs, were reprobated by the pope. CHAP,
The king of Spain having banished tbe Jesuits, circumscribed ^II-
the power of the clergy, and especially of that detestable in- ^"v"^*-/
strument of bigoted tyranny, the inquisition; he reformed the *''68,
church and universities, and suffered the press to be no longer
subject to ecclesiastics, but rendered it amenable to civil autho
rity only ; he prohibited appeals to the pope, but in extraordi- Diminu-
nary cases; or any order from the court of Rome to be put in t'on of pa-
execution, unless sanctioned by the king and council: thus, Pal influ~
instead of, the pope, the sovereign became head of the national
church. The king of Naples was engaged in a similar reduc
tion of clerical power : the dominions of the duke of Parma
were subject to ecclesiastical privileges and immunities still
more exorbitant than those which were allowed in other coun
tries by the deluded votaries of superstition, that prince there
fore resolved, instead of longer submitting to the authority of
slavish bigotry, to follow the dictates of sound policy and
reason. He accordingly prohibited any appeal to be carried to
the pnpe, reduced the power and immunities of the church, and
.ordained that all benefices should be held without any depend
ence an a foreign priest. The pope tried his decrees, briefs,
and bulls, but they had lost their efficacy. The other popish
states secpnded the efforts of the Bourbon princes. The king
of. France reclaimed the territories of Avignon and Venaisin,
in the heart of France, which had been ceded to the pope in the
days of superstition. The pope employed his own papal machi
nery to prevent the resumption, but to no purpose : the French
king took possession of the territories.
France about the same time made, by. a negotiation with
Genoa, another acquisition. The Genoese having long 'tried to
no purpose to reduce Corsica, concluded a treaty, by which they
transferred the sovereignty of that country to the king of France ;
and a body of troops was embarked at Toulon for the island,
which it was expected would acknowledge, without resistance,
the. claims of so powerful a mouarch : but those expectations
proved eventually groundless.
While these transactions were going on in the south and west Parties ia
of Europe, the north and east was far from being tranquil. Poland.
Stanislaus began his reign with meritorious and judicious efforts
to meliorate the internal administration and condition of Poland,
and .to rescue her from dependence upon foreign powers ; but
he had to encounter very formidable obstacles both from within
and without. There were in that country two great divisions
of religionists : the catholics, whose worship was established
by law ; and the dissidents, .including Greeks, protestants, and Dissi-
every class of dissenters, who were not only tolerated, but had dents.
a vote in the national diet, and shared. in other political privi
leges, by a constitution established in 1660. The catholics,
however, having gradually become more powerful than before,
gave way to their intolerant spirit, apd oppressed and prosectt-

286

HISTORY OF THE

1768.

Interference of
Russia and
Prussia.

CHAP, ted the dissidents, whose legal privileges could not protect them
VH- from lawless power. The clergy were extremely dissatisfied
with one privilege enjoyed by the dissidents; which was, an
exemption from the payment of tithes. Clerical avarice and
ambition stimulated the stupid enthusiasm of the. populace
against the non-conformists, and by their ascendency in the diet,
encroached on their immunities. The dissidents applied to the
two chief protestant sovereigns, and the chief Greek monarch,
to interfere in their behalf. The court of London, too distant
from the scene, could only mediate by its ambassador. Prussia
and Russia were disposed and able to intercede much more ef
fectually. Both Catharine and Frederick had formed most am
bitious views respecting Poland ; and in the application of the
dissidents, a plausible pretext offered itself for their interference.
Whatever might be their real sentiments concerning. Christianity,
they were both too able politicians, not to support the religious
faith whose establishment they found beneficial to their domi
nions. Catharine, head of the Greek church, avowed herself
its supporter and defender; and Frederick avowed himself the
champion of the protestant doctrine. Both these sovereigns
announced their intention of protecting their brethren in reli
gious belief; and the czarina actually sent a body of troops to
promote the success of her mediations. The Russian forces
seized the bishop of Cracow, primate of Poland, with the
bishop of Kiar, and a few others of the most active enemies pf
the dissidents, and sent them to Petersburgh ; where, without
any trial, they, by the arbitrary pleasure of Catharine, were
subjected to rigorous imprisonment, in a country against which
they could not be rebels, because they owed it no allegiance.
ConductofThe kindred theology of Maria Teresa was roused in behalf of
Austria the Polish catholics. France, then governed by the duke of
France Choiseul, though very little under the influence of superstition,
was prompted by policy to attempt the repression of Russian
and Prussian influence in Poland. The empress-queen pre
pared a force to assist the catholics ; but Frederick notified to
her, that if any of her soldiers marched into that country, he
would immediately invade Bohemia; and Maria Teresa, not
being equal to such a contest, made no attempt to fulfil her in
tentions.* The influence of the protestant courts, and still
more the menaces of the Russian urmy, obtained, in the be
ginning of 1768, an edict, confirming all the privileges of the
dissidents. The French, though they did not themselves engage in hos
tilities with Catharine, exerted all their intriguing policy to blow
the flames of discord. Their plan of annoying Russia divided
itself into three branches : they encouraged the Poles to form
a new confederacy ; they caballed at Stockholm to change the
Rupture government, in order to render the king, who was under their
between influence, absolute; and their emissaries at Constantinople en-
Turkey deavoured to rouse the Jealousy °f the giand seignior against

REIGN OF GEORGE IU. 287
Catharine. A fresh confederacy of catholics having been CHAP.
formed in summer 1768, annulled the late laws, and adopted vl1-
resolutions for opposing Russia, and dethroning1 Stanislaus. '^~v~*+'
The Russian troops quartered in Poland defeated the army of 1''6B-
the confederates, pursued them to the eastern frontier, and
burned the Turkish town of Balta, in which the insurgents had
taken shelter. Already predisposed by France to enmity with
Russia, the Turks considered this act as a hostile aggression ;
they sent Catharine's ambassador prisoner to the fortress of the
Seven Towers, and in the beginning of October, declared war
against Russia.
In the American colonies, the act proposed by Mr. Town-Discon-
shend for fixing duties on certain articles of merchandise, excited, tents in
very great resentment ; while the obvious proofs of weak and America*
wavering policy in the British government, encouraged them to
resistance. It was easy to perceive, that the principle of the
new law was the same as of Mr. Grenville's stamp act, to tax
the colonies-, without their own consent, expressed by themselves
or their representatives. • This identity of object their political
writers soon painted in the most striking colours ; Mr. Town-
shend's impost (they said) was in every respect as unconstitu
tional as the stamp act; the mother country seemed determined
to crush the colonies ; resistance was therefore a duty which the
Americans owed to themselves and to posterity. These argu
ments coincided with the sentiments and prepossessions of the
people, in exciting opposition ; and the province of Massachu- especially
sett's Bay was the most active in promoting resistance. The Massachu-
first public mark of dissatisfaction on account of this act, was
shown at Boston on the 27th of October, 1767, when the inha
bitants, assembling in their town-hall, agreed to form associa
tions for encouraging manufactures among themselves, discoun
tenancing luxuries of every kind, and discontinuing3 such arti
cles of importation from Britain as were not absolutely necessa
ry. The other colonies adopted the same, or framed similar
resolutions. In January 1768, the provincial assembly of Mas
sachusetts having met, immediately entered on a general and
full consideration of grievances ;3 and prepared a petition to
the king, complaining of every statute passed since the year
1763, for imposing duties on America. They instructed their
agent in England, to controvert the justice and prudence of
these acts, on the grounds of natural equity, constitutional right,
and commercial and political expediency. They also sent let-*
ters to the several ministers, to the marquis of Rockingham, the
earl of Chatham, and lord'Camden, which entreated the exer
tion of their abilities and influence in promoting the objects of
the petition to his majesty. Toward the other colonies they
employed the same sagacious policy, which they had success-
> See Gillies's Frederick, p. 399. » Stedman, p. 159.
3 See Stedman, vol. i. p. 59;

288 HISTORY OF THE
¦GHA1P. fujly exerted in opptfelng the stamp act ; ihef excited a spirit
. *"a- of confederation, and they sent a circular letted, which commu-
x^*v"^' nic&ted the riroceedings of the assembly; invited the other pro-
1768. ^i-nges to follow their example, and requested similar communi
cations of measures necessary or useful for the common caused
The colonists of Massachusetts, indeed, exerted great depth of
political ability ; for, ( aware that considerable differences of
principles and sentiments prevailed between most of the other
provinces and themselves, they endeavoured to amalgamate
opinion aud feeling, by giving them unity of object. This was
the system of means, which the New-Englanders uniformly pur
sued. Unfortunately, at this period, the steadiness of policy,
adapted to its object, formed a striking contrast with the fluc
tuating measures of the British government. Sir Francis Ber
nard, the governor of Massachusetts, was a man, neither by
conciliation fitted to dissolve their concerts, nor by vigour
to counteract their schemes. He was on very bad terms with
the assembly, who charged him with having misrepresented
fjbeir conduct to .the British government, while he reproached
ti*em with rebell-feus stubbornness. This reciprocation of in
vective, resembling the angry brawlings of private litigants,
vather than discussions befitting his -majesty's representative
and a constitutional assembly of his subjects, widened the
breach. Bernard sent to ministers a copy of the circular -ex
hortation, winch increased their -displeasure against the New-
Eord Hills- Enghmders. Lord Hillsborough wrote a letter to the several
Borough's governors ©f the colonies, to be laid before the respective as-
letter: semblies : he condemned the conduct of Massachusetts, as
tending 'to promote an unwarrantable combination against the
authority of pariiament, and admonished -the other colonies to
disregard such disloyal suggestions. He instructed Bernard to
require -the" assembly to rescind the resolution which had issued
such -an inflammatory paper : and, in c&se they should refused
he was directed to dissolve the meeting. Not satisfied with
opposing innovations, the Bostomans riotously Tesisted an au-
tfherity acknowledged by themselves. The sloop Liberty, belong
ing to John H-antock, had arrived in Boston harbour, kden
¦with wine ; the master of the -vessel having in vain attempted
to bribe a custom-house officer to let him smuggle his cargo
ashore, at laist locked him up by force in the cabin, sent the*
cargo ashore, and reladed the -ship before the morning. In
formation -of this illegal and outrageous act having been given
at the custonvhonSe, the colkctor, seizing the sloop, com-
Outrages mitted her to the Care of the Rodney ship of war. On per-
at Boston, ceiving this movement, a mob assembled, buff'eted and pelted
the collector and controller of the customs, attackedthe houses
and threatened the persons of the commissioners, and com
pelled them to take refoge in Castle William, a fortress com
manding the mouth of the harbour. The governor applied to
the assembly for their advice and assistance, but received

REIGN OF GEORGE in. 289
neither : A town-meeting, so far far from discountenancing the ^HAP-
outrage, presented a remonstance on the seizure of the sloop. *;H-
Thus botfh the provincial assembly and the town of Boston ^^*ry*»>
showed, that, though the acts of parliament of which they 1768-
complained might be unconstitutional grievances, they had
resolved to resist legitimate and constitutional authorities. The
governor persisted in urging them to rescind the obnoxious
resolution of the preceding session ; but, as they Would not
comply, he, agreeably to his directions, dissolved the assembly.
The British ministry, informed of the late outrages, ordered
troops to Boston to "aid the civil power. The Bostonians, in
formed of the destination of the soldiers, entreated the go
vernor to convene the general assembly ; but Bernard answered,
that he had dissolved the assembly by command of his ma
jesty, and could not call another without the king's orders.
The Bostonians, disappointed in their expectation, formed the
daring resolution of assembling a provincial convention, whicli
body met on the 22d of September, drew up a petition to the
king against the late acts of parliament; but disclaimed all
pretence to authority, stated the causes of their meeting, ex
horted the people to pay deference to government, and pro
mised to aid the civil power in maintaining tranquillity. Ren
dered more mild in their conduct by the approach of the
soldiers, they dissolved their meeting the very day on which
the first division of the troops arrived at Boston ; and the
tumultuous spirit of th,e people being thus restrained, quietness
was re-established. The assembly of New- York having sub
mitted to the terms of the mutiny act, were restored to their
legislative functions. The other colonial assemblies, guided
by the circular letter of Massachusetts, and regardless of the
British minister's admonitions, resolved to prohibit the importa
tion of the enumerated articles, and directed the prohibition to
begin from the 1st of January 1769.
In England, the dissatisfaction and licentiousness of theDissatis-
people continued to increase. Mr. Wilkes nourished the dis- faction in
content, by publishing lord Weymouth's letter to the Surry England*
magistrates, and prefixing to it a seditious preface. A great
part of the people charged all the disturbances in America to
the folly and wickedness of ministry; but there was a faction
out of parliament, that proceeded to a degree of licentiousness
which was inimical to the existence of regular government,
and its most active partizans received too much encouragement
from many opulent citizens in the metropolis. The opposition
in. parliament still consisted chiefly of two parties, the adher
ents of Mr. Grenville, and the connexions of the marquis of
Rockingham,1 who, though adverse to each other, agreed in
i Two pamphlets published this year, " The present State of the Na
tion," by Mr. Grenville ; and " Observations on that present^ State," by
Mr. Burke ; in their principles and views, manifest the very different and
opposite opinions of the Grenville and Rockingham parties.
Vol.. 1. 37 '.

290 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, voting against ministry. The earl of Chatham, the founder of
YIr- the present ministry, borne down with infirmities, and totally
v^^^>"^ disapproving of the measures of his colleagues, had lpng with-
1768. drawn from public business, and lately resigned his office of
Clufham *or<* Privy-geal- T-ie duke °^ Gri--fto'n, though first lord of the
resignsthe treasury, had been intended to act only a secondary and subor-
privy-seal. dinate part, as in the same office the duke of Newcastle had
done, during the splendid period of Mr. Secretary Pitt's admi
nistration. As the health of lord Chatham rendered him un
equal to the exertions of his earlier years, the duke of Grafton
actually became prime minister. The tatents of this nobleman
did not exceed mediocrity, nor was he mature in political ex
perience. So qualified, he was thrust by accident, rather than
exalted by design, into a situation, to fill which, in the distract
ed state of affairs, required a minister of consummate abilities
and wisdom. Lord North, while only chancellor of the exche
quer, rarely exceeded his official business, or took an active
share in the general concerns of administration. Lords Camden
and Shelburne, both coinciding in the views and opinions of lord
Chatham, had little connexion with their colleagues in office.
The other secretaries of state were not distinguished for politi
cal talents; so that, on the whole, the present ministry was far
from possessing that combined ability and concert, that would
have qualified them to manage with effect the manifold and
complicated objects which demanded the attention of the British
government. -Such was the state of foreign, colonial, and
domestic affairs, when the season arrived for the meeting of
parliament.

REIGN OF GEORGE 111. ' 391

CHAP. VIII.

Meeting of parliament— petition of Mr. Wilkes— charges against him, at
the instance of ministers — expelled the house— re-chosen — declared in
eligible during the present parliament — chosen a third time — election
again declared void — a competitor set up — Mr, Wilkes returned by a
great majority.— Mr. Lutterel declared by parliament duly elected —
violent debates, -and national ferment. — Revival against the Americans of
trials within the realm for treasons committed beyond seas. — Debt on.
the civil list. — Affairs of the East India company — Hyder Ally — war* in
the Carnatic. — Europe — gallant resistance of Corsica against the French
— at last overpowered. — America — discontent increases from the new
mode of trial. — Extreme dissatisfaction in England — the chief topic the
Middlesex election. — Johnson's False Alarm. — Junius — object and cha
racter of that extraordinary work. — Petitions — remonstrance of the city
of London. — Meeting of parliament — lords Chatham and Camden oppose
ministry — resignation of the duke of Grafton.
THE session commenced on the 8th of November; his CHAP.
majesty recommended from the throne1 the consideration of our vin.
commercial interests, and, regretted the interruption on the *^~v>mi
continent of the general tranquillity ; but stated the assurances 1768.
which he had received, that Britain would not be affected by Meetmgof
the foreign disturbances. He mentioned the commotions in Par"*"
America, particularly submitted the affairs of that part of his
dominions to the wisdom of parliament, and inculcated the
necessity of internal harmony and union. To the proposed ad
dresses, great opposition was made ; ministers were charged
with having excited the disorders in America, and with gross
inattention to external affairs. The Bourbon compact became
every day closer, and extending its influence to Austria, brought
the balance of power into imminent danger. The violation of
the general tranquillity in the invasion of Corsica, France would
never have attempted, but from her knowing the feebleness and
distractions of the British cabinet. Our commercial interests,
it was added, were entirely neglected. These were the out
lines of the censures against ministers, brought forward on the
first day of the session, as a text for future comment and expa-
tiation. The first particular subject which occupied their, delibera
tions was corn : the crop that year had been good, and mea
sures were projected to prevent the recurrence of scarcity. A
bill was prepared, not only for increasing the prohibition on the
exportation of corn, but also for preventing the extraction of
low wines and spirits from wheat and flour. This act was use
ful so far as it extended, but too trifling in its object and opera-
' » See State Papers, 1768.

292

REIGN OF GEORGE HI.

CHAP. Vlll. 1768.

Petition of Mr.
Wilkes.

Proceed. ings re
spectingWilkes :
1769.

tion to afford any material security against the return of dearth.
An evil so frequently prevailing in such a fertile country as
England, manifested the expediency of restoring agriculture to
its due weight in political economy, and devoting the attention
of the legislature to the cultivation of land, as well as the im
provement of manufactures and commerce. Other concerns,
however, more urgent, though less important, occupied parlia
ment. During this session, Wilkes engrossed a great portion of par
liamentary attention. This celebrated agitator had uniformly
proposed1 by political bustle to acquire notoriety and wealth.
He succeeded in 'becoming conspicuous, but had not hitherto
attained opulence : to ministers (as we have seen) he had in
vain applied for pecuniary assistance; but though they refused
him the required supply, they left and promoted one means of
acquisition in his extensive popularity. In the generous hearts
of Englishmen, distress is a never failing passport to pity and
protection. If the suffering arise from real or apparent oppres
sion, the spirit of freedom enhances the desire of benignant vin
dication : and especially, if the alleged persecution issue from
the executive government. But as the affections of the multi
tude are more ardent than their judgment is discriminating;
their regards are more frequently bestowed upon noisy dema
gogues, than wise and beneficent patriots. Whoever proposes
popularity as his chief object, well knows that he must keep
alive the public attention. Wilkes and his supporters were
thoroughly skilled in the machinery of political notoriety, and
spent a great part of the recess in holding meetings, clubs, and
arties ; framing resolutions, remonstrances, and pamphlets.
.jest the curiosity of the people should be diminished, or the
zeal of his supporters cooled, Wilkes deemed it expedient to
present a petition to the house of commons. This paper reca
pitulated all his alleged grievances, from his first apprehension
in April 1763, to his commitment in 1768 : the only new matter
that it contained was an assertion, that lord Mansfield had ille
gally and tyrannically altered the records ; and that Philip Car
teret Webb, esq. secretary to the treasury, had bribed the peti
tioner's servants with the public money, to steal the Essay on
Woman, to be made a ground of prosecution. The former
statements of the petition, being a narrative of proceedings
already determined by the law of the country, the house pass
ed over; on the two last allegations a discussion commenced
on the 21st of January 1769, which lasted till the 3d of Febru
ary. On the charge against lord Mansfield it was resolved, that
the orders made by the lord chief justice of the king's bench,
for the amendment of the informations established in the said
court against Mr. Wilkes, were according to law and equity,
and the practice of the court ; and also, that the complaint was

I

' This he himself declared to Mr. Gibbon, before the publication of the
North Briton. Gibbon's Miscellaneous Works, vol i. p. 100, note.

REIGN OF GEORGE. HI. 293
frivolous, groundless, and prejudicial to the administration of CHAP.
public justice : on the second head it was resolved, that the V111-
charge against Mr. Webb was not proved. The preface to 't*~>*^*
lord Weymouth's letter, of which Mr. Wilkes acknowledged l769-
himself author and publisher, next came under consideration ;
it was voted to be a false, scandalous, and seditious libel,
tending to the subversion of all order and legal government;
and a proposition was immediately made, that Mr. Wilkes
should be expelled the house. In supporting this motion,
ministers and their adherents spoke and acted as parties eager
ly interested in carrying a proposition, not as judges investi
gating the conduct of one of their peers, that they might de
liver a fair and impartial sentence. The charge was accumu
lative and indefinite: it contained a recitation of his former
offences and expulsion, and also of conduct which was then
undergoing the animadversion of the. courts of law, fully com
petent to condemnation or acquittal. *¦> Their speeches3 chiefly
expatiated on these subjects, and contained the irrelevant
exaggerations of passion, much more than the statements
and proofs of justice. The op posers of this sentence contend
ed, that the libel on lord Weymouth, a peer of the realm,
was the only specific ground of the motion : that his privileges
as a lord, were not cognizable by the commons ; and that any
offence against him as a British subject, belonged to the laws
of the land. For the other libels, he had been already expell- *
ed, and the house had punished him for an attack upon the
legislature. Should he be twice chastised for the same offence ?
" By the present proposition (they said) we are to blend the
" executive and judicial powers of the state with the legisla-
" tive, and to extend our jurisdiction, that we may take upon
" ourselves the odium of trying and punishing in a summary
" manner an offence which does not affect us, but is subject
'*' to the investigation of the laws. In the exercise of this
" assumed power, we are to form an accumulative and
"complicated charge, which no other courts, nor even we,
" have ever admitted in other instances. We are to mingle
" new crimes with old, and to try a man twice for the same
¦*.« misdemeanour. ' We are to transfer the censures of a for-
''• mer parliament into the hands of the present, which is to
"make them the foundation of a new punishment. We are
" to assume a power of determining the rights of the people,
" and of their representatives, by no other rule but our own
" discretion or caprice."3 Strong as these arguments may
appear to an impartial reader, they were overborne by a
ministerial majority, and Mr. Wilkes was expelled the house he is ex-
of commons. The conduct of ministry manifested that Pe,led tbs
alteration of laxity and violence, which never can proceed louse:
> See Journal of the House of Commons, Feb. 3d, 1769.
•> See Parliamentary Debates on the expulsion of Wilkes, Feb. 3d, 176P.
3 See Parliamentary Debates, Feb. 3d, 1769.

294 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP. from united wisdom and vigour. If severe punishment were
vm' expedient, wiry was it not employed when he returned from
^"^^J exile, before the reversal of his outlawry?1 Permitted then to
1769. ke out 0f confinement, he liad revived his popularity, and
paved the way for its progress to a height which nothing tended
more effectually to increase than further prosecution.
Well knowing the temper of his constituents, and of the
nation in general, Wilkes considered his expulsion as the sure
road to greater popularity and distinction, and immediately
offered himself candidate for the vocated county. The favour
of his supporters rose to an enthusiasm that overspread Lon
don, the county, and their environs; and the sympathetic
Feb. 16th, spirit quickly diffused itself throughout England : under the
is re-elect- influence of such sentiments, his re-election was unanimous;
™' and the next day he was declared by the house incapable of
being re-elected during the present parliament. On the 16th
of March, Mr. Wilkes was chosen a third time; and the
following day his election was again declared void. The
Middlesex freeholders avowing their determination to choose
him again, ministers set up another candidate, colonel Lut-
butdeclar-terel. The fourth election took place on the 13th of April ;
ed ineligi- f0r Mr. Wilkes, there were eleven hundred and forty-three
lawful voters; for his opponent, two hundred and ninety-
six : Mr. Wilkes was accordingly returned. The next day his
name was erased from the writ by order of the house ; and
Lutterel the day after, Henry Lawes Lutterel, esq. was, after a very
returned, violent debate, declared, by a majority of- 221 to 139, duly
elected.8 The passionate resentment of rulers against an
individual, so clearly manifesting their want of magnanimity
and true wisdom, produced a totally different effect from that
which they expected or desired : their aversion procured to
its object the warmest popularity. Ten days after the last
vote of the house of commons, he was chosen alderman of the
National city of London. Subscriptions were opened, to raise money *
ferment, b^h for tiie liquidation of his debts and his future subsistence.
He was represented as a meritorious patriot, suffering oppres
sion and tyranny for his virtues.
Revival, During this session, America occupied a great share of par->
againstthe liamentary attention; both ministry and opposition were desir-
colomes, ous 0f au inquiry, but the motives of the parties were different.
within the Ministers proposed to justify their own conduct and that of their
realm for officers, and to convince the public that all the disturbances
treason which had happened, were owing to the refractory and rebellious
beyond spirit of .the colonists; while, on the other hand, their oppo-
sea' nents endeavoured to demonstrate, that the commotions were
1 See Junius's Letter XI. to the duke of Grafton.
» This was the question on which a youth, destined to be one of the
greatest orators and ablest men ever admired in any senate, first, spoke in
parliament : Charles James Fox had procured a seat before' the legal age ;
and a lawgiver at twenty, astonished his hearers by the force of his abilities.

REIGN OF GEORGE IU, ' 295
caused by the weakness and arbitrary proceedings of the British CHAP.
government. Having v these different motives to inquiry, minis- V1IL
ters and opposition desired different modes; the former pro- vV"vw
posed to confine their investigations to the late acts of the Ame- 1769.
ricans ; the latter, to consider not only the conduct of the colo
nists, but the measures of Britain for several years ; to trace
disorders to their sources; as only by the knowledge of these,
could the evil be effectually removed. This broad plan of dis
cussion by no means suited the designs of ministry; and it was
carried by a great majority, that the investigation should be con
ducted on narrowed grounds. The house resolved itself into a
committee, and motions were made for various papers, which
would have illustrated the conduct of government and its ser
vants; but they were uniformly overruled. Papers in great
variety were indeed laid before the house ; but they related to
the conduct of the colonists merely, without including the mea
sures of government. With such incomplete materials, the
majority of the legislature reposed so great a confidence in
ministers, as to be perfecty satisfied ; and on them, undertook to
deliberate. On the 8th of February, an address to his majesty passed the
house of lords, and was adopted by the commons, declaring
the late proceedings of the house of representatives of Massa
chusetts' Bay to be a denial of the authority of the supreme le**'
gislature to make laws for the colonies. It therefore asserted
the acts to be illegal, unconstitutional, and derogatory to the
rights of the crown and parliament of Great Britain ; and re
probated the circular letters of the same assembly, as tending
to inflame the other colonies, and to create unlawful combina
tions. It declared the town of Boston to be in a state of disor
der and disobedience to law ; justified the measure of sending
a military force, as necessary in such an exigency ; stated the
opinion of the houses to be, that nothing could so effectually
preserve British authority in the tumultuous provinces, as the
condign punishment of the rioters: and recommended to his.
majesty to revive the execution of Henry VlII.'s statute, for
trying within the realm of England treasons committed beyond
seas. The proposed revival of this law was very strongly con
troverted ; it was the constitutional privilege of every British
subject, declared by ;the great charter, confirmed by various
subsequent laws, and by uniformly established usage, to be tried
by his peers, and in the county in which the transgression was
alleged to have been committed, that, if innocent, he might ea
sily bring forward such testimony as would insure his acquittal.
The projected plan would be most iniquitous in its operation ;, *
by carrying the accused to an immense distance from his friends
and business, it rendered it impossible, except for a man of great
wealth, to endure the expense of bringing over exculpatory ,
evidence, or taking other effectual steps to clear himself from
the charge. The prosecution, in effect, would be condemna

29S REIGN OF GEORGE HI.
CHAP, tion ; even if the defendant were acquitted, the purposes of jus-
v,n- tice would be entirely defeated. Ministers alleged, that from
*-^''v'"W the atrocity to which licentiousness had risen in Massachusetts,
I769' the revival of the statute was absolutely necessary : that the
legislature and the public ought to have so much confidence in
government, as to be convinced that they would not harass in
nocent persons; that the expense, and other inconveniences, to
the guilty, were only parts of their punishmeut, and there was
no reason to question the impartiality of British juries. It was
indeed improbable, that there could be any necessity for execut
ing the act, as the display of mingled vigour and lenity would
bring back the colonists to a sense of their duty. An historian
wholly uninfluenced by the party notions of the times, cannot
but lament the infatuation x>f ministers, who, when the Ameri
cans were so greatly discontented by tile infringement of one
constitutional right of British subjects ia taxation without their
consent, attacked another constitutional right equally valuable,
the trial of peers. The general character of the poilicy of this
administration towards America, was feeble anger, which pro
voked without intimidating its objects.
Affairs of Parliament now turned its attention to the affairs of the East
the East India company. The agreement made with that body, as well
India com- as fl*,e act for restraining the dividends, being now °n the eve
Pany- ef expiration, the company made overtures for a new contract;
and after a long negotiation, a bargain was settled on the fol
lowing terms: the company was to continue to pay to the pub
lic for five years, the annual sum of four hundred thousand
pounds; they were at liberty to increase their dividend to
twelve and a half per cent. ; but the addition was not to exceed
ene per cent, in any one year. Should the company in that
period be obliged to reduce their dividends, a proportionate sum
was to be deducted from their payment to government ; and
should they fall to six per cent, the payment was to be discon
tinued. The company was bound to export British goods, at
an average, of equal value to those annually sent to India du
ring the last five years ; and should any surplus of the compa
ny's cash remain in England after the payment of specified
debts, it was to be lent to government at two per cent. These
stipulations were deemed advantageous to government, and
reckoned a favourable specimen of the official talents of lord
North, who had been extremely instrumental in fixing the con-
Debt on ditkras. A message was sent this session by the king to the
the civil house of commons, informing them, that a debt of 513,0001. had
hst- been incurred by the civil list, and asking their assistance for
its discharge : the opponents of ministers proposed an inquiry
irttso the expenditure, which was negatived, and the required
sum granted ; and on the 9th of May the sesshm was concluded.
Affairs in While events so interesting to England were going on in
India. Europe and America, a War broke out against the company in
India, excited and headed by an adventurer, who, with his son,

IlEIGN OP GEORGE! HI. 297
proved more formidable enemies, than any native princes that CHAP.
Britain ever encountered in the east. V1IL
Hyder Ally, fronj being a common soldier, raised himself to S^"V"N**-/
be master of the Mysore country, in the mountains between the *J69'.
eastern and western coasts of the hither peninsula, and on the Sy '
Malabar side acquired extensive dominions -adjoining the ocean.
Endowed with vigorous natural talents, he possessed great mi
litary experience, which was chiefly attained by a long service
atnong 'the Europeans. He applied himself to form and disci
pline his own army on the model of their system, and was
assisted 'by a number of French adventurers in training his
soldiers, and teaching them the use of artillery. This bold and
ambitious warrior formed a project of rendering himself mas
ter of Indostan ; but, aware that in the English he would meet
the most formidable opponents, he proposed to drive them from
India. With this view, applying to the Nizam, viceroy of the
Decan, he, partly by threats and* partly by promises, induced
him to join in war against the English. Informed of the new War in the
confederacy, the council of Madras immediately despatched Carnatic.
.colonel Smith with a body of troops against the allied army.
-The British commander*, coming up with the enemy, drew them
to battle on the 26th *ef September 1767, near Triacomallee.
Hyder Ally demonstrated himself birth a valiant soldier and an
able general ; but the Indians, notwithstanding their numbers,
being soon ^broken by the impetuosity and force of the British
troops, were completely defeated. Freed from the apprehen
sion of Hyder Ally's power, the Nizam made peace with the
company, and purchased their forgiveness, by ceding to them
the collection of a very extensive revenue in the Balagat Car-
¦natic. The chieftain of Mysore, finding himself unable to cope
with ihe British on the plains, retired to the Ghauts, where,
through his cavalry, he disturbed his enemies by predatory in
cursions. In January 1768, a strong armament, fitted out at
Bombay, attacked and took Mangalore, Hyder Ally's chief har
bour. By.an unaccountable oversight, they left very few troops
•to garrison the forts; and these were soon afterwards made
(prisoners by Hyder. The war against this adventurer, when
carried beyond the purposes of defence, was not attended with
ultimate advantage ; upon the system adopted by the company,
field deputies were appointed to superintend and control the com
mander in chief, and these interfering in his plans of operations,
prevented them from being effectual. General Smith had pene
trated into the Mysore country, and might have advanced to Se-
rkigapataim, buthe was counteracted by the deputies, whose gains
depended on the continuance of war, and not on the achieve
ment of conquest. Trusting to the celerity of his own troops,
Hyder, in the absence of the English general, hastened to the
Carnatic, plundered the company's ally the nabob of of Arcot, and
compelled Smith to return to the defence of the Coromandel
coast. Taught bv experience, he avoided a general engage-
Vol. I. S3

298

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP. VIII.

1769.

ment with the English, but straitened their quarters, cut off
their supplies, and exhausted them in unavailing pursuits and
' marches. Meanwhile, having strengthened his cause by al
liances with Mahratta chieftains, and increased his army, he
had the boldness to advance with a large body of horse almost
to the gates of Madras. Colonel Wood, with a detachment,
attacked a fort called Mulwaggle on Hyder's frontiers, but was
repulsed. Encouraged by this advantage, Hyder determined
to hazard a battle : a contest took place on the 4th of October,
more obstinate than any that had been fought between the* Eng
lish and Indians, and each party was repeatedly obliged tp
retreat; but at last, after having caused great loss to the vic
tors, the Mysorean abandoned the field. Hyder did not again
venture a battle, but continued the harassing species of war
•which had so much annoyed the English. He again marched
towards Madras; but, knowing that if he attacked it an en
gagement would be unavoidable, he did not make the attempt.
Tired of a war which required very great expenditure without
any prospect of adequate recompense, the English made over
tures for peace, which their antagonist very willingly accepted ;
and atreaty was concluded on the 3d of April 1768, on the ge
neral principle of restitution of conquests. Hyder was the
ablest Indian foe with whom Britain had ever been engaged;
and this was the first war between the company and a native
power in which they acquired no advantage, and incurred all
the loss of their expenses.
In Europe, the eyes of the different nations were during this
and part of the preceding year, turned chiefly to the very
unequal contest that was carrying on between France and the
small island of Corsica. As soon as the treaty between his
christian majesty and Genoa was published, and the invasion
of the island appeared certain, a general meeting of the nation
was held at Corta ; and, after a very animated and elegant
speech by Pascal Poali, it was determined to defend their
liberties to the last extremity. On the 24th of June 1768, the
French troops landed, and found the islanders determined to
Gallant re- resist. The brave Corsicans disputed every inch of ground
sistance of against a numerous and well disciplined army, and frequent
ly defeated them in severe skirmishes. The French com
mander in chief issued a proclamation, full of promises if the
Corsicans submitted, and of threats if they continued to
oppose the icing. Paoli having laid these proposals before the
assembly, they tore the papers, trampled them with the great
est marks of rage and indignation, and unanimously concurred
in calling out for war. The French being now re-enforced
by fresh troops from home, made considerable progress on the
banks of the river Golo; but Paoli, who had been watching
a body of the enemy in another quarter, hastily advanced to
this district, and on the 1 1 th of September attacked and de
feated them with great slaughter. In the course of the sum-

Europe.

Corsica.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 299
mer, the Corsicans Continued to gain signal advantages ; and c*I,np-
the result was so important, that during the remainder of the v '
campaign, the French, though recruited from the continent, '"^^T^"'
were obliged to act on the defensive. The Corsicans had "
been inspirited to these gallant efforts by the hojie of for
eign assistance, without which, they well knew, their exertions
against such a power as France must be ultimately hopeless.
To England principally they had looked for aid, expecting
that country to, be the best inclined to vindicate liberty and
oppose the ambition of France, and the most able to send them
assistance in their insular situation. But the court of Versailles
well knew, that they had not to dread a William Pitt in the En
glish cabinet ; that the British ministry were weak, distracted,
unequal to internal and colonial politics, and without either
the disposition or the ability to take an active and effectual
part in foreign affairs. During the winter, the French lead
ers pressed these considerations on the Corsican chiefs ; not
a few of whom began to consider their resistance as desperate.
These sentiments, however, did not immediately appear in
their conduct. In January and February 1769, they made
several attempts on the French quarters ; but were frequently
repulsed. As the spring advanced, the French, taking the
field, made considerable progress, though the brave islanders
maintained their cause with the warmest zeal and unimpaired
resolution. In the beginning of April, the count de Vaux
landed with so many troops as made the French army amount
to 30--.000 men, and several engagements took place: in the
first, the Corsicans were superior : in the second, neither party
gained any decisive advantage : in the third, however, the
islanders were totally defeated with dreadful slaughter ; and,
to heighten the disaster, one of their chiefs betrayed his dis
tressed country, and with eight hundred men joined the enemy.
In May, the greater part of the island was overrun, and their
chief towns were compelled to yield to the French. Their
patriotic and gallant leader Paoli, however, with about five
hundred men, still continued to resist. These heroes were at
last surrounded by four thousand of the enemy, when he ener
getically asked them, if they Would ingloriously surrender, or
die free men with sword in hand. They unanimously em
braced the latter alternative, attacked the French, and with
great slaughter on both sides the survivors of the Corsicans
made their way through the enemy. Paoli having for two
days, with some of his friends and attendants, eluded the search
of the enemy, got on board an English ship at Porto Vecchia,
and Was landed at Leghorn, where he was received both by
the inhabitants and others, more as a triumphant conqueror,
than as an exile from a conquered country. From Leghorn
he sailed to England, where he also met with the most flatter
ing reception, and from that time resided. Corsica having
become a part of the French dominions, its government was

300 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, modelled accordiug to the will of the French kimg,. rendered to-
Vlu- tally dependent upon him, and an appendage to- the most conti-
,*^"V~N""' guous French district of Provence.
1769, jn America, the proposed change in trials for treason not
Discon8 onty enraged the before disaffected,. but even alaitmed the loyal
tents from and faithful partisans of the king and motiier country. To
the new transport an accused.person, before the establishmemt af guilt,
mode of over an immense ocean of three thousand miles; to tear from
trial. jjjg famiiy} friends, and country, a man, in the eye of the law
innocent; to carry him away for mauy months from his lawful
business, by which he maintained his children, and upheld- his
rank in society, was in effect equal to banishment, and an in
fliction of the most cruel penalties, before it was proved that
any punishment was just. Such a measure, every person of
common sagacity must see, was totally inconsistent with the
principles of natural jurisprudence, and with both the* letter
and spirit of British criminal law; Even those who. had uni
formly supported the legislative supremacy of Britain, began
to question an authority designed to be exercised, in such op
pression. In Massachusetts for a short time the projected
scheme produced some effect in repressing the disorders ; this,
however, arose merely from awe of the soldiers ; hut,, as they
were not employed in executing any vigorous measures for re
straining disorders, the fears of the colonists soon vanished.
The assembly, maintaining the proposition to be unjust, uncon
stitutional, and tyrannical, formed resolutions to resist its ope
ration ; they voted changes, against their governor for miscon
duct ; which, with a petition for his removal, they transmitted
to England. The other colonial assemblies reprobated: the
revived statute with no less force of reason than the New-Eng-
landers ; and some of them with still greater severity of ex
pression, accompanied by more violent resolutions.. Bitter al
tercations took place between the assemblies and the governors,
some of whom imitated Mr. Bernard in dissolving these meet
ings. Such acts, far from benefiting the parent country, diffus
ed dissatisfaction more widely, by spreading: through the peo
ple the sentiments which had prevailed in the assemblies. The
enmity of the Americans to the scheme of the present year,
contributed very powerfully to the promotion and extension of
the associations against British commodities. Committees
were appointed in all the principal towns, to inspect cargoes
from Britain, and to report to the constituents if any persons
had purchased prohibited articles. Whoever were found to
transgress the resolutions of the associators, were publicly cen
sure-fin their meetings, which moreover inserted their names in
the newspapers, to render them odious to the people. By these
combinations, resolutely determined to persevere in their pur
pose, British commerce suffered a very great diminution. It
was found, on an investigation, that the exports from this coun
try to America in 1769, fell short by seven hundred and fortv

REIGN OP GEORKR HI. 301
four thousand pounds: of those of the yean l?6&. It appearedi CUAp.
alsoj that the revenue from America, which had beeain 1767 vm-
one huBdifed and ten thousand pounds*, in 1768 had lessened to ^-^^^V^
seventy thousand, and ia 1769 was so low as thirty thousands 17^9.
The* association had confined the prohibition* of the specified*
articles, ta those of British growth or manmfecture*; the natural
consequence of which was, that they began to be* smuggled!
from foreign countries, especially from France ; and thus the
two acta of this administration, the law of 1767 fon raising a
revenue from America, and the proposal- in 1769 of reviving
an. oppressive statute of a. tyrannical prince, long obsolete foe
its absu-Bdity and injustice, prevented the use of British manu->
factures, destroyed an important branch- of commerce*, impaired
revenue, encouraged) the produce and trade of continental Eu
rope, andi enriched our commercial and political rivals : so nar
row were the views of the ministers of that time, and so ex
tensive were the consequences of their weakness, rashness, and
impolicy !
During the summer, discontents arose in. England to a great
er height thajj in any preceding period of the reign. Although
the conduct of administration respecting America had its share
in exciting dissatisfaction, yet the chief cause was the proceed
ings against Mr. Wilkes, especially with regard to the Middle
sex election.. The nomination of Mr. Lutterel involved, in it a
totally different question from the expulsion of Mr. Wilkes.
The expulsion, whether well: or ill founded, was a question of
individual conduct, of which the justice or injustice terminated
in Mr. Wilkes himself, without afflicting any other person ; but
the nomination of a man supported by a minority involved a
constitutional right, and the decision might eventually affect
many others. A subject which so greatly agitated and inte
rested the public mind, naturally became a theme of literary dis
cussion, and tbe ablest men were engaged on both sides. The
question at issue was, whether expulsion constituted disqualifi
cation during the current parliament? The supporters of the
affirmative contended* that the power of disqualifying persons
from being members of its body was inherent in the house of
commons, and that its exertion could be demonstrated from pre
cedents. The force of Dr. Johnson was employed on this side Johnson's
of the question, in the essay which was entitled, " False Alarm;" FaIse
and his chief argument was, that the power of disqualifying Alarm-
expelled members, was necessary to the house of commons ;
as expulsion with re-eligibility would be a nominal, not a real
punishment. He also quoted the case of sir Robert Walpole,
and dwelt on the individual character of Mr. Wilkes. Political
expediency, however, could, not prove existing law ; and indi
vidual character was irrelative to a question of privilege be
tween constituents and the representative body. The* writer
who entered most fully and minutely into this question, upon Letters of
the real grounds of law and precedent, was the celebrated Jn. Junius.

302 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP. nius. He defied his adversaries to produce any statute applica-.
VIU- ble to the subject. The precedent on which ministers rested,
V-*'^ was the case of Walpole; but, as Junius shows, the judgment
1769. 0f the house was quite different.1 Mr. Wilkes was expelled,
so was Mr. Walpole ; Mr. Wilkes was re-elected by a majority
of votes, so was Mr. Walpole. The friends of Mr. Taylor,
the opposing candidate, petitioned parliament, that he, though
supported by a minority, should be returned; the house deter
mined that Mr. Taylor was not duly elected. Mr. Lutterel,
supported by a minority, was declared by the house to be duly
returned. Mr. Wilkes was declared incapable of being elect
ed, because he had been expelled ; Mr. Walpole was declared
incapable of sitting in parliament, not because he had been ex
pelled, but because he was deemed guilty of a breach of trust
and notorious corruption in his official character of secretary at
war. The Middlesex election was one occasion which called forth
the epistolary eloquence of this renowned writer ; but the ob
jects of its exertion and the range of its expatiation were
far more extensive. During the supremacy of the whigs, the
influence of public opinion had very rapidly increased through
out the English nation. The same spirit of inquiry that had
scrutinized the actions of the Stuart princes, operated with re
doubled force after the revolution had ascertained the extent
and bounds of privilege and prerogative ; and the consequent
laws had sanctioned the use of freedom's most powerful en
gine, the press, tried and proved in the contentions of the whigs
and tories in the reigns of William and Anne ; of ministerial
and anti-ministerial parties, while Walpole sat at the helm of
affairs : the efficacy of this energetic instrument was more fully
essayed since the accession of the present sovereign to the
throne ; and most successfully employed in counteracting the
liberal and comprehensive policy which, without respect of par
ties, sought official fitness in the ministers of the crown. Mis
apprehending, or perverting ingenuity, charged the failure, of
erroneous, or premature means to the impolicy of the general
end; and endeavoured to demonstrate, that every censurable
measure of individual ministers arose from the new system, and
that the only remedy for the evils under which the country and
its dependencies labour, was the renewal of the whig mono
poly.2 These were the propositions which the parliamentary
orators of the aristocratical confederacy wished to inculcate
themselves, and also to disseminate through literary coadjutors.
To this phalanx of opposition and discontent, several senators,
and many writers, who were not partisans, adhered ; in the
course of the contests, the high and growing authority of the
¦ See Letter xvi. dated July 19th, 1769.
2 See the scope of opposition writings, but especially Burke on the dis
contents, and Junius's Letters.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 30*;
press was daily more manifest, and in the estimation of the CHAP.
multitude rivalled parliament itself, and the whig1 combination vm-
entertained sanguine hopes, that through intrinsic force, aided v^^"^'
by literary eloquence, that fanned the popular flame, they should 1769-
at length succeed in restoring the former system, and recover
ing the direction of the royal councils. To regain for the whigs
and their supporters the sole possession of the political fortress,
fought their champion Junius. Personal motives evidently in
flamed this writer against individual officers of the crown,
whom party considerations induced him to assail, as members
of a body which was to be driven from the councils of the king,
to make way for the restoration of the whigs. He began his
warfare in January 1769, by a general view of the state of the
country ; described- Britain as internally distracted, and as little
regarded by foreign powers : and assuming the truth of his ac
count, imputed the alleged evils to the new system and the ex
isting ministers. He thence descended to specific measures,
and the respective characters of the chief members of the ad
ministration ; with a two-fold purpose, of deriving the counsels
from the new plan of royal policy, and its alleged framer
and conductor lord Bute ; and demonstrating that the chief offi
cers of the crown were, from priyate profligacy, public corrup
tion, or political prepossessions, the fittest for carrying it into
execution.2 The Middlesex election, at an early period of his
work, afforded him an opportunity of inveighing against mini
sters, and attacking parliament as meanly condescending to be
the tool of government in violating the rights of electors, and
depriving Englishmen of their constitutional and most valuable
franchise. Keeping directly to his purpose, he deduced the
Middlesex election from the new system, and the ministers who
had been chosen to render it effectual. To the same cause he
ascribed the various acts, legislative, executive, and judicial,
which he reprobated in the course of his writings. With skil
ful unity of design, the details and result of his eloquence, were
adapted to his purposes of impressing the public With an opinion
that the whole policy of the present reign had been unconsti
tutional in principles, at once feeble and oppressive in operation,
and pernicious in effect. Advanced not in the impassioned hour
of contentious and temporary debate, but in an uniform series
ofdeliberate inculcation, such assertions evidently conveyed an
indirect- censure of the sovereign; but circuitoustattack was
not sufficient- for the purpose of Junius. A direct address to
the king himself, he thought would more effectually accomplish
the end for which he employed his pen. Composed with ex
quisite skill and great ability ; dexterously adapted to the popu
lar prejudices, and the views of the whigs, his letters had con-
' See letters to the. duke of Grafton, &c. and to the dukes of Grafton
and Bedford, and lord Mansfield. «
* He accuses lonjs Mansfield and Bate with jacobinism. See letters,
passim.

30*4 HISTORY OF THE
CM-A-P. verged all the rays af -discontent into one focus; now was the
vui- time for exciting a flame, which should consume every dbject
N-rv^*' that was hostile to the contfedeWudy of «he whigs. He wrote a
*&&• letter, that contained a direct and virulent attack on the conduct
and government of the king ; in which the errors imputed to
the monarch's administration were his dereliction of *he (policy1
of Ms two predecessors ; his choice of servants without regard
to the whig connexion, his employment -of Scotchmen, and the
series of successive measures which these changes had produ
ced. The consequences (said Junius to his sovereign) must be
-dissatisfaction, rebellion, and revolution ; unless the king should
cease to govern according to his own judgment and choice, and
should yield his understanding and will to the implicit direction
of a party. Such was the object and nature of the Letters of
Junius, which continued to be published for near four years ;
and to ensure almost unprecedented circulation through the
union of the prevalent violence of popular licentiousness, with
Objectand vigorous and masterly composition. For clearness, precision,
character and force of style, select phr-aseotogy, dexterous arrange-
°L*1S *r~ ment, impressiveness of manner, giving the materials the
ry man. " 'ra<,st pointed effect, these productions have rarely been ex
ceeded, and not often equalled, by political publications ; but
he who shall look into Junius for a close chain of antece
dents and consequents, facts, and legitimate inferences, will
be disappointed, by seeking for what the author never in
tended to bestow, and what would not have answered his
purpose. Junius could reason clearly and strongly ; but he
did not constantly argue conclusively, because his object was,
not to enlighten the understanding, but to inflame the passions.
He gratified the people by repeating to them, in strong and
nervous language, their own notions and feelings : he pleased
them not by the justness of performance, but by dexterously
chiming their favourite tunes. His charges against the dukes of
Grafton and Bedford represent those noblemen as the most
profligate and abandoned* men that ever had disgraced the
British senate or cabinet ; but what impartial estimator of poli
tical characters would form his judgment from accusations that
were substantiated by no proof, and totally inconsistent with
probability 1 The illustrious Mansfield he described as a most
cbrrupt and unjust judge, as a mean time-serving and unprinci-
( pled courtier, and as a jacobite, inimical to the king and go
vernment -which he professed to support. What weight would
an impartial investigator of merit allow to such calumnious alle
gations, not only unsupported by any proof, but disproved by
the whole tenor and course of the life and conduct of their ob
ject. Aware, that in the misapprehension of party rage, the
slander of dignity and merit was one road to popularity, Junius
insulted a much more exalted character, and completed his
' Junius's Letter to the king, December 19th, 1769.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 30$
calumny by charges which were equally false and seditious. CHAP.
History, after taking a retrospective view of Grecian and Ro- vni-
man demagogues, will scarcely be able to present such an in- v^^^w
stance of invective, ingenious and inflammatory ; scurrility, ner- 1769-
vous and elegant ; plausible sophistry, impressive declamation,
poignant and sarcastic malice, as in the English orator of the
Iron Mask. These anonymous effusions were riot prized only
by such criticsas composed Mr. Wilkes's election mobs, but by
readers of real abilities and learning, who, hostile to govern
ment, and approving the. spirit which they breathed; did not ri
gorously scrutinize the arguments j'men of taste, charmed with
the beauties of the composition, overlooked the reasoning and
tendency ; and never was a political work more universally pe
rused than the Letters of Junius. ': *
Ministers, aware of the prevailing discontents, endeavoured
to procure addresses which might counteract the popular spirit,
but were in England by no means successful. Essex, Kent,
Surry, and Salop, were the only counties ; the universities of
Oxford and Cambridge, the cities of Bristol and Coventry, and
the town of Liverpool, the only corporations of note that ex
pressed the sentiments desired by government. From Scotland, ,
however, the addresses were more numerous and agreeable to
ministry.1 Petitions, on the contrary, were presented* from Petitions,
many counties, cities, and corporations, and these were of two
very different classes : one set, though explicit, was temperate;
and, though forcible, decorous : of this species, the best written
and most distinguished were from Buckinghamshire and York
shire, supp-psed to have been respectively framed by Mr. Burke
and sir George Saville. These confined themselves to the rights
of election, which they asserted to be violated ; and, either
indirectly or expressly, prayed'for a dissolution of parliament.
The other class, though- nominally petitions, were false and in
decent remonstrances ; of these, the most noted and prominent
were from Middlesex and the city of London.2 They professed Remon-
to review the whole series of acts during his present majesty's ^. an?e oi*
reign. , According to their account, the king had been uniform- London.°
ly directed by profligate counsellors, who had infused into the ,
royal mind sentiments and counsels of the most dangerous
tendency to the liberties and happiness of his subjects ; from
those pernicious counsels, according to their assertion and enu
meration, had proceeded the corruption of all the orders, and
violation of the most sacred rights of Englishmen ; and the
reign of the king was a tissue of unjust, tyrannical, and cruel
acts, flowing from the legislative, executive, and judicative es
tates : after this statement, they proceeded to pray,, that he
would banish from his royal favour, trust, and confidence, bis
' See State Papers, 1769.
' See in the State Papers, the petition of tbe Middlesex electors, May
24th, 1769, and the London petition of June 30th, 1769.
Vol.. I. 39

£!06 HISTORY OF THE
GHAP. evil and pernicious counsellors. Though the tenor and lan-
V1U- guage of the Middlesex and London petitions were essentially
K^~r**m'th.e same, the latter was rendered more notorious, by the perse-
1769. verance of unfounded expostulation with which its promoters
obtruded their abusive charges upon their sovereign. False
as many of the allegations were, yet*/ coming from the most
opulent body in the kingdom, they had very great influence
in spreading the discontents, and the dissatisfaction had ri
sen to an extraordinary height before the meeting of the le
gislature.
1770, Parliament was assembled on the 9th of January 1770; and,
Meeting of contrary to popular expectation, his majesty's speech did not
Sent mention the public discontents. One 'subject of which the
king spoke, though really of very great importance, was much
ridiculed by the speakers and writers1 of opposition. An in
fectious distemper having broken out among the cattle, threat
ened one of the chief articles of provision. The king, by the
advice of his privy-council, had taken every step which he
thought likely to stop the contagion, and consulted his parlia
ment on farther measures to be adopted concerning a matter of
the highest national importance. He expressed his regret, that
his endeavours to tranquillize America had not been attended
with the desired success; and that combinations had been
formed to destroy the commercial connexion between our
colonial provinces and this country. He had, however, receiv
ed the strongest assurances, that the present disturbances in
Europe would not interrupt the quiet of Great Britain. The
debate upon the address contained a very wide range of ani
madversion, and great acrimony of censure, into which the op
position in both houses introduced the Middlesex election, the
prevailing discontents in England, and the commotions in
America, and urged the dissolution of parliament and a total
change of counsels. Ministers, admitting that discontents exist
ed, imputed them to the spirit of faction, and the speeches,
writings, and petitions, which had been thence produced ; they,
however, were by no means unanimous. Lords Camden and
Shelbume withdrew from counsels so different from those which
they and their admired friend lord Chatham would have sup
ported or approved. Soon after, to the great astonishment of
Resigna- the nation, the duke of Grafton, on the 28th of January, re-
d°ke° fhe s'oned his office of first lord of the treasury. Lord Camden
Grafton. aDi* Mr. Dunning, his chief supporters in their respective
houses, had shown themselves inimical to the measures which
had been recently pursued: besides, the duke of Grafton pro
fessed himself the political pupil of the illustrious Chatham ;
and though, during the illness and inaction of that statesman,
he had swerved from his principles, opinions, and maxims, he
still avowed the highest veneration for his character and senti-
1 See Junius's Letter to the duke of Grafton, February 14th, 1770.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 307
ments. Perfectly recovered, lord Chatham was now returned CHAP.
to parliament, and with his wpnted vigour attacked the system v111-
and measures of administration. The opposition of all his <«^"v"w
ablest friends, Grafton could not endure. In addition to these I770-
causes, we may find another probable reason for the dereliction
of his post. Junius, indefatigable in raking together calumni
ous anecdotes, and dexterous in bestowing on them the appear
ance of truth, had made the private as well as the public con
duct of this nobleman the chief butt of his satire, and for his
actions assigned the most contemptible and unworthy motivies.
He must be either grossly stupid or stoically magnanimous,
either less or greater than ordinary men, who, though conscious
of innocence, can bear with indifference powerful calumny
that produces general belief. The duke of Grafton, regarding
his character, was so much moved by the Letters of Junius,
that they certainly co-operated with other causes in impelling
him to resign.

308

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP. IX.

Remon
strance of
city of
London,

'Commencement of lord North's administration. — The remonstrance of the
city of London — and reply of his majesty — are discussed in parliament.
— Bill to prevent officers of the revenue from voting at elections — nega-
' tived. — Mr. Grenville's law for regulating contested elections. — Lord
North's bill for repealing all duties on America, except on tea. — Tumult at
Boston — captain Preston and the soldiers interfere-*-tried and acquitted.
— The minister wishing conciliation, overlooks the riot. — Session rises.
— War between Russia and Turkey. — Catharine is favoured by England
— sends a fleet to the Mediterranean — her armies overrun Moldavia and
Wallachia — alarm Prussia and Austria. — France — disputes between the
king and parliaments. — Dispute between Britain and Spain about Falk
land's island. — Spain, the aggressor, refuses to make adequate satisfac
tion — trusts to the co-operation of France — disappointed — offers con
cessions that satisfy the British court. — America becomes more tranquil.
— Discontents still continue in England. — London addresses the king —
dignified answer of his majesty — noted reply of Beckford, the lord-mayor.
— Meeting of parliament. — Lord Mansfield's doctrines on the law of libel
— are controverted by lord Camden — Camden challenges the chief jus
tice to a legal disquisition on the subject — lord Mansfield declines the
contest. — Prosecution of printers. — Misunderstanding between the two
houses. — Singular confederacy for bribery in the borough of Shoreham.
— Opposition censure the terms of satisfaction admitted from Spain. —
Supplies. — Session rises.
LORD NORTH, chancellor of*the exchequer, succeeded
the duke of Grafton in bt3 office of first lord of the treasury; and
from this time commenced an administration which forms a mo
mentous sera in the history of Great Britain.
The Middlesex election came before both houses in a variety
of forms, and produced brilliant and forcible eloquence, but ne
cessarily a repetition of arguments which had been already em
ployed. In discussing this subject, lord Chatham reviewed the
measures of government, which he declared, in its principles and
details, to be weak, unconstitutional, and ruinous ; and unfolded
his own reasons for opposing a ministry which owed its exist
ence to himself. Finding (he said) the line of conduct which he
had chalked out not observed, and his opinion totally over-ruled,
he had withdrawn from public business, and at length entirely
resigned. — His several motions, however, were negatived by the
influence of ministry.
The reception of the London petition underwent very se
vere animadversions. The king not having paid to that pro
duction the favourable attention which its authors had the pre
sumption to expect, they chose to deliver another paper to flu
king, entitled, the humble address, remonstrance and petition ot
the lord-mavor, aldermen, and liverv of the city of London.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 309
In this humble application to their sovereign, these citizens un- CHAP.
dertook to declare what was the law of the land, and wherein lx'
it had been violated ; and to prophesy that its violation would ^^^"^^
produce more ruinous consequences, than the ship-money of 177°.
Charles I. and the dispensing power of James II. The citizens
next declared the parliament a non-entity, an illegal meeting,
whose acts were not binding, and therefore .could require no
obedience. They drew a parallel between the administrations
of George III. and James II.; differing indeed in means, but
concurring (they affirmed) in principles and system. The
constitution, now endangered by the wickedness of his ma
jesty's ministers, had been established by the virtue of their
ancestors, and by the virtue of present patriots it should be
preserved. The concluding paragraph of this essay I shall
quote, as a specimen of the terms in which this corporation
dictated to their monarch, and of the licentiousness of that pe
riod of history, "Since, therefore, the misdeeds of your majesty's
" ministers, in violating the freedom of election, and depraving
" the noble constitution of parliaments, are notorious, as well as
" subversive of the fundamental laws and liberties of this
" realm ; and since your majesty, both in honour and justice,
" is obliged inviolably to preserve them, according to the oath
" made to God and your subjects at your coronation ; we,
" your majesty's remonstrants, assure ourselves, that your ma
jesty will restore the constitutional government and quiet of
" your people, by dissolving this parliament, and removing
" those evil ministers forever from your councils." The an
swer was a striking example of temperate, but dignified and
forcible reproof ; it was couched in the following terms :
" I shall always be ready to receive the requests, and to listen and reply
•' to the complaints of my subjects; but it gives me great ?f his ma-
" concern to find, that any of them should have been so farJesty"
" misled, as to offer me an address and remonstrance, the
* contents of which I cannot but consider as disrespectful to
"me, injurious to my parliament, and irreconcilable to the
" principles of the constitution. I have made the law of the
" land the rule of my conduct, esteeming it my chief glory to
" reign over a free people. With this view, I have always
" been careful, as well to execute faithfully the trust reposed
" in me, as to avoid even the appearance of invading any of
" those powers which the constitution has placed in other
" hands. . It is only by persevering in such a conduct, that I
" can either discharge my own duty, or secure to my subjects
•** the free enjoyment of those rights which my family were
" called to defend : and while I act upon these principles, I
" shall have a right to expect, and I am confident I shall con-
" tinue to receive, the steady and affectionate support of my
" people." .
On the 15th of March, the remonstrance was discussed byarediscus-
thc house. The city members, supported by the rest of the sed in par-
¦ hament.

310 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, opposition,* defended it: its framers gloried in the production.
K- Others, less violent, eluded the merits of the paper in question,

and reasoned on the general right of petitioning his majesty,
1770. an(j t|]e propriety of addressing him at the present time. The
supporters of ministers confined themselves to this specific re
monstrance, which they contended, and proved, to be insulting,
injurious, and dangerous; particularly dwelling on that part of
it which presumed to' deny the legality of the present parlia
ment, as tending to deprive the people of their representatives ,<
and to annul every act which had, passed since the general
election. Both houses addressed' his majesty, thanking him
for his answer to the remonstrance. Several motions were
made for an address to his majesty to dissolve the parliament,
but these were negatived. Lord Chatham was extremely
active in anti-ministerial propositions ;¦ and the admirer of the
highest wisdom and patriotism of those times must regret, that
the heat of party contention should so far have transported
this illustrious senator, as to have induced him to countenance
and support the very irreverent remonstrance of the city of
London.
Billfordis- . An attempt was made- to diminish the influence of the crown,
qualifying by proposing, a bill to disqualify certain officers of the revenue
officers ot from v0tjng for members of parliament; and a motion to this
nue from effect was made on the 1 1 th of February. The supporters of the
voting at proposition observed, thai the chief officers of the revenue
elections, were disqualified from sittingin parliament, and that there were
the same reasons for incapacitating inferior officers from being'
electors. Both classes of servants must' be under the direction
of the crown; and the departments of the revenue were be-
come so numerous, as to render that influence inconsistent with
the purposes of a free representation. Ministers replied, that
the motion presumed in its objects a dependence and corruption
which; was not proved ; on this presumption, it proposed to
place holders of those employments in a worse situation than'
their fellow countrymen ; and thus to deprive many individuals
isnega- of the rights of British subjects: the motion was. rejected. On
tived. the 28th, a proposition was made for inspecting the accounts of
the civil list during the year 1769. The nation (it was urged)
had a right to examine how. its late grants had been employed :
if the money had been properly used, no inconvenience could
accrue to ministers from the inspection ; if improperly applied,
it was the duty of the house to make the discovery. It was
answered, that the civil list being entirely the revenue of the
crown, the crown had a right to expend it at will ; if an appli
cation had been made for an additional grant, the expenditure
of the first ought to be investigated to ascertain its necessity;
but that not being the case, there were no reasons to require or
to justify an examination : on these grounds the motion was
negatived.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 3 1 1
On the 7-th of March, Mr. George Grenville proposed a bill CHAP.
for regulating contested elections. These were formerly tried lx-
by a select committee ; by degrees the committees were so en- '**"**+-'
larged; as to become open to every member : So greiat a num- *77?'
ber of judges, not bound by oath, decided very .often according vaie's^Hl
to party connexion, or some other partiality, instead of justice ; for regu.
and many instances occurred of unfair nominations. To reme- latingcon.
dy this evil, Mr. Grenville proposed a plan analogous to a trial tested
by jury. Before a contest could be tried, the house must con-eIectlons»
sist of not less than a hundred members ; the names of all pre
sent were to be put into boxes, and to be drawn Out till they
amounted to forty-nine: the two litigants were alternately to
strike off one of these, till they were reduced to thirteen ; these,
with two nominees, -were to be sworn a select committee, em
powered to examine records, papers, and witnesses, and to de
termine finally. The bill was passed into a law, since well' is passed
known by the name of the Grenville act, and is considered asmtoala*'
having made a very beneficial change in the fairness of de
cisions. American affairs began in March to occupy the attention of Lord
parliament, and first offered to the public an opportunity of^?,rfh's
judging of lord North's ministerial talents. The British mer- kneidins:
chants who traded to America, had sustained immense losses au duties/
by the rejection of their goods ; and, apprehending ruin if the on Ameri-
associatidns should Continue, presented petitions to parliament, ea except
stating their Sufferings, and praying its intervention. On the on tea"
5th of March, lord North proposed a bill for the repeal of part
of the act of 1767, which laid a duty on paper, painted colours,
and glass, but continuing the part of the same law which ex
acted a duty from tea. The minister assigned as a reason for
bringing in the bill, the dangerous combinations which the im
posts had produced in America, with the losses and dissatis
faction which they had caused among the merchants at home.
He strongly expressed his disapprobation of the/ act ih ques
tion, but censured it as an unproductive impost, not as an im
politic claim : the articles taxed (he said) being chiefly British
manufactures, ought to have been encouraged instead of being
burthened with assessments. The duty on tea was continued,
for maintaining the parliamentary right of taxation. An im
post of three-pence in the pound could never be opposed by the
colonists, unless they were determined to rebel against Britain.
Besides, a duty on that article payable in England, and 'amount
ing to nearly one shilling in the pound, was taken off" on its ex
portation to America; so that* the inhabitants of the colonies
-saved nine-pence in the pound. The minister here discovered »
that he had not investigated the state of affairs, and the senti
ments of the people ; for a cursory attention to the declarations
and acts of the Americans must have demonstrated, that their ob
jection was not to the amount, but to the claim ; and experience,
might have convinced bim,' that no temporizing expedients, n«*

31,2

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP. IX.

1770.

Tumult at
Boston.

half measures would be effectual. Different as the professed
opinions of the Rockingham administration and of lord North
were, their policy sprang from similar indecision. Wishing to
please both parties, they left the chief matter in dispute- unde
termined; and of course a subject of future contention. The
members of opposition did not fail to see and to predict the in-
efficacy of the minister's plan ; they repeated the arguments
on the injustice and inexpediency of taxing America, and the
evils which had arisen from the attempt : the minister's propo
sitions, however, were carried by a .great majority. This act
may be considered as an omen of lord North's administration ;
at least, so far as a display of character justifies predictions- re
specting future conduct and its result. Discerning men saw
meritorious intentions and ready ingenuity,- without the accom-
paniament of that enlarged political wisdom, firmness, and de
cision of mind, which only when united can constitute a bene
ficial statesman.
The very day on which the resolutions were passed that
lord North intended for satisfying the colonies, a quarrel
arose at Boston between some of the inhabitants and a par
ty of soldiers. While the troops sent to Boston in 1768, re
mained in that town, the people had been awed into quietness ;
but in the end of 1769, a great part of them having been order
ed to other quarters, those who remained were treated with
the most provoking insolence; they were lampooned and abus
ed in the .newspapers ; ridiculed and reviled, if met singly or in
small bodies in the streets ; and disturbed and interrupted in the
discharge of their duty, in the evening of the 5th of March,
a dispute happened between two or three young men of the
town, and as many soldiers, near the barracks ;* virulent lan
guage produced blows ; the soldiers proved victorious, and
pursued their adversaries through the streets. The bells, were
rung to alarm the populace ; a mob assembled round the cus
tom-house, and threatened the sentinel's life that was posted
there ; captain Preston, the officer on guard, sent a party to
protect not only the soldier, but the custom-house, and soon af
ter proceeded thither himself. The mob, becoming very vio-
interfere. Ient> attacked the soldiers with stones and clubs ; the captain,
as long as it was possible, kept his men from firing; but at
length, their lives being in danger, they were obliged to use
their arms in their own defence : four of the insurgents were
killed, and some others wounded: the tumult became much
more general, and the rest of the troops were assembled. The
governor2 having called together the council, they advised the

CaptainPreston
and the
soldiers

' See Stedman, vol. i. p. 75.
* Mr. Hutchinson had been lately appointed to that office. The Ameri
cans had petitioned for the removal ot sir Francis Bernard j and that gen
tleman having returned to England to defend himself, vindicated his con-

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 313
removal of the troops, which was accordingly ordered. Cap- CHAP.
tain Preston surrendered himself for trial, and the soldiers un- lx-
der his command were taken into custody. Every unfair means ^^*^^>t
that could be used were employed to inflame the people against I770-
the defendants, and to prejudge the cause. In the newspa
pers, and various other publications, the troops were represent--
ed as guilty of deliberate murder ; dead bodies were carried in
procession through the town, and held out as the victims of
military execution. Fortunately for the cause of justice, the
trials were put off for several months, so that the ferment
subsided : captain Preston was honourably acquitted, ; as were Are tried
all the soldiers, except two, who were convicted of man- and ac;
slaughter. quitted.
The account of this tumult arrived in England before the Minister,
rising of parliament, and it was expected that ministry would wishing
have immediately proposed taking it into consideration. They, concilia-
however, purposely waved the discussion, entertaining great ^,°ks°^'
hopes of the conciliatory effect of the recent repeal ; and, as r;ot.
the disturbances had taken place when that was not known in
America, they trusted that the account of the new resolutions
would change their sentiments, and produce dispositions to or
der, tranquillity, and harmony. They thought it therefore pru
dent to abstain from investigations which might again inflame fne Session
colonists ; and the session closed toward tlie end of May. rises'
A war was now raging on the continent, in which Britain, War be-
without actually interfering, warmly favoured one of the par- J^md "S
ties. For several years it had been part of the British policy to Turkey.
renew and increase that intercourse with Russia, which, from
political, but still more from commercial motives, former kings
had cultivated, but which had been diminished in the last war
by the alliance of the czarina with our enemies, Turkey had
been for successive ages on amicable terms with France, and to
French ports flowed the greater part of her beneficial com
merce. The British government and nation earnestly desired Catharine
the success of Catharine, our friend and ally, against Turkey, isfavour-
the friend aud ally of our rival, and were strongly interested in fa,jyE""
the events of the war. These at this time diversified public at
tention, and prevented it from brooding solely on internal con
tests and colonial disturbances. The war which had been de
clared between Russia and Turkey, was carried on with great
fury by both parties : but by no means with equal ability and
skill. Catharine employed the winter of 1768 and 1769 in in
creasing her armies, and making pecuniary provisions for sup
porting the war; she also established a new council for military
and political affairs, over which she presided herself. The
Russian troops, hardy and courageous, had the advantage of
duct to the satisfaction and approbation of his sovereign. Disdaining, how
ever, to resume his authority among people who had solicited his annihila
tion, he resigned his employment.
Vol. I. 40

Li 14 HlSTURV OF THE
CHAP, great and recent experience, in the wars with Frederick, and the
IX- contest with the Poles. The Turks were much inferior to the
v-*"v^»-' Russians in military discipline, and for the last thirty years had
177°- not been engaged in any war. THey had never, like the pow
ers of christian Europe, introduced so much of science into their
tactics, as, during peace, to improve themselves in the military
art ; the force and goodness of their armies depended Solely oh
actual exercise, and experience in the field became torpid by
long cessation of effort. They had formed their empire by the
sword, and had awed the conquered for several centuries by
keeping it perpetually drawn. Fear only of the courage and
warlike force that they saw incessantly displayed, had kept the
Greek christians in a subjection, which, from religious, moral,
and political principles, filled them with indignation and abhor
rence. They had from religion a very warm attachment to
Russia, and since she had arrived at great power, considering
her as the natural patron of the Greek faith, they were evidently
disposed to seek her protection, whenever an attempt for their
relief could be made. Seeing their oppressors, once so terrible,
now enervated by long inaction, they began to entertain hopes
of emancipation. Informed of the state of Turkey, and of the
Sentiments of her Grecian brethren, the ldfty genius of Catha
rine conceived, and her bold spirit executed, a project which
astonished all Europe. This was, to send from the recesses of
the Baltic to the Mediterranean a fleet which should excite and
support insurrections of the Greek christians, intercept the in
tercourse between Constantinople and its granaries in Egypt
and other parts of the empire, command the Archipelago and
Levant, and spread alarm through the vast dominions of the
sultan. Her mind, capacious and comprehensive as well as in
ventive, had carried its views to the whole of her interests.
She earnestly cultivated the friendship of England, and thereby
was powerfully assisted in her naval schemes, by having the
advantage of our ports both in this island and Gibraltar, and
also of able officers and skilful pilots. By land she made such
a disposition of her forces, as was best calculated for speedily
rendering the enemy's country the seat of war ; and though
distant, profiting from the co-operation of her fleet, and divert
ing the force of her antagonist. The campaign was opened as
early as the climate would permit : the Turkish Tartars, ac
customed to brave the utmost rigour of the winter, made an in
cursion into the Russian Ukraine, plundered ami desolated the
country, before the Russian troops took the field : and, though
afterwards obliged to retire, secured their booty. In April,
prince Gallitzin, commander in chief of the Russians, posted
himself on the Niester, to oppose the main army of the Turks,
who were marching into Moldavia, while general Romanzow
was placed on the Nieper, to watch the Turkish Tartars. Be
fore the arrival of the Turks, Gallitzin attempted to seize Chock-
zim ; but, being strongly fortified and garrisoned, it held out

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. a IS
till the arrival of the Turkish army rendered it prudent to de- CHAP.
sist. The vizier, aware of the superior discipline of the enemy, !
wisely avoided a general engagement, and harassed the Rus- y^~>n**'
sians by marches and skirmishes. The Janizaries, abundantly 177°-
brave but unused to fatigue, longed for a general battle, in which
they assured themselves of a victory that would put an end to
their labours, and suffer them to return to the luxuries of the
capital. Esteeming the cautious policy of their commanders
cowardice, they transmitted intemperate complaints to the di
van. The court, weak as wicked, and ignorant as despotic,
without inquiry put the vizier to death, and appointed Ali Pa
cha, a man of fierce brutal courage, his successor. This nomi
nation proved very favourable to the Russians. Ali Pacha gave
Gallitzin battle, and was defeated with very great loss ; he soon
after fought him again, when the Russians obtained a decisive
victory, and reduced the fortress of Choekzim ; and before the
close of the campaign, they overran Moldavia and Wallachia. Her ar-
The Russians this summer had various engagements with the mies over-
Polish confederates, but none decisive, as they were obliged by ^l\~f^d
the Turkish war to employ so many troops elsewhere. Wallachia?
It was not till the beginning of the year 1770, that the Rus
sian fleet, under count Orloff, sailed for the Mediterranean :
after having been shattered in the North seas, the armament
stopped at Portsmouth to refit ; and departing, arrived at Port
Mahon. After undergoing a second reparation, they sailed
from Minorca about the end of February, reached Cape Meta-
pan,1 took Missitra,2 ravaged the coasts, proceeded to Asia Mi
nor, burnt the Turkish fleet in the harbour of Skio,3 and, cut
ting off" the communication between European Turkey and the
most fertile provinces in other quarters, distressed Constantino
ple. The Russian armies continued uninterruptedly successful;
Romanzow, after repeated victories, one of which at the conflu
ence of the Pruth and the Danube, was glorious and decisive,
conquered all Turkey beyond that river except Bessarabia.
Here, however, count Panin besieged and took the famous town
of Bender by storm, , and reduced the whole province. Thus
all the Turkish dominions from Poland to the Danube south
ward, and from Hungary to the Euxine, eastward, were now in
the possession of Russia. The neighbouring powers regarded
these successes of Catharine with jealousy and apprehension.
The house of Austria was much alarmed at the conquests of so alarm
ambitious and enterprising a power in its immediate vicinity. A"st"a
Even Frederick, intimately as he was connected with Russia, did sja ,
not rejoice at her great accession of territory. ' Two interviews
took place this year between the Prussian king and the emperor;
at which Jpseph declared that neither Maria Theresa nor him
self would suffer Catharine to retain Moldavia and Wallachia.
Frederick, though he did not differ in sentiment from the em
peror on this subject, was desirous of restoring peace between
¦ Anciently Tenatus. * Sparta. -* Chios,

316 CHAP. IX.

1770.

France :
disputesbetweenthe king
and parlia
ment.

Dispute
betweenUritain
and Spain
about
Falkland's
Islands.

HISTORY OF THE
the courts of Petersburgh and Constantinople, by such meanB
as would preserve his amity and alliance with Russia, which it
was his interest to maintain. Frederick had, at the beginning
of their disputes, strongly dissuaded the Turks from going to
war with Russia; and the disasters that proceeded from not
following his advice, gave him great credit with the Ottoman
Porte. He dexterously suggested, without any direct proposi
tion, that they should apply for his mediation ; which measure
they very readily adopted, and when requested to interfere, he
advised "them also to apply to the court of Vienna. Though not
of themselves disposed to solicit the house of Austria to be their
umpire, yet, from their great deference to the opinion of Frede
rick, they agreed. A negotiation commenced ; but, from the
jarring interests and views of both the principals and mediators,
it met with various obstacles, and did not at that time produce a
peace. France, accustomed to take so active a share in the
disputes of other European powers, was now occupied in dis
putes between the king and the parliaments, important in them
selves, but still more momentous in the spirit of liberty which
they exhibited. She was farther distressed by a scarcity of
provisions ; and her commercial interests were greatly injured
by the bankruptcy of her East India company. On the 16th
of May, the nuptials were solemnized between the dauphin,
grandson of the king, and the princess Marie Antoinette, daugh
ter of the empress-queen, which many years after had so fatal a
dissolution. In the course of this year, a dispute arose between Britain
and Spain, which had nearly terminated in a war : the ground
of the contest was, Falkland's islands, in the South Seas.
Captain Davis, who in 1 592, had been sent to accompany cap
tain Thomas Cavendish in his last voyage, which proved so
fatal,1 having either parted with his commodore, or deserted
him on the east coast of South America, was driven by storms
towards the Streights of Magellan, where he discovered the land
nbw called Falkland's. islands; but being in the greatest distress,
he leftthem without observation and without giving them a name.
Two years after, sir Richard Hawkins being in the same seas,
again saw the islands, and in honour of his queen called them
Hawkins' Maiden Land. In 1598, Sebald de West, a Dutch na
vigator, came to the same islands, and supposing himself the first
discoverer, called them, from his own name, Sebald's Islands.
England heard nothing more of them for near a century, so that
even their existence was called in question. In the reign of
king William, however/Strong, an English mariner, found them
out, and gave them the name of Falkland's islands.3 Some
other navigators touched at them in the reign of queen Anne,
yet tbey were still reckoned of no importance; from lord An
son's voyage, however, it was concluded that it would be very

¦ See Cavendish's Voyages, in the reign of Elizabeth.
••His Journal wasneverprinted, butis in manuscript in the British museuir*

REIGN OF GEORGE IU. 317"
beneficial to this nation to have a friendly port and place of re- CHAP.
freshment much nearer Cape Horn than the Brazils.1 In 1748, IX-
in consequence of the representation made in Anson's voyage, ^^^^-^
some sloops were sent to examine Falkland's islands, and make 177°-
farther discoveries in the South Seas. Mr. Wall, the Spanish
ambassador, having been . informed of this expedition, maintain
ed the right of the Spaniards to the exclusive dominion of the
South Sea, and remonstrated against the destination of these
ships ; but the British ministry declared, that the examination
of the Falkland's islands should be their sole object. Similar
remonstrances having been made to our ambassador at the court
of Spain, the same intentions were avowed. Falkland's islands
were no more thought of till after the peace of 1763 ; when,
as has been already mentioned, commodore Byron took pos
session of them in the name of king George, and represented
them as a' much more valuable acquisition than had been be
fore conceived. In 1766, the king of Spain sent some troops
from Buenos Ayres to the port which had been occupied by
the French, and established a settlement.there to which he gave
the name of Solidade Carlier: in the same year, captain Mac-
bride arrived at Port Egmont, situated on a different island,
where he established a garrison. It does not appear, that
either of these settlements knew of the other before the year
1769; in the November of which year, captain Hunt, of the
Tamar frigate, cruising off' the islands, fell in with a Spanish
schooner from Solidade : he ordered the vessel to depart from
the coast, as belonging to Great Britain. The governor of the
Spanish settlement professed to suppose that the English com
mander was there only by accident ; but said, that he had no
right to send a command to Spaniards in the king of Spain's
own dominions. Captain Hunt asserted the claim of the En
glish, from discovery and occupancy. Reciprocal warnings to
quit the islands were frequently repeated during the months
of December and January, when captain Hunt departed for
England. The governor of Buenos Ayres now sent an arma
ment of five frigates to Port Egmont ; but captain Farmer of
the Swift frigate, and captain Maltby of the Favourite; pre
pared to defend the garrison, and warned the Spanish commo
dore to quit that^arbour ; adding, he might be convinced that
the king of Great Britain and the British navy were fully com
petent to exact satisfaction for any insult that should be offered
them by Spain, or any other power. The Spaniards, however,
landed their troops under cover of cannon, and invested the
garrison. The British commanders having thus ascertained
the commencement of hostilities by the Spaniards, and being
> This idea was not new to England though never successfully executed.
Irl the reign of Charies II. sir John Narborough attempted to establish a
settlement on the coast of Patagonia ; but, though eagerly and liberally
supported by tire king, he found the design totally impracticable.

318 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP. from the inferiority of force totally unequal to defence, offered
IX terms of capitulation; by which it was stipulated, that the En-
*^rv^"' glish should within a specified time evacuate Port Egmont. De-
1770. partjng from that island the English captains arrived in Eng
land in October. Informed of this proceeding, the British mi
nistry applied to prince Masserano, the Spanish ambassador,
who acknowledged that he had heard from Madrid of the trans
action ; but that Buccarelli, the Spanish governor had acted
without any special orders from his king. Being asked, how
ever, if he would, in the name of his master, disavow Bucca-
relli's violence, he said, that he could not answer, without or
ders from his court. The British government now directed
Mr. Harris, the ambassador at Madrid, to demand the restitu
tion of Falkland's islands, with a disavowal of Buccarelli's
hostilities, and in the mean time vigorously prepared a naval
, Spain, the* armament. The answer of Grimaldi, the Spanish minister, to
aggressor,: the first application of Britain, was cold, ambiguous, and un-
r^es ad" satisfactory ; no particular orders (he said) had been sent to
tisfaction": the governor to drive, the English from their settlement; but
Buccarelli had acted agreeably to the general injunctions of
his sovereign, that governors in America should resist encroach
ments on the Spanish dominions, and therefore had merely done
his duty. The court of Spain soon after offered by mutual
concession to accommodate their differences ; if Britain would
disavow the warning given to the Spaniards by captain Hunt,
Spain would in like manner disavow the violence of Buccarelli.
This proffer was indignantly refused by th©;court of London;
for though captain Hunt had given warning, he had offered no
violence; but the Spaniards had committed a hostile aggres
sion ; an actual injury had been done to Britain, and must be
Trusts to repaired. The Spanish court persisted in the proposal of re-
theco- ciprocal disavowals : but the English ministers adhered to their
operation first demand, continued their preparations, and at the close of
of France; fae yearj ]yir- Harris, the ambassador, was directed to withdraw
from Spain. The court of Madrid now assuming a very differ
ent tone, showed itself disposed to conciliation at the expense of
concession. Spain was at this time chiefly governed by the court
of Versailles ; and the duke de Choiseul* was desirous of engag
ing both kingdoms in a war with England, in which he hoped the
distracted state of the internal and colonial affairs of Britain
might render the house of Bourbon successful, and compensate
the disasters of the former war ; and that he himself, not having
to contend against the councils of a Pitt, might acquire trium
phant glory. But the duke de Choiseul having in the recent dis
putes shown himself friendly to the popular party, and having
lost the countenance of the king and his mistress, was judged no
longer fit to be prime minister, and was dismissed from all his
offices. His successor adopted a pacific policy, and this was the
principal cause that effected the change mthe Spanish proposi
tions.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 319
On the 22d of January, 1771j prince Masserano delivered & CHAP,
declaration of the kihg of Spain, disavowing the violent en- IX<
terprise of Buccarelli, and promising to restore Port Egmont v^"*"^*"
and the fort,' With all the artillery arid stores, according to the ¦ 1^?.-
inventory taken before the evacuation. The declaration ad- ^,3"^
ded : this engagement to restore Port Egmont cannot, nor pointed,
ought, in any wise, to affect the question of the prior right of offers con -
sovereignty of the Malonine, otherwise called Falkland's cessions,
islands; Lord Rochford, who had lately succeeded lord which sa-
Weymouth as secretary of state for the southern departrfieht, tisft t|>e
was instructed by his majesty to answer, that as the court of ^"^
Spain disavowed the expedition, and bound itself to restitution,
the king would look upon that declaration, and the full perfor
mance of the engagements, as a satisfaction for the injury.
America was somewhat more tranquil during the present, America
than in the several preceding years. The want of indulgences, becomes
to which they had long been habituated, was severely felt-,1 mo''e ttan'
and the inhabitants became Weary of their combinations. As <*m '
soon as they -frere informed that a considerable part of the
noxious act was repealed, they resolved to confine their as
sociation to the prohibition of tea. The most violent mal
contents, indeed, endeavoured to keep the people to the as
sociation, on the extensive principle which had been first adopt
ed, but they could not prevail. The trade of this country with
America began again to flourish ; and subsequent to captain
Preston's treatment, there was no material disturbance even in
Massachusetts during that year.
The discontents at home were still, however, very prevalent, Discon-
eSpecially wherever the influence or example of the London ^^ ?on-
citizenS could operate. The corporation persevered in i-6- Eneland
monstrating to his. majesty; and on the 2Sd of May they Lofdon
presented an address still more indecent and disrespectful than addresses
tiiaf which they had delivered before. Common sense must the king**
suppose, that they intended to provoke and insult their sove
reign, in making an Application which contained such strong
and devious reasons for rejection and reprehension ; an ap
plication to which the king could grant no favourable answer,
consistently with regard to the honour of his crown, and the
rights of his parliament.3 On the address being presented, his dignified
majesty answered, " I should have been wanting to the pub-a*nsweri*'*:
" lie, as well as to myself, if I had not expressed my dissatis-*? nove'
" faction at the late address. My sentiments continue the s
" same; and I should ill deserve to be considered as the father
" of my people, if I could suffer myself to make such an use of
" my prerogative, as I cannot but think inconsistent with the
" interest, and dangerous to the constitution, of the kingdom."
To this answer, Beckford, the lord-mayor, requested leave to* re- Noted re -
.ply of
„. . , • ,» 1. ' Beckford
¦ Stedman vol.i. p. 7., the lord
1 See address to the city of London, May 23d, 1770. mayor.

320 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP: plyj a request, which, though unusual and indeed unprece-
IX> dented, his majesty granted. Having deprecated the dis-
'•^^"^^ pleasure which his majesty had expressed against the London
1770. remonstrance, he concluded in terms perhaps the most ex
traordinary that had ever been used by a British subject to a
British king : " Permit me, sire, farther to observe, that who-
" ever has already dared, or shall hereafter endeavour, hy false
" insinuations and suggestions, to alienate your majesty's af-
" fections from your loyal subjects in general, and from the city
" of London in particular, and to withdraw your confidence in
" and regard for your people, is an enemy to your majesty's
" person and family, a violator of the public peace, and a be-
" trayer of our happy constitution as it was established at the
" glorious and necessary revolution." To this expostulation the
speaker appeared to expect no answer, and none was given ;
and his majesty afterwards intimated his desire, that such an
irregular procedure should not be repeated.
Mr. Beckford was endued with amiable and respectable
qualities, though by circumstances and situation led to so very
reprehensible a conduct. Possessed of immense wealth ; placed
in a society wherein- opulence was deemed a criterion of ex
cellence ; receiving from his associates obsequious devotion, as
haVing arrived at the pinnacle of that eminence which they
themselves were respectively seeking, he did not allow their
just weight to talents, rank, and high office. Liberal in his
donations, splendid in his entertainments, magnificent in his
displays of riches, promoting the wishes and designs of the
city of London, he acquired popularity even to adoration.
Accustomed to such authority over the class of men with
whom he was most conversant himself, he expected the same
control over others. Highly valuing the city of London on
account of its aggregate wealth, its estimation of himself, and
adoption of his sentiments and views, he fancied that the in
timation of its opinions by him should have irresistible au
thority. Enraged at finding reproachful and imperious re
monstrances to the first personage in the state disregarded, he
had proceeded to still more flagrant and arrogant irreverence.
Beckford's conduct, by some charged with republican licen
tiousness, appears much more probably to have arisen from
the pride of wealth seeking to overbear rank and dignity, and
irritated to rudeness and insolence because it was repressed in
its attempt. The flame which he had been so instrumental in
spreading, raged after his death :4 very violent resolutions
¦were passed in the common council ; another remonstrance to
his majesty was framed, and, being of a similar tenor, de
servedly experienced a similar reception. Petitions and re
monstrances flowed from various parts ; but, though some of
them were by no means decorous, yet none of them rose to the
¦ He died June 21st, 1770.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 321
audacity of the London addresses. While popular discontent CHAP.
was industriously kept alive, the ministerial party acquired ad- !X-
ditional strength in parliament. Mr. George Grenville died in ^^v^**
November; and, as the party of which he had been the head, 1770.
had no longer the same bond of connexion, many of its members
joined the administration.
On the 13th of November, parliament met; and the princi- Meeting
pal internal subjects which employed its attention, were the li- ef P"rlia-
berty of the press, and the rights of juries. Publications ari- men '
sing from the Middlesex election, and censuring the conduct of
parliament and administration, had been repeatedly the subject
of judicial animadversion. Lord Mansfield, in a charge to the Eofd
jury on the criminal trial of Woodfall for publishing Junius's?1*"?*
letter to the king, had promulgated the following doctrine: "In trfneson0"
" cases of libels, juries are to judge of the facts and tendency the law of
" only, but not of the intention; and the 'truth of the alle- libel;
" gations cannot be pleaded in abatement of the guilt." Lords
Chatham and Camden in the house of peers, and Messrs. Glynn
and Dunning in the hpuse of commons, took the lead in repro
bating this doctrine as inimical to the constitutional rights of
juries, contrary to law, repugnant to practice, and injurious to
the dearest liberties of the people. Lord , Mansfield endea
voured to defend and justify his conduct : his directions to ju
ries (he affirmed) were not new ; he had proceeded according
to the practice of the most approved judges of former times,
and uniformly adopted the same mode himself without any
question or censure. Lord Camden denied that such a prac- are con-
tice was sanctioned by authority, or that by the law of the land troverted
juries were circumscribed within stricter limits in the case of can^jen
libels, than in any other subject of jurisdiction. An inquiry
into the conduct of lord Mansfield was proposed, together with
an examination of the legal rights of juries, and motions were
made for this investigation in both houses, but were negatived.
Lord Mansfield left a paper with the clerk of the house, con
taining the unanimous opinion of the judges in favour of his
doctrines. Lord Camden, on the other hand, pledged himself Camden
to prove from law and precedent, that this doctrine, though ^g^ff8
approved by the judges, was not conformable to the law ofjusticet<i
England : he proposed queries on the tenets of the paper, and a legal
desired that a day might be fixed for discussing this question ; disquisi-
but lord Mansfield, thus challenged to a contest of legal dis- tl0".°" the
quisition, either doubtful of victory, or deeming the combat im-3u Je "
prudent, declined the invitation. The public was left with an Lord
impression, that lord Camden's doctrine, certainly more con- Mansfield
sistent with constitutional liberty, and with the analogy of the ^™*
general rights of juries to scrutinize intention as well as totest
learn mere fact, was virtually admitted to be also conformable
to law and precedent. If lord Mansfield couldhave proved the
alleged exceptions in the case of libels, it was conceived that
he would have adduced his proofs, in order to prevent future
Vol.. I. 41

322 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, animadversion, as well as to justify his past jurisdiction. Men
IX- ofabilitvand knowledge, who, without considering either pre-
^~w~*s cedented opinions or practice, merely argued from reason and
1770. conscience, could not discover why intention should not be ta
ken into the juridical account in estimating defamatory guilt,
when intention was necessary to constitute guilt of every other
species. ,
Defamation was, indeed, never more licentjous, than at the
present time, on political subjects. One, very common expedi
ent of party cafomny was, misrepresentation of parliamentary
speeches in newspapers, so as to render them either absurd or
proseeu- odious. Two printers,1 alleged to be most culpable in these
tion of the injurious mistatements, were summoned to the bar of the house,
printers ^ ^j no attention to the intimation. The Serjeant at arms
was ordered to take them into custody : they were not to be
found. Six other printers were commanded to appear before
the house on similar charges ; five of them obeying, were re
primanded and dismissed, but the sixth3 still disregarding the
notice^ was ordered to be taken into custody. The* three prin--
ters, being severally apprehended in the city, were carried re
spectively before Mr. Alderman Wilkes, Mr. -Alderman Oliver,
and Crosby the lord-mayor ; who not only discharged the
printers, but required the officers who had executed the war
rants to give bail to appear at the next sessions, to stand trial
for assault and false imprisonment. Informed of these trans
actions, the house was filled with indignation, and. the lord-
mayor was ordered to'attend in his place. The magistrate
justified his, conduct on the ground of his oath of office com
pelling him to preserve inviolate the franchises bf the city;
one of which was, that by the charters no citizen could have
law process served against him, but by the city officers. It
was asserted by the commons, that the exemption of the city
.could not be pleaded against the privileges of the house. This
doctrine, invalidating chartered rights, and the act of parlia
ment by which they were sanctioned, being supported neither
by precedent nor argument, was strongly controverted in the
house, but was admitted by very great majorities. The house
directed the records respecting their messenger to be expunged,
and all proceedings to be stopped. With this order, by which
one branch of the legislature proposed to suspend the law of
the land, the magistrate refused to comply; and Crosby and
Oliver were committed to confinement, for what the Commons
styled contumacy. The city of London, by its proceedings
ever since the Middlesex election, was extremely offensive to
ministry and its supporters in parliament; and the house of
commons in this instance was evidently actuated by resentment,
rather than guided by magnanimous and sound policy. Many,
' Thomson, bf the Gazette ; and Wheble, of the Middlesex Journal
1 Miller, of the London Evening Post.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 323
who had most severely censured theTemonstrances of the city, CHAP.
blamed this procedure against itsi>principal magistrates, as a ,X:
violent, impolitic, and illegal attack upon persons, whose con- *^y^*
duct, however deserving of reprehension, did not render such I770'
animadversion either wise or just. Indeed, ministers them
selves appeared to have thought that they had carried their
violence too far. They summoned Mr. Wilkes to repair to the
house ; but he refused to attend in any other character than as
member for Middlesex. They issued orders for his "appear
ance at the bar on the 8th of April; but, aware that he would
not attend, they some days before adjourned the house to the
9th. This palpable evasion impressed the public with an opi
nion, that the commons were now either sensible that they had
done what was wrong, or were afraid to do what they conceiv
ed to be right. The city of London actively supported its ma
gistrates during these transactions, and insisted that the whole
charge of their prosecution and defence should be defrayed by
the corporation. Their confinement could only continue till
parliament was prorogued, and at the end of the session they
were liberated. This imprisonment of the magistrates fanned '
the popular flame, injured instead of serving the cause of go
vernment, and greatly diminished the respect of the people for
their representatives. So pernicious is it for either lawgivers or
judges to deliberate or decide under the influence of violent pas
sion or prejudice.1
A select committee, appointed agreeably to Mr. Grenville's Singular
late bill for determining a contested election for the borough of confedera-
Shoreham in Sussex, brought to light about this time a remarka- ^J° jnbn"
ble scene of corruption. The returning officer had declared a the bo"
candidate supported by only thirty-seven voters duly elected, in rough of
preference to another who had eighty-seven in his favour. Shoreham.
When examined by the committee on what appeared to be so
flagrant a partiality, he in his exculpatory evidence established
the following facts. The majority of freemen of the corpora
tion had formed themselves into a society which they called the
christian club, professedly to promote pious and charitable pur
poses ; and several acts were occasionally performed to accre
dit their profession. But the real object of the combination
was, to sell the borough to the highest bidder, and distribute the
money among the pious confederates. Paying to religion that
homage which conscience often exacts from men violating its
most sacred duties, they bound themselves by solemn oaths "to
fidelity in their associated .villany ; and added legal instru-'
ments, in bonds with large penalties, to secure their adherents
to this illegal engagement. These professed religionists then,
without scruple, took the oath against bribery and corruption.
The returning officer had himself belonged to the club, but, be
ing disgusted with their conduct, had quitted their party.
1 See in Sallust, Cscsar's speech on the punishment of the conspirators.

324 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP. Aware of their principles and established practice, he by vigi-
Ix" lance ascertained, and was a%le to prove, that a sum of money
v^"v*w had been distributed among eighty-one of the majority, whose
I770- votes, therefore, in his return he had not estimated. The officer
was censured for his assumption of illegal power; but, the facts
being proved, a law was made, incapacitating the eighty-one free
men from voting at elections.
1771- Of external politics, the only important subject of discus
sion this year was, the satisfaction offered by Spain concern
ing Falkland's islands, and accepted by this country. Ac-
Opposi- cording to opposition, the proft'er of Spain, accompanied
tion cen- -with the reservation of a right to the subject in dispute, was
sure th& neither a satisfaction for past injury, nor. a security against
mitted * future. We had been obliged to prepare armaments, which
from cost us three millions sterling ; and it was strictly just, that
Spain. Spain should indemnify us for an expenditure which originated
in her aggression, and increased to its present amount by her re
luctance. The convention had procured no recompense for this
enormous expense; but even as a restitution, Port Egmont, and
not all Falkland's islands had been ceded ; whereas our right
to the whole was as clear as to that part. Although* the court
of Madrid had disavowed the act of hostility as proceeding
from particular instruction, yet she had justified it as implied
in her general directions to American governors. Ministers
ought to have demanded the disavowal of this general order,
and of the exorbitant and absurd claim to exclusive domi
nion in the South Sea, on which it was founded. By the law of
nations, and even by the treaty of Utrecht, we were entitled to
demand the punishment of Buccarelli : we ought also to have
exacted the complete settlement of the Manilla ransom : in
short, the agreement, neither complete nor decisive, contained
the seeds of future hostility. Ministers replied, that the claim
to Falkland's islands had never been allowed by Spain. Our
people had really given the first insult, by-warning the Span
iards to depart from an island which they considered as- their
own. Spain had given up the British settlement and property
which her officers had seized ; and what more could be expect
ed from the most successful war ? Indemnification for expense,
was a redress which, in modern treaties of peace, it was very
unusual for a victor to demand. We had supported and satis
fied the honour of England ; and our dignity being secure, our
interest required that we should live upon the most amicable
terms with a country with which we had the closest commer
cial ties. War with Spain would soon have joined France in
the same cause, more closely have cemented the alliance be
tween these powers, and involved us in hostilities with the
whole house of Bourbon. They accused opposition, of a desire
to embroil this country in a war with Spain, in hopes that some
disaster might ensue, which would expose administration to the

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 325
public resentment, and drive them from office.1 A great ma- CHAP.
jority of both houses, after very violent debates, declared their ,x-
approbation of the convention with Spain. v^"-v**w
The discussion of this subject incidentally caused a disagree- 1771
ment between the two houses, which lasted through the whole
session. Before the adjustment was completed, the duke of '
Manchester made a motion for an address to expedite our pre
parations, recommending at the same time certain dispositions
of our forces. Ministers thinking these discussions not prudent
before strangers, of whom there was a great number in the house,
proposed that the house should be cleared. There happened at
this time to be several members from the other house attending
with a bill, and these were included in the order for departure.
The commons considering this procedure as derogatory from
their dignity, gave a similar order for exclusion, without the ex
ception of peers. The misunderstanding, for the three last
months of the session, prevented all intercourse between the
houses, except in mere matters of business ; and, to the great
disappointment and displeasure of the public, excluded all others
from both.
The supplies, which were granted this session under the ap- Supplies
prehension of a war with Spain, were liberal. The ways a^d
means were, a loan of 1,800,0001. on exchequer bills; an increase
of land tax to four shillings ; a lottery ; the surplusage of the
sinking fund; a small tonnage upon shipping ; with additional
duties on tobacco, teas, spirits, wines, and other foreign goods.
These taxes, chiefly affecting luxuries, met with little opposition
or animadversion. Indeed, this budget manifested merely com
mon official experience, and neither proved the minister to pos
sess, nor to want, financial talents. Parliament being prorogued
on the 8th of May, closed a session more remarkable for the con-
tentious violence of its debates, and the passionate heat of its
propositions, than for the wisdom of its deliberations, or the im
portance of its decrees.
¦ This charge, though advanced in parliament, was much more explicitly
detailed in ministerial writings, and especially in Dr. Johnson's celebrated
pamphlet upon Falkland's islands. '

528

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP. X.

CHAP. X.
1771.
State of
the colo-

Effectsof Lord
North's concilia
tory at
tempts,

The diver
sity of sen
timent be

¦State of the colonies. — Effects of lord North's conciliatory attempt.— Stri
king diversity of sentiment and spirit between New-England and other
colonies — is not sufficiently regarded by ministers. — Discontents in Eng
land begin to subside. — Meeting of parliament. — Petition for exemption
from subscribing the thirty-nine articles. — Opposed by one class on
grounds of theological principle — by another on political expediency. —
Petition of the dissenters. — Houghton's bill. for the relief of the dissen
ters is passed the house of commons, but thrown out by the lords. — Cle
rical nullum tempus bill is rejected. — Law for restricting the marriage of
the royal family. — Arguments against it — for it — passed. — East India af
fairs. — Supplies, — Session rises. — Death of the princess dowager of
Wales. — Operations between Russia and Turkey. — Scheme ofFrederick
and Catharine for partitioning Poland — offer Austria a share — she ob
jects to the inequality of the division — her scruples are vanquished by a.
larger distribution. — Dismemberment of Poland. — Revolution in Swe
den. — State of Denmark. — Incapacity of the king. — Character and con
duct of the queen. — Artifices of the queen-dowager. — Struensee. — Ac-.
'£tfsation and arrest of Matilda. — Remonstrances of the court of London.
— His Britannic majesty demands and rescues his suffering sister — and
affords her an asylum in his German dominions.
THE act of 1770, did not fully satisfy the wishes of the
American people; in most of the colonies, however, its influ
ence was so great, that during 1771 tranquillity prevailed.
There were, indeed, in all the provinces, demagogues, who
strenuously endeavoured to convince their countrymen that the
repeal had been extorted by resistance, and not conceded by
justice; and that therefore they ought to persist in opposing
British government, until every disagreeable law should be re
scinded. But the middle and southern colonies, now not actu
ally feeling any grievance in the operation of the duty, were not
to be disturbed by abstract claims, and a general calm succeeded
to the late ferment. New-England, however, and especially
Massachusetts Bay, was far from being equally quiet. The es
tablishment of a board of customs, necessary for the effectual
execution of the navigation act, and the activity of the navy
officers in preventing contraband practices at the beginning of
their opposition, had not been an ostensible subject of dissatis
faction ; but they now expressed their sentiments openly against
customs. In an address to the governor on the 5th of July 1771,
they declared customs to be a tribute extorted from those who
had a right to the absolute disposal of their property ; and the
principle now assumed, was a disavowal of the supremacy of
• Britain, which from the first establishment of the colonies had
¦ been acknowledged in America. The other provinces had object-
' ed to taxes, as an unconstitutional innovation; they asserted the

REIGN OF GEORGE IU.
claims of British subjects, and as British subjects required re
dress. The colonists of Massachusetts spoke and acted as mem
bers of independent communities ; ,and the general tenor of their '
conduct manifested a disposition to separate from Great Britain
as soon as a favourable* opportunity should offer. The conces- ^gw ,
sions which tranquillized their southern brethren, only served )ancj an^S
to render those turbulent republicans more insolent and violent, the other
Ever since .the removal of the troops, they had insulted, attack- provinces,
ed, and abused the custom-house officers, and other servants of
the crown ; and demonstrated that nothing would restrain them
from injustice and tumult, but an armed force. Had the Bri- is not suf-
tish ministry accurately studied the diversity of provincial ficiently
character, and employed able, popular, and- eloquent men, to £egal?1?<1
court and conciliate the southern and middle colonies, counter- tgrs- '
act the arts of the northern emissaries, and detach the vota
ries of monarchy from the abettors of republicanism, it is hy no
means improbable ,that they might have prevented the revolt
from being general ; and, if they had effected that great pur
pose, they would have had little difficulty in compelling, by
-vigour and decision, the democratical agitators of Massachusetts
to perform the duties of British subjects: but no such experi
ment was tried. Lord North appears to have formed no com
prehensive plan for the government of America; but to have
satisfied himself with devising temporary expedients for remov
ing particular discontents, asthey showed themselves in overt
- acts of sedition and violence, without investigating principles
and causes, or framing any general system either of conciliation
or coercion.
In England, hostility to government became less violent., The dis-
The city of London, indeed, persevered in imperious expostu- contents
lation with the sovereign ; while the king had the magnanimous jn E"£* .
patience to answer insolent rudeness with mild politeness, and ttTsubsicis1
gave a very temperate though decisive denial, including a poig
nant censure for so frequent a repetition of such an absurd ad
dress. The discontents of the metropolis, however, were divert
ed by a schism between Wilkes and some of his late supporters ;
especially Mr. Home, afterwards so noted as a politician, and
eminent as a philologist. These private disputes long occupied
the adverse champions, and filled the press :. though their causes
and details be of no historical importance, yet their existence
requires to be mentioned, since they tended to the diminution
of those' inflammatory proceedings which so long had disturbed
the public peace. In other parts the dissatisfaction became
more languid in its efforts ; its outrageous violence seemed to be
passed; and though in some places it manifested a gloomy sul-
lenness, yet, on the whole, a dawning prospect opened of return
ing tranquillity.
The situation of affairs abroad contained no grounds of
apprehension respecting the peace of Great Britain ; Spain
had fulfilled her engagements by restoring Port Egmont; and

328 CHAP. X.

1771.

1772.
Meetingof parlia
ment.

Petition
for ex
emptionfrom sub
scribing
the- thirty-
nine arti
cles :

HISTORY OF THE
France continuing the scene of internal disturbance, which was
heightened by the profligate and odious character of the duke
d'Aguillon (how favourite and prime minister,) appeared to be
without any intention of annoying her neighbours. Eastern
Europe was occupied either as actors ih hostile scenes, or very
vigilant and interesting spectators. The year 1771 was there
fore favourable to internal and colonial quiet, and threatened no
interruption from abroad. Ministers acquired fresh accessions
from the partyof Mr. Grenville ; besides, members of other con
nexions were now tired of opposing an administration that ap
peared to them firmly established.
On the 22d of January 1772, parliament assembled; and
the first day's debate showed much less of asperity and acri
mony, than the prelusive efforts to the contentions of the
former sessions. The business of importance which earliest
in the session engaged the attention of parliament, was a
motion of ministers for voting twenty-five thousand seamen
for the service of the current year. The French, it was said,
had sent a strong fleet to India, it was therefore necessary for
England to send thither a still more powerful force; the Span
iards had also a considerable armament in the West Indies, it
was requisite for this country to overmatch them in that quar
ter ; and the war between the Turks and Russians rendered
it proper to employ a stronger fleet in the Mediterranean, than
was wanted in the time of peace. Opposition contended, that
the force was greater than the exigency of tbe country demand
ed ; but they suffered the motion to be carried without any di
vision. Eearly in this session canfe before parliament, for the first
time, a subject which has since been very frequently agitated,
and has produced a vast variety of literary and political dis
cussion. On the 6th of February, a petition was presented
to the lower house, from some clergymen of the church of
England, certain members of the learned professions of law
and physic, and others, praying to be relieved from the neces
sity of subscribing the thirty-nine articles. Men had an inhe
rent right, they said, held from God only, and subject to no
human authority, to use their own judgment in the interpre
tation of scripture. This natural right, they affirmed, was re
cognized by the original principles of reformation. Such a.
privilege, belonging to them as men and protestabts, was vio
lated by the imposition of subscriptions to certain articles of
faith, that did not flow from Christ and his apostles, but were
drawn up by human beings as fallible as themselves. These
subscriptions were farther represented as a great hindrance to
the diffusion of true religion, by discouraging the study of the
real sense of the scriptures, and creating animosities among
fellow protestants : the diversity of opinions held by the es
tablished clergy concerning some of the articles caused dissen
sion?, apd the disputes among professed believers encouraged

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 329
infidelity. The petitioning members of the two other learned CHAP.
professions complained, that they suffered'' peculiar hardships x>
in being obliged at their first admission to the university (ma- ^^v"^"'
triculation,) when so immature in age and knowledge for deep x77 •¦
disquisitions, to subscribe to a variety of theological proposi
tions, in order to attain academical degrees in their respective
faculties, while their opinions on those subjects could be of no
consequence, either to the public, or their employers in their
professions. The supporters of the petition argued on the
advantages of extending religious toleration ; and endeavoured
to show, that the articles were in some parts contradictory, and
in others totally indefensible. They enlarged on the principal
topics set forth in the petition itself; and concluded with ob
serving, that, on granting the requested relief, many of the dis
senters, being no longer deterred by articles, would join the
established church.
By two classes was this petition opposed : the one consist- is opposed
ed of the tory and high church gentlemen, who considered by one
the thirty-nine articles as the bulwark of the church of Ens- ~™ °£g
land, and of Christianity itself. In the last century, the church, |f theolo-
and with it the state, fell, through such innovations. Parliar gical be-
ment, they contended, could not grant the desired relief, lief;
because it could not annul the obligations of an oath. The
king could not comply with their petition, as he was" bound
by oath to preserve the established church; a compliance
would also be a breach of the articles of union, as by them it
was stipulated, -that the ecclesiastical governments of Scotland
and England should continue forever unchanged. Writings
of late had appeared, inimical to the most important articles,
not only of the church of England, but of the christian, -faith ;
they had denied the doctrines of the trinity, and the divinity
of our Saviour;. and thus endeavoured to remove the corner
stone of our religion : by granting the petition, therefore, we
should admit unitarians and other heretics to be clergymen of
the church of England.
A greater number of members opposed the petition on politi- by another
cal grounds.1 They vindicated its advocates from the charge onPollt|-
of heretical opinions; they, maintained, that the legislature hail jienc^
still a control over the articles of union, and had exercised that ¦
control towards the two churches; in England, by an act
against occasional conformity ; and in Scotland, by an act an
nulling the popular election of clergymen. Every society, they
observed, is competent to determine the qualifications of its
members; all governments have a right to constitute the seve
ral orders of their subjects, to ascertain that the principles and
characters of persons employed in any trust be such as will
most effectually answer, the purposes of those trusts. The of
fice of public instructors of the people in virtue .and religion, f«-
¦ Parliamentary Debates, 1772.
Vol. I. 42

330 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, quires a careful examination of the capacity, dispositions, prin-
X- ciples, and opinions of the persons proposing to officiate. The
v^"v'>w clergy being intended to teach the nation, it is expedient that
1772' there should be an uniformity of established doctrine, the chief
tenets of whicli every clergyman should admit. Admissibility
to the clerical, as well as to any other public office, is a question
of expediency ; and this is no hardship : a candidate has the
alternative, of refusing either the employment, or subscription.
Physicians and civilians are in the same predicament, required
to subscribe certain articles, or not to become members of an
English university. It is found expedient that there should be
a national church for the preservation and promotion of Chris
tianity, and for the welfare of society. These articles are con
sidered by the legislature as conducive to the purposes in view;
therefore law givers ought to require the admission of them in
the holders of employments which are connected with the ob
jects of that national church. On-these strong and comprehen
sive grounds of equitable policy, many enlightened senators, who
were not votaries of the high church doctrines, joined in defend
ing our ecclesiastical establishment against innovation. The
majority against the petition was two hundred and seventeen to
.seventy-one. In the course of thi? debates, not a few of the opposers of the
petition had expressed an opinion, that though it was just and
reasonable to require subscription from persons proposing to be
clergymen in the established church, .and to derive profit from
the priesthood, it was hard to oblige dissenting ministers to sub
scribe the doctrinal articles of the church, from which they
sought neither promotion nor emolument. By the act of tole
ration, dissenters were allowed to exercise divine worship ac
cording to their own sentiments, if their ministers subscribed all
the articles of the church except those which relate to disci
pline. When that act was passed, dissenters were as warmly
attached to the Calvinistic doctrines of the articles as churchmen
themselves, and readily subscribed them as required by law.
During the last two reigns, it had appeared that Arianism and
Socinianism became very prevalent ; few of the dissenters for
many years had subscribed the articles, and thus were liable to
penalties, though from the liberality of the age, and the lenient
government of the house of Brunswick, these were very rarely
inflicted. > ,
Hough- Sir Henry Houghton made a motion to relieve the dissenters
ton's'bill from subscriptions and the penal laws, but was warmly opposed
{?r„ th.e f.e' by the high church gentlemen. The dissenters, it was said,
sgnters '* bJ omitting to subscribe, had violated the law of the land; and
' the transgressors, not satisfied with being excused, desired the
law to be changed in order to accommodate a change in their
opinions. A total exemption from subscription would open the
way to heresy and infidelity. The dissenters were a respectable
body, an^d it certain regard was due to their opinions ; but the

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 231
present bill, instead of proposing the mere relief of non-conforin- CHAP.
ists, was a project for encouraging schism, and ultimately de- x-
Stroying the church of England; many of the dissenters now *^~"~>s
maintained doctrines totally different from those of former 1772-
times, and were inimical to the chijrch of England, to the pro
testant religion, and to true Christianity : to encourage such men,
therefore, would be equally contradictory to sound policy, and
to the interests of the established faith. The supporters of the
bill contended, that subscriptions, while they operated against
the pious and conscientious, are no restraints on the impious
and wicked. The sectarians were charged with having de
viated from the theological opinions of their predecessors ; but
in all ranks of a community advancing in knowledge and civili
zation, the more understandings were exercised, the greater
would be the diversity in the result of different efforts. That
some individual dissenters held principles inimical to Christiani
ty, might be true ; but the charge against them as a body was to
tally false : they had been uniformly the friends of civil and
religious liberty, had supported the British constitution, the
establishment of the house of Brunswick, and all those princi
ples and measures by which our constitutional rights were up
held : they had moreover supported the christian faith against
its most ardent impugners ; and such men certainly deserved to
enjoy something more than mere impunity by connivance. By
toleration, Christianity had flourished ; by intolerance, the num
ber of believers had been lessened i1 let protestants be united,
that we may be the better able to make head against infidels.
These considerations induced a great majority in the house of
commons to vote for the bill ; but in the house of lords the' bi- passes the
shops exerted themselves so strenuously against an indulgence commonsj
which they conceived and represented to be dangerous to the th"0wn
church, that the bill was rejected by no less than a hundred and out by thte
two to twenty***nine. lords.
During this session also, another bill was proposed on an Clerical
ecclesiastical subject, entitled the church nullum tempus bill ; nullum
the object of which was analogous to the purpose of the crown *?mPus
nullum tempus law, to secure land possessors against dormant '
claims of the church. On the part of the church it was an
swered, that the power of reviving claims was necessary to.
prevent the laity from effecting those encroachments which they
were always desirous of making upon the clergy. The pro*
posed bill would be peculiarly injurious to the poor clergy,
whom great landholders, and combinations of rich farmers
were very much disposed to oppress. The supporters of the
bill replied, that its provisions guarded against the alleged
inconveniences : and they defied its opponents to prove that
the laity did oppress the clergy. Ministers, desirous of gra-
¦ Burke's speech on sir Henry Houghton's motion. Parliamentary De
bates, 1772,

yja > HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, tifying the hierarchy, were very inimical to a bill which tended
x- to abridge clerical power. To independent members, however,
v"^"v"^p/ it appeared so reasonable, that notwithstanding the influence of
1772. administration, the majority by which it was negatived was very
Je3dreJect- .nconsiderable.
. While parliament was occupied in examining the extent and
boundaries of religious indulgence, and admitting the equity
and wisdom of liberal toleration, prevented it from intrenching
on the establishment, a subject was submitted to their de
liberation, which involved the most important duties of mo-
Law for rality, and the- closest ties of civil society: this was a bill for
restricting restraining the royal family in the momentous engagement, of
the mar- marr;agej the proposition of which arose from the following
the royal incidents. The duke of Gloucester had espoused the countess
family. dowager of Waldegrave; and the duke of Cumberland, Mrs.
Horton, a widow, and daughter to lord Irnham. These mar
riages, which had been concluded clandestinely, gave great
dissatisfaction at court. On the 28th of February, the king
sent a message to both houses of parliament, importing, that
his majesty thought it would be wise and expedient in parlia
ment to render effectual the right which had always belonged
to the kings of this realm, of approving all marriages of the
royal family, to supply the defects of the law now in being;
and, by some new provision, more effectually to guard de-
scendents of his late majesty (excepting the issue of princesses
affianced into foreign families) from marrying without the
approbation of his majesty, his heirs, or successors. In con
sequence of this message, a bill was brought into the house
of lords for rendering all the descendants of George II. (with
the exception above mentioned) incapable of contracting mar
riage without the consent of the king, or his successors on the
throne, signified under the great seal, and declared in council.
There was in the bill, however, one deviation from the tenor of
the royal message ; for if such descendant, after passing the age
of twenty-five years, gave the privy-council twelve months
previous notice of his intended marriage, unless both houses
of parliament within that time declared their disapprobation,
Argu- it might be valid without the royal consent. The bill was
ments _ strongly opposed by both houses, on grounds of law, policy,
against it ; an£ morality. It was denied that the power declared in the
preamble to have belonged to the king, actually did constitute
part of the royal prerogative in the extent now claimed ;
as a fact, it was'not to be found in our history ;l nor as law,
in our statutes, precedents, or the opinions of our judges. The
declaration of law was, besides, either useless or hurtful: if
¦ The instances adduced by the supporters of the bill did not prove the
assertion of a legal right in the king to interfere in the marriage of his re
lations, they showed only the influence of the sovereign's authority, which
, inclination or prudence induced his family to regard.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 330
intended to have no retrospective operation.it was frivolous CHAP.
and unnecessary ; if designed as a retrospect, it was iniquitous. X-
The descendants of George II. might in time comprehend s^"v">««*'
great numbers who were dispersed among the various ranks I772-
of civil life; and thus many families would, in, their most im
portant engagements, become dependent on the crown. The
time of non-age too, was by this law lengthened beyond just
limits ; it was disrespectful to the royal offspring to suppose,
that they did not arrive at intellectual maturity so soon as
other subjects ; and it was farther absurd, that when at eighteen
a prince or princess was deemed qualified to govern a king
dom, they should not till twenty-six be fit to contract a mar
riage. The discretionary power, wherever vested, of prohibi
ting any marriage, was a violation of the inherent rights of
human nature, founded on the strongest propensity implanted
in man for 'the best of purposes. No legislature was com
petent to the annihilation of this right. It had, moreover, a
natural tendency to rouse a disputed title to the crown; for,
should those who might be affected by it be in power, they
would procure a repeal of the act, and consequently produce
a contest with the next heir under that law ; should they not
be in power, they would still excite compassion and Indignation
among those who' must think them aggrieved by such a re
striction, and hence dissension and civil war would ensue. The
prohibition was also contrary to morality; for, as far as it
reached, It was calculated to promote debauchery, seduction,
and other vices, which marriage tended to prevent. Depriving
those personages of the highest blessings of life, partners of
their own approbation and choice, it drove them, in the unavoid
able course of"human passion, to illicit connexions, to concubi
nage, to promiscuous intercourse; and if it did not justify, at
least palliated, in individuals so restricted, deviations from strict
and rigorous virtue, much more than in any other subject not so
circumscribed.1 By the supporters of the bill it was argued, from a variety arguments
of cases, that the kings of England always possessed the fori*;
power now declared. Ten judges had, in 1717, delivered an
opinion, which admitted the king's right to direct the marriage
and education of the royal family. The judges, when con
sulted concerning the present bill, had determined, that the
power claimed belonged to the king, as far as respected the
marriages .of his children, grandchildren (unless the issue of
foreign families,)' and the presumptive heir of the crown. It
was farther observed, that 'the dishonour reflected on the
crown by improper alliances, and the evils experienced for
merly by the nation from the intermarriage of the royal family
with subjects, rendered it necessary to guard in future against
either derogatory or dangerous connexions. The sovereign is
' Parliamentary Debates, 1772.

334 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP; the natural guardian and judge of the honour, dignity, and
x- conduct of his family. The subjects 'of the bill might in time
w~v">*''' greatly increase in number, yet it was not to be supposed that
i772- the sovereign, in the multiplicity of momentous affairs, would
interfere beyond his near relations, or other probable heirs;
but should future inconveniences, not now foreseen, arise from
the bill, the legislature was always competent to apply a remedy.
is passed. The bill was passed by a considerable majority; and from
this time no marriage concluded by a descendant of George II.
under twenty-six years of age, without the consent of the
king, or of both houses of parliament after that age, i3 lawful;
Whether the law be wise or unwise, is another question ; but
the fact is, that without compliance with this statute, no person
so circumstanced can be lawfully married, nor have legitimate
offspring.
East India The attention of parliament was also Called this session to
affairs. gaSj India, affairs. It was generally acknowledged, that great
abuses prevailed in the administration of the company's pos
sessions; but the extent of the evils was not hitherto as
certained in either house. The company was aware of the
very flagrant delinquency that existed among its servants, but
was desirous of retaining in itself the means of correction and
future prevention. The directors were far from wishing the
interference of government, and much alarmed by the doctrines
that had been advanced concerning their territorial possessions ;
knowing too, that the misconduct of their servants afforded to
government and to the legislature, very strong reasons for
taking an active concern in the territorial administration of
British India, they were very desirous of making it appear
that they were themselves competent to the task. Admit*
ting the abuses by their servants, they pretended to have dis
covered the causes, and proposed, by removing them, to apply
effectual remedies. They had, they said, hitherto allowed too
much power to their servants, and now proposed to reduce
executorial authority, and to extend their own. For this pur
pose, Mr. Sullivan, the deputy chairman, proposed in the house
of commons a bill for the better regulation of the company's
servants and affairs in India, by restraining the governor and
council from every species of trade, entirely changing the
court of judicature and mode of administering justice in Ben- '
gal, and restricting the power of the executive servants. In
supporting his motion, he severely attacked lord Clive as the
principal transgressor. Lord Clive, defending himself and
retorting on the company, imputed the chief abuses to their
misconduct and violence : reciprocal recrimination produced
from both very minute and copious details, which confirmed
other members in their opinion that there existed flagrant de
linquency. Ministers, without discussing the charges of either
party, expressed their fears that the evils were too deep and
extensive for the bill to remedy ; and it would, they, said, be

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 3 3.;
premature to form any plan of correction and prevention, before CHAP.
inquiry should be made as to the actual state of affairs. The x-
bill was rejected : a seleot committee of thirty-one was soon af- ^-**~v'>>»'
ter appointed to inquire into the nature and state of affairs in 1772.
India; and' this committee found the subject of their inquiries
so very extensive and complicated, that thi-y asked and obtained
leave to sit during the recess.
On the 1st of May. lord North entered oh the business of Supplies.
ways and means: and showed that, after providing for the
service of the current year, the nation, without fresh taxes,
was able to pay off two millions and a half of three per cent.
annuities, then at ninety; he also enlarged on the prospect of
peace, which he said might be reasonably expected to last ten
years, and would liquidate a considerable part of our debts, Be
sides, even should peace be broken, lord North professed him
self1 such on economist, as to be able to carry on war without the
addition of new taxes. The house was pleased with the flat
tering picture, and the minister acquired great credit with par
liament and the country for his financial ability. As the En
glish are by no means averse from war, many were delighted
with the notion that they were blessed in lord North with a
statesman who could beat their enemies without troubling them
for farther contributions. In his plan of reducing the national
debt, they anticipated the reduction of their present taxes, and
he now ,by fair promises began to acquire considerable popular
ity and reputation; but the chief foundation of Iprd North's
fame at this time was his economy.
A session, which, by its moderation, afforded a striking con- Session
trast to the preceding years of the present parliament, ended rises-
on the 9th of June. During this session on, the 8th of February, Death of
died the princess dowager of Wales. Her royal highness was tI>e P"n"
of an amiable private character, and had long been highly ^tW 0°w~
esteemed and beloved by the British nation. During the latter, wales.
part of her life, the sentiments of many persons had been
changed, from surmises that rested on no certain grounds.
When, our present sovereign ascended the throne, it was alleged
that, possessing great influence with a son of the warmest filial
affection, she interfered in public affairs, and held the chief
direction of the secret cabinet, which, according to the political
hypothesis of popular speakers and writers, commanded all the
•ostensible ministers. A precise and definite motive was assign
ed for the supposed efforts of this imputed influence; the op
position to Mr. Pitt in the council; the dismissal of the whig
party ; the peace ; the prosecution of Wilkes ; the taxation of
America ; the Middlesex election ; and the promotion of the
Scotch : in short, every act disagreeable to the people of Eng
land was ascribed to a. secret power flowing from the princess
and a junto of her favourites. Though this theory was very
¦ See Parliamentary Debates, May 1st, 1772.

336 HISTORY OF THE -
CHAP, generally received, yet an authentic historian, having neither
x" oral nor written testimony, cannot record as a fact the existence
s^~v"^>/ of such an influence. It is, however, his duty to mention such
1772. generally believed rumours or conjectures, as have a great in
fluence on the period concerning which he writes. That such
a report and apprehension greatly influenced the popular notions ¦
of the first ten years of the reign, is very evident ; but that
neither the votaries of the opinion nor the spreaders of the
rumour have adduced evidence to confirm the truth of their
assertion, is equally certain. Having therefore no proof of the
fact, I cannot, consistently with sound philosophy, assign this
influence as the cA'usfi of the many evils which have been so
often ascribed to it both in and out of parliament. In estima
ting the character t»f the princess dowager, I cannot, therefore,
allow weight to her alleged interference in public affairs. Her
highness waseminent for her private virtues in the various rela
tions of life : as a wife, a mother, a mistress of a family, an
exalted member of society, her conduct bore the manifest marks
of benevolence and propriety ; and in none of her sentiments
or actions did she give the slightest indication of her being
actuated by the dispositions which are assumed by political
partisans.
Opera- This year was replete with important events oil the con-
tions be- tinent of Europe. The Russians, in the campaign of 1771,
IjJ^j" an(j although ultimately successful on the Danube, did not obtain
Turkey, such signal advantages in that quarter, as were expected from
their progress in the two former years. In Crim Tartary they
were decisively victorious, and reduced the whole peninsula,
and in the Mediterranean- they annihilated the commerce of
Turkey. Negotiations were renewed in winter under the me
diation of the courts of Berlin and Vienna, but were not brought
• to the desired conclusion. The Austrians were jealous of the
progress of the Russians, both in Turkey and in Poland. They
protected the confederates as far as they could, without openly
manifesting hostility to Russia, or giving umbrage to Frederick.
At length, Maria Teresa made claim to the Polish district of
Zips, on the frontiers of Hungary, and in autumn 1771 invaded
it with a powerful force. The empress of Russia, enraged at .
the invasion of Poland, said to prince Henry of Prussia, who
was then at her court, If Vienna attempt to dismember Poland,
neighbouring states must imitate her example. This observation
perfectly accorded with Frederick's ideas. His troops had
that very year entered Poland, under pretence of forming a
cordon, to prevent the infection of the plague from spreading
to his dominions ; and his army had afterwards advanced, on
the pretext of relieving the inhabitants from 'the oppressions of
the confederates. By Frederick's orders, his soldiers had for
these services exacted enormous contributions from Polish Prus
sia, and especially from the city of Dantzic ; and this plunder
of communities atjieace with Frederick, was sent to his treasu-

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. $37
ty. The present overture was only a proposal for another rob- CHAP.
bery on a larger scale. Frederick lost no tithe in inquiring X-
whether Catharine was sincere ; and being assured that she was ^~v'",w
serious, he drew up a plan of dividing Poland between t he '^7^' r
three powers ; very skilfully and considerately partitioning the Frederick
territories, so as to give each of the partners the share respec- and catha-
tively most contiguous and convenient. This participation he rine for
concerted with Catharine, before he communicated the project partition-
to Austria. Russia was to have all that territory which extends ^sdPo"
on the eastern side of the Druce and the Dwina, from the gulf
of Riga to. the Ukraine; Austria was to have the offer of Offer Aus-
Ludomeria and Galicia, on the confines of Hungary ; while *"a a
the king of Prussia, for his share, was to receive Pome>
rellia ; which besides other advantages," joined together Po-
merania and Prussia, and thus, instead of two detached,
gave him three compact, provinces. Having settled this plan
with Russia, Frederick next proposed it to the imperial mini
ster ; thinking it so advantageous, that it would certainly be
accepted. Prince Kaunitz, the Austrian minister, at first made She ob-
strong objections to the division, because1 it would be next to jf ¦*-**¦? to
impossible to agree on terms of perfect equality. In an affair of ™g*g"y of
such a nature, as Frederick observed,3 it was no time to be dis- ^e djyj.
couraged by trifles. Catharine and he therefore intimated an al- sion.
ternative to Austria, if she would not agree to the division, they
would go to war with her, without allowing her any share ; but
if she would become a willing party, a larger seizure of Poland
should be made, to' suit her ideas of equality. Austria at last Her scru-
consented ; a treaty was concluded, and each, of the three ac-PlesaT^
quired a greater portion than was originally intended.' H**v* ^"by a"1
ing thus on friendly terms arranged the seizure of territories be-]al.gel. <jis-
longingto neither, they thought proper to intimate to the pro- tribution:
Srietors the proposed spoliation. A joint manifesto, drawn up
y the three powers, set forth the troubles excited in Poland on
almost every vacancy of the throne, and the friendly offices of
the court of Petersburgh in rectifying many abuses in the con
stitution of that republic. The court of Berlin claimed the
credit of having seconded these generous acts ; and Austria had
chosen neutrality, as the means of promoting the active efforts
of Catharine and Frederick. From the wise and benevolent
policy of her beneficent neighbours, Poland had every;prospect
of prosperity, peace, and happiness ; but a spirit of discord had
counteracted these efforts, and to re-establish tranquillity in Po
land, Russia, Austria, and Prussia found it necessary to place
the ancient constitution of the kingdom, and the liberties of the
people, on a sure and solid foundation. They had respective
ly considerable claims on the republic, which each would be
' See the king of Prussia's Memoirs of himself ; from which the greater
part of our account of this partition is comprised.
¦> See the Memoir?.
Vet.. I. 43

1772.

338 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, ready to justify, in time and place, by authentic records and
x> solid reasons. Meanwhile, having reciprocally communicated
their several claims, and being mutually satisfied of their jus
tice, they had determined to secure to themselves a proportion
able equivalent, by taking immediate and effectual possession of
such parts of the territories of the republic, as might serve to fix
more natural and sure bounds between her and the three pow
ers.1 The confederate partitioners did actually specify their
pretensions, but without adducing any proof. The court of
Warsaw answered3 these denunciations by just and conclusive
reasoning, founded on the plainest principles of jurisprudence,
equity, and moral rectitude ; demonstrating from the law of na
tions artd many particular treaties, the claims of the three pow
ers to be totally unfounded, and their proceedings to be contra
ry to all lawful rights.. Little availed the remonstrances of jus
tice against determined ambition, aided by resistless force. The
confederate powers commanded the Polish king and republic to
assemble without delay a diet to ratify their claims.
The king and senate applied to the courts of London, Ver
sailles, Madrid, and the United Provinces to interfere in their
favour; but from the weakness, distance, or internal dissentions
of these states, the applications were unavailing. Britain and
France, indeed, remonstrated, but without effect Deserted
by the rest of mankind, and surrounded by powerful enemies,
the Polish king aud his council were necessitated to convoke a
senate, in order to summon a diet for the purpose of formally
authorizing usupations which the force of the usurpers had be
fore effectually confirmed. In the respective specifications of
the partitioning powers, Austria was the most insolent, impe
rious, and full of threats; Catharine, the most moderate, plausi
ble, and abounding in promises; and Frederick, the most learn
ed, acute, and replete with ingenious pretexts.8 They now re
spectively prepared to take possession of their booty ; and Fre
derick much more active than Austria, and less occupied than
Russia, first secured his division, and added to the seizure, part
"fPolaiid °^ Dantzic, including the harbour and port duties; and after-
' wards the remainder, though it constituted no part of his pre
tended claim upon Poland.
The influence of Frederick, however, was not confined to the
scene of his power ; for a revolution happened this year in
Sweden, to which he greatly contributed. In early ages, the
Swedes, like most other hardy and gallant inhabitants of the
north, were free. From the time of Gustavus Vasa, there had
been a fluctuation of constitutions, in which the aristocracy, or
the king, were alternately paramount, and the people enjoyed
very little share of power. Under Charles XII., the govern
ment was despotic : but his sister and heir, Ulrica, was obliged

Dismemberment

Revolu
tion in
Sweden.

' See State Papers, 1772.
' See the respective manifestoes ;

•• Ibid.
State Papers, 1772.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 539
wj suffer the aristoeratical domination to be re-established ; and CHAP.
Frederick and Adolphus were not able to triumph over the v
Swedish nobles. Adolphus dying in 1771, was succeeded by *^~*****
Gustavus, his eldest son toy the sister of the Prussian king. Gus- 177^-
tayus, on his accession to the throne, made the most ardent pro
testations of love for liberty ; professed that he thought it the
chief glocy of a king to reign over a free people ; subscribed the
declaration of rights, and added articles for absolving his sub
jects from their allegiance if ever he should infringe the con
tract. At his coronation, lie made a speech concluding With
a prayer to God, that ambition might not disturb the freedom and'
happiness of the state. Notwithstanding his solemn oaths, how
ever, this prince had concerted a project for becoming absolute.
Aided by his two brothers, and trusty officers, he gained over
the army to his interest ; with the greatest art and success he
courted popularity, while his emissaries no less actively render
ed the people discontented with the senate and established go
vernment. He was assured of the support of his uncle ; and in
deed, both in the formation and execution of his plan, he dis
played ability and vigour not unworthy of a nephew of Frede
rick. The scheme being ripe for execution, on the 19th of Au
gust Gustavus totally overturned the constitution, which less
than three months before he had sworn to maintain, and engag
ed to support, as the indispensable condition of his admission to
the regal office. Being master of all the military force at Stock*
holm, he surrounded the senate, and made the members prison
ers. The diet was commanded to assemble ; and, encompassed
by fixed bayonets, the king ordered a new form of government
to be read. The members, so situated, signed whatever was
proposed, and took the oath which Gustavus himself dictated.
He then drew a book of psalms from his pocket ; and, taking off
lys crown, began to sing to the praise of God, the assembly join
ing this pious prince in his sacred music. He afterwards in
formed them, that he should in six years convene the assembly
of the states.1 Thus the year 1772 was an era of usurpation;
by Gustavus in his own kingdom, and by his neighbours in the
kingdom of another.
A change this year took place in Denmark, which, by affect
ing a British princess, strongly agitated, and deeply interested
the loyal and generous hearts of Britons. Christian, king of state of
Denmark, was the son of Frederick V„ by Louisa, daughter Denmark.
of George II. The queen died in early youth, and king Fre
derick afterwards married a German princess, by whom he had
a son named Frederick. This queen was a woman of great
artifice and ambition. As her son was heir in default of his Incapacity
brother, the queen-dowager had been averse from the mar- of the
riage of the young king. Christian was a prince of very weak kin&-
» Mr. Charles Sheridan, British envoy at Sweden, published a very accu
rate account of this extraordinary revolution. Its heads are compressed
above in the text.

«J4«

HISTORY OF THE

of the
queen- dowager,

Struen see.

CHAP . understanding, and sunk by habits of debauchery below his
x- natural insignificance. Matilda, though not sixteen years of
y^~v^>^ age when she arrived in Denmark, immediately manifested to
ci^772' Julia Maria, the queen dowager, an intelligence and sensibility,
and con-r wll'ch> s^e did not doubt, must discern the incapacity, and feel
duct of the misconduct, of her husband. She therefore formed a pro-
the queen, ject of sowing discord between the new married couple, which
Artifices she trusted would end in a separation, and promote her views
in favour of her son. For this pUrpose she played a double
game; she employed her minions to ingratiate themselves with
the king, and to encourage him in his vices; while she informed
the queen of his defects, and, professing a great friendship, de
clared that every thing in her power should be done for his re
formation. Meanwhile, the silly monarch persisted in his usual
course: the queen-dowager contrived to have a mistress thrown
in his way, whom he kept openly in the palace. Matilda, pos
sessing great sagacity, easily discovered both the designs and
motives of the treacherous dowager. Anxious for the welfare
of her infant prince, she, for the sake of the son, overlooked
the folly of the father ; and soon procured such influence, as to
attain the chief direction of affairs, before possessed by the
elder queen. The ambition of Julia was now stimulated by
revenge, the gratification of which she at last accomplished.
There was at the court of Copenhagen, a German named Stru-
ensee, of some abilities, with that wide extent of superficial
knowledge, and those petty attainments which are so common
in continental adventurers. He possessed also an insinuating
Address, and an agreeable person; but was profligate in his
manners, and abandoned in his principles. Having studied
some branches of medicine, he professed himself a physician;
and having attended the king when he was experiencing the
effects of vice, he acquired great favour with the sovereign, and,
in a short time made so rapid a progress, that, from being an-
itinerant empiric, he became minister of state. He also eleva
ted Brandt, a fellow adventurer, and several others of his friends.
Both Struensee and Brandt were raised to be earls ; many of
the chief grandees were disgraced; and most of them were dis
gusted with the upstart insolence of these ignoble favourites.
The demeanour of Struensee also excited many and powerful
enemies. As Matilda had then the superior power, Struensee
j6ined her politics in opposition to those of the queen-dowager;
and thus added her to the number of his foes. Julia secretly in
sinuated that not a political connexion only subsisted between
Struensee and the queen: and in 1771, when Matilda was de
livered of a daughter, she, seeing the new-born princess, said
with a malicious smile, that the child had all the features of
Struensee. The. evil report was industriously propagated ; and
it was farther asserted, that the ruling party had formed a de
sign to supersede the king, to appoint Matilda regent during
jthe minority of her son, and Struensee supreme director of af*.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 341
feirs. The report of the intended deposition was never sub- CHAP.
stantiated by any proof; and the other rumour, which was ne- x-
ver seconded either by testimony or circumstantial evidence, -—^v"*»»-*
must stand in history as a false and malicious slander against I773-
the sister of the British sovereign. The queen, finding herself
an object of unjust suspicion, took a part very natural to consci
ous innocence, but often injurious to female reputation : she dis
regarded the rumours, and did not abstain from the company of
the suspected party. This conduct, neither prudent nor judi
cious, greatly accelerated the success of her enemies. It was
not difficult to spread scandal against the friend of a man so de
servedly unpopular ; and the charge was very generally believed.
The king was easily impressed with the prevailing opinion, being
a mere tool in the hands of any party that happened to predomi
nate. On the 17th of January, the queen-dowager and her son.Accusa-
coming at four in the morning to the king's bed-chamber, as- tion and
serted to him, that the queen and Struensee were at that very ?Jre.?,ot
hour, framing an act of renunciation of the crown, which they ' a'
would compel him immediately to sign ; and therefore that his
only means of escaping this danger, was to sign orders which
they had drawn up for the arrest of the queen and her accom
plices. The king, though reluctant, at length complied, and
the orders were immediately executed ; but the queen being
found in her own apartment, and Struensee and Brandt in bed
in their respective houses, manifested the falsehood of Julia's
charge. Having before secured the army and people, the dow
ager reigned without control. Struensee and Brandt were tried ;
but, culpable as they both might be, there was no evidence that
they had perpetrated any capital crime ; they were, however,
sentenced to death, and executed. Respecting queen Matilda,
the ruling party did not attempt to establish their charges. The
dowager was unwilling to establish a precedent for trying a
queen by subjects ; and besides, though by subornation and
iniquity she might easily have crushed an unprotected indivi
dual however innocent, yet to put to an undeserved death, the
sister of the king of England, would be a very dangerous act
of tyranny. His Britannic majesty, knowing that it would be His Bri- .
in vain to attempt the vindication of his sister's character in a tannic ma-
country governed by her inveterate enemies, resolved to rescue ^nds* and
her from those malignant calumniators, and sent a squadron torescues
demand the unfortunate princess. The court of Denmark, not his suffer-
choosing tq refuse a requisition so seconded, delivered her to ing sister,
commodore Macbride, who conveyed her from the scene of her anc^.a'"
persecution to Zell, a city in the dominions of Hanover, where ^^.^
her royal brother had provided her an asylum, in which she re- ;„ his Ger-
sided during the remainder of her short life.1 man domi
nions.
» She died May 10th, 1775, of a malignant fever, in her 24th year,

C.4,2 H1ST0RV OF THE

CHAP. XL
America, tranquil in tlje south, is turbulent in the north. — Massachusetts
disavows the authorities of the British constitution. — Britain — Mercan
tile failures of 1772. — Alexander Fordyce. — Change of mercantile cha
racter. — Influence of accumulation in India. — Stock-jobbing — fictitious
credit — extravagant adventure without capital.— High estimation of lord
North for financial skill. — Affairs of the India company — its pecuniary
embarrassments — conduct of its servants, and distresses of thenatives— •
reported to the house of commons by a committee. — The company pro
pose a scheme for correcting and restraining its servants. — Parliament
Undertakes the task. — Company's petition for a loan — granted on cer-
tain conditions. — Company allowed to export tea from. Britain dutyfree.
—Lord North's plan for the government of India — discussed in parlia-.
ment — passes into a law, — Inquiry into the conduct of lord Clive. — Dis
tinguished abilities of Messrs. Thurlow and Wedderburne shown against
and for lord Clive. — The war with the Caribs. — Increase of half-pay to
naval captains.-»-Petition of the dissenters—is rejected. — Supplies. — Re
duction of the national debt. — Continental affairs. — Completion of the
dismemberment of Poland. — Violent attacks of Roman catholic powers
on their clergy. — America — tranquillity, and flourishing commerce. —
Britain — discontent and licentiousness subside. — Increasing trade and
, prosperity imputed to the policy of lord North.— The minister now at
the zenith of his fame.
CHAP. TRANQUILLITY continued to prevail in the middle
x1' and southern colonies of America; but in the northern, the
N*^"s°w democratical spirit was daily gaining ground. The salaries
1772. pf t|*ie provincial judges, and the attorney and solicitor-general,
paid by the assemblies, were very scanty. To render men in
such important situations more independent in their circum
stances, government had this year assigned them liberal sala-
America, ries out of the American revenue. The New-Englanders
tranquil in affected to believe that this arrangement was intended to cor-
the south, rUpj. ^e SOUrce 0f justice, and render decisions dependent on
lent in the government. A meeting of Bostonians, called by themselves
north. the select men, on the 25th of October petitioned government to
hold an assembly for the purpose of considering the evil tenden
cy of the new regulations. The governor not complying,
the committee issued a new declaration of rights, more repub
lican than any that had yet been published ; which consider
ed the provincials merely as free men, not as British subjects,
and denied the right of the British parliament to legislate in
Massachu- any case for the colonies. A general meeting of Bostonians
setts disa- immediately adopted this declaration of their committee; the
authoii-6 provincial assembly published their approbation of the duo*
ties of the trines in their most democratical extent : and the proceedings
British of all classes and orders in Massachusetts amounted to a disa-
constitu- vowal of the established authorities of the British constitution.
tion.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 34,3
Republican turbulence in the north, and tranquil acquiescence CHAP.
in constitutional authority through the middhe and southern co- XI-
lonies, strongly manifested a diversity of sentiment, which it ',^"N',^¦*
was the duty of legislative wisdom to consider, in its policy to- *772-
wards the respective provinces.
In Britain, this year was remarkable for very great and nu- Britain:
merous bankruptcies, important in themselves, but more mo- mercantile
mentous as they demonstrated the close and complex connex- f^ M
ions and intermingled dependencies of .commercial credit, and
also marked a change that had taken place in the mercantile
character. A Scotch adventurer, named Alexander Fordyce, Alexander
had risen in a few years to such a height in the city of Lon- Fordyce,
don, that his downfall appeared for a time to shake all credit
and confidence throughout the metropolis. Fordyce was a •
projector, who possessed ingenuity to form plausible schemes,
insinuating manners, and dexterous address to engage confi
dence, but without sound judgment and prudence to direct
his conduct. He had gambled in the funds to a very great
amount; and having at times succeeded, by his occasional
command of ready money, and by becoming a partner in a
very eminent banking-house, he was intrusted with many and
large sums belonging to others. , He now dealt in stock-jobbing
to an extent unknown in the annals of gambling. At length
the bubble burst : he failed to an amount little short of half
a million, and involved his partners in his ruin; and many
others, _who had trusted him with money or bills, shared the
same fate. The fall of so great a house carried its effects far
beyond immediate creditors, excited a distrust of other banking
and mercantile firms, and, obstructing the usual accommoda
tion, produced many stoppages. But these evils occasioned in
a considerable degree by Fordyce and his connexions, origina
ted in causes much more general, which influenced the con
duct and determined the fortune of many others. The gains Change of
of British merchants in former times were chiefly from the the *er-
gradual operation of skill, industry, economy, and bold yetjij^jx '
prudent adventure. The riches acquired were rarely amassed
but by a long and persevering attention to trade ; moderate
wealth was the progressive effect of certain intellectual and
moral qualities, skilfully and steadily exerted for a long course
of years, forming and determining the character, while they
filled the coffers. By the vast acquisitions in India, immense Influence
fortunes, had been accumulated almost instantaneously: adven- ofaccumu-
turers of very limited merit in three or four years had return- 'at'?ns'n
ed with ten times the wealth that able, prosperous, and emi-
Hent merchants were able to collect by the efforts of a long *
and industrious life. The view of such astonishing acquisi
tions dazzled many traders, and instead of submitting patient
ly to former modes of commercial process, they would become
opulent by compendious means: with this intent, they engag-

344 CHAP. XI.

X772.
Stock-job
bing.Fictitious credit.

Extrava
gant ad
venture
without capital.

High esti
mation of
lord North
for com
mercial
skill.

HISTORY OF THE
ed in hazardous adventures in the funds,1 monopolies, and
various other objects. Not having actual property for carry
ing on such extensive plans, they were obliged to proceed
upon trust ; and, as men of real wealth were not the most like
ly to risk their money on doubtful schemes, combinations of
indigent adventurers were formed for maintaining a fictitious
credit by interchange of bills. Some of these actually suc
ceeded in acquiring a capital ; others kept themselves so long
afloat, as to impress the world with an opinion of their ulti
mate responsibility, and thus found means to involve wealthy
men in their projects. From the eastern accumulations and
manners, came also an enormous increase of luxury ; this evil
did not so readily affect the substantial merchant, who in ma
king his fortune had formed his habits to frugality and mode
ration, as the visionary and needy projector, whose fancy anti
cipated immense profits, and whose actual possessions could
not possibly suffer the smallest loss. The failures of this year
were chiefly imputable to extravagant projects in trade, stock
jobbing, and enormous paper credit without capital mutually
acting and re-acting, severally and jointly the effects and caus
es of luxury and profusion. These disasters, springing from
unwarrantable adventure, extended their consequences to men
totally unconcerned^ in such wild and destructive schemes.
Bankers, in particular, were a class of traders, who from the
nature of their business, had many customers, among persons
requiring much accommodation by discount, and some of these
sustained, very great losses. The bank, in a state of general dis
trust, having refused the usual discounts, men of considerable
property were embarrassed, as they could not raise money to
discharge engagements formed on* the faith of customary accom
modation, and for several months trade was stagnant. Although
many of the commercial sufferers were distressed, npjt from want
of property, but the stoppage of its usual convertibility, no mea
sures were proposed by ministers for supporting the mercantile
credit of persons, who, by temporary assistance, mjght have been
preserved! from ruin. Greatly, however, as these insolvencies ob
structed trade at the time, they did not prove ultimately inju
rious; for, by inculcating caution and reserve, they rendered
credit more discriminate, and discouraged the desperate schemes
of gamblers, and other unprincipled or infatuated speculators.
This beneficial effect, however, they owed to the natural course
of commercial confidence, without any aid from the policy of
administration. Lord North had now acquired a stability and power, much
greater than any of his predecessors since the resignation of
Mr. Pitt. In the ministry there was none of that distraction of
¦ Though stock-jobbing had prevailed ever since the establishment of
the national debt, the great fluctuation of India stock about this time afford
ed more scope than usual for this species of gambling.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 345
counsels, which contributed so much to the inefficiency of former CHAP.
administrations. Thp first lord of the treasury excelled most Xl-
members in parliamentary eloquence, and he had already acquir- s^n^^
ed_great reputation for financial skill. From the return of trap- 1772
quUlity to the greater'part of America, and the diminution of
licentiousness at home, his political talents were generally re
spected. The opponents of government, though still paramount
in genius and eloquence, were very much diminished in number,
and less severe and vehement against a minister whom they
could not help thinking well qualified for his office, and through
out the nation lord North was become the object of esteem and
confidence. The subject about to occupy chiefly' the ensuing session of par- Affairs of
liament was the affairs of India, in the investigation of which atheIndia
committee bf the house was employed during the summer. con]Pany-
Though the concerns of the company had been brought under
the cognizance of parliament so early as 1767, no measures of
correction and regulation had been adopted, except to rescind
their acts, restrict their dividends, and obtain from them an an
nual sum of money on stipulated conditions. Inquiry and in
vestigation now afforded abundant proof, that a comprehensive
arid radical reform was indispensably necessary to the interests
of the company, the honour of England, the welfare and even
existence of the natives, and the salvation of British India.
An immense accession of territory had unavoidably compel- Its pecu-
led the Company to repose very great trusts in their servants, niarv en>-
and this confidence had been most grossly and flagrantly abus- barrass"
ed. The company's officers were guilty of complicated and men s"
extensive malversation ; their ambition and extravagance had in
volved their employers in unnecessary and enormous expenses;
and their extortion, peculation, and iniquity, made a considera
ble diminution' in the income 'of their masters. To enter on a
particular detail of the multifarious means which were employ
ed by the company's servants for defrauding and plundering
the natives of India, would far exceed our limits; but a short -
sketch of the character, system, and leading consequences of
the peculation is a necessary part of our history, as a momen
tous fact belonging tp our subject, marking the principle, spi
rit, and operation of British avarice in Tndia, and ascertaining
the necessity for a control to restrain and prevent such flagrant
and destructive wickedness. It was before observed, that the Conduct
plunder of India was conducted by our countrymen according °fl!*s 8er-
to mercantile modes, and this remark our present account will valrts'
farther illustrate. The chief servants of the company made it
their first business to inform themselves of the most valuable
and marketable commodities in the provinces which they were
employed to govern, for the benefit of their masters ;. they found
that salt, betel, and tobacco, were the most productive mer
chandises ; and, accordingly, they very deliberately formed what
they called a. commercial association for inland traffic in those
Vol.. I. * 44

346 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, articles. The principle of the co-partnership was very simple,
xr- being only that the said associators, namely the council of Cal-
S^V"N"' cutta, its friends and favourites, should have the sole power pf
1772: buying and selling those commodities. Thus did servants,
Without any authority from their masters, who had indeed no
right to grant such power, establish by their own will, and for
their own benefit, a monoply of the absolute necessaries of life,
throughout three large, populous, and opulent provinces. Hav
ing no competitors, they bought and sold at their own price :
empoverishing the people, they rendered them unable to pay
the stated exactions of the company; and thus in robbing the
natives, they defrauded their own employers. Not satisfied,
however, with commercial pillage, they turned their views also
to territorial estates. The zemindars, or landed proprietors,
held their possessions on leases, the validity of which had never
been doubted, more than any other legal security for property.
The company's servants, however, destroyed this right, depriv
ed the proprietors of their lands, sold them to the highest bid
ders, and shared the profitsamong themselves, according to their
respective rank and influence in this combination of rapine. The
landholders deprived of the secure expectation of reaping the
fruit, neglected to cultivate the soil ; a large proportion of land
was left unfilled, and the consequence was a scarcity of food. The
oppressed.Indians,unable to procure rice, tried to subsist on roots ;
but many of these proving unwholesome, pestilence accompanied
famine : the waters of the Ganges were infected by the number
of carcasses which they daily, received, and the putrid effluvia
increased the mortality. The insatiate avarice of Britons thus
spread desolation over India : the same iniquity which beggar
ed the people, empoverished the company; and vast sums were
spent in lucrative jobs, of no use to the establishment. There
was, indeed, among the company's servants, one predominant
object, to amass money by every means, however iniquitous and
destructive -r but the most efficacious expedients of avarice were,
fraud and breach of trust to their employers, devastation of the
possessions which they were hired to improve, and plunder of
the natives whom they were paid to govern.1 With such ser
vants, the company, instead of becoming opulent, were deeply
embarrassed ; they had borrowed large sums of the bank, anil
requested the assistance of government to liquidate their debts.
is report- Such was the essence of the report prepared by the committee,
edby a anH_ delivered to parliament, which met on the 26th of Novem-
to'the ber" lt fartl}er appeared, that their distresses had been increas-
house of ed by accepting bills from their unprincipled servants, who thus
commons, procured the responsibility of their masters for engagements by
which the servants only were benefited. The misconduct of
the company's officers, with all its consequences, was manifest-
¦ This statement is compressed from the report of the select committee.
delivered to the house in November 1772.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 347
ly imputable to the want of an efficient control, proportionate CHAP.
to the vast powers with which they were necessarily intrusted. XI'
In the present situation of affairs, therefore, it was the business *"^"v~^*»
of the legislature to establish a control, which, leaving to serv- 1772.
ants every power necessary for the objects of their employment,
should only restrain malversation. The minister, admitting
the abuses of the servants and the embarrassed state of the com
pany's affairs, declared that the evils might be removed by wise
and vigorous management. The company were themselves
preparing to send out supervisors, to direct and reform their
servants; but such efforts would, in his opinion, be inadequate
to the exigencies of affairs. Before he himself introduced a
plan of regulation, he proposed a secret committee, which
should find out every thing necessary to be known, without ex
posing any facts of which the publication would be injurious.
The committee reported, that the company, though much dis- The com-
tressed in their pecuniary concerns, were preparing to send outPany Pro"
a commission of supervision, the expense of which would hea- ^^
vily add to their difficulties ; and recommended a bill to pre-forcor.
vent them from pursuing their intention: a second report pre- retting '
sented a statement of the effects', debts, and credits, of theand/e- *-*
company at home and abroad. On the reports of this secret ^rammS
committee, together with those of the select committee, Iordvants<"
North formed a plan respecting India, which consisted of three Parlia-
successive bills, and the -discussion occupied the principal consi- ment un-
deration of parliament in the present session. The first bill was dertakes
framed'to prevent the company from employing the intended le '
means fofthe correction of abuses in India, and was prepara
tory to the interference of the British government in the admi
nistration of that country; the second proposed to relieve the
company from its present embarrassments, by a loan; and the
third to establish regulations for the better management of the
affairs of the company, as well in India as in Europe. The
first bill was opposed, as- an invasion of the company's char- Bill for
ter.a-nd of the right which every British subject, or body of sub- prevent-
jects, possesses, of managing their own affairs. The compa- '" *|x
ny's situation, it was contended, was not so distressed as to be £0— s"^.
irretrievable by its own efforts and counsels. In the progress ing super-
of the bill, petitions and counsels from Indian proprietors main- visors to
tained the same doctrine. Ministers and the other supporters India,
of the bill declared, that they intended the good of the compa
ny, as well as the security of the public. The proposing a very
expensive commission at a time when the company was alrea
dy in arrears to government,, and so distressed as to be apply
ing for a loan, was a very impolitic measure ; it was therefore
the duty of parliament to prevent them from being involved in
utter ruin. Beside the unsuitableness of such an establishment
to their circumstances, it was totally inadequate to the propos
ed object. The malversations in India were too great for any
efforts of the court of directors to correct ; the power of go-

34S HISTORY OF THE
vernment only could be capable of curbing rapacity and vio
lence, restoring to the inhabitants the secure enjoyment, of. their
' property, and directing the revenue into its proper channels.
A great majority of both houses voted for the law.
During the progress of this business, the company petitioned
' parliament for a loan, in the manner and on the terms specified
Company in several propositions which had been presented to the house.
petitions They asked for one million five hundred thousand pounds for
parha- four yearg> at four per cent, to be repaid by instalments ; and*
aToan °r engaged that the dividends of the company should not exceed
six per cent, until half the sum was liquidated, after which
they might raise their dividend to eight per cent When the
whole loan was discharged, the net profits, beyond eight per
cent, should be applied to the payment of the company's bond
debt, until itiwas reduced to 1,500,0001. and after that reduc
tion the surplus should be divided between the public and the
company. They farther requested, that they might be discharg
ed, during the remainder of the five years,1 from the four hun
dred thousand pounds, and might have leave to export their
whichis teas, free of duty, to America and foreign countries. Lord
granted North, admitting the policy of relieving them, proposed, that
on certain one million four Hundred thousand pounds should be lent to the
tions." company, and that their dividends should be limited to six per
cent, until the repayment of the loan, and afterwards to seven
per cent, until their bond debt should be reduced to 1,500,0001.
Respecting the participation of profits the minister proposed,
that the surplus profits, above the sum of eight per cent, should
pay three-fourths to the treasury, and the remainder be ap
plied to the farther reduction of the bond debt, or to discharge
future contingencies of the, company. In the course of these dis
cussions, the minister contended, that the state had a right to
territorial possessions acquired through conquest by any of its
subjects. Opposition argued, that lands acquired without the
interference of the state, by a company exercising the corpo
rate rights whicli they had purchased from the state, could no
more belong to Great Britain, than the advantages of any other
contract could belong to the granter after he had made the
convention for specified value. The minister persevered in as
serting the right of the state to the territorial possessions in
India, but thought it better to wave that question for six years-
longer, soon after which period the charter would expire.
Those who either wished to oppose ministry, or to support the
pretensions of the India company, chose to consider the state
/ and company as two independent parties discussing a question
of property according to the law of England. The minister
took a different view : he looked on the East India company as
a body, which had been incorporated for a certain purpose, but
was now placed in a situation totally different from the intent
» See the parliamentary transactions of 1769, in this volume, p. 296. ¦

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 349
of its charters, and as protected in its commercial possession by CHAP.
those charters ; but that its territorial acquisitions constitute d XI-
no part of the corporation's rights ; and became a question of *^*^>m*
policy* to be determined on the general principles of wisdom and I772-
prudence, and not of law, to be' decided by courts or judicature.
In conformity to that part of the company's petition -tvhibh re- The com-
spected the export of tea, the minister prOpbied, that they sh6uld P™y »
be allowed to* send it without paying customs wherever they allow™ t0
could find a market. One cause of their diminished return was, from GriT
the rejection of that commodity by the colonies : they had tain, duty
17,000,000 lbs. on hand,, Which, by being enabled to sell at a re- free.
dirced price, they hoped they could dispose of both in Europe
and America. Lord North further intended, by thus offering Lord
the article to the Amerieans at a low prifce, to temp* them U North's
purchase it in great quantities ; and thus, besides benefitibg the P.,afl io*
company, to add to the impost revenue from the colonies. This ^^nt
part of his plan led eventually to more itnpbrtant consequences, of India,
than any of his whole gyfcteih. for regulating the affairs 6f the In
dia company.
The minister proceeded td propose a third bill for the better
management of the company'^ affairs 5 containing the first plan
framed in the British legislature for governing British India.
The scheme was, that the court Of directors should be elected
for four years; six members annually, but no one to Continue
in the direction longer than the four years : that none should
vote at the election of a director1, who had not been a proprie
tor twelve months; that the qualification of a voter shriald, in
stead of five hundred pounds India stock, be a thousand j th" t
the mayor's Court of Calcutta should be confined to small mer
cantile cases : that a new court should be established, consist
ing of a chief justice and three puisne judges, who were to* W
appointed by the crown, and a superiority was to be given to
the presidency of Bengal over the other establishments of India.
In support of this bill ministers alleged that the present brief
period of their continuance in office left the directors ho leisurd
to form and execute projects of permanent advantage ; that six
months was too short a term for holding stock as a qualification
to vote, as it did not preclude temporary purchases for that
purpose ; and that 5001. was not a sufficient interest in the com
pany, to entitle a proprietor to a vote, in its present eixtensive
concerns. The mayor's court, composed of merchants and
traders, though competent to its juridical purpose before the
territorial acquisitions, >Vhen the matters submitted to its deci*
sion were solely commercial, was now totally inadequate to the
exercise of tbe supreme judicature, and therefore a new Court
was proposed. The minister did not profess to expect that
these regulations would Completely ptfbduce the desired effect ;
yet he trusted that they would operate powerfully towards ii
general reform, and that the future vigilance of the legislature,
instructed by experience, would provide new regulations, suita-

350 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, ble to the state of the various* and complicated concerns. The
Xl- bill was long and vigorously opposed in parliament, and strimg-
^-""w ly deprecated by India proprietors ; not only by the holders
. I773- under a thousand pounds stock, who asserted that the franchise
d'fT" which they had purchased was confiscated without delinquen-
dlb4edincy; but by others, who apprehended that thereby the property
parlia-, - of India stock would decrease in value, as so strong a motive
ment, to purchase, or retain, was withdrawn : however, at length it
?"dPa^sed passed into a law. The committee, beside collecting informa-
intoa "tion to guide and induce deliberative amendment, found in the
conduct of some of the company's principal servants, grounds
for very severe judicial inquiries. A direct charge was addu
ced against those who had been principally concerned in the
Inquiry deposition of Surajah Dowla. General Burgoyne, chairman of
into the the select committee/having enumerated the distresses of India,
k*^?.tGfand the acts from which, according to the committee, they
' arose, declared that he would prosecute the chief delinquents;
he therefore moved "that the right honourable Robert lord
" Clive, baron Plassey in the kingdom of Ireland, in consequence
" ()f the powers vested in him in India, had illegally acquired
" the sum of 234,0001. to the dishonour and detriment Uf the
" state." The arguments to support this charge, were taken from the
result of the various inquiries, a great part of which consisted
of answers to interrogatories, put to the accused himself, and
other principal actors. Lord Clive was stated to be the oldest,
if not the chief delinquent, and to have set an evil example to
all the: rest; unless he were punished, therefore, every other
offender might equitably expect indemnity. : Lord Clive made
a very ingenious and dexterous defence : and with much art
having avoided a close discussion of the question on its own
ground of right or wrong, he pleaded the thanks of the direc
tors and proprietors on his return home, and farther, the ap
probation of his sovereign and country. In certain situations,
he said, there was a critical necessity, in which the English
power and fortune in Asia, depended solely on rapid, well timed,
and extraordinary measures ; by such efforts, he contended that
he had saved India. ¦ The presents were ag«>eeable to the ge
neral custom of the east ; Meer Jaffier had rewarded all those
who had been instrumental to his success : the acceptance of
such recompense he had never deemed dishonourable, and, it
was well known, he had never concealed. Other members of
the house, beside enlarging on these topics, farther argued, that
his high character and immense' fortune, after having been
quietly enjoyed for so many years, ought not to be endangered
by a scrutiny into a remote period ; and that, moreover, his im
portant services ought to have screened him from those charges.
This species of logic, that in a case of criminal enquiry, service
performed at one time, may be pleaded as a set-off against guilt
contracted "at another, was strongly controverted by Mr. Thur-

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 331
low, who conducted the attack, while Mr. Wedderburne headed chap.
the defence. Amotion being made for censuring his conduct, XI-
the acuteness of his advocate did not rest the vindication of1^"*^**
lord Clive on a plea of service, which he as fully as Mr. Thirr- ,. 1773.
low admitted to be irrelative in a criminal charge, but his chief g^ed
ground of argument was the nature of the evidence, which arose abilities of
principally from the accused himself, and other leading actors. Messrs.
The testimonies were given by gentlemen who had no concep- Tllurlow
tion that their statements could affect themselves ; and. if ren- *nd ,wed-
dered the foundation of a prosecution, they would oblige persons sh0wn
to be witnesses to their own detriment, than which nothing could against
be more inconsistent with justice, and the judicial course of En- and for
gland.1 These arguments, strongly fthpressed by Mr. Wedder-^dCKve.
burne, induced the house by a considerable majority to put an
end to the enquiry.
While East India affairs occupied the chief attention of par- War with
liament, some occurrences in the West Indies were also brought the Ca-
under its consideration. The islands of St. Vincent, St. Lucia, ribbs'
and Dominica, had formerly been deemed neutral, both by
the French and the English. The proprietors of the soil
were the Caribbs, being the descendants of the aboriginal
Indians, with a small intermixture from fugitive negroes. The
French had made establishments in these islands, with the con
sent of the natives ; but had found it necessary, for the secure
enjoyment and improvement of their new acquisitions, to court
the friendship of the ancient possessors. At the cession of St,
Vincent to England, the Caribbs were not mentioned ; and when*
new settlers from Britain undertook to plant the island, orders
were given, that; while these Indians were inoffensive they
should not be disturbed. Most of the French planters sold their
estates to British adventurers, who became considerable both
in numbers and property; but the most fertile tracts were still
in the hands of the Indians. The new colonists, conceiving
that such valuable possessions would be -much better improved
by British industry than by Indian indolence, proposed to go
vernment to deprive the natives of the soil fittest for cultiva
tion, and bestow on them tracts more commodious for their fa
vourite occupations of hunting and fishing ; and administration,
foreseeing no opposition from the natives, approved the plan.
The exchange, was offered by the planters to the Caribbs, but
rejected with indignation : they had held their lands they said,
independent, of the king of France, and would now hold them
independent of the king of Great Britain. The British settlers,
apprehensive of a contest with such inflexible neighbours, subr
mitted to government, whether it was not expedient, since the
Caribbs would not part with their lands, to transport them to
the coast of Africa ; and ministers too hastily agreed to the

Dfebrett's Parliamentary pebates, for May 1775,

352 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, scheme. The Caribbs resolved to resist ; and & body of troops,
X1, in 1772, was ordered from North, America to reduce them to
y*^****»' subjection ; but the rainy season prevented our forces from
177S- making progress, and proved extremely sickly. These hostili
ties became the pubject of severe animadversion in parliament;
we had, it was said, unjustly attacked the immemorial rights of
the Cari})bs, and unwisely sent out our soldiers at a season fatal
to Europeans who had uewly arrived from a more temperate
climate. Motions concerning the causes of the war and the
state of tbe troops, caused long and ardent debates in parlia
ment : which, though severally negatived by great majorities,
highly excited the public .attention. Intelligence at length ar-'
rived, that major-general "-Dalrymple and the Caribbs had con
cluded a peace, in which they acknowledged themselves the
subjects of Great Britain, and promised, in their intercourse
with the whites, to be governed by the laws of England ; but
-x in their own territories, and in matters relating to each other,
they were to retain their ancient customs and usages : they
agreed to cede certain districts to the British planters, and ac
knowledging that they owed their lands to the king's clemency,
were allowed to retain all that was necessary for their popula
tion and pursuits.
In this session, lord Howe presented a petition from the cap
tains of -the navy, praying a small increase of their half-pay.
From the reign of Elizabeth till the year 1715, as his lordship
showed, naval captains received a half-pay double the amount
of that which they received in 1773, when the value of money
was so much diminished. It would* be superfluous to employ
argumentation in demonstrating the merit and importance of
that gallant class of gentlemen, or to prove that the allowance
was unsuitable to their rank in society. From the general at
tachment of Britons to the navy, and their conviction that the
recompense was inadequate to the service, the public earnestly*
desired that the wish of the brave veterans should be accom
plished. The minister admitting their claims, lamented that
the situation of the finances did not allow additional expenses.
Increase The application, however, was so very popular, that a motion'
of half-pay wa8 carried in favour of the petition, a suitable address presen-
ca-DtaXi ^ *° ^ mai*s^' anc* an addition of two shillings a day
p ' (amounting in all to six) made to the halkpay^of navy captains.
Bill in fa- The dissenters, notwithstanding" the disappointment of the
vour of former year, brought in a bill for the repeal of penal laws and
¦enters, subscriptions, which, being supported and opposed by the same
is reject- arguments as before, was rejected.
ad- # The ways and means of this session showed the financial
Supplies. skiil of the minister to he neither excellent por defective. His
of the m" calculation, indeed, on the reduction of the national debt, had
tional proved somewhat erroneous, as no part of the funded incum-
debt. brance was actually liquidated. Exchequer bills to the amount

REIGN OF QEORBE III. 353
of 1,800,0001. were discharged : and the money advanced to the CHAP.
East India company was not immediately raised, but credit XL
pledged for it in exchequer bills. The session did not rise till s^^v^^'
July 1st, after haying lasted nearly eight months. I773-
< During this winter there was a. great scarcity of corn, espe
cially in Scotland, andtumults ensued ; the rioters, however.by
the vigilance of tlie corn dealers, and the firmness of the ma
gistrates, were prevented from destructive outrage. On theContinen-
continent of Europe, the partitioning powers this year continu- tal affairs-
ed to be the principal objects of observation, while they comple
ted. their project of robbery, and compelled the unhappy Poles to
sanction their various steps of iniquity and usurpation. As they
advanced in, spoliation, they grew more indifferent about even the
seinblapceqf jvistice; and whenever the Poles offered any remon-:
strance, they immediately threatened to overwhelm them with Comple-
trqops.1 ATew, of the nobility having escaped from Warsaw, be- t'on of Qse
took themselves to Cracow, and there endeavoured to form a par- . s ™™j
ty against the plunderers and usurpers; but their attempts were0fp0iaiuj,
unavailing; the , partitioning powers, having dismembered the
best provinces of Poland under pretence of amending its consti
tution, confirmed its defects and perpetuated the principles of
anarchy and confusion. It would be foreign to this history to
follow those dragooning lawgivers through the detail of their acts,
but they all showed that the object was to render those parts de
pendent on vthe. partitioning powers through faction and internal
disorder, which.it did not, at present2 suit their purpose to seize
by their arms.
Russia was by no means so successful against the Turks this
year, as in ,former campaigns. Elated with her victories, she
had. refused all reasonable terms of accommodation, expecting
that her conquering forces would penetrate to Constantinople,
and that she might dictate the peace in the enemy's capital.
Early in summer, her forces on the Danube took the field, and
after some partial and detached advantages, the grand army
penetrating ,to the confines of Romania, found the vizier so
strongly posted, that he could prevent the progress of the Rus
sians without being compelled to hazard a battle. After vari
ous masterly but ineffectual movements to bring the enemy to
a decisive engagement, Romanzow was obliged to recross the
Danube, and at the end of the campaign found himself no far
ther advanced than at the beginning. In the Crimea and the

¦ See the manifestoes of the three several powers, addressed to Poland ;
State Papers, 177-3.
•> It may be asked, why did not the confederate invaders usurp the whole
kingdom of.Poland ? Of the reasons of this forbearance, the Annual Regis
ter gives a very probable account. " It would have been a matter of no
difficulty to form new claims upon as good a foundation as those whichthey
had already made j but it would not have' been so easy to have agreed
among themselves as to the distribution." Annual Register, 1773, p. 40.
Vol. I. 45

d J4 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP. Levant, the Russian operations, much less important, were
XI- equally indecisive : the -Turks, indeed, being now retaught the
v^"v"s"/ use of arms, commanded by an able and skilful general who
I773- possessed the confidence of his soldiers, no longer afforded cer
tain and easy victory.
It was conceived, that France and Spain were this year pre
paring to take a part in the war against Russia, of whose pro
gress and power the house of Bourbon was jealous. Their ar
maments not being confined to the ports on the Mediterranean,
and being greater than was necessary to act against the Rus
sians in the Levant and Archipelago, the Baltic was sup
posed to be one object of their destination. France was
believed to be, through her'intimate connexion with the king
of Sweden, instigating that prince to a war, which from his
lately acquired absolute power, he could the more readily
undertake. The equipments of the Bourbon sovereigns, what
ever might be their purpose, necessarily aroused the vigilance
of- England ; a powerful fleet was speedily prepared ; and
the ambassadors of Britain at their respective courts announced,
that if they interfered in the war between Russia and Turkey,
an English fleet sailing to the Mediterranean would frustrate
their projects. The king of Spain, always inimical to this
country, appeared disposed to hostilities ; but the French king
and ministry desirous as they might be to check the progress
of Russia, were far from wishing to involve themselves in a
war with Britain, and by their influence at Madrid they pre
vented a rupture. In Italy, the pope, who had so strenuously
maintained the cause of the vFesuits, and so obstinately en
deavoured to support the customary extortion of his priests,
was now dead. His successor, aware that a bishop of Rome
was of little consequence out of his own diocese, unless sup
ported by the power of lay sovereigns, determined to cultivate
the friendship of those princes. To gratify the united house
of Bourbon, he suppressed the Jesuits; but allowed individu
als who had belonged to that order, to remain in his dominions,
provided they rendered themselves useful, without advancing
doctrines in support of their late institution, or taking any
steps towards its restoration; and this was the final blow to
the remains of an order the most celebrated of monkish frater-
Attacks of nities. In all the Roman catholic states, the reduction of
Roman ecclesiastical power, begun with such effect by the house of
Ewers' on bourbon, was become general ; indeed, plans of this sort were
thedergy. so hastily adopted and executed, as rather to manifest that
they sprung from imitation than from rational conviction.
The exaltation of priests far beyond their due rank in society,
had been very long the fashion, so their excessive depression
became now the mode of catholic courts ; and undue contempt
of ecclesiastics was a favourite sentiment with princes and
ministers in those countries wherein they had very recently
been regarded with undeserved admiration: those notions very

KEIGN OF GEORGE IH. 35S
jaaturally, in the usual, course of human opinion, running into CHAP.
opposite extremes, accelerated the progress of infidelity ; and, XI-
in their remote consequences, precipitated the downfall of their v^*v-^<
abettors. 1772-
Though the stubborn republicans of New -England continued America-
to thwart the mother country, the middle and southern provin
ces were peaceably and quietly advancing in population and
prosperity. They seemed resolved to cultivate the friendship
of Britain, replete With benefit, and which for several years no '
measure or occurrence had tended to intercept. They ap- tranquilli-
peared well satisfied with the administration of lord North, ty.mcreas*
under which tlie chief objects of their complaints had been.'JJ^p* s^
redressed. Relieved from the greater part of the obnoxious perity.
imposts, they gave themselves little trouble about the reserva
tion of the principal ; and while their purses were spared,
forebore quarrelling about metaphysical propositions; they also
discouraged the republican agents of their northern neigh
bours. Bred in monarchical principles, they did not, like the
Bostonians, wish to separate from Great Britain merely be
cause it was a monarchy ; they were willing to give al
legiance for protection, though afforded by the wearer of a
crown. At home, the spirit of licentiousness had subsided ; the Britain :
minister, unassuming and agreeable in his manners, and candid discontent
in his opinions, was esteemed able and successful in his ad- j1.1"* licel1-
ministration. His plan for governing India greatly increased s^side/
his own power and patronage, and was yet pleasing to the
country. It was necessary to restrain by some means the op
pression, extortion, and cruelty of the company's servants;
and the nation conceived the principles and provisions of his
system to be effectual for that purpose. His new arrange
ments would, it was supposed, by preventing the extravagance
and depredations of the company's officers, increase this
bountiful source of revenue, and farther diminish the public
burthens. The nation was at peace with all the world, and increasing
apparently likely to continue long to enjoy tranquillity; com-iradeand
merce was increasing, and conceived to be in a train of very prosperity
great augmentation; and every thing appeared favourable totothep0_
private and public prosperity. Thus during lord North's licy of lord
ministry, his country, from being a scene of turbulence and North.
discontent, was become tranquil and satisfied ; America, from
refusing our manufactures, distressing our commerce, and
being almost in rebellion against our government and laws,
now afforded an advantageous market for our commodities,
enriched our merchants and manufacturers, employed our
shipping, exercised our sailors, and declared their attachment
to our constitution and king. India, from being the scene of
iniquity, was to be administered with justice. Our receipts,
recently unequal to our annual expenditure, now, without
farther Imrthening the subject, enabled us to reduce the r.a-

356 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, tional debt, and thus ultimately to lessen the taxes on the peo-
XI- pie. SuCh was the situation and repute of the minister, and
v^"v"*"'' such the opinion and hopes of the people, at the period which
1773. the history has now reached ; lord North being now in the meri-
terno-Tat dian spkndor of his administration.
the zenith Though the fairness of the prospect was no doubt exaggerated
of his by sanguine imaginations, yet to discerning judgment it was by
fame. no means unpleasing ; tranquillity was restored at home, and in
most of the colonies ; some progress was making in reducing the
national debt; trade was actually increasing, and likely still
farther to advance. The effect of the East India plan, either
commercial or political, could not with any precision be ascer
tained ; but by restraining, in some degree, fraudulent and pre
datory appropriation of Indian wealth, seemed calculated to im
prove the company's finances, and the revenue of Britain. Re
flecting politicians saw, that the favourable change in our affairs
could not be all traced to the minister's counsels or measures,
but they certainly perceived that American tranquillity was to
be imputed to his propositions. In these they discovered a mind
more inclined to conciliation than coercion, and confidently in
ferred that lord North would adhere to the soothing policy, of
which they had already experienced the salutary effects. No
event or situation had occurred, to exhibit lord North as a great
minister; but there were hitherto no grounds to question his ca
pacity for successfully conducting the affairs of his country, in
circumstances not more trying than those which he had yet en
countered.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI.

CHap. Xlf.

Object of the minister in his proposition respecting the export of tea. —
Alarm at Boston. — Discovery of the' governor's letters to the English
ministry. — News arrives in Boston, that ships laden with tea are on their
way. — Riots. — Governor's proclamation is disregarded. — Ships arrive at
Boston. — A mob throws the cargo into the sea. — Meeting of Parliament.
—King's message respecting the disturbances at Boston, is discussed in
parliament— Sill for blocking up the port of Boston. — The punishment
of a whole community for the acts Of a part, is defended by ministers.—;
The principle and prbvisions-of the bill are impugned by opposition as
unjust and unwise. — Precedents discussed. — Opposition predict, that it
will drive the colonies to confederate revolt. — The bill passes into a law.
—Mr. Fuller's motion for repealing the duty on tea. — Mr. Burke's cefe-
Br&ted Sp'eech oil American taxation. — Co&rcive plan of ministers fiflr-
¦ ther developed. — Bill for changing the civil government of Massachu
setts. — Bill ibr changing the administration of justice therein. — Quebec
bill. — Inquiry into the state of prisons. — Howard. — Supplies. — Literary
property ascertained by a decision of the house of peers. — Session clo
ses. — Expectations and apprehensions' from the! coercive measures of the
' legislature. I COME now to a part of the narrative more important CHAP.
thaii toy which has hitherto been the subject of this history. I XIL
have to trace the causes and the commencement of a war, v^"v-^
which in its progress involved maritime Europe, and in its ope- I773-
rations displayed very frequently all the strength of the British
character, in whichi though the issue proved unfortunate, as
the counsels were not rarely unwise, and the executive conduct
not seldom dilatory and indecisive, yet the contest was on the
whole not inglorious. The mass of British energy was unim
paired. Military ardour and enterprise, naval skill, courage,
arid ability, manifested themselves in all ranks. If Britain, hav
ing the whole force of her ancient foes and her recent friends
and subjects to combat, did not come off victorious, yet she was
not vanquished; she indeed lost her colonies, but did not lose
her honour.
Various were the circumstances, both internal and external,
in her cabinet, her senate, her camp, and the combined efforts
of her enemies, which tended to depress our country: but all
did not effect a lasting humiliation. The national exertions,
though far different in success from those during which Pitt
had guided her counsels, or Marlborough headed her troops,
proved that Britain had not degenerated. Severely as the ef
fects of the American war were immediately felt by this coun
try, yet Its distant consequences have been most dreadful to
continental Europe, by rapidly accelerating that great revolu
tion which now overwhelms so large a portion of the civilized

CHAP. xn.

1773.
Object of
the minis
ter in his
proposition con
cerning
the export
of tea.

Alarm at
Boston.

Discovery of the go
vernor's letters to
the En
glish mi
nisters.

HISTORY OF THE
world, and has made the chief abettors of revolt fall into de
struction from the principles which that revolt cherished.
Lord North, in his proposition for exporting the teas of the
company without paying duty, had a two-fold object in view:
to relieve the company, and to improve the revenue. The
Americans, being informed of the act, viewed it only in the lat
ter light. The associations against importing tea, were still in
existence; although, except in Massachusetts Bay, little re
garded ; and the . promulgation of this scheme revived their
spirit in the more moderate colonies, but in Massachusetts it ex
cited great rage and alarm. In was foreseen, that if the ¦ tea
were once introduced and landed, it would be impossible to pre
vent its sale and consumption, and thus the inhabitants would
be obliged to pay the duty, notwithstanding all their efforts to
oppose taxation. As tea had been clandestinely imported even
to Boston, the dealers, who were very numerous, were afraid
that the trade might be taken out of their hands, aud become
entirely dependent on the consignees of the East India compa
ny. These, from the connexion now subsisting between the
company and the administration, were gentlemen who favoured
government, and were of course, unpopular in New-England.
There was another circumstance also, which rendered these
colonists more inimical than ever to government, and conse
quently more determined to oppose its measures and misconstrue
its intentions. Some years before this time, the governor and
deputy governor of Massachusetts had written confidential let
ters to official persons in England, containing a very unfavoura
ble view of the state of affairs, and of the temper, dispositions,
and designs of the leaders in that province. They alleged,
that a republican spirit prevailed there, which would resist the
measures of Britain, however equitable ; that to reduce the in
habitants to obedience, coercion was necessary; and that a
considerable change of the constitution and system of govern
ment was requisite, to ensure the subordination of the colony ;
and proposed, that the alteration should be such as would
abridge their liberties. By some means not yet discovered,
Doctor Franklin, agent for the province in England, got the
letters into his possession. Franklin was also deputy post-mas
ter-general for America, an office which he held from the ap
pointment of the British government; from gratitude, there
fore, he might have been presumed to be attached to his em
ployers. Perhaps the possessor of the letters might, on this sup
position, have shown them to him, in order to illustrate some
opinion respecting the conduct of the Americans ; but howso
ever he might have discovered them, it was to be expected that
he, who must have seen their nature and tendency, would not
have published papers which must necessarily embroil the go
vernor and the colonies. Franklin, nevertheless, did make
them known, by transmitting them to the provincial assembly
then sitting at Boston. The animosity and indignation excited

REIGN, OF GEORGE HI. - 359
by their perusal were, as the informer must have foreseen, very CHAp.
violent. The assembly sent a deputation to inquire whether the XIL
governor acknowledged the signatures ; and the subscription s^*v^>*
being owned, they prepared a petition and remonstrance to be I773-
presented to the king, charging the governor with betraying his
trust by giving partial and false information, declaring him an
enemy to the colony, and praying for his removal from office.
This new source of discord rendered the Bostonians more open
to other causes. The consignees of the East India company
were chiefly of the family and nearest connexions of the gover
nor 'and deputy governor, and were thus more obnoxious to the
hatred of the Bostonians.
In the month of November, intelligence was received that News ar-

three ships laden with tea were on their passage to Boston. ™ves at
Tumults, violence, and riot, were excited, to frighten the con- (J^4"" °
signees from acting in their intended • capacity. Some of the proach "of

company's agents were so intimidated as to yield to this lawless ships la
violence, and to relinquish their appointments, but others re- den witl1
solved to discharge their duty. Committees were appointed intea-
different towns, to which the constituents delegated much great
er powers than justly and legally they possessed themselves.
They authorized the deputies to inspect the books of merchants,
to impose tests, and to inflict punishment on those who resisted
their tyrannical proceedings. These violent measures were not
confined to the province of Massachusetts, but extended to the
.other colonies; it was, however, at Boston that they proceeded
to flagrant outrage. There the populace, with the imperious Riots.
insolence of a democratical mob, commanded the agents to re
linquish their appointments ; but those gentlemen refused to
deviate from engagements which justice sanctioned, and law
authorized ; and the rioters attacked the houses of the refracto
ry consignees, whom they obliged to take refuge in Castle Wil
liam. The governor issued a proclamation, commanding the Gover-
civil magistrates to suppress the riots, and protect the peace- nor's pro-
able and well disposed inhabitants ;x but the proclamation was clamatl0n
disregarded and despised, and the sheriff insulted for attempt- is disre-
ing to read it at one of the illegal meetings. In December 1773, garded.
three ships belonging to the company arrived at Boston ; and Ships ar-
the very day on which they come to port, one of the first ob- rive with
jects that they beheld was a custom-house officer tarred and
feathered by a riotous multitude, because he had performed
the duties of his office. The populace manifested so general a
spirit of enmity and revenge against all whom they supposed to
be connected with the importation of tea, that the captains
were afraid to attempt the landing of their cargoes, and offered
to return to England, if they could obtain the proper discharges
from the consignees, the custom-house, and the governor : but
though these officers would not venture to land the tea, they re-
« Stedman.'s History of the American Waf, vol. i. p. 84*-,

360 History of tike
CHAP, fused -to^ive the explains a discharge while their cargoes re-
xir- mained on board,: for the delivery of iwhich they were engaged
*"*""v',s-'bv the company. A meeting of the inhabitants had expressed
i773- a'determinationito send the cargoes, and ships back to England,
and -applied to the custom-house for a clearance, and to the
governor for leave, for the ships to pass Castle William; and
the*ref»sal of both being reported,* the Americans apprehended
that it was ;the design of the government officers, to, land the tea
privately, which wo.uldrender.it impossible to prevent its gra-
Amob dualsale, and consequently the-taxation, which the Bostonians
throws the abhorred. To oppose this, a number of armed men, in the
cargoes evenmg 0f the 18th of December, disguised as Indians, boarded
sea"1 6 ^e ships, and threw the cargoes into, the sea.
1774. Before the news of this outrage arrived in England, parlia-
Meeting ment had assembled. That -.august body, met on the 13th of
of parlia- January 1774. The principal subjects of the king's speech
ment' were, the pacific disposition of other foreign powers,, though
the war between Russia.and Turkey still continued ; a.general
' recommendation to employ our tranquillity from abroad in im
proving our condition at home, and especially; to, prosecute such
measures as should tend to advance our commerce and revenue.
Under- these heads -be recommended them to pay , particular
attention^ to the gold convwhich was then very much impaired.
On the disputes of America* his majesty did not enter, as no in-
formation had .yet been received of" the violent proceedings of
the colonists during the recess, of parliament. In February,
however, intelligence arrived of the riot in Boston; and on the
Message 7th of 'March, a message was delivered from his majesty to
of the king tne [,ouge 0f commons* by lord North, purporting, that in con-
thePdis-in^ secluence -of'tiie unwarrantable practices carried on in America,
turbances and* particularly the. outrageous proceedings at the town and
at Boston ; port of Boston, with a view of obstructing the commerce of
'* this - kingdom, and upon grounds and pretences immediately
subversive of the constitution, it was thought fit to lay the
whole* matter before parliament. 'The king confided as well in
their zeal for the maintenance of his majesty's authority, as in
their attachment to the general interest and welfare of all his
¦dominions. He trusted that they would not only enable him
effectually to adopt such measures as might be most likely to
put an immediate stop to these disorders, but would also take
into their most serious consideration what farther regulations'
and permanent provisions might be necessary to be established
for better securing the execution of the laws, and the just de
pendence of the colonies upon the crown and parliament of
Great Britain. This message being delivered, a great number
of papers were laid before the house, consisting of copies and
extracts of letters from the different magistrates and officers,
the votes and resolutions of the inhabitants of Boston, and many
other documents both authentic and important. An address to
(us majesty was proposed, strongly expressing the readiness of

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 361
parliament to comply with the requisition of the royal message. CHAP.
Though this motion was carried without a division, it produced x'1-
a very general discussion of American affairs, and of the mode ^-^^^w
and extent of the inquiries which should be made. Members I77*'
of opposition admitted, that America was in a very disordered
state ; but contended, that the disturbances arose from one radi
cal cause, taxation ; and until that was removed, discontent
would always continue in the colonies. They ought to inquire
into the conduct of the Americans who had resisted govern
ment, and punish them according to the guilt established by
proof. They ought also to examine the system of violence
which had provoked, and of weakness which had encouraged,
their resistance. The house could only support ministers, after
investigating their conduct, and finding it wise and equitable;
therefore a strict retrospect into their management was essen
tially connected with an inquiry concerning the state of Ameri
ca. If they had acted prudently, such a review would termi
nate to their honour; but if unwisely, it behoved parliament
not to encourage weakness and ignorance. The retrospect i
here proposed was not for a judicial purpose, to have ministers
tried or punished ; but a deliberative, to direct the conduct of
the legislature. Ministers warmly opposed this two-fold consi
deration of the subject; and contended, that the inquiry should
be confined to the mere misbehaviour of the Bostonians. Were
it to extend to other subjects, it would retard a business pecu
liarly pressing; and also encourage the disaffected colonists, by
inducing them to suppose that there was in the British parlia
ment a disposition to lessen their guilt by throwing blame on the
executive government. The proposed retrospect was therefore
not only unnecessary, but even dangerous : although ministers
did not here prove that, in examining subjects of deliberative
measures, it was better to rest contented with part of the facts
than to scrutinize the whole (and that was the amount of their
argument,1) yet they succeeded in persuading parliament to
confine its attention to the violence and outrages of the Ameri**!
cans, without seeking to trace the causes. On this imperfect
knowledge of facts, the British legislators proceeded to delibe
rate on questions involving the preservation or loss of a most
valuable part of the empire. As the grounds of their proce
dure were partial, it might have been expected that they would
have investigated the parts which they professed to consider,
before they passed any laws upon them: it will be presently
seen, in what manner, and to what extent, cognizance of the
case preceded delivery of judgment. Parliament agreeing to.
inquire on the partial system proposed by government, minis
ters contended, that two subjects must be obtained, satisfac
tion to the East India company for the loss which they had
¦ See Parliamentary Debates, March 1774 ; and afterwards on the Bos
ton port bill.
feu I. 46

362

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP. xir.
1774.

Bill for
blocking
up the
port of
Boston.

The pu
nishment of a whole
communi
ty for the
acts of a
part is de
fended by
ministers.

incurred by the destruction of the tea; and reparation to the
honour of Britain for the insult which was offered to it in the
'forcible transgression of its laws. They vindicated the con
duct of the governor, in not having employed the military force
of the castle and ships of war to prevent the destruction of
the cargoes: the leading men in Boston had, they alleged,
always remonstrated against the interposition of the ar
my and navy, and had imputed the past disturbances to their
interference. Mr. Hutchinson manifested great prudence and
discretion in forbearing an employment of his " force, which
would have been irritating to the minds of the people ; and
might well have hoped, that by thus confiding in their conduct,
and trusting to the civil power, he should have quieted their tu
multuous violence, and preserved the public peace. The event,
however, proved contrary to his well-grounded expectations;
the disposition and temper of the Bostonians, freed from the in
fluence of fear had been fairly tried, and had fully manifested
themselves ; and their conduct had demonstrated, that it was im
possible for the powers now vested in government to prevent
atrocious outrages. Our commerce, it was now evident, could
no longer be safe in the harbour of Boston ; and it was abso
lutely necessary, that some other port should be found for re
ceiving our merchandise. The minister therefore proposed, for
the purpose of private indemnification and public satisfaction,
a -bill for shutting up the port of Boston, and prohibiting the
lading or unlading of all goods' or merchandise (except stores
for his majesty's service, and provisions and fuel for the use of
the inhabitants) at any place within its precincts, from and after
the 1st of June, until it should appear to his majesty, that peace
and obedience to the laws were so far restored in the town of
Boston, that trade might again be safely, carried on, and his ma
jesty's customs be duly collected. In that case, his majesty
might by proclamation, open the harbour; but not even then,
until it should appear that satisfaction had been made to the East
India company for the destruction of their tea, and also to those
who had suffered by the riots at the time of its arrival at Bos
ton.1 Lord North observed during the progress of the bill, that to
fine communities for their neglect in not punishing offences
committed within their limits, was justified by several prece
dents. In king Charles the Second's time, when Dr* Lamb
was killed by unknown persons, the city of London was fined ;
when captain Porteus was violently and illegally put to death
by a mob, the city of Edinburgh was fined and otherwise punish
ed; and when Mr. Campbell's house at Glasgow was pulled
down, part of the revenue of the town was sequestered to
make good the damage. Boston, he observed, was much more

* Stedman's History of the American War, vol. i. p. 88.

REIGN OF" GEORGE. IH. 363
criminal than either of the three cities that he had mentioned ; CHAP.
that town had been upwards of seven years in riot and confu- xu-
sion ; and there all the disturbances in America had originated. s^~>/^*^
By this bill, Boston might certainly suffer ; but she deserved to 1774-
suffer, and she would suffer far less punishment than her delin
quencies merited : the duration of her punishment was entirely in
her own power ; whenever she should make satisfaction for her
past injuries, and give full assurance of her future obedience, his
majesty would doubtless restore her to her former situation, and
open her port. The present was a crisis which demanded vi
gour ; for it was necessary to convince America, that Britain
would not suffer her laws, her government, and the rights of her
subjects to be violated with impunity. It might be alleged (mi
nisters said) that the plan was wise and just, but that the execu
tion would be difficult; to this they replied, that though the friends
of British authority in America might suffer a little from their
adherence to the cause, which was unpopular among the infatua
ted Bostonians, and our merchants might experience some dimi
nution of trade from the determination of malcontents to refuse
British commodities, and from the exclusion of commerce from
this port, the inconvenience of either would be temporary and
short. The present and proposed measures would either induce
or compel those deluded men to return to their duty. No mili
tary force would be requisite to carry them into execution, for
four or five frigates would be sufficient to effectuate our double
purpose ; but even if military force were wanted, it could act
effectually without bloodshed. The other colonies, it was ex
pected, would approve of the proper punishment being inflicted
on those who had disobeyed the laws : but, even were they to
combine with the rioters of Massachusetts Bay, the consequen
ces of this rebellion would rest not with us, but with themselves j
we were only answerable that our measures should be just and
equitable. During the progress of the bill, petitions were presented, Opposi-
deprecating its acceptance, upon a very plain principle of*10 a.c°Jt'
jurisprudence, that no man or men can justly be condemned with- the bjll is
out being heard ; that the charges against the Bostonians were unjust and
adduced on the report of the governor, who was notoriously unwise.
at variance with that town and the whole province ; that the
proposed measure proceeded from the accusation of an enemy,
on which partial ground it contained a sentence delivered,
without hearing the accused party: the outrages committed
were not within the jurisdiction of the city of Boston ; for the
harbour was under the command of the executive power, and
the governor, not the city of Boston, was answerable for a
neglect of authority there. In the alleged precedents ofPrece-
¦London and Edinburgh, the cases were totally dissimilar; the^|j*«fe
off'ences had been committed within the jurisdiction of those
cities, and no judgment had been passed, until the cause

364

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP, was fully canvassed, after hearing both parties.1 This was t he
X,L purport of the petitions, one of which, from natives and in-
^r^y^, habitants of North Ameriea, was heard, but not regarded ;
I77*- another, presented by the agent of Massachusetts Bay, for the
inhabitants of Boston, was not received. The bill was op-.
posed in the house, on the two grounds of justice and ex
pediency. The arguments on the first head were nearly the
same as those which were employed by the petitioners, that
the whole city of Boston was punished for an offence not com
mitted within its jurisdiction, -^and without being heard in its
own vindication ; it was beswles alleged, that even if the
culpability had been admitted, the punishment far exceeded
the crime. Corporations, for neglecting to suppress tumults
within their jurisdiction, had been frequently fined, but never
deprived of the means of industry and trade. The restoration
' The following statement, drawn up from the petitions, and froift the
reasonings of members inimical to the Boston port bill, and published in
the periodical works of the times, shows the absolute inapplicability of
Porteus's noted case to the riot at Boston.

PROCEEDINGS AGAINST

Edihbubgh,
Began the 10th of February, 1737,
and ended June 21st, having contin
ued four months.
The provost and magistrates of
Edinburgh, the judges of Scotland,
and many other witnesses examined
at the bar of the house.
Counsel and evidence for the ma
gistrates and city fully heard at the
bar. Two members for Edinburgh, for
ty-five for Scotland, in the lower
house -, and sixteen in the upper.
Charge — an overt act of rebellion,
and an atrocious murder ; proved on
a full hearing, and by competent
evidences. Frequent conferences held be
tween the two houses, to compare
the evidence, &c.
Punishment— a fine of 20001.

Boston,
Began the 14th, and ended the
31st of March, 1774, being in all se
venteen days.
Witnesses examined by the privy
council, and their evidence sup-

Proof— -journals of the lords and
commons in 1737, against Edin
burgh and the bill.

The agent refused a hearing at the
bar. Not one member for Boston in ei
ther house, nor for all or any part of
America, nor even a voice in elect
ing one.
Charge — a riot and trespasses ; no
evidence, and no hearing.

Not one conference.

Punishment — the loss of their
port, to the injury of the town, at
the lowest rate, 500,0001. The re
storation of their port, and the use
of their property left at the king's
mercy; after they shall have paid
for rotten tea the price of sound, to
the amount of 30,0001.
Proof—journals of the lords and
commons, 1774, and the Boston port
bill.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 36'5
of their'port being rendered dependent upon the king, became CHAP.
in fact dependent upon the king's ministers ; and thus the x,t-
Bostonians were placed, without a trial, in a situation in which •>*^r>*
they must incur commercial ruin, or comply with ministerial 1771.
mandates. Besides, intelligence had arrived, that tea had
been destroyed in most of the other colonies as well as Mas
sachusetts; why then make an act of parliament for punish
ing a part, until they had examined the conduct of the w.hole ?
It was contrary to justice, and the constitutional rights of
British subjects, to be taxed without their own consent ; and
all the disaffection and resistance had arisen from taxation,
combined with the weak and wavering systems of ministry.
Administration, aware of the real cause, eagerly stifled in
quiry, and called upon legislature to act upon their assertions
and those of their agents. The law was inexpedient in a
commercial view, as our trade must suffer, and that not by
preclusion from Boston only; for other colonies were equally
inimical to the tea duty as Massachusetts, and had discontinued,
, or at least diminished, their trade with Britain. It was po
litically hurtful ; as it would irritate and tempt the colonies to
resist, instead of intimidating them to submit; in short, it was
the offspring of narrow understanding, incapable of compre
hending the series of consequences which would, and must
result from such a law. In various opinions and sentiments
the colonies were divided, but on the subject of taxation
they were unanimous. Thus ministers and their supporters Opposi-
were taking the very means to drive to a confederacy, provin- tip11 Pre".
ces, some of which might have been kept separately, and in ™yj J??^
the interests of the mother country ; and the combination the C0io.
would necessarily produce a forcible resistance to Britain, nists to-
which, whatever should be its ultimate issue, must be per-confede-
nicious to the contending parties. These reasons, however r**p re*
forcible they were, had no influence with the m'ajority of the
parliament ; . the bill was carried through both houses, and Bill is
passed into a law, after a discussion of seventeen days. passed m.
The historian who impartially considers this momentous toa aw
law, With all the circumstances from which directly or in
directly it arose, will allow, that the proceedings of Mas
sachusetts Bay had for a series of years been dictated by
principles wholly inconsistent with the constitutional authority
of the British government over its subjects ; that in opposing
taxation, they had manifested a democratical spirit, not only in
declarations and writings, but by acts of atrocious outrage ;
that it was very natural for ministers to be incensed against the
avowers of such doctrines, and the perpetrators of such deeds :
but he will also observe, on the other hand, that the fluctuation
of mildness and harshness, coercion and indulgence, (the con-.
ciliatory measures being proposed only after rigorous ex
periments had been found ineffectual,) enraged the colonists
against the mother country for ber apprehended intentions,

366

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP. XII.

1774.

without leading them to fear her power. In the measure*'
which were adopted in consequence of the riot in Boston, the
* historian must discover a violence and precipitancy which more
obviously displayed the impulse of anger, than discriminating
justice, cautiously examining every circumstance, or expanded
wisdom viewing causes, operations, and their consequences.
The impartial reader must see, that- an act of the British
parliament, most important in its judicial operation, but in
finitely more momentous in its political efforts, was passed
when the legislative assembly was influenced by passion.
The Boston port bill being passed, a fleet of four ships of
war was ordered to sail for Boston; and as a. military force
was thought necessary to reduce the inhabitants to obedience,
general Gage, commander in chief in America, was appointed
governor of Massachusetts. Bay, in the room of Mr. Hutchinson,
who had asked leave to return to England. For the execution
of the act, powers were granted to Gage, by commission under
the great seal, to bestow pardons for treason and all other
crimes, and to remit fines and forfeitures to offenders whom he
should think proper objects of mercy.
Soon after the enactment of this law, Mr. Rose Fuller made a
motion for repealing the duty on tea, the only remaining part
of Mr. Charles Townshend's plan of 1767, so obnoxious to
America. While parliament, he said, punished the outrages of
the licentious and riotous, it was wise to gratify the well affect
ed colonists. The greater number even of "those who were
most attached to the mother country was inimical to taxation;
the duty was itself trifling, and its abandonment would be a
very small sacrifice, were it either to preserve or restore tran
quillity to the provinces. The arguments of most speakers on
this subject were nearly the same as had been employed in
former discussions. Mr. Edmund Burke, however, delivered a
celebrated 8peec[j on American taxation, which renders this motion an
American1 epoch in the history of philosophical and political eloquence.
taxation. His ground of argument was, expedience proved from ex
perience. He traced the history of the American colonies,
and the policy of this country, from their first settlement to the
commencement of the present reign, demonstrating the advan
tages of the former policy. The measures of the king's mi
nisters were, he said, a deviation from that system ; a deviation
unjust both to Britain and her colonies. Having pursued their
history from the beginning to the time at which he spoke, he
divided it into periods, described and characterized each period,
and the principal actors by whom they were respectively influ
enced, with the effects on the welfare of both the colonies and
the parent state ; he deduced from the whole the following re-
, commendation j " Leave the Americans as they anciently stood ;
" they and we, and their and our ancestors, have been happy
" under that system. Oppose the ancient policy and practice of
" the empire, as a rampart against the speculations of innova-

Burke's

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 367
" tions, and they will stand on a manly and sure ground." In a CHAP.
few lines he marked the prominent features of ministerial poli- x"-
cy, with the utmost accuracy of historical truth. * " Never have.^-*^0*^
" the servants of the state looked at the whole of your complica- l77^
" ted interests in one connected view : they have taken things
" by hits and scraps, just as they pressed, without regard to their
" relations and dependencies : they never had any system, right
" or wrong, but only occasionally invented some miserable tale
'* of the day, in order meanly to sneak out of difficulties into
" which they had proudly strutted." Ministers' opposed the
motion, because a repeal at such a time would show fluctuation
and inconsistency, which would defeat the good effects of the
vigorous plan that, after too long remissness, was at last adopt
ed. The motion was negatived. The disposition to carry things
to extremities with America was become very general. As the
repeal of the stamp act was much condemned, and its authors
greatly decried by the ministerial adherents, they formed the
most sanguine expectations that strong measures would prove
ultimately successful.
The Boston port bill was only a part of the coercive plan Coercive
which administration had now adopted. The civil govern- P.lan ofP'"
ment of Massachusetts Bay was inadequate, ministers alleged, "j^rje"r"
to the suppression of tumults and the preservation of the peace, veloped.
To remedy, this defect, an act was passed, which should de
prive the lower house of assembly in Massachusetts Bay of the
privilege of electing the members of the council, and vest that
privilege in the crown ; authorize the king, or his substitute
the governor, to appoint the judges, magistrates, and sheriff's,
and empower the sheriff's to summon and return juries ; and,
for the prevention of factious assemblies, prohibit town meet
ings from being called by the select men, unless with the con
sent of the governor.1 In support of the bill, it was alleged, Bill for
that the force of the civil power consists in the posse comitatus, changing
but the posse are the very people who commit the riots. If the„overn_
democratic part disregarded the laws, how were they to be en- ment of
forced by the governor? He could neither appoint nor remove Massachu-
magistrates ; that power was vested in the council, the mem- setts'
bers of which were dependent upon the people. The civil
magistrate caught the tone and sentiments of the people among
whom he lived ; from them he ultimately derived his appoint
ment ; and, though the military forces were ever so numerous
and active, they could not move to support magistracy, as no
magistrate could call upon them for assistance. It was there
fore necessary to alter the executive and judicial powers of
the Massachusetts government, and to form them upon the
model of the royal governments in the more "southern colonies.
It was objected to the bill, that it was an arbitrary and danger
ous measure to take away the civil constitution of a whole peo-
» Stedman's History, Vol. i. p. 89.

368 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, pie secured by a charter, the validity of which was not so much
x'k as questioned at law, upon loose allegations of delinquencies
,^**',w and defects, without evidence to show the necessity of such an
l77i- aet. The pretence of annulling the charter to strengthen go
vernment, could not stand the test of examination ; for the
colonies, already regulated in the manner proposed by the bill,
were no less inimical to taxation, than Massachusetts Bay. The
part of the act which affected juries, was framed, without
any pretence of abuse ; and the case of captain Preston was
in itself sufficient to show, that juries could aet justly even at
the expense of popularity. The cause of the disturbances
was not the system of polity ; it was the imposition of taxes
which had rendered the people dissatisfied, as well in the royal
governments as in the other-; and no remedy would be efficient,
without the removal of the cause. This act had a quite con
trary tendency ; instead of giving strength to government, it
was calculated to annihilate the remains of British authority in
the colonies. A petition was presented by Mr. Bollan, the agent
of Massachusetts Bay province, praying. that the bill might not
pass until advice should arrive from the colony, and that they
might be heard in their own defence by counsel, before their
constitution, which had been confirmed by the most solemn char
ters, was, subverted. In the conclusion they made a very strong
and pathetic entreaty to the house to consider, " that the re-
" straints which such acts of severity impose, are ever attended
" with the most dangerous hatred ; in a distress of mind which
" cannot be described, the petitioners conjure the house not to
" convert that zeal and affection which has hitherto united eve-
" ry American hand and heart in the interests of England, into
" passions the most painful and pernicious ; they most earnestly
" beseech the house not to attempt reducing them to a state of
"slavery, which the English principles of liberty that they inhe'-
"rit from their mother country will render worse than death;
" and that the house will not, by passing these bills, reduce their
" countrymen to the most abject state of misery and humilia-
'* tion, or drive them to the last resources of despair." After a
very warm debate, the bill was passed by a great majority, on
the 22d of May 1774 in the house of commons ; and nine days
after, the same arguments being repeated, it passed in the house
of peers.
Bill for Lord North now prepared a third bill, « for the impartial
changing " administration of justice in the cases of persons questioned
the admin- «for any acts done by them in the execution of the law; or
jUg£c'£ " for the suppression of riots and tumults in the province of
therein. "Massachusetts Bay in New-England." According to the
bill, the governor was empowered, if he found that any per
son indicted for murder, or some other capital offence, incur
red in suppressing tumults and riots, should not be likely to
have fair trial in the province, to send them to any other co
lony, or to Great Britain. This bill, the minister alleged,

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 3Q9
was necessary to give effect to the- two others; it was in vain, CHAP.
he said, to appoint a magistracy that would act, if none could XH-
be found hardy enough to put their orders into execution. s"^"v***<-'
These orders would most probably be resisted, and this resist- 1774-
ance would render force necessary to execute the laws; in
this case, blood would probably be spilt. Who, said lord
North, would risk this event, though in the execution of his
clearest duty, if the rioters themselves, or their abettors, were
to sit as the judges? How can any man defend himself, on the
plea of executing your laws, before those persons who deny
your right to make any law to bind themselves? He further
alleged, that such an act was not without precedent; smug
glers apprehended for offences committed on the coast of Sussex,
had been made triable in the county of Middlesex, and the
Scotch rebels in England. The proposed act did not tend to
establish a military, but a civil government; it gave to the
province a council, magistrates, and justices, when in fact
they had none before; it did not screen guilt, but protected
innocence : we must show the Americans, that we would no
longer quietly submit to their insults, and that, when roused,
our measures, without being cruel and vindictive, were neces
sary and efficacious. This act would complete his legislative
plan : the rest depended upon vigilance and vigour in the
executive government, which his lordship promised should not
be wanting*. The four regiments usually stationed over Ameri
ca, had all been ordered to Boston, and prosecutions had been
directed against the ring-leaders in sedition ; he made no doubt
that, by the steady execution of the measures now adopted,
obedience and the blessings of peace would be restored; and
the event, he predicted, would be advantageous, and happy to
this country. This bill was opposed with no less vehemence
and force than the two preceding laws: the members in oppo
sition denied its alleged foundation, that it would tend to the
impartial administration of justice; if a party spirit against
the authority of Great Britain would condemn an active offi
cer there as a murderer, the same party spirit for the authority
of Great Britain might here acquit a murderer as a zealous
performer of his duty; but the fact was, that though by the
bill the people were precluded from the exercise of their rights, ,
no abuse had been proved, or even attempted to be proved:
there was no evidence that justice had not been impartially
administered by the tribunals established ; on the contrary,
the instances (colonel Barre observed) which had happened,
were direct confutations of such charges. The case of cap
tain Preston was recent; this officer and some soldiers had
been indicted at Boston for murder, in killing some persons
during the suppression of a riot ; they were fairly tried, and
fully acquitted. It was an American jury, a New-England
jury, a Boston jury, which tried and acquitted the accused.
Captain Preston had, under his hand, publicly declared, that
Vol. I. 47,

370 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, the inhabitants of the very town where their fellow citizens
XI1- had been slain, acquitted himself. This was the very case
*^r*,"^/ which the act supposed. The precedents attempted to be
1774. drawn from trials for smuggling, it was contended, were, like
those adduced to support the former bills, totally inapplicable.
It was not difficult for either a prosecutor or a defendant in
Sussex, to attend the trial in Middlesex ; but the act now
proposed was a virtual indemnity for all murders and capital
offences committed in the alleged execution of the laws. The
distance was so great, and the expenses would be so heavy,
that scarcely any man would undertake to be a prosecutor,
even though his near relation were murdered. Ministers
were proceeding on the partial information of interested par
tisans, and upon their misrepresentations had framed the most
destructive laws ; the consequence of this act would be, the
establishment of a military government, replete with the most
lawless violence. The people had been long complaining of
oppression ; and now, that so many troops were ordered to
Boston, they would consider them as the instruments of farther
tyranny, which there were no longer efficient courts of law to
restrain. The soldiers, it was said, unawed by the civil power,
and prepossessed with an idea that the people were rebellious,
would, in spite of the vigilance of their officers, be guilty of
such violence as would rouse its objects to resistance; and the
consequence would be open rebellion. "You are (said colo-
"nel Barre, in an eloquent and impressive peroration) urging
"this desperate, this destructive issue; you are urging it with
"such violence, and by measures tending so manifestly to
« that fatal point, that, though a state of madness only could
"inspire such an intention,* it would appear to be your delibe
rate purpose. You have changed your ground; you are be-
" coming the aggressors, and are offering the last of human
" outrages to the people of America, by subjecting them in effect
«to military execution. 1 know the vast superiority of your
"disciplined troops over the provincials: but beware how
"you supply the want of discipline by desperation. In-
" stead of offering them the olive branch, you have sent
"the naked sword; by the olive branch, I mean a repeal
" of all the late laws, fruitless to you and oppressive to the
" colonies. Ask their aid in a constitutional manner, and they
" will give it to the utmost of their ability ; they never yet refus-
"ed it when properly called upon; your journals bear recorded
"acknowledgments of the zeal with which they have contri-
"buted to the general necessity of the state: they might be
" flattered into any thing, but are not to be driven. Have some
" indulgence to your own likeness; respect their sturdy English
"virtue; retract your odious exertions of authority; and re-
" member, that the first step towards making them contribute
"to your wants, is to reconcile them to your government."
Mr. Rose Puller, venerable for his years and parliamentary ex-

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 371
perience, and for independence of character, by no means uni- CHAP.
formly an opponent to government, and indeed belonging to no xl1-
party, ended a long speech against this bill with the following *^v"^»'
words : " I will now take iny leave of the whole plan : you will 1774.
"commence their ruin from this day. I am sorry to say, that
" not only the house has fallen into this error, but the people
" approve of the measure. The people, I am sorry to say it,
" are misled ; but a short time will prove the evil tendency of
"this bill. If ever there was a nation running headlong to its
" destruction, it is this." Whatever reasons could be urged
against the bill, the votes for it were very numerous, and it
passed the house of commons by a great majority. No less
strength of argument was exerted in opposition to this measure
in the house of lords ; and though from the ample discussion
which it had undergone among the commons, little novelty of
reasoning could be expected from either side, yet one new con
sideration was urged against it by the opposing lords. The
means adopted, it was alledged, for retaining the colonies in
obedience by an army rendered independent of the ordinary
course of law in the place where they were employed, would
prove the ruin bf the nation, by extending that instrument of
arbitrary power. Strong protests were framed against the three
several bills. The protesting lords were chiefly those of the
Rockingham part of opposition ; lord Chatham was himself
confined by illness : neither his name, those of earls Temple or
Shelburne, of lord Camden, or any other of his particular
friends, are found in the lists of the dissentients. In the house
of commons, the two divisions of anti-ministerial senators spoke
strenuously against the series of coercive acts. The orations
on these questions displayed distinguished ability on both sides,
but the most transcendent genius on the side of opposition. Be
sides Mr. Burke, that party now possessed Mr. Charles Fox,
whose powers far surpassed those of the most brilliant and il
lustrious commoners that were ranged on the side of adminis
tration. This extraordinary man, with his mind fast approach
ing to maturity, on being abruptly dismissed from his office of a
lord of the admiralty, had turned his strength against the mini
ster, and proved the most formidable adversary that he ever en
countered while at the head of affairs. From the nature of the
subjects, a great portion of the speeches on the three bills being
intended to demonstrate their probable effects either good or
bad, was prophetic. On comparing the predictions of ministry
and of opposition with the actual course of events, the compre
hensive reader must see that the great part of what the mini
sters advanced proved false, and of what opposition advanced
proved true. Ministers were, indeed, beyond all question ex
tremely deficient in information. They had by no means em
ployed sufficient pains to procure an adequate knowledge of
facts : but formed their judgment and plans from imperfect
materials. Opposition, especially governor Pownall, governor

372

HISTORY OF THE

Quebechill.

CHAP. Johnstone, and far beyond all, Mr. Burke, acquired so exten-
xl1- sive au acquaintance with the state, sentiments, opinions, and
-<N~^' characters of the respective colonies, as afforded light both to
17r4- themselves and the rest of the party. Opposition, indeed, was
anxious to open, and ministers to shut, all avenues to know
ledge concerning North America, the most important subject of
their counsels and plans.
• The session was now drawing near the usual season of re
cess, and many of the members, thinking that no business of im
portance would be laid before parliament previously to its pro
rogation, had retired into the country. They were, however,
mistaken in their opinion; the plan-of government respecting
America was* not yet complete. In the beginning of June, a
bill was brought into the house, for the administration of the
province of Quebec. The professed objects of the proposed ar
rangements were, to ascertain the limits of that province, which
extended far beyond what had been settled as such by the
king's proclamation of 1763; to secure to the inhabitants the
free exercise of their religion, and to the Roman catholic clergy
those rights which were agreeable to the articles of capitulation
at the time of the surrender --of the province; to restore their
ancient laws in civil cases without a trial by jury, as being
more acceptable to the French Canadians than the English
laws with the trial by jury : and to establish a council, holding
their commissions from and at the pleasure of the king, who
were to exercise all the powers of legislation, that of imposing
taxes only excepted. Such a council, composed principally of
the Canadian noblesse, it was supposed, would be more agree
able to the bulk of the people, than a house of representatives.
In favourofthislaw.it was argued, that political establish-
T^twn°t raents ought to be adapted to the sentiments, opinions, manners,
the bill ; anj jjghits of those for whom they were formed. The French,
who constituted a great majority of the inhabitants of Canada,
having been accustomed to an absolute government, neither
valued nor understood a free constitution. The Canadian French
abhorred the idea of a popular representation, from observing
the mischiefs that it produced in the colonies adjoining their
country. They were not yet ripe for a British constitution ;
their landed property had been all granted, and their family
settlements made, on the ideas of French law ; as for the laws
concerning contracts and personal property, they were nearly
the same in France as in England. Having been wholly unused
to trial by jury, they disliked it as an innovation ; and the treaty
of Paris had secured to the French Canadians the free exer
cise of their religion, as far as was consistent with the laws of
England. Our acts concerning popery, it was asserted, did
not, like the king's supremacy, extend beyond the kingdom ;
the Roman catholic Canadians were obliged to give a proof of
their allegiance ; and an oath was prescribed as a test against
papal claims, incompatible with the duty of subjects. By se-

Argu

REIGN OF GEORGE 111. 373
curing their tithes to the popish clergy, the act did no more than CHAP.
restore them to the situation which they held at the conquest ; XIL
subject however, to the disadvantage, that no person professing «^*v~w
the protestant religion was to, contribute any thing to their sup- 1774.
port. The extension of the province beyond the limits describ
ed in the proclamation, was justified by the plea, that several
French families were settled in remote parts of the country, be
yond the former districts, and an entire colony was established
among the Illinois Indians.
The arguments against the bill were reducible to two heads ; against it.
the incongruity and danger of an arbitrary government, esta
blished by the British legislature in any part of the empire, and
the establishment of the Roman catholic religion. The mea
sure was said to be an experiment of absolute power tried in
one colony, in order to extend by degrees that mode of ruling
to all the others. The immense enlargement of the boundaries
of Canada was. alleged to be for the same purpose, to have a
powerful instrument for subjugating the colonies. The proposed
annihilation of the popular assembly was attributed to the dis
like which ministry entertained for the rights of the people.
The great security of liberty consisted in the power of having
civil actions tried by a jury, and in cases of arbitrary impri
sonments, and many other violations of the rights of subjects.
This had always been the mode of seeking redress ; and the
English laws would be greatly aggrieved in being subjected to
French customs, and French forms of trial. On the subject of
religion, it was contended, that the capitulation had only pro
vided that the Roman catholic faith should be tolerated. This
privilege, opposition was willing to allow them in the fullest ex
tent ; but by the proposed bill, they said, instead of being tolera
ted, it was established. The people of Canada had hitherto
been happy under toleration, and looked for nothing farther. By
this establishment, said they, the protestant religion enjoys at
least no more than a toleration ; for the popish clergy have a le
gal parliamentary right to a maintenance, while the protestant
clergy are left at the king's discretion. Various amendments
were proposed in the house of commons, and several changes took
place ; but the ground work continued the same. A petition
was presented by the city of London to the king, praying" him
to withhold the royal assent : as the bill regarded religion, a ve
ry great popular clamour was excited, and an apprehension ot
popery revived. It went through the houses, however, with a
very great majority, and was, on the 22d of June, passed into a
law. Although America occupied, during this most memorable ses- The bill it,
sion, the principal attention of parliament, several- other affairs passed.
of considerable importance came before the houses. The dimi
nution of the gold coin had been long a subject of general com
plaint. In the close of the session of 1773, it had been brought
before parliament; and an act was passed on the last day -of

374 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, the session, to prevent the counterfeiting or diminishing the gold
xn- coin of the kingdom. By the law, the loss on the diminished
<""^v~^-' gold, amounting to a very large sum, fell upon the immediate
(,-Wim. possessors, and thereby principally affected the great money
coin. |,0[jers 0(. bankers. During the recess its operation had been
severely felt, and the more especially as the commercial world
had not yet recovered from the distresses occasioned by the
failures of the former year. The law had become very un
popular at the commencement of the session of 1774; and
several strictures were passed on the gold coin act, which was
affirmed to be highly oppressive and injurious to individuals.
Bankers had received coin according to its nominal value, on
the public faith, and under the sanction of government. It was
very unjust that a particular body of men should be obliged to
make good to the public a loss sustained through the iniquity
of others, and the culpable negligence of the police, in not re*
straining such criminal and pernicious practices. The lateness
of the season at which the law was proposed, when many mem
bers had left town, and the hurry with which it had been carried
through the houses, so as to afford no time for examining its
nature and tendency, also underwent severe animadversion. It
was answered by the minister, that the evil had been so urgent
as not to admit of any delay, and that it was necessary to be
remedied, even late as it was in the session. *He denied that it
was unjust ; for the loss, he contended, had fallen on those who
had been gainers by the situation which occasioned it, and who
had always profited by the public money. A committee, how
ever, was appointed to take into consideration the state of the
gold coin, and in consequence of their report, weights were es
tablished, under the direction of the officers of the mint, a con
formity to which was necessary to constitute a curent gold coin,
and a recoinage took place agreeably to that standard. The ef
fect of these regulations was, that no person could be defrauded
in the receipt of gold coin, except by his own negligence in not
weighing the proffered money, and this was a very material re
form in the great medium of commerce.
Inquiry During this session a committee having been appointed for
into the inquiring into abuses practised in goals, among other gentle-
prisons' 6 men examined was Mr- Howard, sheriff of Bedford, a man of
Howard, exquisite philanthropy, who, it was found, had visited those
mansions of misery through the greater part of England at a
very heavy expense, and with a continual risk of his life, in or
der to devise and administer relief. From the reports delivered
by him to the house, several improvements were immediately
suggested, and many more were ultimately devised, which have
since tended so powerfully to mitigate human wretchedness.
The thanks of the house were unanimously returned to the be
nevolent man who had inspected such scenes of distress, for the
purpose of alleviation ; and the various inquiries which arose
from the efforts of Mr. Howard, tended not only to soften the

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 37 ~>
evils of poverty, but to diminish concomitant evils, and to pre- CHAP.
vent the frequency of infectious distempers, which were before XIf-
so prevalent, from the squalid and noxious atmosphere of mis- v*^^>w'
managed goals. 1774.
Some proceedings on an enclosure bill gave rise to a libel, Libels.
which was severely prosecuted by the commons. Several pe
titions, it seems, had been presented against the enclosure in
question ; and the attention bestowed upon these by the speak
er, had not satisfied the advocates of the bill. A most virulent
letter was immediately printed in the Public Advertiser, charg
ing sir Fletcher Norton with gross partiality. The commons
not only acquitted their Speaker of the accusation, but voted
the letter a false, scandalous, and malicious libel, contrary to all
law and justice, and an open violation of their privileges. The
printer being summoned, threw himself upon the mercy of the
house. He declared that he had received the letter from Mr.
Home ; that it 'had been published in the hurry of business ;
and, as he had never before offended the house, he expressed
his hopes for its compassion. On enquiry, it was found, that Mr.
Home was the Rev. Mr. John Home, clergyman of Brentford.
It was moved, that Mr. Woodfall, the printer, should be commit
ted to the custody of the sergeant at arms ; and Mr. Charles'
Fox, ardent in enmity to the licentiousness of the press, friendly
as he has ever shown himself to its liberty, proposed that New
gate should be the scene of confinement ; the more gentle mo
tion, however, was carried. Mr. Home was next summoned,
but eluded the order, by pretending not to consider himself as
the person to whom it was addressed. The next day being
taken into custody, Mr. Home pleaded not guilty. The only
evidence against him being Mr. Woodfall, who was thought to
be incompetent because he was himself in custody and a party,
Mr. Home was discharged. Mr. Fox the same day complained
of a letter in the Morning Chronicle, as a libel on the constitu
tion and the royal family 5 and, at his instance, directions were
given for prosecuting the printer.
The supplies proposed for this year caused great debates : op- Supplies.
position alleged, that the number of forces, twenty thousand
for the fleet, and eighteen thousand for the army, was greater
than a peace establishment required, and the expenses being in
several articles, and upon the whole, higher than usual, pro
duced loud complaint and severe censure from opposition. The
minister admitted the expenditure to be great, but insisted that
it arose from circumstances which he could not prevent, and,
for the future, he was confident he would be able to lessen the ex
penditure. Literary
The house of lords this session, in its judicial capaci ty, deter- property
mined the great question of literary property, * which was is ascer-
brought before them by an appeal from a decree in chancery, tained by
The present age, in this country, favourable to every species of ^fd^si0n
meritorious and beneficial industrv, has been peculiarly advan- house of
neers.

376 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, tageous to literary ability. In former times, when the circula-
Xl1- tion of learned productions was confined, and the number of rea-
w"v"^'' ders small, genius often lay buried in obscurity, and merit was
V77i- not sufficient, without a fortunate coincidence of circumstances
to insure protection and support : the most successful adventur
ers could receive no other recompense than the patronage of the
great, and at best could only enjoy a precarious and irksome de
pendence. Since the art of printing has rendered the multipli
cation, of copies easy,"and the progress of science and erudition
has introduced a taste for reading among numerous classes of
people, authors have had it in their power to repay themselves
for their labours, without the humiliating idea of receiving a do
native. But the degree in which they were to reap this benefit,
depended on the securityand the duration of their literary pro
perty. The protection afforded by the laws of the country to
this species of labour, is not only important to the author,, but
also to the public ; for literary works like all others, will be under
taken and pursued with greater spirit, when, to the motives of
public utility and fame, is- added the inducement of private
emolument. The occasion which brought this question before the public
was as follows: certain booksellers had supposed, that an au
thor possessed by common law an exclusive right for ever to the -
publication of his own works, and consequently could transfer
that right. On this supposition, some of them had purchased
copy-rights, and had prosecuted others who published the same
books, as invaders of an exclusive right which they had acquir
ed by purchase. A decree of chancery had been obtained in
favour of Mr. Becket, a prosecutor on these grounds, against
Messrs. Donaldsons, as pirates, in having published a work be
longing to Mr. Becket. The defendants had appealed to the
house of peers ; and the question rested principally on three
points: 1st. Whether the author of a book, or literary compo
sition, has a common law right to the sole and exclusive publi
cation of such book, or literary composition ? 2d. Whether an
action for a violation of common law right, will lie against those
persons who publish the book or literary composition of an au
thor without his consent ? and, 3d. How far the statute of the
8th of queen Anne affects the supposition of a common law
right ? Under the first head it was contended by the advocates
of perpetual literary property, that this right was founded in
the general principle by which every man is entitled to the
fruits of his own labour. Whoever by the exertion of his ra
tional powers has produced an original work, appears to have
a clear right to dispose of the identical work as he pleases ;
and any attempt to vary the disposition, seems an invasion of
that right. The identity of a literary composition consists en
tirely in the sentiment and language: the same conceptions,
clothed in the same words, must necessarily be the same com
position; and whatever method be taken of exhibiting that

Reign of george m. 377
fcomposition. to the ear or the eye of another,, by recital, by writ- C**&P-
ing, or by printing, in any number of copies, or at any period xn'
of time, it is always the identical work of the author which is >~*~v~*,~'
so exhibited. On these grobnds of natural justice it was con- In
tended, that common law respecting literary property was
founded, and by that common law. the right of an author or
his assignee was perpetual. A statute of queen Anne had de
clared an author and his assigns to have a right to a work for
fourteen years, and for fourteen years more if the author should
so long live. Certain judges, among whom was lord Kaimes in
the court of session,1 and Yates2 in London, denied that ever
¦ such a right existed at common law. This opinion they
founded on the following allegations ; that a literary composi
tion is in the sole dominion of the author while it is in manu
script; the manuscript is the object only of his own labour, '
and is capable of a sole right of possession ; but this is not the
case with respect to his ideas. JVo possession can be taken, or
any act of occupancy asserted, on mere ideas. If an author
have a property in his ideas, it must be from the time when they
occur to him ; therefore, if another man should afterwards have
the same ideas, he must not presume to publish them, because „ ,
they were pre-occupied, and become private property. Lord X
Mansfield showed the fallacy of the maxim, that nothing but cor
poreal substance can be an object of property; reputation, trough-
no corporeal substance, was property, and a violation' thereof
was entitled to damages. Every man's ideas are doubtless his
own, and not the less so because another person may have hap
pened to fall into the same train of thinking with himself;
but this is not the property which an author claims; it is a
property in his literary composition, the identity of which
consists in the same thoughts; ranged in the same order, and
expressed in the same words. This illustrious judge con
ceived a common law right to the copy of his work to be
vested in an author and his assigns originally, and still to ex
ist, notwithstanding the statute of queen Anne. It was agree
able to the principles of right and wrong, convenience and
policy, and therefore to the common law. The court of chan
cery, proceeding upon its conception of moral justice and ge
neral equity, had uniformly decreed that this, like every other
species of property, was perpetual to the original acquirer, his
heirs, assigns, or others to whom it might be transferred by
gift, sale, or any other means of transmission. Lord Camden
did not contest the conformity to natural justice of either lord
Mansfield's principle or the chancery decrees, nor undertake to
1 On a different case, but the same general principle, and in which Don
aldson was also defendant, a little before the decree of chancery.
1 In the case of Andrew Miller plaintiff, charging Robert Taylor defei^- .
dant, with publishing and selling copies of Thomson's Seasons, of which
Miller alleged himself to be sole proprietor.
Vor.. I. 43

378 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, prove that there was any reason in the nature of literary prod.uc-
Xl(- tions for rendering the property of these less durable than that
v-^v"^'' of other fruits of labour, but confined himself to what he appre-
1774- hended to be the written law of the lahd. The statute of
queen Anne, he affirmed, took away any right at common law
for an author's multiplying copies exclusively for ever, if such
right ever existed.
The house of peers concurred in his opinion, the decree was
reversed, and thenceforth literary property depends on the sta
tute of the 8th of queen Anne, which secures to the author or
his assigns an exclusive property for fourteen years, and four
teen years after the expiration of that period if he so long live :
but on the expiration of the one or both of these terms, ordains
the copy right to be at an end.
On the 22d of June, was concluded a session of parliament,
as important as any that had occurred since the revolution.
Ghanges of great magnitude had been effected in certain colo
nies, which placed them on a footing totally different from the
other British dominions. Civil and political right bad been an
nihilated, and arbitrary power had been established over a con
siderable part of North America. From those measures, mi
nisters and their supporters, both in and out of parliament, en
tertained the most sanguine expectations that submission would
be immediate, and that complete obedience and tranquillity
Would be established with permanent security; while, on the
other hand, their opponents apprehended, from the system
which they were pursuing, more bitter discontent, and more ob
stinate resistance, than any .that had been exhibited in the for
mer dissensions.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 179

CHAP. XIII,

Continental affairs.— Progress and conclusion of the war between Russia
and Turkey — terms of peace — motives of Catharine. — Poland.*^-Views
of Prussia and Austria. — France. — Death of Louis XV. — character — tool
of his favourites, he did not discern the commencing changes of public
opinion. — Promising beginnings of Louis XVI. — Spain deprives the in
quisition of its most terrible powers. — America. — Effects of the Boston
port bill — ferment through the provinces — communicates to other colp-»
nies.— Resolutions of the provincial assemblies— general conceit propos
ed — -"solemn league and covenant. — A general congress meets at Phila
delphia — approves of the conduct of Massachusetts, and promises sup
port — declares principles and objects of association. — Declaration of
rights — of grievances, and proposed redress. — Petition to the king. —
Address to the people of Britain. — Of Canada. — Remonstrance to gen e-
¦ ral Gage. — Address to the colonies. — Meeting breaks up. — General spi
rit of the colonial proceedings.— Military preparations. — Massachusetts
Bay the great hinge of peace and war — contention with the governor-
forms a provincial congress, which assumes the supreme power.
IN continental Europe, the Russians and Turks still con- CHAP.
tinuing their bloody war, occupied the chief attention of their XIU-
neighbours. Vigorous preparations were made on both sides ; v^-^-w
Catharine, from the superiority which she had manifested 1774.
during the greater part of the war, expected that success must Continent-
ultimately attend her armies when powerfully re-enforced;
while the Turks, elated with the advantage of the preceding
campaign, and farther encouraged by the success of the rebel
lion in the eastern and southern provinces of Russia under
Pugatcheff, hoped by military exertions to regain what they had
lost. The Porte excited the Tartars to join the Russian rebels, Progress
in order to increase the disturbances of Russia on that side, and con-
while the Turkish force should be concentrated against their ^lusi0n °f
main army on the Danube. In the beginning of this year, the between
deat,h of the emperor Mustapha produced a change in the dis- Russia and
position and conduct of the army. Considering his son Selim, Turkey.
then in the thirteenth year of his age, as too young to sustain
the reins of government in so critical a situation of affairs, he
appointed his brother Abdulhamet to succeed him on the throne.
Some of the Janizaries were dissatisfied with the succession of
the late sultan's brother, wishing Selim to be placed immediate
ly on his father's throne ; and, as these troops influenced the
whole Turkish army, their dissensions created parties among
the rest of the forces. A very great army, however, was levied,
consisting (when they arrived at the Danube) of two hundred
thousand men. Marshal Romanzow was posted on the other
side of th&**river with about eighty thousand soldiers. After a

38Q HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, considerable opposition, Romanzow crossed the river, and
Xlu" Bulgaria again became the scene of war. A severe engagement
wr"v~N"/ took place between general Satioff at the head of a detachment
1774. 0f Russians> and a body of Turks, in which the former with
much difficulty kept the field. On the 20th of June, generals
Kaminshi and Suwarrow encountered the Reis Effendi, who
was at the head of forty thousand men ; but both the cavalry
and infantry of the Turks 'deserted their colours and camp, with
out striking a blow. From this time the Ottomans were in
every quarter seized with a dismay that made them absolutely
refuse to face the enemy ; and, in fine, they mutinied against
their own leaders. They plundered the baggage, robbed and
murdered their officers, disbanded themselves, and pillaged
their own country all the way to ' Constantinople. The grand
camp under the vizier was deserted, and his immense army
crumbled away to an inconsiderable number. Marshal Roman
zow, not failing to take advantage of this dreadful situation of
the enemy, cut oft" all communication between them, their
magazines, and the capital. The Turkish leaders had now no
alternative, but to sue for peace on such terms as the conqueror
Terms of should dictate. The. conditions were, the cession of Asoph,
peace. Kinbrun, and Janikala to the Russians ; the free navigation of
the Proppntis, Euxine, and Archipelago; the independence of
the Crimea; and the sum of 4,500,000 rubles,1 as an indemni
fication for the expense of the war. So moderate were these
terms, that they were little more than what Russia had demand
ed while the Turkish armies were entire. Did we consider
Russia merely in relation to her enemy, we might be surprised
that she did not impose harder conditions on a foe that had
given her great disturbance, had actually been the aggressor,
and was now at her mercy; but, on viewing her situation, both
internally and relatively to other powers, we must be convinced
that she was guided by sound policy. There were two power
ful parties at the court of Petersburgh, one headed by count
Panin, and the other by count Orloff : the former had recom
mended peace on moderate terms ; the latter, the continuance
of the war, unless the enemy yielded to the conditions which .
Motives of Russia chose to dictate. Catharine, who found it her interest
Catharine. (-0 observe a neutrality between the two parties, both of which
she knew to be zealously attached to her own government, had
now' an opportunity of gratifying them both ; the one by con*.
eluding peace, the other by imposing the terms. The rebel
Pugatcheff, a man of great abilities, intrepid courage, and rapid
enterprise, was becoming daily more formidable. Her treasure
was nearly exhausted by the expenses of the war, and the im
provement of her extensive dominions was greatly interrupted.
Poland. The Poles were in many places in a state of insurrection, espe
cially in her part of the divided territories; and combinations

t At 4s. 6d.

REIGN OF GEORGE IU. 381
were forming for a more general assertion of their rights. CHAP.
Austria, although she agreed in the partition of Poland, was XI11-
not by her recent share of spoils lulled to a forgetfulness of the *~<~y*>'*
dangers which might accrue to her from her partners in the i77^'
plunder. She still regarded with the most vigilant jealousy the
progress of the Russian arms so near her frontiers. The king Prussia.
of Prussia himself, closely connected as he was with the czar
ina, by no means desired her aggrandizement where he could
not come in for a share of the accession. The more southern
powers she well knew to be very much inclined to oppose her
and her advances ; her ally, Great Britain; was fully occupied
with her own internal and colonial affairs. For all these rea
sons, it was the interest of Catharine to conclude a peace on
the terms which she proposed ; and she soon reaped the advan
tage of her policy, by being enabled to vanquish the Polish insur
gents, to crush intestine revolt, and bestow a less divided atten
tion on improving her immense dominions in various constituents
of national prosperity.
Iu France an event took place this year, which caused a great France.
change in the internal policy of that country. On the 10th of Death of
May, Louis XV. died, in the sixty-fifth year of his age, and the Louis xV-
fifty-ninth of his reign. This king, who possessed very mode- character.
rate talents, Was educated in the ignorance so general among
arbitrary princes in long established governments, where little
personal effort is necessary to maintain a slavery confirmed by
prescription, and in that luxury which had so long prevailed
at the court of France. Of a pleasing figure, he acquired those
exterior accomplishments and light graces which the joint
vivacity and frivolity of fashionable France were so well fitted
for bestowing. He was in one sense a man of good disposi
tions, for he was mild and compassionate, unless driven to be
otherwise by the impulse of his counsellors. He did not ex
ercise tyranny from inclination and choice, but often permit
ted it from imbecility. Having neither vigour of understand
ing nor firmness of mind for governing himself, he was
through life the pupil of others. Always in a state of in
tellectual minority, the administration of his affairs was
wise or foolish, good or bad, according to the character of
those who happened to be his guardians. Thus, during the
ministry of cardinal Fleury, his policy was pacific; afterwards
aggressively warlike and ambitious ; and in the latter period
of his life, he was again pacific. Under some ministers,.. he
was moderate in his internal government ; under others, he was
¦despotic. When priests presided in his cabinet, he was the
tdol of clerical encroachment; When deists took the direction,
he was the 'agent of irreligion, by weakening the veneration
of his people for the institutions of the church. His violent pro
ceedings against the parliaments arose not from the violence,
but from the weakness, of his character; he was then under The tool
the tutelage of tyrannical ministers. A reign of near sixtv °f his fa-
^ ,r J ° " vourites,

•382 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, years bears no stamp of uniformity of character. His princi-
XUI" pies, sentiments, and conduct, varied with the successive chang-
<**~>^**' es of his ministers and mistresses. Louis XV. was nominally,
1774, but not really the sovereign of France : for civil, military, and
political operations, for every department of government, we
find the real sovereigns in the royal favourites. Louis was,
however, sufficiently qualified for being a mere pageant of state,
and going thrdugh the forms of sovereignty in the paralyzed
stillness of undisputed despotism ; he was therefore very fit for
sitting on a throne so much adored as it had beQn in the reign
of his predecessor, and as it was during a great part of his
he did dis- own. Toward the close, a spirit manifested itself which re-
cemthe quired a prince of a different character to manage ; and though
commenc- j(s operations were checked, yet the repression was only tem-
"F hfc"6 Pora,T» ant** the very means employed to stop its progress, gave
opinion, "t ultimately an augmented force. Louis was succeeded by his
grandson, who ascended the throne by the title of Louis XVI.
This prince, long distinguished for amiableness of disposition),
Promising was extremely popular. On his accession to the throne, he
beginning showed himself sensible that a change was taking place in the
ot Louis nationai sentiments, and that it was the wisest policy in a king
to accommodate his administration to such a change. He
therefore annulled the unpopular measures of the late reign, set
about restoring the ancient parliaments, and promoted popular
men to various offices ; at the same time, however, he circum
scribed the pretensions of the parliaments, granting them only
their established functions, without suffering them to make those
encroachments on kingly prerogative, which, guided in some
instances more by the principles of liberty than by prevailing
usage, they had attempted during the latter years of his grand
father. He had not, indeed, changed the ministry, but he had
changed the counsels. The nation, delighted witn- the restora
tion of parliaments and the other popular acts of their mo
narch, overlooked the circumscriptions ; and as the king ap
peared to make the happiness of his people the rule of his con
duct, he was regarded by them with the warmest affection :
such was the first prospect of the reign of Louis the Six-
,. teenth.
Spain de- The king of Spain was at this time engaged in a war with
privesthe the emperor of Morocco, which was carried on in desultory hos-
lhquisition tilities for several years with very little success. This year,
•terrible however, is remarkable in Spain ; for in it that tremendous in-
powers. strument of superstition and tyranny, the inquisition, was de
prived of its most formidable powers. The court of Madrid,
intent on the promotion of manufactures and commerce, and
aware of the obstruction which they received from the dread of
such an intolerant tribunal, took from it its jurisdictions and
its prisons, and rendered it little more than a convocation for
religious discussion.

REIGN OF GEORGE IU. 383
Having narrated the measures pursued concerning America, CHAP.
and stated the effects which they were expected to produce-, our x111,
history now proceeds to their actual consequences. *****"***
In the month of May the intelligence arrived at Boston, of 177 *•
the act passed by the British parliament for shutting up the menca-
port. This information, together with a copy of the act, was Effects of
immediately published on a paper with a black border, symbo- the B°.s*on
lical of mourning, and hawked about the streets- as a barbarous port
and bloody murder of rights and liberties. The fatal news was
wholly unexpected, and the consternation which it caused
among all orders of people was inexpressible ; and nothjng was
to be heard from the Bostonians, but frantic expressions of 'rage
and resentment against the tyranny and inhumanity of the Bri
tish .ministry and parliament ; vengeance was loudly demanded
and threatened.* They lost little time in general exclamations Ferment
and menaces, but proceeded to consider what could be clone* J|"'0l!&h
for redress : a town meeting was held, resolutions were propos- v;nCes.
ed and adopted, which, after expatiating on the impolicy, in
justice, and cruelty of the act, and appealing from it to God
and to man, addressed themselves particularly to the other co
lonies, and invited them to enter into an agreement to stop all
imports and exports to and from Britain and Ireland, and every
part of the West Indies, until the act should be repealed ; the
only measure (they said) that was left for the salvation of North
America and her liberties. These resolutions were transmitted Communi-
with great expedition to the rest of the provinces, and copies t^/o "er
of the act were multiplied and despatched to every part of the colonies.
continent with wonderful celerity; which, like the torch of the
fury, set in a flame the countries through which they passed ; in
the several colonies great bodies of the people were called to
gether by public advertisement, and the odious law was burned
with awful solemnity. Meanwhile general Gage arrived in his
government at Boston : this officer being personally known there,
as well as in other parts of America, was much beloved and
highly respected ; he was, besides, successor to a very unpo
pular governor. These circumstances, however, which would
have been so auspicious to his entrance upon government had
affairs been in a tranquil state, were now counteracted by the
prevalent rage against Britain. The assembly met; and he in
formed them, that on the 1st of June they were to remove to
Salem, which was thenceforward to be the seat of the provincial
government. The assembly, not pleased with this intimation,
petitioned him to appoint a day for a general fast and prayer;
but he declined compliance, and soon afterwards adjourned
the session to the 7th of June, appointing Salem to be the place
of meeting.
The other colonies having received copies of the aet, and of
the Bostonian addresses, resolved to support the cause which
' S'tedman's History of the American War, vol. i. p, 9".

384 CHAP XIII.
1774.

Resolutions of
the pro
vincial as
semblies.

General
concertproposed

HISTORY OF THE
they considered as their own. However much the middle and
southern colonies had, on general principles of government,
** differed from their northern neighbours, they agreed in re
pugnance to taxation. On that ground they had all resisted
the import of tea, and thus had shared in the alleged criminality
of Boston., Though some were more temperate than others,
they all concurred in expressing the greatest disapprobation of
the measures pursued by the British government, an abhor
rence of the new act, a condemnation of the principles on
which it was founded, and a resolution to oppose its effects,
and support their brethren who were to be its immediate
victims. Indeed, if ministry had formed a design of driving
the Americans into confederation, they could not have devised
more effectual means, than by punishing and disfranchising
one colony, because unknown persons in it had been guilty of
an outrage that sprung from resistance to an impost which all
the colonies reprobated. The assembly of Virginia, which
was sitting at the time when the despatches from Boston ar
rived, set the example: in that meeting a resolution was pass
ed, for appointing the 1st of June, the day on which the
Boston port bill was to take effect, to be set apart as a day of
fasting, prayer, and humiliation, " to implore the divine in-
" terppsition to avert the heavy calamity which threatened
"destruction to their rights, with all the evils of a civil war,
" and to give one heart and one mind to the people, firmly to
" oppose every injury to American liberties." Informed of
the resolution, and of the general spirit of the assembly, the
earl of Dunmore determined to dissolve that body; but the
members held a private meeting, in which they drew up a
declaration, setting forth, that the punishment about to be' in
flicted on the inhabitants of Boston, in order to compel them.
to submit to the payment of unconstitutional taxes, was in
truth an attack on all the colonies, and would ultimately prove
destructive to American rights and liberties, unless their united
wisdom should be applied to prevent, its operation and effects.
They therefore recommended to the committee of correspon
dence, to propose to the committees of the other colonies, that
an annual congress should be held for all the colonies, to de
liberate on such general measures as the common interest of
America might from time to time require. Virginia had always
been distinguished for loyalty and attachment to the "British
constitution ; and in its present proposition to combine against
acts of government, it declared itself to be determined by
constitutional principles. At Philadelphia, three hundred of
the inhabitants assembling, appointed a committee to write
to Boston. In a letter, temperate yet firm, they recommended
that lenient measures should be tried before they had recourse
fo extremities; and that commerce with Britain should not
entirely be discontinued until all measures had failed. If, by
satisfying the East India company for the teas, they could

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 385
terminate the unhappy controversy, and leave to the. Bostonions CHAP.
their ancient constitutional liberty, there could be no doubt XIIL
what part wisdom would dictate. But the matter in Gon- '^¦v'^¦•,
sideration was not now the value of the tea, it was the in- l77i-
defeasible right of giving or withholding their own money, a
right from which they could never recede. At New-York,
though moderate and temperate in its conduct, one resolution
of a contrary kind was carried in a town meeting; this was,
to prevent the prosecution in the provincial courts, of any debts
owing by inhabitants to Britain. This resolution, however,
was neither adopted nor confirmed by the provincial assembly
held soon after, nor was it any where carried into practice. In
general, the proposals for a total interruption of commerce,
were by no means favourably received, but considered as the
last deplorable resort when every other expedient should prove
ineffectual. The middle and southern colonies were At that
time evidently desirous of avoiding a rupture with Britain. On
the other hand, all the colonies concurred iu a resolution to
resist taxation, and to hold a general congress ; and in the
mean time they made very liberal contributions for the relief
of the Bostonians. While the Boston port bill was producing
an effect so very opposite to that whicli its framers and sup
porters expected and intended, copies arrived in Massachusetts
Bay of the other two bills for altering the constitution of that
province. The opposition to government now became more
vehement through the colonies. Concerning the Boston port
bill, the other provinces had not taken their tone from Mas
sachusetts Bay, but had resolved to support the cause on the
principles of the British constitution. The Massachusetts
colonists had then applied to their neighbours as suppliants;
and, somewhat doubtful of the reception that they should meet,
had cautiously abstained from promulgating doctrines and
sentiments which might shock the loyalty and constitutional -
principles of their southern brethren. Assured of the co
operation of the other colonies in resisting taxes, and trusting
that the concert might be more extensive, they now took a
lead ; and henceforward the deliberations of the whole most
frequently bore the stamp of New-England republicanism. The
colonists of Massachusetts now determined to carry to the
utmost extremity their resistance to the British government.
By the suggestion of the provincial assembly, an association
was framed, the subscribers to which most solemnly bound
themselves to break off' all commercial intercourse with Great
Britain from the last day of the month of August, until the
Boston port bill, and the other obnoxious acts of parliament
should be repealed, and the colony restored to the exercise of
its chartered rights ; to renounce all dealings with those who
should refuse to enter into this agreement; or who, having
engaged, should afterwards violate their compact. To sanction
the whole, a resolution was added, that the names of de-
Vot. I. 49

386 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, linquents should be published in the newspapers as enemies to
XIlt- their country.1 To this agreement they gave the memorable
v^^r>h^ title of the solemn league and covenant ; which, having
1774. been a nan)e afgxe(] in the last century to an engagement in-
kaeueand imical to tlle church and monarchy, afforded some indication
covenant, of the views which they entertained, and the lengths to which
they were disposed to proceed. In most of the colonies there
were three classes of political opinions; the first, of those
who resolved to resist taxation, and advised the most violent
measures to be immediately adopted ; secondly, of those per
sons who, equally determined to impose British imposts, were
more cautious and temperate, and who wished to try the ef
fect of conciliatory propositions, before they resorted, to the
extremity of resistance ; the third consisted of approvers of
the British system and acts. This third set was small in num
ber, and of no weight in the colonial deliberations. The' se
cond, in the beginning, predominated in most* of the other
colonies.; the first was paramount in Massachusetts Bay, where
there evidently prevailed, not merely a disposition to resist acts
on the ground of incompatibility with the rights of British sub
jects, but of contrariety to their conception of republican free
dom.' General Gage, to counteract the covenant, issued a procla
mation, which declared it illegal and traitorous, contrary to the
allegiance due to the king, and subversive of the authority of
parliament; and cautioned the people against giving any coun
tenance to that engagement, under the penalties annexed to such
heinous offences. This act was far from producing the desired
effect, by deterring the colonists from the combination. Popu
lar writers found in it a theme for the display of ingenuity and
legal knowledge, in showing that the governor, by calling that
association traitorous, assumed a power not claimed by the king
himself, of making that conduct treason, which was not or
dained to be treason by the laws, and thus rendering the de
clared will of one of the king's officers, equivalent to an act of
the legislature. General Gage, perceiving the sentiments and
intentions of the people of Massachusetts to be so unfavourable
to the British government.as to require, for their repression, more
powerful restraints than proclamations, ordered some regiments
of foot, with a detachment of artillery, to be sent to Boston.
These, upon their arrival, were encamped on a common be
tween the isthmus3 called Boston-neck, which joins the penin
sula of Boston to the continent, and the town itself. The pro
fessed intention of the governor was, to prevent desertion, then
very much encouraged by the provincials ; but this disposition
¦ See Stedman, and Ramsay.
' The readers may perhaps not recollect, that Boston is situated in a pe
ninsula. This geographical fact, however, is very necessary to be attend
ed to in the course of the history.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 387
of the troops was construed to be designed for the purpose of CHAP.
blocking up the town, and compelling it by famine to submit to xllL
any terms which might be imposed. The inhabitants of the ^r*-*^
adjacent country assured the Bostonians, that several thousands 1774
of armed men were ready to assist them, should their aid be ne
cessary. In August, commissions arrived for those who were intended
to constitute the new council, by the act for altering the consti
tution of Massachusetts. Of thirty-six, twenty-four only ac
cepted the commissions ; and against those the rage of the peo
ple was so great, that all but a few who resided in Boston, and
were protected by the troops to save their property and lives,
resigned their appointments. So many obstructions, indeed,
occurred in every department, that civil government was en
tirely dissolved ; whoever rendered himself odious, by discover
ing his attachment to the mother country, and a wish to submit
to her laws, was insulted by the populace; and many, hunted
from their dwellings in the country, were obliged to take re
fuge in Boston. Arms were provided, ammunition and war
like stores began to be collected, and the young men were em
ployed in training themselves to military discipline. Perceiving
such appearances of hostile intention, general Gage ordered all
the military stores which were deposited in the several maga
zines through the provinces, to be brought to Boston. The co
lonists, apprehending from this measure that he meant to com
mence hostilities, several thousands of militia marched toward
Boston: finding that none had been attempted, they retir
ed; but the general thought it expedient to fortify Boston-
neck against future attacks. The colonists of Massachusetts
now began to make vigorous preparations for a forcible
resistance to the British government ; associations were
formed for promoting the knowledge of military discipline, and
the use of arms; resolutions were passed for holding a provin
cial congress, which, without any regard to the governor, should
be considered as the legislature of the colony. They even re
monstrated on the raising fortifications, and the seizure of the
public magazines ; thus interfering with the executive authority
of the crown. They declared, that should any person be seized
for supporting the cause of the colonies, they would retaliate upon
every British officer whom they could find ; and, lastly, they re
commended to the receivers of the public revenue, to keep it in
their own hands, until the constitution of the province was re
stored, or' until it should be otherwise disposed of by a provincial
convention. Though the other colonies did not proceed to such extremi
ties, nor make any preparations for war, yet all, except Georgia,
concurred in resolving to hold a congress, and not submit to the'
payment of any internal taxes that were not imposed by their
own assemblies ; and to suspend all commerce with the mother
country, until the American grievances in general, and those of

388 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP. Massachusetts Bay in particular, should be fully redressed. In
xm' the proceedings of the congress, instructed by the respective co-
v^^r>fc^ lonies, we fully see the dispositions and views of the Americans.
1774 The attention of all parties was now turned to the general
of St e"? congress, which, on the 5th of September, met at Philadelphia,
ral con-16 as a centrical situation. The congress consisted of fifty-one de
gress at legates, representing twelve of the colonies lying along the
Philadel- s|10re of the Atlantic, from New-Hampshire to South Carolina
Phia: inclusive: the greatest number of delegates of any one co
lony being seven, and the smallest two. But this disparity in
the number of delegates did not affect the votes ; as it was
agreed that each colony should have but one vote, whatever
was its number of delegates. The delegates received their in
struction from their constituents; some of these violent, and
some moderate; but all uniting in condemning the Boston port
bill, and the other acts of the last session of parliament relating
to Massachusetts Bay, and in denying the right of the British
parliament to tax the colonies. But the most material of their
instructions, and what in a great measure superseded the use
of all others, was a power given to their delegates to agree to
whatever measures should meet with the concurrence of a ma
jority of the congress.1 The congress sat with their doors
locked ; no one was permitted to be present at their delibera
tions ; and all their proceedings, except those which they
thought fit to publish, were kept profoundly secret. Assem
bled, says captain Stedman, in the cause of freedom, they
nevertheless thought fit to observe a form practised only in the
most despotic governments. Their proceedings being wrapped
up in mystery, and all the intermediate steps leading to a con
clusion being hidden from the public eye, their decrees when
promulgated, were received like the oracles of ancient times, as
the dictates of profound wisdom.
The first public act of the congress was, a declaratory resolu
tion manifesting their disposition with respect to the colony of
Massachusetts Bay, and immediately intended to confirm and
encourage that people. They expressed their sympathy with
the sufferings of their countrymen in that province, under the
operation of the late unjust, oppressive, and cruel acts of the
approves British parliament; they thproughly approved of the wisdom
<A the con- an{j fortitude with which the opposition to these ministerial
Itossachu. measures had hitherto been conducted, and declared that con-
setts, and tributions for alleviating the distress of their brethren at Boston,
promises should be continued as long as their exigencies required relief.
support; xhey further declared that, if the British government attempted
to carry the acts complained of into execution by force, all
America should combine in opposing that force. They recom
mended to the inhabitants of Massachusetts Bay, that as jus
tice could be no longer legally administered by the late acts,
' See Stedman.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 38CJ
they should submit to its suspension until they were repealed ; CHAP.
and that every person who should judge or act under any com- XIH
mission or authority derived from the late act of parliament ¦*^"v~^«'
changing the form of government, and violating the charter 1774.
of that province, ought to be held in detestation, and considered
as the wicked tool of a despotism, which prepared to destroy
the rights that God, nature, and compact had conferred on
America. They passed a resolution, declaring that the trans
portation of any person for the trial of "offences committed in
America, justified and ought to produce resistance and re
prisals.1 The congress also proceeded to declare the principles and declares
objects of their association. They avowed their allegiance tothe P""C1-
his majesty, their affection to Britain, their dependence upon objects of
her, and the benefits and favours which they had received from associa
tive parent state. In the most explicit terms they disclaimed tion,
any wish of separating from the mother country ; but at the
same time they declared themselves entitled to a participation
of all the rights and privileges of British free-born subjects ; that statement
the present grievances and distresses arose from a ruinous sys- of alleged
tern of colonial administration, adopted by the British ministry S1'ievan'
about the year 1763, and evidently calculated for enslaving ces*
these colonies, and with them the British empire. Thence had
arisen the acts for taxing America, and for depriving American
subjects of the constitutional trial by juries; thence the late
cruel, oppressive, and unconstitutional plans concerning Boston
and the whole province ; and the plan of extending Canada,
establishing an arbitrary government, and discouraging the set
tlements of British subjects in that country, and disposing and
enabling the established inhabitants to act with hostility against
the freedom of the protestant colonies. To obtain redress for and pro.
these grievances, they thought that the best, most effectual, and posed
peaceable measure would be, to abstain from every species °f™^.CsS
commercial intercourse with Britain, until that redress should be
obtained by a repeal of all the coercive acts. On the one hand,
they specified the various articles of merchandise in which they
had dealtwith Britain, and which they now combined to refuse;
on the other, they enumerated the various acts, or clauses of acts,
of which they required the repeal. The amount of their requisi
tion was the reversal of the whole ministerial system pursued
since 1763. They afterwards agreed to petition the king, and ac- petition
cordingly framed a represention to his majesty. Perhaps subjects the king
never offered to their sovereign an address consisting of strong
er and more comprehensive reasoning, with more impressive elo
quence : it stated every important aet since the change of sys
tem in 1764 ; its peculiar features, its general principles, and
its connexion with other acts : it exhibited the whole plan of
recent and present government, with the actual and probable
' Stedman 's History of the American War, vol. i. p. 103.

390 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, consequences : the petitioners declared the warmest attach-
xin- ment and the highest veneration for the king and the constitu-
v**-v~s»' tion ; they wanted no new privileges, but merely prayed to be
1774. restored to their former rights, which other British subjects still
enjoyed : we ask (they said) but for peace, liberty, and safety;
we wish not a diminution of the prerogative ; we do not solicit
the grant of any new right, in our favour; your royal authority
over us, and our connexion with Great Britain, we shall al
ways carefully and zealously endeavour to support and main
tain. The peroration very happily united the respectful defer
ence of loyalty with the temperate firmness of freedom. " Per-
" mit us, then, most gracious sovereign, in the name of all your
" faithful people in America, with the utmost humility to im-
" plore you, for the honour of Almighty God, whose pure re-
"ligion-our enemies are undermining; for your glory, which
" can be advanced only by rendering your subjects happy, and
" keeping them united ; for the interests of your family de-
" pending on an adherence to the principles that enthroned it;
" for the safety and welfare of your kingdoms and dominions,
"threatened with almost unavoidable dangers and distresses;
"that your majesty, as the loving father of your whole people,
" connected by the same bonds of law, loyalty, faith, and
"blood, though dwelling in various countries, will not suffer
" the transcendant relation formed by these ties, to be further
"violated, in uncertain expectation of effects, which, if attained,
" never can compensate /or the calamities through which they
" must be gained. We therefore most earnestly beseech your
** majesty, that your royal authority and interposition may be
"used for our relief; and that a gracious answer may be giv-
" en to this petition: that your majesty may enjoy every fe-
" licity through a long and glorious reign over, loyal and happy
" subjects, and that your descendants may inherit your proper-
"ty and dominions till time shall be no more, is, and always
" will be, our sincere and fervent prayer." — The petition was
subscribed by all the fifty-one delegates.
Addressto An address was then framed to the people of Great Britain,
tlfiF'X^le which was also a ve<T masterly composition ; it stated, that
o u am. t|ie Americans, sprung from the same ancestors as the Britons,
entertained the same sentiments and principles which had pro
duced and supported the British constitution, and considered
themselves entitled to equal rights with other British subjects.
" We consider ourselves, and do insist, tliat we are, and ought
" to be, as free as our fellow-subjects in Britain; and that no
" power on earth has a right to take our property from us with-
" out our consent. We claim all the benefits secured to the
" subject by the English constitution, and particularly that ines-
"timable one of the trial by jury. We hold it essential to
" English liberty, that no man be condemned unheard, or pu
nished for supposed offences, without having an opportunity
" of making his defence." Having detailed the various griev-

REIGN OF GEORGE III. -391
ances which they alleged themselves to have suffered, they en- .CHAP.
deavoured to show, that the people of England had in the last xm-
century contended with their kings for the preservation of the '>-^v>*^
same rights which the Americans were now deprived of by a 1774.
British parliament. They insisted that the oppression was es
sentially the same, although the oppressors were changed. But
not altogether relying on the efficacy of this appeal to the justice
of the nation, the address endeavoured to gain it over to the
cause of America, by representing, that the certain consequences
of unconditional submission being exacted from her, would be
the subversion of the constitution of the mother country, by
the tyrannical aristocracy whicli was engrafted on the power of
the crown. They expressed deep regret at being obliged to
adopt measures detrimental in their consequences to numbers
of their fellow-subjects in Great Britain and Ireland; but they
hoped, that the magnanimity and justice of the British nation,
would furnish a parliament of such wisdom, independence, and
public spirit, as might save the violated rights of the whole era-
: pire from the devices of wicked ministers and evil counsellors,
whether in or out of office ; and thereby restore that harmony,
friendship, and fraternal affection, between all the inhabitants
of his majesty's kingdoms and territories, so ardently wished
for by every true and honest American. Their several addresses
were indeed particularly well adapted to the temper and passions
of the parties whom they endeavoured to gain. They also ad- They ad
dressed the inhabitants of Canada ; described with great elo- dress the
quence the blessings of a free constitution, and the advantages colonies-
which the Canadians might have reaped from the enjoyment of
such a system. Ministers had, they said, kept those new sub
jects of Britain ignorant of its advantages; they therefore un
dertook to explain them to the Canadian French, and endea
voured to excite the indignation of that province against the
.late acts as precluding them from the freedom which in their
new relation as British subjects, they ought to enjoy. They paid
high compliments to their countryman Montesquieu; and hav
ing endeavoured to show that the new plan of governing Ca
nada was most disgraceful to its subjects and injurious to its
rights, they quoted his sentiments delivered in a chapter on the
British constitution ; from which they inferred, that this great
political -philosopher would have deemed the Canadians to be
in a state of slavery. They concluded with strenuously inviting
them to join in the league of the colonies. The congress like
wise published a declaration of rights and grievances. This
paper contained a summary of all the privileges appertaining to
British subjects; to the free exercise of these they were, they
contended, entitled by the immutable laws of nature, by the
British constitution, and by their several charters. All former
distinctions between legislation and impost, between external
and internal taxes, were now laid aside. They claimed, ori be
half of the colonie?, the sole and exclusive privilege of legisla- /

392 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, ting for themselves in all cases whatsoever; but, from the mere
xnl- necessity of circumstances, were willing to submit to such acts
N^"v>»-*-' of parliament as Were bona fide intended to regulate their fo-
1774. rtign commerce ; excluding, however, all ideas of taxation, in
ternal or external, for raising a revenue from the people of the
colonies without their own consent. Their - grievances (they
said) arose from eleven acts of parliament1' passed in the present
feign; but the most intolerable resulted from the three acts df
the last session of parliament respecting the colony of Massachu-
Remon- setts Bay, and the law for extending the limits of Canada. They
strance to wrote a letter to general Gage, declaring it to be the fixed and
Gate unalterable resolution of all the colonies to unite for the pre
servation of their common rights, in opposition to the late acts
of parliament, and in support of their brethren of Massachu
setts Bay. They remonstrated against his military proceed
ings, bearing (they said) a hostile appearance, which even the
tyrannical acts did not warrant. They requested that he would
discontinue the fortifications, and give orders that the inter
course between the town and country should be uninterrupted ;
Addressto they addressed the colonies, declaring that, upon impartially
the colo- examining the conduct of the British government in North
:< America from 1763, they found that all the disturbances had pro
ceeded from an unconditional assumption and oppressive acts on
the part of Britain. Representing perseverance in union as the
only means of security against the arbitrary designs so evident
in the conduct of the British ministers, they proceeded to state
the trust which was reposed in the congress, and the manner in
which they had discharged their duty; that, notwithstanding
the series of oppression experienced from Britain, they had made
conciliatory advances ; and while, inspired by constitutional li
berty, they had shown themselves resolved to maintain their
rights, guided by loyalty to their king, and affection to their fel
low subjects, they had manifested their earnest desire of pre-
Meeting serving peace and amity with their mother country. After the
breaks up. performance of these acts, during a session of fifty-one days, the
first general congress of the North American provinces, on the
26th of October, terminated its meeting.
General The amount of the reasonings and the spirit of the proceed-
spiritof ings, in either partial meetings, provincial assemblies, or tbe
the colo- generalf congress, maybe exhibited in few words: " The Bri-
ceedmgs. "tish system from 1763 has violated the chartered and consti-
" tutional rights- of us, the British subjects in the American
" colonies : we will not submit to such usurpation : we will
"not pay duties unjustly imposed, and we will have no com-
" merce with Britain until the obnoxious acts be repealed. If
" the British government attempt to enforce its unconstitutional
"decrees, self-preservation compels us, and our condition
¦ All these have been successively mentioned, and most of them repeat-
edly alluded to in the course of the history.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 393
"'enables us, to resist force by force. Yet that extremity we CHAP.
" deprecate as pernicious to both parties : we pray our sovereign f™*
" and request our fellow'-subjects, to co-operate with us in avert- '***'***'
" ing so deplorable a calamity. We ask no new privilege ; we I774-
" desire only the restoration of those rights which, until 1763, we
" enjoyed without interruption.'' Such were the sentiments and
acts of the colonists in North America; such the first conse
quences of the ftiinisterial system of 1774.
Before the meeting of the general congress, none of the "Military
middle or southern colonies had commenced preparations for PrePara-
war; but when that convention broke up, and its members re-tl0ns-
turned to their constituents, the other provinces became actuated
by the spirit of New England. The militia were very frequent
ly assembled for the purpose of discipline ; arms were provid
ed for those who were without them ; and resistance, by open
force, to the power of the mother country, was made the sub
ject of common discourse. Soon afterwards a copy arrived of a
proclamation issued in England, to prevent warlike stores from
being exported : and this prohibition rendered the inhabitants
of the colonies more eager to procure supplies of the various
kinds of ammunition.
In consequence of the determination of congress, all the Massachu
colonies deeply interested themselves in the affairs of Massa- setts Bay
chusetts Bay; and upon the transactions in that province, *e gra~
depended more immediately the doubtful issue of peace and *°c e an(j
war. The governor and council had issued writs for holding War.
a general assembly ; but the events that afterwards took place,
and the heat and violence which every where prevailed, made
them think it expedient to countermand their writs by a pro
clamation, and to defer holding the assembly to a season of
more security. The election, however, was carried on, with
out regard to the proclamation ; the new members met at Conten-
Salem, but the governor did not attend to administer the oaths tion with
and open the session. Having waited a day, and neither the *e Sover-
governor nor any substitute for him arriving, they voted them--pQ^msa
selves into a provincial congress, to be joined by such others provincial
as had been or should be elected for that purpose. Mr. Han- congress ;
cock,1 who was offensive to the governor's party, was chosen
chairman, and they adjourned to the town of Concord, about
twenty miles from Boston. Thence they presented a remon
strance to the governor, on the subject of the fortifications at
Boston-neck, and the alarm occasioned by the collection of
military force at Boston, tending to endanger the lives, liberty,
aud property, not only of the Bostonians, but of the whole
province. The general, though unwilling to return an answer
¦ This was the same gentleman, the seizure of whose sloop for contra
band practices had occasioned an insurrection at Boston in the year 1768j
and the consequences of which insurrection are supposed by many to have
precipitated the dispute between the mother-country and her colonies to
ward its crisis.
Vor.. 1. 50

394

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP. XIIF.

1774.

to an illegal assembly thought it expedient in the present case
to overlook forms. In replying to the provincial congress, he
told them, that the lives and liberties of none but avowed
enemies of Britain, could be in danger from British soldiers,
who, notwithstanding the enmity which had been shown to
them in withholding what was necessary for their preservation,
had not discovered that resentment which might have been
expected from such hostile treatment. He Reminded them,
that while they were complaining of alterations made in' their
charter, they were themselves subverting it. by their present
illegal meeting; and he admonished them to desist from such
unconstitutional proceedings. Boston was now become the
place of refuge to all the friends of British government. On
the approach of winter, the governor thought it necessary to
erect temporary barracks for the troops, not only to accommo
date his soldiers, but to prevent them from being quartered
on the inhabitants; which, in the present state and temper
of both, might be attended with dangerous consequences.
The Bostonians did every thing in their power, without em
ploying open violence, to obstruct the erections. Very great
mutual distrust and animosity prevailed between the govern
ment and the people. Boston, however, was now the only
place in Massachusetts that contained British forces ; and from
the hostile disposition of the provincials, and the insulated situ
ation which they occupied, their circumstances were not much
which as- unlike to those of persons besieged by open enemies. The
sumes the provincial congress not only continued their sittings, but pass
ed resolutions which, from the disposition and promptitude of
the people, had all the weight and efficacy of laws ; their in
junctions, under the form of advice, directed the regulation
and exercise of the militia, the collection and disposition of
the public revenue, and the provision of arms and military
stores. Thus they assumed the powers of the supreme govern
ment ; and in the first provincial congress of Massachusetts,
we see, strongly drawn, the outlines of American independence.
The governor thought it necessary to issue a proclamation,
warning the inhabitants of the province against suffering them
selves to be ensnared by the provincial congress, or led by
their influence to incur the penalties of sedition and rebellion;
and -strictly prohibiting all his majesty's loyal subjects from
paying any regard to the recommendations and resolves of
such an unlawful assembly. But the governor's proclamation
was treated with contempt, while the requisitions of the pro
vincial congress were obeyed as laws. That assembly appoint
ed another congress to be held in the month of February 1775,
and toward the end of November dissolved itself.

supreme power

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 3$5

CHAP. XIV.
impression in Britain from the American disputes.— Dissolution of parlia
ment. — General election. — Leading characters in the new parliament. —
Meeting of parliament. — King's speech — address — indecision of minis
ters.— Character and policy of lord North— opinions of his power and
efficiency. — Petitions presented from America, and American mer
chants, to parliament and the king — dismissed without a hearing. — Lord
Chatham, though loaded with infirmities, returns to the house — his in.
troductory speech — his plan of conciliation rejected.— Conquest of Ame
rica conceived by ministers to be easy  Americans asserted to be all
cowards. — Mr. Fox's observations on the inspiring efficacy of liberty.
— Parliament declares Massachusetts Bay to be in a state of rebellion. —
Message from the king, requiring au augmentation of forces  Bill for
prohibiting the New-England provinces from commerce and fishery.—
Lord North's plan of conciliation — apprehended by courtiers to cort-
cede too much, by opposition to concede too little.— Mr. Fox opposes
its inconsistency. — Lord North's policy wavering and irresolute. — Dex
terous retreat to satisfy the supporters of coercion. — Mr. Burke's con
ciliatory plan, on the grounds of expediency — outlines and character —
. predicts civil and foreign war from the conduct of ministers— -rejected.
—Mr. Hartley's conciliatory bill*— rejected.— Ministers averse to all con
ciliatory overtures. — Bill for extending commercial prohibitions. — Loy
alty of New-York province— representation from it to the commons-
dismissed unheard. — Supplies. — Session closes.— War unavoidable.— -
Literary advocates for and against America.
WHILE the proceedings in and concerning America were CHAP.
so extremely important, they did not, in Britain, appear to at- XIV-
tract the attention of the nation in proportion to their mag- v-^"""^-*
nitude. There were, indeed, politicians and philosophers who 1774-
saw them in their real aspect, and dreaded the consequences;'^1^"
but this view was far from being general ; even merchants and Britain
manufacturers, to whom a rupture with the colonies would be from the
so calamitous, seemed now lulled into equal security with the American
rest of their countrymen. This inattention arose from various dlsPutes
causes. The contests with the colonies were no longer new, '
but from the year 1765 they had, with very few and short in
termissions, been the chief subjects of parliamentary de
liberation. To 'those who did not minutely and critically
examine the new occurrences, and the change of sentiments
which were now become so general in North America, most of
the topics appeared exhausted ; the various arguments for
taxation had been often discussed, and on the triteness of
the reasoning, great numbers overlooked the new effects whicli
the system was producing. Confederacies against the im
portation of British commodities had before, and recently,
been violated ; and the present combinations would, many

396

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP. XIV.
1774.

Dissolution of par
liament.

trusted, be equally short lived. Disputes had been frequently
carried to the verge of a rupture, and had been afterwards ac-
' commodated ; some means of conciliation, they flattered them
selves, would be again devised. The Americans would tire of
associations, that deprived them of the chief conveniences of
life, which were rendered by habit almost necessaries ; besides,
ministers and their adherents had very industriously spread an
opinion, that vigorous measures, with perseverance, would soon
finish a contest, which nothing but former indulgence had nour
ished ; and also, that the present administration possessed in an
eminent degree the qualities requisite for honourably and ad
vantageously terminating the dispute. Ministers, indeed, had
afforded no satisfactory proofs either of their vigour or policy ;
but, as they had rtot, on the other hand, manifested either feeble
ness or folly, they and their friends represented the counsellors
of his majesty as a body of very uncommon ability. A great part
of the nation, with that unsuspecting credulity which frequently
distinguishes a people otherwise So eminent for sound judgment,
gave administration credit for all the talents and qualities for
which they chose to take credit to themselves. For these rea
sons, it was uot doubted that the coercive system which had
been adopted and carried into execution under the direction of
such men, would soon intimidate its objects from forcible re
sistance; but that, if it did not awe them to submission, their re
duction would be speedy and certain ; supported by the greater
part of the country, the cabinet was the more able and determin
ed to proceed with the plan of dictation which had commenced
so strongly in the preceding session.
Parliament was now in its seventh year. In the reign of
George IL, it had generally lasted near the whole time; the
first parliament of the present king had also continued seven
full years. On the 30th of September 1774, about six years
and a half from the former election, a proclamation was is
sued, for the dissolution of parliament, and the convocation of
a new one, for which the writs were made returnable on the
9th of the following November. An abridgment contrary to
recent custom excited great surprise among those who judged
from precedent more than from present circumstances and ex
pediency : but many reasons were assigned for this unusual
measure ; the most probable appears to be, that, as a new
state of things had arisen in America, new councils might be
requisite on the part of the legislature. On the one hand,
should it be found necessary to deviate from the coercive
system, the old parliament might be restrained by a sense of
consistency from rescinding its own laws, while a new one
would be more at liberty to act according to the exigency of
the case. On the other hand, as at present, it was determined
to persevere in coercion, and the majority of the people ap
peared to approve, jt was probable that a parliament would

REIGN OF GEOEGE III. ^y«7
be returned, favourable to the continuance of that system ; and chap.
thus government would have an assurance of a long co-opera- xlv-
tion, of which it might be deprived by a change of circumstances *"^"V"N»'-1
and of public sentiment, were the ejection deferred till the'suc- 17*r4-
ceeding year.
In London, the opposition party carried the election of all its General
candidates. In Middlesex, Mr. Wilkes, now lord-mayor elect, election.
was chosen to represent the county ; and ministers were not so
imprudent as again to controvert a seat which had already
given government so much disturbance. A considerable change
of individual members took place through the nation ; but it was
soon found, that there was no alteration of political sentiment,
and that a great majority supported the ministerial project of
coercing America.
The subjects which were to occupy the deliberations of the
new parliament, have rarely been equalled in importance in
the legislative history of any age or country. On its counsels
was to depend, whether by conciliation we should restore the
reciprocally beneficial harmony that had so long subsisted be
tween Britain and her colonies j or, by persistance in coercion,
drive such valuable dependencies to a rebellion, which either
would not be quelled, or, if crushed, could be reduced only by
efforts which must exhaust the parent country, and destroy the
provinces that she sought to render more productive and lu
crative. For examining such momentous questions, seldom has a na- Leading
tional council contained a greater assemblage of ability, than -characters
the British parliament now exhibited. In the house of com- "\ffa new
mons, among many men of Considerable talents and extensive ment ~
knowledge, there were ranged on the side of ministers, the
financial information and accurate results of sir Grey. Cooper;
the perspicacious detail, solid judgment, and orderly arrange
ment of sir Gilbert Elliot ; and the intrepid confidence and
manly boldness of Mr. Rigby. In rising progression there fol
lowed the sound and vigorous understanding, the unremitting
industry, the commercial, political, and diplomatic knowledge,
the lucid disposition, the correct and perspicuous expression of
Jenkinson ; and the acutcness, closeness, and neat precision of
Germaine. Dundas,1 from his first entrance into public life,
exhibited those qualities by which he has been uniformly dis
tinguished ; an understanding quick, sagacious, and powerful :
reasoning forcible and direct, strictly adhering to the point at
issue; an expeditious despatch of difficult business; and, re
garding the senate as a council for the direction of national
affairs more than a theatre for the display of eloquence, he was
in his language intelligible and strong, without ornament or ele
gance. A mind by nature penetrating, brilliant, and inventive..

Lord advocate of Scotland.

1774.

398 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, formed and refined by erudition and by literary1 society, sharp-
XIV- ened and invigorated by professional occupations, and enlarged
' by political studies and pursuits ; an eloquence that he could
admirably vary to the occasion, and exhibit either in argument
ative force, logical subtlety and skill, or with all the ornaments
of rhetoric and the graces of persuasion, rendered Wedder-
burne a valuable accession to any cause which he chose to sup
port.8 For masculine energy of intellect, force devoid of orna
ment, and exhibiting itself in efforts direct, simple, and majestic,
Thurlow stood eminent. Lord North was equally remarkable
for pleasing and varied wit and humour, classical taste, erudi
tion, and allusion, as for dexterity of argument and felicity of
reply. On the other side were arrayed, the patriotism and
solidity of Dempster and Saville ; the industry and colonial
information of Pownal; the coloquial pleasantry, vivacity,
and classical erudition of Wilkes; the animated declamation
of Barre; the quick apprehension, commercial and political
knowledge of Johnstone ; and the constitutional principles, legal
precision, readiness, acuteness, and vigour, of Dunning. Above
these, rose the extensive, accurate, and multifarious knowledge,
the abundant and diversified imagery, the luminous illustration
and rapid invention ; the reasoning, dilated or compressed, di
gressive or direct, disjointed or continuous, which, if not always
pointedly convincing, never failed to be generally instructive ;
the comprehensive views and philosophical eloquence, of a Burke.
A senator was now rising to the first rank in the first assembly
of the world, who must have held a very exalted situation in any
convention of statesmen and orators recorded in history, this
was Charles James Fox. In the twentieth year of his age he
had become a member of parliament, and young as he was, dis
tinguished himself among the many eminent members of the
house, and was at first one of the ablest supporters of adminis
tration. The facility with which he made himself master of a
new question, and comprehended with such force of judgment
the strength, weakness, and tendency, of a proposition or mea
sure; his powerful argumentation, his readiness of the most ap
propriate, significant, and energetic language, soon rendered him
conspicuous ; while his daily and obvious improvement showed
that his talents had not then nearly reached the pinnacle at
which they were destined to arrive. Since he joined opposition,
his talents and exertions appeared more potent and formidable
than even had been expected.3

Burkefjohnson, and other emLnt scholar^ m ^XTed"^
JR ££££%£ *"*" °f W^*-e will ^'this
ofBtrC«^

REIGN OF' GEORGE HI. 399
In the house of peers, the chief supporters of administration CHAP.
were, lord Hillsborough, a nobleman of sound judgment and *XIV-
official experience ; earl Gower, a peer of good character and s-rv>"^
extensive influence, who in the minority of the duke, headed l77*-
the Bedford party; and the earl of Sandwich, acute and in
telligent as a senator, but a judicious speaker rather than a
splendid orator. The only peer of transcendent genius who
joined ministers in the coercive system, was lord Mansfield ; a
personage very eminently distinguished for abilities and erudi
tion, and for argumentative, refined, and persuasive eloquence ;
but the fame of this illustrious senator was principally founded
upon his oratorial and judicial powers and efforts,1 and derived
little accession from his counsels as a statesman. The most
distinguished peers who were inimical to the coercive system,
were the marquis of Rockingham, whom we have viewed as
minister; the duke of Richmond, a nobleman of respectable
abilities, active, indefatigable, and ardent ; lord Shelburne,
whom we have seen a secretary of state, distinguished for ex
tent of general knowledge, and peculiarly marked for his exten
sive views of the reciprocal relations, commercial and political,
of European states; lord* Camden, the great. bulwark of En
glish law, profoundly versed in our constitution, with that mild,
clear, and nervous eloquence, which is the firm and efficacious
instrument of wisdom ; and lastly, in himself a host, the earl of
Chatham. Surveying and examining the principal actors on the grand
political theatre, the reader may perceive that, both for and
against ministers, there was a constellation of abilities ; but,
in opposition, the highest talents, and the most approved wis
dom. On the 30th of November the new parliament met. His Meeting
majesty's speech stated to the houses, that a daring spirit of of PwHa-
resistance and disobedience to the laws still unhappily prevail- k-6^'
ed in the province of Massachusetts Bay, and had in divers parts spef=h,
of it broken forth in fresh violences of a criminal nature ; but
these proceedings had been countenanced and encouraged in
others of the colonies.and unwarrantable attempts had been made
to obstruct the commerce of this kingdom by unlawful combina
tions : such measures, however, had been employed, as were
judged most effectual for carrying the acts of the preceding
session into execution, protecting commerce, and restoring and
preserving order and good government in the province of Mas
sachusetts. It expressed his majesty's resolution to withstand
every attempt to diminish the authority of parliament over the
dominions of the crown ; the maintenance of which authority
¦ Tbe reader will, find a character of this great man in the narrative ol
the year 1788 ; for the judicial part of which 1 am chiefly indebted to «
gentleman of high eminence for literary and legal erudition.

40Q

HISTORY OF THE

1774.

,CHAP. was necessary Tor the dignity and welfare of the British eiu
x,v- pire : ii stated the satisfaction of the king at the restoration
' Of complete tranquillity to Europe, by the peace between Russia
and Turkey; and Concluded with recommending firmness and
unanimity in parliamentary proceedings. Avowing the taxa
tion of the colonies to be an essential right of the British legis
lature, and that the late acts must be executed, the speech* de
clared, that no regard was to be paid to the opinions and senti
ments which had produced a confederation of the colonies, and
that ministers were not moved by the proceedings in America
Address, to deviate from the plans of the former session. While the
speech demonstrated the intentions of government, the address,
carried by a great majority (though not without strenuous op
position,) manifested that the new, like the old parliament, was
resolved to persist in taxing British subjects without their own
consent; establishing in some colonies, Bystems of polity dif
ferent from the British constitution ; punishing those who had
never been tried, and ordaining trials, different in principle and
mode from those which are recognized by our laws ; it proved
also, that the new parliament esteemed the representation of
the colonists undeserving of regard. The address, indeed,
sanctioned the general policy of ministers: and the parliament,
at the very commencement of its deliberative proceedings, un
equivocally evinced its determination to tread in the steps
of the former. The opposition speakers exhorted legislature
to investigate facts before they proceeded to judgment;
and not to pledge themselves implicitly to follow the example
of their predecessors, without fully examining the grounds on
which they had acted, and the effects which their acts had pro
duced and were producing. Having moved for a communica
tion of all the intelligence that had been received by his ma
jesty respecting America, and the motion being negatived, they
affirmed, that as the ministers and former parliament had pass
ed sentence without taking cognizance of the case, the present
parliament was pursuing the same plan. They next proceeded
to the consequences, as they had verified or falsified the pre
dictions of ministers; contended, that whereas his majesty's
counsellors had prophesied that the proceedings respecting Bos
ton would strike terror into America, they had really combined
into one party all the colonists, though hefore divided and de
tached ; and" that, instead of frightening them severally into
submission, they had compelled them jointly to resistance. In
the house of lords a very strong protest was made, which, after
stating the evils of the ministerial system, added the following
words : " it affords us a melancholy prospect of the disposition
" of the lords in the present parliament, when we see the house,
" under the pressure of so severe and uniforman experience, a^air.

¦ See State Papers, Nov. 30, 1774.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 401
•• ready, without any inquiry, to countenance, if not to adopt, the CHAP.
" spirit of the former fatal proceedings." X1V-
Viewing the conduct of ministry as to utility of object and s"^"v'w
justness of principle, the historical reader may probably have 1774-
formed some judgment of the character of their policy; he has,
in the immediately subsequent acts, a farther opportunity of es
timating their qualifications by the ifieans which they employed.
To coerce America was the determination of ministry and the
legislature. If coercion must be used, a stronger force, it was
naturally expected, would be demanded, than that which was
requisite in times of tranquillity; but when the supplies came
under consideration, ministers proposed to diminish, instead of
increasing, both sea and land forces; and required seventeen
thousand, troops, instead of eighteen thousand, and sixteen
thousand seamen instead of twenty thousand. On this subject;
opposition charged ministry with an intention of deluding the
people to war, while they pretended to expect peace; but that
the hostilities, which they deprecated as ruinous in themselves,
would be rendered still more fatally destructive by defective
preparation ; there was (they said) either inadequacy of force to
the end proposed, or feeble and paltry artifice to couceal obvious
intentions.1 Ever since the debate on the address, great indecision had Indecision
appeared in the conduct of the minister. He studiously avoid- °* mini*5-
ed any farther discussion on American politics, and frequently
absented himself from the house. From these circumstances it
was conjectured, that he did not fully concur in the coercive
system ; and this hypothesis was by no means inconsistent with
either his known disposition or abilities. It was presumed, that a
man of such a conciliating temper, and whose first ministerial
acta had been concession to appease the colonists, could really
be no friend to violent and irritating measures ; and that a states
man of his undoubted talents could not, from the dictates of his
own understanding, devise or recommend such acts. Lord character
North, it was imagined could not long be so completely deceiv- and policy
ed as to fact, and erroneous in argument, as the proposers of the ^~j^
ministerial measures appeared. Besides, it was supposed that
his intellect was too enlightened, and his mind too liberal, to pos
sess that contemptible obstinacy of character which is incident
to men at the same time weak and vain, who adhere to a plan,
not because it is proved to be right, but because they had once
favoured its adoption.8

¦ See the speeches of opposition, in Debrett's Parliamentary Debates in
December 1774 ; especially of Mr. Fox, in a committee of supply.
1 See the account of parliament 1770, vol. i.
3 It has been very often asserted, and by many believed, that lord North
originally was, and always continued in his private sentiments, inimical to
the American war; although he, as prinle minister, in every measure of
carrying it on, incurred the chief responsibility. This opinion, as an histo-
Vol. I. • 51

402 HISTORY- OF THE
CHAP. The theory of an interior cabinet was revived; and it -was
XIV- asserted, that lord N^rth, though ostensibly minister, was real-
w"v~>^,,'ly compelled to obey the dictates of a secret junto. Having,
lJ7Au however, no satisfactory evidence that such a cabal existed,
ofhispow. nor t,lat an ab,e and estimable nobleman submitted to such a dis-
er and ef- graceful mancipation, I cannot record conjecture as a historical
ficiency. truth, and must narrate th8 measures proposed or adopted by
lord North as his own, because for them he declared himself re
sponsible. Until the Christmas recess, the minister continued to abstain
from giving any determinate opinion concerning American af
fairs. During the adjournment, the North American merchants
of Londou and Bristol, having more deeply considered the con
sequences resulting to their trade, were seriously alarmed ; as
were also the manufacturers of Birmingham. Meetings were
called, and petitions to parliament were prepared by these bo
dies, representing the great losses which they had sustained
from the suspension of traffic, the immense sums due from
America, and the ruin that must accrue to them unless inter-
Pefitions course should be speedily re-opened with the colonies. They
presented were presented as soon as parliament met; and also petitions
rica amj ' from various other bodies and parts of the kingdom. The
American West India merchants and planters stated how deeply they
merchants were concerned in this dispute, as the sugar islands not only
to/parlia-

ment and
the king,

rian, I have not documents either to confirm or refute with undoubted cer
tainty. To those who would confine themselves to comparison of the plans
and conduct of government during that awful period, with the talents often
displayed by his lordship, the conjecture may appear probable. But per
sons who take a candid view of the respectable and estimable moral quali
ties of the prime minister, will hesitate in justifying his wisdom at the ex
pense of his integrity ; they will sooner admit that a man of genius, litera-
ture, and political knowledge, reasoned falsely and acted unwisely, than that
a man of moral rectitude acted in deliberate and lasting opposition to his
conscience, thereby involving his country in misfortune. At the same time,
I am fully aware that there is a third hypothesis possible, and by many be
lieved, if not by some known to be true. The opinion in question rather
changes the situation than degrades the character of lord North, by repre-
senting him as merely his majesty's first commissioner of the treasury and
chancellor of the exchequer, instead of the prime political counsellor. Per-
sons of very considerable respectability, of very high veneration for the
character of lord North, and who with inviolable fidelity adhered to him in*
every vicissitude of fortune, have given their opinion, that he was not real
ly minister, but the official executor of positive commands. I am aware al.
so, that in this assertion they are said to proceed, not merely on general in
ferences, but on specific evidence. From the nature of the alleged docu
ments, I know well that if they exist, they cannot at present be made pub
lic. If the truth of this account were established, we should, indeed, have
to consider his lordship as officially obeying orders, but not as voluntarily
proposing counsels : this, perhaps, might excuse him as the servant of a
master, but would not be sufficient to acquit him as member of a delibera
tive assembly. Even in this last view, palliations might be found to apolo
gise to the indulgent, though it might be more diflicult to discover facts and
arguments which would satisfy the rigidly just.

REIGN OP GEORGE HI. 40S
drew a great part of their provisions from America, but were CHAP.
supplied with lumber from thence, for which they bartered their XIV-
rum and sugars ; so that an interruption of the intercourse be- s-^v"^"-'
tween the British American continent and those islands, was l77^-
likely not only to deprive the latter of the means of sending their
produce to Europe, but to cause a great body of people to perish
for want of sustenance. The various petitions were referred to
a committee of the house ; but from the little attention that was
paid to them, it was cal led the committee of oblivion. The peti
tion from the congress to the king had been transmitted to Lon
don ; his majesty refused to receive it from a body of which he
could not acknowledge the legality, but referred it to parliament.
On the 26th of January, sir George Saville presented a petition
to the house from three American agents, praying to be heard on
the subject of the petition presented by them from the congress
to the king, and which his majesty had referred to the house. A are dis-
hearing was refused by the commons on the same ground, that •mjssec*-
no attention could be paid to that petition without acknowledg- Wltll0ut a
ing the authority of the meeting. hearing.
The opponents of coercion now received a re-enforcement 1775.
of genius, eloquence, and political wisdom, by the appearance Lord
of lord Chatham in the house of lords, after an absence of se- Chatham,
veral years. That illustrious statesman, who had carried the [ °? Q
prosperity and glory of his country to so exalted a pitch, now within-
left the sick ropm, that he might try to avert the evils with firmities
which it was threatened, from the feeble, fluctuating, and erro- returns to
neous policy of his successors in administration. Lord Dart- tlle house*
mouth, secretary of state for the American department, having
laid sundry papers before the house relative to the state of af
fairs in America, lord Chatham moved an address to the king
for recalling the troops from Boston. The speech that intro- His intro
duced the motion was replete with that forcible, brilliant, and ductory
impressive eloquence, which during forty years had delighted, sPeeCl1'"
instructed, and astonished parliament. " The Americans,
" (said he,) sore under injuries and irritated by wrongs, stript
" of their inborn rights and dearest privileges, have resisted
" oppression, and entered into confederacies for preserving their
" common liberties. Under this idea, the colonists have ap-
" pointed men competent to so great an undertaking, to consi-
" der and devise the most effectual means for maintaining so
" inestimable a blessing. Invested with this right by the choice
" of a free people, these delegates have deliberated with pru-
" dence, with Wisdom, and with spirit ; and, in consequence of
" these deliberations, have addressed the justice and the honour
" of their country. This is their fault, this is their crime ; they
" have petitioned for that, without which a free people cannot
" possibly exist. Much, has been said of late about the authori-
" ty of parliament. Its acts are held up as sacred edicts de-
" manding implicit submission, because, if the supreme power
" does not lodge somewhere .operatively and effectively, there

4.04, HISTORY OF THE
CHAP. « must be an end of all legislation. But they who thus argue,
XIV. « or ,-athgr dogmatize, do not see the whole of this question on
tH*^"**-' « great, wise, and liberal grounds. In every free state, the
1775. « constitution is fixed, and all legislative power and authority,
" wheresoever placed, either in collective bodies or individuals,
f must be derived under that established polity from which
" they are framed. Therefore, however strong and effective
" acts of legislation may be when they are formed in the spi-
" rit of this constitution, yet when they resist its principles, or
" counteract its provisions, they attack their own foundation ;
" for it is the constitution, and the constitution only, which
" limits both sovereignty and allegiance. This doctrine is no
" temporary doctrine taken up on particular occasions to answer
" particular purposes, it is involved in no metaphysical doubts
" and intricacies, but clear, precise, and determinate : it is re-
( " corded in all our law books ; it is written in the great volume
" of nature ; it is the essential and unalterable right of En-
" glishmen, and accords with all the principles of justice and
" civil policy, which neither armed force on the one side, nor
" submission on the other, can upon any occasion eradicate.
" Dreadful will be the effects of coercive measures. Govern-
" ment has sent an armed force of above seventeen thousand
'• men to dragoon the Bostonians into what is called their duty.
" Ministers, so far from turning their eyes to the impolicy and
" dreadful consequences of this scheme, are constantly sending
" out more troops, and declaring, in the language of menace,
" that if seventeen thousand men cannot, fifty thousand shall,
" enforce obedience. So powerful an army may ravage the
" country, and waste and destroy as they march ; but in the
" progress of seventeen hundred miles, can they occupy the
'f places that they have passed? Will not a country which can
" produce three millions of people, wronged and insulted as
" they are, start up like hydras in every corner, and gather
" fresh strength from fresh opposition P*1 In this situation and
prospect, he proposed that a petition should be presented to his
majesty to recall the army from Boston, as the present position
of the troops rendered them and the Americans continually lia
ble to events which would prevent the possibility of re-esta
blishing concord. This well timed mark of affection and good
will on our side, would remove all jealousy and apprehension
on the other, and produce the happiest effects to both. If we
consulted either our interest or our dignity, the first advances
to peace should come from Britain. "If the ministers, on
" the contrary, persevere in their present measures, I will not
" (said he)1 assert that the king is betrayed, but I will pro
nounce that the kingdom is undone. I have crawled to tell
" you my opinion ; I think it my duty to give the whole of my
" experience and counsel to my country at all times, but more
1 See Parliamentry Debates, January 20, 1775.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 405
" particularly when it so much needs political guidance. Having CHAP.
"thus entered on the threshold of this business, I will knock at Xlv-
"your ga,tes for justice, and never stop, unless infirmities should *^*<>**
" nail me to my bed, until I have at least employed every " 7Sm
" means in my power to heal those unhappy divisions. Every
" motive of equity and of policy, of dignity and of prudence,
" urges you to allay the ferment in America, by a removal of
" your troops from Boston, by a repeal of your acts of par-
" liament, and by a demonstration of amicable dispositions toV
" ward your colonies. On the other hand, every danger im-
" pends to deter you from perseverance in your present ruin-
" ous measures. Foreign war hangs over your heads by a
" slight and brittle thread ; France and Spain are watching
"your conduct, and waiting for the maturity of your errors."
His present motion, lord Chatham said; he had formed for a
solid, honourable, and lasting settlement between Britain and
America. This first speech of his lordship on the ministerial
project of America, dictated by comprehensive wisdom, ope
rating on accurate and extensive political knowledge, made little
impression on the majority of the house. The peers who sup
ported administration expressed themselves in high and deci
sive language, they severely reprobated the conduct of the
Americans, and asserted that all conciliatory means had proved
ineffectual : it was high time (they said) for the mother coun
try to assert her authority ; concession, in the present case,
would defeat its own object : the navigation act, and all other
laws that form the great basis on which those advantages rest,
and the true interests of both countries depend, would fall a
victim to the interested and ambitious views of America. In a
word, it was declared that the mother country should never
relax till America confessed our supremacy ; and it was avowed
to be the ministerial resolution to enforce obedience by arms.
The motion was negatived by a great majority ; but lord His plan
Chatham, not discouraged by the rejection of his introductory ofconci-
motion, persevered in prosecuting his scheme of conciliation : ia lon
for which purpose he laid before the house the outlines of a bill,
under the title of" A provincial act for settling the troubles in
" America, and for asserting the supreme legislative authority
" and superintending power of Great Britain over the colonies!"
It proposed to repeal all the statutes which had been passed in
the former session relative to America ; in which were includ
ed the Quebec act, and another law that regulated the quar
tering of soldiers: also to rescind eight acts of parliament,
passed in the present reign from the fourth year to the twelfth.
It proposed to restrain the powers of the admiralty and vice-
admiralty courts in America, within their ancient limits, and
to establish the trial by jury in all such civil cases in which it
had been lately abolished ; the judges to hold their offices and
salaries as in England, quamdiu se bene gesserint. It declared
ihe colonies in America to be justly entitled to the privileges,

406 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, franchises, and immunities granted by their several charters or
xrv- constitutions ; and that such charters ought not to be invaded
*-^v>^ or resumed, unless for some legal fgrounds of forfeiture. But
1775. w(1jie hjs bin took these steps to satisfy the colonies, it vindi
cated the supremacy of Great Britain : expressed the depend
ence of America on the parent country;1 asserted, as an un
doubted prerogative, the king's right to send any part of the
legal army to whatever station in his dominions he judged ex
pedient for the public good, and condemned a passage in the
petition of the general congress which questioned that right ;
on the other hand it declared, that no' military, force, however
legally raised and kept, can ever be constitutionally employed
to violate and destroy the just right of the people. His lord
ship, aware of the many and complicated materials of his bill,
requested the assistance of the house to digest, and reduce
them to the form best suited to the dignity and importance of
the subject. He deprecated the effects of party or prejudice,
factious spleen, or blind predilection. Though a superficial
view might represent this as a bill of concession solely, just
and accurate examination would discover it to be also a bill of
assertion. This proposition underwent a great diversity of
discussion ; the variety and multiplicity of important objects
comprised in it were alleged to be much too numerous for be
ing the subject of one act; each of the objects deserved a
separate consideration, and ought to be investigated with the
most scrutinizing accuracy. The ministerial lords, were indeed
extremely violent in opposing the bill ; they asserted, that it
granted to the Americans whatever they wanted, without se
curing the rights of the British legislature. The colonists had
manifested a rebellious and hostile disposition, and it would be
grossly impolitic to make concessions to subjects who had shown
a resolution to revolt. In their strictures on the bill, some
ministerial lords, without regarding the character, age, and
services of its illustrious author, indulged themselves in petu-
1 The colonies of America, it set forth, have been, are, and of right ought
to be, dependent upon the imperial crown of Great Britain, and subordinate
to the British parliament ; and that the king's most excellent majesty, by
and with the advice and consent of the lords spiritual and temporal, and
commons in parliament assembled, had, have, and of right ought to have,
full power and authority to make laws and statutes of sufficient force and
validity to bind the people of the British colonies in America, in all matters
touching the general weal of the whole dominions of the imperial crown
of Great Britain, and beyond the competency of the local representatives
of a distinct colony ; and most especially, an indubitable and indispensible
right to make and ordain laws for regulating navigation and trade through
out the complicated system of British commerce ; the deep policy of such
precedent acts upholding the guardian navy of the whole British empire;
and that all subjects in the colonies are bound, in duty and allegiance, du
ly to recognize and obey (and they are hereby required so to do) the su
preme legislative authority and superintending power of the parliament
of Great Britain.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 4Q7
lant personalities, which answered no other purpose than to rouse chap.
the generous indignation merited by that folly which wantonly XIV-
provokes superior power. He again predicted, that so violent v-'"v"**-'
a system would drive America to a total separation from Great I775-
Britain : foreign rivals were regarding the proceedings of the
British government with the most vigilant attention, and enter
taining sanguine hopes of the reduction of our power, and the
dismemberment of our empire, through the incapacity and in
fatuation of our ministers; though cautiously forbearing inter
ference, until, by perseverance in our ruinous plan, the colonies
were completely separated from the mother country. Such
were the conclusions and predictions of consummate wisdom :
but they were disregarded, and the propositions for terminating
the dissentions between Britain and America were rejected by ;s reject
-a great majority. e4.
The house of commons breathed a spirit of coercion no less
vehement than that of the house of peers. On the 3d of Feb
ruary, the minister moved an address to the king, declaring
Massachusetts Bay to be in a state of rebellion, and detailing
the acts from which he attempted to justify his assertion : they
had been countenanced and encouraged by unlawful combina
tions in other colonies, to the injury and oppression of many of
their innocent fellow-subjects resident within the kingdom of
Great Britain and the rest of his majesty's dominions; and
their conduct was more inexcusable, as the parliament of Britain
had conducted itself with such moderation toward the Ameri
cans ; but though ready to redress real grievances, dutifully and
constitutionally submitted to parliament, they would not relin
quish the sovereign authority which the legislature possessed
over the colonies. The address besought his majesty to take
the most effectual measures to enforce obedience; and assured
him of the fixed resolution of the addressers, at the hazard of
their lives and properties, to stand by his majesty, against all
rebellious attempts, in the maintenance of his rights and those of
the two houses of parliament. This was a very momentous mo
tion, the fate of which, it was foreseen, must in a great measure
determine whether there would or would not be a civil war ; for
were the provincials declared to be rebels, it was very proba
ble that they would be hurried to actual revolt. The address Ministers
met with strong opposition; Mr. Dunning endeavoured to prove, conceive
that the Americans were not in rebellion, and supported his as- olfg-t""*'
sertion by an appeal to legal definitions, which, he contended, America
did not apply to any of the acts in Massachusetts. The address to be easy.
to the sovereign contained a charge against fellow-subjects that
was not true, and asked him to prosecute a crime which had,
not been committed. Mr. Thurlow, the attorney-general, af
firmed, that the Americans were traitors and rebels, but did
not prove his position from a comparison of their conduct with
the treason laws. Ministerial members endeavoured to show and the
that they were both rebels and cowards-; colonel Grant, in par- Americans cowards.

408 " HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, ticular, told the house, that he had often acted in the same scr-
XIV- vice with the Americans ; he knew them well, and from that
s-*'v'>— ' knowledge would venture to predict, that they would never dare
l77s- to face an English army, as being destitute of every requisite to
constitute good soldiers: by their laziness, uncleanliness, or
radical defect of constitution, they were incapable of going
through the service of a campaign, and would melt away with
sickness before they could face an enemy ; so that a very slight
force would be more than sufficient for their complete reduction.
Many ludicrous stories were told of their cowardice, greatly to
the entertainment of the ministerial members, who were all con
fident that America would make a short and feeble resistance.
Mr. Fox most eminently distinguished himself, not only by the
force of his reasoning and eloquence, but by the depth of his
sagacity, which with a prophetic accuracy marked the con-
Observa- sequences of the proposed measure. It would create the rebel
lions of Hon, which now, without grounds, was declared to exist. The
Mr. Fox ^ ministerial inferences respecting the cowardice of the Americans
spiring were founded upon false and futile premises, and rested on the
effects of reports of officers who had served with them in the war against
liberty, the French. The provincials had certainly not behaved with
that uniform valour which was displayed by the regular troops,
but then they considered themselves as auxiliaries, not as prin
cipals. The military operations were to promote the success
of the British empire ; whereas, if now driven to war, they were
to fight, according to their conception, for their own liberty and
property, against usurpation and tyranny. Those persons must
have attended little to the passions, and the history of human
conduct, who concluded, that because men were not always dis
posed to fight valiantly for others, they therefore would not
fightvaliantly for themselves. " Peruse (said Mr. Fox) the his-
" tory of contests for freedom ; you will find that every people
'* inspired with manly virtue enough to value and desire liberty,
"has always, displayed energy and courage in asserting their
" right to so inestimable a blessing : the Americans will fight
" when inspired by so powerful a motive." He concluded
with moving an amendment, to leave out all but the preliminary
words of the address, and to substitute after them the follow
ing : " But, deploring that the information which they (the pa-
" pers laid before the house) had afforded, served only to con-
" vince the house that the measures taken by his majesty's ser-
" vants tended rather to widen than to heal the unhappy
Massachu- « differences between Great Britain and America." The ar-
declared guments and exertions of that extraordinary senator were
to be in a °f 1'ttle avail ; the proposed address was carried by a great
state of majority, and was equally successful in the house of peers.
rebellion. Eighteen lords entered into a protest against a measure, which
they affirmed to amount to a declaration of war: the hos
tile manifesto was not, they asserted, justified by evidence ;
ihe acts of parliament affecting Massachusetts Bay were real

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 409
grievances; and those continuing unrepealed, the' Americans CHAP.
had no reason to confide in general assurances of redress : we XIV-
had refused to listen to their petitions; we would receive no in- S"*"V'"V»'
formation but from one side ; we punished without inquiry, and I775'
branded with the name of rebels those who remonstrated against
such unjust -and illegal punishment. The dissentients further
objected to the address, that the means of enforcing the authori
ty of the British legislature was confined to persons whose
capacity for that purpose was doubtful, and who had hitherto
employed no effectual measures for conciliating or reducing the
opposers of that authority. This protest, which is in fact, a de
precation of the war from which Britain has since suffered so
much calamity, concluded with the following words : " Parlia-
" ment has never refused any of their [the ministers] proposals,
" and yet our affairs have proceeded daily from bad to worse,
" until we have been brought, step by step, to that state of con-
" fusion, and even civil violence, which was the natural result of
" such desperate measures. We therefore protest against an
" address amounting to a declaration of war, which is founded
" on no proper parliamentary information, which was introdu-
" ced by refusing to suffer the presentation of' petitions against
" it (although it be the undoubted right of the subject to present
" the same,) which followed the rejection, of every mode of con-
" ciliation, which holds out no substantial offer of redress of
" grievances, and which promises support to those ministers who
" have inflamed America, and grossly misconducted the affairs
" of Great Britain."1
In consequence of this address, his majesty sent a message Message
to the house of commons, intimating his resolution, in com- frora 1,is
pliance with the wishes of his parliament, to take the most "^^L
speedy and effectual measures for supporting the just rights of an aug-
the crown and legislature, and that some augmentation of his mentation
forces by sea and land would be necessary for this purpose, of forces.
Accordingly, an increase both of the army and navy was
voted ; and reason was given to expect, that a greater number
would he required in the course of the session. Opposition
insisted, that the ministerial mode of sending small bodies
to America was totally inadequate to the purposes of the coer
cion which they so madly sought; their violent counsels would
drive the Americans tp revolt, while their feeble and tardy
preparations would be ineffectual to the suppression of the
disturbances. Ministers, in discussing this as well as other
questions, formed their conclusions on a presumptiou that the
Americans were cowards ; and continued to express the cer
tainty of reducing all the other colonies to obedience, by merely
commencing military operations in Massachusetts Bay. "While
ministers were proceeding in preparing to compel obedience by
means of a military force, they endeavoured to promote fhV
¦ Debrett's Parliamentary Papers, vol. iii. p. 516 — 518.
Vol. I. 52

410 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, same by other means. With this view it was resolved, until
X1V- they sliould become submissive, to withhold from them one of
*^~*~>*s their chief sources of subsistence.
tdjVT5' The northern provinces had derived essential benefits from
prohibit- the Newfoundland 'fisheries. In a country not very productive
ing the ' in corn, a great part of the livelihood of the poor was drawn
New-Eng- from the ocean; numbers of the inhabitants were fishermen,
land pro- and had no other means of purchasing flour and other neces-
vmces garies 0f life, but from the proceeds of that occupation. Their
merce and fisheries were, moreover the means of sustaining a race of
fishery, seamen ; they were allowed to carry their cargoes to any port
south of Cape Finisterre, and were accustomed to supply
Spain and Portugal with fish during the season of Lent. The
minister thought that, by debarring them from seeking so
material an article of their food where it was most likely to
be found, he should at length bring them' to that compliance
which his other schemes had successively failed to produce.
He therefore, on the 10th of February, moved for leave to
bring in a bill to restrain the trade and commerce of the pro
vinces of Massachusetts Bay and New-Hampshire, the colonies
of Connecticut and Rhode Island, and Providence Plantation,
in North America, to Great Britain, Ireland, and the British
islands in the West Indies ; and to prohibit such provinces and
colonies from carrying on any fishery on the banks of New
foundland, or other places therein to be mentioned, under
certain conditions, and for a limited time. In support of the
proposed bill, plausible arguments were adduced : the Ameri
cans had refused to trade with this kingdom, it was therefore
just that we should not suffer them to trade with any other
country ; the restraints of the act of navigation were their
charter ; and the several permissions to deviate from that law,
were so many acts of grace and favour, all of which, when
they ceased to be merited by the colonies, ought to be revoked
by the legislature. The fisheries on the banks of Newfound
land, as well as all others in North America, were the undoubt
ed right of Great Britain, and she might accordingly dispose of
them as she pleased; as both houses had declared Mas
sachusetts Bay to be in a state of rebellion, it was but just
and reasonable to deprive it of a benefit which it before en
joyed only by indulgence. The bill, its framer proposed,
should be only temporary ; and' particular persons might be
excepted, should they obtain certificates from the governor of
their province that their behaviour was loyal and peaceable,
or should they subscribe a test acknowledging the supremacy
of parliament. It was proper to include the other colonies in
the prohibitions imposed upon Massachusetts ; New-Hamp
shire, Connecticut, and Rhode-Island, bordered on that pro
vince ; and, unless the privation extended to them, the purposes
of the act would be defeated : besides, though the people had
not broken out in actual violence, they had manifested a dis-

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 4 1 5,
position to assist the Bostonians. The bill was very strongly CHAP.
opposed : its principle was alleged to involve the innocent with Xlv-
the guilty ; to impoverish and starve four provinces, because *^~*~*s
one was asserted to be in a state of rebellion. Its impugners 1775
did not admit the doctrine of its supporters, that the vicinity
of one province to another actually in rebellion, is a just reason
for including the inhabitants of the tranquil province in the
punishment. It was, besides, cruel to deprive poor wretches
of their hard-earned livelihood, and the exception of those
whom the governor might think proper to favour, would only
introduce a scandalous partiality, and pernicious monopoly ;
but the plan was inexpedient as well as unjust, and would be
extremely hurtful to the merchants of Britain. New-England
owed them a great .balance, and had no other means of dis
charging the debt, than through the fishery, and the trade
which it circuitously produced ; the fisheries would be lost to
us, and transferred to our rivals; the inhabitants of thecoasts,
to prevent themselves from starving, must have recourse to
other occupations, and were the provinces driven to war,
would become soldiers. Thus we provoked rebellion by one
set of unjust acts, and recruited the rebellious army by another.
Various petitions were presented by merchants trading to
America, stating the evils of the bill even to our own fisheries,
as well as to commerce in general. The expostulations, how
ever, produced no effect, and the bill was passed by a great
majority in both hpuses.1 A protest in the house of peers,
after detailing the various objections to the principles and
provisions of this measure, contains the following very striking
remark on the conduct of ministry.: " That government which
" attempts to preserve its authority by destroying the trade of
"its subjects, and by involving the innocent and the guilty in
'fone common ruin, if it act from a. choice of such means,
"confesses itself unworthy; if from inability to find any other,
"admits itself wholly incompetent to the end of its insti
tution." . _ '
While administration appeared bent on. pursuing the most plan of
coercive measures, lord North proposed! a law, which being lord North
professedly conciliatory, astonished not 'only opposition, but [?r.conci-
many of the adherents of ministers. The bill, however, was ^J° Ame
founded on a position implied in the address, " that there was rica.
" a great want of unanimity in the colonies." On that prin
ciple it had been declared, that, " whenever any of the colo-

1 It was on the discussion of this question, Gibbon informs us, that Mr.
Fox. first manifested to parliament the extraordinary force and extent of his
talents. " The principal men, both days, were Fox and Wedderburne, on
the opposite sides; the latter displayed his usual talents : the former, taking
the vast compass of the question before us, discovered powers for regular
debate, which neither his friends hoped, nor his enemies dreaded." See
Gibbon's Letter to ford Sheffield, 1775.

412 HISTORV OF THE
CHAP. " nies shall make a proper application to us, we shall be ready
XIV. « to afford them every just and reasonable indulgence." He
<ir*~>r>^ therefore proposed, that when any of the colonies should prof-
1775. fer> according to their abilities, to raise their due proportion
towards the common defence (the assessment to be raised
under the authority of the assembly of the province, and to
be disposable by parliament,) and when such colony should
also engage to provide for the support of its civil govern
ment and the administration of justice, parliament should for
bear the exaction of duties or taxes, except such as should be
necessary for the regulation of trade. It was frequently the
fate of lord North's measures, both deliberative and executive,
to be proposed too late for answering an end, which they
might have attained had they been sooner- proposed. It has
been already remarked, that during many years there was a
great diversity of sentiment in the several colonies concerning
principles of government, and other subjects connected with
their relation to tRe mother country ; and' that it might have
been easy for the minister, by attending minutely to their
different views and opinions, to have so effectually kept their
interests separate, as to prevent any coalition. But the jjlans
which he had lately pursued, had served to unite in one mass
materials before discordant : from diversity, government had
driven them to uniformity of views. This scheme of com
promise might, and probably would, have been received by
the middle and southern colonies, from lord North, at the
beginning of his administration, and its reception by them
must have compelled the northern republicans at length to
iiccede : but the season was past. The minister, on intro
ducing his motion, made a speech, in which he demonstrated
that he considered his present plan as a deviation from the
high system of coercion which he had before inculcated. He
quoted a variety of instances from the history of this country,
of ministers and parliaments altering their opinions in a change
of circumstances, the present system, he urged, would be a
touchstone to try the sincerity of the Americans; if their
opposition was founded on the principles which they pretend
ed, they would comply with the terms; if they should refuse
them, they must have been actuated by different motives from
those which they professed. " We (said he) shall then be pre
pared, and know low to act; after having shown our wis-
" dom, our justice, and our humanity, by giving them an op-
" portunity of redeeming their past faults, and holding out to
'•them fitting terms of accommodation, if they reject* them,
¦ we shall be justified in taking the most coercive measures,
" and they must be answerable to, God and man for the conse-
Appre- " quences." This measure appeared a concession to the colo-
hended by njeSi) and met with its first opposition from gentlemen who
to con-fty usua^y supported government. It was by some ministerial
cede too members opposed, as contrary to the principles both of the
much; »

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 41 j
late address and other acts of government. These objections CHAP.
were pressed with the greatest ardour by Mr. Dund'as, and Xlv
also the partisans of the Bedford interest ; the former, in what- s***»"v-%-
ever he undertook preferred firmness and decision, and dis- 1775.
liked the present plan as wavering and indecisive ; the latter,
who had uniformly been the abettors of coercion, reprobated
every indication of a conciliatory spirit. The disapprobation
of persons on whose coincidence he had relied, embarrassed
and distressed the minister, and he repeatedly endeavoured to
explain himself, but without giving satisfaction. At length,
sir Gilbert Elliot professed to reconcile the apparent deviation,
and for that purpose observed that the address contained two
correspondent1 lines of conduct; on the one hand, to repress
rebellion, protect loyalty, and enforce the laws ; on the other,
to grant indulgence to colonists who should return to their
duty. For the first of these purposes, the forces had been aug
mented, and the prohibitory system adopted : for the last, the
present plan was proposed, and without it the restrictory act
would have been defective and unjust. By this proposition,
parliament would not lose the right of imposing taxes; that
was a power which it expressly reserved, neither did it suspend
its exercise; it manifested the firm resolution of the legislature
to compel America to provide what we (not they) thought
just and reasonable for the support bf the empire. Their
compliance was the only ground of their hope to be reconciled "'
to this country. Revenue was the subject of dispute :
if the Americans offered a satisfactory contribution, their past
offences would be pardoned, and if they did not, we should
compel them to do us justice. Members who had disliked byanother
this motion, under the idea that it was not coercive, now be- 10° ^ttle-
came more favourable. The opponents of ministry contend
ed, that the measure was invidious : " It carries (said they)
" two faces on its very first appearance : to the Americans, and
" to those who are unwilling to proceed in the extremes of
" violence against them, the minister holds out negotiation
"and amity: to those who have joined him, on condition
" (said Mr. Foxs) that he will support the supremacy of this Mr. Fox
" country, the proposition holds out a determination to perse- °PJ>osessistency.
1 This refined distinction did not prevent discerning supporters of lord
North's administration from regarding such very opposite measures in the
true light, as the reader may observe in the following extract from Gibbon,
written upon this occasion. " We go on with regard to America, if we
can be said to go on ; for last Monday a conciliatory motion of allowing the
colonies to tax themselves, was introduced by lord North, in the midst of
lives and fortunes, war and famine. We went into the house in confusion,
every moment expecting that the Redfords would fly into rebellion against
those measures. Lord North rose six times to appease the storm, but all
in vain ; till at length sir Gilbert declared far administration, and the
troops all rallied under their proper standard." Gibbon's Letter to lord
Sheffield, Feb. 25th, 1775.
•••See Parliamentary Debates, February 90th, 17.75.

414 ' HISTORY OF THE
CHAP. « Vere in pursuit of that object. But his friends see that Uc
XIV. ¦< is relaxinoy and the committee sees that they are all ready
'*^^v'^^" to withdraw from under his standard. No one in this coun-
1775. « try, who is sincerely the advocate of peace, will trust the
" speciousncss of his' expressions, and the Americans will
" reject them with disdain. This proposition, so far from
" tending to disunite, would unite the Americans more closely :
" they would guard against artifice, as well as defend them-
" selves against force. The minister is contradictory to him-
" self in his professions of conciliation, and very short sight-
" ed iin conceiving that they would impose on the Ameri-
" cans." The plan was evidently only a change of the mode, not a
renunciation of the right, of levying taxes ; it was a half mea
sure, an attempt to compromise the difference, when it was
plain, from the very beginning, that there was no medium be
tween coercion and abandonment. If the ministry were before
right,* they conceded by far too much, if wrong by far too little.
Lord North was too anxious to please one party, without much
displeasing the other; there was a fluctuation of counsels, a
mixture of soothing and irritating measures, which reciprocally
Policy of defeated the effect of each other. With abilities that fitted
lord North n\ m for being a leader, from want of firmness he was too often
way?nn^ a follower of men who were much inferior to himself. While
lute. this bill was the subject of discussion, he displayed more
dexterity in retreating, than boldness in maintaining his post.
His conciliatory plan having undergone such modifications as
made a considerable change in its principle and tendency, pass
ed the house by a majority not altogether so greatas those whicli
had voted for other propositions of ministers.
Concilia- Mr. Burke, having devoted a great part of his time and at-
tory plan tention to inquiries into the state of America, and having con-
Burke on c'uded that an attempt to subjugate the colonists would be
theground impracticable, persisted in recommending conciliation. On
ofexpe- the 28th of March 1775, he proposed to the house a plan for
dience. the re-establishment of concord. He forbore entering into the
question of right, but confined himself to the consideration of
expediency ; and proceeded upon a principle admitted by the
wisest legislators, that government must be adapted to the
nature and situation of the people for whose benefit it is exer
cised. He therefore investigated the circumstances, modes
of thinking, dispositions and prnciples of action, of those
men in particular, the treatment of whom was the object of
deliberation. To ascertain the propriety of concession, he
examined and explained the internal and external state, with
the natural and accidental circumstances of the colonies. He
considered them with respect to situation and resources, extent,
numbers, amazing growth of population, rapid increase of
commerce, fisheries and agriculture; from which he evi'ficed
their strength and importance. He then inquired into that un-

REIGN OF GEORGE III.

41;

conquerable spirit of freedom by which the Americans are CHAP,
distinguished. This violent passion for liberty, he traced from Xlv-
the sources of descent, education, manners, religious principles, *-*"v">i
and forms of government. He described the prosperity of l77s-
America, so rapidly increased in the course of the century, and
deduced from its advances, on the one hand, the benefits which
had accrued, and would accrue in a still greater degree to
this country, if our ancient amity were restored ; on the other,
their power of resistance, if we should persevere in our deter
mination to employ force. The American spirit of liberty (he
said) so predominating from a variety of causes, must be treat
ed in one of three ways. It must either be changed, as incon
venient ; prosecuted, as criminal ; or complied with, as neces
sary. One means of changing the spirit was, by taking mea
sures to stop that spreading population, so alarming to the
country; but attempts of this sort would be totally impracti
cable, and even if they were not, would diminish the benefit
Which rendered the colonies, valuable to the mother country.
To empoverish the colonies in general, and especially to
arrest the noble course of their marine enterprises, was a
project that might be compassed; but we had colonies for do
other purpose thaq to be serviceable to us ; it seemed therefore
preposterous to render them unserviceable, in order to keep
them obedient. The second mode of breaking the stubborn
spirit of the Americans^ by prosecuting it as criminal, was
impossible in the execution, and consequently absurd in the
attempt. Perseverance in the endeavour to subjugate a nu
merous and powerful people, fighting for what they conceived
to be their liberty, would diminish our trade, exhaust our re
sources, and impair our strength, without making any effectual
impression upon America. Fre-m the contest with the colo
nies, there would also ensue a rupture with European powers,
and a general war. After endeavouring to demonstrate the
policy of concession, he proceeded to the principle on which
he proposed that the concession should be made. His propo
sitions (he said) were founded on the ancient constitutional
policy of this kingdom respecting representation ; they merely
followed the guidance of experience. In the cases of Wales,
the county palatine, Chester, and Durham, their utility to this '
country was coeval with their admission to a participation
of the British constitution : our constitutional treatment of
America had caused the benefits which we had derived from
that country. Before 1763, we had walked " with security,
advantage and honour; since that time, discontent and trouble
had prevailed. " I do hot (said he) examine the abstract
" question of right; I do not inquire whether you have a right
" to render your people miserable; but, whether it is not your
" interest to make them happy, it is not what a lawyer tells
" me, I may do; but what humanity, reason, and justice, tell
" me, that I ought to do. By your old mode of treating the

4lG HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, ''colonics, they were well affected to you, and vott derived
XIV. «from them immense and rapidly increasing advantage; by
l**~s^>* " your new mode, they are ill affected to you, and you
1775. «|,ave obstructed and prevented the emolument. I recom-
"mend to you to return from the measures by which you
"now lose, to those by whicli you formerly gained." From
these arguments Mr. Burke formed his pacific propositions:1
that the Americans should tax themselves by their own repre
sentatives, in their own assemblies, agreeable to the former
usa-i-e, and to the analogy of the British constitution ; and that
all acts imposing duties should be repealed. Though a speech
more replete with wisdom was, perhaps, never spoken in that
or any other assembly, yet wisdom was unavailing, and the
conciliatory plan was rejected by men determined on compulso
ry measures.
Mr. Hartley soon after proposed a scheme of reconcilement,
intended as a medium between tbe systems of lord North and
Mr. Burke. His plan was, that, at the desire of parliament,
the secretary of state should require the several colonies to

1 lie moved thirteen resolutions ; of which the six first contained his
general principles and plan : 1st, He moved, That the colonies and planta
tions of Great Britain in North America, consisting of fourteen separate
governments, and containing two millions and upwards of free inhabitants,
nave not had the liberty and privilege of electing and sending any knights
and burgesses or others, to represent them in the high court of parliament.
2dly, That the said colonies and plantations had been made liable to, and,
bounded by, several subsidies, payments, rates, and taxes, given and grant
ed by parliament, though the said colonies and plantations have not their
knights and burgesses in the said high court of parliament of their own
election, to represent the condition of their country; by lack whereof,-they
had been touched and grieved by subsidies given, granted, and assented to
in the said court, in a manner prejudicial to the commonwealth, quietness,
rest, and peace, of the subjects inhabiting within the same. 3oly, That
from the distance of the said colonies, and from other circumstances, no
method hath hitherto been devised for procuring a representation in par
liament for the said colonies. 4thly, That each of the said colonies hath
within itself a body chosen, in part or in whole, by the freemen, freehold
ers, or other free inhabitants thereof, commonly called the general assem-
My, or general court, with powers legally to raise, levy, and assess, accord
ing to the several usages of such colonies, duties and taxes towards defray
ing all sorts of public services. 5thly, That the said general assemblies,
general courts, or other bodies legally qualified as aforesaid, have at sundry
times freely granted several large subsidies and public aids for his majes
ty's service, according to their abilities, when required thereto by letter
from one of his majesty's principal secretaries of slate ; and that their right
to grant the same, and their cheerfulness and sufficiency in the said grants,
have been at sundry times acknowledged by parliament. 6thly, That it
hath been found by experience, that the-manner of granting the said sup
plies and aids by the said general assemblies, hath been more agreeable to
the inhabitants of the said colonies, and more beneficial and conducive to
the public service, than the mode of giving and granting aids and subsi
dies, in parliament, to be raised and paid in the said colonics.

Reign of george hi. 417
tfofitribute to the general expense of the empire, but leave the CHAP.
amount and application to the contributors themselves. Thus, XIV*
on the one hand, requisition of revenue would originate with ^^^^^
parliament: on the other, cohmists would not be taxed with- i77S-
out their own consent. The arguments so often repeated in
favour of conciliation and of coercion, were employed by opposi»
tion and ministry ; and, as before, reason was overborne by num
bers. The minister now introduced a second restraining bill, for ex- Bill for ex
tending the prohibitions of the first to all the remaining cofo- tending
nies, except New- York ; which, after undergoing a, similar dis- £?™ meTi^
cussion as the other, was passed into a law. Various petitions bltions to"
were presented to his majesty, praying for the adoption of new the middle
measures respecting America; but of these, the most remarka- and south-
ble was tbe petition of the city of London, presented to the eF" co'°*
king by the hands of Mr. Wilkes the lord-mayor. In the usual nies'
style of the addresses of the city for several years, this paper
was rather a remonstrance than a petition : it justified the re
sistance of America, as founded upon constitutional principles ;
asserted that the colonies were driven to it by the corruption
and tyranny of the British government ; that the conduct of
Britain towards America was totally opposite to the principles
which bad produced the revolution, and the accession of the
house of Brunswick; and that it would be fatal to the com
merce, prosperity, peace, and welfare of this country. His ma
jesty expressed particular resentment at both the matter and
the manner of this expostulation. A petition was about the
same time presented to the house of peers from the British in
habitants of the province of Quebec, praying the favourable
interposition of their lordships, as the hereditary guardians of
the rights of the people, that the act might be repealed or
amended, and that the petitioners might enjoy their constitu
tional rights, privileges, and franchises. Lord Camden moved
a repeal of the act, on the same grounds that it had been op
posed in the former year ; but the motion was negatived : and
a similar petition presented to the house of commons, met with
a similar fate.
The province of New- York was very opposite in habits and Loyalty of
sentiments to its neighbours of New-England : as distinguished ™epro-
for love of gaiety and pleasure, as the New-Englanders wereNew_
for austerity and puritanical aeal ; and as much attached to York*
monarchy, as the others were devQted to republicanism. They
had been uniformly more moderate than any of either tbe
middle or southern colonies ; in their provincial assembly, they
refused to acknowledge the, congress, and declared their reso
lution of continuing united to Great Britain : they did not, how
ever, profess unconstitutional submission, but stated the grounds
on which they were willing to continue in allegiance. In their J^'eseh-
statement, they included various grievances; drew up a repre-™e°o^
sentation of their sentiments and wish** comprehending an en-^,^ •
Vol. I. 53

418

HISTORY OF THE

is dismiss
ed un
heard.

CHAP, treaty for the' redress of the evils which they alleged to exist,
XIV- and transmitted it to their agent Mr. Burke, desiring him to pre-
*^"v^w sent it to the house of commons. In introducing this paper to
i77s- the house, Mr. Burke expatiated on the favourable disposition
of the province of New-York. In the midst of all the violence
which overspread the continent, that colony had preserved her
legislature and government entire; and when every thing else
where was tending to a civil war, she dutifully submitted her
complaints to the justice and clemency of the mother country.
Their direct application to the house afforded a fair opportunity
for terminating differences. New- York was a centrical province,
which could break the communication between the northern
and southern colonies ; and, by having that country in our fa
vour, we might be able to coerce the rest. He proposed, there
fore, that the remonstrance should be read. Ministers contend
ed, that the form of the address rendered its admission incon
sistent with the honour and dignity of the British parliament;
for it avoided the name of a petition, lest it should imply obe
dience to the legislature : the representation was therefore dis
missed unheard.
Parliament this session came to a resolution of settling Buck
ingham-house on the queen, instead of Somerset-house, and
vesting the latter building in his majesty for the purpose of
erecting certain public offices. The last business which oecu-
Supplies. pied the session of 1775 was finance. The amount of the sup
plies for the year' was 4,307,4501. and a million of three per
cent, annuities was paid off at 88 per cent.; 1,205,0001. exche
quer bills were discharged, and new ones to an equal amount is
sued. When the money bills received the royal assent, the
speaker addressed his majesty, adverting to the heaviness of the
grants, which nothing but the particular exigencies of the times
could justify in a season of peace: but, assuring the king, that
if the Americans persisted in their resistance, the commons
will use every effort to maintain and support the supremacy of
the legislature. On the 26th of May, his majesty closed the
session with his speech, in which he expressed the greatest sa
tisfaction with their conduct. He declared his conviction, that
tbe conciliatory propositions would have the desired effect in
bringing back the Americans to a sense of their duty ; he in
formed parliament, that he had received satisfactory assurances
from the neighbouring powers, of their amicable dispositions;
and particularly thanked the houses for the mark of their at
tachment lately shown to the queen. Thus closed a session of
War una- parliament, in which, notwithstanding the ablest efforts to ef-
voidable. feet conciliation, a great majority, bent upon coercion-, adopted
Literary such measures as rendered a war unavoidable between Britain
men for an(] her c0|0nies.
mecoer-*' While the American contest occupied* the chief attention of
cion of parliament, it was also the principal subject of political litera-
America. lure. Three systems of conduct were proposed -by writers on

Sessioncloses.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 419
our disputes with the colonies: conciliation, supported by ma- CHAP.
ny able authors, at the head of whom was Mr. Burke; coer- XIV-
cion, supported by a great number of writers, with a smaller ,»^~v"'>»>'
aggregate of ability, at the head of whom was a man of no less 177S-
eminent talents, doctor Samuel Johnson ; the third system was
that of Dean Tucker, who proposed entirely to relinquish .
America, in which that gentleman stood alone. His scheme
was ridiculed at the time by both parties ; but it now appears
tliat even a total separation would have been more fortunate for
us without hostilities, than a plan of coercion, which, after a
long and expensive war, was to end with that separation: the
event has justified the anticipation of Dean Tucker's sagacity.
The productions of Mr. Burke on these subjects exhibit to trie
historical reader a clear and complete. view of what had been
our policy towards America, and what had been the con
sequences; what then was our policy, and what, then were
the actual and probable consequences. They also present
to the political philosopher, perspicuous and forcible reason
ing upon the system which government had adopted. Doc
tor Johnson's essay, manifestly as it demonstrated the metaphy
sical ingenuity of its author, afforded little light on the merits
of the question. It is a chain of reasoning upon an assump
tion : the first position asserts as an axiom, the very principle
to be proved, the supremacy of parliament; it attempts to
dazzle the understanding, by representing analogies between
subjects totally dissimilar.*1 In politics, indeed, its author ad
hered too much to generalities to be practically beneficial ; and
with the most powerful mind, habituated to abstraction, he on
the question of taxation reasoned rather as an acute schoolman,
than as an able statesman. He did not enter into that particu
lar, consideration of the actual cases, which he employed with

' In order to ridicule the resistance of America, Johnson supposes Corn
wall to resolve to separate itself from the rest of England, and to refuse to \
submit to an English parliament : holding a congress at Truro, and publish
ing resolutions similar to those of the Americans. "Would not (he says)
.such a declaration appear to proceed from insanity ?" — The cases are not
analogous : Cornwall is fully represented in parliament j consequently,
could not have the same reason for resisting our legislature : but if we were
to suppose parliament absurd and wicked enough to make laws depriving
Cornwall, without any demerit,, of the most valuable privileges of Britons,
the Cornishmen would have a right to resist tliat act, because oppressive,
unconstitutional, and unjust. As to the expediency of exerting the right
of resistance, the case would be very different between Cornwall and Ame
rica ; Cornwall being both much weaker and much nearer than the colo
nies. It is difficult to conceive that the wisdom of Johnson could have in
tended the exhibition of this fanciful analogy to impress reasoning men. In
the whole of tile work, however, he shows, that he considered the subju
gation of America, if it persevered in resistance, as certain. With many
estimable and admirable qualities, by no means as a mah entertaining a just
value for freedom, he did not as a philosopher ascribe to it its real effects j
he did not reflect on the energetic spirit which inspires men fighting for
what either is, or they think to be, their liberties.

420 CHAP; XIV.

1775.
Some of
the last
support
the colo
nies on
constitu
tional grounds;others on
assumptions ini
mical to
establish ed govern*
ment.

HISTORY OF THE
such powerful vid happy effect in his critical and moral wri
tings. While Mr. Burke ahd other authors supported the cause
of the Americans on constitutional principles, and the wisdom of
doctor Johnson could not prevent his peculiar prejudices from
operating in impugning the claims of the Americans on very
high tory principles ; literary advocates arose in their favour,
who fell into the opposite extreme. Doctors Priestley and
Price, dissenting ministers of very great ability and eminence,
refining on the speculations of the illustrious Locke, formed
theories of civil and religious liberty totally incapable of being
reduced to practice in any society of human beings, as far as
experience ascertains to us the qualities and capacities of man;
and tending, by holding Up fanciful models of polity, to render
the votaries of these writers dissatisfied with the existing esta
blishments. Thus the opposition to the plans respecting Ame
rica, though hitherto defensible on constitutional grounds, gave
rise to discussions productive of visionary and dangerous doc
trines, which eventually promoted very unconstitutional con
duct,

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. • ,4gt

CHAP. XV.
.Critical state of affairs in America— general enthusiasm guided by pru
dence. — The provincials learn the reception of their petitions, »nd the *
•measures of the new parliament.— Warlike preparations— general Gage .
attempts to seize stores — detachment sent to Concord — to Lexington-
first hostile conflict between Britain and the colonies— British retire—
an American army raised — second meeting (Jf Congress— spirit of re
publicanism— New- York accedes to the confederacy.— Waiv- attempt on
Ticonderoga— the Americans invest Boston— battle of Bunker's hill-
Americans not cowards, as represented— provincials elated with the
event— block up Boston — project an expedition into Canada— political
and military reasons.-^Washington commander in chief.— Montgomery
heads the army sent to Canada — progress on the lakes— neglected state
•of the British forts — enters Canada— captures Montreal — march of Ar
nold across the country— arrives opposite to Quebec — junction with
Montgomery — siege of Quebec. — General Carleton's dispositions for its
•defence — attempts to storm it—Montgotnery killed — siege raised.  Pro
ceedings in the south— of lord Dunmore in Virginia.— Scheme for ex
citing negroes to massacre their masters— Connelly's prefect.— Mary
land — Carolinas. — Farther proceedings of Congress. — Result of 1775.
IN America, affairs were becoming every day more criti- GHAP.
cal : provincial differences were giving way to common confe- XV-
deration, the resolutions of the congress became the political s"^"v""^*-
creed, and the people were preparing to act according to the r In
directions of that body, and zeal and unanimity were generally ^ate°of
prevalent among the colonists. Town and provincial meet- affairs in
ings, colonial assemblies, grand juries, judges, and even pri- America.
vate parties, all spoke the same language and breathed the
same spirit: "we will not be taxed, but by our own consent;
" we will not receive the merchandise of that country which
" proposes such injustice ; we will combine in defending our
" property, and resisting oppression." Accustomed to the
gratifications derived from imported luxuries, the inhabitants of
this rich and great commercial country resolutely relinquished
all those indulgencies: the pleasures of the table, elegance of
dress, splendour of furniture, public diversions, the convenienr
cies, ornaments, and relaxations of life, were sacrificed to one
general sympathy ; all ranks were inspired with an enthusiasm, Genera;
which, from whatever cause it arises, and to whatever objects enthusi-
it is directed, never fails to be most powerful in its operation, asirV
and important in its effects. The merchant resigned the ad
vantages of commerce; the farmer gave up the sale of his
productions and the benefits of his industry; the mechanic,
the manufacturer, the saifor, submitted to the privation of their

422 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP. usual means of subsistence, and trusted for a livelihood to the
xv" donations bf the opulent, which, from the same sympathetic
v"^"v^,/ feelings, and conformity of opinions and determinations, were
_ 177s- most liberally bestowed. It was not temperance that rejected
luxury; it was not indolence that precluded commercial enter
prise and professional effort ; it was not generosity which made
the rich munificent ; or idleness or servility which made the
poor seek subsistence from the gifts of the wealthy. All ordi
nary springs of action were absorbed by the love of liberty ;
and the enthusiastic ardour of the colonists was regulated and
guided by guided by prudence and firmness. While in most of the pro-
prudence. vinces they made preparations for hostility, should Britain per
severe in coercive measures, they abstained from actual vio
lence. It was hoped by many, that the petition of congress
to the throne would be attended with success ; and also, that
the address to the people of England would be productive of
useful effects, and influence the deliberations of the new par
liament. They did not, however, intermit their attention to
warlike affairs; they exercised and trained, the militia; and,
as soon as advice was received of the proclamation issued in
England to prevent the exportation of arms and ammunition
to America, measures were speedily taken to remedy the de
fect. For this purpose, and to render themselves as indepen
dent as possible on foreigners for the supply of these essential
articles, mills were erected, and manufactories formed, both at
Philadelphia and Virginia,1 for making gunpowder, and en
couragement was given in all the colonies to the fabrication of
arms. It was in the northern provinces that hostilities com
menced : when the proclamation concerning warlike store*
was known in Rhode Island, the populace rising, seized on all
* the ordnance belonging to the crown in that province, amount
ing to forty pieces of cannon, which had been placed on bat
teries for defending • the harbour, and these they removed into
the country. Inquiry having been made by the governor con
cerning this procedure, the provincials did not hesitate to avow
that their object was to prevent the cannon from falling into
the hands of his majesty's forces, and that they intended to em-
pley them against any power which should attempt molesta
tion. The assembly of the province also passed resolutions
for procuring arms and military stores, by every means and
from every quarter in which they could be obtained,, as well as
for training and arming the inhabitants. In New-Hampshire,
hitherto moderate, the proclamation caused an insurrection ;
a great number of armed men assembled, and, surprising a
small fort called William and Mary, took possession of the ord
nance and other military stores. Meanwhile the colonies anx
iously waited for the king's speech, and the addresses of the
new parliament; the tenour of which would in a great degree
'See Stedman.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 423.
determine whether the British government meant coercion or CHAP.
conciliation. On the arrival of those papers, they produced xv-
the very effect which opposition had predicted. Instead of in- *>^~*~*'*'
timidating the Americans, they impelled them to greater firm- 1775.-
ness, to a more close and general union. In proportion as go- ^JJkarn
vernment manifested itself earnest to force them to submission, tj,e mea.
the more resolved were they to resist that force : they consi- sures of
dered Britain as attacking their rights and liberties, and these the new
they determined to defend. The provincial conventions of the P^3"
southern provinces now imitated those of the north, in passing
resolutions for warlike preparations; which, before the arrival
of the speech and addresses, had not been proposed by any of
the middle or southern assemblies, but had been left to-indivi-
duals. The prnvincial convention of Pennsylvania passed a
resolution of the nature of a hostile manifesto ; declaring their
wish to see harmony restored between Britain and the colonies,
but that if the humble and loyal petition of the congress to his
majesty should be disregarded, and the British administration,
instead of redressing-' grievances, were determined by force to
effect a submission to the late arbitrary acts of parliament, in
such a situation they held it their indespensable duty to resist
that force, and at every hazard to defend the dearest privileges
Of America. Preparations were now making throughout the co
lonies for holding a general congress in the month of May; while
in the intermediate time the provincial conventions continued
to meet, in order to appoint delegates to the congress, direct and
hasten military preparations, and encourage the spirit of resist
ance in the people.
But, as the republican spirit of Massachusetts had from the Warlike
beginning carried opposition to a much greater length than in prepara-
the other colonies, so in this province actual hostilities first com- *ons*
menced. The provincial congress having met in February 1775,
directed its chief attention to the acquisition of arms and war
like stores, by purchase, seizure, or any other means. Contribu
tions were levied for defraying the expense of warlike prepara
tions. The most violent of the Bostonians had removed into
the country, to join the other colonists; but those who remained
in the town, though less outrageous, were equally hostile : they
. greatly co-operated with their friends in the country, by commu
nicating whatever they could discover of the intentions of the
British governor, and by this means became more instrumental
in defeating his plans.
General Gage hay^fe received intelligence that some ord- General
nance was deposited WSalem, on the 26th bf February sent a page at-
•detachment to bring the stores to Boston. The troops embark-^mPts to
ed on board a transport, and landing at Marblehead, proceeded stores.
to. Salem; but the Americans having received information of
the design, had removed the cannon. The commander of the
detachment marched farther into the country, in hopes of over
taking the stores; but was stopt by a small river, ovec which

424 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, there had been a drawbridge: this had been takeq up by a
xv- multitude of people on the opposite shore, who alleged that it
*,«**,,',,*«' was private property, over which they had no rigjht to pass
1775. without the consent of the owner. The officer, seeing a boat,
resolved to make use of it for transporting his men ; but a par
ty of peasants jumped into the boat with axes, and cut holes
through the bottom. A scuffle arose between them and the
soldiers about the boat : a clergyman who had seen the whole
transaction interposed, and having convinced the people that the
pursuit of the cannon was now tuo> late to be successful, pre
vailed on them to let down the bridge. The British troops
passed: and, finding their object unattainable, returned to
Boston.
Detach- During the spring, the provincial agents had collected a great
ment sent quantity of stores, which were deposited at Concord, a town
c°d°.n" situated twenty miles from Boston. Informed of the magazine,
general Gage sent, a body of troops, late in the night of the
19th of April, to destroy these stores. The detachment con
sisted, of the grenadiers and light infantry of his army, and the
marines, under the command of lieutenant-colonel Smith and
major Pitcairn, amounting to about nine hundred men. The
troops took every precaution to prevent the provincials from
being informed of their march ; but they had not advanced
many miles, before it was perceived, by the firing of guns and
the ringing of bells, that the country was alarmed. Colonel
Smith, finding that their destination was suspected, if not dis
covered, ordered the light infantry -to march with all possible
despatch to secure the bridges and different roads beyond Con-
to Lexing*. cord ; and "to intercept the stores, should they be. attempted to
ton. "^e moved. These companies about five in the morning reach
ed Lexington, fifteen miles from Boston, where they saw a bo
dy of provincial militia assembled on a green near the road.
The Americans before this time had disclaimed all design of
attacking 'the king's troops, professed to take up arms only for
the purpose of self-defence, and avoided skirmishes with the
British soldiers ; but on this day hostilities actually commenced,
and here the first blood was shed in the contest between Bri-
Firsthos- tain, and America. When the British troops approached, the
tile oon- Americans were questioned for what purpose they had met,
tweenBri- anfl orc'eret' *" disperse; on which the colonists immediately
tain and netired in confusion. Several guns were then fired upon the
her colo- king's soldiers from a stone wall, and also from the meeting-
nics. house- and other buildings, by which one man was wounded.
and a horse shot under major Pitcairn. Our soldiers returned
the fire, killed some of the provincials, wounded others, and
dispersed the rest. The Americans asserted, that the fire began
on our side ; and, besides endeavouring to establish the assertion
bv testimony, argued from probability; our light infantry con
sisted of six companies ; the militia assembled at Lexington, of
only one company ; was it probable (they asked) that an in-

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 425
ferior number of militia would attack a superior number of re- CHAP.
gular troops ? To this the obvious answer is, the indiscretion of xv-
an alleged act is not a proof that it was not committed, nor is *^v^>
it sufficient to overturn, positive evidence. The British officers 1775.
who were present, gave the account which general Gage re
ported in his letters to government,1 that the Americans fired
-first; and on the testimony of several respectable gentlemen of
unimpeached character, this assertion rests.
The Americans being routed, the light infantry, who were
now overtaken by the grenadiers, marched forward to Concord.
•A body of provincial militia being assembled upon a hill neat
the entrance of the town, the light infantry were ordered to
drive them from that position, when the provincials were ac
cordingly dislodged, and pursued to a bridge beyond the town ;
but rallying on the other side, a sharp action ensued, in which
several of both parties were killed and wounded. Meanwhile
the grenadiers destroyed the stores at Concord ; and the pur
pose of the expedition being accomplished, the light infantry
were ordered to retire, and the whole detachment to march The Bri-
back to Boston. The provincials being by this time alarmed, tis'1 retire.
assembled from all quarters, and posting themselves in ambus
cade, among trees, in houses, and behind walls, harassed the
British troops on the flank and rear. On their arrival at Lex
ington, the king's soldiers met lord Percy, who was advancing
.with a second detachment to support the first. The corps
:which had been at Concord, was so overcome with fatigue, that
they were obliged to lie down for rest on the ground, while '
lord Percy formed his fresh troops into a square, which enclosed
colonel. Smith's party. * The troops being refreshed, they pro
ceeded on their march to Boston, still very much harassed by
the Americans, whose fire they could not return, as it issued
from concealed situations, which they left as soon as their mus
kets had been discharged. They arrived at Boston late in the
•evening, quite exhausted ; the loss on each side amounted to
about sixty killed and wounded. This first engagement de
monstrated, that the-Americans, though not inured to military
discipline, possessed both courage and activity ; and, being
well acquainted with the country, had skill to avail themselves
of that advantage. The conflict also illustrated the species of
warfare by which they could most successfully annoy the Bri-
tish soldiers. In open field they could not, till better disciplined,
?meet us without certain loss; but'by ambuscade, harassing our
marches and straitening our' quarters, they were able to com
pensate their deficiency in a regular battle. Their own mili-
;tary state,- and the nature of the country, dictated irregular
operations, and the occurrences of this day exemplified the ex
pediency of a cursory mode. The British troops, though con
sisting in all of two thousand men, being so pressed by those
desultory assailants, farther proved, that the Americans were
' ' London Gazette of June lOlh, 1775.
Vol. I. "54

426 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP. not altogether such contemptible warriors as the informers oi
xv' government had represented, and the credulity of ministers and
k,^"v'"^*-' their supporters believed.
1775. t^ Americans represented this march of the British troops
back to Boston as a retreat, and themselves as having gained a
victory ; at the same time they declared hostilities to have been
begun by the king's forces. Irritated by this conceived aggres
sion, and by the reduction of their stores, and elated by their
supposed success, their countrymen imagined that they could
drive the royal army from Boston: they were farther inflamed
by a report, that one object of the expedition to Concord was
to seize John Hancock, already mentioned, and Samuel Adams,
two leading characters in the provincial convention, and the
latter a -delegate to the general congress. The militia poured
in from every quarter of ihe province, and formed a considera-
An Ame- ble army, with which they invested Boston. The army being
vican army jn ^e ggjj j the provincial congress passed regulations for array
ing it, fixing the pay of the officers and soldiers, levying mo
ney, and establishing a paper currency to defray expenses,
pledging at the same time the faith of the provinces for the
payment of its notes. The congress farther resolved, that ge
neral Gage, by his late conduct, had utterly disqualified himself
from acting in the province as governor, or in any other capa
city, and that no obedience was due to him ; but, on the con
trary, that he \vas to be considered as an inveterate enemy.
Thus they assumed both the legislative and executive authority :
meanwhile they attempted to justify their conduct in an address
to the people of Great Britain ; to whom they presented their
statement of the actions at .Lexington . and Concord. They
¦ still made great professions of loyalty, but would not (they said)
tamely submit to persecution and tyranny ; appealed to heaven
for the justice of their caiuse, and declared, that they were de
termined either to be free, or die. Their account of the cod-
test at Lexington being rapidly spread through the other colck.
nies, was received with unhesitating belief, and produced
throughout the continent nearly the same effect as in their own
province; stimulating resentment to hostility, and -encouraging
hopes of success. Similar resolutions were adopted by the other
provinces, concerning the array of an army, the establishment
of a revenue, and the civil administration of affairs. Lord
North's conciliatory plan now arriving, was every where re
jected, and increased their indignation. It was (they said) a
weak attempt to disunite the colonies, and, by detaching a part
from the defence of their rights, to reduce the whole to such
terms as the British government thought proper to impose:
they execrated the intention as tyrannical, but despised the de
sign as inefficacious.
Second Such was the American disposition of mind when the gene-
thegene? ral conSress assembled on the appointed day at Philadelphia;
ral con- and the measures which they adopted, confirmed the provincial
gress.

REIGN Off GEORGE HI. 427
meetings in their resolutions and conduct. The influence of CHAP.
the sentiments and principles of Massachusetts Bay had been xv-
growing stronger in the other colonies, ever since the Boston <<^~*~y~'
port bill: in that province originated the general continental I773-
assembly, the confederacy of the association, the several ad
dresses, and, in short, the chief resolutions of the congress of
1774. In the present session their first step was, to appoint
Mr. Hancock, the most active instigator of Massachusetts, pre
sident. Their next measure was, to raise an army, and esta
blish a paper currency, according to the model of Massachu
setts. On these notes was inscribed, The United Colonies, as
the security for realizing the nominal value of this currency. To
retaliate upon Britain for the prohibitory act, they strictly pro
hibited the colonies from supplying the British fisheries with
any kind of provision ; and, to render this order the more effec
tual, stopped all exportation to those settlements which still re
tained their obedience. They voted, that the compact between
the crown and the people of Massachusetts Bay was dissolved
by the violation of the charter of William and Mary ; and
therefore recommended to the inhabitants of that province, to
proceed to the establishment of a new government, by elect
ing a governor, assistants, and a house of assembly, according to
the powers contained in their original charter. They passed
another resolution, that no order for money written by any offi
cer of the British army or navy, their agents or contractors,
should be received or negotiated, or supplies of any kind afford
ed either to land or sea forces in British service : they also
erected a general post-office at Philadelphia, to extend through
the united colonies. Thus did the general congress assume all
the powers of sovereign authority ; they agreed on articles of
perpetual union, by which they formed themselves into a federal
republic for common defence, for the security of liberty and
property, the safety of persons and families, and mutual and
general welfare. Each colony was to regulate its constitution
within its own limits, according to the determination of its con
vention ; but whatever regarded federal security, welfare, and
prosperity, was to depend on the congress. This body was
also to have the determination of peace and war, alliances, and
arrangements for general commerce or currency. The congress
was to. appoint, for the executive government of the United
States, a council of twelve from their own body, to hold offices
for a limited time; and any of the colonies of North America,
which had not joined the association, might become members of
the confederacy, on agreeing to the conditions.
These were the leading institutions of a combination, which Spirit of
formed its system on principles evidently not monarchical. Se- J^P;""1"
veral colonies had been loyal, and attached to kingly govern
ment, though others were originally democratic ; but now the
measures of the British administration had amalgamated all
their provincial differences into one mass of republicanism. The

428 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, province bf New-York, disgusted at the disregard shown to their
XV' application to both houses of parliament, now entered into the
^-<~v^-' colonial views with as much eagerness as their most ardent neigh-
l775- bours. Georgia also in a few weeks joined the confederacy ;
and thus from Nova Scotia to Florida there was one general de
termination to resist the claims of Great Britain.
In this month some private persons belonging to the back
* settlements of New-York and Massachusetts, without any pub
lic command or even suggestion, undertook an expedition to
Attempt Ticonderoga and Crown Point. The leader of this enterprise
on Ticon- was an active adventurer, named Ethan Allen: this partisan,
eroSa- having been frequently at Ticonderoga, had observed a great
want of discipline in the garrison, from which he inferred that
it would be easy to take it by surprise. Having proceeded with
secrecy and despatch, he captured the fort without any resist
ance, and immediately after made himself master of Crown
Point. These fortresses by commanding lakes George and
Champlain, and forming one of the gates of Canada, were of
signal importance; but ministers having been so completely
misinformed as to expect no military exertions from the Ame
ricans, had not thought it necessary to guard against their enter
prises. The provincial forces now blockaded Boston by land ; and
the neighbouring countries refusing to supply the British with
fresh provisions and vegetables by sea, they began to experience
the inconveniences of a complete investment. These were in
creased by the number of inhabitants who still remained in the
town, and whom the governor thought it expedient to retain
us hostages. On the 25th of May, a considerable re-enforce-
nient arrived from Britain, under generals Howe, Burgoyne, and
Clinton. Gage, who since the formation of the American army
had confined himself to defence, now judged his force sufficiently
strong for offensive measures. As a preliminary step to the
commencement of his movements, on the 12th of June he issued
a proclamation, offering in his majesty's name a free pardon to
those who should forthwith lay down their arms (John Hancock
and Samuel Adams only excepted,) and threatening with punish
ment all who delayed to avail themselves of the proffered mercy.
By the same edict, martial law was declared to be in force in
the province, until peace and order should be so far restored,
that justice might be again administered in the civil courts. This
proclamation was not only disregarded by the provincials, but
considered as the prelude to immediate action; dispositions were
therefore made for hostilities.
The town of Boston is situate upon a neck of land, projecting
north-east into the ocean, and joined to the continent by a nar
row isthmus, formed by the sea on the south, and Charles river
on the north. Across the mouth of the river, north-west from
Boston, is another neck of land, at the eastern extremity of

REIGN OF GEORGE in.

429

CHAP*. XV.

1775,

whicli is situated Charlestown, somewhat more than a quarter
of a mile. over the frith from Boston. This is a spacious and
well built town, and an advantageous post for either the at
tack or* defence of the neighbouring city ; it had hitherto been
neglected, however, by both parties. General Gage, perceiving
hostilities inevitable, prepared to fortify this post. Informed of
the governor's intention, the provincials resolved, if possible, to
prevent its execution, by occupying it themselves. Between
the isthmus and town of Charlestown, there is a rising ground
called Bunker's hill, of gradual ascent from the country, but
very steep on the side of the town, and near enough to Boston
to be within cannon shot. This position the provincials resolv
ed to seize and fortify; and to execute the design, a strong de*-*
tachment marched from the camp at Cambridge, about nine in
the evening of the 16th of June, which, passing silently to
Charlestown-neck, reached the top of Bunker's hill, without
being discovered. Having previously provided tools for in-
trenchment, they spent the night in throwing up works in front ;
and with such activity and despatch did they proceed, that be
fore the morning their fortifications in many places were can
non proof. At break of day the alarm was given at Boston,
and a cannonade began from a battery, the town, and the ships
of war in the harbour. The provincials, nevertheless, went on
with their works, and bore the fire with great firmness. About
noon, general Gage sent a detachment over to the peninsula of
Charlestown, under the command of major-general Howe and
brigadier-general Pigot, with orders to drive the provincials
from their works. The troops formed without opposition, as
soon as they landed ; but the generals perceiving the colonists
to be strongly posted on the heights, already numerous, and
additional troops pouring in to their aid, determined to send
over for a re-enforcement. A fresh detachment soon arriving,
the whole body, consisting 'of more than two thousand men,
moved on in two lines towards the enemy, having the light in
fantry on the right, and the grenadiers on the left. The Ameri
cans had their right wing near Charlestown, and were covered
by a body of troops posted in that town, as well as by a redoubt
which they had raised in the morning. The battle was begun Battle of
by the British artillery, and soon became general. The British Hunker's
left wing was much annoyed by firing from the houses of Charles
town, and a very severe conflict took place in that town. The
main body of the provincials meanwhile received general Howe's
division with great vigour, and kept up a close fire, which it re
quired the utmost efforts of the regulars to withstand, and they
could hot avoid being thrown into some disorder ; but rallying,
and being encouraged by their officers, they returned to the
charge with impetuosity, climbed up the steep hill in the face of
the enemy's fire, and forced the intrenchments with fixed bay
onets. General Pigot, after experiencing a gallant resistance,
the town of Charlestown having been set. on tirei succeeded in

430 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, driving the enemy from their redoubt ; and in the retreat the
xv" provincials sustained considerable loss, from the cannonade of
^"v"w floating batteries and ships of war in Boston harbour.
1775. Though in this engagement the British carried their point,
they succeeded at a great expense, having lost more than half
the detachment; two hundred and twenty-six were killed,
and eight hundred and twenty-eight wounded ; nineteen com
missioned officers being included in the former, and seventy in
the latter. Among the killed were, lieutenant-colonel Aber
crombie and major Pitcairn, officers- of eminent respectability,
and extremely lamented. The loss of the Americans, ac
cording to their own account, did not exceed four hundred and
fifty. The plan of attack by the British has been blamed by-
some military critics, who have declared that the generals
ought to have gone1 round to Cambridge, and commenced
their attack from the western side of the hill, where it was
easy of ascent ; and that thus the Americans would not have
been defended by their works, which were only raised op
posite to Boston, and not round the whole hill ; besides which,
they might have cut off" the retreat of the provincials, and
compelled them to surrender at discretion. It was replied
to these strictures, that the British themselves, by the pro
posed movement would have been exposed to the main army
of their antagonists, and hemmed in between that force and
tbe detachment at Bunker's hill. The British were also
blamed for not pursuing the retreating Americans, and de
fended on the same grounds as from the censure of the at
tacks : they might thus have exposed themselves to a numerous
body of fresh enemies. The battle of Bunker's hill was a
new instance of the valour of British troops ; but in that
respect proved no more than what had been uniformly ex-
proves the perienced, and was therefore to be confidently expected. On
Ameri- the other hand, it evinced the valour of the Americans, who
cowards as though rough undisciplined peasants, had made so bold and
represent- obstinate a stand against regular troops, and demonstrated
edbymin-how inaccurately ministry had been informed, or how weakly
isters. they had reasoned, when they concluded that the colonists
would not fight. The provincials, after the battle of Bunker's
hill, fortified another hill opposite to it, and without the isth
mus ; and thus enclosed the king's troops in the peninsula of
Charlestown as well as Boston. The British claimed the
honour of the victory, because they had driven the enemy from
The pro- the field; the Americans asserted that they were really suc-
Tre^ated cessfu1' because, though dislodged from one post, they had
with the blocked up the regulars, and by keeping them from offensive
event, and operations, . frustrated the purpose for which they had been
bh°CR -UPh sent Tlle royal armS (they said) had been sent tllere for the
it Bostor |^ purpose of reducing this province; instead of effecting which,
> Stedman, vol. i. p. 12.

REIGN .OF GEORGE HI. 431
they were debarred by the provincials from every offensive ope- CHAP.
ration. -*v-
The general congress still continued to sit ; and having re- ,*^vr>w
ceived Gage's proclamation, considering it as a hostile inani- i77S-
festo, they resolved to answer it by a counter manifesto, set
ting forth the causes and necessity of taking arms. This was
a very masterly paper, and in point of abdity equal to any
public declaration recorded in diplomatic history. It enumera
ted with clearness and plausibility, the alleged causes of the
war, deduced the history of the American colonies from their
first establishment, marked the principles of their settlements,
and described their conduct to have been such as their princi
ples required. It also sketched the policy of Britain in former
times, and in the present; the beneficial consequences which
accrued to both parties from the one, and the baneful effects
from the other ; repeated the grievances before stated ; apd
added new subjects of complaint, in the redress and hearing
refused, and in the measures for subjugation adopted. After
detailing those acts and counsels, as being, together with ante
cedent proceedings, the causes of the war, and appealing to God
and man for its justice, they specified the resources hy which
they should be able to carry it on with force and effect. They
still professed to deprecate the continuance of hostilities ; and,
during this session, they drew up a petition to thte king, praying
that he would prevent the farther effusion of blood, and adopt
some means for a change of measures respecting America. They
also appealed in addresses to the people of Great Britain and
Ireland. Whatever might be their desire for peace, they Were not
only preparing for defensive war, but forming plans of offensive
operations. They appointed George Washington, esq. (a George
gentleman of independent fortune in Virginia, who had ac- Washing-
quired considerable experience and character during the pointed
preceding war,) commander in chief of the American forces ; their com-
and nominated Artemus Ward, Charles Lee, Philip Schuyler, mander in
and Israel Pitcairn, esqrs. to be major-generals ; and Horatio chief.
Gates, esq. adjutant-general. Of these general officers, Lee
and Gates were English gentlemen, who had acquired honour
in the last war, and who, from disgust or principle, now joined
the Americans ; Ward and Pitcairn Were of Massachusetts
Bay, and Schuyler of New-York. The congress also fixed
and assigned the pay of both officers and soldiers ; the lat
ter of whom were much better provided for, than those
upon our establishment. In July 1775, general Washington
arrived at the camp before Boston, and all ranks vied in testi
fying attachment and respect for their new commander. The
military spirit was very high throughout the continent ; persons
of family and fortune, who were not appointed officers, en
tered cheerfully as privates, and served with alacrity ; even
many of the younger quakers, forgetting their passive princi-

432

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP. XV.
1775.

Project an expe
dition to
Canada.

Political and mili
tary rea
sons.

Montgomery
beads the
expedi
tion.

pies of forbearance and non-resistance, took up arms, formed
themselves into companies at Philadelphia, and applied with
¦* the greatest labour and assiduity to acquire proficiency in the
military exercise and discipline.
Boston continued to be blocked up during the whole year, and
the British troops were greatly reduced by disease, and various
evils incident to such a situation. The government had declar
ed a resolution to subjugate the Americans if they did not sub
mit, and the colonies not having yielded, government had made
the attempt, proclaiming its assurance of success. The event
was, that our troops, instead of making any progress in reducing
the enemy, were shut up in a corner, and forced to remain in a
state of inaction. Such was the result of the first campaign of
Britain against Massachusetts Bay.
The congress began now to turn their eyes towards Canada.
In that province, they knew the late acts were very unpopular,
not only among the British settlers, but the French Canadians
themselves, who having experienced the difference between a
French and British constitution, gave the preference to the lat
ter; and besides, having formed connexions with their fellow
subjects, many of them adopted their sentiments. The Cana
dians were displeased with the neglect of the petition presented
against an offensive law, and therefore the more readily dispos
ed to favour associations against odious acts. The extraordi
nary powers placed in the hands of general Carleton, governor
of Canada, by a late commission, were new and alarming, and
appeared to the inhabitants evidently to demonstrate the pur
poses for which they were granted. By these he was authorized
to embody and arm the Canadians, to march them out of the
country for the subjugation of the other colonies, and to pro
ceed even to capital punishment in all, places against those
whom he should deem rebels and opposers of the laws. As
soon as British troops should arrive sufficient in number to ena
ble them to act offensively, the colonists did not doubt that
they would march down from, behind upon the resisting pro
vinces. He had also engaged a number of Indians, as the
provincials supposed, with the same intent. To co-operate
with the disaffected in Canada, and to anticipate the probable
and suspected designs of general Carleton, they formed the
bold project of invading his province. The scheme being
adopted, its successful execution depended chiefly on the cele
rity of movement; while the British troops were cooped up at
Boston, and before re-enforcements could arrive from England.
The advantages gained by Ethan Allen greatly facilitated the
success of the enterprise. In August, three thousand men,
commanded by generals Schuyler and Montgomery, marched
to lake Champlain ; which crossing in flat-bottomed boats, they
proceeded to St. John's. Schuyler now falling sick, the com
mand devolved upon general Montgomery. This gentleman,
by birth an Irishman, and of a good family, had served in the

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 433
seven years war with great reputation in America ; after the CHAP.
peace, he had settled in that country, purchased an estate in xv-
New-York, married a lady of that province, and from that time v-^"v"^-'
considered himself as an American. He was a great lover of Ii- 1775-
berty ; and conceiving the Americans to be oppressed and
driven to resistance, he was induced by principle to quit the
sweets of an easy fortune, and the enjoyment of a loved phi
losophical rural.life, with the highest domestic felicity, and to
take an active share in all the dangers of war. Besides his skill
in military aff'aif-s,' he -possessed in a high degree the important
power of conciliating the affections of men : thus he easily re
cruited his troops, ahd rendered them ardent in the execution
of his designs.- x He detached the Indians from general Carle-
ton's service* and'-having received some re-enforcements from
the artillery, prepared to besiege Fort St. John's, which was
garrisoned by the seventh and twenty-sixth regiments, be
ing nearly all the British troops in Canada.1 The popular
ity of the cause and of the general, procured the Americans
supplies of provisions, and every other assistance which the
Canadians could, contribute to the advancement of the siege.
The progress of Montgomery, however, was retarded by want His pro
of ammunition, and to supply this defect, lie proposed to make gress on
himself master of Fort Champlain, a small garrison, five miles the lakes'
from the scene of his operations, in which he understood a con
siderable quantity of ammunition was deposited. In the fort
there were about one hundred and sixty men, commanded by
major Stopford. Montgomery sent against the place three
hundred men, with only two six pounders, and hardly any am
munition ; they formed no regular battery, which would, in
deed, have been useless to a force so scantily provided with ar
tillery. It was expected that the garrison would have been
able to hold out against such a siege, but it surrendered the 3d
of November, on condition that they should be allowed to go
out with the honours of war. It was much regretted, that
the English commander had not destroyed the ammunition; as,
falling into the hands of the Americans, it enabled them to pro
ceed with more important operations. Meanwhile, Ethan Al
len, understanding that Montreal was in a very defenceless state,
attempted to add this important place to his former conquests;
and with one hundred and fifty men he crossed the river St,
Lawrence, about three miles below Montreal ; but the towns
people, being better disposed towards England than many of the
other Canadians, joined the garrison, which did not exceed
thirty-six men, and under major Campbell attacked and de
feated Ethan Allen's detachment, and took the colonel himself
prisoner. Colonel Maclaine, a brave and experienced officer, a Scotch
highlander by birth, prepared to raise a regiment bf his coun-
' Stedman, vol. i. p. 1"-X
Vol. I. •?¦=>

434 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, trymen, who had emigrated from the Western Isles to America,
xv- and had not obtained the settlements which they expected.
s^"v""w Having collected about three hundred, he gave them the title
1775. 0f the Royal Highland Emigrants, and proceeded with them to
Montreal, expecting to be joined by general Carleton, who in
tended to cross the river at that place, and march to the relief
of St. John's. The general arriving, found his whole force, in
cluding the party by which he was there joined, not to exceed
a thousand men, and chiefly irregulars. With these having at
tempted to land on the south side of the river, he was encoun
tered by a party of the provincials, who easily repulsed his
forces, still more undisciplined than themselves, and disconcert
ed his whole project. The capture of Fort Champlain on the
20th of October, greatly facilitated the siege of St. John's, now
deprived of all hopes of assistance from the governor of Cana*
He enters da. The American general having obtained plenty of ammuni-
Canada tj0Qj proceeded with such vigour, that in ten days he compelled
tares'^' tne ft""* to surrender at discretion on the 2d of- November.
Montreal. Montgomery lost no time in improving his advantage, but, cros
sing St. Lawrence, proceeded to Montreal, which being incapa
ble of defence against the American force, the general evacua
ted it, and retired to Quebec. The Americans, -finding Mon
treal defenceless, when the inhabitants offered to capitulate,
answered, that from their situation they could not, as enemies,
have any title to expect a . capitulation ; that, however, the
Americans had not come to Canada as enemies, but as friends ;
on that ground, he pledged himself to protect tlrem in the en
joyment of their rights, conformably to the British constitution
before its violation by the Canada act, and promised to burthen
them as little as possible. Montgomery's' moderate proceedings
increased his popularity among the Canadians. Having taken
possession of Montreal, he made dispositions for advancing to
besiege the capital of Canada, and there were several circum
stances favourable to his hopes of success. The works of the
town had been greatly neglected from the time of the peace :
as, by the cessions of France, no enemy was conceived to be
in the vicinity. The garrison did not consist of above eleven
hundred men, of which very few were regulars ; and the great
er number of the inhabitants were ill affected to the frame rs of
their new constitution. General Carleton, though of high
military reputation, was by no means conciliating in his man
ners ; his social attention was almost solely bestowed on the
Canadian noblesse, without extending to the much more nume
rous and more truly important class of commoners, and he was
considered as the principal instigator of the ministry to the
measures which they had proposed for governing that province.
March of While the British governor, with these disadvantages, under-
across the took to defeml Quebec against Montgomery, an attempt was
country. made from another quarter, to take that city by surprise. Col.
Arnold, having a command under Washington before Boston.

REIGN -OF GEORGE II r. 435
submitted to the general a plan of attacking Quebec, by a route CHAP.
hitherto untried, and deemed impracticable. The river Ken- xv-
nebec reaches from the sea as far as the lake of St. Peter, at »-^^«w
no great distance from Quebec. The colonel proposed to pro- l77s-
ceed by sea to the mouth of this river in New-Hampshire, with
one thousand five hundred men : to sail up the river, which is
navigable to near its source; and penetrating through the
forests and hills which constitute the frontier of New-England
and Canada, to come upon Quebec, on a side on which it could
not possibly expect to be attacked. Washington approving of
the plan, Arnold speedily set sail with his troops. Their diffi
culties in the river, which is full of rocks and shoals, were ex
tremely great, but their fortitude and perseverance were still
greater. In some places the navigation was so hazardous, that
they were obliged to come on shorer and carry their boats and
rafts on their backs. Having by their intrepidity and perseve
rance, notwithstanding these obstacles, arrived at the end of the
watercourse, they had still other difficulties to surmount by land.
The forests which they had to traverse, were filled with
swamps ; the hills whiGh they must cross, were steep and rug
ged ; their provisions began to fail ; which, together with the
fatigue that they had endured, produced distempers.1 A third
part of the detachment deserted, with a colonel at its head ;
but Arnold, neither dispirited by this desertion, nor by theilis-
tempers under which the remainder of the troops laboured,
left the sick behind, marched on, and on the 9th of November,
six weeks after his departure from Boston, arrived on the
banks of St. Lawrence opposite to Quebec, and there pitched He arrives
his camp on a spot called Point Levy. The Canadians receiv- °PPosite
ed the Americans here with the same good will that Montgome-toQuebec
ry's corps had experienced in the neighbourhood of Montreal ;
they' supplied them liberally with provisions and necessaries,
and rendered them every other assistance in their power.
Arnold immediately published an address to the people, signed
by general Washington, of the same nature with that which
had been before issued by Schuyler and Montgomery. Fortu
nately, when Arnold arrived on the banks of the river, the
boats had been removed, so that he could not immediately
cross ; and thus was he prevented from accomplishing his pur
pose of taking the place by surprise. Before he had time to
provide boats and rafts, the city was alarmed, and this delay
saved Quebec. Having no artillery, Arnold was not prepared
for a siege ; he, however, attacked one of the gates, and was
repulsed , with great slaughter. Seeing the impracticability of
taking the town without cannon, he crossed the river and occu
pied his former position, determined to remain there, where he
could intercept supplies and communication, until Montgomery
should arrive from Montreal. Montgomery, after the capture
* Stedman's History, vol. i. p. 138.

436 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP. 0f that place, employed himself in constructing flat boats;
xv- and the British armament, consisting of eleven armed vessels,
^~v'>*¦¦' on board of which were general Prescot, and some other offi-
1775. cers 0f ran)c> together with a large quantity of military stores,
was obliged to surrender to his victorious arms.
His June- The American general having on the 5th of December join-
tion with ed Arnold, appeared before Quebec, and immediately sent a
Montgom- summons to Carleton to surrender. The British general treated
ery- this demand with contempt, and refused to hold any correspond-.
Siege of ence with a rebel. The American commanders, who were still
Quebec. yery slenderly provided with artillery, rested their chief hopes of
intimidating the garrison by the appearance !of their united
forces, and on the co-operation of the disaffected inhabitants.
In both1 these expectations, however, they found themselves dis
appointed : the garrison resolved to defend itself to the last ex
tremity; and the most powerful inhabitants having a large pro
perty in the city, however ill affected towards Britain, seeing
that by the admission of the colonists their effects would be in
danger, and that therefore it was their interest to defend the city,
were no les3 anxious than the most loyal friends of government to
prevent it from being taken, and to stimulate the efforts of the
rest of the citizens, with whom, from their situation, their in-
Efforts for fluence was great. Between the British troops and the inhabi
ts de- tants of Quebec, ill disposed as they reciprocally were, and
different as were their motives, there prevailed as perfect and
effective an unanimity of counsels and exertions, as if they had
been actuated by the same spirit. The American commander,
unprepared for a regular siege, at a season of the year so ini
mical to encampments in. those cold and tempestuous regions,
had no alternative, but either to. desist from the attempt, or to
take the city by storm. To tarnish by retreat the brilliancy of
the first campaign, hitherto so auspicious, military glory for
bade; policy dictated, that nothing should be left undone to
maintain the public ardour, at present glowing from success ;
and many of the troops threatened to leave the general, if he
did not try to accomplish the chief object of the expedition.
Attempt All these reasons determined Montgomery to make the attack,
to storm though he was fully aware of the difficulties. The measure
was no doubt adventurous: but it was probably one of those
hazards which must be incurred, in situations in which defeat,
after an arduous struggle, is immediately less dishonourable,
and ultimately less prejudicial, than the abandonment of an ob
ject without contest. Whatever may be thought of the gene
ral's determination to attempt a storm, there was but one opi
nion concerning the dispositions which he made for attack;
these were by all military judges allowed to be skilful and
masterly. The plan was, to make four assaults : two false, by
Cape Diamond and John's Gate ; and two real, under Cape
Diamond, by Drummond's wharf and the Potash. These ope
rations were to be begun on the 31st of December, at break of

REIGN OF GEORGE IU. 437
day ; but by some mistake, an alarm was given before the real CHAP.
attacks commenced, , so that the false assaults did not produce xv-
the intended diversion. Montgomery headed one of the real at- ^^v'-w
tacks, and Arnold the other. Montgomery, with nine hundred I775-
men, had to pass through a narrow defile between two fires :
he led his men, however, with the greatest coolness and intre
pidity; he passed the first barrier, attended by a few of his
bravest officers and men, and marched boldly at the head of
the detachment to attack the second : this barricado was much
stronger than the first; several cannon were there planted, load
ed with grape shot, accompanied with a well supported dis
charge of musketry. From one of these an end was put to Montgom.
the hopes of America in the gallant Montgomery. The general er/ is J"11-
was among the first that fell, and with him his aid-de-camp and
several other gallant officers. The Americans, deprived of their
gallant leader, made a short pause, but did not retreat They
continued the attack for a considerable time with courage and
firmness ; but, finding their efforts ineffectual, they retired. Ar
nold, in his part of the attack, was at first successful ; he took
possession of the lower town, but being wounded, was obliged'
to retire from battle. The next in command supplied his place
with intrepidity and skill ; but the garrison, being now freed:
from the other part of the assailants, turned their whole force
against Arnold's troops, and, after an obstinate resistance, drove
them away from the town with great loss.
*¦ The death bf Montgomery was more regretted by the The siege
Americans, than the repulse from Quebec: during his com- is raised.
mand, he had displayed such skill and abilities, as proved
him to be fit for any military service in which he might be
employed. Great in his designs, fertile in resources, skilful
in plans, cool and intrepid in action, he commanded the ad
miration both of those for whom, and against whom, he fought :
an engaging disposition, benevolent affection, and agreeable
conversation, rendered him at once beloved and esteemed by
all those with whom he conversed ; and even those who con
sidered him as the champion of rebellion, bore testimony of
his virtues. Colonel Arnold, being thus disappointed in his
endeavours against Quebec, resolved nevertheless to continue
in the province, and encamped on the heights of Abraham,
where he fortified himself, and put his troops in such a situation
as to be still formidable. Thus closed the campaign in the
northern part of British America, in which the colonists, though
they did not obtain the whole of their object, yet made great pro-;
gress ; and what was of still greater consequence, displayed such
courage, enterprise, and skill, as demonstrated that ministers, in
concluding that the provincials would be easily and speedily co
erced, had formed their judgment on very erroneous grounds;*
In the southern colonies, though regular hostilities did notProceed-
begiu this year, yet there was the strongest evidence that they mSsin tbe

438 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, were fast approaching. In Virginia, a long course of jealousy,
xv- distrust, suspicion, and contention, between the governor and
s^"v"s"' the governed, terminated in open violence. The Virginians,
1775. w(,o, before the act of 1774, the votaries of monarchical
principles, had been loyal, and much attached to lord Dun-
more their governor, were now become as forward as their
eflord neighbours in acts of combined resistance. There were, how-
Dunmore ever, many loyalists in the province : and it might have been
in Virgi- easier, through their means, by soothing the disaffected to
lua' detach Virginia from the provincial concert, than most of the
other colonies. Their governor, however, though a valiant
soldier, did not possess all the qualities requisite in such delicate
circumstances. He was violent, unaccommodating, and pre
cipitate ; he had by no means that dexterity of address, which,
by placing opposite parties against each other, could mould
both to his own purposes. Bold and active in exertion, he
was impolitically open in the means which he employed: by
abstaining from extremities, he might have amused the votaries
of resistance, until he had established concert among the
numerous loyalists. He certainly took the most direct, but
not the easiest and safest road, and did not arrive at the
destined end. Lord Dunmore, at the beginning of the disturb
ances, had transmitted to the British government an account of
the condition of this province. This statement represented the
planters as incumbered with debts, for the extrication from
which, they were desirous of rebellion. This account, having
by some means become known, added particular resentment
against the governor, to the general causes which induced the
people to oppose the government. Public meetings and mili
tary associations were universally encouraged, and the first
were very prevalent. His lordship now received the concilia
tory propositions from England, which he laid before the coun
cil of Virginia: that body acceeded to those offers; but the
assembly unanimously refused their concurrence, and increased
the military establishment. The governor removed from the
public magazine at Williamsburgh, a large quantity of gun
powder; and an armed force, commanded by Mr. Henry, a
popular leader, attempted to compel a restitution of the powder
to its former place : but they were quieted for a time by the
agreement of the receiver-general to be responsible for the re
payment. Meanwhile intelligence was conveyed to the go
vernor, that some of the enraged planters had formed a design
on his life; and, on receiving this information, Dunmore re
tired with his family on board one of his majesty's ships. Ap
plication was made by the assembly for his return, to give his
assent to several bills, to replace the gunpowder which he had
removed from the magazine, and deposit an additional quantity
of military stores for the use of the colony. He answered,
that he could not return unless they dissolved all illegal meet
ings, refrained from illegal acts, and accepted the terms pro-

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 43$
posed by /parliament. The assembly, receiving this determina* CHAP.
tion, entered the following resolution on their journals s that xv-
their rights and privileges had been invaded ; that the con- *-*">"<**
stitution of the colony was endangered j and that preparations l77s
ought to be made accordingly. The assembly having broken
up, and the members retired to their country seats, the
governor venturigjl to come on shore, to a farm belonging to
him on the river near Williamsburgh, where he received intel
ligence that a party of riflemen were on their march to seize
his person; he therefore immediately retreated to boats that
waited for him by. the bank. The provincial party fired seve
ral shot, but at too great a distance to do any material in
jury. Lord Dunmore, concluding that moderate measures
would not answer the purposes of government, resolved to
employ very different counsels. The convention of the colony
having met, took into consideration the arms, discipline, and
pay of the soldiers, and adopted various resolutions, on the
model that had been framed by Massachusetts Bay and
the congress. Finding his province in what he thought a state
of rebellion, his lordship determined to act with more rigorous
severity : he issued a proclamation, declaring martial law to be
in force throughout the colony: and erected the royal stand*.
ard, to which he commanded- his majesty's subjects to repair.
More zealous in his intention to promote the interests of his Scheme of
country, -than discriminating' and moderate in his policy, helordDun-
prqjeeted a scheme of very questionable wisdom :— to al- more to
lure, by the offer of freedom, negro slaves, of whom there t^"^"^
were great numbers in the southern colonies, to embrace the fgainst
royal cause, by rising against their masters. Even well-wishers their mas-
to British government censured this proposition, as tending toters-
loosen the bands of society, to destroy domestic security, and
instigate savages to the most atrocious barbarities. By putting
arms into such hands, the friends as well as the enemies of
government would suffer ; the negroes neither would nor could
distinguish between the well and ill affected, and would involve
all the whites within their power in a promiscuous massacre.
The Virginians, when this proclamation was issued, were
driven to the most furious resentment, and thenceforward set
no bounds to their enmity. The project had the same fate
with many of the compulsory schemes of government, causing
violent irritation, without affording adequate benefit. He had
already secured the possession of all the country situated be
tween Norfolk and the sea; when the provincial meeting, in
order to prevent the desertion of the slaves, and to arrest the
career of the British governor, resolved to send against him a
considerable force. About the beginning of November, a
detachment, consisting of one thousand loyalists, was des
patched from the western side of Virginia to Norfolk, in the
neighbourhood of which they arrived early in December. The
river Elizabeth divided them from the town ; they attempted

440 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, to pass it, but were repressed by a strong body of provincials,
xv# Who were posted on the opposite side. More bold than pru-
w"v"w dent, Dunmore attempted to dislodge them from their intrench-
l775- ments, but was repulsed : the English abandoned their position,
and their commander, with the loyalists, retired on board the
ships.
Connelly's . In the back settlements, many of the Americans, knowing lit-
project. t|e 0f tjje proceedings on the coasts, were strongly attached to
the British government. Mr. Connelly, a naffve of the interior
part of Pennsylvania, proposed to lord Dunmore, to invade Vir
ginia, and other southern colonies, with parties of'loyalists from
the inland country, that he might acquire the co-operation of the
Indians, and of the slaves stimulated against their masters. His.
lordship approved of the design.; but Mr. Connelly, having set
out to carry it into execution, was seized on his way; and his
papers being read, the whole scheme was discovered and over
thrown, and Mr. Connelly sent prisoner to Philadelphia.
The Caro- * Mr. Martin and lord William Campbell, respectively govern-
linas. org 0p ^..fti an(j South Carolina having adopted similar plans of
exciting the negroes to insurrection, and calling down the back
settlers, were obliged to leave their governments, and retire on
board ships of war.
Farther His majesty having, soon after the battle of Bunker's hill,
proceed- published a proclamation for suppressing rebellion, and prohibit-
cwurress *n§ correspondence between his British subjects and American
' rebels, the congress, in a counter manifesto, denied the charges,
and declared in the name of the people of the united colonies,
that punishment inflicted by their enemies upon any person,
for favouring, aiding, or abetting tiie cause of American liber
ty, should be retaliated in the same kind and degree on the
favourers and. supporters of ministerial oppression; thus con
gress, advancing progressively in assumption of authority, now
professed to treat the government of Great Britain on a footing
Result of of equality. So far were the predictions of ministers from being
1775. fulfilled, and their objects effected throughout America, by the
civil and military operations of one thousand seven hundred and
seventy-five.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI, 44 1

CHAP. XVI.
Britain. — Majority favourable to the ministerial system.—* Minister's dex
terity in managing parliament. — The wisest opposers of war waive the
question of right, and argue from expediency. — Not a war of ministers
or parliament only, but of the people  Apprehension of Mr. Sayre for
high treason — inconsistent and defective evidence — the accused is dis
charged. — Meeting of parliament. — The king's speech. — General view
of ministerial and opposition reasonings, motives, and proceedings. — Em
ployment of Hanoverian troops in British garrisons. — Inquiry into the
last campaign. — Military members of opposition declare the force inade
quate. — Militia bill. — Examination of Mr. Penn, respecting the disposi
tions and force of the Americans. — His testimony disregarded by the
majority in parliament. — Mr. Burke's Conciliatory bill, on the constitu
tional principle of granting taxes only by the people or their represen
tatives — rejected. — Lord North's prohibitory bill — passed into a law. —
Different departments of Messrs. Burke and Fox in opposition. — Peti
tion from Nova Scotia. — Discussion of the employment of Irish troops
for the service of the king in America. — Mr. Fox's proposed inquiry into
the ill success of his majesty's arms— rejected. — Lord North, desirous of
pleasing both parties, satisfies neither. — Supposed not entirely to ap
prove the coercive system. — Subsidy to German princes. — Last effort of
the duke of Grafton for conciliation. — Ministers assure parliament that
another campaign will crush the revolt. — Supplies. — Ways and means.
— Scotch militia BiH — rejected. — Session closes.
IN Britain there was a great majority favourable to the CHAP.'
ministerial system, who deemed the Americans rebels against XVI-
lawful authority, traitors, and cowards ; and that coercion, >>^^r>^
therefore, was both just and expedient; those who vindicated 1775.
their resistance were termed levellers, Cromwellians, republi- S""—."
cans, and enemies to their king and country.1 Many persons favourable
conceived, as formerly, that the chief object of government was to the mi-
to raise a revenue from America, which would reduce the land- nisterial
tax. In their estimate they overlooked the probable expense systein-
of the contest, and the likelihood that, on a balance of ac
counts, there would be a great deduction from the revenue to
be thus acquired. The loss of the American commerce was
not immediately felt to nearly the full extent ; considerable re
mittances had been received before the ports were shut up,
especially iq corn, which, there being at this season a scarci
ty in Britain, was a very valuable article. The peace between
Russia and Turkey occasioned an unusual demand for goods,
so that in some quarters trade was brisker than in former years.
The diminution of the American commerce had not-yet ge
nerally produced its effects, and great numbers of merchants
• In the ministerial newspapers and pampMets, passim.
Vot.. T. 5-6

,442 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, were not hindered from joining in commendation of the ministe-
XVI- rial system.
•n*"*"^*' Whatever might be the wisdom which lord North exerted
1775. jn administering the important concerns of the kingdom, he
employed great dexterity in managing parliament. He was
peculiarly skilful in addressing himself to the opinions, pre
judices, and passions of the country gentlemen. Their appro
bation of the plan for taxing America had proceeded from
self-interest overlooking the means of its own promotion ;
they approved .of coercing the colonies, in order to acquire
revenue ; and in their eagerness for that object, forgot the
probable cost : many other men of property were amused with
the same idea; by compelling the provincials to submit, the
public burthens would, they thought, be. lightened, and war
A great with America diminish taxes. It was indeed a war not of the
pan of the minister only, nor even of the parliament, but of the nation.
conceive Ad-fresses poured in from all quarters, expressing abhorrence
that war' °f tlie impious and unnatural rebellion, and the obstinacy and
with Ame- wickedness of the colonists. If there were abhorrers, bow-
ricawill ever, there were petitioners also: Certain merchants felt -the
improve discontinuance of intercourse very severely, in the reduction
nue. ' °f tUeir, trade, and the interruption of their payments; attd
various addresses were presented to his majesty from commer
cial and manufacturing towns and bodies : some of these were
expressed in very Strong terms, but the remonstrance of the
Distinc- city of London far exceeded others in severity. The discussion
ll?" °^ a °^ *^e American contest revived the distinction of whigs and
torvrevV- ^or'es > some, professing themselves of the former class, exclaim
ed. ' ' e^ against the opposers of parliamentary authority, as a de
viation from the doctrine and practice of whigs ; who, ini
mical to the extension of kingly prerogative, were the support
ers of parliamentary privilege. 'Others replied, that the es
sence of whig principles consisted in resisting arbitrary mea
sures, and in supporting the rights of the people, whether
they were attacked by one or many. If (said they) parlia
ments destroy the liberty of subjects in America, they can
no longer be supported by whigs;' by seizing their property
without their own consent, and depriving them of trial by
their peers, they take from the colonists the most valuable bless
ings of liberty. Polemical discussion as -usual ran to extremes;
the reasoning of the tories favoured despotic power ; the argu
ments of the whigs verged 'to republicanism. On viewing the
reasonings for and against the right of taxation, as they are
contained in the parliamentary debates and political treatises
of the times, a reader may perceive a very striking difference.
The supporters chiefly argued from alleged instances, the
opponents from general principles. The promoters pointed
out certain cases in which British subjects were taxed without
their own consent ; whereas their adversaries contended it was
a fundamental rule of the British constitution, that no supply

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 4A3,
should be granted, but by the people or their delegates ; tha.t CHAP.
the exceptions confirmed the principle; and that if certain XVI-
individuals or classes submitted to be under the exception, *^~*y
others were under no obligation to follow their example. 1775.
The Americans, said ministers and their advocates, are as
much represented as the many inhabitants of Britain Who
have no vo,te at the election of members of parliament. To
this argument two answers were, returned ; first, that every
Briton is virtually represented ; since the laws that bind him,
bind also the legislators: secondly, the premises were admit
ted, that representation is partial and imperfect in Britain, but
not the conclusion, that, because within this realm many with
out being represented paid taxes, therefore the Americans
were bound to do the same. The wisest and ablest of the
anti-ministerialists dwelt less upon the abstract question of tax
ation by themselves or their representatives essential to consti
tute a free people; they insisted chiefly on expediency : we The wisest
had gained much, and might gain more, from the increasing opponents
prosperity of the Americans, without taxation; we were "f^ri-jlit
losing much, and likely to lose a great deal more, by the at- tiian expe-
tempt to extort a revenue; it was our interest to return to the diency.
policy which produced gain, and abandon the counsel which'
produced loss. Whatever were the. arguments against coercive Not a war
measijires, the balance of numbers was greatly on the side of of minis-
ministry ; and as far as a government is justified in its me"-!,6,'^"
sures by a conformity to the inclinations of the majority of the meat only,
governed, so far were ministry justified, in their coercive sys- but of the
tern : the people might haye been misinformed and deluded ; people.
acts mighthave been used by ministerial agents to misrepresent
the enemy, and the purposes of hostility ; but, if afterwards,
taught by experience, the people should change their opinion,
and censure those who allured them to the war, ministers could
fairly answer, " It is your act : why dp you blame us for going
" on with what your addresses and encouragement, induced
" us' to begin."
While the nation was generally favourable to ministerial '
measures, and inimical to the Americans, an incident happen
ed, which concerned a personage dear to every worthy Briton
of all parties, and alarmed both the supporters and opponents of Appre-
government. There was in London a banker of the name of tension of
Sayre, an American by birth, and commercially connected with hfgi^trea
the colonies. A gazette announced, that this gentleman was son,
committed to the Tower for high treason ; and the grounds
being unknown, the notification produced a great number of re-
Sorts, which were eagerly swallowed and spread by public cre.-
ulity. It was said that Mr. Sayre had formed a design of
seizing the king at noon-day on his way to the house, removing
him out of the kingdom, taking possession of the Tower of Lon
don, and overturning the present government. To effect these
purposes, he had bribed two of the soldiers of the guards, who

444 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, each engaged to gain a file of privates. This party was to
XVI- carry their schemes into effect, in the face of all the other sol-
***~v~**' diers who had not been bribed. The evidence for the charge
1775. was Mr Richardson, adjutant in the guards, who declared on
entanbf' oatn that Mr- S^re had siSnified to hlm such intentions. Mr.
defective Sayre admitted that he had conversed with this man very free-
evidence, ly concerning the destructive contest between Great Britain and
America, and affirmed that there was not spirit in the country
to effect a change of men and measures, but denied that he ever
had thought of such a plan, or expressed himself to the purport
averred by Mr. Richardson ; that if there had been any such
plot, the informer should have waited until it was farther ad
vanced ; since if real, he must have been furnished with many
corroborating circumstances. It was answered on the part of
lord Rochford, who had committed him, that the folly of an im
puted design, or of the conduct of its discoverer, is not suffi
cient to disprove positive evidence ; and that whatever de
gree of credit he gave it in his private opinion, in an official
capacity he was obliged to proceed upon the oath of a man
whose character had not been impeached. Mr. Sayre was
closely confined for five days; but being brought before lord
Mansfield at the end of that time, the chief justice saw the in
consistency of the charge, and admitted him to bail, on very
slight security to a man of fortune charged with a capital of
fence ; the accused was bound for 5001. and two sureties for
Theaccu- 2501. each. No prosecution was attempted ; the bail was dis-
s?(i,s ,s' c'iarge(l- Mr. Sayre sued lord Rochford for illegal imprison-
c ar^e ' ment, and recovered a thousand pounds.
Meeting On the 25th of October parliament met for the despatch of
of parlia- business. His majesty's speech, which was of considerable
The ' -*ength> turned chiefly upon American affairs. He had called
king's the houses together to deliberate concerning the colonists.
speech. Those who had endeavoured to inflame the Americans by mis
representation, and by diffusing sentiments repugnant to their
constitutional dependence, had at length succeeded in exciting
them to revolt and hostility, which manifested themselves not
only in preparations for war, but in actual rebellion. The au
thors of this desperate conspiracy had totally different inten
tions from the crown and parliament, from which they had hi
therto derived signal advantage. The former designed to
amuse this country with general professions of lovalty and at
tachment, while they had really nothing in view but the esta
blishment of an independent empire. We proposed rather to
undeceive, than to punish; therefore only small forces were sent,
and propositions of a conciliatory nature accompanied the mea
sures that were employed to enforce authority. The rebellious
war was now become general; the object was too important,
the spirit of the British nation too high, and the resources with
which God had blessed her too numerous, to give up so many
colonies, which she had planted with industry, nursed with

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 445
tenderness, encouraged by many commercial advantages, and CHAP.
protected and defended at much expense of blood and treasure. XVL
Wisdom, and ultimately mercy, directed us to employ these re- *o^v>>^
sources, for vindicating our rights and honour. He had great- 1775.
ly augmented the army, and increased the navy ; he had also
assurance of succour from some foreign powers, and of general
tranquillity from all. His majesty concluded his speech with
declaring that he should appoint commissioners to grant par
dons to such individuals or colonies as would return to their al
legiance. An address was moved, conformable to the speech, in both The ad-
houses. Ministers insisted, that the proposed system and mea- dress, and
sures only could be embraced with safety and honour to the debat?
British nation. If America should become independent, she upon l '
would interfere with us in every quarter of the globe, in our
trade,1 and in every other interest. The preservation of the
blessings which were now enjoyed required us to keep America
dependent on the mother country. The reduction of America
might be difficult, but our resources were great ; we had con
quered in many more arduous wars : the spirit of the British
nation when roused, became proportionate to the difficulties and
danger : shall we then be told (said the minister) that this peo
ple of yesterday, whose strength is the work of our own hands,
can resist the powerful efforts of this nation. Coercion being,
in the declared opinion of ministers, absolutely necessary to
our glory and interest, our efforts, according to their predic
tions were to be irresistible. In the commons, an amendment
was proposed, expressing concern that the means used to allay
and suppress the disorders in the colonies, had tended to in,
crease, instead of diminishing, the disturbances; thence it was
inferred, that they were ill adapted to their end. Erroneous
counsels and inefficacious conduct, manifested in the event, had
resulted from the want of full and perfect information of the
true state and condition of the colonies. Parliament ought to
obtain the most thorough knowledge of facts, and, after consi
dering these, to employ the maturest deliberation that they
might discover effectual means for restoring order and tranquil
lity to the British empire. By an induction of facts, they esta- General
blished their positions, that ministers had either been wrongly view of
informed themselves, or made false reports to parliament. Thus ™JlstD;rs
they were either weak in adopting momentous measures on in- sition j
adequate information, or wicked in concealing that which they reason ings, mo
tives, and
' Dr. Adam Smith was at this time of so very different an opinion, that proceed-
he thought England would gain much more by repealing the navigation ings.
act, which established the commercial dependence of America, than by
retaining that monopoly. • The' event has justified the reasonings of -that
great philosopher : now that our monopoly is over, and that in the Ameri
can market our sole trust is: in the superiority of our commodities, om
trade bears a greater proportion to the population and riches of America,
than that which we enjoyed when she was fettered by the navigation act.

446 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, possessed. Mr. Fox contended, that affairs were not iu the
XVI' condition ministers represented, and that justified the predic-
v^"v'w tions of opposition. With his usual power of simplification, he
1775. br0Ugi,t the question to three heads. First, What ought to
have been done : on which proposition, he compressed the
principal arguments that had been used by the opponents of
government from the commencement of the contest. Secondly,
What ministers said would be done : under which division, he
refreshed their memories with an account of their high-toned
professions and various promises during the same period. Un
der the third head, What was done : he exhibited a very clear
and concise history of ministerial measures, and the actual ope
rations in the transactions of the last two years. The erroneous
information on which ministers, in spite of experience, had
relied and acted, were the false, partial, and illiberal represen
tations of artful, designing, and interested men, who had held
public offices in America. These bad proposed to increase their
own influence, emoluments, and authority, as well as to find the
means of gratifying their petty prejudices and resentments, by
extending the power of the crown to the injury of the people ;
and became at last so soured by apposition and the consequent
disappointment of their schemes, that their sentiments were dic
tated only by malice and revenge. This, uniform coufidence in
the testimony which they had so strong reasons to distrust, was
totally inconsistent with just reasoning and policy. The asser
tion in the speech, that the colonies had aimed at independence,
was strongly* controverted from the whole and every part of
their conduct. It has ever been our inclination to maintain that
state of harmony with the parent country, which has continued
from our first establishment to the present time. It is our in
terest to be subject to the British empire, as long as we are al
lowed the privileges of other subjects. Taxation without our
own consent is a violation of these; therefore we will not be
taxed without our own consent. The Americans had not aimed
at independence ; they had, after long deprecating, at last re
sisted unconstitutional usurpation. Opposition aware of the mo
tives by which many of the country gentlemen were induced
to support the measures of government, exhorted them to con
sider the consequences before they supported it farther. They
expected that their contributions were to he reduced by war
with America, without adverting to the enormous expenses
which ministerial plans would cause during the very first cam
paign. Had ministers laid before the house sufficient informa
tion to justify such measures ? Had they not been themselves
< groping, and leading others in the dark ? Were they always to
run blind-folded into every destructive measure that was pro
posed ? Would they, without examination and enquiry, still fol
low counsellors by whom they had been already so completely
misled and deceived ? Had they considered the difficulties at
tending the support of an army of 70,000 men on the other side

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 447
of the Atlantic? Had they calculated how many -thousand tons CHAP.
of shipping would be necessary for their conveyance, and for XVI-
their support ; or the expense of supplying these with fresh w-^^w
provisions from Smithfield market, and with vegetables and all 1775-
other necessaries from London and its neighbourhood ? The
land-fax must this session be raised to four shillings in "the
jpottnd, and the most sanguine imagination could not fancy that
it Would ever again be lowered. Even if we should succeed,
would burnt towns, depopulated provinces, reduced agriculture,
and destroyed trade, enable the colonies to indemnify our ex
penses ? Were these the resources that were to pay our costs ;
and much more to diminish the burthens of Britain ? Was it not
madness to fight for gain of one fund even if attainable, when it
could not be compassed without a much greater loss ; when we
could acquire gain of another, without any contest or expense f1
Such were the strong and poignant arguments by which provi
dent senators demonstrated, that war with America would not
diminish ta^es, and that its promoters, as a financial speculation,
would find Britain a woful loser, on the balance of accounts.
But was success certain ? The Americans themselves had
shown valour, skill, and unanimity, which rendered the event
of the contest at least doubtful, even through the efforts of the
colonies alone. Would France and Spain long continue idle
spectators of the contest? The ministers talked of pacific as
surances, but was "there any confidence to be reposed in such
professions. Political conduct is to be inferred, not from the
minute reports of diplomatic intrigue, but from great and com
prehensive surveys of history, situation, character, policy, and
passion.2 By considering France in her relations of peace, neu
trality, alliance, and war with different powers of Europe, it
was evident that her ruling motive was ambition : her avidity
was in proportion to the obstacles which she found to her pro
jects of aggression and usurpation: for near a century this coun
try had been indirectly her most formidable opponent by land,
and directly her conqueror by sea : Britain was the seat of every
confederacy that repressed her ambition, and, in the preceding
war, obtained a superiority unprecedented in former contests.
France, beholding England with envy, resentment, and terror,
rejoiced at an internal contest which would employ great part
of the British force, and enable her and her dependent, Spain,
to attack their triumphant rival with considerable probability
of success. She would wait until the breach was irreparable ;
but, as soon as she saw the complete separation effected, to
which the counsel's of the British government was driving the
colonies, she would throw off "the mask. The Spanish king,
particularly ill disposed towards Britain, indignant at the hu
miliation of his kingdom by her power, and envious of her
1 See Parliamentary Debates on the Address, Oct. 95th, 1775.
•" Sec speeches of Burke and Fox.

448 CHAP XVI.

1775.

Employ
ment of
Hanoveri
an troops

HISTORY OF THE
prosperity, would sacrifice the peculiar interest of his domini
ons to his connexion with France, and his own personal animosi-
¦'ty to England. Britain would have to contend with her colo
nies, who were forced to revolt, and the combined power of the
house of Bourbon.
Thus while a numerous body of senators supported the mea
sures of administration for subjugating the colonies, and ex
pressed their thorough conviction of the wisdom and efficacy
of the ministerial plans and measures, a smaller number endea
voured to prove that both counsels and conduct were unwise,
and would be ineffectual and ruinous. The historian, who, from
the monuments of facts and consequences, would leave a lesson
to posterity, must, in recording great undertakings, examine and
1 investigate, not only the views and counsels of their proposers
and supporters, but, when their justice or expediency is con
troverted, he must canvass the grounds on which such opposition
rests. If measures, in themselves right and beneficial, meet
with powerful obstructions, the reader will be able to see either
wisdom and energy exerted in surmounting the obstacles, or fol
ly and timidity in yielding to the difficulties ; but if the under
taking be wrong and pernicious, though our opinion of its propo
sers and supporters be first formed from the project itself, yet it
must be materially affected by the means which have been em
ployed to undeceive them concerning its nature and tendency.
Whether the ministerial design and measures for subjugating
America were wise or foolish, right or wrong, beneficial or inju
rious, the admonitions of the opposite party have a considerable
share in determining their character. Lord Chatham, Messrs.
Burke and Fox, advised government rather to conciliate, than
compel the colonists ; the admonition might be founded in mis
information, conjecture, and ignorance of the American charac
ter and of human nature. On this hypothesis, the more splen
did the eloquence of such opponents, the greater praise is due to
lords North, Sandwich, and Germaine, for totally disregarding
their counsels. On the other hand, if the exhortations were
founded in. knowledge, experience, wisdom, or even common
prudence, the strong and frequent repetition would enhance the
blame of those to whom they were addressed in vain. I have
therefore thought it necessary to exhibit this part of parliamen
tary history more fully than most other periods: the circumstan
ces called for very great deliberative wisdom and executorial
ability. Descending from the general survey of political principles,
plans, and situations, which usually occupies the first meeting
of a parliamentary session, to a more minute and detailed con
sideration of particular questions, opposition severely censured
a measure alluded to in his majesty's speech, the introduction
of Hanoverian troops into the garrisons of Minorca and Gib
raltar; and motions were made in both houses, declaring that
the scheme was totally inconsistent with the British constitu-

REIGN OF GEORGE .HI. 449
tion and the bill of rights ; that there was no standing army CHAP.
in Britain, but an annual force, subject to the mutiny act, which XVL
operated only for a vear, and specified the number to be em- ,«^"V"'V'-'
ployed. Ministers asserted, that the bill of rights extended its 177&-
prohibitions only to troops within the kingdom, and therefore
did not apply to the present case; that the bill of rights made
no difference between English and foreign troops, in its regula
tions- for the direction of military force; and that the measure
was justified on the grounds of expediency from the rebellious
state of America. Many arguments were used, and precedents
quoted in both houses ; but the question was dismissed by the
usual majority in favour of ministry.
In reviewing the events of the late campaign, some of the Inquiry in-
supporters of ministers declared themselves dissatisfied with to the late
the operations and result, and lord North acknowledged he had campaign.
been disappointed in his expectations. He had formed his
plans the last year, in the belief that the resistance would only
be partial, and without apprehending a general concert of re
volt. A great force, he now saw, was necessary, and such
he proposed should be employed; and accordingly, very early
in the season, he introduced the army estimates for the ensuing
year. When these were laid before the house, opposition con
tended, that before they could judge of the expediency of the
proposed establishment, they should receive accounts concern
ing the number and state of the troops now in America, and
made a motion to that effect. To this proposition ministers
objected, as unprecedented and inexpedient ; it would expose
the condition of our .army, when the enemy might turn the
knowledge of it to their own advantage, and our detriment ;
therefore the motion was negatived, and the house proceeded
to consider the estimates. Thirty-eight thousand men were
proposed for the sea service, and fifty-five thousand for the
land, twenty-five thousand of whom were to be employed in
America. Military gentlemen of opposition1 insisted, that the Military
supply was inadequate ; and that if they must go to war, they members
ought to send a much more powerful force. Ministers insisted,™ °PP0S1"
that the "destined army, supported by such a fleet as they were clare the
sending, would be sufficient for the purpose. Tn consequence force inad-
of a passage in the king's speech concerning the internal de- equate.
fence of the country, a bill was brought into the house, by
which his majesty was to have the power of calling out the mi
litia, in case of a rebellion in any part of the empire. The bill
was opposed, as changing the idea of a constitutional militia,
making it dependent on the crown, and converting it into a
regular army. It was represented to be part of the general Militiabill.
system for rendering the crown totally independent of tbe peo
ple. Ministers argued, that the regular forces being sent abroad
on necessary service, the employment of the militia was the
1 General Conway, and colonel Barre.
Vol. I. 57

430 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, only means of defending the country, without having recourse
XVL to foreign troops. The king could not more unequivocally dis-
*'^^>*' play the confidence he had in the zeal, affection, and loyalty
1775. 0f his people, than by trusting the guardianship of his crown,
and person, and government, to the militia of England. By
contending that such a power might be abused, the gentlemen
of opposition had only stated a possibility, to which every
power Was liable. Should the servants of the crown misem
ploy the force so intrusted to his majesty, there were remedies
for'that as for every other malversation. The law which mere
ly empowered the king, in times of emergency, to call on those
to defimd the kingdom who are most interested in its welfare,
was in itself reasonable and equitable as well as prudent, and
it imposed the duty on those who had the strongest motives to
discharge it effectually.
Among the opposers of the ministerial system this year, was
fhe duke of Grafton, who, since his resignation of the office of
prime minister, had been lord-privy seal. He had, he said, sup
ported the measures of 1774, from misapprehension of the real
state of America ; he had been led to believe, by false informa
tion, and erroneous opinions, that the appearance of coercive
measures was all that was requisite to establish a reconciliation.
To real compulsion he had always been inimical, and now that
he found it was intended by government, he could no longer
support the measures ; he was convinced that nothing less than
a total repeal of the laws passed since 1763, would restore
peace and happiness, and prevent the most destructive conse
quences. Resigning his office, he was succeeded by lord Dart
mouth, who quitted -'the American secretaryship, and received
the privy-seal. The American department was now intrusted
to lord George Germaine.1 This nobleman, after his retirement
from military life, had devoted himself to political affairs; he
was an acute reasoner, and a respectable speaker, distinguished
for closeness of argument, precision, and neatness of language.
He had been principally connected with Mr. Grenville, sup
ported him when he was minister, and followed him into oppo
sition. He had vindicated the supremacy of parliament, voted
for the stamp act, and against its repeal : and had shown him
self extremely inimical to the Grafton administration. From
that circumstance, together with his reputed abilities, he was
by many deemed the author of Junius. For several years after
Mr. Grenville's death, he had continued in opposition ; but in
1773, he joined ministry in the East India affairs, and took a
decided part in the coercive measures of 1774 and 1775. Lord
Rochford resigning about the same time, was succeeded bv
lord Weymouth in the southern department.

' Formerly Sackville ; he changed his name for an estate that was be
queathed to him.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 451
A little before the meeting of parliament, the celebrated Mr. CHAP.
Penn presented to his majesty the petition of congress, and XVI-
was told that no answer would be given. This affair was re- W"*">*/
peatedly mentioned in both houses, as affording a ground for 1775.
conciliation, if properly regarded, and of reproach against mi- 5xat"}JVt"
nisters for their total neglect of such advances. A copy of the penn re. '
petition having been laid before the* house, the duke of Rich- specting
mond, on the 7th of November, moved that Mr. Pean, whom the dispo-
he saw below the bar, should be examined, in order, he said, sitionsand
that the authenticity of the petition might be established before thcfAme-
they proceeded to consider its contents. The ministerial lordg ricans.
were aware, that his grace's object extended far beyond the au
thenticity of the petition, and that he wished to lay before the
house the knowledge which Mr. Penn was so fully qualified to
give. It was carried that day, that be should not be examined ;
but his grace having, on the 10th, pressed it in a different form,
the lords in administration consented, on condition that only
specified questions should be asked. The substance of this fa
mous evidence was, that the witness did not believe the congress
had formed any designs of independence ; the members compo
sing that body had been fairly elected ; were men of character,
capable of conveying the sense of America ; and had actually
conveyed the sense of their constituents : the different provinces
therefore would be governed by their decisions in all events.
The war was begun, and carried on by the colonies, merely in
defence of what they thought their liberties : the spirit of resist
ance was general, and they believed themselves able to defend
their freedom against the arms of Britain. Inquiries of a more
particular nature respecting Pennsylvania, produced answers
which explained the force of that province to be about sixty
thousend men able to carry arms, of whom twenty thousand
served as volunteers, and that these consisted of men of proper
ty and character ; they were furnished with the. means of casting *
cannon in great abundance, and had a plentiful supply of small
aims. The colonies were dissatisfied with the reception of their
farmer petitions ; they trusted greatly to the petition which he
carried, and which they styled the olive branch: in bearing
this application, he was considered as the messenger of peace.
Were it not to succeed, they would become desperate, and pro
bably form connexions with foreign powers which might not ea
sily be dissolved. The Americans wished for reconciliation with
this country, and would acknowledge the supremacy of Britain
in every thing except in exacting taxes. Mr. Penn was asked,
whether the secretary of state had made any inquiries concern
ing America ? He answered, that none had been made.1
= Neglect or rejection of all information which did not favour their own
views, was one of the chief and most uniform characteristics of lord North'.'!
administration. • ¦

4A2 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP. Mr. Penn having withdrawn, a motion was made by the duke
XVI- of Richmond, that the petition from the continental congress to
*^^v'>w' the king, was a ground for a conciliation of the unhappy differ-
l775- ences at present subsisting between Great Britain and America.
Besides repeating the arguments which had, been so often dis
cussed, he argued, that here was a declaration which demonstra
ted that the Americans wished for reconcilement, and desired
no concession from us derogatory to the honour of the mother
country. On the side of ministry it was contended, that to
treat with the congress would be to acknowledge the legality of
the assembly and its proceedings ; that the petition was an in
sidious and traitorous attempt to impose upon the king and par
liament ; and that, while the authors held out smooth language
and false professions, they were at the very instant, in their
appeals to the people of Great Britain and Ireland, abusing the
parliament, denying its authority, and endeavouring to involve
the whole empire in rebellion and bloodshed, by inducing their
fellow-subjects in these kingdoms to make one common cause
with them, in opposition to law and government; the evidence
before the house was chargeable with partiality and prejudice,
Histesti- and deserved no regard. After a violent debate, the duke of
mony is Richmond's motion was negatived by a majority of eighty-six
d)Sr^Sard' to thirty-three. On the thirteenth of November, the house of
maiority commons having resolved itself into a committee of supply, the
in parlia- minister expatiated on the necessity of reducing the colonies,
ment. and expressed a fear that he must apply for the assistance of the
landed proprietors, in an additional shilling to the land tax.
Opposition observed, that this was a foretaste' to the country
gentlemen of the advantages which they would realize from
the scheme of taxing America. Lord' North now advanced a
position, that taxation Was only a secondary object, and that the
supremacy of Britain was the principal ground of war; on
which remark some of his usual supporters began to express
dissatisfaction. The dexterous versatility of the minister ex
plained his meaning to be, that the idea of taxation, and of le
vying a productive revenue from America, was never aban
doned, and that ministers merely intended its suspension. The
dispute at present was of a much higher nature than it had been
originally, and taxation was but an inferior consideration when
the supremacy of the legislative authority of this country was
at stake. He would have them therefore perfectly understand,
that whatever general terms the ministers might at any time
make use of, taxation neither is, nor ever was, out of their view.
Asa further proof of his sincerity upon this subject, he declared
that there were no means by which the legislative authority and
commercial control of this country over the colonies could be
ensured, but by combining them with taxation : the country gen
tlemen were convinced, and the motion was carried in the affir
mative.

REIGN OF GEORGE IU. 453
On the 16th of November, Mr. Burke introduced a new con' CHAP.
ciliatory bill, in which, instead of expediency, the ground of XVI-
his arguments in the two preceding sessions, he founded his mo- v^-v-w
tion on the right of the subjects of this realm to grant or with- 1775.
hold all taxes, as recognized by the great financial statute pas- ConciIia-
sed.in the reign of Edward the First, statutum de tallagio non t;0„ of0'
concedendo. On this statute, he observed, rested the protection Burke.
of property from arbitrary invasion, a security which constitu
ted one of the most striking differences between Britain and
absolute governments. He demonstrated, that, on account of
the immense distance, it was impracticable for the American
subjects of Britain to enjoy this privilege by representation in
parliament, and that there fore^to be on an equal footing with
other British subjects, they should be taxed by their own as
semblies. The necessity which occasioned Edward's statute
to be framed, was similar to the exigency of the present times ;
it originated in a dispute between that monarch and his people,
relative to taxation. The latter was victorious, and obtained
this important privilege, that no taxes should be imposed on
them without the consent of the parliament. The present bill
was intended to procure a similar advantage for the Americans;
on this account, waiving the consideration of the question of
right, it renounced the exercise of taxation. Great Britain,
however, reserved to herself the power of levying commercial
duties, which were to be applied to those purposes that the
general assembly of each province should deem most salutary
and beneficial. The mother country alsp reserved to herself
the power of assembling the colonies in congress. The bill
then proposed to repeal all the laws of which the colonists
complained, and to pass an immediate act of amnesty. The
principal objections to the bill were, that-it conceded too much
for Britain, and not near enough to satisfy the Americans. It
was also contended that, as a plan of accommodation had been
already chalked out in the speech from the throne, it would be
disrespectful to the king to adopt any other plan, until that had
been tried. The discussion of this bill brought forward the
most distinguished orators on' both sides : when, on a division,
experiencing the usual fate of anti-ministerial propositions, it
was negatived by a great majority.
On the 20th of November, lord North introduced a bill for Bill for
prohibiting all trade and intercourse with the thirteen colonies prohibit-
of America. It authorized the commanders of his majesty's 'DS trade
ships of war to make: prizes of the ships or goods belonging to course
the Americans, whether found on the high seas or in harbour, with Ame-
and vested the property in the captors. A clause was inserted, rica.
by which all Americans, who should be taken on board the
vessels belonging to that continent, were made liable to serve
indiscriminately, without . distinction of persons, as common
sailors on board our ships of wftiyat'the discretion of the com
manding officer. Such colonists were to be entered upon the

454

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP. XVI.

1775.

ship's books, and considered as volunteers; and being so enter
ed, were to be set on shore in Great Britain or Ireland, or in
any part of America not then in rebellion, and there to be libe
rated. As this prohibitory bill comprehended every species of
the American commerce and employment upon the sea along
the coast of the confederated states, all the former acts which
affected anv particular post, or any branch of commerce, were
repealed, in which the Boston port and the fishery bills were
included. While all were proscribed who refused uncondition
al submission, pardon was held out to those who returned to
their duty, and commissioners were appointed for inquiring into
the merits of individuals or colonies who should accept of the
proffered mercy. Opposition displayed its formidable talents
in showing that the proposed law amounted to a declaration of
war, and drove the Americans to the alternative of absolute
subjugation, or independence ; that it would give the finishing
blow to the separation of Britain from her colonies, farther ruin
our African trade and the West Indies, and arrest remittances
from the colonies for the liquidation of their great debts due lo
British merchants. While thus producing so much mischief to
our plantations and mercantile interests, the Americans would
be supplied from other markets; Britain would lose a great
source of wealth, with little annoyance to the colonies, and to
the gain of foreign nations. It was a ridiculous inconsistency
to begin with declaring war and confiscating the effects of the
Americans, and conclude with some fallacious provisions con
cerning peace. In, defence of the bill, it was said, that the
Americans were at war with us ; that while hostilities continu
ed, every means must be employed to distress our antagonists,
as much as if we were acting against external enemies. Messrs.
Wedderburne and Thurlow displayed great ingenuity iii sup
porting these positions, and endeavoured to prove, that the in
conveniences felt by the West Indian planters and British mer
chants were temporary, but that the permanent good would
overbalance the evil. Petitions against the bill were presented,
and disregarded : it was carried, however, through both houses
by a great majority, and passed into a law. While the act was
pending, Mr. Hartley proposed a conciliatory bill, similar in
principle and object to that of Mr. Burke, though somewhat
different in detail ; but it met with the same fate.
The transcendent genius of Messrs. Burke and Fox, though
exercised in every subject that came before parliament, had
M d M1*6 two different fields on which they respectively displayed their
Fox. greatest excellence. The legislative plans proposed by oppo
sition, projects of conciliation, and other schemes of delibera
tive policy, requiring the union of accurate and extensive detail,
with confirmed habits of generalization, were most frequently
the productions of Mr. Burke. Discussions of executorial
plans, and concise inquiries concerning specific measures, re
quiring also energy of intellect, firmness and decision of temper.

Different
fields of

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 455
but without demanding such a compass of general knowledge, CHAP.
or at least equal habits of philosophic contemplation, came XVI-
chiefly from Mr. Fox. Mr. Burke, watching over legislation, ^^v~^*1
might be called the lawgiver, and Mr. Fox, over executive 177s-
measures and conduct, the statesman of opposition. On the
22d of November, Mr. Fox moved for an account to be laid be
fore the house of the expenses of the army in America, from
August 1773 to August 1775. He said, that from these papers,
he could demonstrate the delusion of ministers, and the waste
of 'the public money, to have been astonishing. The expenses
of the ordnance in particular in the year 1775, 'had been great
er than in any of the duke of Marlborough's campaigns. Al
though every branch of the military service had been amply
provided for by the minister's own acknowledgment, and ac
cording to his own appropriation to the respective services, a
debt had been incurred in the single -department of ordnance,
amounting to two hundred and forty thousand pounds. When
in a campaign of so little exertion the expenditure had been so
great, what was to be expected from the operations of the en
suing year? Ministers opposed this motion, because, they said,
several accounts were not received. Mr. Fox obviated their
objection, by confining his requisition to the papers which were
in their possession ; but the ministerial party also controverted
this proposition, and from their unwillingness to submit the ac
counts to the inspection of the house, Mr. Fox was afterwards
doubly vigilant in his inquiries concerning public expenditure.
A petition, before the recess, was presented1 from Nova Sco- Petition
tia to each house of parliament, in consequence of lord North's fro™ N.0'
conciliatory proposition ; which by its promoters was intended va a'
as a model for the rest of the colonies. It proposed a revenue to
be raised among them, under the direction of parliament. This
doctrine being extremely agreeable to ministry, they gave the
petition a very favourable reception, though they knew the amount
of the revenue must be very inconsiderable. The proposed mode
of taxation was, the payment of a certain proportionable sum on
the importation of foregin commodities, but that the rate of the
duty should be first fixed by parliament. To this plan it was
objected, that the revenue heretofore drawn from the provinces,
every part of which, except the tea duty, had been submitted to,
and chiefly paid, was more productive than the new duties pro
posed in lieu of them would be, in case this regulation was gene
rally adopted : neither did it appear likely, that the opulent
colonies should follow the example of a district which ever had
been a considerable expense to government, and continued to
require a yearly grant from parliament for its support. The
minister at first supported the petition, and a motion founded
upon it passed the committee ; but during the discussion, per
ceiving its inefficaey, he suffered it to be rejected.
' See Parliamentary Journals, Dec. 1, 1775.

456 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP. Though the public measures and declarations of ministers ex-
XVI' pressed a determination to persevere in coercion and confident
"l"-*"v^"' assurance of success,- yet it is now known1 that, at the very time
1776. 0f their menacing protestations, they were really oppressed widi
dency of f*ar alld despondency ; they appear, indeed, to have been waver-
ministers Wg between the false shame that prevents the abandonment of
amidst projects which had been precipitately embraced, and sad forebo-
their dings of ultimate failure.
threats. -^ne jjrst business that engaged the house after the recess,
was a measure of the government of Ireland ; the lord-lieUte-
nant had sent a written message' to the house of commons, re
quiring, in the king's name, four thousand additional troops
from that kingdom* for the American service, promising that
their expense should not be defrayed on the Irish establish
ment, and offering to replace them by continental auxiliaries
without any expense. The commons of Ireland granted the
native forces required ; but after a violent debate, leaving the
ministerial party in the minority, they refused to admit foreign.
soldiers. .
Discussion The message proposing the employment of troops from and
of the em- jn Xi-elaiid without being paid by that country, obviously meant
of Irish that they were to be paid by Great Britain; and was not with-
troops for out reason considered as an engagement by the crown, to dis-
the ser- pose of British public money without the consent or knowledge
viceof the0f t|1e British house of commons. On the 15th of February
America 17"6, Mr. Thomas Townshend moved, that the lord-lieutenant's
message was a breach of the privilege of that house. The ar
guments by which he supported his motion were,. the principles
and practice of the British constitution concerning pecuniary-
grants, and the designs which such attempts intimated; he
also mentioned, though only incidentally, the absurd extrava
gance of paying eight thousand men for the use of four thou
sand. The ministerial speakers did not all take the same
ground : lord North declared, that though his majesty's ser
vants in Britain had a general co-operation with his servants
in Ireland, the former did not consider themselves as responsi
ble for the conduct. of the latter: he however justified the mes
sage on the ground of expediency, without closely discussing
the right. Others supporting a higher tone of prerogative, in
sisted that the king had a right to introduce foreign troops into
any part of his dominions whenever he deemed it expedient.
Most members of opposition were not very strenuous in support
¦ From various sources, and especially from the writings of Gibbon, as
we may see by the following extract from a letter, written the 18th of
January 1776, during the Christmas recess. « I think our meeting will be
lively ; a spirited minority, and a desponding majority. The higher peo-
( pie are placed, the more gloomy are their countenances, the more melan
choly their language. You may call this cowardice ; but I fear it rises from
their knowledge (a late knowledge) of the difficulty and magnitude of the
business."

REIGN OF GEORGE ffl. ' 457
of the motion, because the scheme which it censured had not CHAP.
been put into execution ; and it was rejected therefore by a ma- XVI-
jority greater even than was usual. v-^^v-w
•;Mr. Fox's proposed inquiry concerning the ordnance, was M1JZ6",
only prelusive to a more comprehensive scruMy. On the 2d* '' '"
, of February he made a motion to inquire into the cause of the'mquiry
ill success of his majesty's arms in North. America, as also into into the ill
the causes of the defection of the Canadians. That he might'?ueces?of
give the greater effect to his present proposition, he avoided t'?a™^ss"
every extraneous subject ; he would neither (he said) consider
the right, the expediency, or the practicability of coercing Ame
rica, but,, for the sake of argument, admitting them all, would
simply inquire whether the measures and proceedings of minis-
try-upon their own principles, had produced the desired and
predicted effect: without now discussing the end, he should
merely examine the* fitness of the means. Beginning with the
Boston port bill, as the commencement of determined coercion,
he pursued an historical detail of the ministerial measures down
to* the ' present time. If, according to the hypothesis of minis
ters, coercion was 'practicable, either they had not planned
efficient, measures, and afforded the proper force, or they had
intrusted its direction and conduct to incompetent officers: there
had somewhere been incapacity, neglect, or misconduct.
Whether the rapid extension of . disaffection, the successes of
the Americans, and the inefficiency.of our troops, was owing
to unfitness in one class of servants to deliberate and to deter
mine, in another to execute, or to both, parliament ought to be
informed. The country ihad. given the minister the means of
effectual effort, and had a right to explore the causes of the
failure, • and to know what ministers or military .officers de
served, or did not deserve, farther employment. Ministers them
selves, if conscious that no blame was justly imputable to them,
were interested in promoting the desired scrutiny': they would
rejoice, at such an opportunity of vindicating their conduct to
the public, and* of convincing the people that our present na
tional disgraces, misfortunes, and application of -that support
which they had so liberally, given, were; not1 owing to ministe
rial ignorance, incapacity, or want of integrity. He concluded
with a position, that none wished to avoid inquiry, but those
who were either' culpable ^themselves, or wished to screen the
culpability of others ; an observation, doubtless generally, but
not universally, just. Mr. Fox urged these arguments' with a —
force which could not be resisted by reasoning: "what they
were unable to combat, ministers endeavoured to elude. There
appeared on the question, as on others before mentioned, a Lord
Want of coincidence in the: arguments of ministry and their North de-
friends. Lord North was less decisive in his opposition **^n JjJSjXfo!,
many of his supporters, and very evidently showed a disposi- botj, pJF
tion to moderation, from which he was often recalled by his ties, satis-
more violent coadjutor?; he had rather .betrayed than disco- Bes nei-
Voi,; I. 58

458 -. HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, vered a disposition to conciliate^ instead of coercing, but had
XVI- been prevented bv the abettors of stronger measures. In dis-
S,*N"W cussions with opposition, he showed a similar disposition, rather
1776. ^0 palliate than directly to controvert. From the great abili
ties of his lordship, it may be fairly inferred*, that his indecision
arose in some degree from doubts about the general wisdom of
the plan: whieh he was pursuing.* It was by no means proba
ble, that a man of lord North's talents*, if thoroughly convinced
that what he proposed was unobjectionable, would discover
such hesitation. He admitted, that miscarriages had happened,.
but it was impossible to foresee every event ; he was ready to
resign his office, whenever the house should withdraw its con
fidence. Mr. Fox bad charged administration with wicked
ness, ignorance, and neglect; the first, he assured them, was
wrong, and the two last remained to be proved. This vague,
temporizing, and indecisive reply to Mr. Fox's definite charges,
Supposed if it did not prove, at least afforded grounds for forming an opi-
"? a^^' nion, that lord North himself was not altogether satisfied with
the^coei- ^e Part w^'c'' ',e was acting. Others of much less ability were
cive sys- hy far more decided iu their opposition to an inquiry.
tem. On the 29th of February, treaties between his majesty and
Subsidy to the duke of Brunswick, also the landgrave of Hesse-Cassel and
Dr'n"?11 *he hereditary prince of ; Hesse-Cassel, were laid before parlia-
p ' ' ment By these agreements, four thousand three hundred
Brunswick troops and twelve thousand Hessians were taken
into British service. To the duke of Brunswick an annual
subsidy was to be paid, of fifteen thousand five hundred and
nineteen pounds. For the Hessians a double rate was to be
paid, amounting to one hundred and fourteen thousand two
hundred and ninety-eight pounds. The levy money to both
princes was seven pounds four shillings and four pence per head ;
every man killed was to be charged at the rate of the levy
money. All were to receive the same pay, ordinary and ex
traordinary as British troops. The minister contended, that
the supply was necessary, and that the terms were fair. Op
position reprobated the measure of hiring foreign mercenaries
against British subjects; the motion, however, was carried by
a great majority in both houses. The secretary at war having
moved for a supply of 845,0001. for the extraordinaries of
the army, this vast demand incurred in so short a time, and' in
so confined and inefficacious a service, roused ail the. vigour of
opposition. Neither the campaign of 1704, which, by discom
fiting France delivered Europe ; nor of 1760, which subdued
North America;' had cost near so much as 1775, which
produced nothing but disgrace. Ministers rested their mea
sures on the sanction of parliament ; the misfortunes of the last
campaign (they said) were owing to their belief that the Ame
ricans were not in general so wicked as they had actually
proved, and from that conviction we had employed too small

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 459
asi army ; but in the present campaign, the force which should CHAP.
be sent would totally reduce the colonies. XV1,
On the 14th of March, the last attempt was made to prevent ^"v"^»-1
war between the parent and the children. The duke of Graf- 177l>.
ton moved an address to bis majesty, intreating, that to put^^f'
an end to the effusion of blood, and to evince to the world the duke
the wish of the sovereign and the parliament to restore peace of Grafton
and tranquillity, he should issue a proclamation, declaring, jfforconcih-
the revolted colonies would present to the commander in chief atI0n-
©f his majesty's forces in America, or to the commissioners
sent out with powers adequate to the purposes of making
peace or war, a petition setting forth their grievances, hos
tilities should be immediately suspended, and the petition
referred to the parliament, to be considered with the most
solemn and serious attention. The great object of this mo
tion seems to have been, to remedy -the defects of the late pro
hibitory act : which, according to opposition, held out a delu
sive show of peace, without furnishing the means, or contain
ing the powers, by which it could be effected. Besides the
general arguments which this motion naturally suggested, its
mover adduced a ' declaration of lord George Germaine in
the other house, that nothing less than unconditional submis
sion from America would satisfy Britain. To promote the
address, his grace farther stated, that intelligence was receiv
ed by himself that messengers had heen sent by France to
general Washington and the congress, and argued that this
conciliatory proposition, would prevent the Americans from
seeking the means of defence in foreign assistance. Minis
ters contended, that conciliation was almost impracticable, and
that nothing could more .certainly prevent it than concession.
An offer to admit them to amity on any other terms than those
already proposed, would be a degradation to the honour of the
king, the parliament, and the country. The Americans would Ministers
be reduced in one campaign to accept of the terms which we a.ssure par-
were pleased to offer: France would not interfere in a dispute iu ment
between us and our colonies. If she had any such intention, ther cam.
it would be an additional argument for employing our force to paign will
subjugate America, before she could be joined by so powerful crush the
an auxiliary. We have (they said) passed the Rubicon, and Ame"-
it is no longer time for us to be proposing conciliation. This
was the language not of mere parrots of the political creeds
that happened to be in vogue for the day, but of many
senators of considerable talents and knowledge ; some high
ly distinguished for ability, and one equal to most men that
ever appeared in a legislative assembly. A reader, who
should know the origin, principles, and history of the Ameri
can war, without having attended to parliamentary debate
and speeches, would learn with surprise, that a most strenuous
abettor of coercive measures, a determined enemy to every plan
of a conciliatory spirit, a supporter of unconditional submis-

460 CHAP. XVI.

1776.

Scotch mi
litia bill,

is reject
ed.

HISTORY OF THE
sion and a prophesier of speedy subjugation, was lord Mans
field. Such powers of argument in cases of momentous im
portance, drawing conclusions from insufficient information
and erroneous principles; such profound wisdom sanctioning
the measures, decrees, and acts of misinformation, precipitancy,
and violence; afford a striking instance of the weakness
which, from the imperfection of human nature, is often inter
mingled with the most exalted qualities ; it teaches the reason-
er in drawing his inferences, and the counsellor in forming his
schemes, not to place implicit reliance on either the authority or
example, of even an illustrious sage.
A bill was this year proposed for establishing a militia in
Scotland, which was eagerly patronized by members- from that
country, but strongly controverted by English senators. In
favour of the bill it was argued, that the obvious utility of
militia as a national defence, rendered its establishment as pro
per in Scotland as in England ; and that the attachment now
evinced by Scotchmen to the family on the throne/ removed -ob
jections formerly weighty. On the other side it was' alleged*
that there was neither necessity nor occasion for the proposed
scheme. A militia was local, and paid by the landholders for
their protection and defence ; the Scotch paid one-fortieth part
only of the land tax, out of which the militia expenses were
paid : the population of Scotland was a fifth of that of England ;
it was therefore unreasonable in her to apply for a militia, in
the maintenance of which her expense would be but one-eighth
of her advantage in proportion to England. The answer- to
this was obvious ; that though the specific fund for defraying the
militia expenses was the land tax, the protection of that branch of
revenue was not its sole purpose, but the defence of every con
stituent of private and public property and security. After a
warm contest, the minister being left in a-minority, the bill was
rejected. In providing the ways and means for the current year, a loan
of two millions was found necessary. The funds ' for paying
the interest, being taxes on articles of luxury, were favoura
ble to the financial character of the minister. After passing a
vote of credit for another million, the session closed on the 23d
of May.

REIGN OF GEORGE TU. 461

CHAP. XVII.

Evacuation of Boston. — British troops sail to Halifax— objectsof campaign
1776, three : first, recovery of Canada, and Invasion of colonies by the
lakes**— secondly, expedition to. Carolina — thirdly, and chiefly,, invasion
of New-York. — Quebec relieved, and Canada recovered.—Britisn arma
ment under sir Henry Clinton and sir Peter Parjter, arrives too late in Ndrth
Carolina— proceed to the south — siege of. Charleston — raised. — Internal
proceedings, of the colonies — declaration of independenceXobjects and
reasons of the New York expedition — British force arrives there— de
scription of New York and its'dependencies — pacificating overtures of
the British commanders — rejected. — Battle of long Island.— Americans
defeated, butescape. — Capture of New-York— town set on fire by the
Americans.— -Battle of White Plains — Americans defeated in one" part,
but the main body escapes. — Battle. and capture of.Port Washington. 
General Howe plans detached expeditions— invasion arid reduction of
Rhode Island — rapid successes of lord Cornwallis in the Jerseys-*-cc*h-
sternation and flight of the Americans — expect general Howe at Phila
delphia — lord Cornwallis ordered into winter quarters— -revival of Ame
rican spirits froin the cessation of pursuit — animated ,to most extraordi
nary exertions — their offensive operations — surprise of the Hessians at
Trenton, and its important effects. — Operations on the lakes-^Crown
Point taken, but evacuated. — General result of the campaign. — Depre
dations of American privateers*— encouraged by France and Spain.
THE principal scene of action in which Britain was now CHAP.
engaged, was the American colonies; thither, therefore, the XVH.
history must call the attention of the reader. Boston, from v^-v^.
the preceding summer, had continued in a state of blockade. 1776.
Gage was returned home, and the command had devolved on Evacu-
general Howe. The British admiral having been displeased B^ton
with the conduct of Falmouth, a seaport town in the northern
part of Massachusetts Bay, cannonaded and destroyed the
place ; and the provincials being informed of this proceeding,
issued out letters of marque and reprisal, declaring, however,
it was their intention to confine their hostilities to the capture
of ships which should carry stores and provisions to the British
army at Boston. Several vessels-laden with necessaries of life,
were taken at the very entrance of the harbour; the capture
of the coal ships was severely felt, both from the coldness of
the winter in that climate; and from that being a harder season
than usual. Many of the" inhabitants, who were known abet
tors of the American cause, were still retained as hostages, and
all the loyalists who could escape, took refuge in Boston;
thence there, was not only a want of fresh meat, but even, of
salt provisions. To supply t^ie deficiency of firing, they de
stroyed several houses, and 'used the iqaterials ; but still the

462 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, scarcity increased. Aware of the difficulties, Washington pro-
XVIL secuted the siege with a double vigour, in order to take the place
^"v^s before the arrival of re-enforcements from Britain. On the 2d
1776. 0f juarcj^ a battery was opened on the western side of the town,
whence it was dreadfully annoyed by a furious discharge of can-
• non and bombs : and on the 5th, another acted on the eastern
shore. Nevertheless, the British troops acquitted themselves
with surprising fortitude, and during fourteen days, endured
this bombardment with undaunted courage. The besieged had
no alternative, but either to dislodge the Americans, or to evacu
ate the town. The general attempted to attack the enemy, but
found they were so strongly posted as to render the assault im
practicable. The British must have ascended a perpendicular
eminence, on the top of which the Americans had prepared hogs
heads chained together in great numbers, and filled with stones,1
to roll down upon the king's troops as they climbed yp the hill.
British Finding that they could not force the works of the American
troops sail general, and being in the greatest distress for want of provi-
for Hali- gjonSj general Howe and the British loyalists embarked for Hali
fax on the 17th of March, and arrived there in the end of the
month. By their departure, the Americans became masters of
Boston, and a considerable quantity of artillery and stores,
which general Howe was obliged to leave behind. Some ships
were leftinthe bay, to protect the vessels which should arrive
from England; but, as it afterwards appeared, they were not
sufficient to prevent the British transports from falling into the
hands of the enemy.
Objects of The, objects proposed by the British government in the
the cam- *pj-esent campaign were three — to relieve Quebec, recover
g>aigii. Canada, and invade the colonies through the lakes — to make
an impression on the southern provinces, and to undertake an
expedition to New- York. During these transactions at Boston,
Col. Arnold continued the blockade of Quebec, notwithstanding
a very severe season,- and under great difficulties ; re-enforce
ments arrived very slowly from the congress, and the Canadians
were disheartened and wavering ; the succours, however, at
last came, and Quebec being cut off from supplies by land, and
the ice in the river not admitting assistance from England, the
townsmen and garrison experienced many difficulties. But as
the season advanced for the safe navigation of the river, the
Americans became more active, that they might anticipate the
arrival of the troops from England: they renewed the siege,
and erected batteries to burn the shipping. While the be
sieged were engaged in attending to those operations, Arnold
attempted to storm the town in another quarter, and made his -
entrance into the suburbs, but could not penetrate farther.
' " This species of preparation, (Mr. Stedman observes,) will exemplify
in a striking manner that fertility of expedients which strongly character-
ieed the Americans during the war."

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 463
Meanwhile, the small-pox, so pestilential in that country Where CHAP.
inoculation was not common, broke out in the America™ army, XVH.
and frightened many of the soldiers to desert. Although it was v•^'v~'¦|•"••,'
now the beginning «f May, and the river was far from being i\J^'.
clear of ice, an English squadron made its way up to Quebec, ¦*[¦? ^3
and on finding succours arrived, the besiegers retired. On theanij cana**
9th of May, Carleton proceeded in pursuit *f Arnold, just asdareco-
they had begun the retreat Seeing the troops, they left the ar- vered.
tillery and military stores to the British, and thus the siege of
Quebec wae raised, after continuing about five months. Under
standing that a number of sick and wounded provincials were
scattered about the woods and villages, the governor issued a'
proclamation, ordering the proper officers to find out these mise
rable people, afford them relief and assistance at the public ex
pense, and assure them that, on their recovery, they should have-
the liberty to return to their respective provinces. In the end
of May, several regiments arriving from Ireland and England,
together with a regiment from general Howe, and the Brunswick
troops, which, when added to those who were before in the pro
vince, amounted to thirteen thousand men, Carleton prepared
for offensive operations. The general rendezvous was at the
Three Rivers, about half way between Montreal and Quebec. A
body of Americans having attacked the advanced division of the*
British troops, was repulsed with great loss. General Burgoyne
arrived with the re-enforcements in Canada, and was sent in
pursuit of the provincials. Conscious of their inability to main
tain their conquest, the provincials evacuated Montreal, Fort St.
John, crossed lake Champlain, and stationed themselves at Crown
Point, whither the British commander did not follow them for
the present. While the campaign opened thus auspiciously for
Britain in the north, attempts were made to re-establish her au
thority in the south. The governors of the several colonies had
represented, that in the middle and southern provinces there was
a considerable spirit of loyalty, but that the well affected were
afraid to discover their sentiments ; and that if a powerful force
were sent from the mother country to co-operate with them, they
would immediately attach themselves to her cause. In conse
quence of this information, an army was prepared, under the
command of sir Henry Clinton and sir Peter Parker, and order
ed to sail to North Carolina, from the loyalists of which, the
most sanguine expectations were entertained.
Governor Martin of North Carolina, though obliged to take State of
refuge in a ship, had been extremely active in the service of -J™'™ in
Britain: he maintained a correspodence with the settlers in jjnas aro
theTiack country, especially with an unruly class of men, known
by the name of regulators, who were inimical to orderly go
vernment, had formerly been very troublesome to the British
establishment, and transferred to the provincials their hostility,
since they had acquired the ascendancy. In the same parts.

464

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP. XVII. 1775.

British ar
mamentunder sir
Henry

there'was a totally different set of men, emigrants from the
Highlands of Scotland, under the pressure of the "most indigent
'circumstances, who were distinguished for loyalty totheir;sove-
, reign, and attachment to their native land, which poverty and
want had compelled them to abandon. Actuated by such
contrary motives to oppose the Americans, these two classes of
settlers co-operated and acquired a considerable degree of force.
Martin projected to unite with them all the back settlers of the
southern colonies, and that the whole should act in conjunction
with the king's troops, who were expected early ih the spring,
and also* bring forward the Indians to assist the royal cause. By
the. desire of Martin, Mr. Macdonald, a Highland gentleman, of
known courage, enterprise, and ability, directed and headed
the execution of the scheme ; the -governor also issued a pro
clamation, commanding all persons on their allegiance to re
pair to the royal standard; but it was necessary to embody
the loyalists, in order to keep them steady in their intentions ; *
and -this step ultimately disconcerted the undertaking. .Their'
hopes of success rested on the, concealment of the design, until
has majesty's troops should arrive; but the formation of a corps
however, soon reached and alarmed the. provincials. General
Macdonald proposed to march to Wilmington, and.there occupy
a secure. post,' uiitil the British landing should* be able to afford
them assistance. Informed of these proceedings, Mr. Modre, a
provincial gentleman, and colonel of the'Carolinians, advanced
with a body of troops in quest of Macdonald. The Highlander
sent Moore a copy of the king's proclamation; in answer to
which, the provincial commander transmitted the test to the con
gress, promising (if they should subscribe it), to treat Macdonald
and his party as friends, but denouncing the severest vengeance
incase of a. refusal. The royalists losing time in. negotiation,
the provincials had leisure to. assemble in great, numbers to the
standard of colonel Moore. Macdonald proceeding on his march,
descried Mr. Caswell* a provincial colonel, who was hastening
with a body of colonists to join the general,'.and found him post
ed at Moore's creek bridge upon Cape Fear river, not far from '
Wilmington.^ The emigrants with great. fury began the attack
with broad swords; buti colonel Macleod, .the second in com
mand, and others of their bravest' officers being killed, the peo
ple, who, in the spirit of their native country regarded their
leaders as chieftains, were disheartened by the fall of their com
manders, and' thrown into a confusion, which reached the rest of
the corps ; the whole party was broken and dispersed, and be
ing pursued/ many of- them were taken prisoners, and among
others, general Macdonald. Such was the issue of* the first en
terprise in the southern colonies for supporting the cause of the
British government.
Among the causes which had contributed to the distinguish
ed success of Mr. Secretary Pitt's belligerent measures, one of
the most efficacious was promptness of preparation. This was

REIGN QF GEORGE III. 4gj
a quality extremely deficient in the armaments that were em- CHAP.
ployed duriqg the ministry of lord North, and the forces sent XVR.
out on an expedition were frequently too, late for accomplishing >^~v~*~>
their purpose. The troops destined to co-operate with the IT6-
loyalists of the south, ought to have left Cork before Christmas, fndg°rnPe,
that they might reach Carolina in the beginning of spring, so as ter parker
to be in the field before the commencement of the great heats
that are so injurious to northern constitutions, unless gradually
encountered ; but they did not depart from Ireland till the 7th arrives too
of February, and it was the 3d of May before they arrived tit]?'61"
Cape Fear. General Clinton having joined them from Boston, j?na . a'
took the command; and finding that from the discomfiture of
the royalists be could have no hopes of success in North Caro- -
lina, resolved to make an attempt upon South Carolina, and* to proceeds
besiege Charleston ite capital. This town was the great sup- to the
port of the warlike preparations in the southern colonies, and on soutl1,
account both of its strength and opulence, would be an impor
tant acquisition to Britain.
The harbour of Charleston was protected and commanded by
a fort upon Sullivan's island, which is formed by the conflux
of the rivers Ashley and Cooper, that almost enclose the town ;
and an inlet of the sea. It was projected to capture that fort,
and leaving a sufficient garrison for its defence, to intercept all
intercourse between Charleston and the ocean. Clinton ar
rived on the 4th of June before the capital of South Carolina :
the American commander Lee, having received, accurate intelli
gence concerning the motion of the British general, by forced
marches appeared about the same time in thp. neighbourhood of
Charleston, and posting himself on the bank's of the river,- se
cured a communication with Sullivan's Island. Between Clinton
qnd the fort lay Long Island, from which he understood there
was a fordable passage to Sullivan's Island ; he stationed him
self on this island, constructed batteries, and prepared for the
siege. Having made dispositions for commencing the attack, The siege
on the 28th of June he poured a tremendous fire from land bat- ofCharles-
teries, floating batteries, and the ships. The British trpops be- ton'
hav'ed with their usual valour, and the Americans displayed great
courage and perseverance. Three of our ships having run
agrqund, two of them were extricated ; but the third sticking
fast, was set on fire, to prevent her from falling into the hands
of the enemy. The troops attempted the passage, but found
that the water was not one foot in depth as they had been inform
ed, but near seven feet ; under cover however of the fire they
attempted to land, but it soon appeared that there were unex- _
pected difficulties to encounter even if they did land. The in
formation which the general had received concerning the access
to the fort had been extremely inaccurate ; there was between
it and the shore a trench, in which he had understood that the
water was shallow; but, on examination, it was discovered to
be extremely deep, and also much more under the command of
Vol. I. 59

466 HISTORY OP THE
CHAP, the castle than the general had supposed: the troops were -for
XVI1' the present, therefore, ordered to return to their camp. The
v^"v~s,»' next day, dispositions were made for repeating the attempt, and
1776- there was a hot fire on both sides, by which two British ships
being much damaged, were ordered to retire. The attempt
was repeated in a part somewhat shallower than where the
first trial had been made. General Clinton and several other
officers waded up to their shoulders, but finding the depth of the
water increasing, were unable to proceed ; the ships could not
approach so near as to do effectual execution, and general Lee
was in great force on the other side to defend the forts : for all
these reasons, Clinton thought it expedient to desist from the at-
is raised, tempt. It was said by military critics, that the British general
had not bestowed sufficient pains to investigate the situation
and accessibility of the-place before he commenced the .attack ;
that his ships might have approached much nearer the fort, and
covered the landing of the troops : by political critics it was al
leged that the difficulties arose from the general causes which
had been predicted ; the determination and force of the Ame
ricans, inspired by the love of liberty, and thoroughly acquaint
ed with the nature of the country and posts which they had to
defend. Lord Dunmore continued to carry on naval hostilities on the
coasts of the southern provinces, but finding he could make no
effectual impression, retired to Florida. The Americans, on
the other hand, fitting out a squadron from Boston, attacked
the Bahama islands, and plundered them of stores and artillery,
by which means they brought to their country a supply which
was very much wanted. Clinton was summoned by general
Howe to meet him at New-York, but before we accompany the
southern force to its junction with the commander in chief and
the main army, it is proper to take a view of the civil proceed
ings in the colonies, which, both on account of their political
importance and influence on military operations, merit and re
quire historical notice.
Internal In the former year, the provincial assembly of New-England
acts of the had passed resolutions, manifesting a disposition to independ-
colonies. enCy ; but rather to feel the pulse of the other colonies and of
their constituents, than to pledge themselves by an explicit pro
position. Their delegates in the congress, and the 'other most
violent members, having sounded the rest of the representatives,
discovered, that from several colonies there was an aversion to
that measure, and that a separation was regarded as one of the
greatest of evils, which ought not to be incurred unless absolute
ly necessary for the preservation of their liberty. Bred up in
republicanism, the New-Englanders had deemed independence
on a crowned head a desirable object ; but other colonists, edu
cated with monarchical principles, and attached to the king and
people of Great Britain, regarded a connexion between them
selves and the parent country as constituting the supreme ad-

REIGN OF GEORGE IU. 467
vantages of both countries, and separation as only not so bad as CHAP.
slavery. The New-Englanders had been winningover the other xvl1-
colonies to their sentiments and principles, with great, but hi- y^~>r>-'
therto not complete success. The congress was becoming 177S-
more and more subject to the influence of its republican presi
dent; but still desirous of peace, it waited with anxiety for
the result of its petition to the king, and for the measures which
should be adopted in parliament. When it was learned that
no attention would be paid to the petition, that nothing short of
unconditional submission would satisfy the British government,
and that great armaments, including a numerous body of fo
reign mercenaries, were prepared in order to subjugate America,
the greater number of delegates adopted the sentiments which
were first generated and afterwards cherished by the New-Eng
landers. On the 30th of May, a prefatory resolution_was pass
ed, declaring, that' the prohibitory act by which they were ex
cluded from the protection of the crown, the rejection of their
petition for redress and reconciliation, with the intended exer
tion of all the British forces, assisted by foreign mercenaries,
for their destruction, depriving the colonies of the king's pro
tection, annihilated their allegiance ; that it became now neces
sary for them to take the power of government into their own
hands. . It was therefore resolved, "to recommend to the various
" assemblies and conventions in the United States of America,
" where no form of government adequate to the exigencies
" of affairs had yet been adopted, to form such a constitu
tion as should be most conducive to the public welfare and
" security," In the middle and southern provinces, of those who were de
termined to resist coercion, there .were two parties: the one
wished merely to oppose all acts of hostility, but still to leave
room for re-union;1 the other resolved not only to resist, but to
outrage the British government. In a state of public ferment,
moderation is generally regarded as lukewarmness, and indiffer
ence as enmity to the prevailing sentiment. In most* of the
colonial assemblies, being guided by the advice of the congress,
they instructed their delegates to support independence. , In
Pennsylvania and Maryland,3 the assemblies resolved to oppose
this measure; and the amount of their reasoning was — Britain
has oppressed, and is attempting to subdue America, it becomes
us therefore to resist, but the necessity of resistance does not
justify measures injurious to ourselves, and not necessary to ren
der our resistance effectual ; we can fight as well without men
tioning independence, as after declaring it; we will not actually
obey the commands of Britain, while inconsistent with our con
stitutional rights, but we ought not therefore to preclude -the
possibility of a reconciliation,3 by a change in the British coun'-
¦ Annual Register, 1776, p. 163. •> Andrews, vol. ii. p. 209.
» Annual Register, 1776, p. 164.

468

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP. XVII.

1776.

Sels, which experience of the inefficacy of her plans may in time
be expected to produce; meanwhile our efforts shall be as ener
getic as those of the most zealous votary of independence.
The separation from Britain, even if finally attainable, would be
productive of great and evident evils. The protection of the
parent state, the salutary power of a common sovereign to ba
lance so many separate and possibly discordant provinces, the
important political and commercial advantages of the old union
appeared in a striking light to every man of discernment, whose
mind was not clouded by the passions that overspread the mul
titude; but no art was spared to make the contrary opinion
popular, and no means were more successful than publications
which, by enumerating the various acts of alleged oppression,
stimulated the hatred and resentment of the children against
their parents. Of these works one of the most effectual was an
essay of th^noted Thomas Paine, written in the style and spirit
which he has so frequently exhibited, strong, coarse, and inflam
matory. The bold and unqualified intrepidity of assertion pass
ed, with undisciplined understandings, as unanswerable argu
ments; familiarity of illustration, and vulgarity of allusion,
highly pleased unrefined tastes; an appeal to their prejudices
and prepossessions gratified their passions, and they concluded
that he must be right whose opinions and sentiments agreed
with their own.1 Displaying an ability and skill, the amount of
which was that he could set fire to combustibles. Paine's address
acted powerfully on the populace of Philadelphia, and con
tributed to inspire them with different sentiments from their pro
vincial assembly and their delegates in the congress. The de
legates, however, thought it necessary on so important a ques
tion to take the sense of their constituents, and after a great con
test it was carried that they should be instructed to agree to
the determination of congress. Notwithstanding the artifices
of demagogues, there still remained in Philadelphia a considera
ble body inimical to independence. In Maryland, the delegates
were instructed to oppose the question of independence in con
gress. Having accordingly voted against it, they were driven
from the assembly; and, on returning home, they found the
violent party gaining ground. A second meeting of constitu
ents was called, and they returned with instructions to vote for
Oeclara- independence. On the 4th of July, the congress of delegates
tion of in- from thirteen English colonies in America, declared the pro-
dence vinces a free and independent state. In the declaration, they
commenced with observing, than when it becomes necessary for
one people to dissolve the political bands3 which have connec
ted it with another, and to assume among the powers of the
earth the separate and equal station to which the laws of na
ture, of nations, and of God, entitle them, a decent respect to
the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the

' Ramsay, vol. i. p. 336*.

' See State Papers, July 4th, 1776

1776.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 469
cause which impels them to the separation. Government being CHAP.
an institution for the happiness of the governed, whenever it be
comes destructive of that end, must be dissolved. Having laid v
down this general rule, they proceeded to enumerate the facts
which, in their opinion, proved the British government of our
colonies to have been destructive to its end, and comprised in
the detail all the acts already mentioned: in every stage of op
pression, they alleged, that they humbly petitioned the king for
redress, but with no effect. " We have applied also (they said)
" to our British brethren ; we have reminded them of the cir-
" cumstances of our emigration and settlement ; we have ap-
" pealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and conjured
" them by the ties of our common kindred to disavow those
" usurpations which would inevitably interrupt our connexion
" and correspondence : they have been deaf to the voice of jus-
" tice and of consanguinity ; we must therefore acquiesce in the
" necessity which denounces our separation, and hold them as
" we hold the rest of mankind — in war, enemies ; in peace,
" friends." For these reasons, they solemnly published, that
they were henceforth free and independent states, and absolved
from allegiance to the British crown ; that all political con
nexion between them and Great Britain was and ought to be
completely terminated ; that they had full power to levy war,
conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and do
every other act which belonged to independent states. This
celebrated declaration, which separated the colonies from Bri
tain, was received with enthusiastic applause by the people,
but by some of the wisest opponents of the mother country it
was not equally relished. General Washington himself, though
so strenuous and efficacious a supporter of American resistance
to what he conceived oppression and tyranny, never, as far as
I can learn, expressed an approbation of the total dissolution of
the connexion between the colonies and the mother country.1

1 In the original impression, I had written that general Washington -was
far from approving of an entire dissolution of the connexion. That opinion I
founded partly on the general wisdom and moderation of that illustrious
American, and the enmity which his conduct uniformly exhibited to demo
cratic violence ; and partly on a letter for many years imputed to him, and
inserted in a publication, which, till very lately, passed for genuine. The
work in question is' entitled, " Epistles, Domestic, Confidential, and Offi
cial, from general Washington ;" and was long current, as its contents
were probable, and its averments remained uncontradicted. The letter
from which I made the citation inserted in a note, pages 469 and 470, of
vol. i. had been with five others, denied by general Washington, in an
American gazette, to be genuine, a short time before his death. This
disavowal 1 did not hear of, till several months after the publication of the
work, when Mr. Bleecker, of New-York, wrote me, that the epistles in
question were spurious, and referred me to the gazette in which they
were disavowed by general Washington. Far from wishing to impute any
expression to any character in my history which he did not use, I am de-

470 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP. His great and comprehensive mind viewed remote and distant
XVII. objects; he saw that whatever was the enmity between Bri-
v-^v~>•¦-, tain and America at present, it must at length terminate. He
1776. knew the vast advantages that had accrued, and the greater
which might proceed from the renewal of friendly relations be
tween Britain and North America ; their language, their re
spective objects and pursuits fitted them for a reciprocity of
benefit, if united, which he did not apprehend they could enjoy
if separated. Distinguished as a champion of liberty, he was
its champion with the principles and discrimination of a wise
man :,he loved freedom secured by order, and was a profound
admirer of the British constitution : he did not therefore favour
the democratical principles which, first spread by the New-
Englanders, had extended through the colonies ; he foresaw
that the constitution resulting from independence would be re
publican, and might from the influence of democratic zealots be
inconsistent with tranquillity and order. He therefore did not
enter into the violence whicli was manifested by many abettors
of independence. Engaged, however, in conducting military af
fairs, he did not deem himself necessitated publicly to declare
every opinion which he might form upon the civil and political
proceedings of his countrymen ; and without agreeing with
every demagogue that could agitate and inflame the populace,
he continued to support his country in defending what he
thought her liberty : some of her counsels and resolutions might
not meet his approbation, but was he therefore to desert her jn
war and danger? As a patriot, he employed his talents not only
in endeavouring to extricate her from danger and difficulty,
but in sacrificing his own particular sentiments for the sake of
unanimity and the general welfare.
Writers favourable to the coercion of America affirm, that
independence was long before that period the aim of their lead
ers; but being able to adduce no testimony or documents in
support of their assertion, rest its weight on probable infer
ences from their conduct. " Hence, (says a late historian,1)
" their complaints of grievances were clamorous, frequent, and
" specific, while their professions of attachment and loyalty
" were merely .general, and attended with no precise offers of
" conciliation or satisfaction." The American statement of
grievances, in their petitions to the king, and other representa
tions, were no doubt specific; if they had been vague, they
would have been nugatory. Their professions of loyalty and
airbus of correcting the error respecting that fact ; and for that purpose
have directed the quotation from the alleged letter to Mr. Lund Washing
ton to be cancelled, and the present explanation substituted in its place.
My general opinion, however, that Washington, so eminent for wisdom
and moderation, was an enemy to democratic violence, not resting on one
letter, but on the whole tenour of his conduct, continues the same.
1 Adolphus, vol. ii*. p. 171.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 471
attachment were attended with no precise offers of conciliation CHAP.
or satisfaction, because in their view they were suffering uncon- XVI1-
stitutional injury, and prayed for constitutional redress: they ^^v~^'
were reclaiming a right, and not making proposals for a bar- I776,
gain. They did not conceive themselves to have committed
injustice against the British government, and therefore made no
offers of satisfaction, either precise or general. Their propo
sitions of conciliation were simple : they, apprehended that the
new system of legislature was a violation of their privileges as
British subjects, and declared that they would return to amity
when, by the discontinuance of the present measures, their con
stitutional blessings should be restored. How entreaties or even
requisitions that their connexion with the mother country should
be replaced on the former footing, demonstrate an intention of
entirely dissolving the tie, it is difficult to discover. A farther
argument to evince the American desire of independence is,
that their demand of redress in the repeal of all the acts since
1763, must be insincere, for it could not be expected to be suc
cessful. "No party in Britain could attempt conciliation on
" such grounds : because, thereby they must have abandoned
" some principle:" the amount of which reasoning is, that if
a statesman or lawgiver has proposed or adopted any measure
or regulation, he must adhere to his resolution, that he may pre
serve his consistency ; a doctrine, which, in such fallible beings as
men, might often contravene the plainest dictates of justice and
wisdom. In the colonial range of complaint, therefore, I can
perceive no proofs of determined separation. From the series
of acts which the narrative has presented, it appears that the
New-Englanders, since the commencement of the disputes,
manifested dispositions to republicanism, from which we might
fairly infer a desire, and even a design of eventual separation ;
but that the middle and southern colonies were the votaries of
loyal and constitutional connexion and subordination; that their
co-operation with the colonists of the north, was the immediate
effect of the system of 1774; that their subsequent resistance
arose from refused redress, and attempted coercion ; and their
consent to the scheme of independence, from the total rejection
of all their applications, combined with elation for the successes
of the former campaign. . The independence of America,
therefore, whether wise or unwise, evidently proceeded from no
preconcerted design, but was a natural consequence of the
measures that were pursued by the mother country, and the
progress of human passions, when they refuse the admonitions
of reason and Wisdom: from disputes to quarrels, repeated
with increasing asperity, until they terminated in a final rupture.
The main object of military operations was New- York ; and Objects
for making this part of America the chief seat of war, there and rea"
• mL • c -vr ir I ¦ sons Ot
were various reasons. The province of New-York, running tj,e expe.
northwest joins with Canada, that runs southwest, and both to- dition to
gether enclose New-England, and divide it from the southern New-
" b York.

472 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, polonies. By possessing New- York and the southern part of
*VI1, the province, while the Canadian army invaded it on the north,
l^v=,wa communication, it was conceived, might be established be-
1776, tween the secondary and primary army ; both could co-operate
vigorously, easily reduce New-England, afterwards act in con
cert against the more southern colonies, and procure the assist
ance of the back settlers, many of whom were well disposed
to the mother country. New-York was a centrical position,
from which operations might be directed either to the one side
or the other, as occasion might serve, or circumstances require,
so that this position enabled the British commander to prescribe
the scene of action, and to quit it when he chose ; and if the
army were withdrawn from the field, the great north river, and
the different channels between the islands and the main land,
would enable him by his ships and detachments, to harass the
adjoining countries ; while the provincials, however powerful,
could make no attempt upon the islands that would not be at
tended with greater inconveniences, and liable to imminent dan
ger. Besides these advantages, Long Island was very fertile
in wheat and all other corns, abounded with herbs and flocks,
and was deemed almost equal alone to the maintenance of an
army. In the province, especially in the upper part towards:
Albany, there were reported to be many loyalists, who would
flock to the British standard as soon as they could manifest their
sentiments safely. New- York, from these circumstances, was
an object of high importance, and its attainment was not reckon
ed difficult : much the better part of the province is enclosed
in islands, which being long and narrow, were exposed on all
sides to attacks from our fleets, and to the descents of our„troops ;
and when conquered, the protection of the ships of war would
be as effectual in their preservation, as their hostility had been
in their reduction. These were the reasons on which the mili
tary plan was founded, and whatever the sentiments of the
reader may be respecting the wisdom of the statesman who
proposed, and the lawgivers who adopted the measures which
produced enmities between America and the mother country,
he wilt probably without hesitation admit, that the plan of mi
litary operation was not discreditable to the talents of its author
as a war minister. But the history now proceeds to narrate
its execution.
British ar- General Howe was obliged to remain at Halifax for two
mament months, to receive re-enforcements which he expected from
ainves at Eng|anj) wit), a fleet commanded by his brother, lord Howe ;
York. the armament from England much exceeded the time that had
been planned for its departure from home. The general, there
fore, resolved to wait no longer at Halifax, but to proceed
southwards, that there might be no delay after lord Howe
should reach America. Leaving Halifax on the 11th June, in
the end of the month he arrived in Sandy Hook near New-
York. During his passage, he was joined by six transports full

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 473
of Highland trodpg, belonging to the forty-second and seventy- GHAP.
first regiments ; from them he learned that colonel Campbell XVH.
with a detachment was separated from the rest of the armament: *^~>r>>*'
he afterwards found, that going into Boston, where they expect- 1776,
ed to have joined the British army, they Were taken prisoners
by the provincials.
The town of New-York is situated in an island running from Descrip-
north to south, at the mouth of the Hudson river, at the south-'tion of
ern extremity, separated from New-York island by a narrow New-York
channel; on the east, is Long Island ; directly south, in sight, p"n(jesn_ e
but at a greater distance, is Staten Island ; beyond which, and cjes,
in the same direction, lies Sandy Hook/ The Americans having
been informed of the destination of the British armament, had
been at great pains to fortify New-York town and island, and
to make the access as difficult as possible, by sinking ships in
the most approachable part of the channel ; they were also
provided with a numerous artillery, and guarded by a strong
body of troops. On the northern extremity of New-York
island, it communicated with the continent hy a bridge, called
Ringsbridge. Long island, from its extent, was not so strong
ly fortified, yet was well guarded, had an encampment on the
side next New- York, and also works on the most accessible
parts of the coast. Staten Island being less valuable, was not
guarded with equal strength and vigilance : thither, therefore,
he proceeded, and landed without opposition : he met with Mr.
Tryon, late governor of New-York, and other loyalists, who
informed him of the disposition of the province, and strength
of the enemy. From the accsuhts which he received of the
provincial force, he found that it would be ' impracticable to
commence hostilities until the armament from England should
arrive. It was the 14th of July before lord Howe reached
Staten Island : the troops that were conveyed in the fleet con
sisted of twenty regiments of foot, and a regiment of light dra
goons, and also the Hessian auxiliaries : so re-enforced, the
-British army amounted to near thirty thousand men. The
commanders possessed high characters, and had distinguished
themselves in subordinate stations of trust and importance in
the former war. The naval officer had, in the year 1758, on
the coast of France, laid the foundation of a fame which was
increased during subsequent services: the military gentleman
was the distinguished favourite of general Wolfe, led the body
which first seizedjthe heights of Abraham,1 and afterwards sup
ported and advanced the estimation in which he was held. It
was true, he never had an opportunity of signalizing himself as
a general, except at Bunker's hill ; and having acted there under
the command ofanothpr, he merely proved, as before, that he
was an active and intrepid soldier : but from his conduct in se
condary situations, he was very naturally allowed creditfor abili
ties which could fill up the first with equal propriety. From their
i See this volume, p. 12'4.
Vol.. I. 80

474 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, near relation, no doubt was entertained that there would be
XVH- the utmost harmony between the general and admiral ; and the
l^~>r>*-' appointment of lord Howe and sir William to the chief com-
1776. manil 0f the naval and military operations, afforded general sa
tisfaction in England, and the most sanguine expectations were
entertained of their success. It must be acknowledged, that
their hopes were not without apparently probable grounds.
The American army did not exceed twenty thousand,1 raw and
undisciplined,3 to oppose thirty thousand veterans. These
were unprovided with the various accommodations and even ne
cessaries of a military life, whereas the British forces were
abundantly supplied with every article that could be useful in
warfare.
Pacific Besides their military powers, the general and admiral were
overtures appointed, under the late act of parliament, the commissioners
of the Bn- for restoring peace to the colonies, and for granting pardon to
wanders! suc'1 as should deserve the royal mercy. Before they commenc
ed hostile operations, they tried pacific proposals ; and their
first act was a circular letter from lord Howe to the late govern
ors of the several provinces, acquainting them with the power
which was intrusted to his brother, and accompanied with a
declaration to the public to a similar effect. His lordship, at
the same time, sent a letter to the American general, addressed
to George Washington, esq. which that commander refused to
receive, as it did not describe the rank that he held under the
United States.8 On the 20th of* August, general Howe sent his
adjutant general, Patterson, with a letter addressed to George
Washington, &c. &c. &c. The general received them with
great politeness, but absolutely declined to accept an official
letter without an address naming his office. A conference,
however, ensued, in which nothing effectual was done. Gene
ral Washington said, the power of the commissioners appeared
to be no more than to grant pardons : they were only defending
what they deemed their indisputable right, had committed no
fault, and therefore wanted no pardon. Doctor Franklin had
for many years resided in England as agent for the colonies of
Massachusetts and Pennsylvania; he was lately returned to
America, and being a member of the congress, possessed very
freat influence. Lord Howe addressed a letter to him soon after
is arrival at Staten Island ; therein stated the nature of his
commission, expressed his hopes that America would unite with
the British in dispositions for peace, and requested the assist
ance of Doctor Franklin to effect this purpose. Franklin re-
1 See Stedman.
' See general Washington's letter to Mr. Lund Washington.
3 This conduct was highly applauded by the congress, which passed a
resolution, directing, that for the future no commander in their service
should receive any letters or message from the enemy which did not ac
knowledge in its address their official character.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 475
plied, by informing his lordship, that preparatory to any proposi- CHAP.
tions of amity or peace, it would be required that Britain should XVH.
acknowledge the independence of America, defray the expenses v^^'^^
of t,he war, and indemnify the colonies for burning their towns. I776-
A correspondence also took place between lord Howe and lord
Drummond, which the latter communicated togeneral Washing
ton; but it was equally unavailing-, the same arguments being are reject.
used on the side of Britain, met with the same objections on the ed-
side of America.
These overtures of Britain being unavailing, and the re-en- The Bri-
forcements being now arrived, the British commanders opened *IS^ f<-£ces
the campaign on the 22d of August, a very late season, especial- gel(j
ly in a country in which winter sets in soon and severely ; but
as it evidently arose from the tardiness with which troops arriv
ed from Europe, the delay was not imputable to the commanders
in America. The British forces began with an attempt to re
duce Long Island ; and a division of four thousand men,
crossing from Staten Island, under cover of three frigates and
two bomb-ketches, landed there without resistance in Graves-
end Bay, adjoining the strait that separates the two islands.
The detachment having effected its purpose, the rest of the
army without difficulty effected their landing. The Americans
were posted near Red-Hook, almost opposite to New- York,
commanded by general Putnam. The road from Gravesend
to Red Hook lay across Flatbush, a woody tract of land, be
hind which a ridge of hills arise. General Putnam had sent a
great body of troops to seize the defiles which led through
those eminences. Lord Cornwallis advanced towards the
pass, but finding it already seized by the enemy, in conformity
to orders which he had received, he refrained from an attack.
Major-general Grant commanded the left wing that extended Battle of
to the coast. The Hessians under general De Heister com- Long Isl-
posing the centre, advanced to Flatbush, while the com-anii~
mander in chief, with the greater part of the British forces,
marched to the right over Flatland. General Clinton and
sir William Erskine having reconnoitred the position of the
enemy, and finding also that their attention was chiefly di
rected towards the Hessians, reported to general Howe, that
they thought it would not be difficult to turn the left flank of
the provincials, and thereby force them either to hazard a battle,
or abandon the hills. Thinking the proposal practicable, the
general consented. It was concerted, that to favour the design
of the right wing, the attack should be begun by general Grant
and the Hessians on the left and centre. Farther to draw off
the attention of the enemy from the principal movement, the
king's ships stationed to the right of them moved towards the
town, so as to make them conceive New- York to be the imme
diate object.
On the 26th of August, at nine o'clock in the evening,
general Clinton, lord Cornwallis, and lord Percy, advanced

4f6 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, with part of the troops, and general Howe himself brought
XV11> forward the rest of that division. At nine in the morning, the
*^r>*-' British passed the heights ; general Clinton turned the left of
I776' the enemy, and crossed to Bedford, while Grant and De Heister
attacked the right and the centre. On the side of Flatbush,
the Americans made a vigorous resistance ; but their left wing,
finding itself attacked both on flank and rear, was thrown info
The Ame- confusion, and fled iu all directions. The centre and right of
licans are the provincials, hearing of this total rout of the left, suddenly
defeated j retreated in disorder ; about two thousand of the enemy were
killed, and one thousand taken prisoners. Among the captured
were, generals Sulliyan, Udell, and lord Stirling: about three
hundred British were killed and wounded. Of the slain were,
lieutenant-colonel Grant and sir Alexander -Murray, both of
ficers of great merit ; the latter a young Scottish baronet1 of
independent fortune, who leaving the comforts Qf* ease and
affluence for hardship and danger*, earned a premature, but
glorious death in the service of his king and country. General
Washington had been at New-York, when the engagement be
gan ; hearing that a battle had commenced, he hastened over
to the assistance of his countrymen ; but, when he arrived, he
found his troops involved in difficulties by the stratagem of the
enemy. On seeing their situation, he did not doubt but they
would be entirely destroyed, as be conceived general Howe
would certainly attack, and as certainly force, the American
lines. Many of the British officers and soldiers were of the
same opinion. Confident, however, that they must be reduced
by regular approaches, without risking the loss that might be
sustained by an assualt, the general declined the attempt. On
the evening of the 27th, the British army opened the intrench
ments before the American lines : the provincials finding it im
possible to maintain their post in Long Island, on the 29th
but es- evacuated their encampment, and general Washington executed
cape. the retreat with great ability ; his troops were withdrawn from
the camp and the different- works, and with the baggage,
stores, and part of the artillery, were conveyed to the water
side, they embarked, and passed over a long ferry to New-
York with such wonderful silence and order, that the British
army did not perceive the least motion, and were surprised in
the morning at finding the lines abandoned, and seeing the
last of the rear guard in their boats and out of danger. To
do full justice to this masterly retreat, it must be considered
that they had been driven to the corner of an island where
they were inclosed in a space of two square miles, with near
twenty thousand well disciplined troops in front ; and in the
rear, an arm of the sea a mile wide, which could not be crossed
but in several embarkations. Notwithstanding these obstacles,
the provincials did not lose a single man, and carried off the
' Representative of the family of Balmano in Perthshire.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 477*
f reater part of their provisions, ammunition, and artillery. CHAP.
lilitary critics were of opinion, that sir William Howe might XVH-
have forced their lines on the day of the battle ; and, since he v"^v"*""
chose the more gradual operation of a siege, and must have *776-
known that from their reduced force it was their interest to
withdraw, he might have divined it to be their wish ; therefore,
it was to be expected that he would have been so vigilant as to
render their retreat impracticable; and such a prevention
would have been by no means difficult, because the sea
between Red Hook and New-York is deep enough for a
seventy-four gun-ship to anchor, and he might have easily
stationed frigates which would have commanded the passage',
and prevented their escape.* The boats which had brought
them from New-York to Long Island, had lain on the Long
Island shore three days after their defeat, in readiness to carry
them over to New- York. These, it is affirmed, might have
been easily destroyed by the British ; but they did not experi
ence the smallest annoyance.
Possessed of Long Island, the English army had the com
mand of New-York, and made preparations for a descent upon
the island:, two brigades of Hessians, and one British being
left at Bedford, the rest of the army was posted at Newtown,
Hellgate, Bushwick, and Flushing. On the west side of Long;
Island, opposite to Horan's Hook, where the enemy had
thrown up strong works, two batteries were erected.3 This
work commanded Hellgate, a passage between the islands of
Buchanan, Montresor, and the Two Brothers, into the sound
which separates Long Island from New- York and the Con
necticut shore. The English batteries, in a short time, not
only silenced'; the fire of the enemy from the work, but broke it
up entirely, and rendered it' utterly indefensible.
While these preparations* were going on, the British com- Second
manders again, made overtures for peace. General Sullivan overtures
was dimissed on his parole, and despatched to Philadelphia, j^?™01'
to submit to the congress, some propositions, whereby lord
Howe expressed a wish to confer with several moderate mem
bers, not as -deputies from an independent state, but private
gentlemen of influence in the colonies, that in these conferences
they might adjust preliminaries fop an accommodation of dif
ferences: he strongly insisted, that this was a favourable* crisis,
as neither party were reduced to a state of humiliation, so as te
preclude discussion and modification of terms. The congress
replied, that they could not send their members to confer with
him as private gentlemen, but they would depute a committee
to learn whether his lordship was authorized to treat with per
sons appointed by congress: if that were the case, the commit
tee would receive such proposals ; and accordingly doctor
Benjamin Franklin, Messrs. John Adams, and Edward Rutledge,
' See Stedman. •> Stedman, vol. i. p. 199.

478 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, were the committee appointed to confer with lord Howe on this
XVIL subject. Howe still adhered to the contents of the message
s^"v>*' which he sent by general Sullivan:, the committee informed
I776- him that they could not, nor should not, act but as deputies
from the congress ; nevertheless they were desirous of hearing
what proposals he had to make. His lordship told them, that
the king and government of Great Britain anxiously wished to
finish the dissentions between Britain and the colonies. To ac
complish this desirable end, the obnoxious acts should be revi
sed, and every just cause of complaint removed, if America
would declare her willingness to submit to the authority of Bri
tain. The committee replied, . that an acknowledgment of
British superiority could not now be expected : petitions, his-
lordship must remember, had been presented by the colonies to
the king and parliament, but had been disregarded and despis
ed ; America had not separated herself from Britain, but
Britain from America. The colonies had not declared them
selves independent, till the parent country had declared war:
the subjects had not renounced allegiance, until the sovereign
had withdrawn protection: even were the congress willing to
replace America in the situation which she held in: 1763, that
body was not competent to execute such intentions : inde
pendence was declared in consequence of the collective voice of
the people, by whom alone it could be annulled : but though
the Americans did not desire to return under the dominion of
England, they were willing to enter into any. treaty which might
be advantageous to both. From this answer, lord Howe, see
ing that America was determined to persist in independence,
put an end to the conference. He soon after published a de
claration to the people of America, in which he offered pardon
and protection to all who should return to their former submis
sion and obedience; and -acquainted , them, that it was his ma
jesty's intention to consent to the revisal of such acts as might
aggrieve his subjects. The proclamation, however, produced
very little effect; the concession was too late, and the sword
only could decide the contest.
The two armies were divided by the East river, about thir
teen hundred yards in breadth; and, after a long and severe
cannonade, it was resolved, that the first division of the army,
should, on the 15th of September, enter the island of New-
York. Accordingly, commanded by general Clinton, lord
Cornwallis, major-general Vaughan, brigadier-general Leslie,
and the Hessian colonel Donop, they embarked at the head of
Newtown-bay, which deeply indents Long Island, and where
they were out of sight of the enemy. Being covered by
five ships of war, on their entrance into the river they pro
ceeded to Kipp's Bay, about three miles north of New- York ;
where, being less expected than in some other places, the pre
paration for defence was not so great: the, works, however,
were neither feeble nor destitute of troops, but the fire from

REIGN OF GEORGE ill. 479
the ships was so incessant and so well conducted, that they CHAP.
were soon abandoned, and the army landed-without opposition. xyH.
The enemy immediately abandoned the city of New- York, andv-*~^s-'
all their posts on the south part of the island, and retired 1776-
towards the north, where their strength chiefly lay. The^"reof
Americans had resolved, if ¦ the English obtained possession of York.
New- York, previous to the evacuation to set it on fire ; but they
were obliged to leave it too quickly to carry their designs into
execution. Some, incendiaries, however, secreted themselves in The town
deserted houses, and contrived to set fire to the town in several j? seJ;onh
places. On the morning of the 21st of September, about a Armer{.
third part of the town was destroyed ; and it was owing to the cans. ',
extraordinary exertion of the soldiers, that the whole was not
consumed. The general had fortified Kingsbridge, in order to secure a
retreat ; antl the works on both sides of the passage were so
strong, that they appeared to defy all attempts on either. At
Kingsbrjdge, ten thousand of the Americans were posted, and
six thousand five hundred at Heerlem, near NeW-York. The
whole force was so advantageously disposed, as to render an
attack dangerous from New- York. General Howe, finding he
could make no impression on them in that quarter, resolved to
attack them from another ; he" proposed to move a great part
of his army to the continent behind Kingsbridge, in the rear of
the enemy, on the side whence they. derived their provision;
but to retain possession of New-Yoi k by a strong garrison, pro
tected in front by a chain of redoubts, and in the rear and on
both the sides by the fleet. This manoeuvre would compel the
provincials either to hazard a battle, or be confined in New-
York island, cut off by the army or fleet from every supply of
provisions, the ships guarding the passage from the Jerseys,
while the troops possessed the country adjoining Kingsbridge.
On the 12th of October, general Howe embarked his troops,
crossed over to the continent towards Connecticut, and landed
on Frog's Neck, near West Chester : here he was obliged to
wait five days for stores from Staten Island ; and on the 18th,
receiving information that Pell's Point would be a more conve
nient place for landing, the British re-embarked, and came
ashore at the mouth qF Hutchinson's river, whence they, ad
vanced up the country. • Extending from East Chester to New-
Rochclle, there are two roads to Connecticut, the lower near
the sea, the upper through high grounds called the White
Plains. The lower route was, by their last movement, in pos
session of his majesty's troops ; and they now prepared to
seize the higher. Meanwhile general Washington discovered
that if he remained in his present position, he would be obliged
to hazard a general battle, which might be in its event decisive
ly fatal to the colonies, as there could be no possibility of a re
treat. His army was originally inferior in force and discipline
to the royal host; and now reduced by recent defeat and sick-

480 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP.* ness, it was still more dispirited : from the same causes, great
XVU- animosities prevailed between the troops of the northern and
s^>r>*' the southern colonies. As victory was little to be expected in
I776- such circumstances, it was Washington^ object to avoid a battle
if possible ; but if an engagement was inevitable, to change his
ground, that he might have the greater probability of securing a
retreat. Leaving therefore New-York island, he posted his ar
my, about seventeen thousand in number, near Kingsbridge, and
occupied the ground from thence to White Plains, having the
river Brunx in front, and detached eight thousand men to occu
py the eastern bank; on the 26th, crossing with his whole army,
he occupied a very strong position.
On the 28th of October, the royal army, which consisted
of thirteen thousand men leaving its encampment, advanced
in two columns ; general Clinton commanding the right, gene
ral De Heister the left. They found the Americans encamp
ed on a long ridge of hill, on the brow of which they had
hastily constructed lines. A bend of the Brunx protected the
right flank, and another turning surrounded the rear of the
right wing. The left wing was posted on uneven ground,
steep and rugged in front, but affording a secure retreat in the
rear. The most accessible part was the centre, the slope of
the hill being there gradual, the lines not fraised, and the
ditches, from the rockiness of the soil and the shortness of the
time, necessarily shallow. A body of provincials posted on the
other side of the Brunx, commanded a ford opposite to the
One part right flank. General Howe, informed of the position of this
of the detachment and judging that it was stationed there to cover
American the right flank, sent a body of troops across the river, with a
defeated. *'cw *a dislodge fre enemy from their rising ground, gall the
flank which would be thus left defenceless, and thereby facili
tate the operations in front of the camp. The troops sent
upon that service under general Leslie and colonel Donop, con
sisting both of British and Hessians, vied with each other in
courage and expedition, .passed the ford in* the face of the
enemy's fire, formed on the bank, marched with alacrity and
vigour up the hill, charged the enemy with their bayonets,
and drove them from their works. General Howe, in the mean
tinje, made no attempt to attack the enemy's lines, or to force
their* main body to battle. During the night, the provincials
drew back their encampment, and thereby strengthened their
intrenchments; whereupon the British commander thought it
unwise to make a general assault until some fresh troops should
arrive from York island. On the 30th, the expected re-en
forcement came, and the general professed an intention of at
tacking* the camp next morning. A heavy rain having fallen
during the night, he judged the ground too slippery on so steep
a hill for being attempted, therefore that day the assault was
the main deferred; The succeeding night the provincials evacuated
body es- their camp, and retired back into the country ; after having
capes. r ' ' °

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 481
in their retreat set fire to all the houses on "White Plaifts, CHAP.
they took possession of the high ground towards North Castle. XV,L
General Howe, conceiving the enemy could not be drawn <-^v>*6'
to an engagement, judged it expedient to pursue them ho I776-
farther, and employed himself in reducing Kingsbridge and
Fort Washington, that he might be master of the whole of
Ne-^-York island. The last of these posts was very important,
as it secured an immediate intercourse with the Jersey shore,
and commanded the navigation of the North river. Sensible
of the value of this place, the provincials had garrisoned it
with three thousand men, commanded by colonel MagaW. -
On the 15th of November, the fort was summoned to surrender ;
but the commander answered that he would defend it to the last
extremity : it was therefore resolved to attempt a storm. Next
morning the royalists made an assault in four divisions; the
first, consisting of Hessians was conducted by general Knyp-
hauseti, on the north side of the three others, being British
troops ; the second was led by general Matthew, supported
and covered by lord Cornwallis ; the third was conducted by
colonel Sterling; and the forty-second regiment, the last, by
lord Percy. The Hessians were obliged to pass through a
wood in which the enemy were very advantageously posted ; Battle and
a hot engagement taking place in the ascent of a hill, they capture of
made their way throUgh the thicket, and climbed to the top S?rth-
of an eminence. The other divisions were equally active and ton,
successful ; the royal Highlanders particularly distinguished
themselves : before they landed from the continent, they were
exposed to a heavy fire from the American batteries ; and
these continued to play upon them as they were ascending
a steep hill. The heroes bore all with firmness and persever
ance, gained the summit, and after an obstinate resistance,
took one hundred and seventy prisoners : the enemy, unable to
resist any longer, surrendered at discretion. By the capture
of Fort Washington, and the surrender of Kingsbridge which
followed soon after, the British troops were in possession not
ohly of New- York and the adjacent islands, but also of an easy
access either to New-England or the Jerseys. Thus situated, General
general Howe planned two expeditions, one under lord Corn-Howe
wallis to the Jerseys, another under sir Henry Clinton to ^ched ex-
Rhode Island. General Clinton and sir Peter Parker com- peditions."
manded an expedition to Rhode Island : the provincials aban- Invasion
doned it at their approach, and they took possession of the pro- and reduc-
vince, which was deemed a very advantageous acquisition, since ?'?'
it had been a great rendezvous for privateers, that had captured island..
a considerable number of British ships. On the $8th of No- Rapid suc-
vember, lord Cornwallis crossed over to the Jersey shore with cess of
about five thousand men, and landed eight miles above Fort p°Mwallis
Lee; when they had almost Surprised the garrison, and made^" e
the enemies prisoners of war; but a deserter informing the
Americans of the approach of the king's troops, they eyacu-
Voi.. I- 61

482 HISTORY OF THK
CHAP. ated the fort with great expedition, leaving to the British their
XVIL provisions and artillery. His lordship now penetrated into
<*^>r>^ East and West Jersey, and took possession of the principal
I776- towns as far as Brunswick. The American troops fled before
him in the greatest dismay. In this career of success and
pursuit, he was arrested by an order from the commandeF in
chief, to prevent him from advancing farther. From the con
sternation of the provincial forces in the Jerseys, it was the
general opinion of military men, that if lord Cornwallis had
been permitted to proceed, he would have taken Philadel
phia. General Washington commanded the troops in the Jerseys
and on the Delaware ; Lee was intrusted with a body of for
ces in the province of New-York, and having conceived Wash
ington's situation to be dangerous, resolved to cross the North
river, and form a junction with him, as they marched west-
Capture of wards towards the Delaware. On the 13th of December he
general quitted his camp, in order to reconnoitre the enemy; in the
course of this employment, being about three miles distant
from his army, he stopt at a house to breakfast. General
Howe had despatched colonel Harcourt to obtain intelligence
concerning general Lee's route and motions. Having traced
him as he advanced, he determined still longer to watch his
progress. In the course of this service, he intercepted a coun
tryman carrying a letter from general Lee, by which he found
where he was ; learning also that he was slightly guarded, he
projected to carry him off, and galloping with his party to the
place where Lee had halted, took effectual means to prevent
his escape, forced open the doors, made him a prisoner, and con
veyed him to the commander in chief at New-York. The Ame
ricans severely felt the loss of this general, who possessed great
abilities and very extensive knowledge; he had formerly been
a lieutenant-colonel in the British service, had served with re
putation in the seven years war both in America and Portugal,
and was highly esteemed for his military conduct. A restless
disposition, and a fortune which enabled him to gratify his in
clinations, had induced him after the peace to travel : he tra
versed most of the continent of Europe, visited the various
courts, and was well acquainted with the respective govern
ments, customs, manners, and languages of the several nations.
Being disgusted by some persons in the British administration,
he, on the first disturbances in America, crossed the Atlantic,
and offered his services to the congress. His proposals were
. received with joy, and he was appointed major-general. By
his talents^ictivity, and skill, he had been eminently useful in
disciplining the American troops, and greatly contributed to
support the provincial cause. This able man was by no means
without his defects ; he disbelieved and ridiculed revealed and
even natural religion, was loose in his moral principles, and pro
fligate in his character : his very efforts in the service of the

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 483
eolouies arose from unworthy motives; because he conceived CHAP.
some ground of displeasure against persons employed under the XVI1-
British government, he made war against his king and native v^~"'"s-'
eountry. There being no British officer of equal rank a prisoner 1776.
with the Americans, general Washington offered six field offi
cers in exchange for Lee ; but general Howe answered, that he
was a deserter from the British service, and therefore could not
be considered as a prisoner of war. Washington contended,
that having resigned his commission before he accepted of a
command in the provincial service, the general was not a deser
ter. Howe adhered to his resolution, and would not release
him, but kept him a close prisoner. This rigorous conduct pro
duced retaliation on the other side: colonel Campbell, who had
been before treated as befitted his condition, was the first who
experienced disagreeable effects, owing to the British treatment
of Lee ; he was now confined in a dungeon, and the other offi
cers, though not handled with such severity, underwent very
great hardships.
The affairs of the provincials appeared now to be in a de- Conster-
sperate situation : by the orders of the general to lord Corn- nation of
wallis, they had been suffered to cross the Delaware ; but no the Ame"
doubt was entertained that, as soon as the river was frozen over,
not only a detachment, but the whole army under Howe him
self, would advance in pursuit of the discomfited and flying
enemy, proceed to Philadelphia, and for so important an ob- They ex-
ject, and with such probability of complete success, brave all pectgeng.
the hazards and hardships of a winter campaign. The sol- ™ JhnWe
diers were quite disheartened ; the panic extended itself to the delpbia
civil departments: the governor, council, assembly, and ma
gistracy of New-Jersey deserted their province ; their breth
ren of Philadelphia dispersed; and the congress expecting the
speedy arrival of the British army, fled to Maryland. Three
of the principal citizens, in the name of the rest, declared their
resolution to entreat the protection of general Howe. The
chief city of North America, the seat of the new government,
appeared ready to submit, if the British army should advance.
Alarmed at these dangers, congress did hot, however, despair ; Firmness
they proceeded not only to repair their actual losses, but to re- of the con-
move the causes. Their soldiers had only been enlisted for a fF^-
year; they now ordained that they should be levied for three
years, or during the continuance of the war. The army was
to consist of eighty-eight battallions, to be furnished and main
tained by the respective colonies in a certain proportion, ac
cording to the ascertained ability of each. Liberal offers
were made of bounties and of pay, as an inducement to men to
enlist ; and an allotment of lands at the end of the war was
promised to all who survived, or to the families of those who
fell. They also published an appeal to the Amecicaij pepple, They -^p-
to remind them of their assurances of protection and support; Pealtothe
they recapitulated the various grievances which they had sopeope'

484 CHAP. XVII.

1776.

Howe re
tires into
winter
quarters.

The Ame
ricans are
animated
to offen
sive ope
rations.

HISTORY OF THE
often stated, and the rejection of all their applications for re
dress: nothing but unconditional submission would satisfy their
enemies; the only alternatives were resistance or slavery —
which of the two were free-born brave men to choose? The suc
cess of the British arms, they alleged, had been greatly exagge
rated, and cost very dear. They assured them of the assistance
qf foreign powers, and exhorted them to firm reliance and resist
ance ; to prepare for a vigorous defence of their liberties, pro
perties, and every object which could be dear to man. The ap
peal had the desired effect, it revived the spirits of the people,
and stimulated the most astonishing efforts to procure re-enforce
ments for the army.
With the zeal qf the Americans, the wisdom and ability of
their general most powerfully co-operated, not without being
seconded by some unfortunate circumstances in the army of
Britain. To the surprise of both friends and enemies, general
Howe did not attempt to prosecute the success of his detach
ment, but retired into winter quarters. He so cantoned his
troops that they could not easily be condensed, should a sud
den occasion require them to act in concert; bodies of Hes
sians were quartered at Trenton and Bordenton, near the
Delaware, and from knowing the reduced situation of the ene
my, had given way to great laxity of discipline. Without be
ing restrained by -their officers, or by the commander in chief,
they ravaged, plundered, and in short exercised every cruelty
which could be expected from mercenary hirelings, who fought
without sentiment or principle, merely as the instruments of a
petty tyrant whose ways and means were the blood of his sub
jects. They revelled in the proceeds of rapine, and gave way
to excesses so natural to men, who by indigence are usually
debarred from the comforts of life, when they happen to obtain
temporary abundance. New-Jersey became a scene of robbe
ry, disorder, and licentiousness. The Americans, while they1
dreaded the force, and abhorred the cruelties of Hessians,
contemned their slavish submission to the most sordid despot
ism. Washington, perfectly informed of the Hessian laxity, pro
jected to surprise their detachments at Trenton, and know
ing the detestation and resentment with which his countrymen
regarded men whom they considered as hirelings, purchased
to butcher those who had done them no injury, encouraged them
with the hopes of punishing those hated enemies be?ore they
should be aware of their danger. In order to prevent the di
vision at Bordenton from affording any assistance to their coun
trymen at Trenton, he despatched a body of four hundred and
fifty militia very lightly aceoutred and armed to Mount Holly,
in sight of the Hessian post, with orders not to fight, but to
fly as soon as they had provoked their enemies to advance, and
draw them to as great a distance as possible. T'le stratagem
was successful : colonel Donop, who commanded that canton
ment of Hessians, with the whole of his party, except eighty

REIGN OP GEORGE III. , 485
men left at the quarters, had proceeded twelve miles from his CHAP.
own station, and eighteen from Trenton. General Washing- XVH-
ton discerned tliat his absence was the fit moment for enterprise, *»*'v",w
and embraced the opportunity. He passed the Delaware, al- 1776.
ready almost frozen over, byforcing the boats through the ice, f^1^®.
during the night after Christmas ; and by day-break on the 26th, s-ians at "
surrounded the Hessian cantonment. The Germans were Trenton.
thrown into the greatest astonishment and confusion, and be
fore they could be called to arms, Washington galled them
with a heayy fire. Rhalle, the Hessian commander, assembled
a considerable number of his troops, and was beginning to
charge the enemy with great courage, when he received a' mor
tal wound, on which his soldiers refused to continue the battle,
aad surrendered themselves prisoners of war. The number Conquest,
of killed and wounded was considerable, but the prisoners andeffects
amounted to nearly a thousand. This success proved very ad- °ess-IS suc*
vantageous to the American cause, as it revived the spirits of
the soldiers, and co-operated with the address of the congress; to
encourage and stimulate the people. The Amerieans had parti
cularly dreaded the Hessians, on account of their known warlike
discipline ; but from seeing so many of them taken prisoners,
their fears greatly decreased. The general and congress, with
great judgment, paraded the prisoners through the streets of
Philadelphia and other populous places, and thus promoted
in the people a disposition to enlist. Notwithstanding this ad
vantage, -general Washington did not choose to encamp on the
east side of the Delaware ; he had not the smallest doubt tiiat
with such a superior force as he possessed, general Howe would
re-occupy the posts in Jersey, and even cross the Delaware.
Instead, however, of attempting to regain the position which
was thus lost, the general directed colonel Dooop to abandon
his situation, and retire to Princeton. Washington, encouraged
by movements sp very different from what he apprehended,
again crossed the river, and marched to Trenton at the head
of four thousand men. It was now believed that general Howe
would have taken the field immediately, but these expectations
proved -unfounded. Instead of marching with the main army,
he sent lord Cornwallis to take command of the detachment in
Jersey, while he himself remained quiet at New- York. Lord
Cornwallis no sooner arrived, than he marched to attack the
enemy at Trenton. General Washington's object was to fatigue,
harass, and distress the king's troops, without hazarding a battle.
On the approach of the British detachment, therefore, he re
tired from the town, posted himself on some high grounds in
the neighbourhood, and there seemed resolved to wait the assault
of the enemy. Lord Cornwallis determined to force the post
of the enemy; but the next morning, Washington, leaving his
fires burning, and piquets advanced, retreated in profound si*-
Jence ; and taking a circuitous route, inarched with a design
to surprise a British detachment at Princeton, consisting of the

486 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, seventeenth, fortieth, and fifty-fifth regiments, under lieutenant-
XVH. colonel Mawhood. This corps was preparing to follow lord
<"^v"^"; Cornwallis, when Washington made his appearance about sun-
l776- rise. Mawhood immediately concluded that the American ge
neral was retreating from lord Cornwallis, and that by obstructing
his march he might afford the British troops from Trenton time
to arrive. A foggy morning, and thick woods, "prevented him
from discovering the number of the enemy: under these mis
takes he resolved to hazard an action ; the fortieth regiment,
which had not been included in the orders to march, was behind
at Princeton ; and to that corps -he sent immediate orders to
Gallant join his party. Meanwhile the battle began, and a heavy dis-
action of charge of British artillery did considerable execution ; the se-
Mawhood. vent;eentt) regiment rushed forwards with fixed bayonets, and
a dreadful slaughter ensued. The fifty-fifth and fortieth were
not sufficiently advanced to support their fellow soldiers. Se
veral, by their ardour, severed from the rest of the detachment ;
the seventeenth, notwithstanding the great superiority of num
bers, cut their way through the enemy, and retreated to Bruns
wick with a loss of near one half of their number. The exploit of
the seventeenth, just recorded, was considered as one of the
most gallant achievements during the war. The field officers
being all absent, captain Scott, who led the regiment, received
just and very high applause for his conduct; the loss of the
Americans, from the valour of that corps, was very considera
ble. Lord Cornwallis, discovering the retreat of the enemy,
hastened to pursue them ; but Washington, though he kept so
near the British troops as to give them full employment, did not
hazard an engagement. The troops of Cornwallis being broken
with the toilsome warfare, he was obliged to retire to Bruns
wick to refresh his corps, and wait for the arrival of assistance
from the commander in chief. Washington, meanwhile, over
ran Jersey, seized the. principal towns, and secured the posts on
the Delaware, by which means he commanded.an easy passage
for himself whenever it should be expedient to recross that
river. The conduct and event of these winter operations proved
very different from what the friends of Britain expected, and
the provincials apprehended. It was conceived, that the gene
ral would have acted at the head of his whole combined army,
instead of remaining unemployed himself, and parcelling his
troops out in a great number of detachments. If, instead of
preserving his force concentrated, and pressing forward on the
enemy with its whole impulse, they must be spread into such a
number of cantonments, it was thought the posts next to the
enemy ought to have been the strongest, whereas they were
the weakest. The Americans, with reason, dreaded that they
would be overwhelmed by the British, army ; directed by the
conduct, and encouraged by the example of its commander in
chief to activity and enterprise, but they found they had only

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 487
to' contend with partial detachments, while the main force and CHAP.
the general himself were stationary and inactive. The army of xvn.
Washington did not amount to seven thousand militia, the army s^^r>*^
of general Howe to twenty-eight thousand disciplined troops : I776-
during six months, from the middle of this winter to the middle
of the following summer, Washington remained upon the Dela
ware, within thirty miles of the British head-quarters, without
any attempts to dislodge him from his posts, or to proceed to the
great object of the war.
The plan of the campaign under general Carleton was, as we Opera-
have seen, to drive the enemy from Canada, and afterwards pro- Sanson
ceed by the lakes to the northwestern parts of the province of thelake?
New-York, that he might co-operate with the main army, and
have it in his power to invade either the northern or middle co
lonies as occasion might require ; that thus they could separate
the southern from the northern provinces, enclose New- York
between the two armies, and thereby compel those provincials
to surrender at discretion. We left the British generals at the
capture of fort St. John's in the end of June ; there an arma
ment was prepared for crossing lake Champlain, in order to be
siege Crown Point, and Ticonderoga. The Americans had a,
considerable fleet on lake Champlain, whereas the British had
not a single vessel. It was necessary, in order to gain a supe
riority, to prepare thirty fishing sloops, and to equip them with
cannon. The general used every effort to procure the requi
site naval force : the largest of the vessels were brought from
England, aud were afterwards obliged to be taken in pieces
and re-constructed, in order to answer their purpose upon the
lake. It was necessary also to transport over land, and drag
up the rapid current of St. Therese and St. John's, with thirty
long boats, a great number of flat boats of great burthen, a gon
dola weighing thirty tons, and about four hundred batteaux.
Notwithstanding the difficulty of the undertaking, and the
complexity of the labour and impediments, such was the ar
dour and activity of the British troops that it was finished in
three months. By this time however, the season was far
advanced ; not only lake Champlain and lake George were to
be encountered, and an unknown force on each subdued, and
Crown Point andJ Ticonderoga captured; but, after these diffi
culties were overcome, a wild and desolate country covered
with intricate forests, indented with swamps and morasses, was
to be pervaded, in order to arrive at Albany, and open a com
munication with general Howe. October was begun before
the fleet was ready to oppose the Americans on lake* Cham
plain : the naval force consisted of the Inflexible, which was
re-constructed at St. John's in twenty-eight days, and mounted
eighteen twelve-pounders ; one schooner mounting fourteen,
and another twelve six-pounders ; a flat bottomed batteau, car
rying six twenty-four, and the same number of twelve-pounders,
besides howitzers ; and a gondola, with seven nine-pounders ;

488

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP. xvn.

1776.

CrownPoint is
taken,

but eva
cuated.

twenty gun boats, carrying either field-pieces, or howitzers,
were 'furnished in the same manber. There was besides a
great number of large bdats for transporting the triJbps, provi
sions, Stores, and other necessaries.1 The American force was
by no means equal to the British : they had made the most skil
ful use of their materials, but they wanted timber and artillery :
their fleet amounted to fifteen vessels, commanded by Arnold.
On the llth of October, the British fleet, conducted by captain
Pringle, and under the general direction of Carleton, discover
ed the armament of the enemy posted to defend the passage
between the island of Valicour and the western main. An cii-
fagement commenced, and continued on both sides for several
ours with great intrepidity ; the unfavourableness of the wind
prevented the chief ships of the British from taking a share in
the fight. Night approaching, it was thought prudent to dis
continue the action ; they were accordingly withdrawn, but not
before the strongest of the enemy's ships was run aground, and
one of their gondolas sunk. Arnold, sensible of the insufficien
cy of his strength, retreated during tbe riigbt: the British fleet
pursued them the next day, and the day following; and the
wind being favourable for bringing all the ships into action,
overtook tnem a few leagues from Crown Point. The Ameri
can commander, unable to avoid an engagement, made the best
disposition which his force permitted ; about noon the battle
began, and continued with great fury for two hours ; but at
length the superior force and skill of the British prevailed.
The provincials burnt several of the ships, to prevent them
falling into the hands of the English. On the 15th of Oc
tober the British fleet anchored off Crown Point, and the en
emy retired to Ticonderoga. General Carleton remained at
Grown Point till the third of November; and as the winter
was commencing, he did not think it advisable to beseige Ti
conderoga. Some of his officers wished the attempt to have
been made immediately On his arrival at Crown Point. The
distance was only fifteen miles, and the garrison1, they conceiv
ed would not hold out ten days against the British force. Ge
neral Carleton, however, thought the capture of that place
might be attended with considerable loss, while the benefit aris
ing from it would be immaterial during the current campaign,
because so late in the season they could not think of entering
upon lake George, and proceeding to Albany. From the diffi
culty of subsistence, a garrison coald not easily be maintained
during the winter; and thus, though taken, it would be neces
sary to evacuate it again, and leatve it to the enemy. Though
these arguments did not convince the other officers, yet they
determined general Carleton to re-embark the army, and re
turn to St. John's ; whence he distributed his army into winter
quarters.

1 See Gazettes.

REIGN OF GEORGE IU. 489
Thus of the three great objects of the campaign of 1776, the CHAp.
southern expedition totally failed, and the other two were but XV1L
partially obtained. The Canadian armament achieved only the ^~v~,w
reduction of Crown Point: general Howe acquired possession of r1776\
Long Island, and New-York, with part of the Jerseys. His ope- ^suR of
rations had very little impaired the resources of the enemy; on the cam-
the other hand, by allowing them to gain unexpected ad van ta- paign.
ges, he had animated hope, inspirited courage, promoted firmness
and unanimity, and afforded them a fair prospect of ultimate
success. During this year the American privateers were 'extremely ac-Depreda-
tive and successful. The West India islands, as had been pre- tions ?f
dieted, were in great distress by the interclusion of commerce A™ericiu»
with America. The most essential necessaries of life, especial- t^s"
ly Indian corn, the principal food of the negroes and of the
poor and labprious whites, had risen from three to four times
the customary price. Slaves, next in importance and necessity,
were not to'be procured in sufficient quantity for any sum ; and
other wants and distresses multiplied. In this period of cala
mity, a conspiracy was formed for an insurrection of negroes
in Jamaica, most of the soldiers having been drafted to America.
One hundred and twenty sail of merchantmen were about to de
part for Europe, and the conspirators had fixed on their depar
ture as the proper time for carrying the plot into execution, as
the island would then be still more defenceless. The conspira
cy was brought to light-a few days before the fleet actually sail
ed, and the ships were retained until it was effectually crushed,
and order restored. This detention was afterwards attended
with very ruinous effects. The American privateers had, during
the former part of the summer, been very active and successful :
and as the increase of captures enlarged the capitals of the ad
venturers for more distant enterprises, they extended the scene
of their depredations. A considerable part of this rich fleet fell
into the hands of the provincials; and encouraged by such an
acquisition, they afterwards sent cruisers to the West Indies,
which captured many other ships. The planters and merchants
were almost ruined by the complicated evils that resulted to
them from the war. The merchants who had traded to Ameri
ca, continued to be great sufferers, not only by the loss of trade,
but by the detention of their property, which was no longer re
mitted. Towards the end of the year, American ships infested
the coasts of Europe, and seizing the British traders, distressed
other merchants. The provincial privateers found refuge, pro
tection, and encouragement from France, notwithstanding the
professions of amity.
Vol. I. 62

49-f HISTORY OF THfe

CHAP. XVIII.
British nation still favourable to coercive measures — various causes of this
disposition. — Conspiracy and trial of John the Painter. — Meeting of par
liament. — King's speech — debate. — Motion for a revision bf acts obnox
ious to the Americans, in conformity to general Howe's proclamation —
rejected — secession of members. — Letters of marque, &c. — Reprisal bill.
, — Bill for seizing suspected persons; in which lord North, wishing to
please both parties, satisfies neither. — Important amendments, through
Mr. Dunning, passed. — Affairs of India--habob of Arcot, council of Ma
dras, and rajah of Tanjore. — Lord Pigot sent out — conspiracy against
him, executed by colonel Stuart — proceedings thereon in the India
v house— in parliament — seceding members return — lord Chatham's mo-
' tion for terminating the war — rejected — difference of opinion among op
position concerning American independence. — Unexpected demand
from Hesse-Cassel. — Prorogation of parliament.
CHAP. DESTRUCTIVE as the manifold losses which we have
XVIII. j,een relating were to the mercantile interest, yet the nation in
*^*v">»'-1 general continued favourable ' to the war. The declaration of
1776. independence separated from the cause of the Americans per
son isVtill s0n9 w'10 ^ before regarded them as oppressed and suffering
favourable fellow-subjects: these now contended that the question no (on
to the war. ger was, "Have our brethren been well or ill treated? but
Various "shall we not reduce our declared enemies? As long as they
c™ oi " acknowledged themselves subjects of the British constitution,
sition!SPO" we wis*ve(^ them to enjoy all the rights and privileges which
"our excellent polity confers and secures; but now they have
" renounced connexion, and declared hostility to this country,
" we, as Britons, must oppose the enemies of Britain." By this
species of reasoning, extended farther than the subject of the
analogy justified, they inferred, that the parental authority ex-
fended to the control of the property eventually acquired by
the children through their own ability ,'industry, and skill. The
asserted ingratitude they enhanced, by alleging, that the pre
ceding War was commenced and carried on for the sake of these
colonies, and that they were debtors to us for all those efforts
by which we had vanquished the enemy, and secured our Ame
rican settlements. No arguments were more frequently re
peated by the censurers of American resistance, than this
charge of ingratitude; the weight of which so obviously de
pends, not on the benefit conferred, but on the motives for ren
dering the service. The hostilities that commenced in 1755,
arose on one side from a determination to prevent France from
being aggrandized at our expense, and to repress encroachments
upon colonies which were so beneficial to Britain. The consi
deration of filial duty led to parental dignity as well as claims ;

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 491
, zeal for the maintenance of British authority and supremacy CHAP.
induced many a loyal and patriotic subject to reprobate the XV-*11-
Americans; and not doubting that o«r demands were founded <^~v^**'
in right, and conducive to honour, they did not examine whe- 1776.
ther this assertion of our alleged rights would not be over
balanced by the expense and danger of the contest; and in
spite of the experience which they had already received in the
course of two very costly years, still regarded the reduction of
the colonies as a profitable object The ministerial 'system they
conceived would greatly diminish our national burthens ; on a
balance of accounts, we should find ourselves gainers by the
war ; besides those who from public motives approved of the
contest, there were not wanting men who supported it from
private interest ; the certainty, or believed probability, of ac
quiring lucrative contracts, or rather profits from the war, which
they could not expect in peace. The multitude were, as usual,
directed by authority ; the greater number of peers, and of the
principal gentry, were staunch supporters of the ministry; and,
in addition to their immediate dependents* connected with them
by the ties of interest, there were many more who, either from
attachment, admiration of rank and fortune, or vanity, were in
fluenced by their opinions, followed their example, praised the
measures and conduct of ministry, and reviled the Ameri
cans and the British opponents of administration. Great num
bers felt resentment and indignation at the ingratitude and in
solence which they imputed to the colonists, for resisting such
reasonable demands of their benefactors, under whose fostering
care they had been reared to their present strength : they form
ed analogies from the returns incumbent on filial duty for pa
rental affection, and support bestowed in the days of inability
to provide for themselves. From these various causes, and
probably others, a large majority of the people of all ranks at
this time approved of the American war throughout the nation.
Those who still continued to censure the compulsory system
that had been adopted towards the colonies, if far. less nume
rous, were by no means deficient in respectability; among these,
besides the partisans of parliamentary opposition, were some of
the chief gentlemen arffl a great number of the smaller land
holders in English counties ; a considerable portion of inde
pendent merchants, who neither possessed nor expected con
tracts from government, and found commerce injured by the
war ; manufacturers in similar circumstances ; protestant dis
senters, the ardent friends of civil and religious liberty, who
carried their zeal perhaps farther than was consistent with or
der ; the ablest of English counsellors who held no office under
government, but who, relying on personal efforts, and having no
.jnotives to be expectants of donatives, free and independent by
their talents, were the friends of constitutional liberty. Litera
ry men did not then constitute so numerous a class as they
have since become s lord North, a scholar and a man of ta,ste,

492 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, was a friend to literature, and some of the ablest writers, and
XVIII. maDy 0f subordinate rank, were patronized by the court ;
vi>^/>^ though individuals of superior celebrity were adverse to the mea-
1776. sures 0f government, yet authors, as a body, could not be said to
be hostile to a ministry which held genius and learning in high
estimation. The clergy of England were in general friendly to
administration : of the Scottish church, except a few, by office,
sinecure, or pension, connected with government, the men of
most ability and influence were inimical to the stamp act, and
all the subsequent proceedings of the compulsory system ; and
though they did not justify the wisdom of the American declara
tion of independence, yet imputed it to the united rashness, vio
lence, arid weakness of the British cabinet. From continued
« contrariety of sentiment, a general virulence prevailed between
the supporters and censurers of the ministerial system ; and to
the charge of erroneous reasoning, the parties, very often recip
rocally added the accusation of corrupt and even flagitious mo
tives, by which there is no evidence, and little probability, that
the greater number of either side were actuated. Ah incident
which happened about this time caused very great alarm through
the kingdom, produced very contrary constructions from the op
posite parties, and from both, as far as we have any evidence,
interpretations very different from the truth.
Conspira- Near the close of this year, the rope-house at Portsmouth
T Tj h " was se^ on ^re' ant" *^e PerPetrator, when discovered, ex-
the Pain- hibited a singular instance of human depravity : this was
ter. James Aitken, destined to immortal infamy under the name
of John the Painter. According to his own confession, this
man, though Only four-and-twenty years of age, had commit
ted a surprising number and variety of atrocious acts, with a
Secrecy which long escaped detection, with a perseverance
which manifested a firmness and constancy of enormity rarely
to be found in the annals of crimes, and with a machination
that displayed a very considerable portion of ingenuity. To
tally unsocial in his villany, he by solitary guilt precluded an
usual source of impeachment in the confession of accomplices,
and at last incurred by circumstantial evidence the long merited
punishment which from his insolated wickedness no direct
testimony could sanction. Aitken was born in Edinburgh, and
bred a painter; of a melancholy temper, a gloomy disposition,
and ardent passions, he had a strong propensity to vice, and
sought his own sole gratification. Having no pleasure in the
converse of other men, he found no charms in convivial
profligacy and associated turpitude. Very early in life he had
been seized with a desire of wandering, and exploring in other
countries the means and opportunities of wickedness. About
three years before this time he had betaken himself to America,
where he had imbibed a mortal antipathy to his country, and
fbrmed the extravagant design of subverting the government,

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 49£
and destroying the nation which he so much abhorred. He CHAP.
projected to annihilate the maritime force of England, as well XVIH.
"as her infernal riches and strength,' by burning the royal dock- v*^"v^*»'
yards, the principal trading cities and towns, with their re- 1776,
spective shipping. He traversed the kingdom to discover the
state and accessibility of the several docks, and found them in
general not rigidly guarded : he took great pains to construct
fire-works, machines, and combustibles: he attempted the
great hemp-house at Portsmouth, but failed : he succeeded in
setting fire to the rope-house, and having immediately set off
for London, from Portsdown-hill feasted his diabolical ma
lignity with contemplating the dreadful conflagration, which,
from its prodigious appearance, he imagined tp have extended
to all the docks, magazines, and buildings. He made similar
attempts at Plymouth and at Bristol*, but fortunately without
success. In pervading the country to execute his designs, he
committed robberies, burglaries, and rapes. At last, some
intimation of his conduct, with a description of his person,
reached the chief police magistrate, sir John Fielding, and he"
was apprehended for a burglary. No evidence appearing to
establish^ the charge, he was on the point of being dismissed,
when some circumstances excited a suspicion against him as
an incendiary : being examined by the privy-council and the
lords of the admiralty, he behaved with great caution and
presence of mind, and baffled all their attempts to discover
the truth. At last another painter sent to him in confinement,
insinuated himself into his confidence, and procured an ac
knowledgment of designs and acts which proved eventually a
clue to the whole labyrinth of his guilt. He was tried at
Portsmouth, and the chain of circumstances being so strong as
to prevent the possibility of doubt, though he himself displayed
great ingenuity, acuteness, and dexterity, in rebutting obvious
inferences, the jury, without leaving the court, adjudged him
guilty. Finding death inevitable, he made a full confession of
his manifold iniquities, and acknowledged the justness of his
condemnation. In detailing his own acts, he asserted that
going to Paris, he had informed Mr. Silas Dean, an agent from
America, of his project to burn the English docks, and had
been promised a . great reward if he should execute his at
tempts. The facts and circumstances brought to light by or through
this miscreant, gave full scope to the rage and virulence of
both partiess Supporters of the ministerial system attributed
the acts of Aitken to the instigation of American and re
publican partisans within the kingdom ; their opponents, no
Jess bigoted, considered the alleged discoveries as the in
ventions or exaggerations of tories, in order to bring whigs
and liberty into discredit. There was not the smallest shadow
of probability that either party was concerned with John the
Painter, or was any farther to blame than for credulity and il-

494 CHAP.
XVIII.

1776.

Meeting
of Parlia
ment.
•The ,
king's Speech.

Debate.

HISTORY OF THE
liberal comments. Various hypotheses, however, respecting
this despicable person, constituted the principal subject of dis
cussion, declamation, and invective, to the inferior adherents
both of ministers and opposition for several months ; so/ readily
do the zealous votaries of party believe improbable stories,
and adopt absurd opinions, when agreeable to their favourite no
tions. On the Slst of October parliament assembled. His majesty's
speech informed them, that so daring and desperate was now
the spirit of American leaders, whose object, had^always been
dominion and power, that they had openly renounced all alle
giance to the crown, and all political connexion with the coun
try, rejected with indignity and insult our offers of conciliation,
and had presumed to set up their rebellious confederacies as
independent communities. Were American treason suffered to
take root, it would prove pernicious to the loyal colonies, to the
commerce and political interests of the kingdom, and to the
present system of all Europe. One advantage to be expected
from tbe open avowal of this object, would be at home the ge-.
neral prevalence of unanimity, and a conviction that the mea
sures pursued by government were necessary. The events of
the campaign afforded the strongest hopes of ultimate success ;
but the delays unavoidable in commencing operations, prevent
ed the progress from being complete. Other courts continued
to assure the king of their amicable dispositions ; nevertheless,
in the present situation of affairs, it was expedient to put the
kingdom in a respectable state of defence. He regretted the
expense necessarily attendant on our present situation, but
doubted not that the commons would cheerfully grant the sup
plies that might be wanted for such momentous purposes. His
sole object was to promote the true interest of all his subjects;
no people ever lived under a milder government, or enjoyed
more happiness, than the revolted colonies, as was demonstra
ted by their population, arts, wealth, and the strength by sea
and land, which now gave them confidence to contend with the
mother country. Addresses being framed according to the
usual form, of complimentary repetition, produced very vehe
ment debates, and motions of amendment diametrically opposite
to the original propositions. The opponents of ministers assert- ,
ed, that the disaffection and revolt of a whole people could not
have taken place without error or misconduct in their former
rulers ; they repeated their objections to the present system of
measures, imputed to them pernicious effects, and contended
that nothing could restore Britain and America to their former
happy state and relations, but a total change both of counsels
and counsellors. Nothing could be more inconsistent with a
proper spirit in parliament, than an attempt to bend British sub
jects to an abject unconditional submission to any power what-
everr; to annihilate their liberties, and subdue them to servile
principles and passive habits by means of foreign mercenaries.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 495
Amidst the excesses (it was said) which have happened, we CHAP.
ought to respect the spirit and principles which so evidently xvnl-
bear an exact analogy to those that supported the most valuable ^^^r>*"
part of our own constitution. The speech had asserted, that i776-
the prosperous state of America was owing to the mild govern
ment and fostering protection of Britain : they admitted the
proposition, but a necessary consequence of the truth was, that
those who had wantonly changed so beneficial a system deserv
ed the severest censure. The Americans had been charged
With implicitly obeying arbitrary leaders ; who were these ty
rants ? In no country of great population and power was there
so near an equality between individuals, or so little of depend
ence; in situations, whenein labour was extremely productive
even to the lowest operator, a very moderate share of industry
produced an ample subsistence, arid removed the cause which
in other countries so often rendered the lower classes retainers '
to some patron in the higher. As the general prevalence of in
dependent and easy subsistence precluded the necessity of ab
ject submission to wealth, the want of nobility prevented the
authority annexed in other countries to rank and title. The pro
vincials had no motives to yield to the authority of adventitious
distinctions ; Mr. Hancock, their civil president, was a plain
merchant, of fair character, who possessed no influence over the
people beyond that which arose from the trouble caused by Bri-.
tish administration. Mr. Washington was a country gentleman
of a great landed estate, such as several private gentlemen pos
sess in every county in England ; respectable in his own dis
trict, but little known beyond its limits before the situation of his
country called him from obscurity. Others, now most eminent
in the field and congress, would have been still more obscure,
had not the oppressive acts of Britain stimulated the public ex
ertion of their abilities : in circumstances rendering resistance
necessary to preserve their liberties, they naturally reposed their
chief confidence in virtue and ability : they acknowledged the
power of talents and qualifications ; listened to the advice which
they thought wisest and most patriotic, from their own dele
gates and agents; and followed their counsels with a willing
ratification, and not an extorted obedience. The persons re
presented by ministers as governing the Americans with de-
spotical tyranny, were no other than their own officers and ser
vants, appointed by their will, and removeable at their pleasure.
The conciliatory offers, in themselves totally inadequate to the
case, had not been brought forward until the whole system de
claring them rebels and enemies, and denouncing the vengeance
due to such, had full time and scope for operation. The ami
cable and pacific professions of other powers deserved no re
liance, while they were really assisting the Americans, and-
making powerful preparations both by sea and land. Respect
ing' the required unanimity, ministers could not be serious,
"•We (continued their opponents) predicted the mischiefs which

496 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP. ¦**. have since actually arisen, because we reprobated ministerial
XVIH. „ proceedings as pernicious; and • though they have really prov-
>'^~v~>** " ed more fatal than we represented, yet we are called upon to
177&, « gjve our approbation and support."
Ministers contended, that " the American declaration of }n-
" d'ependence had entirely destroyed the grounds on which they
" had been formerly supported in parliament. Our colonies
" enabled us to hold a principal place among the chief powers
" of Europe ; deprived of these settlements, we should be re-
" duced to a state of humiliation and dependence. Should we
" ingloriously relinquish our present situation, or by a vigorous
'* exertion retain our usual power and splendour? Besides in-
" terest and safety, indigpatimi and resentment ought to rouse
" the British spirit to chastise the ingratitude and insolence of
" the American rebels. Though the atrociousness of their
" crimes would justify any severity of punishment, it was still
"wished to treat them with lenity, when brought to a know-
" ledge of their condition, and a sense of their duty. Design-
" ing and ambitious leaders never could have succeeded in in-
" stigating the Americans to hostility and a declaration of in-
" dependence, if their disobedient and rebellious spirit had not
" been fomented and nourished by aspiring and factious men in
" this country, who sacrificed loyalty and patriotism to their own
" selfish and unjustifiable projects. The opponents of ministers
" in parliament having hitherto avowedly regulated their con-
" duct on the supposition that the Americans never designed or
" even desired independence,* were now bound to support, with
" the utmost vigour, measures necessary for their reduction."
The votes in favour of ministry were nearly as numerous as
usual, but in debate the animation of their friends was not so
ardent ; the hopes of an immediate reduction of America they
saw were not fulfilled ; another campaign must be encountered,
very great expense must be incurred, and foreign powers would
probably interfere in the protracted contest.
The. declaration of American independence placed the sup
porters of the colonists in a situation never before known in the
history of parliament; the Americans were no longer' fellow-
subjects complaining of grievances, but a separate state engag
ed in hostilities with this country. Parliamentary annals do
not before this session afford an instance of a party in our senate
avowedly defending the cause of a power with which our coun
try was at war, with the approbation of both the senate and
nation. Members may have censured either the impolicy or
precipitancy of intended hostilities,1 but after they were actu
ally commenced, have abstained from such opposition, as tend
ing to inspirit the enemy, and to dishearten their countrymen.
They have objected to specific plans for carrying on the war,
• In the Dutch war undertaken by the mean and profligate Charles, not
merely a party, but the parliament and nation were averse to hostilities. .

Reign of geoege hi. 497
and censured instances of rash or feeble execution ; but their an- CHAP.
imadversions were confined to management Without extending to xvin.
origin: they showed themselves aware that when a powerful ^"v>«r-**/
state is once involved in a war, the only effectual meaiis of ho- I776-
nourable and secure extrication are vigofotis efforts ; but the op
ponents of ministers at this period took a different course, and
however prudent and just their exertions might be while they
tended to avert war, they became much more questionable in
point of expediency, from the time that the colonies separated
, themselves from the mother country.
A few days after the introductory debate, lord John Caven- Motion fat
dish having produced a copy of the proclamation issued byaievision
lord Howe and his brother on the capture of New- York, pro- Jo^us°to
posed that in conformity to its promises, the house should re- the Ame-
solve itself into a committee for revising the acts by which thericans, in
Americans thought themselves aggrieved. Ministers replied, conforau-
that the proffered redress of grievances was intended only for ty t0, ge"
those who should return to their duty. A disavowal of inde- Howe's
pendence and an acknowledgment of British supremacy wereproclama-
requisite, on the part of the colonies, before any conciliatory tion.
measures could be adopted by Britain. The proclamation was
perfectly conformable to the general spirit of all our proceed
ings ; sanctioned by great majorities in parliament, it assured
protection and the maintenance of their constitutional rights to
those who should return to their duty, but vindicated the au
thority and dignity of this country. To revise and repeal laws
with a view to redress the grievances of a people,, who, deny
ing the authority of such laws, could not be aggrieved by their
existence, would be grossly absurd and nugatory. If they per
sisted in their renunciation of dependence, there was no doubt,
from our force and our recent successes, that we could soon re
duce them to submission. Although the ministerial argument,
that it was absurd to debate upon the degree of authority to be
exercised over men who denied the asserted right of exercising
any, was fair; yet their assertion, that this proclamation offered
no more than preceding aets of the legislature and executive
government, was not equally just ; before, they> had promised
amnesty to unconditional submission; in this paper they had
proposed a condition, in compliance with which a revision of
obnoxious laws and a redress of grievances were proffered. In
the course of the debate, ministers, though they agreed in op
posing the motion, took different grounds. Lord North dwelt
chiefly on conciliation, which he appeared to think the commis
sioners might effectuate : lord George Germaine, and other
speakers, trusted chiefly to compulsion, as the only means of
driving out of, them, their spirit of independence. Opposition
did not fail to observe and mention their diversity, which, in
deed, had very frequently been discovered ; but that body itself,
without harmony and system, notwithstanding the great abili
ties of several members, and the extraordinary gowers of sonre,
Vol. I. «S

498 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, did not so effectually counteract the schemes of ministers, as it
XVIH. plight ^ave done by unanimity and concert. In debating this
'*^>r^^ question, the speeches of opposition rather indicated than show-
l77a- ed the difference of opinion concerning American indepen
dence, which afterwards became manifest, and even produced
a political schism among the opponents of the North adminis
tration. Mr. Burke and the Rockingham party early intimated
a wish to treat with America without questioning her indepen
dence : Mr. Fox had joined opposition through no party con-
nexion, but chiefly associated with Mr. Burke and his political
friends, and adopted many of their principles and doctrines ;
he agreed to this opinion, avowed it with his usual openness,
and supported it with his usual force. Mr. Dunning, colonel
Barre, lords Camden, Shelburne, and Temple, and others con
nected with the earl of Chatham, wished to treat with America,
but to maintain the supremacy of Britain.
Seces- After the rejection of this motion, many of the minority, es-
S'°n h pecially of the Rockingham party, withdrew from the house
when any question respecting America was discussed; they at
tended on ordinary business, but when that was despatched,
retired. They said, they were wearied with opposing reason
and argument to power and numbers without any effect. This
secession was by no means approved by opposition in general,
many even loudly blamed such proceedings. A member of
parliament, they asserted, consistent with his duty, cannot with
draw himself from the business of parliament, merely from an
opinion that he will be outvoted, and ought not thence to infer
that his attendance must be useless ; though by vigilance they
did not procure a majority, they were not without effect, as by
discovering and exposing the absurdity and mischievous ten
dency of measures, they could often modify, if they did not
prevent, pernicious laws and counsels. Some acknowledged,
that the whole body of the minority might secede jointly, but
that members ought not to absent themselves separately; and
in support of this opinion they rather quoted precedents than
adduced arguments. In 1738, Mr. Pitt, and the whole opposi
tion to sir Robert Walpole, had on the ratification of the Span
ish convention, absented themselves from parliament. The de
fenders of individual secession contended, that, in cases of im
minent danger to the constitution, such conduct might operate
as a call to the nation, and awaken the people to a real sense
of their condition : its assailants insisted, that whoever was fit
for being an qseful member of parliament, must derive his
utility not from inaction but from effort : that by his presence
he might lessen the evil qf hurtful propositions, though he could
not amend them py his absence. They appealed to experience
tp prove the beneficial amendments which ministerial motions
often underwent from the strictures of opposition, so as to be
rendered more innocent before they passed into laws.

REIGN OF GEORGtl HI. 499
After the proposed revision of obnoxious acts, no political CHAP.
question of material magnitude engaged the attention of parlia- XVHI.
ment until the expiration of the Christmas recess. In the begin- «^'>''"W
ping of February, a bill was introduced by lord North, for grant- l777-
ing letters of marque and reprisals against American ships, j^J^
which passed the house of commons without opposition; in the and repri-
house of lords it underwent the small alteration of inserting the sal bill.
word permission instead of marque, the latter being Supposed
applicable only to foreign enemies.
Another bill proposed soon after by the minister, excited se
vere animadversion in parliament, and great alarm among the
people ; this was a*, law to enable his riiajesty to secure and de- Bill for
tain persons suspected of treason, committed either in America seizing
or on the high seas, or accused of piracy. By the bill, persons suspicious
so charged or suspected were liable to be imprisoned in a com- Persons-
mon gaol or any other place of confinement within his majesty's
dominions, there to remain without either bail, or the privilege
of demanding a trial to ascertain the charges. The law was to
comprehend crimes supposed to be generated in these realms,
though committed abroad, and the penalties were to extend to
all at home, by whom they should be suspected to be suggest
ed or encouraged. The law was to continue in force for a year ;
and thus any man asserted to be suspected of these crimes,
might at the pleasure of ministers, be detained in prison at
home, or even sent to our foreign settlements; deprived of hi9
liberty, or doomed to banishment without any investigation of
his case. Every British subject might be alleged to be an ob
ject of suspicion ; his liberty, therefore, the enjoyment of his
friends and native country, the exercise of his talents, industry,
and skill, might depend upon the permission of administration. .
Mr. Dunnihg first discovered and exposed the nature and ten
dency of this proposition ; it might, he proved, operate not only
as a suspension of the habeas corpus, but as a temporary banish
ment to persons against whom there was no evidence of crimi
nal conduct. It was contrary to the spirit of laws and a free
constitution, founded in arbitrary principles, and fitted to pro
duce tyrannical consequences; these positions he established
by a recital of its various provisions, and an enumeration of its
obvious effects. The strongest objections being already addu
ced, Mr. Fox followed the probable operation of the law through
a great variety of cases, and by his luminous eloquence illustra
ted its injustice and impolicy. Recurring to its principle, he
inferred it to be an index of a general design long formed for
changing the constitution of this country, and executed as op
portunities served, circumstances suited, and power increased.
To support their motion, ministers employed the usual topics;
in dangerous situations it is necessary to strengthen the hands
of government, and impossible to carry on public business with
out delegating power to the crown, which would be improper in
seasons of tranquillity. The apprehensions from the operation

500; HISTORY OF THE ,
CHAP, implied a want of that confidence in ministers, without which
XVI11- they could not perform their official duties ; should the authority
ll*^~v",w intrusted to the executive government for a specific and indis-
i777' - pensable purpose be abused, the means of redress were easy;
parliament could not only withhold future reliance, but prose-
cute past malversation. To these common arguments, the lumi
naries of the law and eloquence urged their objections with a
force which lord North saw it was in vain to combat; he Was
moreover informed that great fears were entertained by the peo
ple from the proposed law : to satisfy all parties, his character
istic dexterity gave such an explanation of his purposes, as per
mitted a very material change in the bill. Perceiving the mini
ster begin to relax, Mr. Dunning offered two 'amendments ; the
one circumscribing the objects, the other the penalties of the
law. After a long discussion, it was agreed that the bill should
extend to none who were not out of the kingdom when the offen
ces were committed, and that the confinement should Be in no
part of his majesty's dominions but within this realm. Lord
North, in admitting these changes, declared that the present
state of the bill corresponded with his principles and objects ;
and that he was sorry if any ambiguity of expression excited &
different opinion : he hoped the present correction would satisfy
gentlemen in opposition, and that the law would meet universal
approbation. While the minister thus strove to please both par
ties, he, as is usually the case, satisfied neither; opposition
thought he conceded too little, many of the ministerial party
tliat he conceded too much ; and that to render the bill agree
able to his political adversaries, he deviated from the intent with
which it was designed by his coadjutors. Lord North, indeed,
often rendered it evident, that on very important questions he
either did not originally agree with some of Iris own colleagues,
or that, in the progress of a discussion, he fluctuated between
contrary opinions. His education had rendered him a tory ; his
situation and many concurrent circumstances made him the offi
cial promoter of coercion, but his temper and disposition inclin
ed him to mildness and conciliation. If any of his measures
were imperious or arbitrary, their severity and harshness arose,
not from a mind dictatorial. and tyrannical, but too yielding and
indulgent, and which, from excessive pliancy, too often gave way
to understandings far inferior to his own. The bill, with the al-
The bill is terations, passed the house of commons; and being carried to
passed, ^e peers, occasioned neither debate nor amendment. The peers
of opposition absented themselves so generally, that the only
protesting opponent was lord Abingdon.
The attention of the nation for several years had been almost
solely engrossed by the American contest ; but a transaction on
the coast of Coromandel now attracted the regard of the public
to the East Indies.
At the. treaty of Paris, France had been obliged to admit
Sallabat Sing as lawful soubah of the Decan: Mahomed AH

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 501
Cawn, as lawful nabob of the Carnatic, or of Arcot. This chap.
prince had ever since cultivated a very close intercourse with XVIH.
the civil and military powers of the English presidency at l»^"v>»^
Madras, and resided in the fortress. He displayed vigorous I777-
ability, enterprise, and ambition; and formed a considerable ^eonrans"
army, which he disciplined by British officers. His expensive which
establishment and munificent gifts to the company's servants, turned the
had greatly exhausted his treasures ; but his donations and public at-
character acquired an influence in the council, through which *?ntiS?.t0
with the assistance of his forces, he did not doubt that he onnd^1"
would soon Supply the deficiencies. Accordingly a joint Xhe na-
project was concerted by the nabob and his friends of the bob of
British presidency; this was an expedition to Tanjore. Fuli-Arcot-
gee, rajah of Tanjore, was a Gentoo prince, near Cape Como-
rin, whose, ancestors had never been conquered by the Ma-
homedan invaders of Hindostan : they were, however, obliged
to pay a tribute. He himself had been for many years, and
then was, in alliance with both the English and the nabob, and
held his dominions under their joint guarantee. When the
mogul granted to the" English such extensive powers, and they
formed such arrangements as would render them most profitable,
it was resolved that Mahomed Ali Cawn should be appointed
to collect a revenue due to his superior, and that a considerable
sum should be allowed to himself for agency. After this
nomination, a great variety of pecuniary transactions took
place between Mahomed and the king of Tanjore. The
nabob applied to Fuligee for the revenue that was due ; the
rajah alleged that he had a right to deduct sums owing to him
by the other, on the balance of their private accounts. The
nabob insisted on the immediate payment of the whole revenue,
and proposed to refer their own concerns to subsequent con
sideration. Fuligee repeated his proposals for the deduction,
and pleaded his inability by any other means to pay the de
mand. The nabob applied to the government at Madras, and
engaged the presidency to support him, by invading Tanjore
with the company's forces. The event of this convention was,
that the rajah was despoiled of his riches, and his subjects
were plundered.1 The proceeds of this incursion amounted to
about five millions sterling; and the chief part of the booty
was divided among the company's servants. When the news
of this expedition reached England, the East India directors
manifested great displeasure against the plunderers of Tanjore,
and concerted measures for making all possible restitution to
the injured rajah. For that purpose, they sent out as governor Lord pj-
to Madras, lord Pigot, so highly, respected for his able and ef- got -s sent
fectual defence of it seventeen years before against the French;10 lndia-
to him the company were indebted for preserving its possessions
in that part of India. His civil government was no less dis-
« Annual Register, 1777, p. 94—110.

-302 HISTORY OF THE
xvm' Anguished than his military exploits, and his private character
n1, procured him extensive esteem. The English presidency,
'*'*"v>w meanwhile, prepared to guard against the consequences of their
I777- late acts; and the nabob was still more axiously making pro
visions for not only retaining what he had already acquired,
but for securing, through his friends at Madras, the perpetual
possession of the kingdom of Tanjore. Lord Pigot arrived in
the latter end of 1775, and was violently opposed by the ma
jority of the council and the commander in chief, in executing
the proposed plans of reform. Notwithstanding these ob
stacles, ne succeeded so far as to restore the king of Tanjore
to his ancient and hereditary dominions. This act of justice
enraged the nabob, who, with his son, an impetuous and dar
ing youth, joined the most avowedly violent of their friends in
the presidency. Lord Pigot thdught it of the highest moment
to send a proper officer to restore the king of Tanjore ; but
the majority of the council opposed the appointment of the
person whom he nominated for that purpose, and contended
that their board had a right to act, notwithstanding the dissent
Conspira- 0f tne governor. Pigot contended, that the governor was a
l^Lagamst Paft in every legal and orderly act of government. His lord
ship finding, as he affirmed, that the sole principle of the coun-
» oil was to traverse all his endeavours to carry the orders of the
company into* execution, embraced a very Strong measure :
having put the question, he, by his own casting vote, suspended
two of the council ; and, by his supreme authority put the
commander in chief under arrest. Enraged at these pro
ceedings, the secluded members, together with the nabob and
his 6on, formed a plot for securing the person of the president,
and effecting a revolution in the government, which should
executed place the power entirely in their own hands. By the confine-
by colonel ment of sir Robert Fletcher, colonel Stuart succeeded to the
Stuart. immediate command of the forces. This gentleman was ex
tremely intimate with the governor, to whom he appeared
warmly attached ; nevertheless, he was closely connected with
the suspended members and their adherents. Becoming an ac
complice in their conspiracy, he, by his military power and
personal ability, was a formidable accession to their party.
Stuart was aware that violence offered to the governor's person
by the troops within the precincts of the fortress, would in
volve the actors in the capital penalties of the mutiny laws ;
but by means of his professed friendship, he was able to invent
a stratagem for seizing the person of the governor, without
incurring the legal criminality. On the 24th of August 1776,
colonel Stuart spent the day at the house of lord Pigot,1 and
was entertained with all the cordiality that a host could exert
to a visitant whom he thought his sincere and affectionate
• Annual Register, 1777, p. 252, 255 j and in detail in the evidence be-
fore-the company.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. ' 503
friend. The guest, complaining of the excessive heat of t he chap.
fortress, and observing his entertainer also affected by it, ad- XVHl.
vised him to spend the night at a villa belonging to the go- V^v-%^
vernor, and, as an inducement, offered to accompany him in the 1777.
excursion. The governor being persuade^, they set out to
gether : when they were beyond the precincts of the fort, his
lordship, according to the concert of his guest and professed
friend with his avowed enemies, was met by an officer and a
party of sepoys, rudely and violently dragged out of the chaise,
carried prisoner to the Mount, and strongly guarded. Public
orders, signed by. the principal conspirators, were issued, by
which immediate death was denounced on all who should at
tempt his rescue.. The conspirators and their friends, under a
course of legal forms, assumed the whole power of government.
Representations of these transactions were immediately trans
mitted by the different parties to Europe; and the nabob,
who had taken so active a share in the disturbances, sent a
gentleman as his agent both to the company and ministers. A
court of proprietors having considered the business, recom- Proceed-
mended to the directors to reinstate lord Pigot, and punish ingfthere-
those who had dispossessed him of his power. The directors J™^™
were not so decided in their opinion as their constituents : house.
they voted indeed for the restoration of lord Pigot, and
the suspension of the conspirators from their offices; but
they also resolved, that his lordship's conduct had been re
prehensible in several instances. When they re-considered
the business, it was evident that their opinions were much
farther distant from those of the proprietors, than at first.
The agents of the ruling party at Madras, and the com
missioners from the nabob, had by this time pressed their
arguments and statements with a force and effect which
weakened the professions that had produced the late resolu
tions. Government also had listened with such attention to the
accounts of the prevailing party, as to have become manifestly
favourable to the opposers of lord Pigot. On the 9th of May,
the question being again discussed in the India house,1 it was
determined that the governor should be restored, but that he-
and the council of Madras should be ordered home, and their
respective conduct undergo a legal scrutiny. From this deter- In parEa.
mination governor Johnstone appealed to the house of com-ment-
mons, and moved for resolutions expressing strong approbation
of the conduct of lord Pigot, condemning the proceedings of
his opponents, and annulling the resolution. The seceders The sece-
were now returned to the house, and, with the rest of the party, der3re"
supported the motion of governor Johnstone. The adherents h"™e°
of ministry censured the conduct of lord Pigot, as well as his
opponents, and contended, that in such circumstances it was
right and equitable to bring both parties to England, where on-
' See proceedings of the India house respecting lord Pigot.

504 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP. }y a just and impartial inquiry into their conduct could be car*-
XVIH. ried into execution. By the restoration of lord Pigot, the dig-
s^"v~>"' nity of government would be supported and established ; but he
1777 • had abused his trust, and violated the constitution of the com
pany, therefore his. removal was equally just and necessary.
Opposition justified the conduct of the governor, and insisted
that the proceedings toward him amounted to an insurrection
against established government. Mr. Burke displayed the
atrocity of inferior servants towards a superior, who was pro
moting the honour and interests bf their mutual master; and
entered very deeply into the conduct of the nabob of Argot,
and the corrupt and dangerous influence acquired not only at
Madras but in this country by that ambitious prince. The
British government had espoused his cause, and that of his fac
tious adherents: administration, by becoming the tools of this
nabob, and countenancing schemes destructive to the interests
of the company, had rendered it absolutely necessary for parlia
ment to interfere for the security and preservation of India.
These arguments had considerable weight, and the motion was
negatived by a majority of only twenty-three, being much small
er than those which usually voted for ministers. As governor
Johnstone's appeal was rejected, the resolutions of the India
house met with no further animadversion from parliament : an
order was sent out for recalling lord Pigot, as well as the mem
bers of the council.
On the 30th of May, the earl of Chatham made one effort
to rescue his country from the miseries of war. This il
lustrious statesman disregarded the disappointment of his for
mer attempts, and was more strongly confirmed by the event
in his reprobation of hostilities destructive to the parties: en
feebled by age, borne down by distemper, and supported by
crutches, with a body fit only for the bed of sickness, but a
mind qualified to restore the nation from sickness to health* if it
would follow his prescription, the venerable, patriot came for
ward to propose the salvation of the state by a change of couri-
Motionof sels and of conduct. He moved an addressto the throne, re-
lord Chat- presenting that they were deeply penetrated by the misfortunes
ham for which impended over the kingdom from the continuation of an
tfncTthe' unnatural war. He recommended an immediate cessation of
w„, hostilities, and a removal of accumulated grievances, as the
only means of regaining the affections of our brethren, and se
curing to Great Britain the commercial and political advanta
ges of those valuable possessions. In explaining his general ob
ject, he unavoidably repeated statements formerly made, and
arguments frequently advanced, both by himself and other
statesme'n. But he exhibited more fully and circumstantially
than at any preceding period, the danger to which our discord
and situation exposed us from the house of Bourbon. This
part of his speech was a forcible, eloquent, and impressive com-
me'nt on his own text, delivered at a much earlier stage of

REIGN- OF GEORGE 1H. 505
the contest — France and Spain are watching the maturity CHAP.
ov your errors. -It showed with what penetrating sagacity and XVIH.
enlarged comprehension a mind of which "age had neither dim- ^"y">*''
" med the perspicacity nor narrowed the range,"1 darted into I777-
the secret counsels of our rivals, developed the proofs of their de
signs, and unfolded the series of their policy. Ministers, he said,
as they had blundered from the beginning, are led into a fatal er
ror respecting our inveterate enemies, the French ; they imagine
nothing is to be dreaded frona France, because she has not di
rectly interfered in favour of America. Would they have France
incur the expense and hazard of a war, when Britain is doing
all for her that she can possibly wish or desire ?a She has been
sedulous to give just that degree of countenance and protection,
which has hitherto served to keep the civil war alive, so as to
baffle your designs, or to waste your strength. The energetic
orator described in the truest light, as well as the most glowing
colours, the evils that bad arisen, were proceeding, and mast
farther issue, from the ministerial system. Nevertheless his '1S reject-
reasoning* and eloquence were again unavailing, his pacificatory ed-
motions were rejected, and wisdom cried, but she was not re
garded. The supplies for the current year Were very great : they con- Supplies.
sisted of about forty-five thousand seamen, and about sixty thou
sand land forces, including all in the British pay at home and
abroad. The sums required for the three great departments of
annual provision, the navy, army, and ordnance, were granted
without a division. The demands of the year rendering a loan
necessary, five millions were voted; the new taxes for paying
.the interest were, a duty Upon male servants not employed in
agriculture, manufactures, or commerce; on auctioneers, and
on goods sold by auction ; and additional imposts on glass and
stamps. These being all taxes which could not be charged
with affecting the necessaries of life, or extending greatly to.
the poorer classes, were deemed unobjectionable as measures
of finance. On inspecting the accounts of expenditure during Strictures
tbe preceding year, opposition contended that, they were per-°?lor^
plexed, obscure, and nearly unintelligible. Besides this intrica- J^;,^
cy, which they imputed to them generally, there were in various w;th con,
instances great sums stated in the gross amount, without any tractors.
specification of items. This objection was urged with pecu
liar severity against the charges for contracts ; the agreement
for supplying the army and fleet in America with rum, afforded
an ample field for animadversion: four shillings per gallon
had been allowed, when three was the market price ; and the
contractor was in one account credited with thirty-five thou
sand pounds for rum, without any statement of the quantity,
quality, or price of the goods delivered: the same person had also
." See Mackintosh's Vindicije Gallicse.
' *•• See parliamentary reports, 3d May, 1777.
Vol. I. 64

506 HISTORY OP THE
CH-^P- the benefit of a very objectionable contract with government
XVin- for furnishing horses. In discussing these bargains, lord North's
s"-**"w dealings with contractors, which afterwards constituted so capi-,
1777. ^-ai a guj,ject 0f reprehension, were for the first time scrutiniz
ed and censured ; and it was strongly contended, that in the
department of his business which respected national grants,
the minister was far from being a frugal steward of the public
money. But the animadversions on this profusion were by no
means confined to economical considerations, they also extend
ed to political. Opposition charged the minister not only with
waste, but corruption: several contractors had seats in par
liament; national treasure, it was observed, was squandered in
iniquitous contracts, and the contractor was, by the money of
his constituents, bribed to betray their interests, which he had
been chosen to protect. Bad and unwholesome provisions were
allowed to be sent by persons receiving a price much beyond
the market value of provisions that were really good and whole
some: such deleterious fare spread distemper through the
troops, and carried off many more than actual service. The
minister endeavoured to defend himself from these charges ; but
his arguments, though plausible and dexterously urged, were by
no means cogent and convincing.
Unexpect- The payment of an unexpected demand to the landgrave of
mand Hesse-Cassel, for a debt alleged by him to have been due for
from the kT money ever since 1755, was severely censured. The mi-
landgrave nister contended that the claim was fair, though from the dis-
of Hesse tance of time not expected. The Hessian prince was injustice
Cassel. entitled to the amount, though there had been no late treaty;
and while we were now deriving such benefit from his troops,
policy required us to keep on the best terms with him, by satis
fying his just demands.
After the pecuniary business had been thought to be entirely
at an end, and the session was drawing near to a close, a mes
sage was delivered from his majesty, informing the house that
Debt on a debt of 618,0001. had been incurred by the civil list. The
the civil mini9ter moved, that the requisite sum should be granted for
discharging the amount; and that a hundred thousand pounds
should be added annually to the eight hundred thousand. This
motion was strongly opposed : the incumbrance, it was alleged,
was owing entirely to the profusion of ministers, and had been
contracted for the sake of carrying on and supporting a sys
tem of corruption. The accounts were, as usual with that
minister, intentionally intricate, obscure, and general : no less
than 294,0001. was placed to the account of secret service
money; and vast sums were charged for foreign ambassadors
and for the board of works, without any particularization. It
was inconsistent with the duty of the commons to their con
stituents, to vote away the national money, without any evi
dence of value received ; the eight hundred thousand pounds
was sufficient for answering the various appropriations, and ¦ ¦

REIGN OP GEORGE III. ' 507
supporting the regal dignity and splendour. The desired addi- CHAP.
tion was peculiarly unreasonable at the present time, when the XVIH.
nation was groaning under their accumulated burthens to pro- >«^~v^s^
mote the ruinous projects, of ministry, and to encourage their 1777.
extravagance and corruption. - Ministers argued, that the pre
sent debt, and the necessity of an addition to the income of "~r,>
the civil list, arose from the same cause, the diminished value
of money ; besides, the royal family had increased in number.
The greatest possible economy (said lord North) always had
been, and always should be employed, while he was at the head
of the treasury. The motions being carried through both
houses, the speaker, a few days after, in. presenting the bill to
the king for assent, used the following words: "In a time, Address of
" sire, of public distress, full of difficulty and danger, their the speak-
" constituents labouring under burthens almost too heavy to be ^ye"^;™.
" borne, your faithful commons, postponing all other business,
" have not only granted to your majesty a large present sup-
" ply, but also a very great additional revenue, great beyond ex-
" ample, great beyond your majesty's highest expense; but all
" this, sire, they have done in the well grounded confidence,
" that you will apply wisely what they have granted liberally."
On their return to their own house, the commons voted unani
mous thanks ti) the speaker. Some of the ministerial party,
however, on reconsidering the subject, were greatly displeased
with what he had delivered, as it appeared to them to contain
an insinuation not favourable to the character which they
claimed of being economical stewards for the public. Mr. Rig-
by, a few days after, declared that the speaker had not express
ed the sense of the commons : Mr. Fox immediately moved,
that he had spoken the sense of the house. Lord North and
the more moderate part of the ministerial adherents, though
they wished the motioh withdrawn, finding Mr. Fox would
not comply, to avoid altercation voted in its favour: and on
the 8th of June, parliament was prorogued.

50%

BISTORT OP THE

CHAP. XIX.
Occupations of Howe during winter — of Washington. — Plan of the cam*
paign  its late commencement by general Howe — desultory operations
in the Jerseys. — General Howe move* from winter quarters — attempts
by-a stratagem to bring Washington to battle — failing in that expedient,
evacuates the Jerseys. — Expedition by- sea to Philadelphia. — Battle of
Brandywine. — Major Fergusson essays a new species of rifle, invented by
himself. — Capture of Philadelphia. — Battle of Germantown. — American
fortifications on the river. — Red Bank and Mud Island taken. — American
fleet burnt. — Situation of the Americans at White Marsh and Valley
Jorge favourable to an attack. — General Howe's inaction — he retires
early to winter quarters. — Conduct of general and troops at Philadel-'
phia. — Expedition of sir Henry Clinton up the North river. — Capture of,
Prescot in Rhode Island. — Northern army — Burgoyne takes the com-,
mand. — Carleton offended with the appointment, resigns his employ
ment. — Burgoyne purchases the aid of Indian savages — number of his**
troops. — Expedition of colonel St. Leger.-^-The general's manifesto. —
Capture of Ticonderoga and Fort Independence. — Destruction of Ame
rican galleys.— --The army reaches the Hudson. — Cruelties of the Indians.
—Defeat at Bennington. — Siege of Stanwix — raised  Battle with gene
ral Gates at Stillwater. — Distressed situation of the army—desertion of
•the Indians. — Burgoyne retreats. — Battle near Saratoga — reduced- state
of the army— troops surrounded-rconventi«ti with the Americans at Sa
ratoga.

CHAP. XIX.

1777.

THE public attention was now turned to the campaign in
America, and great expectations were formed that it would ter
minate in the complete reduction of the colonies. The general
plan was nearly the same as in the preceding year; that the
Canadian army should co-operate with general Howe, and thus
the command of New- York province divide the northern from
the southern colonies.
A body of provincial loyalists was formed under the direc*.
tion of the commander in chief; they were allowed the same
pay as the regulars, and officered by gentlemen who had been
obliged to leave their respective habitations for their attachment
to the royal cause. Inexperienced and not inured to military
discipline, they were not "yet fit for active service, and were
therefore so stationed as to allow the veterans to take the field.
General Howe himself enjoyed every luxury at New York
which he could have found in the metropolis of Britain : his fa-
Howe dur- yourite occupation was gaming, a pastime in which many of his
mg winter. y0ung 0|gcers became thoroughly initiated. There were routs,
balls, and assemblies in great abundance : so that the head
quarters bore the appearance of a gay and voluptuous city in
the time of peace, rather than a military station for* watching

Occupa
tions of

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 509
and annoying, the enemy in war.1 Such were the pursuits of CHAP.
the British commander from December to Jung. While general XIX-
Howe thus amused himself and his troops with the diversions *^"v">»"-'
and pleasures of New-York, Washington was very differently 17I7\
employed. The difficulties which, notwithstanding the forbear- of-vy"^.
anoe of his antagonist, the American commander had to en-mgt0n:
counter, were extremely arduous. The provincial forces were
hitherto but a militia, both in their discipline and the tenure of
their service : the late success at Trenton promoted the dis
position of the colonists to resist; but, on the other hand, the
severity of the season suspended their military ardour, inso
much that about the middle of February the colonial army did
not exceed four thousand men;3 and this small body of raw
peasants was moreover sickly. Nevertheless for four months
they occupied a position at Morristown, not fifty miles from the
brave and numerous veterans of the. royal army, where they not
only experienced no annoyance from general Howe,3 but* harass
ed and distressed the British posts and foraging detachments.
Washington did not fail to profit by the cessation of British ef
fort. The boundless spirit of individual independence, which so
naturally followed -the American claims and assertions, was ad
verse to the operation of authority, and especially to that
prompt and implicit submission which is necessary in military
bodies. Washington saw that the powers which were allowed he devises
in the various gradations of command, were inadequate to their means for
object: hitherto the commander in chief himself was obliged to'^n ^my
act according to the specific instructions of the congress. The efficient
general represented the disadvantages which accrued to the
common cause from authority so fettered ; and such was the
influence of his known wisdom and patriotism, that he was vest- ' *
ed with full and ample powers to collect an army of foot and
horse in addition to those which were already voted, to raise
artillery and engineers, and to establish their pay. Thus em
powered to organize an army, the next care of Washington was
to bind the troops to military fidelity as well as political alle
giance. To the powerful motives of conceived patriotism and
freedom he added the cement of religion, and, with the appro
bation of congress, proposed an oath of adherence to the provin- Oath of
cial cause. Provisions so wise produced the expected success ; allegiance
the colonists soon ceased to be an irregular militia, and became j111" ndeli-
skilful and disciplined soldiers. During the same important in-/'
terval, twenty thousand stand of arms arrived from the continent
of Europe, and before the expiration of the spring the hopes
and spirits of the Americans were revived and invigorated to
meet the dangers of the approaching campaign. Such were
1 Stedman's History of the American war, vol. i. p. 287,
¦» Washington's official Letters, vol. ii. p. 31.
3 Ramsay, the American historian, informs us, tliat his countrymen were
astonished at the inaction of the British during so critical a period, vol. ii.
P. 2.

510 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, -(lie efforts of Washington during the momentous period; which
X'X. the British general passed in pleasurable quarters.
v^*v"w' Summer being commehced, Howe proposed to begin the
1777. operations of the present campaign according; to the same
opens the m(H*e in which he terminated the last, and to' send out detach-
campaign ments, while with the main army he continued in his present
by detach- residence. Up the Hudson river, about fifty miles from New-
ments. York, on the western shore, is a place called Peek's Hill, which
served as a port to Codrtland Manor, and where stores and
provisions were received for the American army : to distress
the enemy, general Howe thought it adviseable to attempt the
'seizure of this port before the* main army took the field.
Accordingly he detached colonel Bird with five hundred men
upon this service. On the approach of the British corps,
the Americans, after setting fire to the barracks and store
houses, evacuated the fort: by the conflagration, the king's'
troops were prevented from seizing the expected provi*-*
sion and ammunition, but they effected the chief purpose of
their expedition by curtailing the resources of the enemy.
Another detachment of two thousand men was sent, under
general Tryon and sir William Erskirie, to Danbury, in the
confines of Connecticut, where they destroyed a large- quanti
ty of stores: fatigued by their march, they were attacked by.
the enemy, but repulsed the assailants, though with the loss of
1 two hundred of their own troops. Lord Cornwallis also sur
prised and defeated a body of colonists near Brunswick. The
Americans, on the other hand, destroyed a considerable quan
tity of our provision near Sagg harbour in-Long Island. Gene
ral Stevens with two thousand provincials attempted to sur
prise the forty-second regiment cantoned at Piscataway, amount
ing to less than a thousand men; but after a furious engage-'
ment, tbe gallant Highlanders, under their' able commander
colonel Stirling, completely routed the enemy. While this
desultory', warfare was carried on by detachments, the com
mander in chief remained quiet at New- York another month.
His alleged reason for beginning the campaign so late was,
that there was no green forage on the ground :1 there was plefli
ty of corn and hay, which persons conversant in the manage
ment of horses affirmed to be preferable food for them when em
ployed in active service, but the general professed a different
opinion. On the 12th of June, the general With thirty thousand men
marched towards Courtland Manor, where the enemy were
posted to the number of eight thousand. The position of
Washington appeared to the British commander so strong,
that, notwithstanding his great superiority both in numbers
and discipline, he deemed it inexpedient to venture an attack ;
after in vain trying to bring the American general to battle,
» Stedman, vol. i. p. 287.

REIGN OF GEORGE IU. 51 1
he, on the 19th of June, pretended to make a precipitate re- CHAP.
treat. The Americans left their fastnesses to pursue the ene- xlx-
my ; Howe marched his army back, and sent lord Cornwallis v-^"v>»»'
to secure the passes, so that the provincials being hemmed in 1777.
might be compelled to fight. On the 26th, his lordship met the £"*"!£!
advanced body of the enemy, attacked them with great fury, tagem to*
and soon put them to the route. Washington, finding that he bring
had been deceived by a feint, immediately returned to his hil- Washing-
ly station, and occupied the passes before lord Cornwallis *°ntobat"
could arrive. Not having succeeded in this stratagem, general '
Howe somewhat hastily concluded that it would be useless failing in
to attempt any other expedient for bringing the enemy to bat- J*at expe-
tle ; he therefore resolved to abandon the Jerseys, and crossed citte's'the
with his army to Staten Island. The general himself in a plan jerseys.
of operations sent to lord George Germaine, had declared his
intention of penetrating to Philadelphia, through Jersey : the
minister had approved and strongly enjoined him in all his
movements to have in view co-operation with the northern
army. Certain military critics allowed, that if he had continu
ed in the Jerseys, by intercepting Washington's convoys he
might have compelled him either to fight, or with his army to
perish by famine ; that the short and direct road to Philadel
phia was through the Jerseys, and that with thirty thousand
veterans he could have easily forced his way through eight
thousand so lately levied. Notwithstanding these considera
tions, the weight of which it required little sagacity to per
ceive, he determined on undertaking an expedition round the
coast ; nautical gentlemen represented to him, that at this
season of the year the winds were very contrary ; the admoni
tions were unavailing, he persisted in his resolution. Leaving Expedi-
a considerable body of troops under general Clinton to guard t'on D? sea
New-York, he embarked the rest of the army on the 5th of?1Pv^a"
July, but by some unaccountable delay did not sail till the 23d. e p ia<
Having arrived at the capes of the Delaware, he learned that
the enemy had blocked up the river, he therefore proceeded
to the Chesapeake Bay, and sailed up the Elk, but did not
come to land till the 24th of August. Thus, from the begin-
ning of November the commander in chief, with thirty thou
sand of the bravest and best disciplined troops, opposed by
less than ten thousand undisciplined recruits, had not advanced
one step nearer the object of his appointment. He was in au
tumn, by a circuitous and difficult route, proceeding to a city,
which in the foregoing winter was ready to yield, if he had ad
vanced by a short and then unguarded road; but Philadelphia
was to be" captured by the hardships of a winter campaign, and
not by luxurious indulgence.
On landing the army, sir William Howe published a procla
mation, offering pardon and protection to all who should sur
render themselves to the British army, and ,assuring the inhabi
tants that the soldiers should observe strict order and discipline

512 HISTORY OP The
•HAP. on their march. General Washington informed that the army'
X,x- was arrived in Pennsylvania, crossed the Delaware with his ar-
^""•"w my on the 11th of September. The British troops advanced
1777. ^0 Brandywine, a river which running from the west, falls into
Brandy- the Delaware below Philadelphia.' On the left bank, next to
wine. the city, the Americans posted themselves, and erected batte
ries at Chadsford, where they presumed the royal army would
attempt to pass : Under cover of their batteries a body of them
also occupied the right bank. General Howe detached lord
Cornwallis with two battallions of British grenadiers, as many
of light troops, two battallions of Hessian grenadiers, two Bri
tish brigades, and part of the seventy-first regiment, to cross
the river farther up, and thus gain the enemy's rear. At the
same time, general Knyphausen, with another division, marched
to Chadsford, against the provincials who were placed there 5
in this service the German experienced very important assist
ance from a corps of riflemen,, commanded by major Patrick
Fergusson. The dexterity of the provincials as marksmen
had been frequently quoted, and held out as an object of ter-
Major ror to the British troops. Fergusson, a man of genius, which
Fergusson was exercised in professional attainments, invented a new spe-
new^soe- c'es °^ r^e' ^*a* com'--|ine<*-* unprecedented quickness of repeti-
ciesofri- tion with certainty of effect, and security to the soldiers. The
fle, invent- invention being not only approved, but highly admired, its au-
edbyhim-thor was appointed to form and train a corps for the purpose of
self. practice ; but an opportunity did not offer of calling their skill
into action, until the period at which we are now arrived. Fer
gusson, with his corps, supported by Wemyss's American rang
ers, was appointed to cover the front of Knyphausen's troops,
and scoured the ground so effectually that there was not a shot
fired by the Americans to annoy the column in its march.*

1 The meritorious conduct of Fergusson was acknowledged by the whole
army, and publicly attested by order of the commander_in chief.
Fergusson, in a private letter of which Dr. Adam Fergusson has- trans
mitted me a copy, mentions a very curious incident, from which it appears
that the life of the American general was in imminent danger. While
Fergusson lay with a part of his riflemen on a skirt of a wood in front of ge
neral Knyphausen's division, the circumstance happened, of which the let
ter in question gives the following account : — " We had not lain long when
a rebel officer remarkable by a Hussar dress, passed towards our army,
within a hundred yards of my right flank, not perceiving us. He was fol
lowed by another dressed in dark green and blue, mounted on a good bay
horse, with a remarkable large high cocked hat. I ordered three good
shots to steal near to them and fire at them ? but the idea disgusted me ;
I recalled the order. The Hussar in returning made a circuit, but the »
other passed within a hundred yards of us ; upon which 1 advanced from
the wood towards him. Upon my calling, he stopped ; but after looking at
me, proceeded. I -again drew his attention, and made sign to him to
stop, levelling my piece at him ; but he slowly continued his way. As I
was within that distance at which, in the quickest firing, I could have
lodged half a dozen balls in or about him before he was out of my reach, I

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 513
So secured, Knyphausen was enabled to advance without inter- CHAP.
ruption, attacked the enemy, obliged them (though protected by XIX.
"their batteries,) to cross the river, made good the passage of his v**"**"^/
own division, and opened the way to the rest of the army. X1-'77-
Meanwhile lord Cornwallis crossed behind the enemy's rear > Brandv-
and general Washington, informed of this movement, sent ge- w-me /
neral Sullivan with a considerable force to oppose the British
detachment. The American seized the heights which rose
from the banks; having his rear and right flank covered by
woods, and his left by the river. The British commander be
gan the attack by four o'clock in the afternoon ; the provin
cials, after a very obstinate resistance, were driven into the
Woods ; and posting themselves on another eminence, made a
second stand still more vigorous than the first: they were
again dislodged, and forced to retire with the loss of a thou
sand killed and wounded, and four hundred taken prisoners.
The main body of the British army had now crossed the river ;
sir William Howe turned the right of Washington's troops,
Knyphausen was in front, the Brandy wine on the left, and the ,
Delaware at a small distance in the rear. Lord Cornwallis,
after his victory, was able to join the general. The only way
by which the provincials could escape was between the Dela
ware and the division under the immediate command of general
Howe ; it was apprehended, that if the commander in chief
had advanced farther round the enemy's flank, he might have
enclosed the* provincial force : this movement, however, was
not attempted, and general Washington drew off his troops du
ring the night to Chester, near Philadelphia. Even; the next
morning, it was alleged, that the British troops might have in
tercepted the Americans ; but the experiment was not tried.
General Howe remained several days at Brandywine after the
enemy had retired. Washington employed this very unexpect
ed cessation in collecting his dispersed troops, and supplying
from his magazines the stores which had been lost in the battle.
On the 20th of September, intelligence being received that ge
neral Wayne was concealed, with fifteen hundred men, in the
wood on the left wing of the British army j general Howe dis
patched major-general Grey with a strong body to surprise and
dislodge the provincial detachment. Proceeding with great se
crecy, the royal troops executed this project so completely, that

had only to determine ; but it was not pleasant tojire at the back of an un-
offending individual, who was acquitting himself very coolly of his duty, so
I let him alone. The day after, I had been telling this story to some wound
ed officers who lay in the same room with me, when one of our surgeons
Who had been dressing the wounded rebel officers, came in and told us,
that they had been informing hjm, that general Washington was all the
morning with the light troops, and only attended by a French officer in a
Hussar dress, he himself dressed and mounted in every point as above de
scribed. I a,m not sorry that 1 did not know at thg. time who it was."
Vol. I. 65

514

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP. XIX.

1777.

Philadel phia

Battle of
German-
town.

they killed or took about four hundred, with the loss of only
seven soldiers and one officer. On the 22d of September, sir
William Howe crossed the Schuylkill with his whole army ; on
the 26th, he advanced to Germantown ; and the following day,
with Cornwallis, took possession of Philadelphia without oppo-
Captureof sition. Being thus masters of the capital of North America, the
British commander next turned his attention to establish a com
munication with the fleet, by removing the obstructions which
the Americans had placed in the river, and strengthened it by
forts. There were disposed rows of chevaux-de-frize, floating
batteries, and gun-boats, in the most accessible parts of the
river, covered by intrenchments and redoubts on the banks.
General Washington, now encamped at Skippach Creek, on the
eastern side of the Schuylkill, formed the design of surprising
the British camp at Germantown. The 3d of October was the
day appointed for executing this project : Washington advanc
ing with his force divided into five columns, attempted to sepa
rate the British army so as to ensure success in the different
flanks. The fortieth regiment and colonel Musgrave having
the advanced post were first attacked, but the skill and activity
of that officer, together with the determined courage of the sol
diers,, arrested the progress of the enemy, prevented the separa
tion of the right and left flank, and gave the whole army time to
form the line. Major-general Grey brought up a division with
such rapidity and force, that the Americans were obliged to act
on the defensive : the engagement became general, and was for
some hours very warm; at length, part of the right wing for
ced the enemy's left to give ground, and fly with great precipi
tation. The rest of the provincials also retreated, attempted to
rally on rising grounds near the scene of action, and pretended
to renew the battle ; but this was only a feint to secure their
retreat. In their flight they were favoured by a fog, which
prevented the British troops from an effectual pursuit. Though
the king's troops drove the enemy from the field, our loss
was very considerable ; six hundred were killed and wounded;
and, among the former, colonels Agnew and Bird, two officers of
very high character ; the killed, wounded, and taken prisoners
of the enemy amounted to about twelve hundred. On the 10th
of October, general Howe, withdrawing his army from Ger
mantown, encamped in the immediate vicinity of Philadelphia,
whence he sent detachments to co-operate with the fleet in the
Delaware. One of the strongest of the American forts was at
Billing's Harbour, on the Jersey side of the river, thither the
commander in chie$ detached three regiments under colonel
Stirling to attack the .place : on his approach the works were
abandoned. The English fleet being arrived in the Delaware,
preparations were made for attacking the water force of the
American provincials. The Americans had constructed a very strong
fortifica- fortification on Mud Island, in the Delaware, off the mouth of
theriver the SchuJlki11 i this *P0St commanded the navigation of the river,

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 513
and unless reduced, could intercept the stores and provisions of CHAP.
the army : opposite to this place was Red Bank, which com- XIX.
manded the fort on the east ; while Province Island, possessed v-^~v^*'
by the British, adjoined in the west, and the British fleet on the ITT!.
south. Colonel Stirling applied to general Howe for leave to
fortify so advantageous a position, the general did not think
proper to comply : the Americans did not however neglect to
secure so important a means of defence, and with great rapidity
raised fortifications. At length discovering the advantage of Red
Bank, general Howe sent colonel Donop with three battallions
of Hessian grenadiers to attempt the redoubt by assault. The
German leader setting out on the 20th of October, arrived the
next day at the place of destination. Having marched up in the
face of the enemy's fire, not only from the fort, but from float
ing batteries and galleys on the river and forces in an extensive
outwork, they arrived before the redoubt, which they found to
be more than eight feet high, with a parapet boarded and frai-
zed, and impregnable without scaling ladders; for the com
mander in chief had omitted to furnish them with this imple
ment so necessary in storming a fort. With victory within their
reach, if the proper preparations had been made, they were
through this negligence obliged to retreat precipitately through
the triple fire ; and lost their leader, who was mortally wound
ed, and died three days after in the hands of the enemy. Five
ships of war had attempted to second Donop's efforts, but two
of them ran aground : one, the Augusta, was set on fire by the
enemy ; and the other, the Merlin, was obliged to be abandoned.
Meanwhile preparations were going on for attacking Mud Red Bank
Island from the western shore, but the batteries were not open- and Mud
ed till the 10th of November ; the part of the fleet destined to co- Jj|£n*
operate was prevented by contrary winds from advancing till
the fifteenth. The provincials quitted the fleet the following The Ame-
night, and two days after Red Bank was also abandoned ; a few rican fleet
of the American galleys escaped, but the greater number were destroyed.
destroyed : a communication was opened between the fleet and
the army. '
While detachments were performing these services, general
Howe, with the main army continued inactive at Germantown,
from the 3d of October to the 4th of December. General
Washington having received a re-enforcement of four thousand
men from the northern army, Howe hoped he would venture a
battle ; with this view he marched to White Marsh, where the
American general was encamped. On the 5th and 6th, he of
fered battle to the Americans, but they would not come from
their lines ; general Howe made no attempt to force the camp,
and during the night changed his position. Columns under lord
Cornwallis and general Grey dislodged the enemy from two of
their outposts : the general still judged it imprudent to venture
the safety of his troops by attacking the enemy in their in
trenchments. It had been expected that the commander in

.-il6

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP. XIX.
1777.
Situationof the
Americans at
WhiteMarsh fa
vourable
to an at
tack.Inaction

troops at
Philadel phia.

chief would have attacked the provincials on the rear, where
their fortifications were by no means so strong as in the front
and flanks, and as the roads in that quarter were very excellent,
general Washington himself apprehended that such an attempt
would be made, but he was mistaken. Indeed, the principles
by which the British general directed his, military operations,
were such as baffled even the sagacity of Washington to dis
cover. The general, without making any attempt on the prac
ticable part of the enemy's camp, retired with his army to
Philadelphia. General Howe began the campaign in 1777 with
thirty thousand veterans, the enemy with eight thousand re
cruits: by all his marches, counter-marches, detachments, ex-
of general peciitions, and battles, he got fresh winter quarters, without im-
U°Je' t0 pairing the force of his enemy : the attainment of the object
winter 'or which he was appointed was no nearer than when he sailed
quarters, from Halifax. Thus closed a campaign, with few parallels in
Result of military history for uniting efficiency of force and multiplicity of
his means 0peration with futility of result. Such must impartial history
forts6 " transmit to posterity the warfare of general Howe in America.
Conduct The commander found Philadelphia equally productive
of the ge- 0f pleasurable indulgence as New-York. The winter was
neral and Spent in dissipation of every kind, but particularly in the frenzy
' ' ' of gaming, which was not only permitted by the general, but
sanctioned by his own daily practice. A German officer kept
a pharo bank, and accumulated a considerable fortune by prey
ing on the British youth, who, through want of employment from
the professional inaction of their leader, were driven to fill up
their time with this pernicious pastime, and encouraged by the
example which he exhibited. Many were utterly ruined, and
obliged to sell their commissions, because, instead of pursuing
Washington and compelling him to fight or surrender, general
Howe suffered his gallant and active troops to spend the winter
in idleness at Philadelphia. The dissipation spread 'through
the army, and tended as usualto produce indolence and want
of discipline, which relaxed both bodies and minds. Washing
ton, apprized of the retirement of the British army, quitted his
at"vallCanS camP> anc* t°0^ a Pos»tion at, Valley Forge, on the north side of
Forge. the Schuylkill, and determined to winter there in a camp, in
stead of retiring to the towns of Lancaster, York, and Carlisle,
at a greater distance from Philadelphia; by which means he
would have left a large fertile district to supply the royalists
with provisions. Though his army was destitute of clothing,
and many other necessaries, and ill provided with tents and other
accommodations for rest, yet did raw and undisciplined troops
from enthusiastic attachment to their meritorious general, imi
tation of his example, and ardent patriotism, bear all those
hardships without repining. Among other wants of the Ame
ricans, was a great scarcity of intrenching tools ; from this cause
their lines were much weaker than usual: the approach in
front was almost level ground ; on the front and right, there
was a ditch six feet wide, and three in depth ; and a mound

Situation of the

"REIGN OF GEORGE III. 517
of small width, that could be easily broken by cannon. On the CHAP.
rear there was a precipice, impassable except by a defile, which XIX.
could be easily occupied. On the left was the Schuylkill, which, '¦^^^^
if it guarded them from approach on that side, also cut off their I777-
flight if successfully attacked on the front and right.1 It has
been generally agreed by military judges, that if the British
commander had made the attempt during any part of the win
ter, -there was a moral certainty of crushing the whole army of
the enemy, but from December to May he suffered them to be
unmolested. . At New- York sir Henry Clinton received from Europe con-Expedj-
siderable re-enforcements, to undertake an expedition up thetl0n ofsir
Hudson river to open a communication with the northern army. cfntonuD
A division of his troops having stormed Fort Montgomery, he t\^e North
himself attacked Fort Clinton. The approach to this post was river.
over a pass of about one hundred jards square, between a lake
and a precipice that overhung the river : the defile was covered
with felled trees, which prevented the troops from advancing
with either quickness or order ; and from the fort they were gal
led with a dreadful fire. Notwithstanding the dangers and
difficulties they had to encounter and surmount, the soldiers,
both British and foreign, pressed forward with undaunted cou
rage and perseverance, and arrived at the foot of the work. The
Americans defended themselves with intrepid courage, but at
length were overpowered by the resolute and active valour of
the king's forces ; and, after discharging a last volley, surren
dered at discretion. In no action that occurred during the war,
was British valour more conspicuously displayed than in this ex
pedition, and the conquerors treated their prisoners with a hu
manity equal to their gallantry.
This advantage having been achieved by land, commodore
Hotham, who commanded the naval equipment, was no less
successful by water, and, either under his own immediate di
rection, or through sir James Wallace, destroyed the greater
part of the American' shipping on the river. A messenger
arriving from the northern army, urged general Clinton to
penetrate so far that he might co-operate with those troops ;
but he deeming the attempt impracticable, returned to New
York. While Clinton was employed on the North river, Bar
ton, an American colonel, formed a project of surprising general .
Prescot at Rhode Island, with a view to exchange him for gene
ral Lee. The American had learned that Prescot's head-quar
ters were at the west side of the island, near t'-e shore, and that,
trusting for security to a sloop of war which anchored in the bay,
he was guarded by only one sentinel, and was about a mile from
his troops. Colonel Barton^ with some oflicers and soldiers, Capture of
landing at night unperceived by the guard-ship, effected their gei>eral
purpose, and by this means soon procured the restoration of Lee "reScot-
to the service of the provincials. ' Stedman, Andrews,

518 HISTORY OF THE
«HAP. While in the south the British arms were obtaining unproduc-
XIX. fjve victories, ultimately disastrous, by consuming our resources
v-/^^">-' arid impairing our strength ; in the north, they experienced sig-
1777. nai defeat, and a complete overthrow.
Northern j^ 0j,ject 0f tj,e Canadian expedition was to effect a co-ope
ration with the principal force ; and the command of the arma-
Burgoyne ment was conferred on general Burgoyne. Sir Guy Carleton,
is invested from his official situation in Canada, nis conduct, and especially
with the ],jg defence 0f Quebec, might have reasonably expected this ap-
of thenar- pointment ; he was an older general, of more military experi-
mament. ence, and better acquainted with the country, its inhabitants, and
resources. His character commanded greater authority than
Burgoyne's had hitherto established : the professional reputa
tion of Burgoyne, indeed, was liable to no objection, but he
had not, like Garleton, obtained celebrity. As no military
grounds could be alleged for superseding Carleton to make
room for Burgoyne, his promotion was imputed to parliamentary
Carleton influence, more than to his official talents. Carleton, disgusted
resigns in with a preference by no means merited, as soon as he heard of
disgust, the appointment, resigned his government. The event was such
as might be expected from the delegation of important trust,
from extrinsic considerations instead of the fitness of the trustee
for the service required.
The plan of the expedition through the wilds of America
was concerted in London between general Burgoyne and lord
Burgoyne George Germaine. It was agreed, that besides regular troops,
purchases jn(j}an savages should be employed by the British commander ;
Indian sav- the alleged reason for calling in such auxiliaries was, that if
ages. they were not engaged in our service they would join the pro
vincials; they would be useful in desultory warfare, and the
Numberof British troops would moderate their atrocity. The force re-
his troops, quired by Burgoyne was eight thousand regulars, two thousand
Canadians, and a thousand Indians. Of these near seven
thousand two hundred veterans, including Brunswick mercena
ries,1 a considerable part of the Canadian militia, and the
requisite number of Indians were ready when Burgoyne ar
rived from England to commence the campaign. He was
besides furnished with chosen officers, among whom were
Expedi- generals Philips, Fraser, Powel, and Hamilton. Having sent
tion of co- colonel St. Leger with a body of light troops and Indians to cre-
lonel St. ate a diversion on lake Ontario and the Mohawk river, he himself,
eger' on the 16th of June, set out from Fort St. John, proceeded up lake
Champlain, and landed near Crown Point: here he gave the In
dians a war feast, at which he made them a speech, praising and
stimulating their courage, but exhorted them to repress their fero-
Manifesto city. At Putnam Creek he judged it expedient to publish a com-
of Bur- minatory manifesto, in which, by a profusion of epithets and rhe-
goyne. torioal figures, he represented the Americans guilty of the most fla-
1 Stedman, p. 320.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 519
grant enormities ; he threatened the severest punishments against CHAP.
those who should still adhere to the cause of rebellious sub- XIX
jects ; he should send the Indian forces to overtake the har- '*^~-^*-'
dened enemies of Britain and their own country ; he declared 1777.
the most assured confidence that he should be able to subjugate
all stubborn and refractory revolters. After having expatiated
on the wickedness of their proceedings and the vengeance
which, if they did not repent, they must expect from justice
armed, with his irresistible powers, he concluded with explain
ing to them what the penitent might hope from his wise,
generous, and forbearing mercy. It required no great sagacity
to divine that men, who conceived themselves fighting for
their liberties, and for two years had shown a promptness to
face any danger on account of so valuable an object, were not
to be frightened from their purpose by high sounding words.
The impolicy of this declaratory boasting was obvious,1 and,
in the opinion of impartial men, stamped the character of its
author as deficient in sound wisdom, and that knowledge of
human nature, without which neither a general nor a statesman
-can expect to succeed in arduous undertakings : his denunci
ation tended only to excite stronger resentment in the colonists,
and to inspire more vigorous exertions to defend themselves
from the threatened. atrocities. Gates, the American general,
replied to this production in a very plain but strong manifesto,
which formed a striking contrast to the pompous phraseology
and empty gasconades of Burgoyne's performance.2 The capture of
British general advancing on the 2d of July, reached Ticon- Ticonde-
deroga, which, with another fort opposite to it, recently built, ™f>a an^
under the name of Mount Independence, were immediately de°J^_ n
abandoned by the Americans.3 The general despatched comr dence.
modore Lutwitch, with the naval armament, in pursuit of the
enemy's fleet that was conveying the provisions from the
evacuated garrison to Skenesborough ; overtaking them near Destruc-
the place of their destination, he captured some of their gal- tion of the
leys, and set fire to the rest. ^Jeriscan
On the 6th of July, the advanced corps of grenadiers and Attack'
light infantry, under general Fraser, consisting of near twelve and defeat
hundred men, came up with the enemy's rear, commanded by of the
colonel Francis, composed of fifteen hundred of their* chosen American
troops. Fraser, notwithstanding his inferiority, attacked the rear'
provincials, who received him with the firmest intrepidity. The
battle was long doubtful, but the arrival of general Reidesel
with the Brunswick troops determined the event. The Ameri
cans, conceiving that the whole German force had arrived, re-
» See Annual Register.
2 Speaking of the proffered mercy immediately after the threat of send
ing Indian savages upon the provincials, he said, " the tender mercies of the
Indian tomaliaivk we will not solicit." See in State papers 1777, both the
manifestoes. 3 Stedman and Ramsay.

520 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, treated with the greatest precipitation. They lost two hundred
5lx- killed, as many taken prisoners, and about six hundred wound-
*^v<*s ed, of whom the greatest number died in the woods. Of the
1777. British, about one hundred and forty, including twenty officers,
were killed and wounded. Colonel Hill, with the ninth regi
ment, was sent to pursue a party of the enemy that had re
tired to Wood's Creek. Having overtaken them, the British
leader perceived that they were much superior in numbers to
his corps; he nevertheless engaged, and posted his men so
judiciously as to prevent their repeated attempts to surround
him by their numbers. After a battle of three hours, the pro
vincials were forced to retreat with great slaughter. Schuyler,
the American general, employed a stratagem frequently used
afterwards in the course of the war; he wrote a letter to gene
ral Sullivan, intended to fall into the hands of Burgoyne ; which
being taken and perused by the British commander, so puzzled
and perplexed him as to retard his operations several days, be
fore he could determine whether he was to advance or retreat.
At last he resolved to'penetrate to Hudson river, while major-
general Philips should bring the stores from Ticonderoga along
lake George to Fort George, whence there was a waggon road
to Fort Edward on the Hudson. Military critics affirmed that
it Would have been much wiser in Burgeyne to have crossed
the country from Skenesborough to lake George, embarked, and
proceeded' a considerable part of the route by water, than to
have marched by land through a wild, woody, and swampy
country. Their march was frequently interrupted by morasses,
impassable without bridges, of which the construction employ
ed a considerable time. Burgoyne alleged, that if he had re
turned to lake George, the retrogade movement would have
damped the ardour of his troops ; but the necessary slowness
of their progress through those wilds and intricacies, was more
The army likely to repress their animation. It was the 30th of July be-
tha<HeSi ^ore *'ley arr'vec*- at the river ; there they were obliged to wait
son river severa-^ days, until their provisions, -stores, and other necessaries
should be embarked. Burgoyne's expedition had at first struck
great consternation into the minds of the Americans ; but, on
finding his advances much more tardy than they expected, their
spirits began to revive, and they made various dispositions for
recruiting their strength : re-enforcements were sent to general
Schuyler, who was posted at Saratoga on the Hudson, about
twenty miles north from Albany. They sent Arnold to watch
the motions of colonel St. Leger, and to prevent his co-opera
tion with the main army. St. Leger was now advanced to
Fort Stanwix on the Mohawk river : the general saw it was ne
cessary to co-operate with that officer, and to move rapidly
forward ; but he had a very large train of artillery : horses
and carriages were wanting, provisions also were nearly ex
hausted. Having learned that the Americans had deposited a
great quantity of stores at Bennington, about twenty-four miles

REIGN OF GEORGE III. , 521
east from Hudson river, Burgoyne resolved to attempt the CHAP.
seizure of this magazine: and despatched colonel Baum, a XIX.
German officer, on that service, with six hundred troops, in- v^"v">fc,/
eluding dragoons. It was represented to the general, that the I777-
proposed enterprise would require no less than three thousand
men ; and that Germans, from the slowness of their movement,
were by no means so fit for surprising the enemy as the British;
that they were, besides, totally unacquainted with the country
and the language, so that they could receive no information
even from friends of the royal cause. The general, however,
persisted in his resolution : the habitual slowness of German
movements, added to the badness of the roads and the want of
carriages, rendered Baum's advance so tedious, that the enemy
were informed of his approach, and prepared for his reception.
When he arrived at Bennington, he found the enemy so strong;
that, with the small body intrusted to him, it would have been
madness to attempt an attack. He accordingly fortified him
self, and sent a message to the general, that the scheme would
be impracticable without a re-enforcement. Colonel Breyman
was sent to his assistance, with five hundred Germans, who ad
vanced with their usual tardiness.1 Meanwhile Starke, an*
American general, who was on his way with a thousand men
from New-Hampshire and Massachusetts to join the provincial
army under Schuyler, hearing of Baum's expedition to Benning
ton, turned aside to second the efforts of Warner, who com
manded the provincials at that place. On the 16th of August, Defeat at
the Americans surrounded Baum, who, though he made a gal- JJem"nl»-
lant resistance, was overpowered by numbers,3 himself mortally on"
wounded, and his troops put to the route. Elated with their
victory^ the provincials marched to attack Breyman, who,
ignorant of Baum's defeat, was advancing to his assistance.
Breyman had just met some fugitives from Baum's detachment,
when the Americans, before lie had time to order a retreat, fell
upon his troops : he made a very valiant defence, but was at
last compelled to retire. The loss of the royalists in both bat
tles amounted to six hundred men : this first material check
which the king's troops suffered, is imputed to the employment
of Germans on a service requiring rapid expedition, and to the
smallness of their number.
Colonel St. Leger invested Fort Stanwix, a.small fort, defend- Siege of
ed by seven hundred men. On the 3d of August, being inform- Stanwix,
ed that a thousand provincials were niarching to, its relief, the
British leader despatched sir John Johnson, with a party of re
gulars and a great number of savages, to lie in ambush in the
woods : the stratagem succeeded, the provincials were unex-

' So foolishly attached were they to forms of discipline, that in marching
through thickets they stopped ten times in an hour, to dress their ranks. See
Stedman, vol. i. p. 332.
•> Stedman, p. 333.
Vol. I. 66

S2Z HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, pectedly attacked on all sides by the fire of the British troops,
XIX> and the tomahawks of the Indians. Having made a very brave
v-^'v"s,,,' resistance, after losing half their number, the remainder were
I777' enabled to retreat with some degree of order. Meanwhile the
besieged, being apprized that the artillery of their assailants
was too light to make any impression on the fort, and being
well supplied with provisions, rejected every overture to induce
them to surrender. A man belonging to the fort, pretending to
¦ be a deserter, came to the British camp, and told St. Leger
that Arnold was advancing with two thousand men, and ten
pieces of cannon, to protect the ' fort, and that general Bur
goyne's army had been cut to pieces. This account made lit
tle impression on the colonel, but produced an immediate effect
on the savages, of whom a large party instantly left the camp,
and the rest threatened to follow if the British commander
is raised, would not begin to retreat. St. Leger was compelled to aban
don his enterprise, and to retreat precipitately with the loss of
his artillery and stores. The failure of this undertaking so
soon after the defeat at Bennington, damped the spirits of the
royal army, and elated the Americans. The conduct of their
savage auxiliaries was extremely prejudicial to the British in
terest. The admonitions of Burgoyne had little more effect on
these murderous tribes, than if lectures on humanity had been
addressed to the tigers of Hindostan ; and, indeed, the expecta
tions of mildness were as reasonable from habitual butchery as
from instinctive ferocity : the barbarities of the Indians, like
those of their four-footed brethren, were totally indiscriminate;
loyalists and revolters, if they came into the power of the sa
vages, experienced the same fate. An instance of cruelty
which happened about this time was peculiarly afflicting : Mr.
Jones, an officer in the British service, had paid his addresses
to the daughter of an American loyalist, a young lady in the
bloom of youthful beauty : she listened to his suit and consent
ed to become his bride. Anxious for her safety, he offered to
reward with a barrel of rum any person who should escort her
from her father's house to a. place where he was himself to meet
her, and that very day receive her hand. Two Indians under
took the task, and had conducted her near the appointed spot,
when a dispute arose between them, which should present the
lady to her lover. Both were eager for the reward, and the
one to prevent the other from receiving it, murdered the bloom
ing innocent maiden ; and the youth, instead of his beloved
bride, found a mangled corpse. This and other instances of
atrocity inflamed the American people : the cruelties of the In
dians, and the cause in which they were engaged, were asso
ciated together, and presented in one view to the alarmed in
habitants. They, whose interest it was to draw forth the mili
tia in support of American independence, strongly expressed
their execrations of the army which submitted to accept of In
dian aid, and they loudly condemned that government which

Reign of gEorge ih. 533
co uld call such auxiliaries into a civil contest, as were calculat- CHAP.
ed not to subdue, but to exterminate a people whom they af- XIX-
fected to reclaim as subjects. Their cruel mode of warfare, by *^~*~**
putting to death, as well the helpless iufant and defenceless fe» 1777>
male, as the resisting armed man, excited an universal spirit of
resistance. In conjunction with other circumstances, it impress
ed on the minds of the inhabitants a general conviction, that a
vigorous determined opposition was the only alternative for the
preservation of their property, their children, and their wives.
Could they have indulged the hope of security and protection
while they remained peaceably at their homes, they would
have found many excuses for declining to assume the profession
of soldiers ;• but: when they contrasted the dangers of a manly
resistance with those of a passive inaction, they chose the former
as the least of two unavoidable evils. All the feeble aid which
the royal army received from their Indian auxiliaries was infi
nitely overbalanced by the odium it brought on their cause, and
by that determined spirit of opposition which the dread of sa
vage cruelties excited.1 In the command of the American
army a change took place which proved fatal to the royal inte
rests ; general Gates was appointed commander in chief of
the northern forces. The British commander having by great
industry collected about thirty days provisions and constructed
a bridge of boats, on the 14th of September crossed the river,
and occupied the heights of Saratoga, about thirty miles from
Albany. Thence the army set forward in a southern course;
but the march was obstructed by the difficulties of the road
which the rains had almost rendered impassable, and retarded
by a great train -of artillery, which required frequent construc
tion of bridges. On the 19th of September they arrived at Still- Battle
water, where the enemy were encamped ; the right wing was wi* Sei*e-
commanded by general Burgoyne, and covered by general Fra- ^ stittwa-
ser, with the grenadiers and light infantry; the left by general ter.
Philips and Reidesel.. The enemy attempted to turn the right
wing of the king's troops, and attacked them in the rear ; Fraser
with his brigade holding the extreme position on that side, per
ceived their design, and prevented its execution. Changing their
situation, they attacked the British line in front of the right divi
sion : the battle began at three o'clock in the afternoon, and con
tinued till after sunset. The right wing only of our army was
completely engaged : the twentieth, twenty-first, and sixty-se
cond regiments bore the brunt of the battle with the most intre
pid firmness and enterprising courage ; they were very hardly
pressed, when major-general Philips found means to send artil
lery through a thick wood, which supported and aided their efforts.
The twenty-fourth regiment, with the grenadiers and light in
fantry, also came forward to assist their fellow-soldiers. The

Ramsay, vol. ii.p. 38.

524 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP. Americans fought with no less coolness, valour, and skill : at
X'X. iast( they left the British army in possession of the field: the
*^^>s loss on each side amounted to about six hundred men.
n1777' a Though our troops remained masters of the scene of action, yet
Suation the battle of Stillwater was by no means favourable to their
of Bur- ultimate success : they were far advanced in an enemy's coun-
goyne's try ; their numbers were diminishing, without the means of re-
army, enforcement; their provisions were sufficient only for a tem
porary supply; the army of the enemy was daily increasing, and
as it grew in force, it became the abler to prevent our troops
from successful foraging. The savages showed an inclination
to leave the British, from the time the hopes of plunder were
disappointed ; and it was apprehended they would become ene-
Desertion mies, as well as deserters: a few days after, the Indians actual-
of the In- ly left the British camp. Burgoyne had advanced in conformity
dians. ^0 ^e mjnister--s plan, in expectation of assistance from generals
Clinton and Howe. The expected aid had failed; and with
out it, the project was no longer practicable. Before him was
an enemy already strong, and collecting new strength, in a
country abounding with difficulties: the only means of saving
himself and his troops therefore from destruction appeared to be
a retreat. Generals Gates and Arnold, well informed of Bur
goyne's embarrassment, projected his interception. For that
purpose they sent an expedition under colonel Brown, who,
from his activity and knowledge of the country, turned the
British rear, arrived at lake George, and surprised and took
Burgoyne boats that were conveying provisions to our troops. Burgoyne
retreats. began his retreat towards Saratoga : his difficulties were accu
mulating; his army did not exceed five thousand men; their
stores were almost exhausted ; and a fresh supply being cut off,
he was obliged to restrict his soldiers to a reduced allowance.
The enemy had augmented their forces, and nearly surrounded
him on all sides; it was necessary to dislodge them before it
would be possible to return to the lakes.. To effect this pur
pose, on the 7th of October he headed fifteen hundred men
himself, accompanied by generals Reidesel, Philips, and Fra-
Battle ser. This body had arrived within half a mile of the enemy's
near entrenchments, when a furious attack was made by the Ameri-
Saratoga. cang on ^e jep. wj„g and centre of the royal army. Major
Auckland, commanding the grenadiers, sustained their first on
set with great resolution ; but their numbers soon enabled the
enemy to extend their attack along the whole line. The right
had not yet been engaged ; but the enemy moving round to pre
vent a retreat, the light infantry and twenty-fourth regiment in
stantly formed to defeat their purpose. Meanwhile the left
wing, nearly overpowered by numbers, attempted to retire, and
was on the point of being overwhelmed, when the corps sent to
the assistance of the right division, rapidly changing their move
ment, endeavoured to secure the left from impending destruc
tion, by whicli timely aid they at last made good their retreat

REIGN OF GEORGE IH. 525
to the camp. The right was also compelled to retire, with the CHAP.
loss of many men and several pieces of cannon, and the Ameri- XIX.
cans attempted to force the intrenchments ; on that side the *>^"v>***-'*
engagement was a long time doubtful, but Arnold being wound- 1777-
ed, the provincials were repulsed. On the left wing of the
camp, the American attack was more successful : they carried,
sword in hand, the lines which were defended by colonel Brey
man and the German troops, and also took the baggage, stores,
and artillery. In this battle, among the slain were colonel
Breyman and general Fraser : and a considerable number of
officers were killed or wounded on both sides. During the
night, the general, aware that in his present position the enemy
would in the morning renew the battle with almost certain suc
cess, changed his position with his whole army, and occupied
a very strong post. Convinced that nothing less than a deci
sively successful action could extricate him from his difficulties,
the next day, from his advantageous ground, he offered the
enemy battle. The provincials, however, were projecting mea
sures much safer to themselves, and no less dangerous to their
adversaries. They advanced strong bodies of troops beyond
Burgoyne's right, with a view to enclose his army. Burgoyne,
perceiving this operation, resolved to hasten his retreat to Sara
toga ; and accordingly, during that • night, began his march:
He did not reach Saratoga till the 10th; there he found the
passes before him secured by the enemy, the shores of the river
lined with troops, and the whole navigation entirely in their
power. He attempted to retreat to Fort George, to make a
rapid march along the western bank of the river, and cross by
the ford at Fort St. Edward's, but received intelligence that
both the fort and road were beset by the enemy. The condi- Reduced
tion of the British army was now most deplorable : worn down ?f*te of
by incessant exertion and obstinate contest, disappointed of ex- e arm^
pected aid, in their distress deserted by their auxiliaries, com
pelled to abandon their object without any prospect of a safe
retreat, with their numbers reduced from eight thousand to
three thousand five hundred, their provision exhausted, sur- Troops
rounded by an army four times their number, and exposed to surroup
continual cannonade, fast lessening their before impaired force.1 ed"
This dismal situation they bore with the constancy of British
soldiers ; they eagerly wished for a battle to extricate them
selves, or die in the attempt ; but this alternative the enemy
would not afford.
On the 13th of October, Burgoyne, seeing every hope ofComen-
relief vanished, took an exact account of provisions, and found tionwith
there was subsistence only*for five days. He called a council pij^.|s™^
of war, and that he might obtain the . sense of the army as Santoga,
generally as possible, with the higher officers were included
the captains. The result was an unanimous determination to
» Stedman, Andrews, and Ramsay,

si& HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, open a treaty with general Gates. That very night, at nine
i XIX. o'clock, a messenger was despatched to the enemy's camp,
H*"v'>w and the next morning was appointed for commencing the nego-
1 1777. tiation. The British army equally incapable of subsisting in its
I present situation, or making its way to a better, lay entirely
at the mercy of the enemy. The terms proffered in those cir
cumstances were very moderate ; besides the articles that re-
I lated to the maintenance and accommodation of the army on
its way to Boston, the principal conditions were, that the
troops should be allowed to march out of the camp with all
the honours of war, to a fixed place where they were to deposit
their arms, and to sail from Boston to Europe, on a promise not
to serve again in America during the present war ; the baggage
was not to be searched or molested, but private property was to
be held sacred ; all persons of whatever country were to be in
cluded in the capitulation, and the Canadians to be returned to
their owrt country, subject to the conditions of the convention.
On this melancholy occasion, general Gates conducted himself
with the greatest humanity and generosity, and not only treated
the wounded with the most feeling care and kindness, but was
so considerately benevolent, that when the British were laying
down their arms, he would suffer none of his soldiers to be pre
sent at so mortifying an operation.
Such was the conclusion of Burgoyne's expedition, from
which the most important advantages had been predicted by
ministers and their supporters. So untoward an issue in the
usual course of human opinions produced charges of erroneous
judgment, ill digested plans, inadequate preparations, and
unskilful conduct. The train of artillery, it was said, that
Burgoyne carried with him, was superfluous, and retarded
movements, the success of which depended on a rapidity that
should have given the enemy no time to collect an opposing
force. Neither horses nor carriages were provided until the
army was ready to take the field ; and this circumstance de
taining the forces too long at Fort Edward, was ultimately
one cause of the disaster at Bennington, the prelude of greater
misfortunes. After the failure at Bennington and Fort Stan
wix, nt was urged, that Burgoyne ought to have abandoned the
project of penetrating to Albany, and by no means to have
crossed the Hudson: he should have secured himself at Fort
Edward, where, according to the co-operation which he re-
*, ceived from the south, he might have either advanced, or
retreated to Canada. These censures of Burgoyne, if just,
rest entirely on his judgment and skill, and thus ultimately
fall upon the discernment of the ministers from whom he receiv
ed his appointment. There was no charge of neglecting obvi
ous opportunities, remitting personal efforts, relaxing military
', discipline, or sacrificing professional duty to pleasurable indul
gence. If the failure of an expedition proceeded from want
of skill in the commander in chief, the obvious question is, why

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 517
was a person employed, who, neither by any particular act, nor CHAP.
his general character, had discovered sufficient military abilities XIX.
for conducting so important an undertaking ? v^v-^,
While the political counsels of England produced war with 1777.
her colonies, and military operations proved either inefficient
or destructive, the state of Ireland was by no means tranquil. State of.
The octennial act, as a cotemporary historian observes, was nolreland!
longer an object of exultation than while it was recent.1 The
great expenses attending elections were severely felt; the con- <
stent residence of the lord-lieutenant, which now first became a I
part of his duty, gave offence lo many, who found their power
and influence diminished, and a strong opposition was speedily
formed. Government proposed a very considerable addition to \
the military establishment, and, through the influence of the lord-
lieutenant, a bill to that effect,'after violent coutests, was passed
into a law : but the opposition was powerful ; their arguments
making a deep impression on the people, increased the discon
tents ; and the exertions of the an ti -ministerial party soon prov
ed successful in the parliament itself.
From the settlement of Ireland by king William, money bills- Questid
had originated in the privy-council, by whom they were pro-ponceru-
posed to the commons. Agreeably to this usage, in Novem- in*f *he
ber 1769, ministers framed a bill for a supply, and having in-^f "f
troduced it into the house, their opponents reprobated the pro- money
position as trenching on the rights of the national representa- bills..
lives. The court party quoted precedent, while their adversa
ries asserted the principles of the constitution : the popular
champions prevailed, and the bill was rejected. To demon
strate that they were actuated by a regard for their rights, and
not by parsimony, the commons granted an aid much greater
than had been required ; instead of a supply for three months
which ministers had proposed, they provided a proportionable
amount for two years. The liberality of the grant did not, in
the opinion of the viceroy, compensate the deviation from the
customary mode. Regarding precedent as law, in a speech to
the houses he contended that the procedure had violated the just
rights of the crown, and protested against the claim of the com
mons to the origination of money bills ; but finding that the dele
gates of the people were not to be swayed by his asseverations
contrary to their own judgment and will, Townshend prorogued Prordgk
parliament. ' ti°no^
The prorogation of the national council soon after the com- ^eni j
mencement of its deliberations, and on account of an assertion ' I
of constitutional right, rapidly and widely augmented dissatis- I
¦faction. The popular leaders employed -the recess in increas- Character
ing their strength, concerting plans, and consolidating efforts, ofminise.
Unity of character exhibited internal evidence, sufficient to? al P^-y
evince that the same heads and hearts which administered their^n/
'See Adolphus, vol. i. p. 409.

s'23 CHAP. XIX.

1777.

Long re
cess-

Violence against
govern- ment.

Topular larty is
ictorious
il parlia
ment.

HISTORY OF THE
affairs of Britain, directed the government of Ireland : in the
counsels of rulers were to be seen the general causes which, in
other operations, we have been contemplating; — weakness of
conduct exemplified in fluctuating and inconsistent measures,
and a desultory alternation of precipitate violence and concilia
tory attempt. Actuated by resentment, the counsellors of the
king deprived of their offices two of the most powerful favour
ites of the people, lord Shannon and Mr. Ponsonby, and there
by drove them to the anti-ministerial side. During the whole
year 1770, the parliament did not meet, and the public dissa
tisfaction continued to ferment: Early in the following year,
government essayed a conciliatory experiment: parliament
was assembled, and addressed by the viceroy in a mild and
soothing speech. Measures, he said, were adopted and carried
into execution for promoting the manufactures and trade of the
kingdom; through, the economy of government no new aids
would be required, and every thing augured prosperity to
Ireland, if harmony in the senate permitted them to devise the
best measures for stimulating the industry of the people. This
attempt to atone by general professions of good will for specific
violence, was not successful ; no mention being made of the
prorogation of parliament and its cause, the source of popular
discontent still remained. The vehement ardour of the Irish
character burst forth in outrage against government and its
adherents ; a mob armed with clubs and cutlasses surrounded
the parliament house, attempted to impose an oath upon mi
nisterial members, and proceeded to such violence as required
military force to repress. In parliament, opposition was pow
erful and strenuous; instead of agreeing to the address, they
proposed an amendment, reprobating the general system of ad
ministration, and desiring the recall of the lord-lieutenant.
Though this proposition was negatived, yet the anti-ministerial
party was formidable by rank and talents; and supported by
the voice of the country; a supply of money not being want
ed, the chief subject , of contention was dormant, and the ses
sion was short and unimportant. During the recess the dis
contents continued to glow, while popular writers fanned the
flame, and the Irish became more violently incensed against
the ministerial party, especially the lord-lieutenant. Towards
the end of the year, parliament was again assembled. The
viceroy opened it with a speech, which was severely reprobat
ed in both houses. In the peers, the duke of Leinster and
lord Moira very strongly represented the distressed and dis
contented state of the country, and imputed it to the viceroy.
The same arguments were supported in the house of com
mons with such force and effect that government carried
the address by a majority of only five. On the grand question
of a money bill, the popular party proved victorious. The
commons framed a proposition of supply, which was adopted
by the lords. The lord-lieutenant sent the bill to England,

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 529
whence it was returned with three material alterations by the CHAP.
British council. The commons of Ireland saw that the amend- Xix.
ments were in themselves expedient, but indignantly reprobated ^^"w
their origination. A debate ensued, of that animated eloquence 1777-
which generous breasts pour out on questions concerning their
freedom. Operating on the spirit of patriotism, the popular
speeches were so impressive, that in favour of ministry there
was not even a division ; and thus the vigorous efforts of the
votaries of liberty still farther approximated the constitution of
Ireland to the constitution of Britain, by ascertaining that the
contributions of the people must originate with the commis- •
sioners chosen by the people. Ireland had long been the source
of donatives to the creatures of administration not only con
nected with herself but belonging to Britain; and many pen
sions on the Irish establishment were bestowed on persons from
whom no benefit appeared to the Irish themselves to have ac
crued to their country. The reason frequently alleged by go
vernment for such grants was, that the receivers or their con
nexions had been beneficial to the whole empire, and conse
quently to Ireland as well as every other part. The Irish pa
triots, in a great number of instances, denied this allegation, and
affirmed that a large portion of the sums paid for Irish pen
sions was without a'ny adequate advantage to their island, or
indeed to Britain. This objection they in a certain degree ex
tended to placemen: various holders of "nominal offices with
real salaries, receiving their emoluments from Ireland, resided
in England ; the popular advocates alleged that persons so cir
cumstanced were mere pensioners under another name. About
4his time the customs and excise were placed under different
boards, in consequence of which there was a great increase of
revenue officers. Opposition proposed a resolution for express
ing a disapprobation of the change ; objecting to this motion,
ministers contended that the alteration was extremely benefi
cial in preventing frauds and depredations. Their adversaries
replied, that many of the persons who were nominated officers
under these boards and, received salaries, actually resided in
England, and contended that persons resident in Britain could
not prevent contraband trade in Ireland.1 These arguments
appearing to a majority not without weight, the resolution was
carried, and though inefficient as to any legislative purpose,
manifested the disposition of the commons to confine grants
within the bounds of utility, without allowing reins to ministe
rial largesses. While patriotic senators endeavoured to free
the country from useless incumbrances, ignorant barbarians car
ried dissatisfaction to turbulent outrage : a banditti, associating
under the name of hearts of steel, perpetrated horrid atrocities,
and alarmed the whole country during many months. The in
tervention of the military strength restrained, but ¦.did not total
ly suppress desperadoes. > See Irish parliamentary Ttepotts.
Vol, I. 67

£30

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP. XIX. 1777.
LordTown
shend is
recalled, and suc
ceeded by
lord Har
court.
Efl'ects of
the Ame
rican con
test on ,
Ireland.

Wise go-
vernment of Har
court.

State of
Scotland.

Effects of
the union.

• Such was the state of Ireland in October 1772, when lord
Townshend was recalled, and lord Harcourt appointed viceroy.
This nobleman was individually very popular among the Irish ;
but the discontents still prevailed, and when the contest with
the colonies came to a crisis, Irish dissatisfaction raged with
augmented fury. The disputes between the popular party and
administration in Ireland, naturally excited in the sister king
dom a very warm interest concerning their American fellow-
subjects, whom the discontented in Ireland regarded as labour
ing under a similar oppression with the grievances of which
they themselves complained. They considered the British go
vernment proposing to render both Ireland and America mere
provinces of Britain. These sentiments were eagerly promo
ted by American agents, who represented Ireland as toiling,
that England might wallow in luxury; the labours and manu
factures of Ireland, like those of the silk worm, were of little
moment to herself, and served only to decorate the idle. Such
suggestions exactly coinciding with their own notions, deeply
impressed the Irish, who observed the various schemes of Ame
rican policy, military efforts, and turns of fortune, with an
anxiety almost sympathetic : of the people of all ranks, a much
greater proportion in Ireland were friendly to the colonies, than
in England. Great numbers appeared ripe for even imitating
the example of the revolted provinces ; but the wisdom of
Harcourt avoiding the infatuation of British ministers, employ
ed moderation without timidity, and firmness unmixed with
violence. Proceeding in a course directly opposite to that
which lord North and his coadjutors followed, he produced
totally contrary effects ; while they lost America, he saved Ire
land. Dissatisfaction indeed continued, but from the time of
his government the object of the- disaffected was not separation
from Britain, but a participation of benefits through a closer
connexion. At the period to which the history lias reached,
the principal subject of complaint among the Irish was the
restrictions under which their manfactures and trade labour
ed, from the illiberal and impolitic system of British mono
poly.1 During the first seventeen years of the present reign, Scot
land made considerable- advances in various departments of
industry and improvement. Her progress, however, was such
as rather to afford materials of reflection to the philosophical
contemplator of general results, than remarkable events for the
recording pen of the historian. The acquirements of Scotland
doubtless, were originally owing to the ability, virtue, and en
terprise of her people, but favourable incidents and measures
tended powerfully to call her energies into effectual action.
The prime source of the benefits which poured upon Scotland
during the later periods of the eighteenth century, was the

' See Wealth of Nations, passim.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 53 1
union ; hence arose her commerce and her manufactures, or CHAP.
rather her access to commerce, and excitement to manufactures. XIX-
Scotland was not locally more distant from the scenes ol*0r>r>i>
valuable trade than England, but she wanted naval force to I777'
protect her traffic, and security to her nautical enterprise she
derived from the navy of England. When the interests of the ¦
poorer country were identified with the interests of the richer,
the former became opulent through her characteristic industry
and perseverance, while her exertions were beneficial to her
partner as well as herself. The able and skilful capitalist, and
the able and skilful adventurer, thus acting in concert, pro
moted reciprocal and mutual benefit. If participation of
English trade brought riches to Glasgow and Edinburgh,
Perth and Dundee, Montrose and Aberdeen, the demands of
these cities, and the appendant towns and districts, enlarged
the call for the productive labour of England ; and the ad
vantages were interchanged by action and re-action. Time
must elapse befoie, in a new system, beneficial causes produce
a correspondent effect: the union very early evinced its be
nefits to the Scottish nation ;* and during the reign of George
I. and II. Scotland considerably rose in commerce and opulence;
1 political dissensions however impeded her advancement, and
much Of that ardour and perseverance which have since been
exercised in enterprises profitable and honourable to in
dividuals and the community, were then suspended by contest,
or wasted in a hopeless cause. Suspected, if not convicted, of
adhering to principles and interests hostile to liberty and the
English constitution, Scotchmen were regarded with a jealous
eye, and avenues which political establishment had opened to
profit and honour were obstructed by local prejudice. TheOfthedis-
ruin of rebel hopes proved eventually advantageous to the comfiture
great body of Scotchmen, arid the impediments to honourable ?fthe f
ambition and emolument were removed. The comprehensive stuart.
policy of the present sovereign regarded neither place of
nativity nor political party; the empire increasing in commerce,
the means of opulence and aggrandizement, Scotchmen as well Access of
as Englishmen came in for their share; wealth flowed on8/10?*310
that recently poor country, not only from her own mercantile 1,.™^
residents, but from bold*, keen, and assiduous adventurers whom sources of
she sent to distant regions of the globe. The proceeds of English
Hindostan manufactures afforded capitals that stimulated the greatness.
industry of Paisley; the produce of the Gh&uts cultivated the
Grampians; and the enriching inundations of the Ganges
fertilized the banks of the Tay. While such an. opening to
Scottish adventure enlarged the capital that nurses the useful
and lucrative arts, other consequences resulting, from the union
1 Insomuch that in the rebellion 1715, its vehement opponents, the Jaco
bites, stipulated with the pretender adherence to the union, if he should
prove successful. See Smollett and Cunningham.

532 CHAP. XIX.

1777.
Abolition of herita
ble juris.
dictions.

State of
the high
lands.

HISTORY OF THE
were especially favourable to Scottish agriculture. This mo
mentous treaty paved the way1 for the abolition of the heritable
jurisdictions, which formerly enabled Scottish lords to exercise
arbitrary power within their own districts, and to be separate
tyrants, instead of being an order of men enjoying certain privi
leges for the good of the state.
This emendation was extremely beneficial to agriculture ; for
merly the vassals had bestowed a servile attendance on their
chieftain, at whose call they had been obliged to repair to his
castle, and neglect their own private affairs. In that dependent
state they had estimated themselves and each other according
to their place in the favour of their liege lord, and their chief
occupation had been to court his good graces by being lounging
retainers about his mansion. Emancipated from thraldom, they
attended to the cultivation of their lands : the generous pride
of personal independence succeeded the contemptible vanity
which had been gratified by second hand importance. To in
dependence the surest road was industry; the subject for the
employment of their industry was their hitherto neglected land;
to their inferiors they communicated a portion of that indepen
dence which they possessed and began to enjoy ; they let their
farms upon long leases, and dispensed with the most humiliating
services; by* the security of their tenures the tenants were
stimulated to unusual industry. With this deliverance from
feudal servitude, no doubt, the increase of manufactures and
commerce very powerfully co-operated to the promotion of
agriculture : agriculture, manufactures, and commerce, mutu
ally and reciprocally advanced each other, and conjointly
tended to form that middling class, which, though not before ex
isting in Scotland, has in England proved the most efficacious
supporters, of our laws, liberty, and constitution. As, however,
the operation of political causes is generally gradual, the pro
gress of husbandry was not hitherto universal in Scotland ; in
the lowland districts it had made such considerable advances as
to equal most counties in England. In the highland frontiers
gentlemen were beginning to know the use of fertilizing com
posts adapted to the nature of the soil and climate, and by
means of these to establish a regular rotation of crops : but
opinion and usage surviving institution, the encouragement to
farmers was in those districts inadequate. The tenements were
too small to admit an accumulation of capital sufficient for the
purposes of improvement; and few leases being granted, the
precarious dependence of the tenure prevented every expendi
ture that was not absolutely necessary for the productiveness of

¦ The destruction of feudal vassalage never could have happened had
Scotland retained a separate legislature ; because mqst of the members of
that parliament, from vanity, pride, and ambition, would have opposed a
measure which reduced them from being petty princes on their own es
tates, to an equal submission to the laws with their vassals and even poor
est tenants.

REIGN OF GEORGE in. 530
a single year. Some landed proprietors, however, among the CHAP.
vallies of the Grampians exercised a liberal and wise policy in xlx'
the allotment of their farms, by letting such quantities of land as s^~v™^*
to admit the full employment of the tenant's skill, and granting 1777.
leases which stimulated his industry. The beneficial effects whicli
accrued to such judicious landlords, influenced others, and the
prospect of agricultural improvement in those districts was fa
vourable. A succession of cold seasons some years before, had
damped the spirit of agricultural improvement; but these ter
minated in 1773,1 and were followed by fruitful seasons. In
more remote and barren parts of the highlands, during the
years of scarcity, extreme indigence prevailed, and the evils
were dreadfully aggravated by subordinate oppression. Though
dissolved by law, the feudal system here continued in fact, with
out the patriarchal sentiments which had rendered the chief
tain and his retainers one large family. The proprietors hav
ing assigned their lands in large allotments to tacksmen, who,
both in situation and conduct, bore a striking resemblance to
the middle-men who are so oppressive to the Irish peasantry,
great emigrations took place. For improving the state of the
people, the only effectual means of repressing this spirit, at
tempts were made to stimulate the inhabitants of the coasts to
seek from the ocean those riches, which the coldness of the cli
mate and the barrenness of the soil denied to their industrious
efforts. Various projects were formed for promoting the fishe
ries, but hitherto with very partial success. The influence of
the union began to extend even to the remote highlands : gen
tlemen in the army or other professions became conversant with
English sentiments and principles, learned a respect for the

1 Here I think it will not be foreign to our purpose to mention a theory
¦which was formed by the peasants of Athol, a district of Perthshire, con
cerning the severe years, the natural cause of their continuance and termi
nation, as it illustrates the character and notions of our fellow-subjects in
an extensive and populous district. Acute and intelligent, with their time
not fully occupied by rural business, the highlanders are much addicted to
' speculation, especially on physical subjects, which make a forcible impres
sion on their senses and observation. The cold seasons that had sterilized
their fields were naturally the chief topics of their discourse. Desirous of
ascertaining the cause, in the want of facts like much deeper philoso
phers, they had recourse to conjecture. The favourite hypothesis was,
that Scotland had revolved within the influence of a frozen star, and would
become colder and colder as long as this attraction lasted. In the year
1774, the king's astronomer, -Mr. Maskelyne, came to that country, with
the view of making observations from one of the highest mountains ; Shi-
challion was accordingly chosen. The theorists apprehended his object
was to melt the frozen star : the season proved at first extremely rainy,
which they imputed to the dissolution of the frost, but it afterwards be
came warm and genial, which they attributed to the complete success of
the experiment. Such was their belief at the time, and long after, as I
myself know ; and I have heard that among the old it continues to this
day.

534 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, lights and happiness of their fellow men, and perceived that by
X,X- encouraging activity and enterprise among their tenaints, they
*•*"***** would eventually render them more productive. But this spirit
1777. was *noj. ye.j. become general ; many of the lower proprietors, as
well as of the higher class, whose range of observation, thought,
and sentiment was narrowed within the circle of their domains,
preferred lordly supremacy over humble dependants, to all the
benefits accruing to a landlord from an independent cultivator
of his lands on the terms of fair reciprocity between man and
man. Light and civilization required to be much more perfect
ly diffused, before the energies of the highlanders were employ
ed to the degree of advantage of which their combined talents,
resolution, and enterprise are susceptible.
Ecclesias- f]le lower ranks in Scotland have a greater proportion of
putesad- knowledge, than corresponding classes in many other countries.
tate Scot- One great branch of the study even of peasants and mechanics,
fand. (strange to say,) is metaphysical divinity. The equalizing spi*
rit of presbyterianism, in matters of faith pays much less re
gard to human authority, than is bestowed by the votaries of
hierarchical establishments ; and nothing is more common than
to find a day labourer contending with the parson of the pa
rish concerning interpretations of scripture and points of ortho
doxy. Connected with this anxious care for the doctrines of the
church, is a no Ies3 vigilant watchfulness for her government.
While England was so much occupied by Wilkes and the co
lonies, Scotland, without being regardless of these, was chiefly
agitated by questions concerning the source of clerical appoint
ments. The law of the land established patronage, either of
the crown, public bodies, or individuals : a great body in the
church, headed by Robertson, supported the continuance of the
law as it stood ; a smaller but considerable body in the church,
supported by numerous votaries among the people, desired an
abolition of the law of patronage; and until that should be ef
fected, such a modification in its execution as would eventually
amount to popular election.1 After the re-establishment of the
law of patronage in 1712, the clergy found the people extreme
ly averse to the revived mode, which they considered as a rem
nant of episcopacy, and even of popery; and many of their
own body entertained a similar opinion. It was a maxim, in
presbyterian government, from John Knox downwards, that a
presentee, although perfectly well qualified, and unexceptiona
ble in life and doctrine, was nevertheless inadmissible to his
clerical office, till the concurrence of the people who were to be
under his ministry, had been regularly ascertained. The form
of expressing this concurrence was by the subscription of a pa
per termed a call, and many of the clergy would refuse the
¦ See Dr. Hill's paper on this subject, as quoted by Mr. Stewart in his
Life of Robertson, p. 159, &c. which exhibits a very masterly view of this
question, but in more detail than it would suit the purposes of this history
fij transcribe.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 5351
lawful presentee, unless he had in his favour this expression of CHAP.
parochial approbation; thus the mode intended and ordain- xlx-
ed by the law of the land was transgressed, and the people »«^"v^"*--'
were gratified by a violation of the statute. During the first x777'
years of the present reign this subject was very strongly de
bated under two views, judicial process in the present circum
stances, and the expediency of application for a total repeal of
the law. On the first question which came before almost eve
ry meeting of the general assembly in some case of appeal, the
supporters of calls argued from the maxims of presbyterianism
and repeated practice, which they endeavoured to establish as
usage and common law ; and from the general spirit of liberty.
The advocates of patronage argued from the express statute,
which every judge is bound to follow, whatever may be his
own private or individual maxims or opinions ; and contended
that practice never can be pleaded in opposition to positive
law. A great majority of the people, as might he naturally ex
pected, adhered to those clergy, who proposed to allow such
Weight to popular suffrage, and the clerical opponents of patron
age Were as a body the chief favourites of the multitude.
Among them there were many individuals of respectable talents,
and some of transcendent abilities ;•• but the great mass of clerical
erudition, and the brightest luminaries of literary genius, were
on the side of existing law. Against particular exercises, as
well as the general principle of patronage, an outcry was raised,
which disturbed Scotland much longer than the Middlesex
election agitated England. In 1766, the leaders of the popu
lar party proposed an application to the legislature for the abo
lition of patronage; but after a very able debate, their motion
was rejected. From that time no regular attempt was made
to change the law, although on every judicial question within
its operation it continued to be reprobated by the votaries of
popular election.
Scotland, during this period, was peculiarly distinguished for Literature
literary effort. In the preceding year2 died David Hume,°f ^cot"
whose writings must occupy such an important share in a his
tory of the learning of the eighteenth century. As a profound Philoso
and comprehensive philosopher, Hume had few equals. ThePhy
powers of his understanding were extraordinary in natural
acuteness and strength, and sharpened and invigorated by as
siduous exercise; his knowledge was extensive, accurate and
multifarious; his faculty of communication was proportioned
to his talents and acquisitions ; his language is plain, easy, va*-
rying with the subject, frequently elegant, and always strong,
without any apparent effort. Such intellectual abilities, however,.
even though accompanied by integrity and benevolence, were
' Such as Drs. Erskine and Webster ; but, beyond all, Dr. Dick, See
Stewart's Life of Robertson.
•> August, 1776.

536 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, not uniformly directed to the real benefit of mankind. Witfe
XIX" valuable good that accrued from this sage, there was mixed
v^*v",w an alloyof evil. ¦ His enmity to the religion of his country was
1777. pernicious in, proportion to the ingenuity of his sophistry, and
the extent of his fame. His Treatise upon Human Nature,
from false principles, by subtle system of inferences, endea
voured to establish conclusions contradictory to common sense,
and rarely has greater genius been exerted in discovering im
portant and beneficial truths, than are here exercised to impress
extravagant absurdities : seldom has mind more powerfully
displayed its energies than in trying to disprove its own exist
ence.1 Wild and visionary as the system is, yet there are
many observations of the highest value : and the author's mode,
together with his example, stimulated readers to a degree of
intellectual exercise which strengthened their understandings ;
the examination of false or erroneous subtlety eventually facili
tated the attainment of truth. The publication of these notions
was moreover of signal service to the science of pneumatolo-
gy, in the answers which they called forth. Of these the most
distinguished were Beattie's Essay upon Truth ; which in
a popular, animated, and impressive manner, expatiated on
the wild theories that Hume supported; and Reid's Inquiry
into the Human Mind on the Principles of Common Sense.
By rousing the investigating powers of this very profound
philosopher, Mr. Hume has been the means of enlarging man's
knowledge of his own faculties. The infidelity of Hume,
mischievous as it is in itself, has incited the friends of religion
to add new muniments to the Christian faith. The Essay on
Miracles, and the Natural History of Religion, produced from
the ability and learning both of Scotland3 and England* answers
which constitute valuable additions to rational theology ; and
thus the aberrations of genius corrected by sound reasoning
and wisdom, serve to promote the cause of truth. The impres
sion, however, .of the Humean infidelity was by no means
effaced : so renowned an author gave a currency to his opi
nions which they long retained, and at the period before us
they were extremely prevalent among youthful men of letters.
The moral system of the philosopher, though far less object
tionable than his religion, is not without its defects ; probably
less in the intention of the author, than the interpretation which
his principles may admit. Identifying virtue with utility,
and not exactly marking the boundaries of that utility which
he denominates virtuous, he has misled inferior* theorists into
very absurd and pernicious conclusions. His scheme implicit
ly and indiscriminately adopted, tends to render indefinite expe
diency, private interest, and state policy, the springs of human
* See Hume's theory of ideas and impressions, Treatise of Human JVature. -
¦" Dr. Campbell. 3 Dr. Hurd.
¦» See Godwin's Political Justice, passim.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 537
conduct, instead of conscience and religion; but though this chap.
treatise cannot be admitted, at least by the votaries of revealed x,x-
or even natural theology, as a just and salutary system of mo-s^~'^>**'
rais, the illustrations and incidental remarks contain a portion I777-
of wisdom, which, apart from his other works, would be suffi
cient to evince the profound ability of the author. The politics-
of ^ Hume are differently estimated according to the previous
opinions which their examiners have formed. One observation
is obvious, that though he verges to the notions of the tories
concerning government, he inculcates his doctrine on a very
different principle. Far from having recourse to divine right,
he only carries his moral doctrine of expediency to affairs of
state; and infers, that in the usual course of conduct, it is
safer for the individual and society to acquiesce in partial abuses
than to attempt correction by force, and this is the whole
extent of Hume's tory ism ; so that, according to him, compliance
or refusal comes to be a mere question of prudence in the exist
ing case.1
Writings contrary to the observation and experience of man
kind are rarely lasting. The metaphysical paradoxes of this
extraordinary man are not the foundation of his permanent
fame ; the work which consecrates Hume to immortality is that
monument of his genius, which leaving speculative subtlety,
descends to be the vehicle of practical wisdom. His history History.
is probably the first composition of that important species
which is to be found in ancient or modern times ; not less pene
trating and profound than Tacitus and Thucydides, he has
chosen a subject that admitted of greater extent and variety
than either of these illustrious writers ; he has exhibited man
as progressively advancing from barbarism and ignorance to
civilization and knowledge; and in all these situations, em
ployments, and exertions, whicli develop his intellectual and
moral character ; the narrative is interesting and deeply en
gages the reader ; the materials are arranged with the clear
ness of a mind that surveyed every part and the whole of its
subject ; the civil, ecclesiastical, political, and literary features
of the times are exactly and strongly delineated ; throughout
this grand production, we perceive the critic of combined taste
and science, the philosopher, the politician, the successful in
vestigator and exhibitor of active man. Every friend to Chris
tianity must regret that there is, in such an estimable work, a
considerable portion of matter which is really inimical to reli
gion, though professedly intended to expose to ridicule, con
tempt, and censure, some of the superstitions that assumed its
name ; but the sceptical impressions that render such strictures
dangerous, are only temporary ; whereas the benefit of the
illustrious lessons of wisdom will endure as long as the language
¦ Hence Dr. Johnson calls Hume a tory by accident, and not from prin
ciple. See Boswell.
Vol. I. 68

$38

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP. XIX.

1777.

that conveys them is known, and as judgment exists to appre
ciate excellenc6. With the Corypheus of Scottish literature
many others were nearly cotemporary. Having fpiinded his
fame in the former reign, Robertson, in the present; raised a
splendid superstructure ; the historian of Charles V. traced
the connexion beiweeh ancient and modern man, hi the old
world ; then winging his flight to the new, he exhibited the
spectacle of savage life in a more just ahd striking form than
is elsewhere tofbe found. On nations in the cradle of society
he bestowed a patient investigation and able deduction in ex
hibiting the wants and character of their infant state ; By unity
of design, skilful selection, and masterly execution, he present
ed an exact, glowing, aiid interesting picture ;. he bestowed on
his story arid characters almost dramatic animation ; while the
impressive description of the poet did hot preclude the truth
of the historian, or the reflection of the philosopher. In his
inquiries into the bodily constitution of the Americans, the
qualities of their mi rids; their domestic, civil, and political
state arid institutions; their arts, their religion, their manners,
and their customs ; he, instead of imputing their character and
condition to physical nature, with vigorous sense, and sound
philosophy, ascribes them to moral and political causes. The
success of Hume, and of Robertson stimulated historical ad
venture in the southern part of the kingdom, and contributed
to rouse a writer fitted for transmitting to posterity the Decline
and Fall of the Roman Empire. The first volumes excited a
curiosity and expectation which it required historical powers of
the highest kind to gratify in the subsequent efforts. These
illustrious writers chose some specific,- though grand portion of
story, as the subject of their exhibition of hUman nature. Fer
gusson presented man under a "more general view; The Essay
on civil Society traced the species through all the varieties,
progression, arid declension of the social state; from the first
perceptions of sense to the general conclusions of science ; the
earliest operations of sentiment and reason to the heights of
moral and political knowledge; and following barbarity through
various stages, conducted it to refinement ;- until politeness de
generated into enervation, ahd effeminate vice destroyed what
Political manly virtue had acquired. Smith unfolded the philosophy of
economy, political economy, and promulgated the rules and conduct by
which individuals and nations might arrive at opulence, and the
various species of productive industry might be exerted with
the greatest success. Blair gave to the public the first volume
of sermons which decorated christian morality with all the
charms of refined taste and polished composition, and by per
suasive eloquence impressed beneficial truth. Home introduc
ed the tragic muse into the Scottish woods, rendered the banks
of the Carron as interesting as the shores of the Adriatic, and
engaged the heart for sir Malcolm's Matilda as if she had been
Priuli's Belvidera. These were among the most distinguished

Eloquence.
Poetry.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 539
efforts in philosophy, history, and poetry, by which Scotland chap.
aspired at literary fame, not unworthy of the partner with XIX*
whom she was now happily united ; whose liberal munificence v^>'"^«*
springing from the energy of freedom, affords to every species 1777.
of beneficial talents the strongest motives for exertion and dis
play.

540

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP. XX.

Conduct of France and Spain. — Changing sentiments of the French. —
Meeting of parliament. — King's speech declares the necessity of continu
ing the war. — Debates on the address. — Inquiries into the state of the
nation. — Lord Chatham takes an active part in parliament. — Renewal of
the law for detaining suspected persons. — Mr. Fox's grand plan of inqui
ry into the state of the nation — allowed under modifications. — News ar
rives of Eurgoyne's fate. — Different conduct of lord North and lord
George Germaine. — Operations of ministers during the recess. — Volun
tary contributions for levying new regiments. — Propriety of these dis
cussed in parliament. — Mr. Fox's inquiry into the state of the nation. —
Mr. Burke's motion respecting the employment of Indians. — Lord North's
plan of negotiation with the colonies. — Commissioners appointed. — Hos
tile intimation from France. — Mr. Fox's proposed inquiry thereon into
the state of the navy. — His inquiry into the plan and preparations of the
Canada expedition. — Schism in opposition, on the question of American
independence. — Discussion on the subject in the house of peers. — Last
efforts of lord Chatham. — His illness, death, and character. — Tributes of
respect and gratitude paid to his memory by parliament. — Application
to parliament in favour of Ireland. — Consideration postponed. — Repeal
of king William's act respecting Roman catholics. — Supplies. — Ways and
means, and taxes. — Motion for an inquiry respecting expenditure — re
jected. — Dignified speech of his majesty at the close of the session.

CHAP. XX.
1777.
Conduct of France
and Spain

Changingsentiments of
theFrench.

WHILE Britain was engaged in so momentous a contest,
her European neighbours anxiously watched operations and
events. France and Spain opened their ports to American
ships so early as 1776, and treated the colonists in every re
spect as an independent people. The laws for prohibiting
commerce between Britain and her opponents, ultimately
punished only Britain herself: precluded from trade with the
parent state, the provincials supplied the deficiency from the
markets of our rivals. Not contented with reaping the benefit
of the new traffic, the great Bourbon kingdoms abetted the
revolters in their hostilities ; their privateers were openly re
ceived, and their prizes publicly sold, in the French and Span
ish ports. The French furnished the provincials with artillery
and all kinds of warlike stores; their engineers and officers
carried skill and discipline to the American armies. Two
principles prompted our potent neighbours to assist the revolted
colonies ; the ancient spirit of rivalry determined the court,
and the modern sentiments of liberty instigated the people.
The literary efforts in the reign of Louis XIV. had been
chiefly employed on works of fancy and taste, or of physical
research, but now began to take a different direction, and to
investigate theological and political philosophy. It required
little penetration to perceive, that both the ecclesiastical and

REIGN OF GEORGE IU. 541
civil establishments of France were extremely defective ; that CHAP.
they nourished superstition instead of true religion, and sought xx-
the gratification of the court instead of the welfare of the >>^~*r'>~'
people. Having discovered these imperfections, many now i777-
ran into the contrary extreme : Voltaire, D'Alembert,
Helvetius, and, above all, Rousseau, gave the tone to fashion
able literature : great numbers of the nobility and gentry be
came deists and republicans ; and as the friends of a com
monwealth, they were easily induced to favour the revolters
from a monarchical government. Mild, gentle, and indolent,
if left to himself, the king would have been little inclined to
hostilities : but those who had the greatest influence with him
were of a very different character: his queen, Marie Antoi
nette of Austria, having the enterprising spirit of her mother,
was desirous of promoting the glory and power of the crown
to which she was affianced, and humbling its rival. The
duke de Choiseul, always an enemy to the enterprising rival of
France, eagerly promoted the cause of the Americans against
England. Sartine, the naval minister, hoped that, a war with
England, when so much of her strength was employed against
her late subjects, would attain his favourite object, the exalta
tion of the French, and the depression of the British navy.
These dispositions were promoted by the American ambas
sadors ; first, partially by Messrs. Silas Dean and Arthur Lee,
and afterwards more effectually and completely by the il
lustrious Franklin. Having reached the highest distinctions
as a natural philosopher, this sage eclipsed the glory of his
physical theories by his political practice ; patriotically devoted
to his native country, he was warmly attached to the British
interest, while he considered it as compatible with the welfare
of America. He had sojourned many years in the metropolis,
and from his extraordinary talents was connected with 'able
men of all ranks: he strenuously deprecated the measures of
government, and uniformly foretold that the consequences
would be fatal. Finding the proceedings of administration
daily more hostile, to the colonics, and that no petitions would
be received or regarded, he withdrew, to assist his native land*,
preparing for war, which he now deemed unavoidable. He
encouraged her efforts, increased her resources,. and presided
in arranging her plans and forming her government. Having
employed his inventive genius and profound wisdom in provid
ing the means of internal security to his country, he next un
dertook to .procure her the most useful foreign assistance. Ar
rived at Paris, Franklin was courted by all ranks as the philoso
pher, the politician, the enemy of England, and the friend of
liberty. He succeeded in determining the court of France to
a war apparently pregnant with discomfiture and distress to
Britain, but destined eventually to recoil on the aggressor. •
The state of France was at this time favourable to financial
resources : in 1776, M. Neckar being placed at the head of the

o42 HISTORY Of THE
cflfrP- treasury, by his skill and industry so much reduced the national
xx- expenditure, and improved thp revenue, tljat the (ring saw hiia-
*4fr*>~f self in a conditio^ to encounter England without subjecting
l777- his people to new t^xes. Great warlike preparations were
carnpd oij during the year 1777s but, as the prophetic wisdon*
of Chatham had foretold, France continued to abstain from
actual hostility,' until the event of thp contest with the cplonies
shoujd be ascertained. Thoroughly informed of the mighty
force which Britain was employing in America, from her expe
rience of British valour and conduct she could not reasonably
anticipate the ineffectual result of partial success, or the decisive
completion of disaster. The hopes of England, she knew from
the late campaign, had been extremely sanguine; but they had
in no quarter beep fulfilled, and in one had entirely been
blasted. The calamity of Saratoga finally decided the counsels of
France; the moment of humiliation and debasement was chosen
by the court of Versailles to give a fatal blow to the formidable
power of her rival. Spain was no less favourable to the cause of
the Americans : but harassed and fatigued by her wars with the
barbarians of Africa, though as prone to hostilities with England
as the elder branch of the Bourbons, she was not equally prepar
ed for immediate commencement.
Meeting Parliament met the 20th of November ; at that time intelli-
of parlia- gence had not been received of the disastrous fate of Bur-
ment' g°yne's expedition, and the progressive advantages of general
Howe, with the force under his command, justified the ex
pectation of much more signal and important successes, than
those that were actually attained, when thp general, instead of
pursuing Washington, closed the campaign in the dissipation
of Philadelphia. His majesty's speech spoke hope and con
fidence. Haying afforded his servants the means of victory,
the king concluded that they would be employed with effect.1
Theking's The powers (he said) committed by parliament to the crown
^?eecl,tte "had been faithful ly exerted ; and he trusted, that the conduct
necessity2 ^n<^ courage of the officers, with the spirit and intrepidity of
of contin- the soldiers, would be attended with important success. Per
iling the suaded that both houses would see the necessity of preparing
war. for Spch forthpr operations as the contingencies of the war and
the obstinacy of the rebels might render expedient, his majesty
was for that purpose pursuing the proper measures for keeping
the land forces complete to their present establishments; if he
should have occasion to increase them, a reliance was placed
on the zeal and public spirit of parliament to enable him to
make the requisite, augmentation. Although repeated as
surances were received of the pacific disposition of foreign
powers, yet, as the armaments in the ports of France and
Spain were continued, he judged it advisable to make a con-
¦ See State Papers, 1777.

REIGN OP GEORGE HE Sfe
siderable additioh to bur naval fbrcfe; it beihg eqtiiilly thfe cHAp..
deterniin&l resolution bf the king htit to disturb the peace J^-^
bf Europe, and to be a faithful giikr-iiin.bf the hohoiir of His %^~T>>
brown, and the rights of his people. He informed the cotii- i777,
hfohs, that the varioils Services which had been meAtibned
would unavoidably require Mrge supplies; and asstired them
tfidt nothing coUld relieve his mind from the concern Which it
felt for the burtHehs impdsed/on his subjects, but a conviction
that they were absolutely necessary for their ndnour and safety.
His majesty Was resolved to pursue the measures in whibh
they were now engaged for the t-e-establishment of- toh-
stitUtiohal subrtrdinatiori, and still hoped that the deluded
multitude would, return to their duty. The restoration bf
peace, order, and cotifldenee, to his American colonies, he
would consider" as the greatest happiness of his life; and the
chief glory of his reigh: The addresses, as usual, echoed iWe
Speech ; Arid their Siipp'orters not only justified the measures of
government, but expatiated on the' beneficial cohseqnerices Which
they had produced, and 6h the flourishing state of public af
fairs. The opponents of ministers proposed an amendment, Deb?te*
... •*•".•«... i . . r xx ; ... on the
requesting his majesty to adopt some measures to accommodate address.
the differences with America ; and reconitnending a cessation
of all hostilities, in order to effectuate so desirable a purpose.
We were now, they said, in a much worse situation . than when
We began the war ; fifty thousand land forces, a hundred ships
of War, and thirty millions of increased debt, had not advanced
the attainment 'of our object. Ministers had asserted that we
Were fighting for a revenue, atad thus had deluded the country
gentlemen and others into an approval of their system : ivas
the accumulation of mortgages the means of meliorating in
come i1 The ministerial assertions concerning the prosperity
of the nation were totally unfounded in truth. The loss of out-
American trade was in itself such a diminution of opulence
and strength, as must have severely and visibly affected the
greatest and wealthiest state that ever existed ; but when to
this was added the consequent ruin brought on our West India
islands, the annihilation of our Mediterranean, African, and
Levant commence, with tht failure of our fisheries, arising
from the same cause, could our circumstances be justly said to
be flourishing ? The depreciation of landed estates, the rise of
interest, the fall of stocks, and the multiplicity of bankrupt
cies, were barometers which plainly indicated the commercial
and political fall of British prosperity. Were these the docu
ments from which ministers could evince the truth of their'
position ? If such already were the consequences of the con
test with our colonies only, what were we to expect when the
house of Bourbon contributed its combined strength and re
sources ? Let parliament reflect on the situation to. which th'py
'- See Parliamentary Debates, 1777

544 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, had brought the country by their support of ministerial counsels.,
xx- and change a system so often, demonstrated to be pernicious,
^"^""^but of which, the mischiefs had far exceeded the predictions of
1777. warning wisdom. The earl of Chatham took a very active
Chatham snire in . adducing and supporting these arguments; and
takes an whereas ministers insisted that both the honour and interest
activepartof Great Britain required perseverance, lie denied that it was
in parlia- truly honourable to persist in a hopeless undertaking, . or ad-
rnent- vantageous to seek an impracticable object by destructive
means. Such was the reasoning by which the celebrated
oratprs and statesmen1 of opposition. simplified and exhibited
the state of the country and the conduct of administration, in
order to show that, to recover our former greatness, it was
necessary to abandon those measures by which our distresses
had been incurred. They were, however, unavailing; the
proposed amendments were rejected, and the addresses carried
by considerable majorities, though not so great as those which
had voted with the minister at the commencement of the war.
In the house of commons especially, the country gentlemen
began to perceive, that the promises of American revenue to
relieve them from their burthens, were so far from being re
alized, that the imposts were rapidly accumulating : they in
deed did not vote against ministry, but were very cold in their
support.
Renewal One of the first acts of the session was a renewal of the
otthe law ]aw for detaining suspected persons. In discussing this propo
se* sus " s'^on' *'ie opponents of administration contended, that as its
pected* principle was unconstitutional, so its operation had been found
persons, to be useless: in fact, no occasion had occurred for carrying
it into effect. Ministers argued, that its cause, the American
rebellion, still continued, and thereby rendered its renewal ne7
cessary ; it had been originally intended less to punish, than to
prevent treason. The circumstance from which opposition en
deavoured to demonstrate its uselessness, really arose from its
preventive efficaey : disaffected men were by the fears of this
law restrained from acting according to their dispositions, by
abetting and cherishing revolt. The law was renewed. From
the debate with which the session commenced to the Christmas
recess, the great object of opposition was inquiry into the
state of the nation. After several incidental and prelusive de
bates, the conduct of this momentous question was undertaken
by the comprehensive genius of Mr. Fox. The penetrating
and expansive understanding of this extraordinary man con
ceived and proposed a plan adequate to the magnitude of the
Mr. Fox object. " It was useless (he said) to waste time in vain decla-
moves an « matjon . \et Us establish general facts by an accurate induc
ing 'the " tion of particulars. The great question concerning the pro
state of " priety of perseverance in the American war, depends on the
the nation, » See speeches of Fox, Burkey and Chatham, with others in the debate.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 54.5
u experience which we already possess, and a calculation of the CHAP.
" means which remain to the nation for the attainment of this xx-
" favourite object." The principal premises of his projected ,-^^r>*^
investigation he reduced to the following general heads: 1st, 1777j
the expenses of the war, and the resources which the nation
possessed to .raise the supplies necessary for its continuance;
2dly, the loss of men from that war; 3dly, the situation of
trade, both with respect to America and the foreign markets;
4thly, the present condition of the war, the hopes that might
be rightly entertained from its continuance, the conduct and
measures of the present administration, the means of obtaining
a lasting peace, and our present state with regard to foreign
powers ; 5thly, what progress the commissioners had made, in
consequence of the powers with which they were intrusted for
the purpose of bringing about a peace between Great Britain
and her colonies. These inquiries would include a great variety
of questions, and would demand the production of a multipli
city of documents. If, he said, on fully exploring our situation,
it should appear dangerous and disgraceful, and to have arisen
from the misconduct of ministers, a new set must be necessarily
appointed ; but if, on the other hand, the state of the country
be flourishing and glorious, as its advantages and splendour are
confessedly owing to the present ministers, they must be sup
ported. By inquiry only can it be ascertained what our condi
tion is, and how far their conduct has been wise or foolish.
The more complete the communication of documents may be,
the more thoroughly can we estimate the merit or demerit of
ministers. If they are conscious that their measures are right,
they will court discussion ;>if they are aware they are wrong,
they will either oppose a scrutiny, or endeavour to defeat its
purpose by garbled or imperfect information. Lord North
easily perceived, that such strong reasoning could not be direct*
ly controverted; and that, on the other hand, the admission of
the proposition in its full extent would be neither expedient nor
agreeable to administration; he therefore endeavoured to please
both parties. He professed to support Mr. Fox's motion. It which is
would, he said, afford ministers an opportunity of justifying allowed
their conduct, and proving the nation to be in a flouns"ingta"nerre?er"
state: he wished, however, to reserve to himself the right ofstrictions.
withholding such papers from the house, as it might be incon
venient, dangerous, or prejudicial to government, to expose.
Mr. Fox readily perceived the object and latitude of this dis
cretionary exception, and soon put the real intentions of minis
try to the test. A multiplicity of papers being at his instance
produced, he proposed that they should be referred to a com-.
mittee of the whole house, which should sit two months after
that day, on the 2d of February, to afford time for the produc
tion of the required papers, lists, and accounts. These propo
sitions being carried, he moved for an address to his majesty,
for copies of all the papers relative to steps taken in conformity
Voi. I. '69

546 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, to the prohibitory act of 1776, for granting peace to those who
xx> should submit to the king's authority. The minister saw that
***~v^Sm> the object of this motion was to prove that the prohibitory act
i777- had estranged the colonies, as opposition had predicted, instead
of conciliating them, as ministers had prophesied. He there
fore vehemently opposed the motion, as tending to produce dis
coveries which would be unwise and prejudicial to the country.
Without proving this assertion, he repeated it with such a vari
ety of illustration, as by many members was received for proof;
and the papers were withheld. In the house of peers, however,
very much to the surprise of both parties in the commons, on
a similar motion, the required papers were ordered, without a
debate. From this grant of the ministerial lords, of what was
refused by their colleagues in the other house, opposition con
ceived the grounds of their opinions strengthened, respecting the
want of concert among the members of administration.
News ar- j}ut the arrival of intelligence from America soon presented
thTd'sas *^e s'ate of the nation in a more dismal light, than the sagacity
teratSara-of a F°x> a Burke, or a Chatham, had anticipated. On the
toga. 3d of December, despatches were received at the secretary of
state's office, announcing the fate of the northern army. Un
certain rumours being spread in the course of the morning, as
soon as parliament met the secretary was questioned respecting
the intelligence. Rising up slowly from his seat, he in a low
voice and sorrowful accent, acknowledged that general Bur
goyne and his army were prisoners of war. For a considera
ble time after the fatal tidings were delivered, a dead silence
overspread the house ; shame, consternation, and dismay, from
the declared issue of their boasted armaments, did not more
closely enchain the tongues of the promoters of the war, than
astonishment and grief at so signal a calamity overwhelmed
the thoughts, feelings, and utterance of their opponents. The
stillness, however, of amazement and grief at length gave way
to the loudness of lament and the fury of indignation. All the
charges and censures that ever had been or could be adduced,
were repeated and accumulated against the authors of a war
so unjust in principle, and so inexpedient in policy; against con
ductors so deficient in wisdom of plan, vigour of execution, and
skilful and effectual application of the multifarious resources
allowed them by the misplaced confidence of parliament, and
the credulity of the country. As ministers, it was said, they
displayed gross ignorance, despicable incapacity, and infatuated
1 obstinacy, in all and every part of their measures. After
having, by a long and uniform series of mismanagement and
folly, brought their country from exaltation to distress, they
crowned the mischief of their system by a most dreadful disas
ter. This ruinous expedition flowed entirely from the same
source as the whole of their pernicious system ; confidence in
false reports and gross exaggeration, which could not once,
much less repeatedly and even constantly, have imposed upon

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 547
understandings in the smallest degree discriminating, unless chap.
they had been blinded by their wishes. The secretary had pro- xx-
jected the northern expedition in his closet. Sifting in West- s-^"v~v*-*1
minster, he ventured to direct, not only the general operations I777-
but the particular movements of an army traversing the deserts
of America: there were rumours that the inhabitants of Alba
ny would co-operate with the British army, and ministers had
formed their Canadian plan, according to their usual practice,
on implicit faith in idle reports. A junction, it had been said,
was designed between the armies of generals Burgoyne and
Howe. To effect this purpose by sea would have been easy,
but by land would have occupied a whole campaign: before
the armies could have joined, the season for united exertions
must have been past. General Howe, instead of co-operating
with Burgoyne, was ordered to betake himself to the south ;
and Burgoyne and his brave soldiers being commanded to ad
vance into the wilds of the enemy's country, had fallen a sacri
fice to the ill advised directions of ministers.
Lord North, in the mildness of his disposition, acknowledged Different
miscarriage, but deprecated blame; his intention had been to00"^1"*0'
promote the honour and interest of his country; he had coun- ^0^ an(j
selled and acted according to the best of his judgment; he had Germaine.
always been the adviser and promoter of peace, and would
gladly relinquish his office, if his resignation would facilitate its
honourable attainment. He had been forced into a situation of
the highest responsibility by the circumstances of the times and
obedience to his sovereign, and had not accepted the appoint
ment from choice. He had found American affairs in a state
which he by no means approved ; from the dispositions of the
Americans, he saw the difficulty, danger, and unproductiveness
of taxation, and had therefore proposed and carried a clause of
repeal ; in his subsequent measures, he had been driven by the
force of circumstances, instead of being led by his own deliber
ate approbation. This gentle reply, which was better calculated
to disarm resentment than to confute argument, diminished the
asperity of invective, without weakening the efforts of reasoning.
Whatever his motives or wishes might be (said his censurers) the
measures actually proposed by him, and adopted through his mi
nisterial influence with such obstinacy of perseverance, notwith
standing the repeated and uniform warnings that he had receiv
ed, had in four years brought enormous debt, flagrant disgrace,
and direful calamity on his country. If, therefore, his inten
tions were so pure and faultless as he represented, he incurred a
charge of incapacity, which ought immediately to deprive him of
his situation.
Lord George Germaine was not so explicit as his colleague ;
he merely requested the house should suspend its judgment,
until the facts were properly examined. He also insinuated that
the conduct of the minister and general should undergo a scru
tiny, before a just and accurate opinion could be formed. This

548 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, observation being construed to imply censure against the absent
XX- general, revived the flame of rage which the mildnsss of lord
v^v">** Niwth had cooled ; and produced acrimonious violence, with
I777- personal retrospections, totally irrelevant to any business before
the house.
Earl Chatham frequently attended in parliamentthis session,
which was destined to be his last : he moved, on the 5th of
December, that copies of all the orders issued to Burgoyne re
lative to the northern expedition, should be laid before the
house. After pouring out his eloquence against the pernicious
system, blunders, and miscarriages of ministry, the spirit of de
lusion, he said, had gone forth ; the ministers had imposed on
the people, parliament had been induced to sanction the impo
sition, and false lights had been held out to the country gentle
men ; by a promised diminution of tax, they had been seduced:to
the support of a most destructive war; but die visionary phantom,
which* had been thus conjured up for the basest deception,
was now about to vanish, and the conduct of ministers ought
to be probed. His lordship's motion, eloquently and forcibly as
it was supported, was carried in the negative. On the 10th of
December, Mr. Wilkes proposed a repeal of the obnoxious laws.
Opposition gave him little support; it was now, they conceiv
ed, too late to expect conciliation from such a tardy concession,
and measures must be adopted more seasonable in the existing
circumstances. On the 11th of December, an adjournment to
the 20th of January was moved and carried, contrary to the
strenuous remonstrances of opposition, who, in a situation of
such emergency, were extremely inimical to so early and long a
recess : and ministers employed this interval in forming and ar
ranging measures adapted to the present reverse of fortune. v
. The loss of the northern army appeared to have entirely
counteracted the schemes of administration for subjugating
America. The advantages obtained under general Howe were
far from being decisive ; he had taken towns, but had not conquer
ed the enemy's troops. No additional forces could be expected
from the German princes, and it would be with difficulty that
their corps in our service would be recruited to their full com
plement. The bad success which had already attended our ef
forts, was very inimical to the increase, or even separation, of
our armies from our own country. These actual difficulties
were enhanced by expected dangers ; the conduct of the house
of Bourbon was so openly, and, indeed, so glaringly adverse to
Britain, that war appeared probable, if not certain. In such
circumstances, many, not inimical to ministers, conceived, that
perseverance in our attempts would be infatuated obstinacv, in
stead of magnanimous firmness, and expected that they would de
sist from such a hopeless enterprise : but these expectations were
totally disappointed ; it was resolved to persist in the system ef
compulsion. Lord North was desirous of offering some terras of
conciliation ; but he agreed with his colleagues, that if these did

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 549
not proiluce the intended effect; it was incumbent on Britain to CHAP.
persist in her plans of force. And if this determination be not xx-
altogether consonant to political wisdom, it was perfectly con- ^"v""^"*y
formable to the general series of ministerial conduct. From a I777-
review of the measures and proceedings for the last four years, 0tm"nis.
it is evident that they had not considered the great subject of ters du-
their thoughts and policy so comprehensively and acutely, as to ring the
examine, compare, and estimate the value of the object, with recess
the trouble, expense, and danger of the means, but narrowed
their thoughts to the probability of success. Continuing this im
perfect and partial mode of appreciation, they still entertained
hopes that they might ultimately prevail. The force which
they had furnished was, they alleged, sufficient for the object,
if it had been properly employed. Much more effectual ad
vances might have been made by an army so powerful, and
so well supplied, against such an inferior enemy. By wise
and judicious efforts, the British army, if properly recruited and
repaired, - must be victorious; but, although the necessity of
raising a considerable body of new troops was, on this ground
of policy, sufficiently evident, the means were not so obvious.
The late misfortune, and the little apparent room for hope,
which now remained, of bettering our condition by force, al
lowed no encouragement for ah application to parliament; the
ministers, therefore, had recourse to the persons and classes
who had shown the greatest eagerness in the prosecution of the
American war, and professed to afford them an opportunity of
testifying their peculiar attachment and loyalty to the crown.
They proposed, that individuals and corporations should raise
regiments, and being allowed the bounty money given by go
vernment in the time of peace, should defray the recruiting ex
penses beyond that sum ; in return for which*, the contracting
parties should have the appointment of the officers, who, it was
not doubted, would willingly undertake to levy a number pro
portioned to their respective commissions ; such a quota of men
would make up the requisite supply. In the former war, Mr.
Pitt had experienced many important advantages from Scotch
highla'nders. Actuated by a mistaken zeal, these courageous,
hardy, and enterprising mountaineers had twice struck terror
into the bravest British veterans, and the most populous parts
of England ; but had shown, in Flanders, Germany, and Ameri
ca, that, when properly instructed and guided, they could fight
as well for their king and country, as, when misinformed and
misled, they had fought against our constitutional law and go
vernment. Part of the present plan was, to bring great bodies
of highlanders into his majesty's service. Of a migratory and
adventurous disposition, and, in those days of unimproved agri
culture, possessing scanty means of livelihood, those men were
much more inclined to the military profession, than people in
richer countries, and of stationary habits. Besides, there had
been a succession of cold and withering seasons, which had

550 HISTORY OF THE '
CHAP, greatly diminished their usual resources from pasturage. Dis-
XX" tress combined with courage and the spirit of adventure, to dis-
v,^v"s"'' pose them to be soldiers. In addition to these motives, another
1777. principle was addressed; the attachment of the peasantry to
the chieftains, so prevalent in all feudal countries; and which,
in the highlands, combined patriarchal with seignorial relations.
v . The noblemen, and other chiefs of the greatest power and in-
leviesof7 Auence, undertook to raise regiments. From the north, the
new regi- Mackenzies brought two thousand, and the Gordons one; from
ments. the north-west and the isles, the Macdonalds brought one thou
sand; from the west, the duke of Argyle two thousand ; from
the south-west, the duke of Hamilton one thousand ; and from
the southern frontiers of the highlands, the duke of" Athol one
thousand. To this powerful support from the landed proprie
tors, commercial wealth added its efforts : the city of Edin-
burg raised a regiment equally numerous and well appointed
as the others : nor was Glasgow, though she had suffered very-
much from the American contest, behind her eastern neigh
bour. In England, Manchester and Liverpool preceded other
mercantile towns, in performing the same service. But, in or
der to render the efforts of moneyed opulence generally em
ployed and extensively beneficial, it was ardently wished,
though not so sanguirtely hoped, that London would take the
lead ; the city, and corporation were not, indeed, so violently ini
mical to the court, as they had been some years before ; of the
popular leaders, some were dead, and others had, from various
causes, lost much of their former influence. The general sen
timent was not so completely changed as to give ministers a
majority in the municipal councils of the. metropolis: sir James
Esdaile, the lord-mayor, was friendly to administration ; but
his authority Was not sufficiently great to determine the livery ;
and his motion for corporate efforts to recruit his majesty's for
ces was negatived. A private association, however, was formed,
to collect the contributions of individuals, and considerable sums
were raised. The same mode was adopted at Bristol, with pro
portionate effect. In various parts of England similar attempts
were made, but with trifling success : the great source of contri
bution, confidence in the ministers that were to dispose of the
product, appeared to be most frequently wanting. The troops
levied in this manner amounted to about fifteen thousand men,
ten thousand of whom were raised in Scotland.
1778. When parliament assembled after the recess, the contribu-
The pro- tions by individuals or bodies, for repairing the exhausted army,
voluntary !lvere represented by opposition as illegal and unconstitutional ;
levies and illegal, because men and money had been raised without con-
contribu- sent of parliament ; unconstitutional, because such levies were
tionsisdis- indefinite as to number, and might be employed to deprive the
parua- m C0untl7 °f *ts liberties. The law lords, and commoners con
sent." nected with administration, argued, that the king, by his prero
gative, was empowered to levy men, and to raise an army.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. S51
When the new levies were reported tn parliament, it was the CHAP.
duty of that body, if they approved of the measure, to provide xx-
for their subsistence : if otherwise, to refuse a supply, which in ^^^^^J
effect, would disband the troops. The money raised was of- 1778-
fered by individuals and bodies, who had a right to present their
own money to the king as well as to any other person* Volun
tary contributions of either men or money, or both, had been
frequently offered in times of emergency ; as for instance, in
the rebellion of 1745, and the beginning of the seven years
war, which were highly approved by men most distinguished
for attachment to the constitution ; in the former of these teras,
by the lord-chancellor Hardwicke; and the latter, by Mr. Se
cretary Pitt. That the offers of individuals, in times of na
tional difficulty, to contribute their utmost efforts, either by men
or money, to the extrication of their country, were not laudable,
and ought not to be received, opposition leaders were too able '
to affirm : without discussing the, general principle, they endea
voured to prove, that the cases were totally different ; and that
the only means of relief from our present calamities was, to
abandon coercive measures, and withdraw our troops from
America. But, if the augmentation was at all necessary, it
should have been effected by filling up the old regiments to their
full complement;, which would be both more conducive to mi
litary discipline, by attaching new recruits to veterans; and
more economical, by saving immediately the pay, and ultimately
the half-pay of the officers. The mode now adopted, raised
many gentlemen of no experience, to appointments fit only for
veteran officers. The distribution of military trust bore, much
more the appearance of ministerial jobs to increase their patron
age, than the policy of statesmen to strengthen the national
force. These objections being canvassed by the supporters of
administration, the question was proposed for granting the sums
that were required for the new troops, and carried in the affirm
ative. The time appointed for inquiring into the state of the nation,
now drawing near, various motions were made for the present
ment of papers; especially the instructions given to the gene
rals in America; the correspondence that had passed between
the commanders respectively ; and also for accounts of the
troops, artillery, and stores, which were in the various parts of
America in the beginning of 1774, or sent thither since that
time. The papers required, were either not produced at all, or
so imperfectly, as to withhold in a great degree the desired in
formation. From the materials -however, incomplete as they Mr. Fox's
were, Mr. Fox attempted to establish one great proposition ; not inquiry
only the expediency, but the absolute necessity, of bringing the ,l° th?
American war to the speediest possible conclusion; and of re- (Venation.
storing harmony, upon a broad and equitable foundation, be
tween the mother country and her colonies. He comprehend- his argu
ed and exhibited in one view, the whole series of ministerial ment3>

552 HISTORY OF THE
C?vP- counae's» ti,e detail of means, and the particulars and amount
X- of the result; ministers, he argued, and the majority in parlia-
'^^>^ ment, had preferred coercive to conciliatory measures ; in con-
1778. sequence of that preference, Britain had gone to war. with
America; that war had lasted a certain number of years, had
been prosecuted with a specified force by sea and land, attended
with a stated expense of money and lives, and our utmost ef
forts in three years had not produced any material advantage.
The army of Britain, in the course of hostilities, had been
much more numerous and strong, and the army of the enemy
less numerous and weaker, than they were at present: it was
nearly impossible to place our troops in America on the same
relative footing to the forces of the colonies, with these which
had already failed ; and, after the repeated and continued fail
ure of a very great force, we could not, consistently with pro
bability and common sense, succeed with a much smaller. He
enumerated the details of expense incurred by the war, stated
the resources of the country, and denied that the nation could
support1 the continuance, much less the increase of expense,
which perseverance in coercion would demand : repeating, in
detail, the'various political measures of government, from the
Boston port bill downwards, he contended, that they had so
much alienated the minds of the Americans, 4hat a much great
er army would have been necessary to reduce them to submis
sion than Britain had sent, or could send. Ministers had not
assisted force by policy : negotiations, it is true, had been tried,
but the obnoxious laws, rejection of petitions, and the very
and infer- overtures themselves, had rendered them unavailing. From
ence, this chain of positions he inferred, that it would be impossible
to'reduce America by arms ; and our situation respecting France,
made it necessary to employ a strong force for the security of
and mo- our own country, and of our garrisons in Europe. He moved,
tion; therefore, that the committee should address his majesty, that
no part of the old established national forces in these king
doms, or in the garrisons of Gibraltar or Minorca, should be
sent to America. To the great surprise of the public, no an
swer was made either to the speech or motion ; the question be
ing called for without a debate, Mr. Fox's proposition was re-
whichis jected by a majority of two hundred and fifty-nine to one hun-
rejected. ,jre(| anJ 9jxty-five.
From the silence of ministers, it was conceived that a new
scheme was in agitation respecting America, which determined
> An impartial reader may probably disapprove of Mr. Fox's circumscrip
tion of the possible resources of his counti-y : as, in the first place, errone
ous in point of feet, since they were soon found equal to much greater ex-
penditure j , and, secondly, not proper, to be publicly declared. Disagree
ment of opinion, however, concerning the general extent, is perfectly
compatible with the most exact coincidents of judgment, concerning the
impolicy of employing any part of them in an attempt to subjugate Ameri
ca, after the disaster at Saratoga.

Reign of George hi. 553
fhefti to abstain froni that subject, until they Should be ready to CHAP.
lay their plans before parliament. While the public was anx- xx-
iously expecting the result of ministerial deliberations, Mr. Fox l**~v~>*'
proposed, and explained to the committee on the state of the na- l77S-
tion, twelve motions, framed agreeably to the principles and out
lines which he had already stated and drawn. Their object was,
to particularize the force employed, the numbers lost, the Sums
expended, and progress made ; and to establish, as a general po
sition, that, in every view of this improvident and destructive
war, they should bear constantly in mind, that, besides our hav
ing suffered such disgraces in its progress as this country never
before experienced, all those thousands of lives, and millions of
money, had not only been thrown away to no manner of purpose;
but that, on the contrary, the Vast expense of blood and trea
sure had rendered conciliation much more difficult, arid conse
quently our situation as a nation infinitely worse, than if the
sword had never been drawn. Ministers objected to the several
motions, as tending to disclose our situation to the enemy, and
being in other respects hurtful to the country. Resolutions of a
similar import were moved* In the house of peers by the duke of
Richmond*, and experienced the same fate^
In reviewing the conduct of the war, Mr; Burke moved an Mr.
inquiry into the employment of the Indians. Detailing the hor- Burke's
rid massacres of these savages with all his animation and force m°tlon on
of description, he" contended, that the infliction of individual pioyment
pain, more than the political annoyance of their enemies, was of Indians.
their object; and thence argued, that their mode of hostility
was not conducive to the purposes of civilized nations engaged
in a war; these not being torment, but reduction and pacifica
tion. Nothing but necessity could excuse the employment of
such savage warriors ; the reasons that were in force in the
war between the French and English, did not now exist.
The Indian tribes had formerly been powerful states, relatively
to the European settlers ; it was then necessary to cultivate
amity with them, in order to prevent their murderous incursions ;
but now their numbers were reduced, and there remained no
motive or reason for seeking their alliance. To the purposes of
conquest or coercion, they were totally inefficacious; their em
ployers might, through (them, obtain partial butchery, but could
derive no important advantage : on the appearance of danger,
they would immediately desert every other commander, as they
had abandoned Burgoyne. The employment of the savages
was also farther objectionable as a measure of economy,
one Indian soldier cost as much as five of the best regular'
troops; even, therefore, were their mode of warfare unex-
ceptionable in other respects, the service did not nearly repay
the expense. It was said by ministers, that if we had not
employed the Indians, the Americans would have employed
them against us ; but there was no proof that they ever enter
tained any such intention ; and if they had, the cruelty would
Vol. I. 70

¦554 CHAP. XX.

1778.

Lord North'*
plan' of ne
gotiation with the
colonies.

, HISTORY OF THE
not have been so destructive against regular embodied soldiers.
who could so easily repel those undisciplined murderers, as
against scattered and defenceless women and children. The
attempt also to incite an insurrection of the negro slaves in the
southern colonies, he reprobated, as equally barbarous and im
politic, as farther irritating the Americans by the attempt, and
being in the execution ineffectual ; and the motion, after a long
debate, was negatived.
Lord North had frequently afforded ground for an opinion
that lie was by no means so eager for coercive measures, as
some of his colleagues. He had made several attempts to pro
duce conciliatory plans, and had shown himself not indisposed
to concession, until he was recalled by his coadjutors to the co
ercive tone of the court.1 Although, in compliance with the
more obstinate and imperious members of the cabinet, he ex
pressed a determination to persevere in the attempt, agreeably
to his own disposition as well as to the policy which his judg
ment approved, he once more made a conciliatory essay, and on
the 17th of February 1778, he proposed to the house of com
mons a plan for that purpose. He repeated his uniform con
viction of the inefficiency of American taxation as a measure
of finance ; and thereby virtually, though not expressly, ac
knowledged the false reasoningof those colleagues or supporters
who proposed by war with America to increase our revenue.
He had wished to keep the discussion of taxation as a right as
much as possible out of parliament, being convinced that its
exercise would neither be productive nor expedient. Circum
stances and events had forced the subject upon the legislature,
and the uncomplying conduct of the colonists had rendered war
unavoidable. The success of the hostilities had been totally
different from what the country had reason to expect, from the
great, well appointed, and amply provided force, which had
been furnished by government. In the whole course of the
last campaign, sir William Howe, in the number and goodness
of his troops, and all manner of supplies, had been hitherto
much superior to the army of Washington. General Bur
goyne, until the disaster of Bennington, was nearly twice as
strong as Gates. The issue of this expedition was totally dif
ferent from the expectations that were reasonably formed ; but
to events, and not to hopes, their plans must be adapted. He
moved to bring in two bills, one to declare the intentions of par
liament concerning the exercise of the right of taxing America;
and another, to enable his majesty to appoint commissioners
for quieting the disorders now subsisting in the colonies. Five
commissioners were to be appointed, any three of whom were
empowered to treat with the congress, or any other assembly of
men, and even with individuals in America, concerning griev
ances existing in the government of the colonies, or in the laws
of Great Britain that extended to them ; and contributions, o-
> See this Volume, chap. xiv. & passim.

1778.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 555
any other regulations Which might be for the common good of CHAP.
both countries ; with a proviso, however, that such agreements
should not be binding until ratified by parliament. The com- *
missioners were to be invested with absolute power for proclaim
ing a cessation of hostilities by sea and land, opening an inter
course with the mother country, suspending the operation of all
acts of parliament relating to the North American colonies pass
ed since the 10th of February 1763, and granting pardons to ev
ery description of persons.
In viewing these propositions of lord North, one remark is ve
ry obvious: if the measure now offered was right, it ought to
have been adopted sooner; either the minister evinced want of
knowledge and wisdom, in incurring the danger and expense of
war without an adequate object ; or want of firmness and perse- ,
verance in too readily succumbing under misfortune. To wise
and magnanimous nations, the Hour of distress is not the hour of
submission ; and the present offers, after the threats and denun
ciations of ministers, were very naturally and fairly construed
to be the concessions of discomfited boasting. Very mortifying
it was to the feeling of every patriotic Briton, that his country,
which had so often dictated to the most powerful nations of Eu
rope, and had lately, under the auspices of Pitt acquired such
greatness and glory, "was now so far changed and humiliated as
to be the solicitor of peace from her recent subjects : galling, in
deed, these reflections were to the generous pride of patriotism ;
it was, however, the province of wisdom to attend less to feeling
than to real interest. If it be the highest office of prudence to
avoid, in any material case, error of judgment conducive to pre
judicial conduct, its employment next in importance is recanta
tion and reform. Dearly purchased experience had taught us,
that coercion would not succeed, at least without sacrifices great
er than the value of the object; conciliation was therefore expe
dient. But the proposed system bore the general character of
its author, wishing to please all parties, and satisfying none ; de
feating the purposes of benevolent disposition and acute under
standing, by the want of firmness of temper. It was stamped
with the same mixture of natural conciliation and adventitious
coercion, the same imperfectness of comprehension, which, in the
commencing act of its ministry, after proposing the repeal of the
other obnoxious duties, reserved the three-penny tax upon
tea. The speech. with which his lordship introduced his plan, and
the propositions themselves, were heard with profound atten
tion, but without marks of approbation from any party, class,
or individual in the house. The minister declared, that his
present sentiments were those which he had always entertained,
and an accurate and minute examiner of his conduct and
character could discover, that the change here supposed was
perfectly conformable to the uniform tenor of his indecision
and fluctuation. But the greater number of his hearers had

556 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, attended to acts, rather than to the mind and circumstances
XX- in which they originated, and though surprised at his plan,
*-*'>rW wondered much more at the declarations by which it was
177&. prefaced. He had been considered by parliament, and repre
sented to the nation, as the person the most tenacious of those
rights which he was now willing to resign, and the most averse
from that submission which he now proposed to offer. The
minister received the earliest support from those who had
most vigorously combated his preceding measures, but express
ed their fears that the concessions were too late, and that they
had waited till France had probably completed a treaty with
the American provinces ; they would, however, vote for any
scheme that tended to reconciliation. The principal bill under
went various animadversions from the usual supporters of the
minister. After several material corrections and modifications,
it passed in both houses without a division. After its amend-
in en Is being expressed, the new bill was as follows: "An
"act for removing all doubts and apprehensions concerning
" taxation by the parliament of Great Britain, in any of the
" colonies, provinces, and plantations in North America and
" the West Indies ; and for repealing so much of an act, made
"in the seventh year of the reign of his present majesty, as'
" imposes a duty on tea imported from Great Britain into any
" colony or plantation in America, or relates thereto." The se
cond bill, which was a corollary from the first, passed with little
opposition. The commissioners were, the commander in chief,
lord Howe, the earl of Carlisle, William Eden, esq. and gover
nor Johnstone. The able and learned Adam Fergusson was se-
, cretary to the mission.
Hostile in- In the beginning of March, the duke of Grafton informed
timations tj,e peers, that he had received weil attested intelligence, that
France a treaty was concluded and actually signed between France
and America ; and demanded from ministers, either an ac
knowledgment, or denial, of this important act. Lord Wey
mouth, secretary of state for the southern department, protest
ed that he had heard no account of such alliance being formed,
or even intended : but within a week after this declaration, a
message was delivered to each house by the respective minis
ters, to the following effect: " His majesty having been inform-
" ed, by order of the French king, that a treaty of amity and
" commerce has been signed between the court of France and
''certain persons employed by his majesty's revolted subjects
"in North America, has judged it necessary to direct, that a
" copy of the avowal delivered by the French ambassador to
"lord viscount Weymouth be laid before parliament; and at
" the same time to acquaint them, that his majesty has thought
"proper, in consequence of this offensive communication on
" the part of France, to send orders to his minister to withdraw
"from that court: his majesty is persuaded, that the justice
" and good faith of his conduct towards foreign powers, and

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. S59
" the sincerity of his wishes to preserve the tranquillity Of Ett- CHAP.
" rope, will be acknowledged by all the world ; and his ma- xx>
" jesty trusts that he shall not stand responsible for the disturb- *^~*^*
*' ance of tranquillity, if he should find himself called upon to 1779.
" resent so unprovoked and so unjust an aggression on the
" honour of his crown, and the essential interests of his king-
" dom, contrary to the most solemn assurances, subversive of
" the law of nations, and injurious to the rights of every sove-
" reign power in Europe. His majesty relying with the firmest
" confidence on the zealous and affectionate support of his
" faithful people, is determined to be prepared to exert all the
" force and resources of his kingdoms, which he trusts will be
f found adequate to repel eyery insult and attack ; and to main-
" tain and uphold the power and reputation of his country."
The minister moved an address to the throne, which, besides
conforming to the principal positions of the message, declared
the strongest indignation and resentment at the unjust and un
provoked conduct of France, arising from that restless and
dangerous spirit of ambition and aggrandizement which had
so often invaded the rights and threatened the liberties of Eu
rope. It concluded with the strongest assurances of the most
zealous assistance and support, and declared the firmest con
fidence that the whole nation would contribute every possible
exertion for the honour and dignity of the crown, and the just
rights and essential interests of these kingdoms.
In the house of commons an amendment was proposed, that Proposi
tus majesty should remove from his councils those ministers, in tion for
whom, from experience of the pernicious effects of their past th? sfn?"
measures, his people could place no confidence in the present Asters!11
momentous situation of public affairs. The chief arguments Argu-
for the amendment were, that it would be extremely foolish, ments for
and no less dangerous, to confide the management of the most lt:
arduous war in which Britain had ever engaged, to ministers
whose conduct had been a series of ignorance, rashness, and
weakness, and had already brought the country, from a high
pitch of power and glory, to its present humiliation and distress ;
who, having found the kingdom in peace, by their counsels and
measures had changed that state of happiness and prosperity
into all the horrors and mischiefs of an unnatural, cruel, and
destructive civil war : and whose ignorance and obstinacy, dis
daining all warning, had plunged this nation into all its present
danger and calamity.1
There could not be a more glaring or criminal instance of
ministerial negligence and imbecility, than that, in times of
peace, they could not discover the designs and transactions of
France, until they were openly avowed. Ministers had shown
themselves totally unfit for managing our affairs ; therefore they
ought not to be trusted with the conduct of greater and more
» Parliamentary reports.

5£8 HISTORY OF THE
CXXP" di^cult situations. The enemy presumed on the notorious
^^1 weakness and instability which had long characterized the
\^^ British counsels. They knew, that if the ministers had been
pensioners of France they could not have promoted the in
terests of that country more effectually, than they had actually
done. It would be useless to offer any support to his majesty,
without informing him at the same time of the incapacity of
those to whom he had intrusted the management of public
affairs. After such repeated instances of folly, neglect, and
incapacity, the nation could repose no confidence in his present
ministers ; and their removal alone could realize any offers of
support, and revive the drooping spirit of the people. That
single measure would strike more terror into the. enemies of
this country, than all the warlike preparations which we were
capable of making under the present notorious imbecility of our
against it. councils and conduct. Against these arguments the minister
and his friends did not offer refutations equally strong ; but they
contented themselves with asserting their conduct to have been
unblamable, and the best which the state of affairs could possir
bly admit ; and repeated their asseverations, of the flourishing
state of the country, and its ability to defend itself, and inflict
punishment on our enemies for their unprovoked attack. The
course of the debate brought forward the question of American
independence, and manifested that diversity of opinion on the
subject between certain members of opposition which had before
begun to discover itself, and eventually rendered them distinct
and even opposite parties. By a part of opposition, the imme
diate acknowledgment of the independence of America was
considered not only as the wisest, but the only measure which
could extricate us from- the present evils, without still greater
losses, and with any probable prospect of deriving -future ad
vantage from our colonies. This was the opinion held by -the
duke of Richmond, the marquis of Rockingham, Messrs. Burke,
Fox, and other members of that party ; but the earls. Chat
ham, Temple, and Shelburne, and lord Camden, Messrs. Dun
ning and Barre, with some other members of both houses, were
totally averse from the independence of America. Such a con
cession they considered as the greatest of all political and na
tional evils, and as including the utter degradation and final ruin
of Britain. The other division of opposition admitted the evils
to be great, but not equal to those which must be incurred in
endtSvouring to prevent its completion, and thought that no
effort for that purpose would be ultimately successful.
Mr. Fox After the hostile declaration of France, the inquiry into the
an^nquby state of the nation was PrinciPal'y directed to the condition of
into the the navy. On the 11th of March, Mr. Fox having taken a
state of view of our naval force in the various harbours of this country
the nation, and the different stations abroad, as the result of the whole
proposed a motion, importing that the public had paid, in the
last eight years, for the ordinaries and extraordinaries of the

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 559
navjr, though the greater part, of that period was free from CHAP.
hostilities, about double the sum to which the estimates for the xx-
same service amounted in the eight years commencing with '^^^^
1755 and ending with 1762, which included the whole of the I778-
late war;*and that, notwithstanding the immense increase of
cost, the present naval force of Great Britain and Ireland was
inadequate to the very dangerous crisis of public affairs. Mi
nisters neither endeavoured to confute the assertions, nor to
overturn *the arguments, of their formidable adversary : the
force which they could not combat, they endeavoured to elude ;
the motion, they said, was impolitic, as it tended to expose to
the enemy the state and disposition of our maritime strength ;
and by this common objection, they prevailed on parliament to
stifle inquiry.
The great statesman of opposition having failed, in, his en- His inqui-
deavour to investigate the future efficiency of our fleets, was rv int0 ™e
not deterred from prosecuting his inquiries, which he now ^™a,
turned to the past direction and conduct of our armies, and on tionsofthe
the 19th of March he proposed to the committee the considera- Canada
tion of the Canada expedition. He undertook to demonstrate expedi-
that the plan was impolitic, unwise, and incapable of produ- tIon'
cing any good effect;, that the provision made for it was inade
quate to the object, and that general Burgoyne had acted
agreeably to the tenor of his instructions : if he established
these three positions, (he said) he would deduce from them a
motion concerning the conduct of lord George Germaine. The
ministers opposed the inquiry chiefly for the same reason that
they had resisted a former attempt of a similar tendency, the
absence of one of the parties ; they, however, entered more
into the actual merits of the plan than on the preceding occa
sion, and endeavoured to prove that the northern expedition
was, in the first place, a wise and necessary ¦ measure ; that it
was capable of success, and the design evidently practicable ;
and that the noble secretary, in whose department it lay, had
omitted nothing which could be done by an attentive minister
to insure its success. Although they did not fully enter upon
this justification, yet they brought forward that which they ap
peared to consider as their principal groundof defence. The |
question being at length called for, the first resolution was re
jected by the majority of 164 to 44. Mr. Fox, enraged and in
dignant at the event of this division, not only declared that he
would not propose another motion ; but, taking the resolution of
censure out of his pocket, tore it into pieces, and immediately
quitted the house.
The duke of Richmond early in this session moved and pro
cured a grand committee to inquire into the state of the nation;
and having been very active in forwarding its investigations, on
the 7th of April he took a, general view of the progress and re
sult. It had not produced, in every case, he said, the desired
information, but the effects, on -thr whole had been important

560 HISTORT OF THE
CHAP, and beneficial; they had ascertained the state of the army and
xx# navy, and the vast expenditure which accrued from the Ameri -
v"^"v~^»' can war. Ministers, it was true, bad used their utmost efforts
177%. to prevent parliament from being informed : but, in opposing the
resolutions as unseasonable, they had fully admitted the facts on
. the allegation of which they were grounded. They were far
from pretending that the asserted deficiencies of the army and
navy were unfounded ; they objected not to the truth of the
The duke statement, but to the policy of the publication. Viewing the
of Rich- state of the resources made known through the exertions of the
mond pro- COmmittee, he proposed to finish the inquiry by in address to the
address to throne, which should exhibit an abstract of the information ob<-
thethrone. tained, the resolutions proposed, and the general inferencest
which sprung from the whole.
Founded upon these bases, the projected address represented
• to his majesty the state of his dominions ; and expressed the
indignation of the house against the conduct of ministers, by
which it was caused. In this calamitous, though he trusted not
desperate, situation of public affairs, they reposed their ultimate
hope in his majesty's paternal goodness. It reminded the king
of the constitutional principles, whence issued the revolution*
and the accession of his illustrious house ; and the great and in
creasing prosperity of the country while its government adhe
red to these principles. It recalled to his majesty's recollection
THE PROSPEROUS AND GLORIOUS STATE TN WHICH HE FOUND THESE
realms ; contrasted tbe condition of that time with the present
distress, and declared a confidence that the wisdom and good
ness of the sovereign would put an end to that system under
which so fatal a reverse had taken place. This was the sub
stance of the duke of Richmond's address, interspersed through
which was poignant asperity against his majesty's court and
administration. While proposing remedies for the alleged
evils, he insisted that the only sure means of extrication from a
war with the colonies, was the recognition of their unqualified
Schism of independence. This was a proposition, to which not only lord
opposition North, but the most firmly and violently and ardent supporter
on tie 0f coercive measures was not more inimical than the illustrious
of Ameri- champion of conciliation, the earl of Chatham. His lordship
can inde- had that session frequently attended- the house of peers, less
pendence. from the relaxation of distemper than from the calls of duty,
which the increasing calamities of his country made him consider
as every day more imperious. In a bodily state fitted only for
the stillness and quiet of a bed of sickness, he encountered the
active warfare of the senate, hoping his counsels might at length
be admitted by those who were experiencing such evils from
former rejection and intractability, and that, in his old age, he
might contribute to restore part of the prosperity, greatness, and
glory, which he had acquired for his country in the vigour of
his life, and which left her when he ceased to guide her affairs.
His exertion, in the former part of the session, so much bevond

REIGN OF GEORGE III. s6l
his bodily strength, had increased his distemper ; but, ihfirtmed CHAP.
of the business that was to be agitated, and aware of the doc- xx-
trines which would be brought forward, he thought it incura- ^^^>*/
bent on himself to render it manifest to the World, that though i778-
he agreed with the marquis of Rockingham and his adherents
in reprobating the system of ministry, he totally differed from
them on the question of Araericah independence. He accord
ingly betook himself to the senate, of Which, for near half a cen
tury, he had been the brightest luminary. Having arrived in
the house, he refreshed himself in the lord-chancellor's room,
until he learned that business was about to begin. The infirm
statesman was led into the house of peers, attended by his son-
in-law, lord Mahon, and resting 6n the arm of his second son,
MV. William Pitt. He was richly dressed in a superb suit of
black velvet, with a full wig, and covered up to the knees in
flannel. He was pale and emaciated, biit the darting quickness, Last ef-
fotce, and animation' of his eyes, and the expression of his forts °f
whole countenance, showed that his mind retained its primi*e-!ordch8t"
val perspicacity, brilliancy, and strength. The lords stood up,
and made a lane for him to pass through to the bench of the
earls, and with the gracefulness of deportment for which he was
so eminently distinguished, he bowed to them as he proceeded.
Having taken his seat, lie listened with the most profound at
tention to the Speech of the duke of Richmond. When his
grace had finished, lord Chatham rose : he lamented that, at so
important a crisis, his bodily infirmities had interfered so often
with his regular attendance on his duty in parliament. « I have
" this day (Said he) made an effort beyoftd the powers of my
* constitution, to come down to the house, perhaps the last
" time I shall enter its walls, to express my indignation against
" the proposition of yielding the sovereignty of America. My
"lord, 1 rejoice that the grave has not closed upon me, that I
" art still alive to lift up my voice against the dismemberment
" of this ancient and noble monarchy. Pressed down as I am
" by the load of infirmity, I am little able to assist my country
" in this most perilous conjuncture ; but, my lords, while I have
" Sense and memory, I never will consent to tarnish the lustre
" of this nation by an ignominious surrender of its rights and
'« fairest possessions. Shall a people so lately the terror of the
" world, now fall prostrate before the house of Bourbon ? It is
" impossible. I am not, I confess, well informed of the resources
" of this kingdom ; but I trust it has still sufficient to maintain
*' its* just rights, though' I know them not; and any state, my
*¦ lords, is better than despair. Let us at least make one effort;
" and, if we must fall, let us fall like men.''
The duke of Richmond declared his grief and horror at the
dismemberment of the empire to be as great as that of any
man in the house or nation, but how was it to be avoided : he
himself was totally ignorant of the means of resisting with
success the combination of America with France and Spain.
Vol. I. 71

S62 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP. He did not know how to preserve the dependence of America.
xx- If any person could prevent such an evil, lord Chatham was the
s^^r>*^ man ; but what were the means that great statesman would pro-
177S- pose. Lord Chatham, agitated by this appeal, made an eager
Hisillness, effort at its conclusion to rise; but before he could utter a word,
pressing his hand to his heart, he fell down in a convulsive fit.
The duke of Cumberland and lord Temple, who were nearest
him, caught him in their arms. The house was immediately in
commotion, strangers were ordered to depart, and the house was
adjourned. Lord Chatham being carried into an adjoining apart
ment, medical assistance soon arrived. Recovering in some de
gree, he was conveyed in a litter to his villa at Hayes in Kent,
and there he lingered till the 11th of May, when he breathed his
death, last, in the seventieth year of his age.
Thus died William* Pitt, earl of Chatham ; his death being
hastened by his efforts to save his country, whose interest and
and cha- glory it had been the business of his life to promote. Many as
racter. are the examples of uncommon ability which English history
presents, she has none to record more brilliant, more forcible,
or more beneficial to the times in which it operated. Surpass
ing other senators in glowing, energetic, and commanding
eloquence, he still farther exceeded them in political wisdom :
astonishing parliament as an orator, he astonished the nation
and all mankind as a statesman. Rarely have been united in
the same person, such powers of thought, speech, and action.
Grasping the principles, circumstances, and relations to be
considered and discussed, he instantaneously perceived the
arguments to be adduced in deliberation, or the means to be
employed in conduct. Sagacious to discover, rapid and
powerful to invent and combine, luminous and strong to ex
plain and impress, he was decisive and prompt in execution.
He not only discerned and chose effectual means, but applied
them at the instant of time which was most favourable to their
efficacy. Thoroughly master of the human character, he
perfectly comprehended the general and peculiar talents and
qualities of all, with whom either accident, inclination, or duty
induced him to converse. Hence he selected the fittest in
struments for executing, in the manifold departments of public
service, his wise, bold, and sublime plans. Not his intellectual
powers only, but the estimation resulting from these, in union
with his moral conduct, gave to Mr. Pitt an authority far
transcending that of other ministers : inaccessable to avarice,
unseduced by pleasure and luxury, the abstinence of his dis
positions, and the temperance of his habits, confirmed that
confidence whicli his wisdom and magnanimity created :
destined for the army, he did not receive an academic educa
tion. The ground-work of erudition was indeed laid in clas
sical knowledge;1 but the superstructure was left to himself.
1 At Eaton, where he was the cotemporai-y and friend of Lyttleton, and
Fielding'.

HEIGN OF GEORGE m. 563
His studies were ethics, poetry, eloquence, history, and politics ; CHAP.
especially the history and politics of his country. Thus he xx-
was, in a great measure, self-taught. His genius, though ex- v^"v'"w
traordinary in force and fertility, and enriched with ample 1778-
materials, not being disciplined in proportion to its capacity
and knowledge, did not habitually exert itself in close deduc
tion J1 but, for grandeur of conception and comprehensiveness
of views, force of reasoning, depth of conclusion, and sagacity
of prediction ; strength and sublimity of imagery, and ap-
positeness of allusion ; for pathetic in every kind and variety;
for wielding at will the judgment, fancies, and passions of his
hearers, William Pitt stood unrivalled. But his wisdom,
magnanimity, and energy, are most clearly beheld in their ef
fects. At the beginning of the seven years war, the nation,
perceiving their country neglected by ministers, her arms
discomfited and inglorious, and her spirits drooping and
desponding, called on Mr. Pitt for relief. Unsupported by
court interest, obnoxious to the confederacy which had long
prevailed, his genius overpowered intrigue. He came to the
highest office, when none else by holding it could save the
state. Having risen exclusively by ability himself, his chief
object was to bring every kind of ability into action which
could be beneficial to the country. Disdaining to govern by
parties, he absorbed them all into his own vortex. From
torpidity, weakness, defeat, disgrace, and dejection, he changed
the condition of the nation to ardour, strength, victory, glory,
and triumph. Nor did Britain by her affection, gratitude, and
admiration, or Europe by her astonishment, bear stronger
testimonies of his exalted merit, than France by her hatred and
terror for the name of Pitt. As Britain flourished while this
statesman conducted her councils, from the time his direction
ceased her decline commenced ; but, as he had caused her
elevation by his own wisdom and vigour, he endeavoured to
prevent her downfall through the rashness, folly, and weakness
of others. From the rise of this innovating system of colonial
policy, he perceived its tendency; and foresaw and foretold
its effects. He tried to avert the evil, but his attempts were
vain: a feeble body, a constitution debilitated by intense ap-

«. Reasoning1 does not merely depend upon power, but on power confirm
ed and facilitated by habit. Every able man- is not necessarily a habitual
logician : nor is every age and country which exhibits works of great abili
ty, necessarily eminent for ratiocinative efforts. In the reijjjn of George the
second, close argument was not the principal characteristic of our senato
rial oratory ; brilliant and powerful images to charm the fancy, pathetic
descriptions and exhibitions to impress the feelings, aided by graceful elo
cution and delivery to strike the senses, were much more prominent in the
most approved models, than, an unbroken chain o£ antecedents and conse
quences merely conducting truth to the understanding. Thus the state of
the senate encouraged that mode of eloquenee which the early studies and
pursuits of Mr. Pitt tended to bestow.

$64.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI.

CHAP. XX.
1779.

Tributes
of respect
and grati
tude paid
to his me
mory by
parlia
ment.

plication, and labouring under grievous malady, obstructed his
regular attendance in parliament, to deprecate pernicious mea-
' sures; but, when lie did appear, his speeches deserved record
as the emphatic dictates of prophesying wisdom. Nature array
ed transcendency pf genius, and grandeur of soul, in pleasing
and striking colours, and bestowed on this favourite son an ani
mated and expressive countenance, a tall and graceful figure,
with a dignified mien and deportment.
This statesman possessed ambition in common with other
great minds that are engaged in active life. If, however, he
loved power, it was neither to enrich himself nor his friends, but
to aggrandize his country, and humble her enemies. A more
appropriate feature in his character, was contempt for tame me
diocrity. He perhaps too much disdained that dexterity and
address, which, though easily attained, and no indication of su
perior talents, often smooths the road for the execution of wise
and beneficial plans ; such a man must have seen the inferiority
of his colleagues ; but it was not necessary to his political pur
poses to make them feel that inferiority. His unbending reso
lution is an object of regret to patriots, as it produced his resig
nation, when his services were so essential to, his country. In
the various relations of private life, lord Chatham was amiable
and estimable. He married a lady, whose talents and charac
ter rendered her worthy of such a husband; whose conversation
solaced his mind in the hours of infirmity and pain, and whose
views coincided, and efforts co-operated, with his own, in the
tuition of their several children. Few and trivial were the ble
mishes, which merely showed that this extraordinary man was
not exempted from the imperfections of humanity ; but the his
torian who desires to narrate the truth, must endeavour to hand
down to posterity William Pitt, earl of Chatham, as one of the
chief glories of England.
When the intelligence of lord Chatham's death arrived, the
house of commons being sitting, colonel Barre, in a concise but
just eulogium, expressed the obligation of the country to the
deceased statesman, and moved an address to his majesty, for
directions that his remains should be interred at the public ex?
pense : the motion received general approbation. A monu
ment was also proposed, and unanimously resolved to be erected
in Westminster abbey. The following day it was stated to the
house, that the illustrious object of their veneration, highly as he
had benefitted the nation, had been by no means equally atten
tive to his own private fortune; and that, notwithstanding his
opportunities, he had left his family destitute of all suitable pro
vision. An address was proposed and voted to his majesty, by
which an annuity of 40001. per annum was settled for ever on
those heirs of the late earl of Chatham to whom the earldom
mij^ht descend, and 20,0001. were granted for the payment of his
debts.

REIGN OF GEORGE JH. 565

Towards the close of this session, application was made to CHAP.
parliament in favour of Ireland, to relieve that country from XX-
sundry restraints respecting their manufactures and trade :s^^^*^
these restrictions injured Ireland, it was alleged, without serv- i77^
ing Britain. From the facts presented by lord Nugent, who t\o^t 'aT.
introduced the business, and other collateral evidence, it ap-iiamentin
peared that the trade of Ireland had suffered severely during favour of
the war; that the exportation of Irish manufactures, was inaIrel*ad.
great measure suspended; that thence numbers of the people
were deprived of their stated employments, and rendered des«
titute of the means of subsistence. The decay of the trade
was still more severely felt, in consequence of very heavy ad
ditions which had been recently made to the civil establishment
hy the increase of pensions and other burthensome appoint
ments : the relief solicited was to take off some of the many in
cumbrances which oppressed both the export and import traffic
of that kingdom. In order to favour the woollen manufactory
of England, the Irish had been hindered from manufacturing
their own wool : the consequence was, that Irish wool was
smuggled over into France, to the great detriment of British
manufacturers, as with such materials France would soon be
able to rival England. Bills were introduced to revive the trade
and manufactures of Ireland, without injuring this country.
The relief proposed in the house of commons was, first, that
the Irish might be permitted to export directly to the British
plantations or settlements all. merchandise which should be the
produce of that kingdom or of Great Britain, wool and woollen
manufactures only excepted; as also foreign certificate goods
legally imported : 2dly, that a direct importation should be alt
lowed to all commodities being the produce of the British plan
tations, tobacco only excepted : 3dly, that the direct exporta
tion of glass manufactured in Ireland should be permitted to all
places except Great Britain : 4thly, that 'the importation of
cotton yarn the manufacture of Ireland should be allowed, duty
free, in Great Britain : as also, 5thly, the importation of sail
cloth and cordage. Bills founded on these propositions en
countered a strong opposition. The projected change alarmed
the merchants of Bristol and Liverpool, and also the manufac
turers of Lancashire and the county of Nottingham, who stre-
nously opposed the admission of Ireland to a participation of
the rights of British subjects; and a general alarm was spread
through most of the trading and manufacturing parts of the
kingdom. They considered the admittance of Ireland to any
share of British trade, as not only destructive of their property,
but being equally subversive of their rights. They were as little
disposed to consent that the people or Ireland should cultivate
their own manufactures, and dispose of their native commodities*
at the proper foreign markets, as they were to admit them to any
limited degree of participation. After much discussion, in which The consi-
the supporters of the bill had the advantage, it was agreed by^^°™^

56S HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, both parties to defer the final adjustment until the next session
xx" of parliament. The opposers gave way to partial enlargements
V-*'V"VJ with regard to Irish trade, from which its supporters hoped that,
1778. t,y allowing them another session before its final determination,
they might become well disposed to promote some of the propo
sitions.
Bill for ex- Sir Philip Jennings Clerk introduced a bill for restraining
eluding contractors with government from a seat in parliament, unless
contract- ^ne contract should be made at a public bidding. The arga-
the house ments on both sides were obvious : by the proposers of the law it
of com- was alleged, that contracts were often granted, on the most ad-
mons. vantageous terms, for purposes of corruption : by its imbugners,
that it would be very unjust to deprive an individual of his pri
vileges as a British subject, because he had engaged to furnish
at a stipulated price articles wanted for the public service.
Members of parliament, who were debarred from this spurce of
mercantile profit, if disposed to traffic in corruption, could easily
accomplish their desire clandestinely through agents : the bill
was rejected by a majority of only two, the numbers being against
it 115, for it 113.
Repeal of On the 14th of May, near the close of the session, sir George
kingWil- Saville proposed a bill for the repeal of certain penalties and
liam's act disabilities, that were established by an act of the tenth of
respecting William III. for preventing the farther growth of popery. The
vhoKcs! °a" ^S1' am' political ability of Mr. Dunning was chiefly employ
ed in explaining the evils now proposed to be removed. By
the act- in question, popish priests or Jesuits, found to officiate
in the service of the Romish church, incurred the penalties of
felony if foreigners, and of high treason if natives ; the succes
sions of popish heirs educated abroad were forfeited, and their
estates descended to the next protestant heir : a son, or other
nearest protestant relation, might take possession of the estate
of a father or other next kinsman of the popish persuasion, du
ring the life of the real proprietor : papists were prevented
from acquiring any legal property by purchase, a term which in
law included every mode of acquiring property, but descent;
and thus the various sources of acquisition were shut up from the
Roman catholics. The mildness of government had softened
the rigour of the law ; but it was to be remembered, that popish
priests constantly lay at the mercy or the basest of man
kind, common informers. On the evidence of any of these
wretches, the magisterial and judicial powers were necessitated
to enforce all the shameful penalties of the act. Others of
these punishments held out powerful temptations to horrible
and flagitious crimes. They seemed fitted to poison the sources
of domestic felicity, to dissolve civil, moral, and religious obli
gations and duties, and to loosen all the bonds of society. Be
sides the intolerant and oppressive principle of the act, it ap
peared from the history of its enactment,1 that it wa3 a measure
' See Burnet's History of his own Times.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 567
of party intrigue more than of general policy. Even if the-re CHAP.
then existed reasons which justified severity, they were no Ion- xx-
ger in force. The Roman catholics had conducted themselves '**'****'
with unquestionable propriety during the present reign, and had 1778-
that very session presented a petition, expressive of their loyal
ty and attachment to the king and government, and their re
solution, at the risk of their lives and fortunes, to defend their
king and country against the apprehended invasion of the
French and all their enemies. The ministerial party was ex
tremely well inclined to show favour to such meritorious sub
jects ; and, though aware of their general unpopularity, they
did not themselves choose to hazard a proposition which would
most probably excite alarm among the protestants ; they, very
gladly adopted therefore the measure when brought forward
by opposition, and the bill passed both houses without a divi-
' sion. The supplies for this year were sixty thousand seamen, with Supplies
a considerable augmentation of land forces. The ways and and taxes.
means were, a loan of six millions at three per cent, with an
annuity of two pounds ten shillings for a certain number of years,
or for life; the sum of 480,0001. was raised by a lottery, and
two pillions by exchequer bills. The new taxes were, an addi
tional duty of eight guineas per ton imposed on all French
wines, and four guineas on all other wines, six-pence in the
pound on houses valued from five to fifty pounds a year, and
one shilling on all above fifty pounds. The house tax bill was
strongly opposed, as unjust, partial, and oppressive ; from the
high value of the. houses, in London, it was asserted that nine-
tenths of the burthen would be borne by the metropolis. It was
answered, that the value of houses arose chiefly from their situa
tion, which rendered them pleasant, convenient, or profitable
to their occupiers, and that the advantages much more than
compensated the expense even with this addition ; that, in other
commercial places, rents rose in proportion to their lucrative
situation, and that other parts of the kingdom would contribute
a much .greater. share of the tax than had been asserted : the
houses in every town or village as well as in London, would
pay in proportion to the benefit arising from the situation. Be
side the specific sums granted by parliament, an application was
made for a vote of credit. This requisition occasioned a very
Warm debate : opposition contended, that the incapacity of ad
ministration-was so glaring, and their conduct so very absurd
and ruinous, that it would be extremely imprudent to trust to
their discretion. Ministers defended their own measures, and
insisted that a vote of credit was both usual and necessary in
such circumstances, and that, though the assertions of opposi
tion, if proved, would demonstate them unfit for their offices,
yet, until the allegations were established on better grounds
than declamatory invective, the present counsellors, having the
confidence of parliament, remained in their offices ; and the pub-

568 HISTORY, OF THE
CHAP. Ke service therefore reqtfiredT-they should be furnished with the
XX- means of discharging their duties. The minority appeared not
v"^"v"s*"' to have meahf any (rejection to the vote of credit, since, not-
1776. withstanding the eloquence exerted on the subject, they suffered
it to pass Without a division.
Amotion The charge of boundless expenditure was a frequent theme
for an in- 0f animadversion during the session, and a committee was pro
specting poSed for inspecting the public accounts ; but the motion waS
expendi- controverted by the supporters of administration, who declared;
ture, that the prudence and etbnomy of ministets were so very greatand
satisfactory, that all examination of accounts would be superflu
ous. If undue profits in some particular instances had beeh obtain
ed by contractors, the treasury would oblige them to refund such
Sums, as soon as the necessary inquiry should be made. The in
spection might be productive of great mischief, by .disseminating
ill-founded jealousies and suspicions among the people. Al
though this reaching, that it was unnecessary to investigate the
management of pecuniary stewards, because, they themselves
and their connexions asserted that they were prudent and eco
nomical, may not convince an impartial reader, yet it convinced
the majority in the house of commons, and the desired inquiry
is reject- was prevented.
ed- On the 3d of June, parliament was prorogued. His majesty
in his speech oh this occasion, after returning thanks to parlia
ment for their wise deliberations and vigorous efforts, expressed
himself respecting the interference 6f France, with a dignity
and magnanimity worthy of the first personage in the first na
tion of the universe. He spoke the merited resentment of con
scious justice, supported by conscious power. "My desire
Dignified " (said our king) to preserve the tranquillity of Fjurope.has been
answer of « uniform and sincere ; I reflect with great satisfaction, that I
hismajes- „ jlive matie thfe faith of treaties, and the law of nationi, the rule
y' " of my conduct ; and that it has been my constant care to give
" no just cause of offence to any foreign, power : let that power,
" by whom this tranquillity shall be disturbed, answer to their
" subjects, and to the world, for all the fatal consequences of
* War : the vigour and firmness of my parliament, have enabled
" me to bfe prepared for such events and emergencies as may
" happen ; and I trust that the experienced valour and discipline
" of my fleets and armies, and the loyal and united ardour of the
" nation, armed and animated in the defence of every thing that
" is dear to them, will be able, under the protection of Divine
" Providence, to defeat all the enterprises which' the enemies of
'* my crown may presume to undertake, and convince them how
" dangerous it is to proVokfe the spirit and strength of Great
"Britain."

REIGN OP GEORGEIH. 559

CHAP. XXL
Campaign opens in America.— Operations by detachments from, general
Howe's aririy. — Howe resigns the command-*-*-festivai in honour of him,
under the name of Mischienza — departs for Europe — and is succeeded
hy sir Henry Clinton.^Arrival of commissioners from Britain. — The
Ameripans refuse to treat, unless as an independent nation. — Evacuation
of Philadelphia — ai\d march through the Jerseys.**— Battle of Freehold
court-house— the British army is successful — and arrives at New-York.— >
D'Estaing arrives with a French fleet — maritime operations. — Attempt^
upon Rhode Island.-"*-Pautial and detached expeditions. — D'Estaing .de
parts for 'the \Vest-Indies.-r-Farther proceedings of the commissioners
-tissue a proclamation withq^t effect— return to Englanc). — Congress
publisl) a counter manifesto. — Hostilities iu Eur°pe- — Admiral Kepgel
takes the command of the channel fleet. — Capture of the Licorne French"
frigate— of the Pallas. — Keppel returns to Portsmouth for a re-enforce
ment— sails in pursuit of the enemy-*-descries the French fleet off
lJsba!!t.--*-Eattle of the %7th * of July indecisive. — The French fleet rer
tires during the night  Apprehensive of a lee shore, Keppel forbears
pursuit. — Captures °y frigates and privateers  Balance greatly favour
able to England.*— Depredations by Paul Jones — plunders the seat of lord
Selkirk. — Criminlitidn and recrimination by Eeppel ahd Palliser — are
respectively tried atid. acquitted.
FROM political proceedings we now return to military CHAP.
transactions. The hostile armies at Philadelphia and Valley XXI'
Forge passed the severity of the winter within a few miles of ^"v"^***'
each other, in great tranquillity. Spring arrived, ahd the com- r i77S:
mander in chief continued to repose himself at Philadelphia ; op^s^f11
he, however, sent out several occasional detachments, which America.
displayed British intrepidity and skill in desultory operations, -
without any material result. In the beginning of March, colonel Opera-
Mawhood was sent with the 27th and 46th regiments, and the *jons °y
.New-Jersey volunteers, to make a descent on the coast of„JJ||?"
Jersey,- to procure forage, and assist the loyalists, who were fr0Jn g*e.
severely oppressed by Livingston, • the American governor, neral
Various creeks communicate with the Delaware on the Jersey Howe's
side ; over the Allewas, one of these, there were three bridges ; army'
Thompson's farthest up, St. Quinton's in the middle, and Han
cock's next the river. At the two last the provincials determin
ed to make a stand. Mawhood having pretended to retreat,
enticed the Americans to cross St. Quinton's bridge, and fall
into an ambuscade which he had previously formed ; the enemy
being surrounded, most of them were either killed, taken prison
ers," or drowned. Major Simcoe, being employed to attack
the party posted at Hancock's bridgei crossed the creek in boats
by night with a party of soldiers ; assailed, surprised, and dis
persed the Amerieans: and secured a passage for the whole
Vot.. I. 73

570

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP. XX!.

1778.

British detachment: colonel Mawhood having completed his
forage, returned to Philadelphia. In the beginning of May,
an American brigade, commanded by general Lacy of the
Pennsylvania militia, being posted at the Crooked-billet, on one
of the" chief roads between the country and Philadelphia, ob
structed the approaches of farmers with provisions for the city.
That enterprising and intelligent officer, major Simcoe, having
perceived this position and discovered its object, proposed to
march round with the queen's rangers, so as to gain the rear of
the enemy, while another party should lie in ambuscade to in
tercept their retreat to Washington's army. The scheme being
approved, colonel Abercrombie was appointed to command the
ambuscade, and to lie in wait till he should hear the firing of
Simcoe's corps.. On the 30th of May, major Simcoe set off with
his detachment by the projected route, and afterwards Aber
crombie departed with about four hundred light infantry, a
large party of light dragoons, and horses, for the sake of greater
expedition, to mount his foot soldiers. The colonel could
hot reach the place of his destination at the appointed time
during the night; eager, however, to support major Simcoe.
he sent forward his cavalry and light infantry. The command
er of the advanced corps having proceeded as far as Lacy's
outpost, was seen and fired at by the enemy's sentinel, but did
not retire. The American commander concluding; a stronger
force to be at hand, immediately filed up the country, and, by
abandoninghis baggage escaped the pursuit. The British troops
having dislodged the provincials, returned with the captured
baggage to Philadelphia ; and, by the success of this excursion.
greatly facilitated the conveyance of provisions to the British
army. An expedition being sent under majors Maitland and
Simcoe, destroyed a great number of American vessels, that
had escaped the preceding campaign at the capture of the forts
on the Delaware. These desultory enterprises proved that Bri
tish courage and conduct by land and water were equal to the
efforts of former times, however little they conduced to the pro
motion of British interest.
Howe re- For several months, sir William Howe had* resolved to resign
signs the |,is command, and intimated his intention to lord George Ger-
command. majne> His alleged ground for desiring to be recalled was, that
he had not received the necessary confidence and support from
administration. Ministers expressed the utmost surprise at his
complaint, the grounds of which they affirmed were fully confu
ted by the written authority with which he was intrusted, and
the force with which he was furnished. The requested permis
sion, however, was granted, and the general accordingly prepar
ed to depart for Europe.
The easy and agreeable manners and indulgent conduct of
general Howe, had gained the affection of many of his offi
cers. Those viewing his exploits and services through the
partial medium of attachment, attributed to them a merit and

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 571
efficacy greater than that which has been allowed them by the CHAP.
rigorous scrutity of impartial judgment. As a testimony of XXL
the high estimation in which they held their general, some of ^*"v"^'
his officers gave in honour of him, when about to resign his 17JS\ ¦
command, a festival, which they denominated a Mischienza. honour Jf
The exhibition, indeed, was of a miscellaneous nature, and him, un-
partook partly of. the nature of Roman spectacles on the return der the
of victorious generals to their grateful country ; the general "*.m ^ of
marched through the army between two triumphal arches. His Mischien-
train of attendants, however, seven silken knights of the blend
ed rose, seven silken knights of the burning mountain, and
fourteen damsels representing the paragons of knight errantry,
called before the imagination the fabulous glory of chivalrous
ages. A tilt and tournament, or mock representation ,of warlike
achievements, made, a part of the entertainment. On the top of
each triumphal arch was placed a figure of Fame, ornamented
with stars, blowing from her trumpet, in letters of light, Tes
lauriers sont immortels.1 While the multitude were dazzled by
the splendour of this magnificent spectacle, some of the bystan
ders, whose fancies had not been sublimed into the regions of
romance, but suffered their memories fully to recollect, and their
judgments to appreciate, actual performance, wondered where, Howe de-
when, and how these immortal laurels had been earned. Soon Parts for
after this signal testimony of esteem and admiration had been ajja^fsue-
adduced in favour of his exploits as commander in chief, sirCeededby
William Howe returned to Europe, and the office which he left sir Henry
was conferred on sir Henry Clinton. Clinton.
The British commissioners now arrived with conciliatory pro- Arrival of
positions. To the success of their mission, many obstacles t!l.e ?om"
were foreseen ; but some had lately occurred which had not been from Bt^
expected. Before the completion of the treaty between France tain.
and the Americans, the court of Versailles stated a difficulty,
without the removal of which they said they could not accede
to an alliance. Were Britain and America to be reconciled,
on terms by which the latter should renounce her independ
ence, the engagements which she might have contracted would
be no longer valid. To destroy this ground of objection, the
congress, in November 1777, entered into a resolution, declaring,
that they would reject all proposals for a treaty with the king
of Great Britain which should be inconsistent with the .inde
pendence of the United States, or with such alliances as
might be formed under their authority. In the following
April, having seen copies of the conciliatory bills, they, on
the 22d of that month, passed resolutions, expressing repro
bation of the conduct of the British parliament, as persever
ing in the same coercive plans, but by indirect and insidious
means ; and declaring their contempt of the artifices and dis
simulation by which England endeavoured to put them in exe-
' Annual Register, 1778,

St% HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, cation. The general spirit of their proceedings was continu-
XXf< ance in hostility to Britain, and amity to France ; andtheten-
s^~v^s^1 dency of their acts was to promote the same sentiments among
1778. the people. On the second of May* Silas Dean arrived at York
Town with copies of the treaties concluded between France
and America at Paris. The congress immediately published a
gazette, which, besides a summary of the whole, exhibited the
most flattering articles, accompanied by comments, in which
they extolled to the people the extraordinary equity, generosi
ty, and unparalleled honour of the French king. They ap
peared to consider Spain as already a party in the confederacy*;
the other great powers of Europe as favourable to America,
and desiring the humiliation of England. In such a state of
American enmity to Great Britain, and exulting hopes of suc
cess, the. commissioners arrived with their pacificatory propo
sals. On the 9th of June, they applied for a passport to their
secretary, doctor Fergusson, who, they intended, should convey
their propositions to the congress, and conduct the negotiation
with that body. General Washington refused a passport, un
til he should consult the congress; whereupon the commission
ers forwarded their papers by the ordinary military posts, and
The Ame- they reached the congress on the 1 1th of June. On the 17th, a
ricansTe- brief, but decisive answer was returned by its president, mani-
t eat un fest***ng a determination to maintain their independence, to ad-
less as an ^ere to the engagements with France, which as an independ-
indepen- ent nation they had contracted, and to reject the present pro-
dent na- position, which did not admit that independence. Reprobating
V""" the war as unjust in principle and barbarous in conduct, they
notwithstanding declared their willingness to enter, as an inde
pendent, state, into any negotiation consistent with their pre
sent treaties.1 In a paper of the same date, the congress issued
its approbation of general Washington's refusal of a passport
to the British secretary.
This answer plainly showed, that ail attempts to conciliate
America on the principles and plan proposed by parliament
would be ineft'eclual, and proved that Britain either should have
persisted in coercion, or offered terms more suitable to the pre
sent state of sentiments and affairs. The offer, indeed, by flat
tering the pride, encouraged the perseverance of the American
republicans ; it confirmed the authority of the congress, and
proved to Britain, that the only alternative was entire conquest,
or the acknowledgment (really at least, if not verbally) that
they were no longer subject to our power ; it held out to the
loyalists the discomfiture of their party, the proscription of
their property, and exile from their native country ; and dispi
rited the officers and soldiers themselves, by deeply impressing
» See Mr. President Henry Lawrence's answer to thte British commission
ers, dated June 17th, 1778, in the collection of State papers for that year.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI.

573

them with an idea, that the service in which they were employ- CHAP.
ed was considered- as hopeless. XXI-
A plan of operations had been formed for the campaign, ^~*~**
should the proposed treaty fail. The first movement enjoined l778-
by the British ministers through lord Carlisle to the commander ^vac,ip. .
in chief was the evacuation of Philadelphia. The abandon- j^elhhia
ment of the chief city in America, and the principal object of so
powerful an army during the whole campaign, was by no means
calculated to dishearten our enemies, or the Americans, or to
encourage the loyalists; nevertheless there existed circum
stances which rendered such a measure expedient. We were
no longer at war against the revolted colonies alone, but were
contending with the chief maritime powfer of the world after
our own. Fiance had sent out from Toulon a great naval
armament, of which the destination might either be America or
the West Indies ; if the former, the fleet under lord Howe, very
inferior in force, might be blocked up within the long and wind
ing river of Delaware, that abounded in shoals, and other impe
diments to navigation; besides, the army ought to occupy a sta
tion from which re-enforcements might be most easily and expe
ditiously sent wherever they were required. For this purpose
Philadelphia, so distant from the sea, was totally unfit; by re
turning to New- York, they could despatch troops to any other
situation that might most advantageously employ their exertions:
for these reasons, government determined to direct -the evacua
tion of Philadelphia.
On the 18th of June, the army passed the Delaware, and The army
the same day ehcamped on the Jersey shore. The country marches-
through which they had to march, was strong, and intersected Jhr°Teh
by defiles; lest these being occupied should obstruct his pro- Seys.
gress, sir Henry Clinton thought it necessary to carry along
with him a large supply of provisions, which, together with
the baggage, greatly retarded the progress of the army. The
excessive heat of the Weather, the closeness of the roads
through the woods, the constant labour of constructing or re
pairing bridges in a country abounding in creeks, brooks, and
marshes, were all severely felt by the British forces. Washing
ton, having discovered the design of Clinton, detached general
Maxwell to obstruct a retreat, until he himself should cross the
American army. For several days the provincials were not
able materially to interrupt the British army ; our light troops
expelled them from the defiles, and the only obstructions arose
from the bridges being destroyed. The army now came to a,
place where the road was divided into two branches : that to
the left was the shortest, but the river Rariton intervened;
the passage of which, in the face of an enemy superior in
number, might be both difficult and dangerous ; more espe
cially as intelligence was received, that Gates was advancing
from the north, to form a junction with Washington near that

574,

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP. XXI. 1778.

Battl* of
Freehold
court
house.

The Bri
tish army
is success
fui;

and arrives
at New-
York.D'Estaing arrives
with a
French fleet.

river. Sir Henry Clinton accordingly took the most circuitous
route, nearer to the coast. Having proceeded some miles, he
¦'encampedon the 27th on a high ground in the neighbourhood
of Freehold court-house. Washington had before kept to the
left, and being now re-enforced, posted himself within a few
miles of the British rear. Clinton having sent forward the
baggage under Knyphausen with the first division of the army,
he himself with the last waited the approach of the enemy,
and on the 28th of June was informed that large bodies of
the provincials were marching on both his flanks, while a
considerable division followed himself. Suspecting that the ob
ject of the Americans on his flanks was to overtake Knyphausen,
who was now retarded by defiles, he determined to attack the
provincials who hovered on his rear, that they might recall their
detachments from annoying Knyphausen. Though he was by
this time, in prosecution of his march, descended into a plain,
and the enemy had occupied the eminence which he had just left,
he attacked them, compelled them to fly, and would have
destroyed the whole front division, had not Washington, by
occupying a defile with his main body repressed the pursuit.
The light troops who had been sent forward to attack Knyp
hausen, were repulsed by that general,' and recalled, to join
and support the main army. The loss of the British that
day, in killed, wounded, and missing, amounted to three hun
dred and fifty eight ; that of the Americans, to three hundred
and sixty-one. Little as was the difference in point of num
bers, it appears, from his subsequent conduct, that general
Washington thought himself worsted, as he did not afterwards
attempt to disturb the British retreat, but marched away to the
left towards the North river. The circumstances of the en
gagement produced a quarrel between Lee and Washington.
According to Washington, Lee, who commanded the advanced
corps, had disobeyed orders, in not attacking the enemy when
they were on the plain, and he on the declivity : and farther
charged him with want either of conduct or courage in retreat
ing before the British, though he was so advantageously posted.
Lee wrote a very angry letter ; Washington answered ; Lee
replied still more violently: a court-martial was demanded and
ordered ; the charges were, disrespect to the general, and
misbehaviour in an unnecessary and shameful retreat. He was
suspended from his command for twelve months. Meanwhile
the British army arrived in safety at Sandy Hook, where they
found lord Howe landed the preceding day: on the 5th
of July the army embarking came to New-York the same
night. The count D'Estaing sailed from Toulon the 13th of April,
with twelve ships of the line and six'frigates, carrying a consir
derable number of troops on board ; but, from adverse winds,
did not pass the straits of Gibraltar till the 15th of May. The
British ministry, who were not unapprized of this equipment,

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 575
got ready a fleet of an equal number of. ships, the command of CHAP.
which was given to vice-admiral Byron. The armament left XXI-
Portsmouth on the 20th of May, and proceeding to Plymouth, s^~v"^*-'
finally sailed from thence on the 9th of June, after such advi- l778-
ces had been received as no longer left it doubtful that the Tou
lon squadron was bound to North America. D'Estaing arrived
on the coast of Virginia on the 5th of July, but hearing of the
evacuation of Philadelphia, sailed to the northward; and on
the 1 Ith of July, in the evening, came to an anchor off New-
York, with an apparent design of attempting to enter the har
bour. The naval force under lord Howe consisted only of sis
ships of the line, and four of fifty guns, with a proportional
number of frigates and smaller vessels. Intelligence of the
count D'Estaing's approach having been received some days
before he came in sight, a masterly disposition of their force
for the defence of the harbour was made, under the immediate
direction of the admiral, whose exertions were nobly seconded
by the universal ardour which prevailed, not only in the navy,
army, and transport service, but among all ranks and classes of
people at New- York. Some time after D'Estaing's arrival,
the wind was unfavourable to the execution of his supposed in
tention ; but on the 22d of July it changed to the eastward^
and. the French fleet was seen weighing anchor. The long me
ditated attack, it was now supposed, would instantly commence ;
and so confident were all it would prove abortive, that the criti
cal moment which was to decide, not only the fate of the Bri
tish fleet but of the army, was expected with impatience. But
D'Estaing, to their great disappointment, as soon as his ships
had weighed anchor, instead of attempting to enter the harbour,
made sail to the southward. He afterwards changed his course,
and steered directly to Rhode Island, before which he arrived
on the 29th of July. Lord Howe being informed of the ene
my's station, determined to attempt the preservation of the
island ; but, as he was inferior in number, not to venture an
engagement, without some considerable advantage, which
might counterbalance their superiority. For several months
the expulsion of the British troops from Rhode Island, had been
in contemplation of the provincials. In spring, general
Sullivan was sent to take the command in its neighbourhood,
and made preparation for invading this province. To these
dispositions, major-general Pigot, who commanded at Rhode
Island, ' was not inattentive ; he readily perceived their object,
and", in order to retard them, sent two detachments under lieu
tenant-colonel Campbell and major Eyre, who destroyed or
took the vessels, naval stores, and ordnance, which were pre
pared for the invasion, and burnt their ship timber and dock
yards. From these losses, the provincials were not in readi
ness for co-operation, when D'Estaing arrived oft' Rhode Isl
and. Lord Howe, after being detained four days by contrary Maritime
winds, put to sea on the 6th of August with the British 'fleet, 0Pe™-

576 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, which was now increased to eight ships of the line, five of fifty
XXI- guns, two of forty-four guns, and four frigates, with three fire-
^"^^w ships, two bombs, and a number of smaller vessels. Justly deem-
1778. jng (|ie weather-gage too great an advantage to be added to the
superior force of the enemy, the British admiral skilfully and
ably contended for that important .object, while D'Estaing was no
less anxious to preserve if in his own favour. The contest of sea
men-ship prevented an engageriient on that day; but the wind
on the'following day still continuing ad verse to the design of the
British admiral, he determinedto make the best of the present
circumstances, and to engage the enemy ; forming the line in
such a manner, as to be joined by three fire-ships which were un
der the tow of as many frigates. When the fleets were about to
engage, a strong gale of wind increased to a tremendous storm,
and continuing for near two days, by separating' the fleets; not
only prevented immediate battle, but so dispersed and damaged
the vessels of both parties, as to render an engagement for some
i time impracticable. The accidental meeting of single ships af
ter the tempest, produced conflicts which afforded' new speci
mens of British valour and nautical skill. Captain Dawson, of
the Renown of fifty guns, on the evening of the 13th, fell in with
the Frenoh admiral's ship, the Languedoc of eighty-four, and
notwithstanding the great difference of metal, attacked her with
evident advantage until darkness put an end to the contest. The
next morning the gallant Dawson was preparing to renew the
conflict, when the appearance of six more of the enemy's ships
compelled him to retire. The same evening, captain Hotham,
with the Preston of fifty guns, attacked the Tonant, a French
ship of eighty guns, with similar vigour and success ; being also'
the next morning obliged to desist, by the arrival of several other
ships. On the 16th of August, captain Raynor, of the Isis, also
of fifty guns, attacked the Csesar of seventy-four, and after an
engagement for an hour and a half, forced her* to retreat ; but be
ing herself damaged in her rigging, was incapable of pursuit.
The loss of the English ship consisted of one killed and fifteen
wounded ; of the enemy fifty killed and wounded. The French
ship was, besides, so much injured in her hull, that she was
compelled to go into Boston to refit. No portion of the history
of war can the patriotic author write, or the patriotic reader
peruse, with more exulting pleasure, than accounts of actions
which manifest British bravery and conduct with inferior force
triumphant on our peculiar element. The disabled ships of
Britain went to New- York to refit, while the French admiral,
with the same intent, betook himself to Boston. When lord
Howe's squadron was repaired, being now increased by the ar
rival of the Monmouth, one of admiral Byron's fleet, he, on the
30th of August, sailed to the bay of Boston, in pursuit of the
enemy : but found their fleet so well secured by their position,
under cover of land batteries, that he thought it prudent to

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. s77
fetire. Returning to New- York, he found more ships of Byron's CHAp.
squadron arrived, and the admiral himself daily expected. The XXI-
naval force of England, on the admiral's station, being now un- ^^^^^
doubtedly superior to that of the enemy, lord Howe, having pre- I778-
viously obtained leave tp return to England, on account of hi?
health, resigned the command to admiral Gambier, and departed
for Europe.
The Americans trusting to the co-operation of the French Attempt
fleet, had sent an army of ten thousand men, under general °" Rh°de
Sullivan to Rhode Island, and commenced their operations.
But the dispersion of the French fleet, and its final departure
for Boston, daunted their spirits, induced many to desert, and
left the remainder inferior to the British garrison. General Sul
livan thereupon hegan his retreat, and departed in the night of
the 28th of August several hours before the British perceived
they were gone. Sir Robert Pigot, the English commander,
followed on the 29th, attacked the rear division, and gained an
advantage ; but not so decisive as to prevent the Americans
from continuing their route. Sir Henry Clinton, who was has
tening by sea to relieve Rhode Island, arrived one day too late
to intercept the retreating Americans. Although the detention
of sir Henry Clinton probably saved Sullivan's corps from de
struction, yet the miscarriage of the first enterprise, which they
had undertaken in concert with France, not only disappointed,
but offended the Americans ; and though the officers and gen
tlemen endeavoured to dissemble every appearance of displea
sure, the commonalty, less restrained by delicacy and policy,
gave loose to their feelings. Indeed, scarcely two nations could
be found in the civilized world, whose manners could be so re
ciprocally repulsive, as the sanctimonious austerity of the New-
Englanders, and the gay levity and dissipated libertinism of
Frenchmen. Between the seamen of both countries, outrages
and,j-iots took place, that were like to have been attended with
very serious consequences : the leading men of Boston, how
ever, exerted themselves successfully to appease the tumults,
and to give satisfaction to their new allies. General Clinton Partial and
having returned towards New-York, concerted several expedi- detached
tions for destroying privateers. Major-geheral Grey being de-£xPedl"
tached to . Buzzard-bay in New-England, landed on the banks 10ns'
of the Acushimet river, and executed his enterprise with such
rapidity, that in less than one day he burned and destroyed all
the ships in, the river, amounting to more than seventy sail. The
next day proceeding to Martha's Vinevard, a. fertile and rich
island, he destroyed several vessels, and carrying offa valuable
booty in provisions, returned to New- York. Lord Cornwallis
soon afterwards undertook the direction of an expedition to
Little Egg-harbour, on the coast of Jersey, which was also a
general receptacle for privateers : one division of the detach
ment surprised and surrounded an American regiment of light
horse, during the night, at Old Tapan on the North river; the
" Vol. I. 73

578 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, greater number were killed, or taken prisoners. Captain Pai-
XXI- trick Fergusson undertook to conduct the enterprise to Little
s^"v?w Egg-harbour; and by combined valour, activity, and skill, sur-
1778. prised an American legion under count Pulaski. The success
of this enterprise depending on celerity of execution, a great
carnage unavoidably took place. The Americans poured out
virulent invectives against what they termed the cruelty of the
British; but it does not appear that any act was committed in
consistent with the laws of war. This was the last action of
any importance performed by the British during this campaign
in North America. The weather was that year extremely tem
pestuous on the American ocean; admiral Byron's fleet had
been dispersed and separated by a storm on its passage from
Europe. After being refitted at New- York, he again went to
sea with a view to block up the French fleet in Boston-bay; but
D'Estaing a second tempest drove him from that station. The count
departsfor D'Estaing, -taking the opportunity of the British admiral's ab-
the West- sence> sailed to the West Indies.
Further While these operations were carrying on by land and sea, the
proceed- commissioners continued in America, determined to leave noth
ings of the ing undone that might effect their purpose. Although hopeless
commis- 0f success from the first answer of the congress, they thought it
sioners. necegsarj to reply ; desiring an explanation of the sense in which
the term independence was to be understood, and copies of the
treaties with foreign powers, which had been referred to by the
congress. Respecting the second preliminary, they declared the
proposed removal of the troops inadmissible, as a force must ne
cessarily be kept for defence against the common enemy, and for
the protection of the loyalists. To this second letter of the com
missioners no answer was given.
Governor Johnstone being individually acquainted with seve
ral gentlemen of character and influence, tried to obtain a
personal interview, in hopes of convincing them that it was the
interest of the colonies to renew their amity with the mother
country; for that purpose he requested admission to several
gentlemen, but a decided negative was returned : he also wrote
letters to different individuals, paragraphs of which were con
strued into an attempt to corrupt the integrity of the leaders.
One of these is addressed to general Reed, and the following is
the paragraph that underwent the interpretation. After an
eloquent description of the evils flowing from the existing dis
sensions, and the blessings of reconciliation, the writer proceeds:
" The man who can be instrumental in bringing us all to act
" once more in harmony, and unite together the various powers
" which this contest has drawn forth, will deserve more from the
" king and people, from patriotism, humanity, friendship, and all
" the tender ties that are affected by the quarrel, than were ever
"yet bestowed on human kind." 'On the 16th of June in a pri
vate letter to Robert Morris, esq. formerly his friend, he says,
" I believe the men who have conducted the affairs of America,

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 579.
" are incapable of being influenced by improper motives : but CHAP.
" in all such transactions there is risk, and I think that who- XX1,
" ever ventures should be secured ; at the same time that ho- ^'v"^>-'
" nour and emolument shall naturally follow the fortune of those 1778-
" who have steered the vessel in the storm, and brought her
"safely to port. I think that Washington and the president
" have a right to every favour that grateful nations can bestow,
" if they could once more unite our interests, and spare the
" miseries and devastations of war,"
The congress published the letters above mentioned by go
vernor Johnstone, and attempted to construe them into an en
deavour to bribe. The letters themselves express no such in
tention ;¦* they merely hold out a prospect of honour and reward
for meritorious conduct. The congress, that they might inflame
the passions of the people, issued a declaration, that it was in
compatible with the honour of congress to hold any farther
communication with governor Johnstone. The British commis
sioners, finding it was in vain to hope for the accomplishment
of this great object, now confined their application to subor
dinate purposes. One of these was concerning the captured,
army of general Burgoyne. By one of the articles of capitula
tion it was stipulated, that the surrendering army should be at
liberty to transport itself to Great Britain, on condition of not
serving again in America during the war. Boston, the place
from which it was to embark, was difficult of access to trans
ports at that season of the year, which was the middle of win
ter; general Burgoyne applied for leave to march the troops
to Rhode Island, that they might there embark. This request
the congress not only refused, which was merely the denial of
a solicited favour, but they declared a resolution of violating a
solemn compact; they resolved to prohibit the embarkation of
the Saratoga troops from any port whatsoever, until a distinct
and explicit ratification of the convention of Saratoga should
be properly noticed by the court of Great Britain to congress ;
and entered upon their journals a resolution to that effect.
This resolution was evidently a breach of the convention, as
the now desired ratification was no part of that treaty. The
commissioners, in a letter dated the 7th of August, remonstra
ted against the detention of the troops, contrary to the faith of
treaties. Without answering this remonstrance, they entered
into a charge against governor Johnstone, with whom they de
clared they could hold no communication. Governor John
stone, to remove the pretended bar to intercourse, withdrew
himself from the commission ; and, in the public act by which
he testified this determination, he very severely reprehended
1 Mr. Belsham alleges, that Mr. Johnstone employed a Mrs. Fergusson,
as the agent in his proposed corruption. As he adduces no proofs to sup
port his assertion, although he says the fact was clearly ascertained, an impar
tial historian cannot admit the charge on so very vague an evidence.

580 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, the conduct of the congress, and exposed the shallow pretext
XXI. jjy -which they endeavoured to cover their own breach of faith.
,>-*rv^N^ These assertions respecting him, indeed, were never proved ;
1778. and if they had been established, their authentication cOuld not
have justified the conduct of the Americans : even if Mr. John
stone had attempted to bribe, the endeavour would not have
justified a breach of contract with others not concerned in that
endeavour. Governor Johnstone set off for Europe, leaving
an able vindication of his conduct, in a letter addressed to his
friend doctor Adam Fergusson. Meanwhile the remaining
commissioners attempted by new arguments to show the con
gress the real views of France, and how little advantage they
could reasonably expect from this connexion ; they also sent
again their former remonstrance, without the signature of go
vernor Johnstone ; and offered to ratify, in the king's name, all
the conditions of the Saratoga convention, though such ratifi
cation was no part of its terms ; but the congress persevered
in the breach of faith. The troops which had surrendered at
Saratoga, having trusted to a convention stipulating their free
return to Great Britain, were detained in captivity by the Ame
rican congress violating a contract.
Theyissue The commissioners sent no more letters to the congress : but
mation published, on the 3d of October, a manifesto and proclamation,
' addressed to the members of the congress, and the members of
the general assemblies or conventions of the several colonies.
In this paper, they recapitulated the steps which they had taken
for executing the objects of their commission ; they enumera
ted their repeated endeavours to restore tranquillity and hap
piness to America; and stated the extent and beneficial tenden
cy of the terms which they were empowered to offer : notwith
standing the obstructions they had encountered, they still de
clared their readiness to proceed in the execution of the powers
contained in their commission, and to treat not only with depu
ties from all the colonies conjunctly, but with any provincial as
sembly or convention individually, at any time within the space
of forty days from the date of their manifesto : next addressing
themselves to all persons, ecclesiastical, military, civil, or pri
vate, and suggesting to the consideration of each of these
classes, such motives as might be supposed to have the great
est influence, they adjured them not to let pass so favourable
an opportunity of securing their liberties, future prosperity, and
happiness, upon a permanent foundation : lastly, they appealed
to the Americans collectively, in the following terms"; "It will
" now become the colonies in general to call to mind their own
" solemn appeals to heaven in the beginning of this contest,
" that they took arms only for the redress of grievances ; and
" that it was their wish, as well as their interest, to remain for
" ever connected with Grea't Britain. We again ask them,
" whether all their grievances, real or supposed, have not been
" amply and fully redressed ? and we insist, that the offers we

REIGN OF GEORGE 111. 581
" have made, leave nothing to be wished, in point of either CHAP.
" immediate liberty or permanent- security." The manifesto XXI-
observed, that the policy as well as the benevolence of Great S^FV">""'
Britain checked the extremes of war, when they tended to dis- 1778,
tress a people who were still considered as our fellow-subjects,
and to desolate a country which was shortly to become again
a source of mutual advantage. But when that country pro
fessed the unnatural design, not only of estranging her interests
from ours, but of mortgaging herself and her resources to our
enemies, the whole contest was changed, and the question was,
how far Great Britain may, by every means irt her power, de
stroy or render useless a connection contrived for her ruin, and
for the aggrandizement of her enemy ? Under such circum
stances, the laws of self-preservation must direct the conduct
of Great Britain, to render the accession of the American colo
nies as little beneficial as possible to France. The commission- but with
ers having remained until the forty days were expired, and not out effect-
finding the proclamation likely to produce any conciliatory ef- They re"
fect, set sail for Europe. The congress soon after published a *J?rn*it0.i
counter manifesto, in which they affected to consider the procla- Thf con-
mation of the commissioners as denouncing new schemes of ven- gress pub-
geance and desolation, and declared their resolution to retaliate lishes a
with the utmost severity. counter
Hostilities in Europe were entirely maritime, and confined to Ho"tmties
the sea near the northwest coast of France. The French go- -m Europe.
vernment, as soon as it had resolved on war, employed the most
assiduous and vigorous preparations to equip a fleet sufficient to
cope with England. In order to distract the attention of Great
Britain, they pretended to threaten an invasion ; and brought
large bodies of troops to their northern coast. The British go
vernment ordered the militia to be embodied, and considerable
numbers of soldiers to march to the vicinity of the coast: they
directed camps to be formed at Winchester, Salisbury, and St.
Edmondsbury, Warley common, and Coxheath ; but they trust
ed the protection of the country chiefly to the fleet.
From the first appearance of probable hostilities between
Great Britain and France so early as November 1776, lord
Sandwich had Cast his eyes on admiral Keppel as the most pro
per person to be intrusted with the important station. This
gentleman had distinguished himself at the Havannah, being
then second in command, and was highly esteemed and beloved
in the navy. Having conversed with Mr. Keppel, lord Admiral
Sandwich found that, if the circumstances of the country re-KePpel
quired his efforts, his services -Would not be wanting: the ad-commanij
mi ral was indeed politically connected with opposition; but 0f the
when war with France was become unavoidable, he, in con- channel
sequence ef his disposition before signified, was offered an ap-neet'
pointment, which he accepted. In the beginning of June, a
fleet of twenty ships of the line was ready for service. With
these under his command, the admiral set sail on the 13th of

582 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, that month, to protect our commerce, defend our coasts, and
XXI" watch the motions of the enemy. The powers reposed in the
s— '~^s*' admiral, were discretionary and unlimited. Sir Robert Harland
177s- and sir Hugh Palliser, two gentlemen high in his estimation and
in the opinion of the public, were respectively appointed se
cond and third in command. At this time war had not been
declared, nor were reprisals ordered. The fleet proceeded to
the bay of Biscay.
On the 17th of June, two French frigates were seen recon
noitring the British fleet ; one of them, the Licorne of 32 guns,
being overtaken by some of our ships, for some hours sailed
with them; but manifesting an intention of departure, a shot
was fired over her, when, to the astonishment of our fleet, she
poured a broadside into the America, one of our ships of the
line, and immediately struck her colours. To render this pro
cedure the more extraordinary, lord Longford, captain of the
America, and the French commander, were from their respec-
Capturepf tive ships engaged in amicable conversation. Longford, in-
the Li- stead of sinking the French frigate for her wanton attack, with
9?rne cool magnanimity sent her under the stern of the Victory. The
frigate. other ship, the Belle Poole, a large frigate, was closely pursued
by the Arethusa of 32 guns, but not overtaken till at a great
distance from the fleet. Captain Marshal, the British com
mander, informed the French captain, that he had orders from
the admiral to conduct him to the fleet; but the Frenchman
peremptorily . refused to comply. Marshal fired across the
ship ; the answer was a broadside : a desperate engagement
ensued ; the Arethusa suffered much in her rigging, the Belle
Poole in her hull, and great numbers were killed. The French
man perceiving the other so much damaged as to be unable to
pursue, embraced the opportunity of retiring to the coast.
This advantage, gained over superior numbers and weight of
metal in the first conflict, much delighted the British sailors,
and was reckoned ominous of future success. The next morn
ing, the Pallas, another French frigate of 32 guns, approaching
to reconnoitre the fleet, was pursued and taken, and with the
Licorne sent into Plymouth. The French exclaimed against
the detention of the two frigates, and pretended to assert that
Britain was the aggressor, although France had before begun
hostilities, by abetting the Americans in their revolt from their
mother country. Although Admiral Keppel seized two French
frigates for improper conduct in the commanders, he abstain
ed from their merchantmen, as letters of reprisal had not issued.
This forbearance in our naval commander may perhaps have
been right ; but, as the hostile conduct of France justified hos
tilities from England, the more effectually they had been begun,
the greater would be the prospect of ultimate success. ¦ The
capture of their trading vessels, as in the commencement of the
former war, would have distressed the enemy, by depriving
them both of sailors and riches. Admiral Keppel being inform-

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. J83
ed that the French fleet lying in Brestwater amounted to thir- CHAP.
ty-two ships of the line, repaired to St. Helen's for a re-enforce- XXI-
ment. The return of the admiral occasioned very great asto- s^^v~^'
nishment and consternation, not without a mixture of dissatis- 177&
faction; but ministers lost no time in augmenting1 his arma-j^P^
ment; lord Sandwich instantly set off for Portsmouth, and in Ports.
a fortnight, ten ships of the line were added to Keppel's fleet, mouth for
In the middle of July he set sail at the head of thirty British a re-en-
ships of the line, one of them the Victory, of the first "rate, six forc<:'
of 90 guns, and the rest of the third rate. The fleet was form- ™™Vn
ed into three divisions, the van commanded by sir Robert Har- pursuit of
land, the rear by sir Hugh Palliser, and the centre by the ad- the ene-
miral himself. Reprisals havihg/been now issued, the Frenehmy-
fleet had left Brest harbour on the 8th of July, commanded by
count D'Orvilliers, and was cruising off the coast of Bretagne.
On the 23d of July, in the afternoon, the fleets defcried each Descries
other; the British ships being dispersed, a signal was thrown the
out for forming the line, but night came on before the ships ^rench
were properly stationed. The following morning, the wind be- ushant
ing westerly, it was discovered that the French had gained the
weather-gage ; D'Orvilliers, however, though superior in num
ber, still avoided battle. The British admiral, chasing to wind
ward the three following days, endeavoured to bring on a battle,
but in vain. On the 27th, a sudden squall came on, so very Battle of
thick as to conceal the two fleets from the view of each other, the 27th* of
When the weather became clear, it was found that the French Ju,y>
fleet had fallen considerably to leeward, and was near the van
of the British. Instantly admiral Keppel gave the signal for
forming the line ; an engagement began, as the fleets were pass
ing each other in contrary directions. At this time the Victory,
and the other ships of the centre division were nearest to the
enemy. Sir Robert Harland being to windward, was ready
for immediate service; while sir Hugh Palliser was considerably
to leeward with the rear, and out of the line. The French,
who were now to leeward had made an alteration in their
movements, which seemed to indicate an intention of cutting
off the rear division. The admiral, professing to entertain this
apprehension, left the station in whicli the battle began, and
sailed to leeward,8 until he was opposite to the enemy's van ;
while sir Robert Harland, by his orders, covered the rear. Kep
pel kept a signal constantly flying for Palliser to join the line,
but that commander did not arrive. The admiral repeated the
signal to sir Hugh Palliser to come to his station : but, before the
order was obeyed, darkness prevented the renewal of the con
test. The French admiral ranged his fleet so as to appear de- indecisive.
« See. Gibbon's letter to lord Sheffield, July 1778.
2 This evolution was afterwards the foundation of one of the principal
charges against admiral Keppel j it being represented as wearing the ap
pearance of flight, and thus bringing disgrace on the British flag.

584 CHAP. XXI.
1778.
TheFrench
fleet re
tires du
ring the
night.
Apprehensive of
a lee
shore, Keppelforbears
pursuit.

Captures
by frigates
and priva
teers.
Balance
favourable to Eng
land.

Depreda
tions by
Paul
Jones j

he plun
ders the
seat of
lord Sel
kirk.

Crimina tion and

HISTORY OF THE
terniined to fight the next morning ; but in the night they quit
ted their station, leaving three frigates with lights at proper in
tervals, to appear to the British the leading ships of their three
divisions. The next morning the French fleet was at so great »
distance, that the admiral did not think it expedient to renew
the pursuit; it would, he alleged, be impossible to. Overtake
them, and his own ship3 would be exposed to danger from a lee
shore : he therefore desisted from the attempt, and returned to
Plymouth. Though this battle by no means answered the expectations
that British experience of nautical valour and skill naturally
and reasonably formed, from a conflict between thirty of our
ships of the line, and thirty-two of the French, it effected one
very important purpose ; the French fleet being obliged to go to
port to refit, several British fleets of merchantmen from the East
and West Indies and the Mediterranean arrived in safety. Im
partial examiners very easily perceived that there was a want of
concert in the disposition of the fleet on the day of battle. Ad
miral Keppel, in his letter to the admiralty, expressed himself,
in general terms, satisfied with the conduct of officers and men ;
it, however, soon appeared that he was much dissatisfied with
the procedure of Palliser.
Both the French and English fleets went again to sea in the
month of August, but did not again meet during this campaign.
Considerable captures were made by frigates and privateers on
both sides, but the balance of prizes was greatly in favour of Bri
tain. Two Liverpool privateers took a French homeward bound
East Indiaman, estimated at 320,0001. ; and captain Dawson of
the Mentor took another, valued at 240,0001.
The American privateers, "trusting to the alliance with
France, came this year to the coast of Europe, and committed
various depredations. The most daring commander of these
ships was the noted adventurer Paul Jones. This person had
been gardener to the earl of Selkirk, at a seat near Kiikud-
bright on the southwest coast of Scotland. Leaving his em
ployment abruptly, on account of some umbrage which be had
conceived against the family, he had betaken himself to sea,
and by professional skill, together with intrepid boldness, arriv
ed at the appointment which he then held. Jones, directing
his efforts against the coasts with which he was best acquaint
ed, landed at Whitehaven in Cumberland, and set fire to a ship
in the harbour, with the intention of burning the town, but was
driven away by the exertions-of the inhabitants. From thence
he proceeded over Solway Frith to the seat of lord Selkirk, and
pillaged the house of all the plate, jewels, and other valuable ef
fects ; but though he greatly alarmed the lady and family (his
lordship being in London,) no violence was offered to any indi
vidual. Admirals Keppel and Palliser had each numerous partisans ;
the difference between them, therefore, spread itself through

REIGN QF GEORGE III. 585
their fleet, the navy, and kingdom. Keppel's supporters alleg- CHAP.
ed, that if Palliser had obeyed the signal, the action must have XXI-
been general, and the consequence a complete victory to Britain. v-^"v',w
Palliser's friends asserted, that the admiral lost the moment of 177S:
victory, when, instead of bearing forward on the enemy with h'S natton"of'
full force, he moved to leeward, lost the afternoon by that move- Keppel
ment, and thus allowed the enemy to escape. To this principal and Palli-
imputation of Mr. Palliser against Mr. Keppel, several other ser-
charges were added, that he had formed his line negligently;
that he had not made proper dispositions for covering the rear
division ; that he might have renewed the battle on that after
noon ; that the next morning the French fleet was not at so great
a distance as to render pursuit unavailing; and that, in short,
the admiral had not done his duty.
Whether Mr. Palliser's censure on Mr. Keppel was right or
wrong, its ground was his conduct on the 27th and 28th of July,
1778. After that time, the vice-admiral again went to sea un
der the admiral ; delivered him a letter, testifying his majesty's
approbation of his conduct ; corresponded with him in terms of
friendship, and in his letters expressed a very high opinion of
his superior disinterestedness and zeal for the service.1 This
conduct, however, of Mr. Palliser relates only to his sincerity
and consistency, but is totally irrelative to the truth or false
hood of the charges. After the fleet returned to harbour for the
winter, admiral Keppel was severely censured by ministerial
publications, and admiral Palliser by writings favourable to op
position. In a newspaper of the latter class, an anonymous let
ter was inserted, strongly reprehending sir Hugh Palliser. The
vice-admiral, having read this production, applied to Keppel to
justify his conduct, and required him for that purpose to sign a
statement, which not only would have exculpated Palliser, but
criminated himself. The admiral having refused to comply,
Palliser published in one of the morning papers a long and par
ticular detail of the action of the 27th of July, together with an
introductory letter signed with his name. The performance
teemed with censure against the cdnduct of the commander in
chief. After indignant remarks and severe recrimination from
Keppel, and reciprocal repetition of invective, the trials of both
were ordered.
Admiral Keppel was first tried : the charge consisted of five They are
articles, detailing the objects already narrated. After it had respect-
continued from the 7th of January 1779, until the 11th of Feb- ^edlya*ried
ruary, the court not only acquitted the admiral, but declared the it^j
charges false, slanderous, and malicious. When the news of the
sentence reached London, very general illuminations, instigat
ed by political partisans, took place for two successive nights.
The populace was inflamed by a notion very industriously dis
seminated, that the proceedings against admiral Keppel were
1 See Proceedings of the court-martial on admiral Keppel,
Vwl. I. 74

586 HISTORY 0%THE
C,HAP. at the instance of ministry, in order to screen their own miscon-
XXI. d^ in furnishing him with an inadequate force. Under this
*a*^r>^/ impression the mob committed many outrages on the houses of
1776. lord .Sandwich, and other ministers.
Palliser, soon after the acquittal of Keppel, demanded a court-
martial on himself. The charge against him was not specific,
but a general assertion of non-performance of duty ; and after a
trial which lasted from the 12th of April till the 5th of May, he
was acquitted.

IJSIGH OF GEORGE HI.. f%%

CHAP. XXII.

State of public sentiment and opinion at the meeting of parliament. — The
nation is disposed tp strenuous exertion.— The king's speech intimates
dissatisfaction with the events of the campaign  Strictures of opposi
tion on the employment of Indian savages — appeal to the bishops there--
on. — The dispute between Keppel and Palliser is introduced into par
liament. — Mr. Fo3f makes a motion for censuring lord Sandwich — which
"is negatived.— Disputes arise in the navy between tbe partisans of the;
respective admirals. — Mr. Fox's motion for the removal of lord Sand
wich. — Inquiry into the conduct of generals Burgoyne and Howe, and
admiral lord Howe. — The evidence is at first favourable to sir William
Howe.— Testimony of general Robertson and Mr. Galloway unfavoura
ble. — Inquiry abruptly abandoned.***— Inquiry into the conduct of Bur
goyne — clears his character from specific false aspersions.— Riots in
Scotland from enthusiastic zeal against popery — imputed by Mr. Burke
to the supineness of ministers. — Rupture with Spam. — Spain evidently
the aggressor — Resolutions and measures of parliament thereon.— Ses
sion rises..
THE refusal of the Americans to aceept of the proffered CHAP.
terms, their alliance with our ancient enemy, and their incite- XXn.
ment of that enemy to join them in effort for the reduction of s^^v'^**'
?his country, now estranged from their cause many Britons, oA^r
who formerly favoured them, and reprobated the conduct of puab^c°opj,
administration. Impartial patriots reasoned,. that deficient as nion and
ministers might be in the foresight, wisdom and vigour requisite sentiment
at so arduous a conjuncture, reproach and invective Were notattbe
the means of enabling them to promote the national advantage J^f6™!"?.
that we were now in a state of difficulty and dangeF, in which ment.
retrospection of causes was much less a subject of inquiry,
than the means of extrication. Strenuous exertion was now The na-
generally deemed the only sure way of delivering us from war, tl0n >? dis-
and enforcing an honourable peace. To promote vigorous ef? s*.°gnU0„s
forts, the most effectual means was unanimity. From these exertion.
considerations, though the number of those' who venerated the
ability of ministers by no means increased, yet a much greater
majority of the nation than before was now disposed to second
their efforts.
Parliament met on the 25th of November, 1778. HisT.h^,
majesty's speech very clearly, concisely, and justly described Spelc5iin-
the ' conduct of France: "In the time of profound peace timates
" (said the king) without pretence of provocation or colour bf dissatisfac-
" complaint, the#court of France hath not forborne to disturb tion with
" the public tranquillity, in violation of the faith of treaties ™* [^cms
" and the general rights of sovereigns ; at first, by the clan- campaign.
" destine supply of arms and other aid to my revolted subjects

588 REIGN OF GEORGE ffl.
CHAP. « in North America ; afterwards, by avowing openly their
XXII. « support anj entering into formal engagements with the
*-*^^**>* " leaders of the rebellion ; and, at length, by committing
1778. « 0pen hostilities and depredations on my faithful subjects, and
" by an actual invasion of my dominions in America and the
" West Indies." His majesty did not express himself satisfied
with the success of the late campaign, but trusted to future
efforts. Opposition, considering the speech as the production not of
the king but of the minister, contended, that in asserting the
success had not been proportioned to our efforts, it declared a
falsehood. The advantages gained were far greater than
could be expected from the inferiority of our fleets, and the
tardiness of our preparations. The speech regretted the fail
ure of conciliatory measures. These were themselves humilia
ting to England, and unsatisfying to America : but, notwith
standing its defects and absurdities, the adoption of that
scheme could not be said to be wholly useless ; it had destroyed
every fallacious argument by which ministers had beguiled the
nation into the fatal contest with America, for it surrendered all
its ptofessed objects. The supporters of ministry justified the
past conduct of the war, and the preparation and distribution
of the armaments that were employed in the summer. By
delaying the departure of admiral Byron, D'Estaing was pre
vented from joining the Brest fleet, and giving France a de
cided superiority in the channel. The evacuation of' Philadel
phia was also, they asserted, a measure of wise policy, from
the accession of France to the war: New-York was much
more centrical, nearer to the coast, and fitter for sending re-
enforcements to the West India islands, or wherever they
might, be wanted. Opposition admitted the propriety of
evacuating Philadelphia, but contended that the reasons in
which it was founded, demonstrated the folly- of the whole
system. The army in America was reduced to this alternative,
either by retaining its acquisitions to divide and debilitate its
own strength, or else to stand exposed to disgrace and morti
fication, and by retracing its steps, to show the inutility of all
its labours. No man could expect to conquer a continent by
possessing a single town ; therefore, while the nation persisted
in carrying on an offensive war in America, whether our army
advanced, retreated, or stood still, the effect would be the
same, a fruitless, expensive, and cruel, because unnecessary,
war. The amendment was rejected by a great majority.
Patriotism and wisdom might before have dictated opposition
to the ministerial measures respecting America, while there
were hopes that by combating the plans of government they
might produce a conciliatory change : no«% however, the
colonists were avowed enemies, and were engaged in a hostile
confederacy against Britain ; and there was no alternative, but
victory or submission, If ministry might be justly charged

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 589
With having brought us, by their ignorance and want of pbliti- CHAP.
cal abilities, into so bloody and expensive a war, opposition did XXR-
not employ the most efficacious means for procuring a safe and *"^v"^***'
honourable peace: Perpetual invectives against administration I778.
were far from tending to depress the enemy, or strength
en the country.' Common sense could never consider a regular
and uniform system of obstruction to his majesty's councils,
as the most effectual mode of promoting the success of his
arms. The chief object of opposition during this session, was to cen- Strictures
sure the conduct of the war, and to impute all real or alleged ^"PP0^.
miscarriages to the incapacity and infatuation of ministers. On employ-
the 4th of December, a motion was made for an address to his ment of
majesty concerning the late manifesto of the commissioners, tode- Indian sa-
clare the displeasure of parliament at certain passages of thevaSes'
proclamation, as totally unauthorized by the act of the legisla
ture for appointing these commissioners, and in themselves ut
terly inconsistent with the humanity and generous courage which
at all times distinguished the British nation, subversive of the
maxims which have been established among christian and civil
ized communities, derogatory from the dignity of the crown of
this realm, and tending to debase the spirit and to subvert the
discipline of his majesty's armies; The supporters of the mo
tion interpreted the passages in question in nearly the same
manner as the Americans professed to have done, and consider
ed them as replete with denunciations of the most savage barba
rity. On tliis assumption their arguments proceeded, and speak
ers expatiated on the wickedness and madness of the new kind
of warfare, which converted British soldiers into butchers, as
sassins, and incendiaries, and proposed for the model of civiliz
ed Britons the practices of Indian savages. Contrary, they al
leged, as the threatened mode of carrying on war was to huma
nity, it was no less inimical to sound policy, as the colonists could
retaliate on the coasts of England, Scotland, and Ireland ; and
various parts of his majesty's dominions must, by their exposed
situation, suffer the most dreadful cruelties from retaliation: on
these grounds, they proposed to request that it should be disa
vowed by. his majesty. ;
To this deduction of consequences, ministers replied, by
denying the principle ; the proclamation, they contended, de
nounced no new species of war, no kind of hostilities dissimi
lar to those which have been usually carried on between belli
gerent nations in every part of the civilized world. In the
former part of the American war, Britain had considered the
colonists not as enemies, but as subjects partly rebellious from
disposition, but chiefly misled by mischievous counsel ; it had
therefore been their wish- to instruct and persuade, as well as
to compel : but now the provincials had thrown themselves
into the arms of French enemies, and were henceforth to be

590 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, treated like any other foes, so as most speedily and effectually
XXI1- to annoy and weaken the hostile cause. This was the amount
v^f-v-w 0f the reprehended portion of the manifesto, such was the inten-
ms- tion of its framers, such the meaning which its expressions plain
ly and explicitly conveyed. They could not therefore consent
to address his majesty, that he might disavow intimations which,
instead of censure, deserved the highest approbation. After a
very hard contest between the censurers and supporters of this
act of the commissioners, an occurrence took place, which ap
peared to give the former a considerable advantage. Governor
Johnstone speaking on the subject, exhibited the irritation of vi
olent passion, much more than the sound vigorous reasoning by
whieh his eloquence was generally distinguished ; he declared
the manifesto to have meant a desolating war, and justified it i»
that view as not only right but necessary. Opposition contend
ed, that this avowal by one who had been a commissioner, prov
ed their assertion. Ministers, however, adhered to their rejec
tion of the interpretation. In discussing this question, general
Howe, after reprobating the alleged plan of war, deviated from
the question, to introduce a charge against the secretary, con
cerning his conduct to the generals who commanded in Ameri
ca. To the mal-administration of Germaine, Howe imputed his
own request to resign his employment, and strongly urged the
Institution of a parliamentary inquiry, in order that the conduct
both of the commanders and ministers should be fully examined,
justice done on all sides, and the nation acquainted with the true
cause of that failure of success which it had hitherto experi
enced. The secretary, after expressing his astonishment at
the accusation, and vindicating his conduct, declared, that he
certainly should not object to an inquiry when regularly pro
posed, as lie was confident it must terminate to his honour.
Returning from irrelevant topics to the. subject at issue, the
house was called for a vote, and the motion was negatived by a
majority of two hundred and nine to two hundred and twenty-
two.
Appeal to When the proclamation was discussed in the house of peers,
the bish- an appeal was made to the bench of bishops, to exert that cha-
onS erC" rJty' humanity, and abhorrence of blood and cruelty which
were the leading tenets and distinguishing characteristics of
Christianity, upon a subject which not only came directly with
in their cognisance, but in which they seemed bound by their
character to exert the peculiar and most exalted principles
of their religion, in preventing the wanton butchery and de
struction of mankind. Their interference was required to pre
vent the destruction and spare the blood, not only of men and
christians, but of Englishmen and protestants, like themselves;
to crush in the outset an abominable system of warfare, which
in its progress and consequences would bring desolation and
ruin on their own flocks. The legal powers with which they

BEIGN OF GEORGE HI. 591
had been invested by the constitution for such pious purposes, CHAP.
would be found, in the present instance, fully equal to the xxu-
duty and emergency. They were the moderators, ordained ^^v*^
by the wisdom of the constitution, to check the rage, restrain i77s-
the passions, and control the violence of temporal men. Their
simple votes upon this occasion would at once fully express
their detestation of the inhuman system ; and, joined with
those of the secular lords who held the same principles, w°uld
cure its effects. The bishops were very far from contesting
that it was incumbent on them to exert their abilities and influ
ence for moderating the passions of men, and preventing the
wanton effusion of christian blood ; but, as the lords in' opposi*.
tion had not proved that efforts against revolted subjects, who
were leagued with inveterate enemies, were wanton, and they
thought the annoyance of such foes necessary for self-defence,
they did not consider themselves as justified in censuring the
manifesto.1 Censure of ministry had constituted a considerable part of
the proceedings of opposition in the former years of our dispute
with the colonies; but the reprehension had been combined
with wise legislative propositions for removing the evils of which
they complained. During the present session, reproach of ad
ministration constituted nearly the sole conduct by which they
professed to discharge their duty, as senators deliberating for
the good of their country. Every commander, whose success
had not answered the expectations formed from the means with
which he was supplied, imputed his miscarriages to ministry ;
and, a9 soon as, he made that imputation, was supported by op
position with an eagerness that greatly outstripped the evidence.
On the 28th. of December, a debate arose in the house of com
mons, on a proposed vote of seyenty thousand seamen for the
service of the ensuing year. During the discussion, it was ob- The dis
served by opposition, that as very different representations had pute be-
been given of the naval proceedings of admiral Keppel's fleet *ween
on the 27th and 28th ef July, an inquiry ought to be instituted a^fpajjj.
for ascertaining the truth. Preliminary to such investigation, it Ser is in-
¦was proposed, that as both oflicers, being members of the house, troduced
were then present, one or both of them should afford some sa-|ntoPaT-
tisfaction on the subject. Admiral Keppel, having risen in11*1"6"1-
compliance with this request, made a speech, of which, though
some parts were sufficiently intelligible, there were others by no
means explicit, and of which the exact import could not well be

' Mr. Belsham, uniformly desirous of throwing out indirect or direct char
ges against our ecclesiastical establishment, * in mentioning a protest that
was entered on this occasion, says, " it is painful to remark, that the name
of one bishop only, the Venerable Shipley of St. Asaph, is to be found in
the long and illustrious train of signatures .affixed to this memorable pro
test." This censure of our prelates, Mr. Belsham silpportsby no proof;
it rests entirely upon his own authority. ',->¦ ;

592 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, apprehended from the expressions themselves, though' the
XXII. tendency and intent might be gathered from various circum-
s^~v~>-' stances. He affirmed, that on the occasion in question, he had
1778. Jone his utmost against the enemy; the glory of the British
flag had , not been tarnished in his hands, and were he again in
the same situation, he should act in the same manner ; but the
oldest and most experienced naval oflicers would discover some
thing in every engagement with which they were before unac
quainted, and he acknowledged, that day had presented to him
something new. ¦ He impeached no man (he said) of a neglect
of duty, because he was satisfied the officer who had been allu
ded to had manifested no want of courage, which was the quali
ty most essential to a British seamen.1 All his direct complaints
or animadversions were limited to an anonymous letter imputed
to that gentleman, and another letter avowed and signed by
him, and both published in a newspaper. In the subsequent
part of his speech, complaining of the abuse to which he had
been exposed, in diurnal publications, he said he did not charge
ministers with being the authors or promoters of the invectives
against him; they, on 'the contrary, seemed to be his. friends,
and caressed and smiled upon him : or if any ministers were
capable of vilifying and secretly aspersing him, and endeavour
ing to cut his throat behind his back, he did not think they were
then near him." Sir Hugh Palliser' charged the admiral with
dark and indirect insinuations, called on him to state his charges,
justified his own conduct, and expressed his wish for a public
inquiry ; the institution and result of which I have already nar
rated, as far as concerned the two admirals. * Opposition in par
liament condemned the admiralty for granting a court-martial at
the instance of Palliser. They should (they said) have acted
as moderators upon this occasion, given passion time to cool,
and interposed their influence in healing the differences between
two brave and valuable officers, at a time when their services
were so much wanted ; instead of which they blfew up the flame
by precipitately receiving a rash, hasty, and passionate accusa-

* The reader must here see very indefinite expressions, and reasoning
by no means conclusive. What the alleged novelty that had occurred in
the engagement was, he did not explain, though, without great likelihood
of mistake, common sagacity might conjecture what meaning he intended
to convey. He impeached no man of neglect of duty, because the officer al
luded to manifested no -want of courage. Though courage be, as he observ
ed, the most essential quality of a seaman, yet it is not his only duty, and
there might be grounds of impeachment against an officer who had exerted
courage. In fact, admiral Keppel does not disavow the existence of other
grounds ; but the exclusive admission qf that quality tends by a natural
construction to insinuate a denial, or, at least, a doubt of the performance
of other necessary duties by the individual to whom he alluded.
' Lord Sandwich, first lord of the admiralty, and a member of the other
house, being in anti:ministerial works represented as both politically and
personally inimical to admiral Keppel, was understood to be meant bv this
insinuation.

REtGN OF GEORGE Ht $93
t|on ; and thereby drawing on -the fatal dissensjons in tfie na- CJlAp.
val service, and the numerous evils to the public, which they XXH-
had themselves declared must be inevitable consequences ofv^r,^sr'
Such a trial. The commissioners of the admiralty strenuously *V7£*-
insisted their constitution to be such, that in all matters of accu
sation they were obliged to act ministerially, they had" no j*udici|ij
power; that, when a complaint was preferred, they Were as a
matter of course and in discharge of their office, not only com**}
pel)ed to receive it, but to give the njecessary direction (for the.
trial. The vic^radmiral had preferred an accusation consisting of
five separate articles, or charge?, properly drawn up, arid;
spepifically pointed. What line of conduct then could the'
admiralty board pursue? They must either prejudge the truth
qf those charges, or admit them to be such as were fit to be
sent to the consideration of a court-martial. The first they
neither could, nor dared to do, being totally ignorant of their
truth or falsehood ; and with the second they were compelled
to comply, (because the matter allowed no pther alternative.
Oppqsition insisted that the admiralty was not only endued
\ri$i discretioiiary powers competent to the purpose, but thafi
the exercise of these was one of their great and principal
duties, and among the most useful purposes of their institution.
They represented ijrieir omission of go important a .du]ty on the
present occasion as highly culpable; but, in endeavouring to
ascertain the powers of the admiralty, they argued more froin.
their own conception of expediency, than from either statute
or usage. The restrictions (they said) by which- they pretend
ed to be bound, would qstabjjsh a principle that must destroy
all naval service,' and leave every superior officer at the mercy
of his inferior. If the whole fleet of England were upon the
point of sailing on the most sudden and critical emergency,
Whether for our immediate defence against invasion, or for the
presjervatjop of the most valuable foreign interest, according to
this dqctrine every petty officer, through folly, malice, or
treachery, might prevent the whole design and operation, only
by laying some charge against the commander in chief, which
would necessarily detain all the principal officers, either as
witnesses or judges. From this extraneous discussion, return
ing to the subject at issue, the house by the previous question
dismissed the motion.
During the recess of parliament the admiral's trial began: 1779.
and on his acquittal, a motion was .made in the house of com
mons, that the thanks of.the house should be given to the
honourable Augustus Keppel for his distinguished courage,
conduct, and ability, in defending the kingdom in the course
of the last summer, ejjfectually protecting its trade, and more
particularly for his haying gloriously upheld the honour of the
British flag on the 27th and 28th of July : the proposition was
adopted, there being only one dissentient voice. The thanks
Vol. I. 75

594

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP. XXII.

1779.

Mr. Fox
makes a
motion for
censuring lord Sand
wich,

which is
negatived,

of the lords, in nearly the same terms were voted in four days
after, with every external appearance of the most perfect
unanimity. The impartial reader may, perhaps, find a dif
ficulty in comprehending what the acts of Keppel were on the
27th and 28th of July, which drew forth from parliament such
testimonies of gratitude ; and what' essential service the chief
naval commander on that memorable occasion rendered to his
country. It was very evident that ministers did not conceive
such an opinion of his public conduct, as their assent to the vote
of thanks might indicate ; but as the tide of popularity ran so
high in his favour they did not think it prudent to go against the
current. This compliance with a proposition of their adversa
ries, manifestly contrary to their own judgment, was very fre
quent in lord North's administration ; and appeared to arise
from a desire of deprecating part of the censure which they so
often experienced : an attempt, however, by unjust and unneces
sary concessions to prevent obloquy, was an expedient of weak
ness and timidity, and demonstrated the absence of that firm
ness with which conscious wisdom and rectitude pursue their
purposes. The admiralty informed Keppel, that in consequence
of his acquittal he was required to resume his command ; but
though he complied with the requisition, yet the terms in which
it was expressed, manifesting no approbation of his conduct, he
soon after asked and received his majesty's leave to resign.
Mr. Fox followed the acquittal of his friend and the thanks
of the houses, by a motion for censuring lord Sandwich, in
tended (he said) as a prelude to another for his removal from
office. The alleged ground of censure was, the inadequacy
of the force that had been furnished to Keppel : when he
sailed with twenty ships of the line, there were thirty sail of
the line in Brest water fit for service. Either ministers did or
did not know that fact; if they knew it, it was an act of the
highest criminality to commit the fate of this country to so
great a disparity of force : on the other hand, if the first lord
of the admiralty was ignorant of the state of the French navy,
it was an ignorance totally inconsistent with the performance
of his official duty. Ministers answered, that there \vas ho
evidence of the fact "on which this charge was grounded: it
appeared from the papers of the captured Licorne, that the al
leged number was then in a state of preparation,1 but not that
they were actually equipped; and in the conduct of the
French it appeared, that they were not then ready for sea:
since, though they knew that an English fleet of twenty ships
of the line were at sea, they did not leave harbour till a fort
night after. The motion was rejected by a majority of 204 to
170, a difference much smaller than on any question that had
occurred respecting the war. Mr. Fox made a second attack.
which was directed against the whole of lord Sandwich's ad
ministration ; stating the objects which ought to have been

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 595
considered by the naval minister, the expense incurred, and the CHAP.
armament provided, he endeavoured to prove that the expense xxtI-
was sufficient for the attainment of all the objects, but that the *^"w">»f
force prepared was totally inadequate ; on these grounds he 1779-
moved a vote of censure. Admirals lord Howe and Keppel, by
professional statements, and arguments derived from these, sup
ported Mr. Fox's positions. Ministers answered, that the alle
gations of their opponents were founded in assumptions not sup
ported by facts, and that they could not join in a vote of censure
for unsubstantiated charges ; on a division, the motion was re
jected by a majority of two hundred and forty-six to one hun
dred and seventy-four.
Great dissensions, originating in the dispute between Keppel Dispute
and Palliser, were now prevalent in the navy, and very serious arises in
apprehensions were entertained of their consequences. A de-*henavy
claration of admiral Keppel in the last debate, that he would not^^""_
accept of apy command under the present ministry, powerfully sansof the
tended to fan the flame. Several officers of high rank and cha- respective
racter immediately quitted the service, or declared they could admirals.
not act under the present system. The political parties reci
procally accused each other with having caused these dis
cords. Sir Philip Jennings Clerk, encouraged by the success which
his bill for the exclusion of contractors the preceding session ob
tained in the house of commons, attempted its revival ; but he
soon found that a great change of opinion had taken place. It
was rejected by a majority of 165 to 124. On the 10th of
March, Mr. Frederick Montague proposed a bill for granting
farther relief to protestant dissenting ministers and schoolmas
ters. The enlightened liberality of the age had, it was said,
diminished the legal restrictions upon the Roman catholics,
therefore the protestant ministers had a fair claim to partake of
legislative indulgence. The extent and bounds of toleration
depend entirely on expediency, founded in the nature of the
opinions professed, and their practical tendency.' In the con
duct of the class whose relief was now sought, no objection of
either justice or policy could be adduced lo prevent it from be;
ing granted. In the present state of loss, calamity, and dan
ger, it was necessary to unite the interests and affections of all
our countrymen,- and to concentrate into one mass all the re
maining strength of the empire. Two classes of senators had,
as we have seen, opposed former applications of dissenters :
the first, from high church doctrines ; the second from views of
political expediency. In the present instance, the second class,
however, was favourable to the bill, which, though violently
opposed by members of the first, passed both houses by great
majorities, and received the royal assent. The chief object of
this session continued to be the discussion of executorial con
duct. Admiral Pigot, brother of lord Pigot, late governor of
Madras, exhibited an historical detail of the object of his late

59f> HISTORY OF THE
c6Ap\ brother's appointment, his conduct, the treatment whicli he ex-
XXll. p^rienced from the dompany'd servants resisting his execatioh
^OT^ of the orders of their masters, his sufferings, and consequent
-T77**-'. death. After calling witnesses to establish his proceedings, he
moved an address to his majesty, jjrayihg that he would be gra
ciously pleased to give directions to his attorney general to pro
secute George Strafton, Henry Brooke, Charles Floyer, and
George Mackay, esquires, for ordering the governor and com
mander in chief, George lord Pigot, to be arrested and confined
under a military force ; they being returned to England, and no-tir
tVithin the jurisdiction of his majesty's courts of Westminster-
hall. Mr. Stratton being a member of parliament, and present
at this very time, entered into a defence and vindication of his
own conduct and that of his colleagues, in whicli he imputed
flieir proceedings to a necessity arising from the violent and ar
bitrary acts of lord Pigot; but his arguments made so little im
pression on the house, that the resolutions were immediately
adopted without one dissenting voice. The prosecution took
place } each was sentenced to pay a fine of 10001. a very incon
siderable sum to men of immense fortunes, and which could hard
ly operate as a punishment.
Mr. Fox's JVlr. Fox, on the 19th of April, moved an address to the throne
motion for ror ^e dismissal of lord Sandwich from his majesty's service, for
val of lord miscbnduct in office. The alleged grounds were the same col-
Sandwich, lictively which had before separately been rejected by the house;
Mr. Fox, however, with his usual ingenuity, endeavoured to show
that the case was different, between a motion for censure and for
removal : the former were judicial inquiries, the present was a
deliberative question of expediency. A motion for censure re
quired, in point of justice, a specification and certainty of the
offences imputed ; a mbtion for . dismissal from employment
ought to be adopted, if it was probable that the business of the
employer would be better performed by another. The whole of
the subject proposed inight be proved in a few short questions
and answers. Was lord Sandwich equal to the performance of
his official duties, with safety and honour to the nation ? Has
he hitherto done so? What reason is there for supposing that
he who has failed in his past duties, shall act more ably fofr
the future ? The majority of members did not admit Mr. Fox to
have established the alleged unfitness of lord Sandwich, ahd
therefore voted against his removal.
Inquiry in- Much censure had beeti thrown out against general HoWe,
to thecon- especially in writings alleged to be patronized by ministers ; and
nerals lt was cogently and vehemently asserted, that, if his conduct
Burgoyne had been wise and vigorous, he might have repeatedly termi-
and Howe, nated the war. Both the Howes strongly urged an inquiry,
and admi- as the sure means of vindicating their character. Lord North
Howe reP'iea' that as government had advanced no charge against
the noble brothers, no vindication was necessary, and that minis
ters had no share in the Invectives ; but though he did not ap-

REfGN OF GEORGE IH. 597
prove of an inquiry, he would not oppose its institution, and CHAP.
readily agreed to the production of the papers which were XXl1-
wanted for carrying it into effect. In these Was included the "^^^^
whole correSjxiriderice betvveen the ministers and commanders 15'79-
in America, from Howe's arrival at Boston in 1775, to his de
parture from Philadelphia in 1778; al§o the accounts, returns,
and othfei- documents, tending to ilhow the State of the army
at different periods ; the teal movements atid operations, as well
as thfe different plans of action, which had been proposed, dis
cussed, or concerted by the ministers and generals: Ministers
apprehending that their owfr counsels, and not the conduct of
the commanders, was the real object of the scrutiny, proposed
that the examination of witnesses' should be confined to military
Subjects; and tin the 6th of May, lord Cornwallis, major-gene
ral Grey, Sir Andrew Snipe Hdihrhdfid, majot MotttfesOr, chief
engineer, and sir Geof-ge Osborne, were examined. The result
of their evidence 'fras, that the force Sent to America was At
ho time equal to the' subjugation bf the colonies ; that the diffi
culty chiefly arose from the almost unanimous hostility of the
people to the* British government, and the natural obstructions
of the country, so abounding in woods, rivers, hills, and defiles;
Their evidence descending to accounts of particular actions, The evi-
frdm which the chief censure bf the getiei-ai had arisen, tended jje"c!r at
to justify his conduct. General HoWe himself endeavoured to VoUraye
prove, that he had uhiforinly stated to the American minister to sir
the utter impossibility of reducing America without a much William
greater force ; that he had accompanied his proposed plan for Howe.
the campaign of 1777, -With a requisition of a re-enforcement
of twenty thousand mert, or at the lSast 'fifteen thousand, as in-
disj>ensably necessary ; that the minister had Uniformly suppos
ed the, number of loyalists to be much greater than it really
iivas; trusting to their co-operation, he could not be convinced
that so gredt a re-ehforcertieht was #anted, and therefore had
riot sent a fifth part of the number. Concerning the northern
expedition, no concert had beeti proposed between him and the
general of that army, nor did he heat any support was expect
ed from Hltri, until a letter from the secretary. Which reached
him in the Chfesajieake, expressed a hope that he might be able
to co-operate with Burgoyne. Ministers perceiving that the
evidence adduced was hot only intended, but directed to the
crimination of themselves, much more than an inquiry into the
conduct, of the general,.proposed to call witnesses on the other
side. The chief evidences were major-general Bobertson, de
puty-governor of NeW-Yo'rk, and Mr. Joseph Galloway, an Ame
rican lawyer, who, after having been a member of the first Testimo-
congress, joined the British army. The testimony of Mr. Ro-"^ ^"
bertsoh rather expressed general disapprobation of sir William bertson
Howe's conduct, than advanced particular charges : Mr. Gal- and Mr.
loway's accusations, specific and direct, included the various GJloway
topics of military error or misconduct which had been so repeat- unfavoura"

508 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, edly alleged against the general. But, without questioning the
XXir veracity of Mr. Galloway, his competency may be doubted:
***"****** he was chiefly stating, not facts, but opinions, of which the
1779. subject was a detailed series of military operations: and he
being no military man, the less authority was due to his judg?
ment. Mr. Galloway made one very extraordinary, assertion,
that four-fifths of the Americans were -zealously attached to the
British government ; if the proportion of loyalists had been
really so great, they could have easily overpowered the revol-
ters, without the assistance of one British soldier : so exaggera
ted an account, manifesting at least glaringly inaccurate- obser
vation, very much weakened the credibility of his assertions.
Sir William Howe requested leave to call witnesses to contro
vert Mr. Galloway's asseverations : ministers objected to this
mode, as productive of too much delay ; he was, however, al-
The inqui- lowed to cross-examine this witness'. A day being fixed for
ry is ab- that purpose, and sir William not having attended at the ap-
!bPt'i' pointed hour, the committee was suddenly dissolved, and the
g^ " question at issue was left undecided. Opposition had eagerly
demanded and prosecuted an inquiry, while the testimony in
exculpating the commander tended to criminate ministry; but
when the evidence took a different turn, their ardour manifestly
subsided. Respecting general Howe, the principal witnesses
in his favour were much more competent than the principal
witnesses against him : lord Cornwallis and general Grey, mili
tary men, spoke concerning actions in which they were them
selves engaged ; Mr. Galloway, not a military man, spoke from
hearsay. It must,,[iowever, be observed, that in inquiries con
cerning what might have been done, testimony is necessarily in
ference, not the result of recollection and veracity, but also of
opinion and conjecture. The judgment of the wisest men,
concerning subjects in which they are peculiarly skilled, may
be warped by their affections. Many other professional men,
having considered in detail the force and opportunities of gene
ral Howe, drew a totally different conclusion.
Whatever estimate the impartial reader may have formed
of the merit of general Howe's exertions, he must immediately
perceive, that the inquiries proved ministers to have continued
in that state of misinformation and ignorance respecting the
sentiments of the Americans, in which their fatal plans and
measures originated ; and also, that they did not send to Amer
rica the force which the general required.1 Ministers; by
patronizing Mr. Galloway, and other accusers of the late com
mander, demonstrated themselves disposed to promote an opi*>

» Our immortal war minister, secretary Pitt, after he planned an ex
pedition, and selected an officer to conduct it, immediately asked him,
what forci he would deem necessary ? On being informed, he always or
dered a still stronger armament ; but different, indeed, was the war minis
ter of 1759, from the war minister of 1777.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 599
nion of his culpability. If they conceived the late commander CHAP.
not to have discharged his duty, ministers, in not ordering a XXII.
court-martial to establish the imputed misconduct, neglected s^"v"*»'
their duties to their king and country ; if they thought him in- I779;
nocent, it was mean and illiberal in them to favour and pension ,
his revilers i1 if he was guilty, they acted weakly and timidly in
not bringing forward the proofs. Lord North and his colleagues,
however, are exempted frem one charge, often adduced against
the counsellors who have appointed a.commander in chief to con
duct an expedition that proves unsuccessful. His military re
putation at the time he received this last commission, justified
the appointment ; though there might be persons whose expecta
tions were not fulfilled by general Howe's campaigns, none could
with justice at the outset have affirmed that he was a man whose
talents and character did not justify reasonable expectations of
success. General Burgoyne also insisted on an inquiry into his con- Inquiry in
duct. On his return from America the former year, he had*othe£on-
applied for a court-martial; which was refused him, on ' the g""l|xne;
ground that while he was prisoner his preceding conduct was
not cognizable by any tribunal in this country. He had been
refused admittance to the sovereign, and complained loudly of
the court and ministry; he repeatedly solicited a parliamentary
investigation, but Germaine had declared that his request could
not be granted until after a military scrutiny, which he affirm
ed to be at that time impracticable ; and when an inquiry was
allowed to general Howe, Burgoyne having resumed his soli
citation, his requisition was at last agreed to. The principal
witnesses were, sir Guy Carleton, the earl of Balcarras, captain
Money, the earl of Harrington, major Forbes, captain Bloom-
field and colonel Kingston. The evidence tended to over- cleared his
throw some severe charges and censures which had been in- character
sinuated or directed against Burgoyne's conduct, and particu- fr°m spe-
larly detected two falsehoods then very commonly believed : ^Perf Se
first, that general Philips, the evening before the convention ofsions.
Saratoga, offered to force his way, with a specified part of the
army, from Saratoga 'back to Ticonderoga : secondly, that the
late gallant Fraser had expressed the utmost disapprobation
of the measure. of passing the Hudson's river. The question,
however, was undecided, whether his orders for proceeding
to Albany were peremptory or conditional : some doubts were
also left, respecting both the design and the mode of conduct
ing the expedition to Bennington. These inquisitorial pro
ceedings occupied parliament during the greater part of the
session.

¦ Mr. Galloway, and several others ef inferior note, who inveighed against
general Howe, received pensions'. Galloway's evidence was published in
a pamphlet, and circulated with great industry by the friends of admin?
stration.

600 HISTORY OF THE
cflAP. Riots, which had arisen in Scotland from groundless apprp--
XXH. hensions concerning pjopSFJ^ wprft by the ingenuity of pppo-
V^V sition, inad-? gp^jp-cte of accugatipp agaifllt ministry. Thje
j,.177?' Roman catholic bill, that passed durjng the preceding session,
Scotland edited great alarms jn North Britain, as it was suppose^
from en- to be .the intention of parliament to exterid the reljef to thp
thusiastic Scottish catholics. When the law was ppacted in 1778, the
zea! general assembly °f .the church of Sjcotljmil happened to be
against sitting* The ,w.eU intended but unadvised zeal pf some niem-
P°pery, ^^ ^ ^^. r^pec*t^y'e body, proppsed for clerical discus
sion .the jatp act, and made a motion for petitioning the legis"-
latere not ,tp extend the bill or any of its provisions to Scot
land, and suppprted thp prqppsition by detailing the conimon
arguments against pppery. j£r. Drip-das, a lay njpipber of the
assembly, showed that thp law reppfde.d 'ft England had not
originated in fear of popery, and was not intended as a
bulwark against its encroachnients, but sprang from a design
pf tii£ jacobite party to fender king William and his whig mi
nisters unpopular: that the Jacobites expectefl the whjgs would
oppose that bill, and intendpd to impute that opposition to a
partiality for the Rppiish faith ; but that the whigs perceiving
the object of .their adversaries, suffpred it to pass, though very
inconsistent with tlieir pripci'ptps pf freed oin and toleration.1
Doctor Rpbpftson, with some able coadjutors of-- his own order,
deprpcated the agitation which ten-Jed so much to excite the
alarm &p$ djspontent of the people, and demonstrated the ab
surdity of anticipating the intention of iegisiatuire, by petition-:
ing parliament against a. bill not actually proposed. The mo-
tipn was negjtf-Jyed through the influence ojf fhose able and en-
tightened men, though it producpd the effect which thpir saga
city had apprehended. The populace was soon taught to
conceive, that <thp successful opposition sprang from a predi
lection for Jthe popish jipcfrineg, and burned with zpal against
antichrist. To oppose popery, associations were formed by
the IpsW.pr classes in Glasgow, Edinburgh, and other towns,
under the instigation and conduct pf fanatical and turbulent
demagogues ; and the populace rose to tumult and riot in va
rious places. At Edinburgh and Glasgow the enthusiastic
spirit fermented to an alarming degree ; mpbs set fire to popish
chapels, and the dwelling hous.es of the cathojicja; and many
zealots of higher ranks and better opportunities of knowledgp,
were absurd enough to approye of these outrages, on the ground
that if was proper for the people spiritedly to manifest rftewf
hatred of popery. The sufferers applied to Mr. Burke to pren
sent a petition to parliament, praying for a compensation on
are impu- account of the losses which they had sustained. In promoting
ted by Mr. this application, Mr. Burke and his friends very strongly attack-
the su- ¦ The author, who was present, remembers, that Mr. Dundas, to justify
pineness his positions, read the account of the law from Burnet's pistory of his own
of mini- Times.
sters.

KElGN OF GEORGE HI. 601
fed the supineness of government, to which they imputed the CHAp.
fnad violence of the populace ; but they adduced no proof that X'XI1-
ministers had been negligent, or that the disturbances had ari- ,«^*^*,*^
sen from causes over whrch they had any control. 177°-
Although this Session lasted from November to July, and pro
duced more political debate than any during the former part of
the contest ; yet, long as it continued, and busy as it waS, its acts
are of very little legislative importance. Theaffiairsof Ireland were
again submitted to the consideration of the hoflse, and various
proposals were made for affording relief and assistance to the
commercial interest of the sister kingdom ; but no regular plan .
was formed respecting the nature or extent of the aid which was
to be expected and offered. The discussion was in a consider
able degree confined to barren generalities. Several proposi
tions were at length offered, but their practical consideration
was deferred to the following session.
On the 17th of June, the ministers brought a message to par-'Ruptufe
liament concerning a hostile manifesto that was presented by witl?
the Spanish ambassador. To introduce this properly to theSpai1''
readers it is necessai-y to revert to the king of Spain's character
and disposition, together with the circumstances of the times.
Though nothing could be more contrary to the solid interests of
his kingdom than hostilities with Great Britain, yet Charles III.
a monarch of weak understanding, narrow views, and the child
ish irritability of feeble minds* had, as we have seen, from a
fancied insult, cherished against England an enmity which a
real injury could not have justified when so adverse to the com
mercial and political benefit of his country. He was farther
inflamed by that spirit of rivalry, which, in confined and un-
comprehensive understandings, values comparative superiority
above positive good. He was more anxious to impede the pros
perity of England, than to advance the prosperity of Spain.
In these causes chiefly originated the actual war and intended
hostilities Which this history has already recorded. When the
present quarrel broke out between France and England, Spain,
not yet prepared for the contest, professed a determination to
observe a strict neutrality. She had offered her services as a
mediator between the belligerent powers, and proposed to mix
the separate claims of France and Spain into one view and
treaty. On this principle, so strongly and justly reprobated
by Mr. Pitt, in the former war, a negotiation was opened. France
now proposed an armistice, and a congress to be held at Ma
drid, whither the colonists should be permitted to send com
missioners, and meanwhile be treated as an independent power.
Both courts well knew that these terms were totally inadmissi
ble, on the avowed principles of the court of London ; the offer
was therefore nugatory and insulting. Spain now openly
avowed her hostile purposes, and on the 16th of June delivered
a manifesto to the British secretary for foreign affairs. The
manifesto in its object was nearly the same with those which
Vol. I. 76

602 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, had been often presented by the courts of Versailles and Ma*
xxh. - jj-jj . ft consisted of charges, without proof, of hostilities com-
v^"v~w mitted by England ; and praise, contrary to proof; of the mo-
1779. deration and justice of France and Spain. It contained gene
ral allegations, of Spanish territories invaded, and Spanish sub
jects murdered by English, without any specification of the
time and place in which the alleged atrocities were committed,
or any evidence that they had ever been perpetrated. It stated
demands of satisfaction, but adduced no evidence that com
plaints had ever before been made, or that any injuries existed ;
it was merely a tissue of assertion without proof; and which
neither then, nor ever afterwards, received the slightest support
Spain* evi- from documents or any other evidence.1 As she, by her hos-
dently the tile manifesto, avowing her junction with the enemies and re-
aggressor. vo|.te(i subjects of Great Britain, committed an act of open and
flagrant hostility, and brought no proof of any previous hostility
on the part of- England, Spain was evidently thb aggres
sor.3 When the manifesto was laid before parliament, opposition
at, first professed to join in a resolution to support the war
against the house of Bourbon ; but, as they descended to de
tail, their eloquence was as usual directed to the crimination of
ministers, much more than the security of their country. Lord
North. proposed to double the militia; he, however, professedly
made his proposition as a subject of discussion and modifica
tion. Three opinions were prevalent on this question : one re
commended the adoption of the project as it was originally
framed : the second preferred a mixed scheme, which, with a small
augmentation of the militia, proposed to levy distinct volunteer
corps ; and the third objected to any increase of the militia, and
would trust to the spirit and patriotism of the nobility and gen
try in raising forces according to the offers which had been alrea
dy made, and to the efforts of the people, who would unques
tionably come forward to defend their king and country. The
bill received such great alterations in the house of lords, as to
tally to change its original nature, and in that state it passed
into a law.

« See Spanish manifesto in Stute Papers of 1779.
* I herein differ from Mr. Belsham, Who asserts that Britain was the ag
gressor ; but as this writef brings no proof of the truth of his assertion, and
Spain, by her commencement of hostilities, brought such proof against the
assertion, 1 must, instead of relying on the authority, rest upon the evidence,
that not my country but-its enemies began the war. I confess, that though,
as an historian, I hold myself bound to narrate the truth, whether favoura
ble or unfavourable to Britain, as a Briton 1 feel more pleasure in recording
its justice, than I should derive from being under the necessity of exhibit
ing its injustice ; and that I have a satisfaction in being convinced these
islands did not provoke the confederacy of the great continental powers.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 603
The supplies granted for 1779, amounted to seventy thousand ®j**&-
seamen, and thirty thousand three hundred and forty-six soldiers, XI
besides, the army in America and the West Indies, which, in ^"v****
eluding foreigners, consisted of about forty thousand. The e*77^
services of the year were then estimated to require 15,072,6541. pp '
The land tax and duties upon malt furnished their proportions :
seven millions were raised by annuities ; and a lottery, consist
ing of 49,000 tickets, was distributed among the subscribers, in
the proportion of seven tickets, at 101. each ticket, for every
thousand pounds subscribed.1 Lord North said he wanted to
have borrowed eight millions, but could procure no more than
seven. The whole amount of the money raised by a lottery,
was to. be distributed into prizes.2 The sinking fund furnished
2,071,8541. Exchequer bills to the amount of 3,400,0001. were
voted; and other less considerable articles of revenue comple
ted the ways and means. A vote of credit for a million, was
afterwards passed ; and the whole navy debt was left undis
charged. The terms on which the loan was filled, were, be
sides the douceur of lottery tickets, three per cent, per annum,
and an annuity of 31. 15s. for the term of twenty-nine years,
for every IOOl. The annual interest payable on the money bor
rowed amounted to 472,5001.; to raise which, an additional
duty of five per cent, was laid on the* full produce of the excise
(beer, ale, soap, candles, and hides excepted,) which was esti
mated at 282,1091. ; a tax on post horses of one penny a mile,
164,250.1. ; and an additional duty of five per cent, on cambric,
3*6,0001. Various strictures were made on the profusion ¦ of
public money, and motions of inquiry and censure were repeat
edly proposed, and respectively negatived, by ministerial ma
jorities. The session was closed on the 3d of July, hy a speech
in which the king expressed his cordial thanks for the exertions
of parliament for the public welfare in the various departments
of national service. He rejoiced that the courage and constancy
of his people rose with the difficulties which they had to en
counter ; and doubted not, that their efforts would finally pre
vail against their multiplied enemies.
¦ History of Britain during lord North's administration, p. 355. ¦> Jbid.

&04 HISTOBY OF THE

CHAP. XXIII.
Hostilities in the West Indies.— Superior force of the French. — British,
notwithstanding, capture St. Lucie. — Byron sails northwards to escort the
mercantile fleet— in his absence D'Estaing captures Dominica, St. Vin
cent's, and Grenada.— Engagement between the French fleet and By-
ron's indecisive. — North America.— Expedition to Georgia under colo
nel Campbell — who reduces the province. — Maitland's battle with Lin
coln — impetuous courage of Fraser'sl higlilanders.- — D'Estaing, with a
large force, arriving in Georgia, invests Savannah. — Memorable defence
of that town by the British— the siege is raised. — Clinton continues a
war of detachments. — Gallapt exploits of the British troops, without any
important result. — Europe. — Perilous situation of Britain. — Combined
fleet parade in the channel. — English fleet, in imitation of Drake, endea
vours to draw their armada to the narrow seas. — Enemy retreat.-—
France threatens an invasion.— Loyal and patriotic spirit and efforts of
all parties to resist, the enemy.— Voluntary contributions.— British fleet
keeps the seas, and protects our trade.— Investment of Gibraltar.
CHAP. THE first warlike operations of 1779 were in the West In-
XXIII. djes: hostilities, indeed, had commenced therein 1778, but so
v^"v">"*i/i(.te.}n the season, that, not to break the unity of the narrative,
1779. I include them in the account of the present year.
Hostilities 4. considerable force had been stationed in the French West
*" th^ Indies, under the marquis de Bouille, who, by a sudden attack,
dies! ' ma(^e himself master of the island of Dominica. The success
of this enterprise caused a general alarm through the British
islands ; the defence of which was then intrusted to two ships
of the line, under admiral Barrington. A re-enforcement, how
ever, consisting of three ships of the line, three of fifty guns,
and three frigates, joined the admiral in the month of Decem
ber, having on board general Grant, with a large body of land
forces. The British armament, with this accession, sailed for
St. Lucie, and arrived there on the thirteenth of December.
D'Estaing now reached Martinique, and being joined by trans
ports with nine thousand troops on board, conceived the hopes
of crushing the small fleet which Barrington commanded, and
reducing most of the windward British islands, before admiral
Byron could come to their assistance : he threatened Barba-
does, St. Vincent's, Grenada, and Tobago ; but learning the un
expected attack that was made upon Sfc. Lucie, he was for the
time obliged to derange his plans, and confine himself to de
fence. On the 17th of December he landed at St. Lucie : the
following day, he assailed the British forces ; and, though much
superior in number, after an obstinate contest, was defeated and

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 605
•obliged to abandon the island, which soon after surrendered to CHAP.
the British arms. On the 6th of January, Byron's fleet arriv- xxllx-
ing at St. Lucie, rendered our forces' superior to the French ; ^"^"^
whereupon D'Estaing now acted on the defensive, and for five Th17l?'.
months kept himself in harbour within the bay of Fort Royal. ^she ^"t"
Both fleets received re-inforcements during the winter; the withstand-
English were joined by a squadron qf ships under commo- ing, cap-
dore Rowley, and the French by an armament headed by count ture. st-
de Grasse. Lucie-
Admiral Byron, on the 6th of June, left St. Lucie, to con- Byron sails
duct the merchant ships which were appointed to assemble atnord>-
St. Christopher's previously to their departure for England. In ^^the
the absence of the British fleet, D'Estaing, commenced offensive mercantile
operations: a force, consisting of four thousand and fifty men, fleet. .
under the command of chevalier de Trolong du Romain, sailed In his ab-
from Martinique for St. Vincent's, where they arrived on ^"ce'.
the 12th of June ; they immediately effected a landing, and captured'
opened a communication with the Caribbs. The original inha- Dominica,
bitants of the island, who considered the British settlers as in- St. Vin-
truders on their possessions, were ready to join the French. The cent's, and
garrison consisted of three hundred and fifty effective men, be- Grenada.
sides those who were confined by sickness; with such a handful
of men, conceiving defence impracticable, lieutenant-colonel
Etherington, the commander of the forces, and Mr. Valentine
Morris, the governor of the island, surrendered St. Vincent's on
the same terms which had been granted to Dominica. Re-en
forced by La Motte Piquette, who arrived with troops and naval
stores from Europe*. D'Estaing, sailed against Grenada, having
twenty-six ships of the line, and near ten thousand land forces.
The fate of the island was inevitable ; but the resolute defence
made by lord Macartney, the governor, long protected the set
tlement, until a hill that commanded the fort being forced, the
British leader proposed to capitulate ; but the French general
having' proposed terms unusually hard, the fort and island were
necessitated to surrender at discretion. The appearance of the
English fleet, consisting of twenty-one ships of the line, though
too late to save Grenada, interposed seasonably for the preser
vation of Tobago, the only possession which remained to Eng
land of the islands which were ceded to her at the peace of Pa
ris. A partial engagement followed, in which admiral Barring- Engage,
ton, id the Prince.of Wales, with the captains Sawyer and Gard- ment be-
ner, in the Boyne and Sultan, sustained the whole weight of the *Vj!lfn!!n
French van. The action was indecisive ;* many of our ships jjeet an(j
suffered considerable damage, especially in their rigging; and Byron's,
admiral Barrington received a slight Wound. The rapidly sue- indecisive.
cessive loss of our three valuable islands, had greatly alarmed
our remaining West India possessions : but the approach of the
hurricanes, added to the loss of men in the last action, repressed
any farther attempts of D'Estaing during that season; and he
soon after sailed for North America.

606 CHAP. XXIII. 1779.
NorthAmerica.

HISTORY OF THE
The contrivers of a project, which notwithstanding the fail
ure of expected success, they still deem practicable, imust rest
' their hopes of ultimate attainment on a variation of means.
Repeated discomfiture did not convince British ministers that
the colonies were not to be subdued ; still our counsellors con
ceived they might be reduced through a change of plans,
which should be carried into execution by more skilful and vi
gorous efforts. Alteration of schemes was one of the chief
characteristics of the belligerent policy of government during
the contest with America, which, in a great measure, was a war
of experiments.
The northern provinces had been the first scenes of hostili
ties, and afterwards the middle states ; but the southern colo
nies, with little interruption, had been exempted from invasion.
Overthrow in the north, and inefficiency in the middle, govern
ment now hoped would be compensated by victory in the south*;
thither it was resolved to direct our efforts* and during the re
mainder of the conflict, Georgia, the Carolinas, and Virginia, were
the principal theatres of active enterprise.
Since, indeed, it was resolved to persevere in the attempted
reduction, there were strong reasons for carrying our arms to
the southern provinces : these eolonies produced the commodi
ties which were most wanted, and most valuable in the Eu
ropean markets. France took off an immense quantity of their
staple products, and the quiet and security which they had hi
therto enjoyed, admitted so vigorous a cultivation, that their
export trade seemed little otherwise affected by the war, than
what it suffered from the British cruisers. Thus, in effect, the
continental credit in Europe was principally upheld by the
southern colonies ; and they became the medium through which
they received those supplies, that were not only indispensably
necessary to the support of the war, but even to the conduct
ing of the common business and affairs of life.1 Besides, it was
believed, that, in the provinces in question, a much greater
proportion of the inhabitants was well affected to the British
government, than upon trial had been found among their north
ern countrymen; and ministers, in spite of experience, received
those rumours as authentic information. It was therefore re
solved to make an essay in the south, and te begin with Geor
gia. This province, though. in itself neither great nor power
ful, possessed considerable importance as a granary to the in
vaders, and a road to farther progress. It was extremely fruit
ful in rice, and thus could supply provisions to the royalists
when at such a distance from their principal magazines; and
being-contiguous to East Florida, a loyal colony, where general
Prevost was stationed with a body of troops, if recovered, would
prove a key to the Carolinas. ..These reasons determined the
British to undertake an expedition to Georgia; and towards

' See Annual Register, 1779. p. 29.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 607
the close of the preceding year; the undertaking was commenced chap.
by a detachment from the main army. xxm.
The land force destined to execute this project, consisted of v^~v'"w
the seventy-first regiment, -, two battallions of Hessians, and four 177j.-
of North and South Carolina loyalists, with a body of artillery, J^n to
amounting in all to three thousand five hundred men, under Georgia
the command of lieutenant-colonel Campbell. Major-general under co-
Prevost was ordered to join the expedition from East Florida, lonel
and take the command of the whole ; but so ably did Campbell c?*mPb*;1:*>
form his plans of attack, and so well was he supported by the c&tbe ""
spirit and bravery of his little army, and the cordial and zealous province.
co-operation of commodore Parker and the naval forces, that
the reduction of the province was completed before the arrival
of Prevost.
Having left New- York in November 1778, the British com
mander arrived, on the 23d of December, at the mouth of the
Savannah river, upon which Savannah, the capital of Georgia,
is situated, about fifteen miles from the sea. Near the metro
polis, but farther down the river, How, the American general,
was stationed with several regiments, for the double purpose "of
opposing the landing of the British, and protecting the town.
Not fearing these adversaries, Campbell, on the 29tb, disem
barked his troops,' in the face of the provincial musketry and
artillery. The first that reached the land was captain Came
ron, with the light infantry of Fraser's highlanders ; the Ame
ricans received them with a general volley, by which the cap
tain ahd a few others were killed. The native courage of the
highlanders, by the death of their commander stimulated to re
venge, hurried on with a force which numbers in vain endea
voured to oppose, and drove the Americans to the woods.
Campbell, pursuing the dismayed foes, overtook them at a post
near Savannah, which was so strong as to induce How to risk
an engagement. His right was covered by a thick woody swamp,
and the houses of a plantation filled with riflemen ; his left reach
ed the rice marshes upon the river ; the town and fort of Savan
nah protected the rear ; the artillery was disposed advantageous
ly on both sides, and a trench of one hundred yards wide, togeth
er with a marshy rivulet, guarded the front. The colonists be
ing somewhat more accessible on the left than in any other situ
ation, there they expected the brunt of the British attack, and
thither directed their chief attention and vigilance. The sagaci
ty of Campbell discovered their opinions and views; and farther
to encourage their belief, made a feint to send troops in that di
rection. Meanwhile having discovered a private path on the right
of -• the enemy, he despatched sir James Baird, with the light
troops, to turn the enemy's rear : conducted by a negro through
the secret track, Baird accomplished his object, and assailed the
Americans. Campbell finding that the stratagem had succeed
ed, now bore on the enemy in front. Thus surrounded, the
provincials were completely defeated and routed, with the loss

608 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, of four hundred men, while only seven of the British fell. This
XXIII. victory decided the fate of Savannah, which yielded without
S^N"^*,/ farther struggle ; all Lower Georgia followed its example ; and
1779. a great majority of the inhabitants not only abstained from re
sistance, but even took the oath of allegiance. The next care
of Campbell was to form regulations for the tranquillity and
government of the province ; which duty he effected with great
policj and ability.? He now resolved to prosecute his success
by an expedition into Upper Georgia, where many were said to
be well disposed towards the British government, and only to
wait for the support of theking's troops, that they might with
safety declare their attachment The march of Campbell, there
fore, into the inland country had a double object ; to establish a
communication with the loyalists, and to reduce the remaining
part of Georgia. Augusta, the second town of the province, lies
upon the southern bank of the river Savannah, and is distant
from the sea coast about one hundred and fifty miles. ,The pre
vious arrangements necessary for marching through such an ex
tent of country, in many places thinly and in some not at all in
habited, were so well adjusted by lieutenant-colonel Campbell,
that he met with few interruptions, except such as arose from
the water courses in his way, the bridges over which were in
most places destroyed. Upon his approach to Augusta, a body
of provincials, under the command of brigadier-general William
son, quitted the town, and retreated across the river.* From
Augusta, Campbell despatched lieutenant-colonel Hamilton to
wards the frontiers of Carolina, to encourage the loyalists by as
surances of protection.
Alarmed by the rapid advances of the royal troops, the
provincials made dispositions for arresting their progress.
General Lincoln, commander of the Americans in the south,
soon arrived on the northern bank with a great and increasing
force. Campbell, not finding Augusta tenable, retreated down
to Savannah : while Lincoln marched along the northern
banks, with a view to cross the river and re-conquer Georgia.
While Lincoln was thus engaged, general Prevost conceived
hopes of surprising Charleston: on the 10th of May, ac
cordingly, the British troops reached Astley's Ferry in the
evening, and, having passed the river, appeared before Charles
ton the following day. On the 12th the town was summoned
to surrender, but to no purpose. The general having viewed
the lines, was convinced, that, though unfinished, they were
not to be forced without a loss of men which he could not
spare. He knew that the garrison was more numerous than his
troops, and that general Lincoln, having heard of his advance,
was hastening to its relief from the back country with a
numerous army; he therefore retired towards Georgia, took

See Stedman, vol. ii. p. 79. > Stedman, vol, ii. p. 106.

REIGN OF GEORGE-HI. 609
possession of John's Island, a place separated from the main by CHAP.
a small inlet from the sea, and posted himself, until the arrival XXIU-
of ammunition expected from New-York. Hearing that Lin- "^"v"***
coin was advancing to Lower Georgia, he departed for Savan- 1779'
nah, in order to place the fort in the best possible condition of
defence ; and left to colonel Maitland the command of John's
Island, with a garrison consisting of the firslf battallion of the
seventy-first regiment, much weakened and reduced in its
numbers, a corps of Hessians, part of the North and South
Carolina loyalists, and a detachment of artillery, amounting to
about eight hundred men fit for duty. General Lincoln ap. Maitland's
prized that the garrison was in a weak state, projected to cut battle with
it off'; and on the 20th of June, he advanced against this on'
handful, with about five thousand men. An attack on the
British piquets first gave the alarm ; on which colonel Mait
land immediately ordering his soldiers to arms, despatched
two companies of Highlanders to observe the motions of the
enemy, until he should come up himself with his whole force.
The impetuous valour of those brave mountaineers hurried Impetuous
them on too far, and their indignant courage forbade them to I?'01",0***'
retreat, when surrounded by superior numbers : falling in with n^Mand-
the left wing of the provincials, they commenced an attack era!
against ten times their own force, and maintained the contest
until all their officers* were either killed or wounded ; of the
two companies, only eleven made good their retreat.3 This
partial success emboldened the Americans to attack the British
lines, and a regiment of Hessians, overborne with the provin
cial force, had given way, and were communicating their
confusion to the rest of our troops, when the remaining com
panies of the Highlanders, by a movement equally judicious,
bold, and rapid, stayed the progress of the American army,
avenged the cause of their fallen countrymen, and gave a de
cisive turn to the fortune of the day. The heroism diffused
itself over the British troops ; the skill of colonel Maitland
seized the happy moment, rallied the retreating Hessians, and
repelled and routed the enemy. The Americans dispirited by
so unsuccessful an attack, attempted no farther offensive ope
rations until the unexpected arrival of D'Estaing re-animated
their hopes of expelling the English from Lower Georgia.
Informed of the coming of so powerful an auxiliary, Lincoln
marched to join the French forces. Prevost appeared for the
defence of Savannah, and despatched orders to colonel Mait-

» Among the slain was their brave commander, captain Charles Camp
bell, the eldest son and heir of the house of Ardchattsm in Argyleshire, a
youth whom the writer recollects as a class-fellow at St. Andrew's college,
and bf high promise. His conduct, during four campaigns in America, ac
quired him great military reputation, which he was rapidly increasing,
when, in the 24th year of Ms age, he fell fighting for his king and country,
1 See Stedman, vol. ii. p.' 117. ,
Vol. I. 77

610 HISTORY Of the
CHAP, land to repair thither with all possible haste ; old fortifications
XXIII. were strengthened, and new works constructed, under the
l**~w~s*s direction of a masterly engineer, captain Moncrief. D'Estaing
1779. having landed his troops without waiting for the Americans,
witifa "^ 'n terms of the most boasting bravado and illiberal insolence
largeforcejummoned the British generkl to surrender. Despising the
arriving in gasconade, Prevost considered how he might gain time until
Georgia, the arrival of colonel Maitland; he therefore sent a civil an-
mvests Sa- swe*r; desiring a truce for twenty-four hours. The Frenchman,
vanna . .^ ^ confit|ence 0f vanity, doubted not that a surrender
would be determined, and that the period wanted was for the
purpose of drawing up propositions of capitulation : he there
fore complied with the request. Meanwhile, colonel Maitland,
having marched with astonishing rapidity, reached Savannah;
and thus re-enforced, the' general notified his resolution to de-
Memora- fenj the place to the last extremity. Lincoln being now ar-
fenceof r^ve^> the combined armies made dispositions for carrying on
that town the siege; ground was broken on the 25d of September, and
by the the British interrupted the operations by several successful sal-
British, lies. On the 4th of October, the batteries of the besiegers
being opened, a request was made by general Prevost, that the
women "and children might be permitted to leave the town,
and embark on board vessels in the river, which should be
placed under the protection of the count D'Estaing, and await
the issue of the siege. This request, so agreeable to humanity,
was refused in terms of insulting rudeness ; which Showed that
the French commander, having long proved himself destitute
of the honour,1 was no less deficient in the manners, of a
gentleman, and that dereliction of integrity often brings along
with it a disregard for the decencies and proprieties of civilized
life. Oh the morning of the 9th, D'Estaing made an attack
upon the British lines ; two feigned assaults were intended to
draw the attention of the besieged to the centre and left,
while, in two columns, the main body turning the right of the
British, should attack the rear. The operations began before
day-light ; fortunately, one of the enemy's columns mistaking
its way in the darkness, was entangled in a swamp adjoining
the fortress, and exposed, to the fire of the British batteries.
Morning having discovered this division not yet extricated from
the morass, tile British commenced immediately so hot afire,
as not only to prevent the enemy from turning the rear, but
even from forming, and destroyed numbers of their men.
Meanwhile, D'Estaing himself, with the other column, ad
vanced against a redoubt which served as an outwork for
the garrison ; the combat became extremely fierce and des
perate; for a few minutes a French and American standard
was planted on a parapet. The contest for the possession of
the redoubt was long maintained by both sides ; when lieutenant
r He had broken his parole in a former war.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 611
colonel Maitland, seizing the critical moment, ordered the chap.
grenadiers of the sixtieth regiment, with the marines, to move XXUI*
Forward and charge the enemy's column, already staggering, '**'****'
under the obstinate resistance at the redoubt, and the slaughter 1779-
which had been made by the artillery from the different bat
teries, as well as from the Germaine armed brig. This well-*
timed movement decided the fate of the attack: the assailants.
were repulsed, driven out of the ditch of the redoubt, and
routed with redoubled -slaughter, leaving behind them, in kil
led and wounded, six hundred and thirty-seven of the French
troops, and two hundred and sixtyrfour of the Americans.
The issue of this battle determined the siege; the allies sepa- The siege
rated; the Americans retreated to South Carolina, and theisraised'
French returned to their ships. Soon after their embarkation,
their fleet was dispersed by a storm ; D'Estaing, with part of
the ships, sailed for France, and the rest returned to the West
Indies. In the northern provinces, the war this year was carried on Clinton
in partial and detached expeditions, but productive of no im- continues
portant event. Sir George Collier, who succeeded admiral ^*ar,of
Gambier in the command of the fleet, had been employed on mentL"
thfe coast of Nova Scotia ; there, by his activity, enterprise, and
vigilance, he had destroyed numbers of American privateers,
which harassed the coasting trade of the colonists, and protect
ed the British commerce to Canada and Nova Scotia, and the
Newfoundland fisheries. For his services in the station being
promoted to a higher employment, he repaired to New-York ;
there sir Henry Clinton and he concerted an expedition to Vir
ginia, not with any hopes of making a permanent impression
on that centrical and valuable province, but with a view to. im
pair resources from which the enemy were principally supplied.
By the exports of tobacco from the Chesapeake, the credit of
congress with foreign nations was chiefly, if not wholly sup
ported ; and, by the inland navigation of that bay, large quan
tities of salt provisions, the produce both of Virginia and North
Carolina, were conveyed to the middle colonies for the subsist-
ance of the American army. A detachment under general Mat
thew, consisting of eighteen hundred meni accompanied by sir
George Collier with a ship of the line and four sloops of war,
made a descent upon Virginia, burnt the town of Suffolk, took
or destroyed an immense quantity of provisions and stores at
Gosport and other parts of the coast at Portsmouth, and a great
number of merchant ships belonging either to the Americans or
their new allies, amounting in all to one hundred and thirty-se
ven. Having thus annoyed our enemies and acquired a consi
derable booty, the armament returned to New-York.1. General
' Mr. Belsham, in his narrative, disapproves of these expeditions as in
consistent with humanity ; as if it were contrary to humanity to impair in
an enemy the means of doing us hurt.

612 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP. Clinton attacked Verplank's creek and Stoney Point, two impor-
XXU1, tant posts on the Hudson river, commanding the passage at
vjrv^s^ King's Ferry, which was the most direct and convenient course
1779. of communication between the northern and middle colonies.
On the approach of the British troops, the forts were abandon
ed ; major-general Tryon and Sir George Collier undertook an
expedition against Connecticut, which, abounding in men and
provisions, was a great support to the American army ; they
successively reduced the several towns, took or destroyed the
provisions, ammunition, stores, artillery, and ships, but respect
ed private property as much as possible, and treated the pro
vincials with meritorious lenity.1 General Tryon and admiral
Collier now proceeded to relieve Penobscot, wherein general
Maclean, with a detachment of about six hundred and fifty Bri
tish, had established a post, in order to check the incursions of
the provincials to Nova Scotia. The Americans attempted to
surprise this fort, but finding the British prepared for their re
ception, made dispositions for a regular siege. On the 12th of
August, Maclean learned that the next day an assault was in
tended. On the 13th, however, no attack was made. On the
14th, the garrison eariy in the morning discovered, to their great
surprise, that the enemy had evacuated their works, and in the
course of the day found the reason of their departure, in the ap
proach of Collier's squadron. The American ships were taken
or burnt ; the soldiers and sailors endeavoured to save themselves
by flight, but many of them died of fatigue. Collier on returning
to New- York, was superceded by admiral Arbuthnot, and soon
after embarked for England. The Americans surprised Stoney
Point some weeks after its capture, and having taken the for
tress by surprise, behaved with the most laudable humanity to
the prisoners ; but on the approach of a British detachment,
again evacuated the garrison. They also made an attempt on
Powles hook, a British post on the Jersey shore, opposite to New-
York : Lee, an American major, had learned that a party from
the garrison had gone up the country to forage. Advancing at
night with three hundred men to the gate, he was mistaken by
the sentinel for the officer who commanded the foraging party,
and being by that means suffered to pass with his detachment,
seized two redoubts. Major Sutherland commander of the post,
being alarmed, called together sixty Hessians, whose vigorous
onset compelled the provincials to retire, with about forty pri
soners : their retreat was by military men reckoned extremely
precipitate.
Gallantex- General Clinton, informed of the arrival of D'Estaing in
Ph0iB T h Georgia, ano" apprehending a descent upon New- York, with-
troe0 " 1S drew his troops from Rhode Island and other detached posts :
without and concentrating his forces, acted on the defensive for the rest
any impor- of the campaign. Such, in this campaign, were the exploits of
tant result. Clinton's forces, whose efforts and achievements bore fresh tes-
» See Stedman, vol. ii. p. 143.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 613
timony to British valour, but produced no important results. CHAP.
Through all our exertions, no progress was made towards the xxnI-
attainment of the object. s^-v-w
A war of devastation was carried on between the Ame- 1779.
ricans and Indians ; in which, though the former were most
frequently superior; they by no means subjugated their en
emies. '
The Spaniards this year conquered West Florida, and en
tirely expelled the British from the Mississippi trade. To com
pensate this loss, commodore Lhtterel and captain Dalrymple
captured Fort Oinoa, wherein they found two register ships, es
timated at 640;000l. with about a fifth more in other plunder.
France made a successful expedition to the coast of Africa,
with a strong squadron destined afterwards to re-enforce D'Es
taing in the West Indies. The British forts, settlements, and
factories at Senegal, on the Gambia, and other parts of the
coast, being totally incapable bf resisting, each were successively
taken. From distant regions we now return to Europe; wherein the Europe.
combined force of the house of Bourbon was exerted to over
power Great Britain on her own element, but was exerted in
vain. Unwise as Spain manifested herself, in seeking a contest with
England, she had dexterously timed her avowal of hostile inten
tions : she had suspended her declaration until the arrival of her
annual treasures from her dominions in America, and until she -
was able to join the French fleet in Europe. On the 12th of
June, the armament of France sailed from Brest towards the
coast of Spain ; on the 16th, the Spanish minister had, as we
have seen, delivered the manifestb ; and, on the 24th of the same
month, the Spanish fleet joined the French.
The situation of England at this time appeared peculiarly Perilous
perilous. She had foriherly coped with the house of Bourbon, situation
but had not been obliged to encounter its undivided strength. of Bntam-
Her continental allies, by employing, a considerable part of the
land efforts of our enemies, had prevented their principal exer
tions from being directed to maritime operations. It had been
often objected to her statesmen, that they, too ambitiously court
ed foreign confederacies ; her ministers were now censured for
their total avoidance of continental connexions. She had now
to stand alone against the Bourbon force, joined to her own
revolted subjects; and while a great part of her power was
employed against her ancient' colonies, a naval armament in
multitude of men, number, and size of ships, unprecedented in
maritime history, prepared to bear down upon the remainder.
Foreign nations, seeing her in such circumstances, considered
her ruin as fast approaching : but the event soon showed, that
however unwise it may be in Britain entirely to renounce al
liances with European neighbours, yet in herself, in the resources
of her own industry, ability, and spirit, she possesses the means

614 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP. 0f repelling every attempt of her enemies ; gigantic as were the
XXIII. efforts, they did not avail.
s^"v^w Before the commencement of the chief naval operations, a
1779' squadron of French made an attempt upon the island of Jersey.
This attack, though easily repulsed, produced important con
sequences. Admiral Arbuthnot, on the 2d of May, was pro
ceeding down the channel with a re-enforcement of troops, and
a large supply of provisions and stores, to join sir Henry Clin
ton, when he received intelligence that the French were in Jer
sey ; and, leaving his convoy at Torbay, he with his squadron
hastened to the relief of the island. This laudable movement,
though executed as rapidly as possible, besides being the cause
of considerable delay in his own voyage, interfered with: our
plan for the naval campaign in Europe. It being apprehended,
that as the season was advancing, the Brest fleet might be out,
and attempt to intercept so valuable a convoy, ten ships of the
line, under admiral Darby, were despatched from the channel
fleet to conduct Arbuthnot beyond all probable danger. Our
principal armament, which had been intended to block up the
French in Brest harbour, to prevent its junction with the Span
iards, was deemed inadequate to the service, until it should be
-rejoined by Darby. During this interval, the two fleets of our
enemies were enabled to meet : when united, they amounted to
more than sixty ships of the line, with nearly an equal number
of frigates; and soon after their junction, this formidable arma-
The com- d& steered towards the British coasts. Sir Charles Hardy, with
bined thirty***eight sail of the line and a smaller proportion of frigates,
fle,et^ P*" was cruising in the chops of the channel, when the combined
channel. C ^eet Passed him considerably to the eastward, about the middle
of August, and proceeded as far as Plymouth. The enemy in
their way took the Ardent, a ship of the line that was sailing to
join the British admiral. They made no attempt to land, but
continued in sight of Plymouth several days. After having
paraded there to the great alarm of the people, a strong east
erly gale drove them out to the ocean ; they ranged about the
lands-end, Scilly islands, and adjacent parts, till the end of the
month. On the 31st of August, sir Charles Hardy entered the
channel in sight of the combined fleet, which made no attempt
TI?eflEnf>' to oppose his passage. The British admiral, like his renowned
hsh fleet pre(iecesgor Drake in similar circumstances, endeavoured to en-
voured to t'ce the enemy into the narrow seas where they could not have
draw this sufficiently expanded their force : but perhaps dreading the
armada to fate of the former armada, when'it presumed to brave England
the nar- on ner own element, they retired. The enemy accompanied
The ene- ^'s ostentatious exhibition of their fleet, with threats of an in-
myre- vasion by a powerful army. The northern provinces of France
treat. were every where in motion ; forces were marched down to the
France coasts of Normandy and Brittany ; the ports in the bay and in
an'mva™ the channel were crowded with shipping ; and the general and
sion. principal officers were named by the king to command and act

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 6 1 3
in a grand intended expedition. The British government, with CHAP.
suitable vigilance and activity, prepared to defeat the expected XX111-
attack. Numerous cruisers were stationed in the channel, to **^-^*^
watch the enemy's motions; the militia were embodied ; they 1779.
and the regular troops marched to our southerh.coasts, and cat'
tie, hOrses, and whatever else could be conveniently ' moved,
were, by a proclamation, driven into the interior country. The Loyal and
prospect of such danger roused the national spirit; party dis- patriotic
putes were by the bulk of the people for a time forgotten ; they ^J"j
no longer inquired whether North or Fox would make the ablest ^ parties
minister, but agreed in thinking that Britain, an independent to resist
and free state, was happier, than she could be as the dependent the ene-
province of an arbitrary monarchy. These thoughts, and the1"?"
consequent sentiments, animated every loyal and patriotic heart.
Public bodies and private individuals made voluntary contribu- Voluntary
tions to raise men for the defence of their king and country, contribo-
But our exertions were not confined to defence : while this tlons'
mighty armament hovered over our coasts, a squadron of ships,
under commodore Johnstone, alarmed the opposite shores of
France ; our cruisers and privateers annoyed the trade of our
enemies; our own rich mercantile fleets from the East and
West Indies came safe into harbour, while the Bourbon arma
ment was at sea. The combined host returned to Brest har
bour, where the bad state of their ships and sickness of their
crews, confined them to port for the rest of the campaign.
Thus the approach of this immense equipment, and the threat
ened invasion, proved mere empty bravadoes. Sir Charles The Bri-
Hardy continued till the beginning of November, to cruise with £* ^ee*
his fleet. In spite of her combined enemies, Britannia still geae^„j e
ruled the waves. The only commercial fleet that was in any protects
danger, owed its peril to a private adventurer. Paul Jones, in our trade.
the end of July, sailed with a squadron, consisting of a forty
gun ship, a" frigate of thirty-six and another of thirty-two
guns, a brig of twelve guns, and a cutter, from port L'Orient, -to
intercept our homeward bound fleet from the Baltic. These
merchantmen were under the convoy of the Serapis, of forty-
four guns, captain Pierson, and the Countess of Scarborough
of twenty guns, captain Percy. On the 23d of September,
captain Pierson having discovered the enemy off Scarborough,
made signal to the convoy to run ashore as soon as possible ;
and when near enough to perceive the superior force of the
enemy, summoned the other frigate to his side. Jones, trusting
to the numbers of 'his men and^guns, offered battle; being with
in musket shot, he attacked the Serapis, and attempted to
board her, but was repulsed. Captain Pierson, after gallantly
maintaining the contest for a long time against the two largest
ships of the enemy, at length seeing no hopes of success, in
mercy to his men struck his colours. Percy with his twenty
gun ship, made a no less valiant defence against Jones's frigate
of thirty-two, but was compelled to strike. The loss of the

616 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP. British in killed and wounded was great; but that of the enemy
XXIII. muca greater. Jones's own ship was so greatly damaged, that
^*^v^*-> she sunk two days afterwards. In this engagement, two of the
1779. king's ships were lost ; but their resistance saved the whole con
voy, which escaped into different harbours.
Invest- Qne of the principal objects of Spain was Gibraltar; ac-
Gforauar. cordingly preparations were e4rly made for proceeding against
that fortress. Aware of the natural strength of the place, of
the number and valour of its defenders, lately re-enforced with
troops, and supplied with ammunition and stores, the Spaniards
saw that a siege would be impracticable, and that the only
means of reduction was blockade: they therefore, in July, in*?
vested it by sea and land, but made no impression during the
first campaign.

SElGN OF GEORGE Ut $1;

CHAP. XXIV.
Character of a statesman. — General view of lord North's administration.— *
Ardupus. struggle in which Britain was engaged. — Her resources grow
from her calls.— 'Her efforts rise with her difficulties. — Meeting of parlia
ment — The king's speech. — Extraordinary amendment proposed to the
address. — Views of opposition. — Plan of systematic attack on ministers,
under three general heads — to be respectively earried on under the con
duct of Messrs. Burke, Fox, and Dunning.— -State of Ireland. — Alarming
associations. — Lord North's plan for affording them satisfaction.— Bills
passed for that purpose. — Motions in the house of peers by the duke of
Richmond and earl Shelburne respecting the profusion of public money.
• — Petitions by Yorkshire and London. — Mr. Burke undertakes the cause
of public economy. — Celebrated bill of reform. — Motions respecting the
increasing influence of the crown. — Increasing spirit of popular associa
tion. — Incident which damped that spirit. — Protestant society — extends
from Scotland to England  Lord George Gordon becomes an enthusiast
against popery — president of the protestant society. — Petition to parlia
ment for a repeal of the tolerant law— supported by an immense multi
tude that surround the parliament house. — Firm and manly conduct of
the legislature  Dreadful riots in London. — Numerous conflagrations —
tremendous aspect of the burning metropolis — prisons broken open —
bank threatened — -attempt to cut the pipes of the new river — military
re-entbrcements arrive — at length prove victorious — insurrection crush
ed — tranquillity restored — loud complaints against the lord-mayor. — Par
liament resumes its functions. — Supplies. — Session rises., — Parliament
dissolved. AMONG the various considerations that enter into our es- CHAP.
timates of the conduct and character of statesmen, there are XXIV-
two to which we may safely resort as just tests of executorial v>^~v'^*'
ability : the first is general and comprehensive, and depends on ¦ f :
the principles which direct their thoughts and actions; the se- 0f a states-
cond is particular, and modified by the existing case. The for- man.
mer of these tests consists in the nature and tendency of the ob
jects pursued, and means employed in the whole system of their
policy, according to the fitness of which we are enabled to cha
racterize their administration as a series ; the latter, in the na
ture and tendency of specific ends and measures, which relate »
merely to the circumstances of the time ; according to the choice
and adaptation of these, we appreciate any given part of an
administration. It would be erroneous and feeble reasoning,
to infer, from the want of one species of talent, the absence of
every other. There have been ministers, to whose proceedings
we could not apply the first of these standards, as they were
evidently guided by no fixed principles of political science, and
directed" to no determinate objects of pursuit, or concerted plan*
of conduct, whose actions have been isolated experiments for
Vol. I. T8

618 CHAP. XXIV.

1779.

General
view of
lordNorth's adminis.
tration.

Arduous struggle
in which
Britain
was en
gaged.

Her re
sources
grow from
her calls,
and her
efforts rise
with her
difficul ties.

HISTORY OF THE
extrication from special difficulties, and not the result of any
systematic policy for general security against evil, or for the ad-
' vancement of good. Though such men could not be consum
mate statesmen, yet might they exert, in the invention of expe
dients, very considerable ingenuity. In reviewing the policy of
the successive counsellors concerned in our disputes with Ame
rica, and considering the value of the objects, and the efficacy
of the means, an attempt to discover grand, comprehensive, and
beneficially practicable principles and schemes would be vain.
Ministers had reasoned and acted as political empirics, and had
even evinced themselves deficient in the limited experience to
which an empiric trusts. Their proceedings not only proved
them devoid of political wisdom, but of common information ;
on very obvious cases, which it behoved them to have thorough
ly investigated. It is easy to see that combined wisdom and
magnanimity might have avoided the American war ; by ab
staining from imposts less productive, than advantages which
were enjoyed before their enactment; by concession, when
more profitable than coercion ; by voluntary grants, more glo
rious than attempts to exact ; or if conciliatory offers of renew
ed intercourse availed nothing, by rather totally abandoning the
object, than persisting in it through means to which the value
of the end was so little proportionate. By not preventing the
American contest, the British government afforded an opportu
nity for the Bourbon ambition to bring on the French and Span
ish wars; and.thus far a retrospect of ministerial conduct jus
tified a conclusion, that their policy Was, in its nature, feeble, in
consistent, and unwise, and in its effect prejudicial to the coun
try; but when we trace their counsels and measures after we
were actually involved in those evils, we find that it frequently
possessed the secondary merit of lessening the evils which had
been produced by themselves. In the late campaign, the most
threatening which Britain had ever experienced, the prepara
tions of ministers had warded off the dangers: the resistance of
Great Britain to a mighty combination, filled European specta
tors with astonishment and respect: her resources seemed to
grow with her necessities, and in no part of the world was her
naval or military glory obscured. If many considered ministers
as the ultimate authors of our miseries, yet not a few of these
admitted their recent exertions for defending the country to have
been powerful ; and in viewing our actual situation, great num
bers either overlooked or forgot the cause. Resentment and in
dignation against our enemies, absorbed all thoughts of the im
policy which had enabled their malignity to operate. Patriot
ism called aloud, Let us punish our foes, and defend ourselves;
and prudence said, Reflections on the causes of our state are
now too late, our first care ought to be, to discover the means
of extrication from 'our difficulties. Such were the sentiments
which prevailed in Britain ; and if they implied no strong ap
probation of ministers, they contained at least little new repre-

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 619
hension. During the recess of parliament, some partial changes CHAP.
took place in the ministry : the earl of Gower, lord president of XXIV-
the council, resigned that high office, and was succeeded by the v^^"^^
earl of Bathurst ; the earl of Hillsborough was appointed secre- I773-
tary of state for the southern department, in the room of lord
Weymouth ; lord Stormont for the northern, lately occupied by
lord Suffolk : but the 'three chief ministers who presided over
the treasury, American and naval affairs, continued to hold their
offices. Parliament met on the 25th of November. ' The speech from Meeting
the throne observed, that we were called upon by every prin- of parlia-
ciple of duty, and every consideration of interest, to exert ourraent-
united efforts in the support and defence of our country, at
tacked by an unjust and unprovoked war, and contending with
one of the most dangerous confederacies that ever was formed
against the crown and people of Great Britain. Here our king
presented a description of his subjects, which was applicable to
loyal, patriotic, and magnanimous Britons, then, and in all ages.
" I know the character of my brave people ; the menaces of Theking's
" their enemies, and the approach of danger, have no other sPeec""
" effect on their minds, but to animate their courage, and to call
" forth that national spirit, which has so often checked and de-
" feated the projects of ambition and injustice, and enabled the
" British fleets and armies to protect their country, to vindicate
" their rights, and at the same time to uphold and preserve the
" liberties of Europe." In exhorting his parliament to persevere
in such efforts as would maintain the defence and security, and
promote the common strength, wealth, and interest of all his do
minions, he particularly recommended to their deliberations the
state of Ireland.
An amendment of a very extraordinary nature was moved Extraor-
to the address ; its purport was, to contrast the situation of this ^lnary
country when his majesty ascended the throne, with its present ™™^"
state when* the twentieth year of his reign had commenced ; pose(j to
and in a very copious and minute detail, which included the the ad-
principal events of the reign, it professed to exhibit the outset, dress.
progress, and result, and represented our condition as then
prosperous, but now adverse; the prospect as then splendid,
but now gloomy; imputing the alleged alteration to a change
in the plans of government, it proposed to leave the new, and
return to the old system. Presenting to the sovereign a dismal
picture of his dominions, it declared that, in the opinion of its
proposers, parliament would betray both their king and coun
try, if they. did not distinctly state to his majesty, that nothing
but new counsels and new counsellors could prevent the con
summation of public ruin. In this projected remonstrance, the Views of
members of opposition departed from the tone which they had°.PP0Sl-
usually assumed, and demonstrated that they had now framed
a much more general plan of operations, than in any of their
former hostilities against ministers. They perceived that the

620 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, public, in contemplating existing situations, began to forget the
XXIV. ser;es 0f past events ; and to recall these to the minds of the
'"¦^"v'^-' people, seems to have been the chief object of the proposition
1779. which they now offered to parliament. Never was more ability
^¦systematic displayed by any parliamentary opposition, than, jn the plan of
attack on the minority this session ; or* more judgment, than in distribu-
ministers, ting the parts of the execution according to the talents of the
principal leaders. They undertook to prove, first in general
principle, and afterwards in detail, that the system of govern
ment was radically, and completely wrong, and that a total
under change was necessary for the salvation of the country. The
three ge. cnanges were proposed to take place in three different depart-
heads ments, economical, constitutional, and executorial. The ex
panded and philosophical mind of Burke was employed in grand
schemes of political economy, so much the subject of analysis
and deduction, since the publication of Smith's profound work ;
and of practical comparison, from the exertions of Neckar in
the neighbouring kingdom. The preservation of the constitu
tion, and the correction of alleged abuses in that admirable
system, was the province assigned to him, whose vigorous and
acute mind, enriched with legal knowledge, sharpened by fo
rensic contention, and enlarged by senatorial deliberation, had
chosen for its principal object the support of constitutional law
to be re- and practice : to watch the balance of the orders, to correct the
spectively preponderancy in either scale, was the task assigned to Mr. Dun-
earned on njng. while the powerful and comprehensive genius, the pene-
conduct of trating sagacity, the bold and intrepid spirit, the luminous, for-
Messrs. cible, and impressive eloquence of Mr. Fox, were employed on
Burke, the executorial conduct of ministers. The efforts, therefore,
Dunning, of opposition, besides various and separate objects of attack,
and i ox. were jj^s sessjon principally directed to political economy, the
balance of the constitution, and the conduct of administration,
under three distinguished leaders respectively, Messrs. Burke,
Dunning, and Fox. The speeches in support of the amend
ment, contained outlines of proceedings, which occupied them
during the session. After exhibiting the present reign in an
historical series to the commencement of tfie preceding cam
paign, they went over the various operations, and endeavoured
to demonstrate, that, in the whole, and every part of their con
duct, ministers had showed themselves totally unfit for their
offices. This preliminary debate equalled the highest oratorial
efforts which had ever been employed in the British senate ; but
its result was unfavourable to the ablest speakers; opposition
were outvoted by a majority of two hundred and thirty-three
to one hundred and thirty-four in the house of commons, and
eighty to forty-one in the house of lords.
State of After the preliminary contention, the first object of opposi-
^pland. tjon was tj,e state 0f Ireland. It was understood, that during
the recess a plan was to have been formed for giving our fellow-
subjects such satisfaction as might equally conduce to the wel-

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 621
fare of the sister kingdom and Britain. Members of opposition CHAP.
now censured ministers for not having talten effectual steps to XXIV-
Satisfy the Irish nation. They drew a melancholy picture of v^"v~^*'
the condition of Ireland, before its first application to the Bri- I779-
tish parliament in 1778 : they described the sentiments disap
pointment had excited in that kingdom, and the subsequent
proceedings which had resulted from calamity and discontent.
Separated from the exaggerations of orators, the following was
the actual state of affairs : associations against the purchase Alarming
and use of British manufactures, and for the encouragement, associa-
in every possible degree, of their own, had already taken 10ns'
place. At first these had only been partial, but now they
were become universal, and the non-importation and ' non-con
sumption agreements included the usual penalties or denun
ciations of vengeance, not only against violators, but against
those importers or sellers of the prohibited commodities
who had not acceded to the general compact : to these had
been joined associations of a very different nature, and to the
apprehensions already described had been lately added the im
minent danger of foreign invasion ; a measure which was evi
dently intended, if not absolutely avowed, by France ; and this
situation was the more alarming, as the military force support
ed by Ireland had been continually drained off and weakened
by the American war. In order to provide for their defence,
they said it must be placed in those who were the most deeply
interested in its success. The state was unable, or unwilling to
defend them effectually; and the mode of defence, which was
unequal to their protection, might be ruinous to their liberties.
Military societies were renewed, and their spirit became univer
sal. They declared that they were designed for the double
purpose of defending their safety against foreign enemies, and
their rights against domestic injustice. They affirmed that
they were loyal to the king, and affectionate to Britain; but
that it was with the loyalty and affection consistent with their
own liberty and prosperity. In every part of the kingdom were
seen to arise, as it were by magic, vast bodies of citizens serv
ing at their own charges, choosing their own officers, who had ,
been trained to great expertness, and obeying with exemplary
regularity and steadiness. No nobleman or gentleman could
show his face in the country, who did not fall in (which they
did generally, and for the most part cheerfully) with the preva
lent disposition of the inferior and middling classes of their couu-
trymen. After having provided for their defence against fo
reign enemies,1 the Irish began to.fook towards their rights, or
claims of rights, and in general declared the authority of the
British parliament over them to be a flagrant usurpation. This
state of things was not the work of a party, or of any particu
lar set of men, but was produced and upheld by every rank,
*• See Annual Register, 1780.

622 CHAP. XXIV.

1779.

LordNorth's plan for
grantingthem sa
tisfaction

HISTORY OF THE
class and denomination of people. A free and uhlimited com
merce with the whole world was the first, the great, and gene-
' ral object of redress, for which no compensation could be ad
mitted, and without which no other concessions or advantages,
however great and beneficial, could afford satisfaction. This was
the sine qua non, from which there was no departure. Such was
the state of affairs in Ireland; and during the. recess of the
British parliament, the Irish lawgivers showed themselves in
spired with the spirit of the nation. They declared in their ad
dresses to the throne, that nothing less than a free and unlimit
ed trade could save the country from ruin. From these facts
opposition in both houses endeavoured to prove, that the de
plorable and alarming condition of Ireland arose from the mis
conduct of ministers, in not having adopted measures for its re
lief; and made motions charging them with criminal negligence
respecting the sister kingdom. This accusation was powerfully
supported by lord Shelburne and Mr. Fox, in their respective
houses ; ministers, without attempting to refute the statements,
made a very able defence of their own conduct They strong
ly contended that the condition of Ireland was owing to causes
over which they had no control. In this part of the defence,
the forcible and well directed understanding of Mr. Dundas
was employed in vindicating administration ; and exhibited a
clear and masterly view of the defective system of our commer
cial policy respecting Ireland, in which her miseries originated
many years before the appointment of the present ministers,
and before the present reign. The restrictions imposed in the
general system of our trade laws were conceived in prejudice,
and founded in ignorance and impolicy ; but the prejudices
were so strengthened by time, and confirmed by the habits of a
century, that they appeared at length to have become a part of
our very constitution, which affected members of parliament as
well as all ranks of the people: and thence the attempt made
in the two preceding sessions lo obtain only a moderate relax
ation, met with the most determined opposition. The few who
undertook the invidious task, finding themselves obliged to en
counter prejudice without, as well as petitions and pleadings at
the bar, were at length overborne by numbers. Distresses, whicli
arose from the frame of our commercial' policy, and the errors of
public opinion, it was illiberal and unjust to impute to the ser
vants of the executive government. From the charge of negli
gence, in not having formed a plan of relief during the recess, lord
North himself undertook the defence of ministry. Notwithstand
ing the multiplicity of other affairs in which they were occupied,
they had actually bestowed much time and attention in collect
ing information, and forming a plan for the relief of Ireland;
in a week, however, he should be ready to bring forward pro
positions for that purpose. Accordingly, on the 13th of De
cember, he opened his scheme, and proposed; first, to repeal
the laws which prohibited the exportation of Irish woollen ma-

REIGN QF GEORGE HI. 623
ntifactures from Ireland to any part of Europe ; secondly, that CHAP.
so much of the act of the 19th George II. as prohibits the im- xx,v-
portation of glass into Ireland, except of British manufacture, or v"^>^>*'
to export glass from that kingdom, should be repealed ; and, I779-
thirdly, that Ireland should be suffered to carry on a trade of ex
port and import to and from the British colonies in America and
the West Indies, and her settlements on the coast of Africa, sub
ject to such limitations, regulations, restrictions, and duties, as
the parliament of Ireland should impose. The system of the
minister was received with great satisfaction, and even applause,
by opposition;
His introductory speech, with very great ability, • accurate
and extensive knowledge, exhibited a view of the state of Ire
land and its causes, the necessity of amending its condition,
and the principles which he proposed to apply as most condu
cive to the purpose. Bills founded on the two first propositions Bills pass-
were accordingly introduced, passed both houses without any ed *"or that
contest, and received the royal assent before the recess. The PurP° e-
third, more complex in its nature, and requiring a great variety
of investigation, was postponed till after the holidays ; not
only that time might be afforded for discussion, but that it
might be known how the new measures affected the Irish. It
passed in the1 month of February, 1780. These acts, imparting 1780.
in so great a degree the benefit of a free trade, were received
with rapturous gratitude by the warm hearts of the generous
Irish. Instead of being dictated by colleagues of more impe
rious dispositions and narrower capacities, this wise and liberal
plan resulted from lord North's own heart arid understanding ;
and, by restoring harmony in disputes between branches of the
'same community, demonstrated that conciliation is much sound
er policy than coercion.
Among the various subjects of animadversion on the conduct
of ministry, the waste of public money this session occupied
more than even its usual attention. Provision for the national
service originates in the representatives of the people; an
inquiry, however, into the application of the sums that have
been voted, is certainly not foreign to the lords, who are a
branch of the legislature ; and consist of so great proprietors,
proportionably affected by increase of impost: accordingly,
peers in opposition took a very active share in endeavouring to Motions in
scrutinize expenditure, and lessen profusion. The duke of tjje house
Richmond and lord Shelburne charged ministers with the great- of peers
est prodigality, and respectively made motions of inquiry, in- by the
tended to be prefatory to others which should embrace the "V,5 of ,
whole circle of expenditure. The duke of Richmond laid down,a^d ™°"
as the basis of the proposed scrutiny, a few strong and com- shel-
prehensive propositions; that by the infatuation of govern-' burne, re-
ment, we were engaged in wars which necessarily demanded specting J
immense sums of money; that ministers ought, by the most v^PJ? u"
rigid possible economy, to moderate enormous eyils of their pubUc mo
ney.

624 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, own creation ; so far were they from exercising the frugality
XXIV. incumbent on all managers of the public money, but more
v"^"v"^»' especially on those to whose folly and misconduct the cost
1780. was owjng> that unbounded prodigality was evident in the civil
list, the 'army, the navy, and the ordnance, the four great
sources of national expense; the people groaned under the
burthens imposed on them for a supply to ministerial profusion :
our chief rival was, under her skilful and upright financier,
contracting her expenditure, while we, under our incapable
and corrupt stewards, were increasing ours beyond all prece
dents of history, and all possibility of longer endurance.1
From these grounds inferring that either economy or ruin was
the alternative, he proposed to commence the reform with the
reduction of the civil list, and movedan address to his majes
ty, praying him toy set the example ; representing, that from
relieving the miseries of a distressed people, his crown would
derive a lustre superior to any which could arise from external
splendour; and that even after the requested curtailment,
sufficient means would be left for every rational and beneficial
purpose of regal magnificence. Ministerial peers admitted
that there had been some want of frugality during the present
administration; but whatever system of economy might be
adopted, it should not begin with the . crown, the splendour of
which should be maintained, as including all the dignity and
honour of the empire. It would be inconsistent and unjust in
parliament to withdraw from the king that which had been
unanimously granted. Lord Thurlow, with his masculine force
of understanding, and acuteness of professional habits, encoun
tered the motion more closely than any of the other peers.
The proposition was founded on the alleged distresses of the '
people ; the fact had not been established, it rested merely on
his grace's assertion ; if the miseries did exist, and did arise
from public prodigality, the department in which it prevailed
ought to be specified, and the alleged, extravagance proved,
that the remedy might be applied to the actual evil : were
the cure to be an application of the civil list, the motion pro
posing merely a reduction, without specifying its extent, was
vague and nugatory; it was impossible to understand its exact
import; the house could not vote for an indefinite requisition.
These arguments prevailed, and the motion was rejected by
a majority of seventy-seven to thirty-six. Proceeding on the
same general principle, the earl of Shelburne proposed to
inquire into the extraordinaries of the army ; he took an his
torical view of the sums expended under that head, of the
armies supported, victories and advantages obtained, from the
beginning of king William's war to the peace of Paris, and
demonstrated that the sums charged in the accounts of 1779,
1 See Parliamentary Debates for 1780, duke of Richmond's motion foj
economical reform.

REIGN OF GEORGE HL 625
Were one million more upon that article than in any year of CHAP.
our former wars. After a detail illustrating ministerial prodi- XX1V-
gality, he moved a resolution, that the alarming addition annu- <^~*r>-*
ally made under the, head of extraordinarieS, required iinmedi- 1780.
ate check and control; but the motion was negatived by a
considerable majority.
The issue of these propositions for reducing the national ex
penditure, caused very great discontents in various parts of
England. The enormous expense of our establishments, from
the war, and from waste, began to be severely felt in the na
tion, and awakened the attention of the metropolis, and the dif
ferent counties. Yorkshire and London, the chief districts of Petitions
landed and moneyed property, took the lead in expressing fvmYor^
alarm, petitioned parliament, and were followed by other cor- London
porations. The petition of the county of York, comprehen- '
sive in its object, explicit in its avowals, strong though temper
ate in its language, constitutional in its principles, exact and cir
cumstantial in its detail, was the model on which other appli
cations were formed. The nation, it set forth, had for several
years been engaged in a very expensive and unfortunate war.
Manyof our valuable colonies had declared themselves independ
ent, and formed a strict confederacy with our most inveterate ene
mies ; the consequence of these combined misfortunes was a
large addition to the national debt, a heavy accumulation of tax
es, witha rapid decline of the(trade, manufactures, and land rents
of 'the kingdom. Alarmed at the diminished resources and
growing burthens of the country, and convinced that rigid fru
gality was now necessary for the salvation of the state, they ob
served with grief, that many individuals enjoyed sinecure places
with exorbitant emoluments, and pensions unmerited by pub
lic service. They conceived the true end of every legitimate
government to be the Welfare of the community, and that the
British constitution, which seeks the public good, peculiarly in
trusts the national purse to the house of commons ; and repre
sented, that until effectual measures were taken to redress these
grievances, by suppressing useless donatives, and preventing
unnecessary and extravagant largesses, the grant of any addi- ,
tional sum of money, beyond the produce of the present taxes,
would be injurious to the rights and property of the people,
and derogatory froUi the honour and dignity of parliament.
This petition was introduced by sir George Saville, the disin
terested and patriotic member of that great, industrious, and
opulent county. With much good sense, plain and perspicu
ous reasoning, he supported the representation, and urged the
necessity of giving it a favourable attention. Ministers did not
object to the propriety of receiving this address; but, by post
poning the consideration of its complaints, they eventually de
feated its purpose.
These discussions concerning public expenditure were pre-
ludes to the celebrated plan of economical reform which was
Vol. I. 79

626 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, introduced this session by Mr. Edmund Burke. Before the re-
XXIV. cess> ting philosophical orator delivered a speech in which he
s— r^°w/ exhibited the action and re-action of public profusion and cor-
lfr8°- rapt influence ; reviewed the present expenses and general es-
under- tablishments ; stated principles, and expounded details, in or-
takes the der to ascertain utility. He intimated that soon after the holi-
cause of days, he would bring forward a plan for the reduction of pub-
public lie expenditure. Able men of all parties, knowing the immense'
economy. gragp 0f the author's capacity, the extent and compass of his
legislative views, the fulness' and accuracy of his knowledge;
the variety and novelty of his illustrations, waited with anxious
expectation for the performance of his promise ; ministers and
their friends, anticipated statements affltt arguments which they
would not receive with conviction, at least with pleasure and
approbation : nevertheless, they assured themselves of philoso
phy, eloquence, and poetic imagery, which would fill them with
delight and astonishment. The 11th of February, 1780, Mr.
Burke presented his plan, comprehending two objects, the re
duction of expense, and the better security of the independence
Celebra*. 0f parliament. His introduction stated the difficulties- which
*ef m ^e must encounter in conducting a plan of reform lessening pri
vate emolument; by which it was proposed to sacrifice indivi
dual gain from donative, to general good in the retrenchment of
unnecessary cost. In such a case private feeling was to be
overborne by legislative reason ; a man of long sighted and
strong nerved humanity, would consider, not so much from
whom he took a superfluous enjoyment, as for whom he might
preserve the absolute necessaries of life. He laid down the
following general principles, as the basis on which he was de-*
termined to raise his superstructure of reform : that all esta
blishments, which furnish more matter of expense, more tempt
ation to oppression, or more means and instruments of corrupt
influence, than advantages to justice or political administration,
ought to be abolished : -these rules he applied to certain institu
tions, public estates, offices, and modes of disbursement, and
proved, by accurate documents and conclusive arguments, that
the inferior jurisdictions answered no purpose which might not
be better effected by the supreme character of the sovereign.
He proposed, therefore, that the principality of Wales, the
county palatine of Chester, the duchy, and county- palatine of
Lancaster, and the duchy of Cornwall, should be united to the
crown ; and that offices now annexed to these separate jurisdic
tions, being sources of useless expense, and means of corrupt in
fluence, should be abolished. His chief attention was bestow- .
ed pn the household : he proposed to abolish the offices of trea
surer, comptroller, cofferer, and master of the household ; the
wardrobe and jewel offices, the board of works, and a great
part of the civil branch of the board of ordnance ; subordinate
treasuries, the pay offices of the army and navy, and the office
of the paymaster of the pensions. These payments, he de-

REIGN OF GEORGE IH. 627
signed rn future to be made by the exchequer, and the great pa- CHAP.
tent officers of the exchequer reduced to fixed salaries, as the XXIV-
present lives and reversions should successively fall. A great *^*~>*
number of inferior places, too inconsiderable for historical par- 17m
ticularization, were also to be abolished by the plan of Mr.
Burke. He proposed to suppress the new office of third secre
tary of state, as totally unnecessary; also to limit pensions to
sixty thousand pounds a year, but without interfering with pre
sent holders; and concluded his plan of reduction, by recom
mending the entire annihilation of the board of trade, as an
office totally useless, answering none of its avowed purposes,
merely providing eight members for parliament, and thereby re
taining their services. To his scheme of reform, he subjoined
a system of arrangement, which he conceived would effectually
prevent all future prodigality of the civil list. In order to
facilitate this regulation, he proposed to establish a fixed and
invariable order in payments, to divide liquidations into nine
classes,1 ranked respectively according to the importance and
jastice of the demand, or to the inability of the persons enti
tled to enforce their pretensions. Such are the outlines of Mr.
Burke's scheme for economical reform, wherein an impar
tial examiner must admit the justness and comprehensive
ness of the general principles, of political economy, also the ac
curacy of his details of office, and acknowledge that considera
ble saving would accrue to the nation from the adoption of the
plan. The utility of economy, however, would have been
much greater to. infinitely more momentous departments of pub
lic expense, than any within the civil list — to the ordnance, the
navy, and the army. It is probable, that if Mr. Burke had suc
ceeded in his first project of reform, lie afterwards would have
carried his efforts to the largest sources of expense : all parties
joined in bestowing the highest applause on the depth of his
financial philosophy, and the profound research and acute discri
mination wbjph appeared in every part of his scheme ; but, when
the principles came to be applied to the particular plans of re
form, ministers did not accede. Burke grounded upon his sys
tem five bills, which, after much discussion, were at length se
verally rejected.
While Mr. Burke was engaged in recommending public
economy, Mr. Dunning was actively employed in attempting to
remedy an evil which he deduced' from public profusion. Peti
tions, both numerous and strong, were presented, deprecating
the prevalent abuses, and especially the waste of public money.

1 1st, the judges ; 2dly, ambassadors ; 3dly, tradesmen to the crown j
4thly, domestic servants, and all persons with salaries not above two hun
dred a year; 5thly, pensioners from the privy purse j 6thly, holders of sa
laries above two hundred a year ; 7thly, the whole pension list ; 8thly,
holders of offices of honour about the king ; 9thly, the lords of the trea
sury and chancellor qf the exchequer.

628 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP. The principle1 of the several applications was the same ; that
XXIV. flje natjonai revenue ought to be solely employed for promoting
^^~v^s-^ the national benefit: that every shilling which was otherwise
1780. expended, was injustice to the people ; and that a great por
tion of the prodigality was occupied in extending the authority
of the crown and propping the power of ministers, which they
never could support by wisdom and virtue. On the 6th of
April the petitions were discussed, and a memorable debate en
sued, in which Mr. Dunning took the lead in favour of the ap
plicants : he exhibited in a connected series, the history and
philosophy of constitutional law ; the measures and causes
which endangered our rights and liberties in former times ; pre
sented a glowing picture of the conduct of ministers ; and
endeavoured to prove that it had a similar tendency to the
counsels which had produced so much mischief under the house
of Stuart. From a very extensive, accurate, and interesting de
tail, in a series of acute and powerful reasoning, he drew the
Motion re- following conclusion : "that the influence of the crown has in
specting « creased, is increasing, and ought to be diminished ;" and pro-
"" posed this allegation as a resolution to be voted "by the house.
influence Sueh a proposition summoned the chief ability and eloquence of
of-the the house in efforts of either attack or defence. So strongly
crown. did Dunning and his coadjutors impress many of the country
gentlemen, that they joined opposition ; and to the consterna
tion of ministers, and the surprise of their opponents, the motion
was successful. Lord North in a few days recovered his won
ted majority ; but opposition, elated with their late success, and
the circumstances from which it proceeded, trusting they would
be ultimately victorious, redoubled their exertions'. The peti
tions were the subject of repeated controversies ; in one of
which,3 Mr. William Adam, a young member of high promise,
exhibited a very masterly view of the dangers which accrue
from agitating the multitude to an active interference in the go
vernment of the country. This gentleman, son of the eldest of
the four celebrated brothers, was a native of Scotland, and edu
cated at Edinburgh, at the time that university, headed by Ro
bertson and supported by Blair and Fergusson, was at the ze
nith of literary glory. From Fergusson his sound and vigorous
understanding imbibed the justest principles of ethics and of
politics, and was taught to cherish and respect mingled liberty
and order. His friend and relation, Robertson, instructed him,
while he valued the rights of the people, to prize also the con
stitutional prerogatives of the crown. On the basis of philoso-
phy, he raised the superstructure of history and of law; and so
founded and prepared, he procured a seat in parliament. Mr.
> See petitions for York, London, Westminster, and other places, in
spring 1780.
¦*¦* On a motion of Mr. Dunning, April 24th, for an address to his majesty,
¦deprecating the sudden dissolution or prorogation of parliament.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 629
Adam drew a striking picture bf the progress from popular agi- CHAP.
tation to revolution and anarchy in the'days of Charles I., and XXIV-
allowed that the opponents of the court began from justifiable *^~>r>**
and noble motives ; he marked the movements of so formidable 178°*
an engine as the multitude, and followed its progress until its
rapidity and force, becoming totally ungovernable, crushed the
constitution. The genius of Mr. Fox gave a different interpre
tation to the same period of history, and ascribed the fate of
Charles, and the calamities of his country, to the weak obsti
nacy of the king, who, by refusing, in the early part of his reign,
to gratify the reasonable wishes of his people, provoked them
to a resistance, which brought destruction on himself. , The
efforts of opposition, great as they were, did not, in the present
session, recover the majority of the 6th of April.
A bill was proposed for excluding contractors from parlia
ment, and by ministers suffered to pass the house of commons
with little opposition, probably from either a foreknowledge
or predestination of its rejection by the other house. On the ge
neral ground of diminishing the influence of the crown, a bill was
introduced for preventing revenue officers from voting at elec
tions, but rejected by a small majority. On the 23d of March,
lord North informed the commons, that the East India company
not having made such proposals for the renewal of their charter
as he deemed satisfactory, he should move the house for the
speaker to give them the three years notice ordained by act of
parliament, previous to the dissolution of their monopoly ; that
the capital stock or debt of 4,200,0001. which the public owed
to the company, should be fully paid on the 25th of April, 1783,
agreeably to the power of redemption included in the same act.
Mr. Fox inveighed against this measure of the minister as tend
ing to deprive us of our India possessions, as he had lost us
America. Lord North answered, that he intended nothing more
than to prefer a legal claim, in behalf of the public, to the re
version of an undoubted right. The proposed notice did not
preclude any propositions which might hereafter be made by
the company, and did not restrain parliament from accepting
any offers which it approved ; it merely intended to prevent a
year of the public right to the reversion of the company's trade
from slipping away without compensation. The company, as it
was now established, was certainly the best medium for drawing
home the revenues from the Indies ; but if they were either so
unreasonable or imprudent as not to offer a fair bargain to the
public, a new corporation might be formed, and effectual measures
adopted to prevent or remedy the threatened evils. These rep
resentations of lord North were so reasonable, that his adversa
ries suffered him to carry his motion without a division.
On the 5th of May, general Conway proposed ' a plan of
conciliation with America, by removing all their just com
plaints, without acknowledging their independence. It was
opposed by ministers, as degrading and ineffectual; and was

630 REIGN OF GEORGE III.
CHAP, faintly Supported by the chief men of opposition, who thought
XXIV- it totally inadequate to its object. Repeated motions were
v**rv"^'' made in both houses, for inquiring into the army extraordinaries
17W- and different articles of public expenditure ; but they were all
negatived. Propositions were also offered for the removal of
Increasing ministers, but met with the same fate. Associations continued
spirit«f as- to be formed both in London and other parts of England, the ob-
sociation. ject of which was reform of abuses, with a change of measures
and of men.
incident While so many, both within and without parliament, dis-
which played enmity to ministers, proceedings took place which
JS^'trij^ damped the spirit of association, suspended all opposition, and
™ 'produced unanimity in both legislative assemblies, in every
enlightened well-wisher to his king and country, to whatever
sect or denomination he might belong. Legislature, finding
the populace of Scotland so much averse to the relief of the
Roman catholics, had not extended their system of tolerance
Extends to that country. The successful resistance of the Scottish
from Scot- zealots encouraged fanatics in England to expect that, by ef-
E 1 °d forts equally vigorous, they might procure the repeal, on this
• ' ^ide of the Tweed, of the laws which had been prevented on
the other. A protestant society was formed in England, con
sisting of members of nearly the same rank and character
which composed the association df Scotland ; persons who,
though many of them were well-meaning friends to the pro-
jtootestant testant religion, were generally uninformed men, and estimated
society, popery -by its former, not its modern state ; and who were for
applying towards papists that intolerant spirit which con
stituted one of the worst qualities of popery during the ages of
ignorant credulity and clerical usurpation. The members of
this protestant club had met, - and declaimed, and wrote, and
advertised, during the whole winter, but attracted the at
tention of neither ministers nor opposition. Had these humble
associators been left to themselves, their fanaticism might have
evaporated in harmless vanity, gratified by the distinction
which its lowly votaries acquired from seeing their names
in print, as members of committees for watching over the in
terests of religion ; but the interference of a nobleman in
their meetings and resolutions, gave a very different determina-
Lord- ti0p to their conduct. Lord George Gordon, younger brother
Gordon °^an '¦•¦"¦'trious family, was a youth of ingenuity and volatile
becomes tancy.but little guided by prudence and sound judgment: wild
an enthu- and chimerical in his notions, ungovernable in his passions, and
siast excessive in dissipation, he was peculiarly marked by ec-
aSiunst centricity of conduct. To such a character the extravagance
popery* 0f fanatical theology was no less adapted than any other
fanciful hypothesis to dazzle his imagination, or impassioned
enthusiasm to inflame his heart. He was, besides, fond of
distinction ; in the house of commons his lively and desultory
sarcasms afibrded relief to serious debate, but he was by no

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 631
means qualified for attaining eminence as a British senator. CHap.
Emulous rather than ambitious, if he acquired notoriety, he XXIV.
little regarded either the means or the objects. In Scotland he l»^"v"W
had taken an active share in the violence of the former year, i780'
and had corresponded with the most noted of the fanatical
demagogues. In England, he intimated to the protestant club
his theological sympathy: and proud of a titled associate,
these persons complimented him with an offer of the president's
chair. Behold lord George Gordon now the chief bulwark ofandpresi-
the protestant faith against the approaches of antichrist ! Hedentoftlle
entered the more eagerly into the views of those reforming ^j^y*1*
saints, because he saw they confined themselves to theological
theory, without scrupulously inquiring into moral practice; and
that if he displayed an ardent zeal against popery, the presi
dent of the protestant association might pursue his former
course of life with as little restraint as before his conversion.*
His dress, however, and outward deportment, were formed en
tirely on the puritanical model : With a fanatical populace he
passed for a primitive saint, ahd possessed an influence com
pounded ef the effects of his exalted rank, sanctimonious ap
pearance, and anti-popish zeal. These causes combining with
the natural and habitual wildness of his irregular mind, pro- :
duced in the end of May propositions of a most inflammatory
nature, which were speedily adopted as resolutions by the so
ciety. On Monday the 29th of May, a meeting was held at
coach-makers' hall, fjo consider the mode of presenting to the
house of commons a petition against popery. In a most furious Petition to
speech,, lord George endeavoured to persuade his hearers of parlia-
the rapid and alarming progress of the Romish doctrines; de- |?ent for .
glared that the only way to obstruct their progress, was by ap- of^the'tol-
proaching parliament with a firm and resolute tone, and de- erant law.
monstrating to their representatives that they were determined
to preserve their religious freedom with their lives. He would
himself run all hazards with the people, when their conscience
and their.country called them forth : he was not a lukewarm
man : if they meant to spend their time in mock debate and
idle opposition, they must choose another leader. A speech so
perfectly coincident with the passions and prepossessions of its
hearers, was received with the loudest applause. The presi
dent moved a resolution, that the whole protestant association
should, on the following Friday, meet in St. George's Fields,
at ten o'clock,, and thence proceed to the house of commons.
They were to advance in four divisions, the protestants of the
city of London occupying the right wing, were to file off to

1 Mr. Wilkes, who had often been the companion of lord George's noc
turnal adventures, applied to him, after his regeneration, part of a latin epi
taph on Fleetwood Shepherd, another very zealous religionist of similar
habits and propensities : Nulla meretrix dispUcuit, prater Babylonicam!— Ex
cept the harlot of Babylon, he -was a friend to the iiinek sisterhood.

632

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP. XXIV. 1780.

A mob
surroundsparliament.

Firm and
manly con
duct of the
legisla
ture.

Dreadful
riots in
London.

London-bridge, and to march through the city; those of
Southwark in the centre, were to take the route of Blackfri-
ars; the left wing belonging to* Westminster wheeling to the
left, were to cross Westminster-bridge, followed by the presby-
terians from Scotland, who were to cover the rear. The friends
of the reformed religion were to ascertain their attachment to
the faith;by blue cockades, bearing the Inscription JVfo popery.
These resolutions and dispositions might have alarmed men,
who considered the powerful operatien of .religious fury, and
the dreadful effects which it has. so often produced ; but mi
nisters appeared to, apprehend, no -danger, and actually, in
the intervening days, adqpted no measures for preventing
tumult. On Friday, the second of June, at the hour appointed, about
fifty thousand; persons met in the fields, and thence ^proceeded
in the prescribed order to the house of commons ; having arrived
at the avenues to both houses of parliament, they insulted ma
ny of the members who were proceeding to discharge their
senatorial duty. Lord Georgfe,repeatedly came from the place
which he held as a senator, and harangued the populacg^exhort-
ing them to persevere in urging their application, so as to
threaten the violation of a senator's privilege. Several, mem
bers expostulated with him on the outrages whicli his conduct
was likely to produce.1 The petition Jieing presented, was,
after very little debate, rejected by a majority of one hundred
and ninety-two to six. In the evening, a mob burned the Ro
mish chapels belonging to the Sardinian and Bavarian ambassa
dors. On Saturday, the riots partly subsided. Sunday, the
zealots again assembled to disturab the tranquillity of their fel-
loW-subjects, to violate law, order, and justice. Directing their
outrages against Moorfields, where there were Many catholics,
they destroyed dwelling houses and chapels. On Monday, the
rioters again* assembled," and were joined by a multitude of
those profligate and disorderly wretches, whom folly and vice,
in the luxuries of a large and opulent city, impel to supply by
depredation the want of industry and virtue. Lawless atrocity
being now united to religious frenzy, produced more extensive

¦ Lord George still exhorted the mob to persist, and many feared that the
banditti would break into the house ; whereupon a gallant veteran, belong
ing to, as noble a family as lord George himself, and a member of parliament,
puttjng his hand upon his sword, said, " Lord George, if one man of your
lawless followers enter our house, I shall consider rebellion as begun, and
plunge my sword into you as its leader and promoter." This resolute
speech restrained the violence of Gordon, and is supposed to have contri
buted powerfully to save the house from such audacious intrusion.*
* Of this fact I was informed many years ago, by a gentleman who was
present ; and often have heard it repeated by others. The officer was ge
neral James Murray, uncle to the duke of Athol.

REIGN OP GEORGE IU. 633
and pernicious operations. They burnt the houses of protest- CHAP.
ants as well as catholics, and added plunder to conflagration. XXIV-
A proclamation was issued, offering a reward of 5001. for the ^~*~**
discovery of the incendiaries, who, the first evening of the tu- 1780.
mults, had set fire.to the chapels of the ambassadors. Persons .
charged with this crime were sent to Newgate, escorted by a
party of guards ; and the soldiers Were insulted and abused by
the insurgents for performing their duty. On Tuesday, all the
troops in town were distributed to assist the civil powers in pro
tecting the lives and properties of their fellow-subjects, against
the frantic outrages of temporary insanity, joined to the skilful
and dexterous wickedness of habitual depravity. But the pre
cautions of ministers had been neither proportionate to the dan
ger, nor adopted at the season when the first appearance of
tumult called for vigilance and vigour. The military force was
on that day inadequate to its purposes, robbery and destruction
rapidly increased. After burning many private houses, the in- Numerous
surgents. proceeded to Newgate, set that building on fire, and conflagra-
by releasing the prisoners, acquired a re-enforcement of three 10DS'
hundred ruffians, eager to promote, and ready to execute, their
projects of desperate villany. Instigated and assisted by this
new band, they directed their attempts against the magistrates
who were most active in apprehending felons and repressing
crimes, and with peculiar exultation they destroyed the house
and effects of sir John Fielding. Resolved to attack justice in
every department, they proceeded from her operative instru
ment to her supreme and wisest interpreter, and most vigilant
guardian. Hastening to Bloomsbury-square, they attacked the
house of the illustrious Mansfield, plundered and destroyed the*
valuable furniture, the constituents of accommodation and or
nament ; pictures, statues, and sculpture, the monuments of the
attic elegance and taste which decorated genius and philoso
phy : but they effected a more momentous and irreparable mis
chief; proceeding to the library, they destroyed not only the
books, but the manuscripts. The efforts of the highest talents,
directed to the most important objects, with complete and com
prehensive knowledge of the science of jurisprudence, the laws
of this country, the details of cases varying so, greatly in the
manifold and complicated engagements of social, civil, and com
mercial life, in a great, powerful, and free people ; the judicial
and legislative wisdom of sixty years fell a sacrifice to the ruffian
violence of an hour. When the yell of savage fury was heard
approaching, lor3 Mansfield and his lady escaped by a postern,
sought and found an asylum from royal hospitality.1 On
' They parsed the two following days at Buckingham-house ; where the
sage, after so recent a view of the dreadful effects of unrestrained passion
and triumphant vice, entertained his queen with reciting from the instruc
tive inculcations, elegant composition, and impressive eloquence of Blair,
the charms of wisdom and the happiness of virtue.
Vol. I. 80

634

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP.XXIV.

1780.
Tremen dous as-

metropo- !is.
Prisons broken
open..

Wednesday, proceeding to Holborn, they set fire to two houses
belonging to Mr. Langdale, an eminent distiller, which contain
ed immense quantities of spirituous liquors : here the conflagra
tion was terrible. Different gangs now undertook and effected
the demolition of the several prisons. AU trade was at a stand,
pectofthe houses and shops were shut, dread and consternation over-
burning spread the Whole city. Wednesday evening, when drawing to a
close, presented a scene the most tremendous and dismal, ap
parently portending the speedy downfall of the British metro
polis, and the overthrow of the British government. At the
same instant Were seen, flames ascending and rolling in clouds
from the king's bench and fleet prisons, new bridewell, the toll
gates on Blackfriar's-bridge, houses in every quarter of the town,
and especially the combustion of distilled spirits in Holborn.
The approaching night was expected to bring destruction and
desolation, and thirty fires were now seen blazing at one time
in different quarters of the city ; men and women were running
from place to place, trying to secure their most valued effects,
and to deposit in safety their helpless children. Now was heard
the fell roar of savage ferocity, now the reports of musketry,
endeavouring by the last resource of necessity, to repress re
bellious fury, but hitherto with little effect ; and every thing
appeared to menace universal anarchy and devastation. At
tempts were made on the repositories of national treasure. A
banditti of rioters made an effort to break into the pay office,
The bank while the main body directed their attempt against the bank, and
threaten- a powerful detachment was sent off to co-operate with the in-
Attemnt eeH*ar'es, by cutting the pipes of the new river. But now the
to cut career of infatuation and anarchy was destined to have an end.
the pipes The ministers were certainly too tardy in collecting the
of the new armed force of the country, and thus suffered the insurgents to
river. incur heinous guilt, and perpetrate irremediable and immense
mischief. The chief municipal magistrate, overwhelmed with
the same terror that had seized the rest of the inhabitants,
brought no active or efficient civil force to assist the military,
Though ministers were tardy, yet they were at length by ne
cessity roused to vigour and energy. They assembled the
militia and regulars in sufficient time to preserve the capital
from conflagration, and the kingdom from ruin. Until Wednes
day evening the insurgents had been paramount, and the sol
diers unable to oppose their outrages ; but they were now as
sembled in such numbers and inspirited with such resolution, as
effectually to resist, and afterwards to overpower the depreda
tors and anarchists. The three preceding days and nights had
been to the incendiaries seasons of unresisted victory: this
was a night of contest The troops at length prevailed. The
numbers killed ift this conflict were considerable : many indeed
Prove vie- jje(j 0f inebriation, especially at the distillery of the unfortu-
onous. na^e j^ Latlg(jale) from whose vessel's the liquor ran down the
middle of the street, was taken up by pail fulls, and held to the

Mifitaryre-enforce
ments ar*
rive ;

and at
length

REIGN OF GEORGE IU. 635
»iouths of the deluded multitude. The soldiers had been so sac- CHAP.
cessful during the night, and received such re-enforcements, that XXI v-
on Thursday the inhabitants began to recover from their eonster- *^"v"^»'
nation. The riots, however, being by no means quelled, the i78(>-
shops continued universally shut, and no business was transact
ed but at the bank. During this day, the soldiers were so active, Insurrec-
that the insurgents were dispersed, and did not attempt to rally ti°n crush-
at night 5 the following day London appeared restored to order ^J,*'^
and tranquillity, lord George Gordon being apprehended by a ty r^0T^
warrant from the secretary of state, and committed to the Tow- ed.
er. Thus ended the tumult of 1780.
In retracing this tremendous insurrection, this horrible car
nage and devastation, through the several causes, more or less
proximate, to the ultimate ; from military execution to rebel
lious outrage; English protestant association, springing from
Scottish association ; we find that the series originated in the
well meant, but misguided zeal of a few Scottish clergymen,
who, contrary to the advice of the ablest and wisest men of
their order, agitated the subject in the general assembly, and
thereby excited a ferment through the people. So cautiously
ought men to investigate and appreciate objects, and to consider
consequences before they set in motion such a formidable en
gine as popular enthusiasm. Issuing from impassioned fana
ticism, this insurrection began, most fortunately for the country,
without any concerted plan. Had the bank and the public of
fices been the first objects of tumultuous fury, instead of the
houses of individuals, the chapels and the prisons, there can be
little doubt that they would have succeeded in their attempt.
To the lord-mayor, government and many others Imputed the Loud corn-
progress of the riots to such a pitch of atrocity* Very strong plaints
and pointed representations from the secretary of state urged ?Sa!nstt,le
him to use every legal exertion. These not having produced 0°' "ma5r*
the desired effect, were necessarily repeated in the form of re-
monstrances. It was alleged, on the other hand, in defence of
the magistrate, that the provision of military force in the en
virons of London was so little adequate to the exigency of the
case, as to render every effort of civil power unavailing. To
this -defence it was replied, that the inefficiency of the civil
power could not be certainly pronounced, as it was not actually
tried ; and that since the soldiers by themselves prevented the
utter destruction of the capital, until the arrival of sufficient
troops from the country, if they had been assisted by the muni
cipal force, they might have much sooner repressed the insur
gents, and prevented a great part of the mischief. Neither duty,
nor policy, it was said, can justify the commander of a consi
derable force, in the moment of threatened ruin to 'his country,
to withhold his efforts, on a supposition that they may not ulti
mately prevail. Both wisdom and patriotism dictate resistance,
as the only means of success against the invaders of our law, t
liberty, and property.

636

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP. XXIV.

1780.

Parlia ment re
sumes its
functions.

The effects produced by the riots on the public mind, are not
undeserving ofhistorical notice. Before this period, an English
mob was generally considered as a test of the public opinion, an
effusion of popular energy ; military interference was reckpned
dangerous, if not altogether unconstitutional. This seemed to
be the opinion of the duke of Newcastle, when he kept a mob in
pay, ready trained and disciplined, to support the recent acces
sion of the house of Hanover, and to suppress tory tumults; a
mode of conduct which had a more successful, or at least a more
popular effect, than recourseto military force. But this conduct
of the mob of 1780, destroyed the credit and consequence of such
a body; and the disturbance has been, upon the whole, deemed
fortunate for the internal peace of the country, as it has taught
government to oppose the smallest beginnings of riot or1 popular
commotion. On the 6th day of June, during the insurrection, above two
hundred members of the house of commons had the courage to
attend their duty, in spite of the banditti that occupied every
avenue to the senate. They forced their way through the mob,
and having taken their places in the house, unanimously passed
spirited resolutions, becoming the dignity of legislators who
disdained to succumb to lawless outragi*. The first was an as
sertion of their own privileges ; the. second, a motion for a com
mittee to inquire into the late and present outrages, and for the
discovery of their authors, promoters, and abettors ; the third,
for a prosecution by the attorney-general; and the fourth, an
address to his majesty, for the reimbursement' of the foreign
ministers, to the amount of the damages which they had sus
tained by the rioters. They afterwards met on the 8th, but
judged it expedient to adjourn toy the 19th, that order might be
completely restored ; and the house of lords adjourned to the
same day. At their next meeting, his majesty was pleased to
come to parliament, in order to exhibit to the legislature a gene
ral view of the measures which had been employed during the re
cent suspension of regular government. " The' outrSges,'' said
the king, "-committed by the hands of desperate and abandoned
"men in various parts of this metropolis, having broke forth
" with violence into acts of felony and treason, had so far
" overborne all civil authority, and threatened so directly the
" immediate subversion of all legal power, the destruction of
"all property, and the confusion of every order in the state,
" that I found myself obliged, by every tie of duty and aftec-
"tion to my people, to suppress in every part those rebellious
"insurrections, and to provide for the public safety by the most
" effectual and immediate application of the force intrusted to
"me by parliament. Though I trust it is not necessary, yet I
" think it right at this time to renew to you my solemn assur
ances, that I have no other object but to make the laws of
"the realm, and the principles of our excellent constitution in
"church and state, the rule and measure of my conduct; and

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 637
" I shall ever consider it as the first duty of my station, and CHAP.
" the chief glory of my reign, to maintain and preserve the es- XXIV-
" tablished religion of my kingdoms, and, as far as in me lies, s^v"s*»'
" to secure and. perpetuate the rights and liberties of my peo- 178°-
" pie." All parties agreed in applauding their sovereign's
speech, and in voting a loyal address ; though* some members
censured the tardiness with which ^ministers had prepared for the
defence of the metropolis. The following day," a committee of
the whole house considered the several petitions, praying for a
repeal of the late bill, which had been made the occasion of so
much mischief. No repeal was proposed upon those petitions ;
no evil had actually happened from the relaxation of the single
penal law which had been mitigated, and the consequences ap
prehended from it were considered as improbable and visionary.
The protestant association still continuing to urge parliament
to attend to their application, a bill was brought -in by way of
compromise, to prevent Roman catholics from teaching protes
tants; a measure which was supposed to be both conciliatory
and innoxious, as very few of that religion were teachers. The
bill having passed the commons, was carried to the house of *
lords : several peers, considering it a great indignity to parlia
ment, and to that house particularly, to pass a bill which car
ried all the appearance of being forced upon them by outrage
and threat, opposed its enactment. At length, others being im
pressed with the same idea, it was set aside by the usual expe- ¦
dient of fixing its farther consideration on a* day after the time
when they knew parliament was to be prorogued.
The supplies for the service of the year 1780 amounted to Supplies.
21,196,4961. The number of seamen employed was eighty-
five thousand, including marines, and thirty-five thousand
British troops, including invalids, 'besides the forces abroad.
No more than a million and a half of the navy debt was
discharged. The extraordinary expenses of the army amount
ing to 2,418,8051. The new taxes, which had been levied the
two preceding years to pay the interest upon the money bor
rowed, were found to be very inadequate to their object ; re
course was therefore had to the sinking fund to make good
this failure. To provide for these expenses, in addition to
the usual resources of land and malt, exchequer bills were re
newed to the same amount as the former year. The sinking
fund was to provide two millions and a half, twelve millions
were borrowed upon annuities, and 480,0001. raised by a lot
tery. The annuity bore four per cent, interest, and a farther
annuity of 11. 16s. 3d. for every 1001. for the term of eight years,
the subscribers to be entitled to four lottery tickets for every
thousand pounds subscribed, on payment often pounds for each
ticket. The additional duties were, on malt, low wines, spirits,
brandy, and rum, wines of Portugal and France, and legacies;
on tea, coffee, and chocolate ; and on advertisements in news
papers. All these taxes were levied from luxuries, or benefits

638 CHAP. XXIV. 1780-
< Session
rises.

Pariia-
ment is
dissolved.

HISTORY OF THE
enjoyed by the persons taxed : but duties on coals and on salt
enhanced the price of necessaries, and bore heavy on the poor,
whom every wise financier endeavours to press lightly. A vote
of credit also for a million was passed, in addition to these sup
plies. At the conclusion of the session, his majesty, after hav
ing considered in his speech the war supplies and other usual
topics, spoke in the. following terms, at once generally descrip
tive of the duties of senators: when retired to the sphere of their
respective influence, and appropriate to the present time and
situation ; ." My lords and gentlemen,, let me earnestly recom*.
" mend to you, to assist me, by your influence and authority in
" yowr several counties, as you have by your unanimous sup-
" port in parliament, in guarding the peace af the kingdom
" from future disturbances, and watching over the preservation
" of the public safety. Make my people sensible of the happi-
"nesstney enjoy, and the distinguished ad vantages- they derive
"FROM OUH EXCELLENT CONSTITUTION IN CHURCH AND STATE.
** Warn them of the hazard of innovation, point out to them
"the fatal consequences of such commotions as have later
" ly been excited, and let it be your care to impress on their
" minds this important truth — that rebellious insurrections, to
" resist, or to reform the laws, must end either in the destruc-
*' tion of the persons who make the attempt, or in subversion of
?' our free and happy constitution." Thus ended, on the 8th of
July, a very long and important session ; and two months after
the prorogation, parliament was dissolved.

REIGN OF GEORGEi In. 639

CHAP. XXV.
War with the French in India— siege and captureof Pondicherry— confe
deracy against the British interest — war with the Mahrattas — is conclud
ed by the treaty at Poonah. — Hyder Ally instigates and forms a combin
ation of native power against British India.— -Warren Hastings — lofty ge
nius—grand scheme for dissolving the confederacy— preparations of
Hyder Ally to invade the Carnatic. — Europe. — Admiral Rodney — vindi
cates the naval glory of England by a signal victory over the Spanish
fleet— important effects of this battle — relieves Gibraltar- — Spanish and
French fleets do not attempt a junction..— Capture of the outward bound
merchantmen—admiralty severely blamed.— America. — Expedition
against Charleston by sir Henry Clinton — strength of that place, natural
, and artificial — siege — reduction — the province of South Carolina yields
tp the British arms. — Leaving the government of Carolina to lord Corn
wallis, Clinton returns to New-York. — Wise administration of his lord-
ship— obliged to take the field against general Gates — battle of Camden
— lord Rawdon — victory of the king's troops. — Achievements ofTarle-
ton — of major Fergusson, that able and gallant officer surprised and
overpowered by numbers — death and character  Affairs at New-York
— defection of general Arnold — character, enterprise, and fate of major •
Andre. — West Indie*s.-**—Rodney arrives — his skill draws the enemy to
battle — established mode Of forming the naval line — Rodney adopts a
new plan of attack by breaking the t.skmt's hue — some captains mis
conceiving his intention, disconcert the execution — the event therefore
indecisive — partial conflicts, but the enemy, though much superior in
number, will not venture a close fight. — The enemy are disappointed in
their chief objects of the campaign 1780.
WHEN Britain and France quarrel, the contests of these CHAP.
two boldest, most enterprising, and ablest of modern nations, xxv.
affect the remotest regions of the earth. Disputes springing on v^-v*w
the neighbouring coasts of the channel, tinge the distant Ganges 1780.
with blood; and the pacific feebleness of eastern Asia mourns Wa')vi*
the warlike energy of western Europe. in tiie6"0*
The English East India company, with a perspicacity sharp- East In-
ened by private interest, had early penetrated into the hostile dies.
intentions of France, and saw that the semblance of peace
could not long be preserved, and that no intermediate state,
however coloured or disguised, could be kept long free from
all the consequences bf war ; they were aware that, long be
fore any account of their proceedings in the East could
be received in Europe, these consequences would take such
effect as to afford a sufficient cover and sanction to their mea
sures. Before the commencement of the former war, the
French had clandestinely conveyed so great an army to the
islands of Mauritius and Bourbon, as to endanger the de-

640 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, struetion of the British interest in India. Such a force might
xxv- soon again be formed in those islands with equal privacy, and
^-^v*^* passing to Pondicherry, might enter the company's dominions
1^80- so suddenly, as irresistibly to secure their possessions. Against
so probable a danger, they immediately, on the delivery of the
French rescript, resolved on a bold and decisive measure ; and
numerous as their body was, they conducted their plan with
such extraordinary secrecy, that none entertained the smallest
idea of the design, until the effect w>s publicly disclosed by
the accounts from India. They proposed to undertake the
siege of Pondicherry, the principal possession of the French i
and fortunately the instructions were conveyed with unusual
despatch to Madras. Major-general Munro, early in August
1778, advanced at the head of the company's troops' to the
neighbourhood of Pondicherry. The naval force of England
in those seas was commanded by sir Edward Vernon, and
consisted of the Rippon of sixty, guns, the Coventry of twenty-
eight, the Sea-horse of twenty, the Cormorant sloop, and the
Valentine East Indiaman. This small force -fearlessly ad
ventured to attack this strong city of the French. On The
10th of August they arrived at this station, and discovered a
squadron, which was commanded by M.* De Tronjolly," con
sisting of one ship of sixty-four guns, one of thirty-six, one of
thirty-two, and two French India ships .armed for war. A
very hot engagement ensued, and lasted above two hours,
when, on the approach of night, the French retreated. Vernon
expected that the admiral of the enemy, trusting to his su
perior force, Would renew the battle the next morning: a
contrary wind, however, and a northern current, drove the
British ships from their station in the. middle of the night, and
they were not able to recover it until the 20th of the month.
Having regained sight of Pondicherry, they perceived the
French fleet in the road : an immediate engagement was now
expected, and nothing was left undone by the commodore, in
order to. close with the enemy ; but the alternate failure and
contrary direction of the wind rendered all his efforts inef
fectual : he trusted, however, that a battle would certainly
take place the following morning. The French commander
consulted the preservation of his ships more than the defence
of the town, and during the night abandoned Pondicherry ;
and so expeditious was he in his means of escape, that his
squadron was totally out of sight in the morning. The suc
cess of Vernon, and the departure of the French fleet, facili
tated the operations of the besiegers, and appeared to afford a
Siege and certain prospect of success. On the 21st of August, the land
capture of forces invested the town and fortress, while the fleet blockaded
cherry '* ^ sea' though the fort of Pondicherry was dismantled on
its restoration to the French by the peace of Paris, yet fresh
works had been since raised ; but the chief strength consisted
in the valour and conduct of its governor, M. de Bellecombe,

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 641
and the courage of the garrison, who, nearly cut off from CHAP.
every hope of succour, persevered to the last extremity in a xxv-
determined and gallantTdefence; they were opposed, however, N-^^^*'
by equal courage and military ability, with superior numbers. 178°-
On the 18th of September, the batteries were opened, under
the powerful fire of twenty-eight pieces of heavy cannon, and
twenty-seven mortars. "The artillery of the besiegers soon
gained an evident superiority*, and they were indefatigable in
carrying on their approaches; but the activity and obstinate
defence of the garrison rendered caution necessary, and, with
violent rains which then frequently fell,- could not fail of con
siderably retarding their works. Notwithstanding these im
pediments, the siege was so far advanced by the middle of
October, as to render a general assault practicable ; and on the
17th, every thing was ready for beginning the attack. Aware
of the hopelessness of longer defence against such force, and
of the ruin in which an obstinate and unfounded perseverance
would involve his garrison and the inhabitants,, the French com
mander proposed a capitulation, which was willingly accepted
by the English leaders. The victorious warriors, with the ge
nerosity of British conquerors, bore the most ample and honour
able testimony to the gallantry of their enemy, and liberally
agreed to every requisition that did not interfere with the pub
lic benefit or security. The garrison were allowed all the ho
nours of war ; and, as a particular mark of attention to M. de
Bellecombe, the regiment of Pondicherry was, at his request, al
lowed to keep their colours. A numerous artillery became a
prize to the victors ; all public property underwent the same
fate, but whatever was private was preserved to the Owners.
The company's troops employed in this siege consisted af ten
thousand five hundred men, of whom fifteen hundred were Eu
ropeans ; the garrison of near three thousand, of whom nine hun
dred were Europeans. The loss of the Britsh amounted to two
hundred and twenty-four slain, and six hundred and ninety-
three wounded ; and of the garrison to two hundred killed.
Mr. Law, who had seen and undergone so many changes of for
tune in India, was included in this capitulation, and again be
held the power of his country annihilated in that quarter of the
globe. Thus commenced our efforts in British India, in the war
against the French.
While our enemy was defeated on the coast of Coromandel, Confede-
an extensive and powerful confederacy was formed with racy
our European antagonists by the native powers of Hindostan. agamst the
From the decline of the Mogul empire, the principal state °f te1j!l!ffIB"
India within the-Ganges, in population, valour, and resources,
was the Mahrattas empire, the original inhabitants of the
mountains ; hardened by their situation and secured by their
fastnesses and defiles, this warlike nation had continued unsub
dued by the successive conquerors of lowland India, and never
submitted to a Mahometan yoke. Deriving a precarious
Vol. I. 81

642 CHAP. XXV.

1780.

War with
the Mah-
rattas ;

isconclud* ed by the
treaty of
Poonah.

HISTORY OF THE
subsistance from pasturage and hunting, these highlanders were
accustomed to supply their wants by depredations on the
agricultural and fertile country, and hence acquired all the
enterprise ahd activity which result from an incursive and pre
datory life. Though divided into a variety of tribes, yet
deeming themselves sprung from the same origin, they ac
knowledged one paramount superior to all their separate chief
tains, and had established a system of connexion and depend
ence, not unlike the feudal gradations of Europe. At their
head was Ram Rajah, the descendant of a celebrated leader.
In India, both Mahomedan and Gentoo, the principal offices
of state descend by inheritance, and official influence, combin
ing with hereditary power, frequently renders ministers very
formidable rivals to their sovereigns. A little before this time,
Madar Row, the prime minister, held the reins of government,
which his father having with his assistance seized, had at his
death left undivided to the son. Both the older and younger
usurpers, had exerted considerable ability, and acquired dis
tinguished popularity. This youth's uncle Raganaut Row,
treacherously procured his assassination, and being obliged to
fly his country, found shelter at Bombay. The refuge afford
ed to the fugitive greatly incensed the Mahrattas against the
English. The presidency of Bombay concluded a treaty with
Raganaut, by which they engaged to place him in the official
situation recently held by his nephew, while he, on his part,
stipulated the cession of extensive territory to the company,
and the British from this inducement actually commenced a
war. By the treaty of 1769, Hyder Ally had stipulated with
the company reciprocal assistance, if either party was attack
ed : he accordingly engaged in the war against the Mahrattas ;
but when thus involved, he complained that the prfesidencv
of Madras had not furnished him with the promised succours.
He indeed was reduced to great danger, from which having
extricated himself with distinguished ability, he concluded a
peace withjthe Mahrattas : and was the more dissatisfied with
the presidency of Madras, as he imputed the failure of support,
not to negligence but to design. He was aware of the extraor
dinary influence which the Nabob of Arcot possessed in the
English council, and not ignorant of the disposition of that
prince to embroil him and the company, and therefore began
to connect himself with the enemies of Britain. A desultory
war was carried on between Bombay and the Mahrattas until
October 1774, when three gentlemen arrived in Bengal, who,
by the act of 1773, were to be assessors in council to the
governor-general : these were general Clavering, colonel Mon-
son, and Philip Francis, esquire ; and their first act was to urge
the presidency of Calcutta to condemn the Mahratta war. The
council complied, and sent an ambassador to negotiate a peace ¦.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 643
after a variety of discussion, a treatv was concluded at Poqnah, CHAP.
on the 13th of March, 1776. xxv-
The professed objects of the three new counsellors were, s^~w~>^
peace with the country powers, along with an inviolable obser- no
vation of the public. faith, and a strict attention to justice in all
transactions with the natives. The governor at this time was Warren
Warren Hastings, a man of lofty genius and acute understand- Hastings.
ing, of a very comprehensive range, great in His designs, fertile
in invention, dexterous in plan, and firm, bold, and rapid in
execution. The death' of colonel Monson in 1776, and of geT
neral Clayering in 1777, left Mr. Francis unsupported in council,
and placed Mr. Hastings in a majority. The governqr-general
bad been outvoted in the question respecting the peace of Poo
nah, which was extremely disagreeable to the presidency of
Bombay. That body, knowing the resolution that had taken
place in the council at Calcutta, began to hope for a revisal of
the treaty, and the acquirement pf much more advantageous
terms. The governor-general appeared, not unwilling to se
cond their wishes : but a variety of complicated considerations
produced from Hastings a milch grander scheme of poltpy, and
a more extensive system of measures, than the council of Bom*-
bay had expected, or even conceived. Hydpr' Ally, ever since Hyder
his late peace with the Mahrattas, had sought the closest con- Ally insti-
nexion with that nation, and by his great political abilities, asfijf?i
well as his high personal character, had acquired powerful in- combina-
fluence in their counsels. He hai} also, with singular zeal, assi- tion of na-
duity, and success, paid court to the suliah pf the Decan : after tive pow-
the Mahrattas and Mysore, the phief native powers in the fj™ against
hither Peninsula, a negotiatiQU was also opened between France, d;"tis n*
and j?oth Mysore and the Mahrattas. Informed 9f all these
circumstance^, and from situation and cphcjuct inferring design,
Hastings entertained no doubt that a confederacy was projected
against British India ; though its specific object might not be
hithertp defined, nor its extent ascertainec), he had most proba
ble grounds for concluding that a hqstife, combination was form*-
ed against those interests, with the advancement of which he
pi-iijcipally was intrusted. He conceived it his duty to employ Hastings*
anticipatory measures, and began with a scheme worthy of his gru"d
towering genius. As the Mahratta nation would be the mostfordissolv.
formidable member of the hostile league, he conceived the pro*** jng the
ject of wresting the government of that coimtry from the hands concert.
that now held it, and bestowing it on a sovereign, dependent on
himself. The deposed Ram Rajah being dead without heirs,
one of the pretenders to the JMlahratta throne was Moodajee
Boosla the rajah of Berar, a considerable principality in the eas
tern part of the JVlahratta empire, and near *'le Britisfi territo
ries. This prince was on amicable terms with the presidency
of Calcutta, and at variance with the Nizam and Hyder Ally,
its apprehended enemies : he had a great army, unimpaired by
war. Raganaut was promised the place of prime minister*,

644 CHAP. XXV.

1780.

Preparations of
Hyder Ally to in
vade the
Carnatic. Europe.

Admftal
Rodney

HISTORY OF THE
when the rajah should be elevated to the throne ; and having a
considerable number of partisans in his country, was esteemed
an important auxiliary. Meanwhile the presidency of Bombay
having proposed conditions to the Mahrattas which they would
not admit, declared that the treaty of Poonah was violated,
and no longer binding on the company. An expedition being
undertaken from Bombay, proved unsuccessful by the treachery
of Raganaut, and a treaty was concluded at Wargaum. between
the presidency of Bombay and the Mahrattas. Meanwhile
preparations were making for elevating the rajah of Berar to
the throne ; but at last this prince himself refused to have any
concern in the undertaking, and was gained over by Hyder
Ally to take a part in the confederacy against the English. In
1779, a formal league was concluded between the four chief na
tive powers against England; and to this the inferior princes
soon afterwards acceded. From Delhi to cape Comorin, from
the Indus to the coast of Coromandel, all except Arcot, was
hostile to the English name. The first object of attack was the
Carnatic, which expedition Hyder Ally undertook to conduct;
but, as military operations did not begin till the latter end of the
year 1780, not to break the unity of that portion of history, I
must reserve the narrative of those transactions until I can carry
them to a more advanced period.
The naval campaign of 1780 opened honourably and advan
tageously for Britain. Gibraltar having been closely blockaded
by the Spaniards, the relief of that important fortress was in
trusted to admiral Rodney, an officer highly distinguished for
intrepidity, nautical skill, and naval conduct : in his plans and
execution he eminently displayed a boldness of adventure, that
befitted a leader of Britons, who neither feared the dangers
of the sea nor the enemy, and introduced a system of tactics
the best suited to the men he had to command. Having sailed
at mid-winter, he had been but a short time at sea when he fell
in with a considerable convoy bound from St. Sebastian to Ca
diz, consisting of fifteen merchant ships, guarded by a sixty-fofir
gun ship, four frigates, and two sloops: the whole fleet was ta
ken. The ship of war and some, trading vessels laden with
bale goods and naval stores, he sent to England ; the rest,
whose cargoes were flour, he took with him to Gibraltar. Pro
ceeding in his voyage, on the 15th of January, he descried, off
Cape St. Vincent, a Spanish squadron of eleven ships of" the
line under the command of Don Juan de Langara. The wind
blowing towards the shore, the British admiral on perceiving
the enemy.immediately kept to leeward in order to prevent them
from escaping into their ports, favoured by the shortness of the
"day. The Spaniards in vain endeavoured to avoid a conflict.
About four o'clock in the afternoon the English fire com
mencing with the usual energy and rapidity, was returned with
spirit and resolution by the Spaniards. The battle was obsti
nately fought: the night soon arriving, was dark, tempestuous,

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 645
and dismal, and its aspect was rendered more terrible to the CHAP.
British fleet, from being involved among the shoals of St. Lucar, XXV.
in endeavouring to intercept the enemy from attaining the shore: *^"v"*»»»
but these difficulties and dangers only stimulated their courage, . I780-
and invigorated their efforts. The, Spanish ship St. Domingo ^ nav'-d
of seventy guns, with six hundred men, blew up, and all ongioryof
board perished. The English man of war with which she was England
engaged, narrowly escaped a similar fate. The action and by a signal
pursuit continued with a constant fire until two o'clock in the vict0r7
morning, when the headmost of the enemy's line struck to the Spanish
admiral. fleet.
The Spanish admiral's ship, the Phcenix of eighty guns, with
three of seventy, were taken and carried safely into port ; the
St. Julian of seventy guns, commanded by the marquis de Medi
na, was taken, the oflicers shifted, and a lieutenant, with seven
ty British seamen, put on board ; but by her running on shore,
¦the victors experienced the caprice of war, by becoming them
selves prisoners. Another ship of the same force was afterwards
run upon the breakers, and totally lost; two more escaped great
ly damaged, and two less injured were sent into Cadiz. Such
was the final disposal of the whole Spanish squadron. Notwith
standing the inferiority of the enemy in point of force, yet, as the
British admiral had to encounter a boisterous ocean, during the
storms of mid-winter, and gloomy darkness, with the additional
-danger of a lee shore, few actions have required a higher degree
of intrepidity, more consummate naval skill, or greater dexterity
of seamanship.
This was a very important victory ; besides the great damage Important
sustained by the enemy, six ships of the line were added to the e^e(?ts °S
royal navy of England ; and the value of other prizes, in a pub- "isbattle»
li&view, was greatly enhanced by the. nature of their cargoes,
the critical season in" which they were taken, and the essential
service to which they were applied. The victorious admiral relieves
proceeded to Gibraltar, furnished the garrison with necessary Gibraltar.
supplies, sent also stores and provisions to Minorca, and with
part of his fleet set sail for the West Indies; the rest returned
with the Spanish prizes to England, under admiral Digby, who
in his way captured a French ship of sixty-four guns, one of a
convoy to a fleet of transports destined for Mauritius. The suc
cess of admiral Rodney caused great joy in the nation, for some
time disused to tidings of victory; besides the signal advantage
obtained, they considered it as the general restoration of naval
supremacy; and the discomfiture of the Spanish fleet off St.
Vincent's, had a powerful effect on the operations in other scenes
of naval hostility.
Sir Charles Hardy having died in May, the command of the
channel fleet was bestowed on admiral Geary, who sailed in the
beginning of June. . The enemy did not attempt to face ow
armament, but left their trade exposed to the British cruisers.
In the beginning of July, the admiral fell in with a rich fleet of

646 HISTORY OF TIJE
CI%P*' niprchantmen from St. Domingo, and took twelve of the num-
XXV. her; the rest espaped through a thick fog. After cruising for
l*^"VV several wee^s longer that commander returned into harbour,
1780. resigned, the command, and was succeeded by admiral Darby.
Gapture of Meanwhile the British commerce received a severe blow: an
tbe out- outward-bound fleet of merchantmen for the East and West
bound Indies sailed from Portsmouth, under the convoy pf captain
merchant- Moutpay of the Ramilies, and three frigates. The Spanish
men. fleet, joined by a squadron of French, was cruising off the
coast of Spain and Portugal, without venturing to the north:
ward of Cape Finistei-re. The convoy included, besides the mer
chantmen, eighteen victuallers, store-ships, and transports, des
tined for (he ^service of the West Indies. One qf these was of
particular importance, being laden with tents and camp equip
age for the troops that were designed for active, service in the
Leeward Islands: the five Indianien likewise, besides arms,
ammunition, and a train qf artillery, conveyed a large quantity
of naval stores for the supply of the British squadron in the
east. The convoy topic a course much nearer the enemy's coast
than was usual, or at least expedient. On the 9th of August
it met with the enerny's fleet, and most of the merchantmen
The admi- were captured. This loss caused great dejection among com-
ralty is se- mercial men, arid increased the dissatisfaction which had before
bf r6 d prevailed against ministry. It was alleged by the friends oE
administration, that the convoy had pursued that track in order-
to accommodate the merchants and the East India company,
who were taking in wines at Madeira : but it was replied, that
the accommodation of the merchants was not a sufficient reason
for touching at that island, with such danger of interception;
that a cpurse so near the enemy's coast was not necessary in
order to steer to Madeira: and that if so easterly a tract had
been unavoidable, the convoy of such an immense property
ought, instead of a single man of war and three frigates, to have
been the whole channel fleet. Admiral Darby having been
detained by contrary winds at Torbay, put to sea about the
middle of September, and steered to the coast of Spain. Count
•de Guichen was ordered with a squadron to re-enforce the fleet
in the West Indies, but finding his ships in a very indifferent
condition, and being informed that the English fleet had sailed,
he resolved for safety to join the combined armament off Cadiz.
The French fleet, commanded by D'Estaing, being thus re-en
forced, consisted of thirty-six sail of the line, which undertook
to conduct thp West India convoy to the ports of France. Don
Louis de Cordova, the Spanish admiral, accompanied the
French as far as Cape Finisterre. After their separation from
the Spaniards, the French fleet descried admiral Darby, on the
7th of November, with twenty-two ships of the line, and two
ships of fifty guns. D'Estaing, notwithstanding the great su7
periority of his numbers, being incumbered by trie convoy, and
aware of the bad condition of his ships, did not choose to

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 647
hazard an engagement. Darby, on the other hand, observing CMAp*
the vast superiority of number on the side of the enemy, did not XXV"
think it expedient to venture a battle. Ministers conceived that ^~v^*'
in the relative circumstances the most decisive advantages must i'80.
have ensued, and without imputing any blame to the admiral,
expressed their regret that he had not attacked the enemy. Dar
by, in the end of November, returned into port.
The campaign both in America and the West Indies was America.
much more active and important than in Europe. In the
former year, the arrival of D'Estaing with the French force
on the American coast had turned the attention of sir Henry
Clinton chiefly to -defence ; but the defeat and departure of
that enemy, with the brilliant achievements and important suc
cesses of British detachments, encouraged him to hope for
proportionate advantage from a comprehensive scheme of of
fensive operations to be carried on by his -main army. He ac
cordingly, in the close of 1779, mr-.de dispositions for invading
South Carolina and besieging Charleston : with this view, leav
ing general Knyphausen to command at New-York, he, on the
26th of December, sailed from Sandy-hook, escorted by ad
miral Arbuthnot, and directed his course to Savannah; where,
from the stormy season, he did not arrive until the end of
January. The ships being considerably damaged, he defer
red his expedition for about twelve days, that they might be
refitted. Charleston, the capital of South Carolina, is situated between Expedi-
the rivers Ashley and Cooper to the north and south; withtlor!
a harbour formed by the conflux of those streams, and an infot charles-
of the sea to the east: communicating to the west with thetonjbySir
main land by an isthmus between tbe two rivers called Charles- Henry
ton Neck,, by which only the town can be approached by land. Clinton.
To these natural constituents of security, art and skill were not Strength
wanting. The fortifications had been considerably strength- °f that
ened in 1776, to oppose sir Peter Parker: but chiefly on the PJ^f^
side next the sea, whence the attacks had been directed. The artificial,
Americans being now informed of the movements and force of
the British arms, and aware that the town would be attempted
on the side of the land, comprehended that quarter in their t
scheme of defence. They constructed a chain of redoubts,
lines, and batteries, extending from Ashley to Cooper river,
upon which were mounted upwards of eighty pieces of can
non and mortars. In front of the lines a canal had been dug,
which was filled with water, and from the dam at both ends a
swamp oozed to each river, forming natural impediments where
the artificial terminated. Behind these were two rows of
abattis, some other obstructions, and immediately in front of the
works a double picketed ditch. The fortifications on the right
and left were not only strong, but advanced so far beyond the
rano-e of the intermediate lines, as to enfilade the canal almost
from one end to the other. In the centre there was a hornwork

648 CHAP. XXV. 1780.

Siege of
Charles
ton.

HISTORY OF THE
of masonry, which being closed during the siege, became a
citadel.
' Such were the defences of Charleston, on the only side on
which it could be approached by land ; and towards the water,
numerous batteries covered with artillery forbade the approach
of ships. But besides the security which Charleston derived
from its numerous batteries, it was still more effectually protect
ed by the bar or sand-bank at the mouth of the inlet from the
sea. This bar, impassable by the larger ships of war, rendered
the entry of others difficult and dangerous ; and just within it, a
five fathom hole, of a sufficient depth of water, furnished a con
venient station for a squadron to command the bar, and further
obstruct the besiegers. This station was occupied by the Ame
rican commodore Whipple, with a squadron of nine sail under
his command, the largest carrying forty-four, and the smallest
sixteen guns. After the perils and difficulties of the bar were
surmounted, before a fleet could reach Charleston, Fort Moultrie
upon Sullivan's island was to .be passed, the fire from which,
had, on a former occasion, proved so destructive to a British
squadron ; and since that period, the works had been conside
rably strengthened and enlarged. General Lincoln trusting to
those defences, and at the same time expecting large re-en
forcements from the other colonies, shut himself up in Charles
ton at the earnest request of the inhabitants ; and with the
force under his command, amounting to seven thousand men of
all denominations under arms, resolved to defend it to the last
extremity. On the 11th of February the fleet sailed, and took
possession without opposition of the islands of St. John and of
James to the southward of Charleston harbour, while the army
advanced across the country to the bank of Ashley river. Be
ing at great pains to fortify posts, and preserve his communica
tion with the sea, Clinton did not attempt to pass the Ashley
until the 29th of March. This operation, in itself very diffi
cult, was effected with expedition and success, through the
skill and activity of captain Keith Elphinstone, who conduct
ed the passage of the troops with distinguished address and
ability. Having disembarked on the northern shore of Ashley,
the army the following day encamped in front of the American
line; and on the 1st of April, began to break ground before
Charleston, at the distance of eight hundred yards from the
provincial works. Meanwhile the British fleet approached the
bar, in order to second the operations of the army. For this
purpose admiral Arbuthnot shifted his flag from the Europa of
the line, to the Roebuck of forty-four guns, which, with the
Renown and Ramillies,- were lightened of their guns, provisions,
and water ; the lighter frigates being capable of passing the
bar without such preparation. Yet so difficult was the task in
any state, that they lay in that situation, exposed on an open
coast in the winter season to the danger of the seas and to the
insults of the enemy, for above a fortnight before a proper ap-

REIGN OF GEORGE, III. 649
partiality offered-: thp bar was, however, passed on the SOth of CHAP.
March, without loss. xxv-
The American commodore retired to Charleston ; the British v-^^>-'
ships embraced Cbe first opportunity for passing Fort Moultrie 1780*
on Sullivan's Island, and notwithstanding a severe and impetu
ous fire, made good the way. Still the Americans had preserv
ed the command of the Cooper river. General Clinton having
now ascertained the co-operation of the fleet, and completed
his first parallel, before he opened his batteries sent a summons
to the American general to surrender. Lincoln, trusting to the
strength of the place, and to the supplies and re-itiforcements,
which he might still receive by the Cooper, refused to yield;
and to render the entrance of that river impracticable, ordered
a chain of vessels to be sunk across its mouth. On the 9th of
April, the British batteries opened, with visible effect. Mean
while a force was detached under lord Cornwallis, in order to
possess the other side of the Cooper river ; and his lordship, as
sisted by the enterprising activity of colonels Webster and
Tarleton, and major Fergusson, soon cut off' all communica
tion between the garrison of Charleston and any part of the
country. Completely invested, the Americans offered condi
tions of capitulation ; which being much too favourable for the
present state, were instantly rejected by the British commander.
Major Moncrieff, who had gained so much honour in the de
fence of Savannah, acquired no less applause from the very su
perior and masterly manner in which he conducted the offen
sive operations of the siege. The second parallel was com
pleted on the 19th of April, and the third on the 6th of May.
The last of these had been pushed so near to the provincial
works, as to be close to the canal ; and the canal, for a con
siderable part of its extent, was quickly drained of its water. On
the Same day, colonel Tarleton attacked and defeated another
body of cavalry, which the enemy had with infinite difficulty
collected together. The admiral, who had constantly pressed
and annoyed the enemy, received information which induced
him to attack Fort Moultrie on Sullivan's Island : he therefore
despatched captain Hudson of the navy, with two hundred sea
men and marines, to attack the fort by land, while he with the
ships should batter it by water; but before the battery was
opened, the garrison surrendered. After this advantage, gene
ral Clinton, wishing to preserve Charleston from the dreadful
effects of a capture by storm, again urged the American general
by capitulation to avert destruction ; but the provincials not be
ing sufficiently humbled by their misfortunes, still refused to
comply. The hostilities were recommenced : the batteries on
the third parallel were then opened, and so great a superiority
of fire obtained, that the besiegers were enabled to gain the
•counterscarps of the outwork which flanked the canal : this
they likewise passed, and then pushed on their works directly
towards the ditch. General Lincoln and the inhabitants, see-
Vol. I. ' 82 '

650

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP. XXV. 1780.
Charleston is re
duced.

The pro
vince of
South Ca
rolina
yields to
the British

Leavingthe go
vernment of Caroli
na to lord
Cornwallis, Clin
ton re
turns to
New-
York.

ing that farther resistance would be ineffectual, offered to sur
render. The British commanders were not disposed to press
to unconditional submission, an enemy whom they wished. to
conciliate by clemency ; they therefore granted now the same
conditions which they had before offered, and the capitulation
was accordingly signed. The garrison was allowed some of
the honours of war, but neither to uncase their colours, nor beat
a British march on their drums. The continental troops and
seamen were to keep their baggage, and remain prisoners of war
until they were exchanged. The militia were permitted to re
turn to their respective houses, as prisoners on parole; and
while they adhered to their engagement, were not to.be molest
ed by the British troops: and the citizens were allowed the
same terms as the militia. The loss of the royalists at the
siege of Charleston amounted, to seventy-six killed, and one
hundred aud eighty-nine wounded. Of the garrison, the numher
of the killed and wounded was smaller. The prisoners were,
the deputy-governor and the council of the province, seven ge
neral officers, a commodore, ten continental regiments, but
much reduced, three battallions of artillery, with town and coun
try militia, amounting to more than five thousand men ; to whom
must be added about one thousand American and French sea
men, and near four hundred pieces of ordnance, with a consi
derable quantity of stores. The commander in chief bestowed
the highest encomiums on the officers and privates in the vari
ous departments of service. The officers most particularly
specified were, earl Cornwallis, major-generals Leslie, Hayne,
and Kospotch, and brigadier-general Patterson ; lieutenant-colo
nels Webster and Tarleton, major Eergusson, and major Mon-
crieffof the engineers in the land service; and captain Keith
Elphinstone in the navy.
In the sanguine hopes that spring from unusual success, sir
Henry Clinton considered the reduction of Charleston as the
completion of the conquest of South Carolina, and a prelude to
the speedy recovery of the southern colonies. He expected, in
deed, that the provincials themselves would now effectually co
operate in the re-establishment of their former connexion with
the mother country. Great numbers flocked to Charleston from
all parts of Carolina, to pay their court to the conquerors, and
offer their services iu support of his majesty's government. The
general, with exulting joy, transmitted to the American mi
nister these professions, and attributed to the affection of loyalty,
what penetration might have discovered, and experience soon
ascertained to be, in most instances, the dissimulation of policy,
or the extorted homage of fear. Confident that his projects
could be accomplished by a part of his army, he left a division
for that purpose under lord Cornwallis, and returned with the
rest to New-York. Before Clinton's departure, Cornwallis had
been employed to drive out of the province a body of con
tinental troops under colonel Burford, who arriving too late to

REIGN OF GEORGF/ 111. 651
*
throw succours into Charleston, had posted himself on the north- CHAP.
ern banks of the Santee. Here being joined by those of the xxv-
American cavalry who had survived their last defeat by Tarle- ^^"^^
ton, he made a show of opposition to the British interest, and 178°-
endeavoured to keep alive the expiring hopes of the provincials.
On the 18th of May earl Cornwallis began the pursuit, and
on the 1st of June he overtook the enemy, and gained a complete
victory. Of the Americans one hundred and thirteen were kill
ed, and two hundred and three taken prisoners, of whom one
hundred and fifty were wounded: Burford made his escape on
horseback. The American force being entirely driven from South Caro- Wise ad-
lin^., his lordship directed his attention to the internal adminis- TPin,stTa"
tration of the province ; while he was also making dispositions v'°j?j
for marching into North Carolina, as soon as the heat should be
abated, and the harvest being finished should enable him to
form magazines for subsisting his troops. He established a
board of police for the administration of justice, until the state
of the province should admit of the regular re-establishment of
its former civil government. He made commercial arrange
ments for permitting the inhabitants to export the produce of
their country, enrolled the militia for assisting in defending the
colony, and brought the country to a state of tranquillity and
order; but these pleasing appearances had no long duration.
Of the persons attached to the American cause, who since the
capture of Charleston had submitted to the British government,
either by taking the oath of allegiance, or obtaining a parole,
some were influenced by the ruinous appearance of American af
fairs, the despair of ultimate success, and a wish to save the re
mains of their property that had escaped the ravages and devas
tations of war; and others were determined by the fear of pun
ishment. The congress and Washington well acquainted with
the fallacy of the loyal professions, and with the real dispositions
of a great majority in South Carolina, resolved to send a detach
ment of the grand army to their assistance. The exertions of
Virginia and North Carolina greatly increased the destined
force ; and general Gates with a considerable army advanced to
the southern provinces.
Informed that the American general was marching towards He is ob-
Camden, lord Cornwallis was compelled to leave tbe civil ar-**'gedto
rangemehts, in which he had been so meritoriously and benefi- j?|y the
cially engaged, and to resume military operations. On the 10th against ge-
of August he set out, with fifteen hundred regular troops and neral
five hundred militia'; on his march he was informed that Gates Gate****'
with near six thousand men had already entered the province.
On the 15th, the armies came in sight of each other at Camden :
both generals ordered their troops to halt and form ; but it being
very late in the evening, they did not engage till the next morn
ing. Lord Cornwallis was posted on ground particularly ad
vantageous to inferior numbers; a swamp on each side secured

652

HISTORY OF THE

1780.
Battle of
Camden.

CHAP, his army from being flanked, and narrowed the ground in front,
xxv- so as to render the whole multitude of the enemy unable to act;
" At the dawn of the 16th, he made his last disposition for battle.
His front line was draWn up in two divisions, of which the right
was commanded by colonel Webster, and the left was headed
by lord Rawdon.1 A second line was formed for a reserve, and
in the rear the cavalry were disposed, being ready either to
charge or pursue, as circumstances might require. The artil
lery was divided between the two lines, to second and support
their respective efforts : the Americans formed their troops also
into two lines. The opposite armies being thus marshalled,
colonel Webster and lord Rawdon began the charge "with such
impetuosity as quickly to throw the provincial line into confu-
Victory of sion ; rallying, however, they made a very gallant resistance, and
the British *jhe second British line advancing, the enemy were entirely bro-
troops. jle[]> anc| ^e cavajry completed their route.
The judgment of the general in planning, his promptitude
in executing, and his coolness and self-possession during the
whole of the engagement, were the themes of universal admi
ration and applause. The victory was decisive ; the broken
and scattered enemy were pursued as far as Hanging Rock,
about twenty miles from the field of battle; all their artillery,
amounting to seven or eight brass field pieces, with two thou
sand stand of arms, and their military waggons, were taken ;
about nine hundred were killed, and a thousand captured;
the general baron de Kail, second in command, was mortally
wounded and made prisoner. Lord Cornwallis had no sooner
overthrown the enemy, than he prepared to render his success
as beneficial as possible to the cause. Sumpter, an American
general had annoyed the royalists by cutting off or capturing
detached parties, and intercepting convoys. The British com
mander, with great prudence, resolved, before he pursued his
victory by marching into North Carolina, to rid the southern
provin as of this troublesome, enemy ; he accordingly, on the
very evening of the battle of Camden, gave directions to that
gallant and enterprising officer colonel Tarleton, to attempt the
interception of Sumpter. ,The American commander, as soon
as he heard of the fate of his countrymen, retieated with great
despatch, and having proceeded so far as to apprehend no
Achieve- danger of being overtaken, he halted to refresh his fatigued
ments of troops. Tarleton having received his general's orders, exe-
Tarleton. » This young nobleman, the eldest son of the earl of Moira, who possess
ed the advantages of high birth and ample fortune, accomplishments to
grace the court, abilities, to inform tbe cabinet, to convince and delight the
senate, with taste and learning to charm and instruct. the polished and lite
rary circles of the metropolis, or to enjoy the calm recesses of rural life ;
when his country's cause was at stake, sacrificed ease, however elegant, re
fined, or rationally employed, to the generous love of glory, and the impe
rious duties of patriotism ; combined genius and heroism soon raised }iim
to high command.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 653
cuted them with the utmost quickness : on the 10th of August CHAP.
he came up with the Americans, and before they had time to as- xxv-
semble, entered their camp, and cut them off from their arms and s-^^>>-«
artillery. Being thus surprised the provincials were all killed, 178°-
taken, or dispersed, and the whole of their stores, ammunition,
|>aggage, artillery, and one thousand stand ofarms, fell into the
hands of the conquerors.
The discomfiture of general Gates' army, and the defeat
and dispersion of Sumpter's corps so soon after, crushed the
provincial force in the south ; lord Cornwallis now waited only
for supplies from Charleston, before he proceeded to North
Carolina. Until provisions for the army arrived, he resumed
the consideration of civil affairs. Finding that many of the
Americans, after swearing allegiance to the British government,
on the approach of Gates had revolted, he thought it prudent
and necessary to restrain perfidy, and prevent future defec
tion, by wholesome severity towards the most active and for
ward in treachery and violation of their oaths. The estates
of all who after having professed obedience to Great Britain
had joined the enemy, were sequestered ; but in this confis
cation, separating their innocent families from the traitorous
delinquents, he allowed from the property a liberal proportion
for the maintenance of their wives and children. Instant
death was denounced against those who, after having taken
protections from the British government should be found in
arms for the Americans. On the eighth of September, his
lordship marched towards North Carolina, and as he passed
through the most populous and hostile parts of the province, he
sent colonel Tarleton and major Fergusson to scour the coun
try to his right and left. Having arrived at Charlotteburgh,
and judging that place from its intermediate position between
Camden and Salisbury, a favourable situation for farther ad
vances, he prepared to establish a post.
While he was making the proper dispositions for this pur-**
pose, the commanders of his detachments were proceeding in
their respective expeditions. Of these the most signal in its
efforts, though fatal in its event, was the last enterprise of the
gallant and meritorious Fergusson. This gentleman had alrea- Account
dy displayed that combination of intrepid heroism, inventive °fmaJor
genius, and sound judgment, which constitute the valiant sol- S^US"
dier and the able commander. The son of an eminent Scottish
judge,1 and nephew of a nobleman3 of great literary talents, he
sought fame by a different direction of equally vigorous and
brilliant poweis. In early youth he entered the army, and
while a subaltern of eighteen, in the German war, was distin-
' James Fergusson of Pitfour, lord of session and justiciary.
1 Patrick Murray, lord Elibank, deemed by Robertson, Fergusson, Hume,
and cotemporary sages, in genius and erudition equal to the authors of the
Scottish Augustan age.

654 HISTORY OF THE
CHAF" guished by a courage as cool as it was determined, his prinei-
"• pal object being to become beneficial by professional skill and
v"^"v"'^ effort. The interval of peace he employed, by improving him-
17S°. self in military knowledge and science. When the disputes be
tween Britain and her colonies were verging to a civil war, the
boasted skill of the Americans in the use of the rile was exhibit
ed as an object of terror to the British troops. These rumours
operated on the genius of Fergusson, and his invention produc
ed, a new species of the rifle, which he could load at the breech
without using the rammer, or turning the muzzle away from
the enemy, and with such quickness of repetition as to fire se
ven times in a, minute. The riflemen might meanwhile be pros
trate on the ground, and protected from the shot of the enemy
by the smallest eminence, either natural or artificial. Fergus-
son displayed his contrivance to the satisfaction of lord Town
shend, master of the ordnance, and other military men. When
the war commenced, his regiment not being ordered for warlike
service, he was extremely anxious to be actively employed
for his king and country. He was accordingly introduced to
the commander in chief, and appointed to command a corps
drafted from regular regiments, and to discipline them for the
practice of his new invention. At the battle of Brandywine
he presented the first specimen of the use of his riflemen,1 and
obtained great praise for his skill and successful efforts. In the
following year, he was employed in several of the detached ex
peditions, which unimportant as they proved in result, yet as we
have seen, called forth a great degree of British valour and abi
lity ; and particularly distinguished himself in the incursive war
on the North river, in 1779. Fergusson being engaged in the
expedition to Charleston, was of very signal importance to the
besieging army, and is mentioned with great praises by sir Hen
ry Clinton.3 After the reduction of that place, when Cornwal
lis was attempting by justice and mildness to restore harmony
between the province and the mother country, he called for the
assistance of Fergusson. To the valour, enterprise, and inven
tion which were so important in war, Fergusson was known to
add the benignant dispositions! and conciliating manners which
generate good will and cement friendship in situations of peace.
Among the propositions of Cornwallis for the security and tran
quillity of the recovered colony, one scheme was to arm the
well affected for their own defence. Fergusson, now a lieute
nant-colonel in America, was intrusted with the charge of mar
shalling the militia throughout a wide extent of country. Un
der his direction and conduct a militia at once numerous and
select, was enrolled and disciplined. One of the great tests of
clearness and vigour of understanding, is ready classification,
either of things or men, according to the qualities which they
* See account of the battle at Brandywine, this volume, chap. xix.
2 See this volume, p. 650.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 65i
possess and the purposes that they are fitted or intended to an- CHAP.
swer. Fergusson exercised his genius in devising a summary xxv-
of the ordinary tactics and manual exercises, for the use of the <~*~v~>—
militia: he had them divided in every district info two classes ; I780-
one, of" the young men, the single and unmarried, who should
be ready to join the king's troops to repel any enemy that infest
ed the province ; another, of the aged and heads of families,
who-should be, ready to unite in defending their own town,
ships, habitations, and farms. In this progress among them, he
soon gained their confidence, by the attention which he paid to
the interests of the well affected, and even by his humanity to
the families of those who were in arms against him. " We
" came not," he said, " to make war on women and children ;"
and gave them money to relieve their distresses. The move
ments of the Americans having compelled Cornwallis to proceed
with great caution in his northern expedition, the genius and
rapid efforts of Fergusson were required for protecting and fa
cilitating the march of the army, and a plan of collateral ope
rations was devised for that purpose. In the execution.of their
schemes, he had advanced as far as Ninety-six, about two hun
dred miles from Charleston ; and with his usual vigour and suc
cess was acting against different bodies of the colonists that still
disputed the possession of the country, when intelligence arrived
from colonel Brown, commander of the king's forces in Upper
Georgia, that a corps of" rebels under cplonel Clarke had made
an attempt upon Augusta, and being repulsed, was retreating by
the back settlements of Carolina. To this information colonel
Brown added, that he himself meant to hang on the rear of the
enemy, and that if Fergusson would cut across his route, he
might be intercepted, and his party dispersed. This service seem
ed to be perfectly consistent with the purpose of, his expedition,
and did not give time to wait for fresh orders from lord Corn
wallis; Fergusson yielded to his usual ardour, and pushed with
his detachment, composed of a few regulars and militia, into
Tryon county. In the mean time numerous bodies of back
settlers west of the Alleghany mountains were in arms, some of
them intending to seize upon the presents intended for the
Creek and Cherokee Indians, which they understood were but
slightly guarded at Augusta ; others had assembled upon the
alarm of enemies likely to visit them from South Carolina. These
meeting with colonel Clarke, secured his retreat, and made it
expedient for Brown to desist from his pursuit and return to
his station at Augusta ; while Ferguson having no intelligence
of Brown's retreat, still continued the march, which was under
taken at his request. As he was continuing his route, a nume
rous, fierce, and unexpected enemy suddenly sprung up in the
woods and wilds. The inhabitants of" the Alleghany mountains
assembled without noise or warning, under the conduct of six
or seven of their militia colonels, to the number of sixteen
hundred daring, well mounted, and excellent horsemen. Dis-

jjli HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, covering these enemies as he crossed King's Mountain, Fergus-
xxv- son took the best position for receiving them that the ground
*"*"vr"s"/ would permit. But his men, neither covered by horse nor artil-
1780, lery, and being likewise dismayed and astonished at finding
themselves so unexpectedly surrounded and attacked on every
side by the cavalry of the mountains, were not capable, of with-.
standing the impetuosity of their charge. Already a hundred
and fifty of his soldiers were killed upon the spot, and a greater .
number was wounded. Still, however, the unconquerable spi-
rit of this gallant officer refused to surrender. He repulsed a
succession of attacks from every quarter until he received a
mortal wound. By the fall of major Fergusson, his men were
entirely disheartened : animated by his brave example, they had
hitherto preserved their courage under all disadvantages. In
the resources of his fertile genius they deservedly placed the
utmost confidence, and with him perished every hope of success.
Under such circumstances, the second in command, judging all
farther resistance to be vain, offered to surrender, and sued for
quarter. From the ability and exertions of colonel Fergusson, very
great advantages had been expected ; and had he not been sur-
Erised and cut off, there is no doubt that every expectation would
ave been fully gratified. By his unfortunate fall, and the slaugh
ter, captivity, or dispersion of his whole corps, the plan of the
expedition into North Carolina was entirely deranged. The
western frontiers of South Carolina were now exposed to the in
cursions of the mountaineers, and it became necessary for lord
Cornwallis to fall back for their protection, and wait for a re-
enforcement before he could proceed farther upon his expedi-
tiion. On the 14th of October he began his march to South Ca
rolina : his lordship and his army met with very great difficul
ties and hardships ; their provisions were so nearly exhausted
that the soldiers were limited as to quantity, with hardly any
means of cooking j1 the country was overflowed with incessant
rains, they had no tents, and could rarely find a dry spot to kin
dle a fire ; but the soldiers bore their hardships without repining,
as they knew their officers and generals fared no better than
themselves. His lordship himself was taken ill ; but neverthe
less preserved his vigour of mind, and arrived on the 29th of
October with his army at Wymesborough, to wait for fresh re-
enforcements from sir Henry Clinton. Meanwhile the moun
taineers had dispersed, but the northeast part of the province was
infested by the depredations of an enterprising partisan of the
name of Marion.
Affairs at In the northern»part of America, operations and events were
New- of much less importance than in the south. The force left for
York- the security of New-York, appeared adequate to the defence
of that city at the departure of Clinton ; hut the extraordinary
¦ Stedman, vol. ii. p. 229.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 657
rigour of the winter soon after exposed the British garrison CHAP.
to an unforeseen danger. One of the chief causes of the safety xxv-
of New-York was its insulated situation, which gave full effect *^v™^'
to our naval superiority. . The uncommon intenseness of the 178Q-
frost during the winter of 1779-80, deprived it of this pro
tection. By the middle of January, the North river was so
completely covered with thick ice, that the largest army, with
the heaviest artillery and baggage, might have passed on it
with ease. In other quarters, towards the country, New-
York was no less accessible, whilst its communication with the
sea was entirely cut off. In this perilous situation, the veteran
general Knyphausen took such precautionary measures as
prudence dictated ; the seamen were landed from the ships
and transports, and formed into companies ; the inhabitants
were embodied, officered, and took their routine of duty with
the regular garrison. They were deprived of those supplies
which a communication by water would have afforded, and in
particular suffered so severely for want of fuel, that it became
necessary to break up some old transports, and to pull down
some uninhabited wooden houses, to supply their present ne
cessities. Fortunately for the British garrison, Washington's
army was in no condition to profit by the accessibility of New-
York; it had been greatly weakened by detachments that '
were sent to the relief of Charleston, was in extreme want of
provisions, and other necessaries, and from that cause seized
with the spirit of discontent almost rising to mutiny. No at
tempt was made on the British garrison, except to straiten
its quarters, and to intercept convoys. In February, major
Matthews having defeated a party of Americans posted at
Kingsbridge to interrupt the communication of the garrison
with the country, opened the way for more liberal supplies.
The spring advanced, and thawing the ice, restored New-York
to its insular situation ; and the British commander, exempted
from the necessity of attending to defence, made dispositions
for offensive measures. Informed of the prevalence of a
mutinous spirit in the American army, and imputing to disaf
fection what really arose from distress, on that supposition
hoping for the co-operation of the Americans, he attempted to
establish the royal standard in the Jerseys : but he soon found
that the American soldiers, though they repined at their dif
ficulties, persevered in their inveteracy; and finding that, op
posed by the provincials, his troops could obtain no footing in
that country, he recalled them to New-York. Such was the
state of affairs when general Clinton returned from Charleston,
on the 23d of June. General Washington, expecting the
speedy arrival of a French armament, confined his operations
to desultory and detached excursions. On the 10th of July,
the expected re-enforcement reached Rhode Island : it consisted
of seven ships of the line, some frigates, and a great number of
transports, having on board six thousand troops. The fleet
Vol. T. 83

658 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, was commanded by De Tel-hay, and the troops by Rodiarn-
xxv< beau : in order to prevent discussions of rank in command, and
*a*"^>*'' to obviate every difficulty that might arise from the junction of
1780. -the French troops with the American army, a commission was
sent to general Washington, appointing him a lieutenant-gene
ral of France, and commander of the forces now sent. So pow
erful a re-enforcement revived the drooping spirits of the Ame
ricans, and invigorated the exertions to recruit their own army.
The French squadron being superior to that of Arbuthnot, the
British commander thought it prudent to act on the defensive ;
but six ships of the line arriving from England, they prepared
for an expedition to Rhode Island, in order to act offensively-
against the French. Meanwhile Washington having his army
Strongly re-enforced, hastened across the North river, and ap
proached Kingsbridge. So unexpected a movement obliged sir
Henry Clinton to abandon the expedition against Rhode Island,
and return with the troops for the protection of New- York, leav
ing admiral Arbuthnot to block up the French fleet at sea.
Washington expected the count de Guichen with a fleet of twen
ty ships of the line from the West Indies, and entertained san
guine hopes that the whole combined force would overpower
Clinton and Arbuthno*, and wrest New- York from the hands of
the British : to concert measures for this design, he left his
army, and repaired to the French commanders at Rhode Island.
Defection While Washington was absent for this purpose, a scheme
ofgeneTsl -was formed for delivering to sir Henry Clinton the strong post
Arnold. 0f \yest p0int in the highlands upon the North River, the pos
session of which would have nearly cut off' all communication
between the northern and middle colonies. The author of this
project was the celebrated general Arnold. This officer, after
the campaign in the Jerseys, had been appointed commander
of the American garrison that occupied Philadelphia: there
he had lived so luxuriously and splendidly, as to disgust the
quafcers, who were the principal inhabitants of that city, and to
displease the congress, by a conduct so totally inconsistent with
the austerity of republicans beset with danger; he lived also
so profusely as far to outgo his stated income. To supply his
deficiencies he took shares in privateers, and embarked in other
speculations; but his various projects proved unsuccessful. He
made considerable claims on the public, but when his accounts
were examined by commissioners, a great part of his demand
was refused. He appealed to the congress, which gave judgment
thattiie inspectors of his claims had allowed him too much. See
ing the embarrassment of his affairs.his creditors became extreme
ly importunate. Such a situation galled the proud and irritable
temper of Arnold ; who, giving vent to his resentment, and re
capitulating his services, complained in strong and indignant
terms of the ingratitude of congress. Provoked at the freedom
and severity of his expostulation, that body appointed a court-

RE16N OF GEORGE HI. ,659
martial, to examine into his conduct as commander of Philadel- CHAP.
phia. He was sentenced to a general reprehension, and also a xxv-
reprimand from Washington, whom he deemed his personal v-^v^«^
enemy. From this time Arnold appears to have formed a de- i78°-
sign of betraying the interests which he professed to support,
and joining the British ; but to have suspended the execution
until an opportunity should offer, of materially injuring the cause
which he was about to desert, and serving the. power* he was
about to join. The interval of Washington's absence appear
ed to him a favourable opportunity for delivering an important
post to Clinton. He accordingly opened a correspondence
with the British general ; and as he required a confidential
agent to be sent, major Andre, aid-du-carap to sir Henry Clin
ton, and adjutant-general of the British army, undertook tq
conTer with him, and bring the negotiation to a conclusion.
This was a gentleman of very great merit, and rising fast to a character,
high character in the* army. Though open and honourable, enter-
yet sensible that, in war, stratagem is no less necessary than Prise'and
military prowess, he could find nothing in the employment as- jor^ndre!
signe'd him which was inconsistent with the character of a gal
lant soldier. Perceiving that Very momentous advantage might
result to his country from the success of the scheme, he was by
loyalty and patriotism stimulated to undertake its execution.
Able and ingenious, he was conscious that he was well fitted
to promote its success. The Vulture sloop of war had been
stationed so near general Arnold's post, as to facilitate private
communication without exciting suspicion. On the 21st of
September, Andre went on board the sloop, and was at night
conveyed in a boat to the beach without the lines, where he-
met with general, Arnold. Day-light approaching before the
business was finally adjusted, Andre was told that it would be
necessary to conduct him to a safe place, where he should lie
concealed during the day, and return at night on board the
sloop. The retreat to which he was brought, was against his
intentions and without his knowledge, within the American
lines. Here Arnold delivered to him various papers concern
ing the state of the forces, and other matters, for the informa
tion of Clinton, to show that general the most expeditious and
effectual means of getting the American army into his power.
The outlines of the project were, that Arnold should make
such a disposition ofthe wing °f the army under his command,
as would enable sir Henry Clinton completely to surprise their
strong posts and batteries, and throw the troops so entirely
into his hands, that they must inevitably either lay down their
arms, or be cut to pieces. Besides the immediate possession of
these strong holds, and tile cutting off so great a part of th6
enemy's best force without loss or difficulty, the consequences
would have reached much farther, for the remainder of Washi
ngton's army would then have been laid open in such a manner
to the joint exertion of the British forces by land and water,

660 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, that nothing less than slaughter, dispersion, and final ruin, could
xxv- have been the result. With respect to the Americans, such a
^^v"^' stroke, it was conceived, could not have been recovered : inde-
1780. pendent of the loss of artillery, magazines, and stores, a de
struction of their whole disciplined force, and of most if not all
of their best officers, must have been immediately fatal. While
Andre was with Arnold, the Vulture had shifted her position,
in consequence of an attack from some artillery on shore, and
was gone down nearer to New- York ; thence it being imprac
ticable for Andre to return in the same way that he had come,
he was obliged to proceed by land. Involved in such circum
stances without any fault of his own, necessity compelled him
to employ deception for his extrication. Hitherto he had worn
his regimentals ; now dressing himself in a plain suit, he receiv
ed a passport, under the name of John Anderson, by which he
on horseback passed the outposts. Conceiving himself in per
fect safety, he was well advanced on his return, when three mi-
, litia men meeting him on the road, suddenly seized the bridle,
and interrogated him whence he came. Confused at so unex
pected an encounter, he answered jfroijt below : he immediately
recollected his mistake, but too late ; the suspicions of his in
terrogators were roused, and they insisted on searching him.
He offered his purse and watch, and promised very high re
wards if they would suffer him to depart ; but all was unavail
ing. The generous Andre, now regardless of his own fate, had
no anxiety but to save Arnold from the certain destruction that
awaited him when the contents of the papers should be made
known to the Americans. This object he effected by a dexte
rous stratagem: producing his passport from that general, he
desired that, he might be informed of his seizure, and that he
himself should be detained in custody until Arnold's orders
were known. The captors complying with this request, a
message was sent to Arnold, which, announcing the detention
of John Anderson, induced him, as Andre desired and expect
ed, to seek safety by flight. He escaped, got on board the
Vulture, and repaired to New-York. Andre being informed
that Arnold was out of reach of the Americans, avowed him
self under his proper name and character. Washington
having now returned, Andre wrote to him, detailing the cir
cumstances of the case. Disregarding every danger, his only
concern was to prove that he had conducted himself as be
came a man of honour, and had no intention to be within
the American lines, nor to act as a spy ; that he was merely the
agent of a negotiation, in which neither he nor his employer
had practised treachery, or done any thing inconsistent withthe
laws of war. He had gone upon public business under a flag
of truce, dressed in his uniform, to confer with the commander
of that post; and had, without his knowledge, been brought
within the American lines. His subsequent disguise had been
the result of necessity, not of choice. Washington appointed

RliIGN OF GEORGE HI. 661
aboard of general officers to take cognizance of the case; and chap.
before these gentlemen Andre made an explanation, similar in xxv-
substance to that which his letter to Washington had contained, *^^~n^
but much more copious in detail. His enemies heard with ad- 1"80-
miration a defence, which with a magnanimous indifference to
life admitted the fact, but with a generous regard to reputation
vindicated the motives. The American board, however, con
fining themselves to the literal and simple fact of his being in
disguise within the American lines, instead of taking into con
sideration all the concomitant circumstances, doomed the gal
lant Andre to suffer death as a spy. The only evidence of the
fact was Andre's own admission : not only humanity, but jus
tice required, that his own evidence, if allowed such weight
against him, should also be allowed in his favour; and that his
declaration of pure intentions ought to be considered, as well as
his acknowledgment of an act contrary to the laws of war. At
New- York, all ranks, from a sentinel to the commander in chief,
felt the mo$t poignant concern at the situation of the unfortu
nate captive, whom they respected and admired as an officer,
and loved. and esteemed as a man. Sir Henry Clinton employ
ed every effort to save so valuable a life: he opened a corre
spondence with Washington by means of a flag of truce, and
urged every motive which justice, policy, and humanity could
suggest, to induce a remission of the sentence. Finding his let
ters ineffectual, he sent out general Robertson with a flag, to
confer upon the subject with any officers that should be appointed
by general Washington. An interview took place between ge
neral Robertson and general Greene, who had been president
of the court-martial : but all efforts to save the unfortunate An
dre were unavailing. Andre finding his doom unavoidable,
wrote a most pathetic letter, praying that he might not die the
death of a common malefactor, but by a mode more befitting
a soldier. Even this small boon was refused to a generous ene
my, by the inexorable rigour of stern republicanism. On the
22d of October, the ill-fated hero met his death, with a compo
sure, serenity, and fortitude, worthy of conscious innocence suf
fering unmerited punishment.
Thus fell the gallant Andre, losing his life for loyalty and pa
triotically endeavouring to serve his king and country. If
criminality is to be estimatedby intention, he was put to death
without any proof's of guilty design, and with the strongest pre
sumptions of innocence. Such relentless, inhuman rigour could
answer no purpose of policy, as it certainly neither enhanced
the character, nor promoted the interest, of the Americans ; it
was evidently the effect of revenge, and of revenge foiled in
its principal object. Andre suffered for the defection of Ar
nold. Had that general been caught, and undergone the pu
nishment due to treachery, the impartial reader would not perhaps
have blamed the sentence, and might have considered that as

6-32 - HISTORY OF THE
CHAP- justice to a traitorous friend, which he must reprobate as cruelty
XXV. f0 a fajr in(j generous foe.1
^v-***-) The death of Andre, which Washington could have easily pre-
1780. vented, will certainly in future ages be regarded as a dark spot
in the bright character of the American general. Arnold pub
lished a declaration of his motives for leaving the service of
America, consisting chiefly of invectives against his late asso
ciates, which, whether true or false, had, coming from him, the
less weight, that the character of the Americans, now the object
of his reprobation, was identically the same as before, when the
object of his panegyric. Winter now approaching, and the count
de Guichen not having arrived from the West Indies, both par
ties, after concluding an agreement for the exchange of prisoners,
retired into quarters. For the prevention of Guichen's arrival
in North America, we are to find the causes in the transactions
. of the West Indies.
West In- Sir George Rodney having, as we have seen, left Gibraltar
Arrival of 'n February, and sailed for the West Indies, had arrived at St.
Rodney. Lucia, and taken the command of the fleet upon the leeward
island station by the latter end of March. Just previous to his
arrival, M. de Guichen, with twenty-five ships of the line, and
eight frigates, all full of troops, had paraded for several days
before that island, with a view either of surprising or of over
whelming the British force by their great superiority. The
good disposition of the troops made by general Vaughan
and of the ships by rear-admiral Parker, however, frus*.
trated their design. Sir George Rodney, with twenty ships
of the line, and the Centurion of fifty guns, followed the
French fleet into Martinique, and offered them battle ; but the
enemy, notwithstanding the superiority of their numbers, would
not venture to engage. To entice the enemy to leave the har
bour, the British admiral retired to Gross Islet Bay in St. Lu
cia, leaving swift sailing frigates to watch their motions, and
convey to him intelligence. On the 16th of April, Guichen
sailed with his fleet ; the following day Rodney came in sight
of the enemy late in the evening, and found them disposed to
avoid an engagement. He watched them with such vigilance
His skill as to prevent their escape. The next morning, the French ad-
draws the miral made very masterly dispositions for avoiding an engaget
battle5, t0 ment: th's tRe British commander counteracted with equal nau->
tical skill and professional ability, which at last rendered a bat?
tie unavoidable.
Establish- In' forming the line of battle, the long established mode was,
edmode when fleets were nearly equal in number, to oppose ship to ship,
of forming by . which means superior, force and seamanship prevailed,
line."*™ vv'»tll0Ut WJ extraordinary efforts of naval ability or conduct.
Rodney possessed not only that professional experience, guided
by which brave men fight in the way in which brave men
' Stedman, vol. ii, p. 252.

RETGN OF GEORGE III. 663
Tiave fought before', but a comprehensive genius, which could CHAP.
adopt measures to existing cases, and leave precedent when XXV.
novelty tended more effectually to secure the object. The <*~-r>**
enemy being considerably superior in number, he proposed not ¦'J'80-
to attack the whole at once, but with all his force to bear down ^optea
on a part of theirs, so that by mastering one division, he new plan
might easily overpower the rest.1 For that purpose he direct- of attack,
ed his van to attack the hindmost ships of the enemy's centre, by break-
and the remainder of his fleet the rear. He also made a gene- in& the,
ral signal to his ships to lie close to the enemy, and take jj"^ y s
example by the admiral. His fleet being in the proper posi
tion for engaging the enemy, according to the plan which he
had arranged, he made the signal for every ship to attack
her opposite in the enemy's line. The commander bf his van- Some cap-
most ship, a gentleman thoroughly experienced in the prece- talns 7"s"
dented mode of tactics, misconceived the admiral's meaning^f°"^gVfn.
and supposed his orders to be to steer towards the vanmost tention,
ship of the enemy. This misapprehension communicating it- disconcert
self to the succeeding ships, tended to disconcert the masterly theesecu-
design of the admiral. His orders were not fully regarded in tlon"
another particular: he had given, and had been obliged to
repeat his signal for lying close to the enemy. Several
ships of his fleet kept at so great a distance, as not to second
and support the admiral. The admiral's own ship, however, and
some Others, did very great execution ; but the deviation from
his orders, both as to plan and nearness, prevented a decesive The event
issue to an engagement, for, and in which the commander had j? there-
used every effort of jdesign and execution which could lead to ^sWe *"
victory. The French fleet was beaten from the scene of action : Rod- Partial
ney pursued them as soon as the crippled state of the ships confllcts'
that had engaged according to his orders, and the arrival of
others in their propef position, permitted. Such despatch was
used to repair the damaged ships, that on the 20th they again
descried the enemy, but not in sufficient time to prevent them
from taking refuge under Gaudaloupe. In the beginning of
May, the French fleet again sailed ; and on the 10th, it was
seen*by the ^British a few leagues to windward. The enemy
having the advantage of the wind, were able either to hazard
or to avoid an engagement at pleasure, but chose the latter

¦ The examiner of the naval tactics which Rodney introduced, and which
he himself in the last war, and others in the present, have practised with
such terrible effect and glorious success, will see that it proceeded on the
same principle that regulated the military tactics formed and exercised by
the illustrious Frederick : and which produced the systems and move
ments of the Macedonian Philip, and his preceptor Epaminondas. The bat
tle of Leuctra was gained by the masterly skill of the Theban hero direct
ing his whole force on a part of the enemy's, with such disposition and
compactness as to break their line. See description of the battle of Leuc
tra, Gillies's History of Greece, vol. iii.p. 368.

664

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP. XXV.
1780.
The ene
my much
superior
in num
ber, will
not ven
ture a
close
fight.

The ene
my disap
pointed in
the chief
objects of
the cam
paign.

alternative. Rodney endeavoured to gain the lee-gage, but
was notable to succeed. By feigning flight, on. the 15th, he
had almost drawn the enemy to battle ; but after a partial can
nonade between the extreme ships of the respective fleets, the
enemy retired without a general battle. On the 19th, admiral
Rodney endeavoured to turn the fleet of the enemy; and
from his movements both parties became so entangled as to
render a conflict unavoidable between the British van and the
enemy's rear. The enemy having suffered considerable loss,
bore away to Martinique. Rodney repaired to Carlisle Bay in
Barbadoes, to refit his shattered ships. In these conflicts the
French evinced themselves considerably improved in naval war
fare, and our ships were much damaged in the repeated encoun
ters ; but the very object of their improved attack manifested
conscious inferiority. Their chief" purpose was to aim at our
rigging, and thereby avoid close fight, which uniform expe
rience HAS TAUGHT EVERY OPPONENT OF THE ENGLISH NAVY TO
shun, if they would avoid destruction. Spain sent a con
siderable naval force to join her ally in the West Indies; and
thus recruited, the Bourbon fleet amounted to thirty-six ships
of the line, a force that apparently must be able to overwhelm
the British West Indies; but this ostensible accession of
strength proved eventual weakness ; the Spanish troops were
too much crowded on board their transports : that circumstance
co-operating with the length of the voyage, the change of
climate and diet, and above all, their peculiar laziness and
want of cleanliness, the whole of those combined causes gene
rated a mortal and contagious distemper, which first infecting
their own seamen, at length spread, though not entirely with
so fatal an effect, through the French fleet and land forces.
The pestilential disease still continuing, prevented the French
from profiting by their fleet. The Spanish admiral proceeded
to the westward, and, having parted with the French at St.-
Domingo, went on to the Havannah. Besides the infectious dis
order, there appeared to be a want of concert between the
armaments of the two allies, which very greatly obstructed
their schemes for annoying Britain. Part of the French plan
of operations had been, after the expected reduction of the
British power in the West Indies by the combined forces, that
their fleet should proceed to New- York, and in conjunction
with the Americans and the French ships and army who were
there before, should capture New- York, and drive the British
from America. But after the first of these projects had
failed, Guichen considering his former disappointments, the
present state of his army, of his ships and men, found the expe
dition utterly impracticable, and proceeded directly to Europe.
Rodney, aware of the original design, and on the departure of
Guichen conceiving that he was bound for New York, sailed
himself for the same place, where he thought his assistance
would be so much wanted; but finding his services not neces-

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 665
sary in that quarter, he returned in the close of the year to CHAP.
St. Lucia. Besides the operations between the fleets of the. belli- xxv-
gerent powers during this campaign, various conflicts took place <>^^~s»»'
among single ships, both in Europe and the West Indies, which 1780
did signal honour to the courage and skill of both parties, but in
the result of every action manifested the superiority of Britain
upon her own element.

Vol.. I, 84

666

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP. XXVI.

Proceedings minrt the rioters.— LordLoughborough's charge to the grand
jury— difference of opinion on the construction of Edward lll.'s treason
statute — legal authorities not altogether conformable to statutory defini
tion—literal and free interpreters of statutes— lord Loughborough fol
lows high authorities.— No grounds for the charge of rigorous severity
against the rioters. — Political effects of the riots — General alection—
contest for Westminster. — Mr. Fox is chosen on the 10th of October,
which thenceforward is consecrated to anniversary celebration — Conti
nental affairs— the character of Joseph opens — he aspires at the posses
sion of Bavaria — is opposed by Frederick. — Hostilities between Prus
sia and Austria — are terminated by the peace of Teschen. — Continental
powers are jealous of British commercial and naval greatness — Conduct
of Russia— armed neutrality — real objects of. — State and interest of Hol
land.  Holland favours the revolted colonies — remonstrances of Britain.
 Discovery of a treaty between the Dutch and the Americans— rupture
with Holland — the Dutch are the aggressors. — Meeting of parliament-
choice of a speaker — King's speech — Mr. Fox's plan of attack against
ministers  he begins with charges against lord Sandwich — his motion
concerning the appointmentof sir Hugh Palliser. — Mr. Burke resumes his
plan of economical reform  Beginnings of lord Chatham's second son,
Mr. William Pitt. — The celebrated comic poet, Sheridan, turns his ex
traordinary talents to politics. — India affairs are extensively considered
in parliament — two committees of inquiry are appointed — one has for its
chairman Mr. Henry Dundas  Questions for future deliberation respect
ing India, proposed by lord North. — Petitions from counties for redress
of grievances. — Different opinions of Messrs. Fox and Burke on the mar
riage law. — Supplies. — Extravagant terms of the noted loan of twelve
millions. — Lord North, incorrupt himself, permits wasteful corruption in
others — inefficacy, in arduous situations, of talents and benevolent dis
positions, without firmness of resolution. — Session rises.
TWO internal subjects principally attracted the public at
tention during the recess of 1780 ; the trial of the rioters and
— ' the general election. Persons accused of tumults committed
1780. within the county of Middlesex and the city of London, were
Proceed- arrajgned at Hick's hall ; and bills being found for felony,
ae-ainstthe either in robbery or arson, they were tried at the Old Bailey.
rioters: The judge had not thought it necessary, in addressing the grand
jury, to be peculiarly minute in explaining the law applicable
to crimes which came so frequently under their consideration ;
and though well adapted to his view of the subject, the charge
delivered no doctrines that particularly deserve historical re
cord. Eighty-five persons being indicted, forty-three were ac-

CHAP.XXVI. 1780.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 667
quitted, and forty-two capitally convicted ; but of the condemn- CHAP.
ed, twelve obtained mercy.1 XXVI.
For trying persons alleged to have committed outrages in the s^"v~>»**'
county of Surry, a special commission was appointed to sit at St. 1780.
Margaret's Hill in the Borough ; and the first nominee was l°u~],.
Alexander Wedderburn, who was recently promoted to be lord borough's
chief justice of the common pleas, and called to the house of charge to
peers by the title of lord Loughborough. The persons here pre- *he grand
sented were accused of treason, and the judge delivered to theJury"
grand jury a charge, which the magnitude of the crime imputed,
the doctrines promulgated, the high character of the speaker, and
the splendid oratory of this exertion, combined in very strongly
impressing on the public attention.
The learned reader must know that a very material differ- Differ
ence subsists between the law of treason as it is expressed by ence of
the statute of Edward III. on the one hand, and on the other °J"njon on
interpreted by lawyers and judges.3 The two chief species gtreuJj°j"n
contained in the celebrated law of Edward are, to compass or 0f Edward
intend the king's death, or to levy war against his person and ffl.'strea-
goyernment. But lawyers, partly desirous of paying court to s°n stat*
the sovereign, and partly convinced that such narrow limita-ute"
tions of legal definition may often screen enormous guilt, had
introduced a greater latitude. They observed, that if a man
should enter into a conspiracy for rebellion, fix a correspon
dence with foreign powers for that purpose, or even plot the
overthrow of the existing constitution, if he was detected, and
no rebellion or insurrection ensued, by the letter of this statute,
he could not be convicted of treason. To prevent this , incon
venience they had commonly laid their indictment for intending
the death of the king, and had produced the intention of rebel
lion as a proof of the other intention, and thus confounded the
two species of treason, whicli the statute had accurately distin
guished ;3 whereas the law had made only one kind of inten
tional treason, a purpose to put the king to death ; the lawyers
had made two, a design to levy war or rebel. It was frequently Legal au-
alleged, that by such an interpretation, lawyers and judges as-thorities
suming to themselves a legislative authority, which is not vest- "°jha]*°"
ed in them by the constitution of their country, exercised it in fonforma.
extending penal law, and rendering designs capital that were ble to stat-
not legally criminal. The object of this constructive interpre- utory defi-
tation was no doubt so far laudable; in estimating criminality, nition..
they proposed to take into the account moral depravity and
political mischief, and to provide against new devices of flagi
tious ingenuity: but, on the other hand, the admission of such
constructions might be abused to the most oppressive and ty-
¦ See Annual Register, 1780; Appendix to Chronicle, p. 271—277.
¦» See Blackstone, vol. iv. p. 74 — 93.
3 Most of these observations are either extracted from., or suggested by,
Hume's account of the trial of lord Russe!.

668 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, rannical purposes.1 There were always in Rome,a and have
XXVI, |jeen &nA are ;n England, two classes of interpreters of law,
t^v^/ tne iiteral an(] the free ; or, in the language of professional men,
. I780; the arguers from law and from equity.3 Persons early instruct
or ed in the civil law have more frequently belonged to the latter
interpre- class than the former. This was the ca'se with lord Loughbo-
tersofstat- rough, who has, on all great questions, shown himself a liberal
utes. rather than a literal interpreter. He in this charge proceeded
k°rd according to the practice of lawyers, and opinions of judges;
rough fol- am' on ,his sanction he supported the constructive doctrine, in-
lowshigh stead of the precise definition, of legislature. Arguing on the'
authori- authority of Fortescue, sir Matthew Hale, and other luminaries
ties. 0f judicial history, he stated, that every insurrection which, in
the judgment of the law, is intended against the person of the
king, be it to dethrone4 or imprison him, or to oblige him to alter
his measures of government, or to remove evil counsellors from
about him, amounts to levying war within the statute, whether
attended with the pomp and circumstances of open war or not;
and every conspiracy to levy war for these purposes, though not
treason within the clause of levying war, is yet an overt act with
in the other clause of compassing the king's death. Some law
yers contended, that it was not consistent with legal propriety,
to rest opinions on the authority of the judges, when they con
travened an express statute ; and that the substitution of a judge's
opinion for the enactment of a legislative assembly, was chang
ing judges into lawgivers.
The judge did not escape without censure for the doctrines
which his address contained ; and persons who hastily examin
ed his conduct, deemed him severe and sanguinary ; but for
that blame just grounds are not to be found either in his charge
or proceedings. Whether it be constitutionally right that trea
son is to be ascertained by judicial interpretation, it is histori
cally true that such has been the mode usually adopted by the
most reputed judges on criminal trials : lord Loughborough
therefore merely applied the rules and followed the example of
No his eminent predecessors. As the insurrection had been very
grounds atrocious, severe punishment was a requisite sacrifice to justice,
*?r the f order, and tranquillity; but so far was the judge from the super-
rigorous fluous rigour which was imputed to him, that he recommended
severity to mercy such of the guilty as had extenuating m circumstances
against the
rioters. • The danger of departure from established law, to punish even the most
atrocious culprits, is perhaps no where more ably exhibited, than in Ci-
sar's speech on the discovery of Cataline's conspiracy, as presented by Sal-
lust. •*¦* See Gibbon's account of the Sabinians and Proculeians, in his view of
the Justinian code. Vol. vi.
3 In the parting view of the illustrious Mansfield, I endeavour to state the
separate and comparative advantages and disadvantages of these two modes
of interpretation.
•? See charge, Annual Register, 1780, p. 281.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 669
ill their favour. It may be farther observed, that whether the CHAP.
construction of the judge concerning the guilt of a conspiracy XXVI'
to levy war were or were not just, no one was condemned whov-r>r>to'
had not been found guilty of actual insurrection and rebellion tr8°-
against the king and government. His constructive treason
therefore produced no effects to the accused, which would not
have arisen from the most rigid interpretation. Forty-three
were tried, of whom twenty-six were found guilty and the rest
acquitted.1 The riots, which were thus effectually suppressed, really political
strengthened administration : the scenes of enormity which were effects of
exhibited in the metropolis struck men with horror, and by a na- the ri"ts-
tural, though an erroneous effect, inspired a general dread of
popular meetings, however legal or peaceable. These disposi
tions reached to the country meetings, petitions, and associations,
and consequently to all applications for redress of grievance, and
schemes for a reform in parliament.
The capture of Charleston, of which the news arrived soon
after the riots, tended to erase the memory of past disap
pointments in the war, and to revive the sanguine hopes of the
speedy subjugation of the colonies. The victory of Rodney,
which had opened the naval campaign, succeeded by the
stationary inaction of the French and Spanish fleets in Europe,
joined to the little achievements of their mighty force in the
West Indies, gratified the national pride and cherished the
hopes that the house of Bourbon would severely pay for the
temerity of the attempt to wrest from Britain the dominion of
the sea. Many who formerly reprobated the war, and con
demned the measures and principles in which it originated,
forgot their disapprobation when they saw or thought that it
was likely to have a prosperous issue ; and the influence and
authority of the crown were more spread, and better fixed
than they had been for several years. In this state of things,
and disposition of the people, ministers conceived the season
peculiarly favourable to a new election. The parliament had
already sitten six years, and if it continued to the seventh, at
the expiration of that time circumstances might be by no means
so auspicious. Having resolved on the measure, they gave no
intimation of their intention, until they thought it ripe for ex
ecution : but their plan being matured, on the 1st of September
a proclamation was issued for dissolving the parliament. Be- General
sides the prevalence of a spirit so favourable to the ministerial electlon'
party, there was another circumstance which tended to promote
their success in the new election : various members of op
position, tired with long disappointment, began to consider
their efforts useless, and determined to decline being candidates
for again sitting in the legislature. From these different causes,
the election of 1780 afforded much fewer disputes than any
' See Annual Register, 1780, p. 285—287.

670 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, which had . taken place from the beginning of the refgn.
XXVI. Among the most warmly contested was the city of West-
x^^^*~/ minster, for which two candidates contended, lord Lincoln and
1780. Mr. Fox, and the great champion of opposition was elected by
?onifrst t a numerous majority on the 10th of October, a day ever since
minster.S " deemed worthy of anniversary celebration by those politicians
Mr. Fox is who identify the conduct of the orator with the principles of
chosen on the British constitution, and consecrated to remembrance as an
thelOthofepOCn jn ti,e history of modern whiggism triumphant. The
wh'cher' new Par'iament was summoned to meet on the 31st of October ;
thencefor- hut before our narrative follows its deliberations', it must ex-
ward is hibit a short view of foreign interests and affairs, which rela-
consecrat- ting to Britain, very early occupied its attention and delibera-

ed to an

tion.

celebra- Though Britain, during the American war, had less con-
tion. nexion with continental powers than at any other period of this
Continen- last century, yet her contest with her colonies was a subject of
tal affairs, the most interesting concern to the neighbouring nations. Du
ring a great part of the war, tranquillity prevailing in, the north
ern and eastern states of Europe, allowed them an almost un
divided attention to the contest between Britain and America.
The only interruption of the peace of Germany and Russia
arose from a dispute about the electorate of Bavaria. The
king of Prussia had in a few years improved his share of the
Polish spoils to the highest advantage, and greatly meliorated
the condition of recent as well as hereditary subjects : indeed,
though his warmest admirers must admit that his ambition
often violated justice in acquiring dominions, his severest
enemies must allow, that he rendered his acquisitions more
beneficial, and their inhabitants happier, than he found them
The cha- when they became subjects to his government. The emperor
racter of Joseph was equally ambitious, but much inferior in wisdom of
Joseph p]an> or in steadiness of execution. On the death of the elector
he aspires °f Bavaria, this prince attempted to revive obsolete claims to
at the pos- the reversion of his dominions ; and in the beginning of 1778,
session of actually marched troops towards Munich, and dispossessed the
Bavaria. e|ect0r palatine, the real heir, of the whole of that territory.
Frederick justly considered this step as a violation of the
Germanic constitution, and determined without delay to resist
such an encroachment. He knew that notwithstanding his
alliance with Austria, cemented by the recent affiance of the
royal families, France would regard with jealousy such an
accession to the emperor's power ; but engaged in "schemes of
maritime aggrandizement, would not employ any effectual ef
forts. He himself therefore saw that the protection of Ba
varia must rest chiefly on his policy and power ; and before1
he would interrupt the improvement of his kingdom by draw
ing the sword, he tried negotiation, opened a correspondence
with the emperor, and professed a disposition to listen to his

REIGN OF GEORGE UI. 671
claims, to learn their extent and validity, and to admit them if CHAP.
they should prove well founded. The Austrian pretensipns XXVI-
were so very weak, that even the ability of Kaunitz could not ^^^^^
render them plausible, or prevent easy re/utation. The em- 1780,
press-queen, evidently convinced that her son's demands were
ill founded, and that assertion would be impolitic, was paci
fically disposed, but her son was resolved to maintain them by
force; and encouraged in his obstinacy by his ministers, who
chose to worship the rising sun. Frederick engaged the em- Is °PP°-
press Catharine to second his opposition to the aspiring views ie<ii)5r,
of Joseph, and convinced her that it was the interest of theic£f cl"
Russians to hinder the emperor, who was only entitled to be
the first prince in Germany, from governing that great empire
with despotic authority. Finding ^that the Austrian prince had
collected large bodies of troops from Italy, Flanders, and
Hungary, in. Bohemia, he drew a no less formidable force to
his own frontiers. Joseph, in a letter, endeavoured to justify
his claims by arguments; but soon finding, in the answer of
Frederick, that he had to contend with a logician very superior
to himself, he was mortified, and sent an angry reply, express
ing his disposition to take a lesson from Frederick in the art of
war.1 To this effusion of galled pride, the hero sent a wise,
temperate, and firm answer ;a and finding hostilities unavoid
able, with his usual ability he formed a comprehensive scheme
to annoy his antagonist in various quarters ; with his usual Hostilities
rapidity he commenced his operations, and established a deci- between
si ve superiority over the arms of Joseph. Catharine mean- ™j,s^3
while, with a view to obtain influence in the empire by es- tria,
pou sing its cause, sent a considerable body of troops to join
Frederick. Maria Theresa strongly urged her son to peace ;
but having conceived the hopes of rekindling the war between
Turkey and Russia, and thus having himself only to contend
with Prussia, he would listen to no proposals. At last, how
ever, in spring 1779, learning that Russia had entirely com
posed her differences with Turkey, and was preparing a great
army to co-operate with Frederick, he became accessible to
pacific propositions. A congress was held at Teschen : Fre- are t^1-™-
derick, equally triumphant in the cabinet as in the field, without "^p^
ostentatiously dictating, actually framed the terms. Joseph ofTes.
acknowledged the right of the elector palatine as heir to the chen.
sovereignty of Bavaria, renounced his claims, and virtually
confessed that he had been disturbing the peace of Germany
without tenable grsunds. Commercial advantages in the last
century transcended not only the experience, but even the
imagination of former times, and rendered the formation and
extension- of mercantile establishments, and a marine force,
one of the primary objects of policy with European nations:

¦ Gillies's Frederick, p. 476.
-¦ Frederick's manifesto, State Papers, July 7, 1778,

672 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, a, natural, though not a wise concomitant of the desire of such
XXVJ. a source of benefit, is jealousy of a state that possesses it in
l*^rv"^^ a superior degree. Envying the pre-eminence of Britain,
1780. maritime potentates anxiously beheld the progress of a quarrel
Continen- f^ ^vhich they conceived her naval superiority must be con-
a^e je^.6" siderably impaired. The most powerful of these states formed
lous of the vaia hope of dispossessing Britain of her supremacy, and
British with that view, by unprovoked aggression, involved us in war,
commer- '£\le 0ther naval states did not openly combine with the house
naval" °^ Bourbon, but secretly favoured both those nations, and the
greatness, colonies revolted from Britain. Deeply. indebted to this country
Conduct for maritime support and accommodation during her war with
of Russia. Turkey, Russia had been among, the first to act hostilely her
self, and encouraged others to enmity.
Armed By the received law of nations in modern Europe, when a
neutrality. war proke out between any of the powers, on the one hand
neutral states were not to be interrupted in their general trade
with the belligerent parties, but on the other hand were to con
vey to neither, naval or military stores. Russia, Denmark,
Sweden, and Holland, entered into an association for promoting
a scheme which altered the public law concerning the right of
neutral states to Convey warlike stores. This was the treaty
concluded at Copenhagen on the 19th of July, 1780, under the
name of the armed neutrality.1 The professed object of this
combination was to protect, by an armed force, every species
of neutral trade. The treaty set out with declaring, that the
contracting parties entertained the most cordial amity for the
several belligerent powers, and professed the strictest impar
tiality. It declared, they would carry on no contraband trade:
butnarrowed this definition into literal interpretation, and design
edly omitted the spirit and object. They founded the asserted
privilege of carrying what commodities they chose to the war
ring powers, not upon the exisiing law of nations, but
upon natural right : neutral ships were not to be searched with
out a material and well grounded cause, of which the contract
ing parties were to be the sole judges. The associated pow
ers engaged to protect neutral trade, and reciprocally, severally,
and jointly, to maintain a force for that purpose. They declar
ed, that an injury done to any one of them as a neutral trader,
should be accounted an injury done to all ; and that, both
jointly and severally, unless it was redressed, they should issue
orders for reprisals. The association was to continue during
the war, and should notify to the belligerent powers the exist
ence of the treaty, its objects, and their resolutions to employ
force for its support. Every person acquainted with the mari
time force and situation of the several nations, clearly perceived
that this plan, ostensibly impartial, was really meant to injure
Britain. As the principal articles of warlike^ especially naval,
• See State Papers, July 1780.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI, 673
stores, came from Norway and the Baltic, England, from her lo- CHAP.
1 ¦*¦* • » * Q * ***r V TIT J
cal situation, had the means of intercepting such commodities AAV1-
much tnore than her southern enemies ; she had also a superior s^r%^^'
maritime forge ; a much greater proportion of naval stores could l"78®-
be carried into Britain in her ships, than to Spain, or even to
France, in their ships: the conveyance of stores, therefore, in
neutral bottoms, was a greater advantage to her enemies than to
Britain ; they would reap the beneficial fruits from the neutral
association, while Britain would lose in the same proportion that
her enemies gained. The contracting parties could not but see
that this, compact was injurious to Britain, therefore their inten
tions must have been inimical.
Britain considered this convention as a proof of unfriendly State and
dispositions and designs in all the parties ; but a variety of interest of
other causes combined to aggravate her displeasure towards the Holland.
United Provinces. That the reader may have a complete view
of the dispute between Great Britain and Holland, it is neces
sary to consider, not only recent, but distant portions of history,
as the- proximate causes of quarrel originated in very remote
circumstances. 'From the first establishment of the Dutch com
monwealth, two parties existed which alternately predominated.
The one consisted of the adherents of the princes of Orange,
the first champions and successful vindicators of their rights
and liberties ; the other, of those who either by birth inherit
ed, or by fortune or merit acquired, rank and influence. Gra
titude for recent delivery was about to confer on William I.
prince of Orange, a limited hereditary sovereignty, when as
sassination prevented the design from being accomplished.1
Maurice, his son and successor in the stadtholdership, being then
a boy, could not profit by the occasion while it lasted, and not
withstanding the splendour of his subsequent exploits, the ser
vices which he performed, and the prosperity and glory to
which he raised the republic, was never able to recover the op
portunity. He and his successors naturally looked back with
regret to that sovereignty which they had almost obtained, and
endeavoured to enlarge to the utmost extent their official powers
as stadtholders. The principal citizens, on the other hand,
who had grown up along with the fortune of the state, not only
opposed their designs, but endeavoured to limit their power,
which they considered as becoming dangerous to public liber
ty, and inimical to the principles of the constitution. The bit
terness of such a contest soon effaced from the minds of thfe
nobles all the signal benefits which had been conferred on the
state by the successive heroes of the Orange family. Great
generals seemed ho longer necessary in a season of peace and
prosperity ; nor did it follow, because it had hitherto so proved,
that every prince of Orange was to be an illustrious captain ;
therefore the aristocratic party proposed the total abolition of
t See Watson's History of Philip II.
Vol. I. 85

6*74 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, the office of stadtholder, and the distribution of its various
XXVI-, powers among their own leaders. Such was the origin and
,*^"v">"' foundation of that republican faction which is distinguished in
*1780- the history of Holland, and which, under various denomina
tions, subsisted from the days of prince Maurice and Barne-
veldt to modern times. It was the constant and obvious policy
of France to maintain her influence in the councils of Holland,
and, at the same time, to restrain and weaken, as much as pos
sible, the power and political activity of the republic. The
princes of the house of Orange were generally inimical to the
views of France, and linked by blood and alliance with Britain.
This state of affairs occasioned a permanent enmity between
France and the house of Orange, and naturally produced an
intimate connexion between that monarch ahd the aristocratic
party. France diligently cultivated her influence with the anti-
stadtholderian faction of Holland. William 111. succeeded to
the stadtholderate when he was only a child ; and during his
minority, the nobles, under the name of the Louvestein party,
became extremely powerful, and being headed by the celebrated
de Wit, were able totally to abolish the office : the violent irrup
tion of Louis XIV. into Holland, however, prompted the states
to raise to power the party and individual most inimical to
France, and most able to repress the unjustifiable ambition of
that aspiring neighbour. The delivery of his country by Wil
liam III.; the very high character and great influence of that
prince, which was increased by his power from the time he be
came king of England; the resentment of the Dutch against the
French; and their alarm from the .ambitious politics of Louis;
repressed the party which derived its chief support from Gallic
policy. On the death of William III. the stadtholderate became
extinct, the states not choosing to renew it in favour of that part
of his family which had succeeded to the title of Orange as well
as to the principal part, of his inheritance. Union, however, of
views and interests with England, in repelling the ambition of
the French, and opposing the succession of a Bourbon prince
to the throne of Spain, rendered the states-general no less ini
mical to Louis, and friendly to England and' the emperor, than
they had been when William governed both countries : and the
ability and address of Marlborough procured such personal in
fluence with the states-general, that the French party was not
able to defeat the measures of the grand alliance. Towards
the end of queen Anne's reign, the Dutch were closely connect
ed with the anti-gallican party in England; but during the
peace, which lasted for so many years after the treaty of Utrecht,
the French party in Holland appears to have gained ground.
The co-operation of the Dutch with Britain and the house of
Austria in the war which commenced in 1740, was very ineffi
cient ; and to the influence of the partisans of France may, in
a great degree, be ascribed that failure of Dutch exertion, which
prevented the extraordinary efforts of the British troops from

.REIGN OF GEORGE ill. 675
being victorious at Fontenoy. The same want of cordiality in CHAP.
the cause was obvious in other actions, particularly in the battle XXVI-
of Laft'elt. In consequence of their victories, the French pene- v<"v'^"'
trated into Dutch Flanders, and prepared to descend on the 1780,
island of Zealand. Perceiving the danger which impended
from the progress #of the French, the Dutch determined to have
recourse to a measure that had formerly saved them from ruin,
and to declare the prince of Orange stadtholder. In the year
1748, the office was renewed in full plenitude of power in fa
vour of the late prince of Orange, with the additional Security
of being rendered hereditary not only in the male, but the fe
male lines of his family. This settlement appeared to cut off
entirely the views of the adverse faction ; but though depress
sed,- or at least withheld from any means of political exertion,
they were still potent and numerous, and only waited for a fa-'
vourable opportunity which should operate as a signal for
union and exertion. The prince of Orange dying in 1751, and
leaving his son, the present prince, a child of three years old,
the long minority much weakened the influence of the stasdt-
holderian party, and the Gallican faction became powerful*
At the commencement of the seven years war, Britain claimed
six thousand men, who had been promised as auxiliaries by a
defensive treaty ; but the Dutch refused to comply, and became
the carriers of contraband goods with impunity, until Mr. Pitt
was raised to the head of affairs. They even privately co-ope
rated with our French enemies, while a French party openly
avowed its enmity to this country. The French interest hav
ing rapidly, advanced during the non-age, continued to be very
powerful even during the administration, of the present prince,
and used every artifice to inflame the jealousy of the Dutch
against the great naval power, and particularly the increase, of
commerce, which Britain had attained,
Such was the state of parties and sentiments in H6lland, when Holland
war broke out between this country and her colonies. From favours
the beginning of the contest the Dutch had seqretly favoured*^™"1"
America, but became more open in assistance as the fortune of ,^eSr
England began to decline, and as her enemies multiplied. Hol
land protected American ships when laden with plunder taken
from British merchants, and even suffered a provincial pirate to
take refuge in the Texel ; in the East and West Indies she as
sisted our enemies, and in America our revolted subjects. In
Europe, contrary both to the general law of nations and to spe
cific treaties, she conveyed warlike stores .to our enemies. Hoi- «
land' had sent an armed force to prevent our ships from acting,'
according to the law of nations, and the spirit and letter of par
ticular treaties, in searching ships which should be suspected of
carrying warlike stores. Her admira), count Byland, fired upon
British ships that were sent to examine her vessels in the man
ner prescribed by the treaty of 1674 ; and various amicable re-

676 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, presentations and remonstrances were made by Great Britain4
XXVI. to the states-general, but without effect. Great Britain, when
K^~>r>+' pressed by so many enemies, demanded the succours which
1780. were stipulated by different treaties, and especially that of
strancesof l-^^but obtained no satisfactory answer. All these circum-
Britain. stances, combined with her accession to the armed neutrality,
not only indicated, but manifested, in the republic, a disposition
hostile to her natural ally and most liberal benefactor.
Discovery An incident now happened, which discovered to what ex-
of a treaty tent the enmity of this pretended friend was carried : Mr. Hen-
the^Dutch T Laurens, late president of the American congress, had been
and Ame- appointed ambassador to Holland, and was captured in a Phila-
ricans. delphia ship in the beginning of September on the banks of
Newfoundland by a British frigate. The package which con
tained his papers had been thrown overboard, but its bulk pre
venting it from suddenly sinking, it was saved by the boldness
and dexterity of a British seaman, and most of the papers re
covered from the effects of the water. Mr. Laurens being
brqught to England, was committed on a charge of high trea
son. When interrogated, he made no answer to any question
of importance, but his papers were sufficiently explicit. A
treaty of amity and commerce between America and Holland
appeared to have been in agitation for more than two years,
and Mr. Laurens was to bring the same to a conclusion. The
negotiators on the side of Holland, were M. Van Burkel, pen
sionary and counsellor to the city of Amsterdam (an officer of
great weight and power,) with other members of the registry,
assisted by some great commercial houses of that city. Sir Jo
seph Yorke, the British ambassador at the Hague, was imme
diately instructed how to proceed : he accordingly expostulated
in strong memorials to the states-general, and represented to
them the clandestine correspondence which Amsterdam had
long been carrying on with rebels against a sovereign to whom
the republic was joined in the strictest ties of friendship. He
therefore demanded, in the name of the king his master, not
only a formal disavowal of so irregular a conduct, but insisted
on speedy satisfaction adequate to the offence, and the punish
ment of the pensionary Van Burkel and his accomplices, as dis
turbers of the public, and violators of the rights of nations. To
this remonstrance an immediate answer not having been given,
its substance was repeated in still stronger terms, accompanied
by the following intimation : « His majesty, by the complaints
" made through his ambassador, has placed the punishment and
" the reparation in the hands of your high mightinesses ; and
" it will not be until the last extremity, that is to say, in case of
" a denial of justice, or of silence, which must be interpreted as
¦ See the correspondence between British ministers, the ambassador sir
Joseph Yorke, and the Dutch ; State Papers, 1780.
¦> See Chalmers' Collection of Treaties.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 677
" a refusal, that the king will take'them upon himself;"1 Here CHAP.
one nation complained to another of an injury received from XXVI-
subjects of that other, and demanded public disavowal and pu- v****-*"^**/
nishment of the aggressors. It rested with the other nation, ei- 1?80'
ther to disavow the act and punish, the actors,, or by refusing
satisfaction justify what had been done. The latter alternative
the states-general chose ; they did not answer the memorial, and
thus compelled the British sovereign to seek by force that re- Rupture
dress which peaceable application could not obtain. Sir Joseph, j"^!? Ho1*
Yqrke received orders to withdraw from the Hague : and that
step was followed, before the close of the year, by a declaration
of hostilities against Holland. Manifestoes followed from both
parties; but, on considering the" whole circumstances of the Dutch are
case, an impartial reader can entertain no doubt that the Dutch the ag-
were the aggressors. gressors.
On the 31st of October parliament met, and before they pro- Meeting of
ceeded to business, ministers proposed a new speaker. Sir parlia-
Fletcher Norton had frequently thwarted and censured admi-ment'
nistration and given umbrage to the court party ; but he excit
ed the greatest dispjeasure in 1777, when, on presenting bills
for paying the civil list debts, he made a speech enlarging un
the munificence of the commons, and recommending economy
in the management of their gift. Ministers considering such an
adviser as by no means proper for being speaker of the house,
embraced. the earliest possible opportunity of dismissing him
from that office. With this view they praised the firmness,
prudence, and diligence, with which he had discharged his la
borious duties, but lamented that his ardent zeal and indefati
gable efforts had very much impaired his constitution : actuat
ed by a grateful regard to the ease and health of so valuable a
member, the house, according to ministers, ought to relieve
him from so troublesome an employment, and substitute a more
able-bodied man to preside oyer the commons. They therefore choice of
recommended Mr. Cornwall, as a gentleman in every other re- anew
spect qualified for the speaker's chair, and also possessing suffi- speaker.
cient corporal vigour. Opposition expressed the greatest con
tempt for the ridiculous farce that ministers were acting, and
imputed the proposed dismassal to ministerial resentment on ac
count of sir Fletcher's upright conduct. On a division, the nor
mination of Mr. Cornwall was carried by a majority of £03 to
134. His majesty's speech, after expressing confidence in the loyal Theking's
and patriotic dispositions and wishes of his people, described the speech.
mighty efforts of France and Spain to support the American re
bellion, and destroy the commerce and reduce the power of
Britain ; the glorious efforts and brilliant successes of the Bri
tish arms by sea and land, which had frustrated the designs, and
¦ See State Papers from Nov. 18, to Dec. 29, 1780, relative to a rupture
With Holland.

678 HISTORY OF THE
CHAPl disappointed the expectations of our enemies ; and his confi-
XXVI.; dence) that continuance in these exertions would bring the war
^*""v'>1"' to a happy conclusion. After the repetition of reiterated argu-
1780. ments against the origin and conduct of the American war,
opposition descended to the events of the last campaign, and in
sisted that, though the victories were most splendidly honour
able to the British forces, they did not, in the result, advance
the ministerial object of conquering America. They had often
predicted, that certain successful operations would terminate
the war ; but as often as the predictions were made, they were
falsified. British soldiers and sailors fought valiantly in the
year 1780, as they had always fought ; they had gained battles
and taken towns, but to what purpose? Could any man say,
that the conquest of America was fess distant, than when we
had driven our colonies to revolt ?
Mr. Fox's Mr. Fox, resuming his usual function of accusing ministers,
ttak gave notice that he should after the holidays move, first, for
a^ainstmi- the dismissal of the earl of Sandwich ; and then for bringing him
nisteis. to condign punishment : that he should found the motions on
He begins two different causes ; for advising his majesty to promote sir
with char- Hugh Palliser to the government of Greenwich-hospital; and
feainst for the shameful neglect of the navy. Sir Hugh Palliser had
lord Sand- n°t taken his seat as member for Huntingdon, when Mr. Fox
wich. intimated his intention of censuring his recent appointment;
but being informed of this intimation, he speedily repaired to
the house, in order personally to support his own cause. The
4th of December being the day appointed to take the navy es
timates into consideration, it was presumed that Mr. Fox would
embrace the opportunity of attacking the conduct and late ap
pointment of Palliser ; that gentleman therefore resolved to ap
pear in vindication of his character. Mr. Fox commenced his
attack: sir Hugh Palliser (he said) had been convicted of a
false and malicious accusation against his superior officer, and,
on charges exhibited against himself barely acquitted by a
court-martial; nevertheless, he was promoted to a post of
distinction and profit, which had heretofore been held by men
of the first naval merit, and was intended as a retreat and re
ward to those who had essentially served their country. This
. appointment, he considered, as the highest insult that could be
offered to the navy, and the greatest stigma that could be affix
ed to the service. He did not blame the person who accepted
that place, but the first lord of the admiralty, whose conduct
in it ought to be the subject of their inquiry. Lord North an
swered Mr. Fox, and displayed one of his chief parliamentary
excellences, ability and readiness of reply. The appointment
of sir Hugh Palliser (he said) was not the act of the first lord
of the admiralty alone, but of the other ministers also. Mr.
Fox's principal objection to the nomination was, that the court-
martial upon admiral Keppel had imputed unworthy motives to
his accuser. Therein that tribunal had exceeded its jurisdic-

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 679
tion ; the court did not sit on admiral Palliser, but on admiral CHAP.
Keppel. They had not heard Palliser in his own defence, but XXvJ-
pronounced an injurious opinion, without establishing its ^^~y^*^
grounds. The second objection of ,Mr. Fox was, that sir 178°-
Hugh Palliser had been barely acquitted ; but his interpretation
was confuted by the sentence itself, and especially the follow
ing words: "The court having taken the whole of the
" evidence into consideration, both on the part of the prosecu-
" tion as well as in favour of the prisoner, were of opinion, that
" the conduct of sir Hugh Palliser, was so far from being re-
" prehensible on the 27th and 28th of July, that in many parts
"it appeared exemplary and highly meritorious." Exemplary
conduct meant such as was a proper example for other officers
to follow, and a fit object for imitation. According to this na
tural and true construction of the sentence, the minister con
tended that sir Hugh Palliser was undoubtedly an object of re
quital ; and after his conduct had been declared highly merito
rious and exemplary, administration would have been criminal
ly culpable if they had neglected to give a suitable reward. On
the 6th of December the recess toolc place, and parliament did
not again meet until the 25th of January. Papers respecting 1781.
the rupture with Holland were laid before the houses. Minis
ters entered into a detailed vindication of their proceedings, to
prove that the Dutch had violated both general neutrality and
particular treaties ; they contended, that as we had applied in
vain for redress, hostilities were therefore unavoidable. Oppo
sition members, with their usual ingenuity, endeavoured to de
monstrate our enemy to be in the right, and the British govern
ment to be in the wrong; and for that purpose they contrasted
the present system respecting continental connexions, with the
policy of former periods since the revolution. Ministers replied,
that their object was the same as the purposes of William and
Anne, to humble the house of Bourbon ; but that the Dutch had,
contrary to wisdom and their own interest, changed their mea
sures, and, misled by a factious party, assisted their natural ene
mies against their natural friepds. In answer to fanciful analo
gies, taken from remote and dissimilar periods of history, and
theories built upon these, they referred to the existing case, as
proved by authentic documents, to evince that Holland was the
aggressor, and by refusing satisfaction, had forced Britain to go
to war.
On the 1st of February, Mr. Fox.in pursuance of his notice, His mo-
moved, that the appointment of sir Hugh Palliser to be governor tl0n .con'
of Greenwich-hospital, after he had been declaredly a court- ^™pf
martial guilty of having preferred a malicious and illrfounded pointment
accusation against his commanding officer, was a measure to- of sir
tally subversive of the discipline, and derogatory to the honour Hugh Pal-
of the navy. He exhibited the whole detail of the proceed- liser-
ing? by or concerning.admirals Keppel and Palliser, with all, their
consequences, real and supposed, in one view, in order to sup-

680

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP. XXVI.

1781.

son, Mr.
WilliamPitt.

port by his former arguments the present motion. Ministers
having* replied by repeating their former reasonings, offered an
amendment destructive of the original proposition, and carried
it in the affirmative by a majority of two hundred and fourteen
to one hundred and forty-nine.
Mr. Burke While Mr. Fox was thus eagerly employed in attacking minis-
resumes try, Mr. Burke again attempted to introduce his plan for finan-
economi- reform ; and from the new parliament professed to expect a
calreform. support which he had not experienced from the former. The
bill itself not being changed since the former year, and the ge
nius of Mr. Burke having then brought forward every important
argument that could be adduced, the substance of his reasoning
on the present occasion was necessarily similar to his arguments
in the preceding session : the bill was thrown out at the second
reading, by a majority much smaller than for a long time had
usually voted in favour of ministry.
Beginning The debate previous to this division, is remarkable for a cir-
<rh°Th ' cumstance distinct from the intrinsic merits of the question; it
secomim S called forward, for the first time in parliament, the genius of
Mr. William Pitt, second son of the illustrious earl of Chatham.
At the general election, this youth, in the twenty-second year
of his age, entered parliament, while the expectations of all
ranks and parties were aroused in his favour. It was publicly
known that his illustrious father had conceived the highest
opinion of his talents and acquirements. Lord Chatham had
himself inspected the education of his children ; and though
immersed in public business, under the pressure, of age and
bodily infirmity, with anxious delight had tutored, formed, and
directed the opening understanding of such a promising son.
In every stage of his education, young Pitt impressed all those
who knew him with admiration of his talents and acquirements.
As he advanced in years, he had progressively risen in estima
tion, and was chiefly eminent for masculine strength and com
pass of intellectual powers, rapidly mastering the various de
partments of knowledge and science, studying as a scholar,
comprehending and generalizing, as a philosopher ; bold and
original in conception, profound in research, indefatigable in
application, he had a firmness of temper, which steadily pur
sued what he perceived to be right, and adhered to his own
plans of conduct, undisturbed by the ridicule of frivolity, and
unseduced by the allurements of vice. At the university, he
was deemed far superior to ordinary men, and as one destined
to transcend his contemporaries as much in the highest delibera
tive and executive departments of public life, as he then sur
passed them in the erudition and science of academic retire
ment. Some of his friends at Cambridge proposed that he
should stand candidate for representing the university in par
liament, but declining this honour unless unanimously offered,
he was returned for Poole. In the speech which he now de
livered, Mr. Pitt fully justified the anticipations of the public,

REIGN OF GEORGE UI. 681
and was considered from that time as an important accession CHAP.
to parliamentary ability. Although the young orator voted and XXVI.
spoke on the side of opposition, he did not connect himself with •^^v^>-'
any of its members as a party, but, like, his renowned father, he 1781-
trusted entirely to himself, without seeking eminence through
the collective influence of a combination. The same session The cele-
brought another splendid addition to parliamentary genius -.brated co-
Mr. Sheridan, after far surpassing all contemporary writers, and ghe^S6''
indeed all of the eighteenth century, in comic poetry, first ex-turnsi,js'
hibited in the senate that strong, brilliant, and versatile genius, extraordi-
which had acquired the dramatic palm merely because its pos- nary ta-
sessor had chosen that species of intellectual exercise. lei^ts to
Sir Philip Jennings Clarke, notwithstanding his repeated de-P° cs"
feats, resumed his design of excluding contractors from a seat in
the house. A bill which he brought in for that purpose, was
thrown out by a majority of one hundred and twenty to one
hundred; and a bill proposed by Mr. Crewe, to restrain reve
nue officers from voting at elections for members of parliament,
met with a similar fate.
India affairs now came before the house: petitions were pre- India ab
sented from the natives of Bengal, Bahar, and Orissa, com- fa'i's ar.e
plaining that the supreme court of judicature established by the jXons'^ "
act of 1773, had greatly exceeded its powers ; that it extended dered in
its jurisdiction to persons whom it was not the intention of the parlia-
king and parliament to subject to its decrees ; that it had taken ment-
cognizance of matters both originally and pending the suit, the
exclusive determination of which, the petitioners humbly con
ceived it to have been the intention of the king and parliament
to leave to other courts ; that the judges considered the crimi
nal law of England as in force and binding upon the natives of
Bengal, though utterly repugnant to the laws and customs by
which they had formerly been governed. Petitions were pre
sented to parliament by three classes, who were affected by
what they conceived to be an unwarranted assumption of juris
diction; first, by the governor-general and council; secondly,
by the agents of the British subjects : and thirdly, by the East
India company. A select committee was, at the instance of
general Smith, appointed to consider India affairs, and the pro
poser was nominated chairman. To this committee the peti
tions were referred : the investigation of their grounds, produ
ced a variety of information, which afterwards extended the
objects of the inquiry to deliberative and executive acts, as
well as judicative, and eventually laid the foundation of a very
celebrated prosecution. All parties appeared to agree, that in
the imperfect state of thejr knowledge of facts, it was proper •
to proceed with great caution and delicacy, yet on a summary
review, the chief members of both sides appeared to think, that
there were among the company's servants counteracting inte- Two corn-
rests that very materially injured the value of India possessions. rnitt,:esof
The select committee having been appointed in February, had arlTap^
Vol.. I. 86 pointed;

682 CHAP. XXVI.

1781.

one has
for its
chairman
Mr. Henry
Dundas. Questions
for future
deliberation re
specting India, pro
posed by
lord
North.

Petitionsfromcountiesfor the re
dress of
grievan ces.

IHSTORY OF THE
already presented a long report, when intelligence arrived of
such a state of affairs in' the Carnatic, as induced the minister
to propose a secret committee, for the purpose of inquiring in
to the general management of the state of affairs in India, in
cluding the farther investigation of the subjects suggested by
the petitions. After some objections from opposition to the se
crecy, the motion was carried, a committee was chosen from
both sides of the house, and Mr. Henry Dundas appointed
chairman. In consequence of the report of the secret com
mittee, a bill was proposed by general Smith, for a new regula
tion of the supreme judicature in India, which, after some par
tial changes was passed into a law.
The minister submitted various propositions to the house re
specting Indian affairs, but rather as subjects of discussion than
as measures for adoption. Of these the mpst important ivere,
Whether it would be proper to throw the trade to India open ;
to grant a monopoly to another company ; or to bestow a new
charter on the present company, and reserve to the public a
great share of their profits ? Whether it would be proper for
the crown to take the territorial possessions and revenues en
tirely into its own hands, or to leave them to the management
of a mercantile company ? These topics underwent a variety
of discussion, but without producing any efficient resolution du
ring the present session. As themes, however, of reflection
and argument, they turned the attention of members to the
contemplation of Indian affairs, and prepared them for under
standing the nature and tendency of such plans as should be
afterwards proposed. Lord North introduced a temporary
and short bill, continuing the company's monopoly for a limited
time, until a more permanent and comprehensive plan should
be formed. By this bill the company was to pay four hundred
and two thousand pounds to government, as a share of its past
profits, and also an annual sum in future.
In the house of lords the duke of Bolton proposed an inquiry
relative to -the capture of the East and West, India convoy, in
the course of which much censure was passed on the general
conduct of the navy; but his grace at length withdrew his mo
tion. Although the riots had damped the spirit of association,
yet some of the counties continued to associate for the purpose
of procuring a redress of grievances, and appointed delegates
to give support and efficacy to their acts. These, as acting
for their constituents, having assembled, prepared a petition to
the house of commons, stating the alleged grievances, and the
desired redress. There were many who, admitting the exist
ence of them, and the necessity of a remedy, yet totally disap
proved of such a convention. The petition was therefore sub
scribed by three several delegates, in their individual and not
their collective capacities. When presented however to parlia
ment, the powers that had been assumed by delegates were the
chief subjects of animadversion by the opposers of the petition

REIGN OF GEORGE 111. 683
which was rejected by a majority of two hundred and twelve, CHAP.
to one hundred and thirty-five. The house of commons on XXV1.
this occasion showed a jealous vigilance of an encroachment on ^-^v^o
the established constitution, by discountenancing a representa- t^81-
tive system which was formed by detached individuals, and un
known to the laws of the land.
NeajcJiie close of the session an inconvenience that had arisen
from the marriage act 1751, produced the correction of a clause
in that law. It had been enacted, that no marriage could be
yalid unless it was solemnised in a church or other place where
in the celebration of nuptials was lawful before the act. A
pauper, who had been married in a chapel erected after that pe-
ripd, being sent with a large family to the parish wherein he
conceived himself entitled to a settlement as a married man,
was refused, on the ground that, not having complied with the
terms of the statute, he was not a married man. An applica
tion was made to the court of king's bench; and the judges,
though they lamented the hardness of the case, yet, in con
formity to the statute, were under the necessity of justifying
the recusants. Through the ignorance or inadvertency of the
parties and the clergymen, many marriages were in the same
predicament, and great numbers of innocent children, without
any immoral conduct or intention on the part of their parents
were bastardized. Lord Beaucamp^ proposed an act of retro
spective operation, legalizing such marriages, and legitimating
their issue. So humane and equitable a bill was unanimously
and speedily passed. The consideration of this particular
clause led many to take a view of the marriage act in general ;
and among others Mr. Charles Fox, who, employing the argu
ments that had been used in opposition to the bill in 1751, and
especially with distinguished ability , by his father, proposed a
total repeal of the law, and brought in a bill for that purpose :
but it was rejected without a division. Mr. Fox on the occa- Different
sion viewed the subject in a light rather democratical, consi- opinions
dering the inclination of the contracting parties as the sole v0^e~ T*'
criterion of proper marriages. His friend Mr. Burke ex- Burke on
pressed a different, opinion, and contended, that during the the mar-
non-age of parties, the sanction of parents or other near- riage law.
est relations was requisite in that act, the most important nf
their lives, as well as in others of less comparative moment.
The marriage act (he said) justly hit the medium between close
and mischievous restraint, and the former laxity which had been
the cause of such disorders, and so many just complaints. Con
cerning the control to which natural liberty should be subjected
for the sake of general expediency, these two illustrious friends
manifested on this incidental occasion, a diversity -of opinion,
which was not much regarded at the time, but from subsequent
proceedings and events has been carefully noted by examiners
of the series apd system of their respective principles and con
duct.

684t HISTORY OF THE
CHAP. The pecuniary transactions of this year were subjects of the
XXVI- severest animadversion. The supplies were granted without
v^"v""^'' opposition, though not without reproach of ministers, for the
1781. uselessness, through their misconduct, of the most lavish grants.
UPP les- Ninety-one thousand seamen were voted, and, including foreign
tioops, about eighty thousand landmen. The whole amount
required for the public service was 22,458,3371. To provide so
large a sum, besides the ordinary means, with the assistance of
contributions from the bank and East India company, twelve
Extrava- millions were raised by a loan. The subscribers to this loan,
gant terms for every hundred pounds contributed, obtained one hundred
°^*hen°t" and fifty in annuities, after the rate of three per cent, per an-
tweWe °r num> an<J an additional twenty-five pounds in an annuity at four
millions, per cent, per annum; which rate of interest was to be continu
ed until the annuity should be redeemed.- 480,0001. were
raised by a lottery, the tickets in which were distributed among
the subscribers in the proportion of four tickets for every thou
sand pounds subscribed. By comparing the terms of this loan
with the price of the several funds on which it was negotiated,
it was immediately seen that subscribers had a gain of more
than ten per cent, besides the current interest, and in fact the
omnium bore an immediate premium of ten per cent. The
bestowal of such very advantageous terms on the subscribers
to the loan underwent a severe scrutiny. Mr. Fox inveighed
against it, as, in the first place, a much less favourable bargain
than might have been obtained. The minister had been offered
money to the amount of thirty-eight millions, at five per cent.
without any premium, and had chosen to borrow it at sixteen
per cent, for the first year, making near six per cent, for ever,1

• Average price of three per cents.
was 58 1-2, therefore 150 was
Four per cents, at 72 1-2, 25 is
Lottery tickets at 121. 10s. four
for 10001. is 501, for 100,

The current interest was for each hundred pounds, 41. 10s. in the three
per cents, 101. in the four, and 151. on the lottery tickets ; so that the mi
nister paid a premium of near eleven per cent, for borrwing at more than
legal interest. Interest of loan - - - 5 5 0
Interest of premium 0 10 9

I.

a.

d.

87

15

0

18

2

6

5

0

0

110

17

6

15

15s. 9d. beyond legal interest on each 1001.
1001. 15s. 9d. 12,000.0001. 94,5001.
Thus an annuity of 94,5001. is forever paid by this country more than was
necessary for the same sum of money, if lord North had made tile best
terms he could for the good of his country.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 685
and imposing an unnecessary annuity on this country, of near CHAP.
one hundred thousand pounds. Mr. Fox contended, in very for- XXVI-
cible reasoning, that such was not the conduct of a competent ^^X***
and faithful steward ; that the minister must either have been 17 81,
grossly ignorant, criminally negligent, or wilfully treacherous to
his country. He could not be so ignorant as to suppose it was
better to pay six per cent, than five ;. neither could it be imputed
to negligence, because the subscribers were the minister's own
particular friends. His favourite contractor, Mr. Atkinson, for
one, had the disposal of three millions three hundred thousand,
the immediate profit of which was three hundred and thirty.
thousand pounds. The other shares were also distributed
among the minister's adherents. Mr. Fox proposed that the
lists of both subscribers and proposers should be laid before the
house. Lord North by no means consented to the application
of this test ; cautiously avoiding a detailed answer to Mr. Fox,
he in general declared that he had made the best bargain he could,
but opposed all inquiry into its circumstances. Hurtful, Mr.
Fox observed, as the financial waste was to the pecuniary inte
rest of the country, it was still more injurious to political, by
feeding corruption already so enormous. Mr. Fox so complete
ly discussed this subject, that though afterwards frequently de
bated both by the commons and the peers, no new facts or argu
ments were adduced.
The impartial historian cannot justify the public steward for Lord
so prodigal a waste of the public money; but must exhibit the North in-
twelve millions loan of 1781 as very inconsistent with the cha- nj£fuPf
racter of an able and upright minister. On the other hand, permits
however, he will not hastily impute such donatives to personal wasteful
corruption. The individnal integrity of lord North has never corruption
been impeached ; his bitterest political enemies never alleged in others-
that there was any defalcation of national treasure for his own
use;1 but what his own rectitude prevented in himself, his in
attention suffered in others. With great talents, and manifold Inefficacy
acquirements, of an acute understanding, and benevolent dis- of talents
positions, the minister possessed a constitutional indolence, and^e?.ev"
which, when mingled with good nature, often allows to friends pOSitions*
and connexions much more indulgence than the stern austerity without
of rigid morality would permit; and in gratifying the wishes, firmness of
or promoting the interest of the objects of its attachment, fre- fesolutlon
quently transcends the bounds of duty. From this source pro- situations*3
bably arose the largesses of a minister, than whom no one did
more to serve his friends. At the same time, a considerable
portion of his donatives must be imputed to political considera
tions, to the desire of extending his influence, and fortify
ing himself against the formidable host by which he was
assailed. « Personal enmity, the amiable character of this minister, has, I believe,
never provoked.

686 CHAP. xxvi.

HISTORY OF THE
On the 18th of July, the session was closed with a speech from
the throne, in which the king thanked his parliament for their
exertions during so long, and important a session. He expressed
his satisfaction that, in the midst of the difficulties of so compli
cated and extensive a war, the ancient spirit of the British na
tion was not diminished. He approved highly of the considera
tion that had been bestowed on the affairs of India, and trusted
the business would be resumed and completed at their next meet
ing. "Peace (he concluded) is the earnest wish of my heart,
" but I have too firm a reliance on the spirit and resources of the
" nation, and the powerful assistance of my parliament, and the
" protection of a just and all ruling Providence,- to accept any.
" terms and conditions, than such as may consist with the hon-
"our and dignity of my crown, and the permanent interest and
" security of my people."

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 685

CHAP. XXVII.

East Indies— -Hyder Ally invades the Carnatic — colonel Baillie defeats him,
but is drawn into an ambuscade, over-powered by numbers, and destroy
ed. — Rapid progress of Hyder. — Consternation at Madras — alarm reaches
Calcutta. — Sir Eyre Coote sent to command in the Carnatic — compara
tively small army. — Plan of operations for 1781. — Successive victories
over Hyder. — Coote restores the British affairs in the Carnatic. — Admi
ral Hughes destroys Hyder's shipping on the Malabar coast — reduces
Dutch settlements.— Europe. — Plans of the house of Bourbon when re-
enforced by the Dutch. — French invade the island of Jersey — are at first
successful, but finally repelled. — Blockade of Gibraltar — British fleet
supplies the garrison with provisions — Spaniards resolve to attempt its
reduction by storm— immense preparations for this purpose. — General
Elliot.-yGrand^schemefor totally discomfiting the enemy — bold, master
ly, and complete disposition — Sally of November 27th — entirely de
stroys the enemy's preparations. — Darby endeavours to bring the ene
my's fleet to hattle, but in vain. — The combined fleet of forty-nine ships
of the line sails to the channel — British fleet of thirty ships keeps the
sea. — The hostile armada, notwithstanding its superiority, will not ven
ture an attack — retires to harbour. — British trade protected. — Admiral
Kempenfeldt intercepts a French convoy. — War with Holland. — Action
off the Dogger-bank. — Commodore Johnstone's expedition to the Cape
of Good Hope — though not entirely successful, eaptures several valuable
prizes. — West Indies. — Tremendous hurricane in the Leeward Islands —
in Jamaica — humane endeavours to alleviate the distresses. — Campaign
opens. — Reduction of St. Eustatius. — Holland experiences the folly of
going to war with Britain. — De Grasse arrives in the West Indies with a
greater fleet than the British  Admiral Hood, detached by Rodney, of
fers battle to the French— they will not venture a close engagement,
but keep a running fight. — A French armament invades Tobago — small
garrison there — character and gallant defence of Governor Fergusson —
his judicious and kind treatment of his negroes — their gratitude, fidelity,
and valour— overpowered by numbers, yields by an honourable capitu
lation  Rodney endeavours to meet de Grasse, who avoids an encoun
ter. — Spaniards reduce West Florida.— Last efforts of Britain for the re
covery of North America — general misinformation and false conclusion's
of ministers — magnify every transient success — sanguine hopes from the
reduction of Carolina delusive. — Object and plan of the campaign 1781.
— Lord Cornwallis begins his march. — Expedition of light troops — de
feat of the enterprising and brave Tarleton — disadvantage to the British
from this disaster.— Battle of Guilford— Cornwallis successful, but with
considerable loss.— Operations of lord Rawdon in Carolina — enterprise,
skill, and genius of that commander, but by great superiority of numbers
is cut off from communication with Cornwallis — returns to Brilain
 is succeeded by colonel Stewart, who is obliged to act on the defen
sive. — Cornwallis enters Virginia — reaches Williamsburgh — opposed by
an American and French force — establishes himself at Gloucester, in ex
pectation of co-operation from general Clinton. — French and American
army near New-York. — Washington projects to march against Cormval-

688

HISTORY OF THE

lis, without being followed jby Clinton — dexterous stratagem by which
he over-reaches the British commander — with his army joins the forces
in Virginia. — Cornwallis surrounded — expecting succours from Clinton
resolves to defend himself to the last — skilful and gallant defence— 'a
French fleet blocks up the river — our brave general still holds out— the
garrison fast diminishes — a general assault prepared — finding himself to
tally unable to resist, lord Cornwallis at length surrenders.

CHAP.
XXVII. 1781.
EastIndies.

Hyder
Ally in
vades the
Carnatic.

Baillie de
feats him
at Perim-
baucum ;

WE left Hyder Ally preparing to enter the Carnatic:
, for this purpose he had collected a mighty army. The force
on the Madras establishment amounted to about thirty thou
sand men, but was dispersed at great distances, either in quar
ters, garrison, or upon various detached services ; part was
employed on the Malabar coast, and a very valuable detach.
ment was in the Guntoor circar, under the conduct of colonel
Baillie. The presidency of Madras was not sufficiently impres
sed with a sense of the nature and extent of Hyder's designs,
and by no means employed prudent precautions to secure pas
ses, and fortify posts, to prevent his inroads. Hyder having
made his way through the Ghauts, on the 22d of July 1780,
advanced without opposition into the level country, with deso
lation and terror, while his son, Tippoo Saib was sent to the
northern circars. Hyder Ally besieged the city of Arcot,
which its nabob defended in such a manner as to excite great
suspicion of his fidelity. Tippoo Saib advanced with a great
body of cavalry upon the northern circars, whilst at the oppo
site extremity different parties of the enemy were approaching
to Madras and the borders of Tinivelly country. Sir Hector
Monro, the British general, formed the design of compelling
Hyder to raise the siege, and himself effecting a junction with
Baillie's detachment, which was marching to the south. Hyder
on the approach of Monro's army raised thesiege, but occupi
ed such a position as intercepted the communication between
colonel Baillie and the main army. Baillie, meanwhile, with a
force consisting of" above two hundred Europeans and eighteen
hundred Sepoys, encountered Tippoo Saib at the head of thir
ty thousand horse and eight thousand foot, at a place called
Perimbaucum,1 where he made masterly dispositions to with
stand the prodigious superiority of number. After a very
severe action the British gained a complete victory, but for
want of cavalry were unable to preserve their baggage.
Baillie found that from the intervention of Hyder's army he
could not make good a junction with general "Monro, and at
the same time, that if would be impossible long to retain his pre
sent post for want of provisions. He sent intelligence of his

» See Memoirs of the war in Asia, from 1780 to 1784, by Dr. William
Thomson.*

* See life of Dr. W. T. in Philips' Public Characters for 1803.

REIGN OF GEORGE 111. ggg
¦situation to sir Hector ; and colonel Fletcher Was despatched CHAP.
to his assistance, who, after narrowly escaping being betrayed x*v,l-
by his guides, effected a junction with Baillie. Their detach- '^~*~>**
ments now prepared "to force their way to the British army. i78l-
Hyder pretended a resolution not to Oppose them, and to
change his position, but really formed an ambuscade round but is
the road by which they were to pass ; while a body of hi»drawninto
cavalry by various movements, diverted the attention of the c"de™bus'
English camp. On the 10th of September, Baillie's corps
advanced into the toils, and were soon surrounded by forty
thousand men, besides a corps of European artillery. Not- Valour of
withstanding this surprise, the English leader made a masterly theBritish
disposition and gallant resistance. The Mysore troops weretrooPSl
giving Way in the greatest consternation, and victory appeared
to be in the hands of the British, when a fatal accident reversed
the fortune of the day : the tumbrils which contained the am
munition suddenly blew Up with two dreadful explosions in the
¦centre of the British lines; one whole face or their column
was entirely laid open, and their artillery overturned and de
stroyed. The destruction of men was great, but the total loss
of ammunition was still more dreadful to the survivors. Tip- Overpow-
poo Saib instantly seized the moment of advantage, and attack- ered by
ed the broken column with his cavalry; he was soon followed numbers°
by the French corps, the first line of infantry,- and entirely
overpowered the sepoys in the British service, who, after
displaying the most intrepid valour, were cut to pieces. Baillie
himself being dangerously wounded, rallied his* handful of
Britons, formed a square, and his soldiers, without ammunition
fighting with their bayonets,* repulsed the Asiatic host, until
exhausted rather than conquered they fell, and were trampled
by horses and elephants. Among the killed was the brave
colonel Fletcher; colonel Baillie, and about two hundred Euro
peans, were taken prisoners, and exposed to every insult and
cruelty that the ingenuity of barbarians could ipflict, while
nothing could exceed their sufferings but the magnanimous
and indignant fortitude with which they were borne.1 This Alarm at
disaster threw the presidency into great consternation and ter- Madra3 )
ror ; they Considered the Carnage on the eve of being lost,
and Madras itself in the greatest danger. Hyder soon resumed
the siege of Arcot, took it by assault on the third of November,
and, three days after, the citadel, though capable of a much
longer defence if the nabob had been resolutely faithful. The reaches
successes of Hyder caused alarm even at Calcutta j the supreme Calcutta.
eouncil placed little reliance on the efforts of the Madras presi
dency, but having resolved to assist that settlement, and wish- Sir Eyre
ing to be assured of the proper application of their aid, they Coote sent
passed a resolution, entreating sir Eyre Coote, a member oftoc°J"." the Carnac
¦ See narrative of the sufferings of the oflicers and men, Thomson's Was tic"
in Asia, passim.
Vol. f. 87

690

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP.
XXVII. 1781.

V.

Compara
tively small ar
my.

Plan of
operations
for 1781.

Successive victo
ries of
Coote in
the Cama<
tic.

their own body and commander in chief _of the forces in
India, to take the command of the army in the Carna
tic. The governor-general exerted himself to re-enforce the
army destined to act against Hyder, and to provide money
for paying and supplying the troops. It was concerted that
general Coote should sail immediately for Madras, while
admiral Hughes should direct his operations against the ports
and shipping of Hyder on the Malabar coast. Sir Eyre Coote
arrived at Madras at the close of the year 1780, where he
found affairs in a more dismal situation than he had conceived :
Hyder Ally had taken every measure which could occur to the
most experienced general,1 to distress the British, and to render
himself formidable. His military conduct was supported by a
degree of political address unequalled by any prince or leader
that had yet appeared in Hindostan : his army was now aug
mented to more than a hundred thousand men, while the force
of general Cbote did not exceed seven thousand. On the con
duct of the general, invigorating and directing this small band,
depended the fate of the Carnatic, and probably of all British
India. Encouraged by his victories, Hyder had besieged the for
tresses of Vellore, Wandewash, Permacoil, and Chingleput.
Having called a council of war, composed of sir Hector Monro,
lord Macleod, and general Stuart, the commander in chief
consulted them whether it would be better to relieve these gar
risons, or proceed immediately against the enemy's army. The
former alternative was unanimously adopted, and in a few weeks
the British general obliged Hyder to raise all the sieges, re-en
forced and supplied the garrisons. The French inhabitants of
Pondicherry, notwithstanding the generous treatment which
they had received from the English, behaved with the most un
grateful perfidy; they admitted a garrison in the interests of
Hyder, and collected a. large store of provision, evidently in
tended to support a fleet and army which were expected from
the Mauritius ; but Coote effectually crushed this nefarious pro
ject, by taking awav their arms, destroying the boats, and re
moving the provisions.
These operations, though attended with success, so exhausted
the army of Coote, originally small, as to render an immediate
attack upon the army of Mysore extremely iidprudent, unless
it should prove absolutely necessary. Hyder, on the other
hand, finding his soldiers discouraged by the late victories of
their adversaries, did not deem it expedient to compel the
British to an engagement ; and during several months no con
flicts of any importance took place between the armies. Hyder
at length being strongly re-enforced, made preparations for the
siege of Tritchinopoly. Sir Eyre Coote proposed to march

> This is the substance of Coote's first letter from Madras to the India
directory.

REIGN .OF GEORGE HI. 691
with the army to Porto Novo, as well that he might frustrate CHAp.
the design of the enemy, as to repress his depredation on the xxvu-
side of Tanjore and the southern provinces. The British army v****<',v**w
was small, and very indifferently provided for the field, but the 1781'
situation of affairs admitted but of one alternative, either
southern India must be abandoned, or au effort must be made
for its preservation ; and this was one of the cases which have
often occurred in British history, in which the most adventur
ous boldness was the wisest policy.
Impelled by these considerations, the British general, with a
small but valiant band, on the 16th of June set out in quest of
the Mysorean myriads, and arrived at Porto Novo ; thence he
made an attempt on the fortress of Chilluinbrum, but was
obliged to retire ; nevertheless, he resolved to persist in endea
vouring to bring the enemy to battle, to which their commander
was now much less indisposed than in the earlier part of the
campaign. Hyder was so powerfully re-enforced, that con
fident in his strength^and elated with the repulse of the En
glish, he resolved to hazard an engagement, rather than re
linquish his design on Tritchinopoly and the adjacent pro
vinces. Determined to fight, he advanced to meet the English
army, and chose a very advantageous position within a short
distance of Coote. One of the great difficulties of the English
army was the impossibility of obtaining intelligence respecting
the force and situation of the enemy. Clouds of Hyder's
cavalry hovered round our camp, and overspread the country
on all sides, farther than the eye could reach ; therefore it was
not only impracticable to send out a reconnoitring party, but
even a single scout could not escape detection. Several men
were despatched for intelligence, but none returned; and the
British commander could procure no farther knowledge of the
number and disposition of the enemy, than the short view from
his own advanced posts admitted*. Thus compelled to proceed
in the dark, Coote could form no previous plan of action, but
was obliged to trust entirely to his invention, which must in
stantaneously devise plans and expedients, according to the
discoveries which he should make concerning the . Mysoreans.'
Such are perhaps the most trying circumstances in which a
general can be placed ; they demand not merely courage, nor'
even the. habitual skill of professional experience framing
customary plans for common situations ; extrication and success
were to depend on genius, which must form and adapt its com
binations to a new case, with a correspondent self-possession of
faculties, and promptitude of execution. These qualities the
fate of the Carnatic required in the commander to whom it was
intrusted, and they were found in sir Eyre Coote.
On the 1st of July, at five in the morning, the British drums Battle of
beat to arms ; at seven, the troops, consisting of seventeen J"orto
hundred Europeans, and three thousand five hundred sepoys, Novo-
inarched out of the camp in two lines ; the first being com-

69a History of.the
CHAP, manded by sir Hector Monro, and the second by general
XXVH. Stuart. This body of five thousand two hundred, with a
Vf*rV~s*"' proportionable quantity of artillery, advanced to meet an en-
i781- emy of seventy thousand, with a powerful train, directed by
European officers. On the right was the sea; and on the left,
numerous bodies of the enemy's cavalry as before precluded
intelligence and observation. After an hour's march, our
troops entered a plain, skirted by an eminence, on which the
army of Hyder was posted, being flanked on both sides by
strong batteries of artillery, and vigorously and skilfully forti
fied in front. The English general, from this position, saw
that the success of his handful depended on the first impres
sion ; the design which he thence formed was to direct his ef
forts against a part, and cause a confusion which might extend
Able plan to the rest of the army. With this view he narrowed his front,
of attack so arrangeci his men as to be nearly covered from the cannon of
British ^e enemy, and assailed their left wing diagonally; this" prompt
general, and happy movement decided the fortune of the day ; attacked
in such an unexpected manner, the Mysoreans were thrown
Conduct into disorder. Hyder dexterously and speedily changed his
3fthVal0Ur fr°nt» *n 0l"der to encounter the English with his whole force,
enemy. ant' attempted at once to separate the British lines, and to sur--
round them both. His dispositions for' these purposes were
masterly ; but the respective efforts of Monro and Stuart,
with the superintending conduct of Coote, proved invincible.
Complete The Mysoreans fought valiantly, but the British continuing to
victory of pUrsue the advantage which their first attack had produced,
'• after an obstinate contest of seven hours, put the enemy com
pletely to the route, and obtained a decisive victory. The
battle of Porto Novo will ever be accounted an important
Important epoch in the history of British India ; it broke the spell which
effects. the defeat of -colonel Baillie had formed, destroyed the awe
that was attached to the name .of Hyder Ally, and by its effects,
both on the relative power and authority of the belligerent
parties, may be considered as the, salvation of India.1 " So
" little," says the historian of the war in Asia, " can human
" sagacity penetrate into the maze of future events, that the re-
" pulse at Chillumbrum, which seemed pregnant with danger,by
"encouraging Hyder to venture an engagement, changed the
" whole face of our affairs in the Carnatic."
Coote re- Coote being soon re-enforced by a body of troops from
stores the Bengal, reduced Passore, a place of considerable importance,
Airs in the and wel1 s*;ore(1 "it*1 provisions. Meanwhile Hyder, being
Carnatic. joined by his son Tippoo with a fresh supply of troops, ha
zarded a second battle; but on the 27th of August, after dis
playing his usual skill and intrepidity, he was again defeated.
Undismayed by these losses, he ventured a third engagement
©n tbe 27th of September, in which British prowess con-
« See Thomson's War in Asia, p. 255—266.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 6$3
tinued triumphant. He even afterwards manifested a wish for CHAP.
a fresh trial, but found his troops so disheartened as not to se- Xxvu-
cond his desire. He was now compelled to retreat into the in- ^"'v'*s"»**'
terior country, to abandon the advantages of the former year, 1-r81-
and to leave the English possessions in undoubted security,
Such was the change effected by the ability and conduct of sir
Eyre Coote in 1781.*
Meanwhile sir Edward Hughes by his naval efforts power- Admiral
fully co-operated in annoying the enemies of England; he Hughes
destroyed Hyder's shipping in his own ports, and thereby y^™^
blasted in the bud his hopes of becoming a maritime power. Q^et
Informed of the war with Holland, he immediately attacked and redu-
the Dutch settlement of Negapatam, which was defended by ces the
five hundred Europeans, seven hundred Malays, four thousand Dutctl set-
five hundred sepoys, and two thousand three hundred of Hy- J^* m3.
der's troops. Admiral Hughes was in this expedition assisted labar
by a land force under sir Hector Monro : their joint efforts re- coast.
duced this place in three weeks, acquired a very considerable
booty, and compelled Hyder to evacuate Tanjore. About the
same time, the British factory in the island of Sumatra, with
the assistance of captain Clements and a small squadron of
ships, subdued all the Dutch settlements on the west coasts of
the island.
In Europe, the Bourbon princes, re-enforced by the Dutch, Europe.
formed a comprehensive plan of operations ; they proposed to *"lans of
subdue Jersey, to attack our naval armaments on our own coast, ™^ house
to invade Minorca, and accomplish the reduction of Gibraltar. bon When
In January, the baron de Rullecourt invaded the island of Jer- re-enforc-
sey, and leaving a small garrison at Grouville, marched to St. ed by the
Helier. Having besieged the avenues of the town, he sur-^JJtch-
prised the guard in the dark, and possessed the market place Fren,.^ in
without noise; and af the break of day, the inhabitants were Vade the
astonished to find themselves in the hands of the enemy. Ma- island of
jor Corbet, deputy-governor, with the magistrates and princi- Jersey.
pal inhabitants, being brought prisoners to the court-house, the ^J"^ ,.
French commander wrote terms of capitulation, by which thet,ut are g'
island was to be surrendered to France, the troops to lay down nally re-
iheir arms, and to he conveyed to England. The lieutenant- pulsed.
governor represented, that no act could have the smallest vali
dity in his' present situation, and that the officers and troops
were too well informed of their duty to pay any regard to his
acts while a prisoner; but his remonstrance was unavailing;
Rullecourt was peremptory in his demand, and Corbet, under
the impression of the moment, too precipitately signed the ca
pitulation.2 The French commander summoned Elizabeth cas
tle to surrender on the prescribed terms; but this fortress was
preserved by the conduct and fortitude of captains Aylward
and Mulcaster, who having retired thither at the first alarm,
> Annual Register, 1781. ' Ibid.

694

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP.
XXVI1. 1781.

Blockade of Gibral
tar.

prepared against a sudden attack, rejected the summons with
great spirit, and peremptorily refused to pay the smallest regard
* to the capitulation, or to any orders which should be issued by
the lieutenant-governor in his present circumstances. Mean
while the alarm extended, and the nearest troops rushed with
the utmost expedition towards the point of danger, and immedi
ately formed on an eminence near the town, under the conduct
of major Pierson of the ninety-fifth regiment. Rullecourt requir
ed the British commander immediately to yield ; the gallant of
ficer replied, that if the French leader and troops did not with
in twenty minutes lay down their arms and surrender themselves
prisoners of* war, he should attack them the instant that period
was expired. Pierson made a very masterly disposition of his
forces, and when the specified time was elapsed, began the con
flict with such an union of impetuosity and skill as soon gained
a decisive victory. The French general being mortally wound
ed, the next in command seeing the hopelessness of their situa
tion, requested the lieutenant-governor to resume his authority,
and to accept of their surrender as prisoners of war. The sa
tisfaction arising from this victory was greatly diminished by the
fall of the hero to whom it was owing ; fighting at the head of
conquering troops, the gallant Pierson was killed in the twenty-
fifth year of his age. The redoubt at Grouville was immediate
ly attacked and retaken, and the whole of the French invading
party was either killed or taken prisoners : thus ended the se
cond attempt of France on the island of Jersey.'
The blockade of Gibraltar continued, and notwithstanding
the supply of provisions which had been brought by admiral
Rodney in the preceding year, the garrison began to feel the
distresses of restricted food ; so early as October 1780, the go
vernor had been obliged to deduct a quarter of a pound from
each man's daily allowance of bread, and to confine the consump
tion of meat to a pound and a half a week, which, from being so
long kept, was now scarcely eatable. The inhabitants were re
duced to still greater difficulties; after the supply which the
English fleet had brought, and even earlier, not a single vessel
arrived with provisions or necessaries, either from the neigh
bouring shores of Barbary, or any of the more distant coasts of
Africa ; so that, with every other misfortune, they were at once
cut off from that great and long established source of a cheap and
plentiful market, and reduced to depend entirely for relief on the
casual arrival of a few small Minorcan vessels, whose cargoes
were insufficient, and prices immoderate.1 To this distressing

¦ The following account, copied from the Annual Register of 1782-, and
with, the usual accuracy of that valuable performance, clearly illustrates the
distressed state of the garrison :— « Of the most common and indispensably
necessaries of life ;. bad ship biscuit, full -of worms, was sold at a-shillinga
pound-, flour and beef, in not much better condition, at the same price;
old dried pease at a third more ; the Worst salt, half dirt, the sweepings of

REIGN OF GEORGE ni. 695
situation both the soldiers and inhabitants submitted, not only CHAP.
without murmur, but with universal cheerfulness. In such cir- xxvrl-
cumstances, the interest and honour of Britain required, that one '^~>r>*'
of the -first measures of the campaign should be the relief of l^l,
Gibraltar ; and early in spring, a great fleet under the conduct -
of the admirals Darby, Digby, and sir J. Lockhart Ross, was
fitted out for this service; The French and Spaniards boasted
that they would* defeat the execution of this design ; thereby
conceiving a wain hope of deterring Britain from the attempt.
The English fleet consisted of twenty-eight sail of the line. A ,
French armament of twenty-six ships was ready at Brest, while
thirty Spanish ships were parading in the bay of Cadiz. France
was much more intent on her own designs of overpowering the
British in America and the West Indies, and co-operating with
the native powers of the East, than on seconding the project of
Spain against Gibraltar ; instead of seeking a junction with the
fleet of her allies, she sent her principal naval force, under count
de Grasse to the western world, and a strong squadron under
Suffrein to the eastern. The British fleet left St. Helen's on the
15th of March, and were obliged to delay some days on the
coast of Ireland, waiting for victuallers from Cork. It had also
under its convoy the East and West India fleets : having con
ducted these merchantmen beyond the reach of the enemy's
fleets, admiral Darby steered for Gibraltar with his naval force,
and ninety-seven victuallers. On the 12th of April he arrived The Bri-
off Cadiz, where he saw the Spanish fleet lying at anchor, and tis" *j.eet
evidently disposed to afford him no opposition. The British thegjlrri-
admiral having sent forward the convoy under cover of a few son with
men of war and frigates, cruized with his fleet off the streights, provi-
in hopes of enticing the enemy to hazard an engagement ; but slons.
the Spanish armament remained in its former station. A vexa
tious, though not formidable enemy greatly annoyed the- British
fleet*; during the siege, several gun boats, constructed at Alge-
ziras on the western side of Gibraltar bay, by night crossed and
fired on the town and garrison. When the convoy was in the
/ • ¦
ship's bottoms and store-houses, at eight-pence'; old Irish salt butter at
half a crown ; the worst sort of brown sugar brought the same price ; and
English farthing candles were sold at six-pence a piece.
" But fresh 'provisions bore still more exorbitant prices, even when the
arrival of vessels from the Mediterranean opened a market : turkeys sold
at three pounds twelve shillings a piece ; sucking pigs at two guineas 5
chicks at half a guinea ; and small hens sold at nine ^hillings a piece. A
guinea was refused for a calf's pluck ; and one pound seven shillings asked
for an ox's head. To heighten every distress, the firing was so nearly ex
hausted as scarcely to afford a sufficiency for the most indispensable culi
nary purposes ; so that all the linen of the town and garrison was washed
in cold water and worn without ironing. This want was severely felt in
the wet Season, which, notwithstanding the general warmth of the climate,
is exceedingly cold at Gibraltar." i

696 ' HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, bay, about twenty of these boats sailed, under the benefit of a
XXVII. calm, every morning from Algeziras, and with a fixed and steady
s"'"v'>*,,' aim regularly cannonaded and bombarded our ships ; but as
1781. soon as the w'jnd at its stated hour began- to spring up, they im^
mediately fled, and were pursued in vain. These efforts were
merely troublesome, without effecting qny material damage to
The Span- {he shipping, and the garrison was completely supplied. En-
ish resolve rageo< afthis disappointment of her expectation? to reduce Gib-
it" reduc- raltarby blockade, Spain redoubled her exertions for compassing
tion by her object by 'force. She raised the most stupendous works,
storm. and placed on them the most formidable artillery that had ever
Immense Devn employed in a siege : a hundred and seventy pieces or
Fion^for cannon> an" e'ghty mortars, poured their fire upon Elliot's
that pur- brave garrison. This dreadful cannonade and bombardment
pose. was continued night and day for many months without inter-
Constant mission. Nothing, it was said and may well be conceived,
and "bnade cou^ 0& more terribly sublime than the view and report of this
bardment. sce'ne to those who observed them from the neighbouring hills
of Barbary and Spain, during the night especially in the begin*
ning, when the cannonade of the enemy being .returned with
still superior power by general Elliot, the whole rock seemed
to vomit out fire, and all distinction of parts were lost in flame
and smoke. While the fleet continued in the bay, general El
liot retorted the enemy's attack with a prodigious shower of
fire ; but as it was a standing maxim with that experienced and
wise commander, never to waste his ammunition, and as the
great and evidently increasing difficulty of supply rendered this
caution still more essentially necessary, he soon retrenched in
that respect, and seemed to behold unconcerned the fury and
violence of the enemy. It was calculated, that during three
weeks the Spaniards expended fifty ton bf powder each dayi
after that time, however, they relaxed their efforts, and were
more sparing in the consumption of ammunition. The impres
sion made on the garrison by these exertions was very dispro
portionate to the labour and expense of the enemy. The whole
loss, from the 12th of April to the end of June, amounted to
only one commissioned officer and fifty-two private men killed,
and to seven officers and two' hundred and fifty-three privates
wounded. -The damage of the works was too trifling to give any"
concern to the defenders, but the duty and fatigue were ex
tremely great. The town suffered dreadful damage: the in
habitants consisted of various nations and religions; the En
glish amounted only to five hundred, the Roman catholics te
near two thousand; and the Jews were little short of nine hun
dred. Those who escaped destruction from the cannonade and
bombardment embraced every opportunity of leaving so dan
gerous a situation; and removed either to England or to the
neighbouring countries. However the Spaniards found they'
might destroy the lives and effects of individuals, thev could

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 697
H6t advance their object by all their operose labour, and therefore CHAP.
towards the close of the summer suspehded their efforts. XXVII.
General Elliot meanwhile appeared- to employ himself ins^"v"w
strengthening his defences, while he was really meditating a 1781.
terrible blow on the camp of the enemy. Having seen that the gfj"'™
preparations of the Spaniards were arrived at the highest pos
sible perfection, he conceived a project of frustrating all their
mighty efforts, by attacking, storming, and destroying their
worlds. He employed the greatest part of autumn in making
the most complete arrangements for executing the whole and
every part of this grand design. His object was to attack the
fortifications on every side at the same instant ; to effect this
purpose, he distributed his various forces where the several
parts could respectively be most efficient, and in such relative
positions as rendered co-operation most easy, expeditious, and
impressive. To fertility of invention, the genius of, Elliot uni
ted a comprehensiveness of mind, which grasped objects in all ¦
their bearings and relations, cool and vigorous judgment, and
nice discrimination ; with the' greatest exactness he adjusted ¦
his plan in all departments, and made provisions for every pro
bable contingency. The time he fixed fur his enterprise was a
night duringthe darkness of winter. On the 27th of November, Sally of
at three in the morning, the British force marched in the follow- Nov- 27tll»
ing order: the troops were divided into three columns; the
centre was commanded by the Hanoverian lieutenant-colonel
Dachenhausen, the column on the right by lieutenant-colonel
Hugo of the same corps, and the body on the left by lieutenant-
colonel Trig of the l-2th regiment ; the reserve was led by ma
jor Maxwell of the 73d ; a party of seamen, in two divisions,
was conducted by the Ijeutenants Campbell and Muckie of the
Brilliant and Porcupine royal frigates ; and the whole body
was headed by brigadier-general Ross. In each column there
was an advanced corps, a body of pioneers, a party of artillery
men carrying combustibles, a sustaining corps, and. a reserve in
the rear. With such silence .did they march, that the "enemy
had not the smallest suspicion of their approach, until an uni
versal attack conveyed the tremendous intimation. The ardour
of our troops was, every where irresistible: the Spaniards, as
tonished, confounded, and dismayed, fled with the utmost pre
cipitation, and abandoned those immense works of so much
labour, time, and expense. The whole efforts of Spanish power entirely
and skill for two years, the chief object of their pride and eis-^estrc,3re
ultation, were in two hours destroyed by British genius direct- ^^"^
ing British intrepidity, ardour, and skill. The most wonderful parauoift,
exertions were made by the pioneers and artillery-men, who
spread their fire with such astonishing rapidity, that in half an
hour two mortar batteries -of ten thirteen inch mortars, the bat
teries of heavy cannon, with all the lines of approach, commu
nication, and traverse, were in flames, and every thing subject
to the action of fire was finally reduced to ashes. The mortars
Vol. I. 88

693 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, and cannon were spiked, and their, beds, carriages, and plat>
XXVU. forms destroyed. The magazines blew up one after another in
l^vV the course of the conflagration. Before day-break the British
1781. force, having completely executed their grand project, returned
to the garrison.
Darby en- .Admiral Darby having, in vain, endeavoured to draw the
deavours gpan',s(, fleet to an engagement, after relieving Gibraltar return-
the ene- e" *° Pr°tect the channel. Meanwhile monsieur de Guichen,
my's fleet understanding that the British fleet no longer intervened be-
to battle, tween Brest and Cadiz, sailed with eighteen ships of the line
but m to join the Spanish fleet, and to support it in the invasion of
vain. Minorca ; which, next to Gibraltar, was the principal European
object of Spanish ambition. They set sail for Cadiz in the
end of July, having ten thousand land forces on board; pro
ceeding with these to the Mediterranean, they left them at
Minorca, and' returning to the, Atlantic, directed their course to
The com-, the English channel, with forty-nine ships of the line. Their
Lnfectleet reasons for taking this direction were various : they proposed to
nine ships prevent succours from being sent to Minorca, and to intercept
of the line our homeward-bound fleets, which were expected at this time
sails to the to return, and a large outward-bound convoy on the eve of
channel. sailing from Cork. So little had we foreseen or suspected their
design, that the combined fleets had formed a line from Ushant
to the Scilly islands, to bar the entrance into the channel,. be fore
it was known in' England that they were arrived in the ocean.
Admiral Darby, then in the Channel, had almost fallen in with
the enemy, with only twenty ships of the line, when the acci
dental meeting of a neutral vessel.informed him of their situa
tion and force.' The British admiral returned to Torbay to
wait for re-enforcements, and instructiops from the admiralty.
The Bn- H|s fleet wa& soon joined by so many ships as to amount to
^f th tv* thirty sail of the line : he now received orders to put to sea
ships' of for f'ie protection of the homeward-bound merchantmen ; but,
the line as the enemy was so' much superior, to avoid a close and deci-
keepsthe sive engagement, unless absolutely necessary for the preserva-
sea- tion of the convoy. Meanwhile the French admiral proposed
to attack the British fleet, in its station at Torbay, but was over
ruled, by his Spanish colleague. That commander represented
the state both of the ships and men, of whom especially the
Spaniards, great numbers were sick, as depriving them really
of that superiority which they possessed in appearance. They
therefore directed their attention entirely to the interception of
British merchandise. But very stormy weather obliged them
to return, in. the beginning of September, to Brest, where
the French going into port, the Spaniards proceeded to their
own coasts. Darby, after conducting the expected mer
chantmen into harbour, returned himself to Plymouth in No
vember. The French refitted their fleet with the utmost expedition.
Notwithstanding the lateness of the season, they proposed to

UEIGN OF GEORGE III. 699
t>e-enforce count de Grasse vyith both fropps. and sliips of war CHAP-
in the west; and to support him with stores ; to re-enforce and* xxVlX
supply Sutt'rien in the east: and to. rejoin the Spanish fleet, w-v>w
that they might prevent England from relieving Minorca.. The 1781'
several squadrons and convoys were ordered to sail together as
far as their course lay in the; same dire6tion. The British ad
miralty heard of this preparation and its objects, but without
being accurately1 informed of its force, which amounted to
nineteen ships of the line. They despatched admiral Kempen- Admiral
feldt with twelve ships of the line, one fifty gun ship, and four{5emPen-
frigates, to intercept the French, squadron and convoy. The feIdt in,er"'
British admiral descried the enemy on the 12th of December,.F^nsch
when the fleet and convoy were dispersed by a hard gale of -convoy.
wind, and the latter considerably behind^ He endeavoured to
avail himself of this situation, by , first cutting off the convoy,
and afterwards fighting the fleet. . Fpr'the intended service,
admiral Kempenfeldt's number of frigates was much too small ;
notwithstanding this deficiency, however, twenty transports
i^and storeships, were captured, containing eleven hundred land
forces, seven hundred seamen, a great quantity of ordnance,
arms, warlike Stores, camp equipage, clothing, and provisions;
many ships were also dispersed. The French admiral, mean
while,' endeavoured to collect his fleet, and form a line, but"
night came on before he could accomplish his purpose. Kem-
penfeldt, still ignorant of the force of the enemy, made prepa
rations for fighting the next morning. At day-light, perceiving
them to leeward, he formed his line ; but, on a nearer approach,
discovering their strength, he thought it prudent to decline an
engagement. The enemy did not appear so confident in their
superior numbers as to urge the British to battle.: both fleets
therefore* parted, as if by mutual consent. Valuable as was the
capture achieved by Kempenfeldt, yet great dissatisfaction was*
excited in England against the admiralty, for not furnishing that
gallant commander with a force which might have seized the con
voy, and vanquished the French fleet: there were ships, they
said, lying idle in harbour, which ought to have been employed
in this service. *
The war with Holland required in Europe a considerableWar with.
diversion of our naval force. The Dutch were fortunately very Holland,
little prepared for hostilities, and extremely deficient in seamen
and naval stores, in which they had heretofore so greatly-
abounded. The objects arising from war with them were, by
cutting off their sources of naval supply from the north, to pre
vent the restoration of their, marine, to destroy their immense
commerce from those quarters, to protect our own, and to pre
vent their intercourse -with" our enemies in southern Europe.
For these purposes a fleet was stationed in the North Seas, un
der admiral Hyde Parker. In the beginning of June, the Dutch
endeavoured to prepare sucli a fleet as should protect their own
Baltic trade, and intercept ours. On the 19th of July, admiral

700 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP. Zoutman sailed from the Texel, with eight ships of the line, ten
XXVII. v,ery large frigates, and five sloops. Admiral Parker was now
k>^~v^>^ on his return from Elsineur, with a convoy under his protec-
1781- tion ; his squadron consisted of six ships of the line, of which
two were in very bad condition, and several frigates.
Action off Early on the fifth of August> the fleets came in sight of each
the Dog- 0t],er 0ft- thg Dogger Bank j Parker perceiving the strength of
ger Bank. tjle enem„ ordered his convoy to make the'best of their way,
and sent his frigates for their protection : the Dutch admiral
having used the same precaution, prepared for battle, and both
parties appeared eager for a close engagement. They advanc
ed to meet each other in gloomy silence, without firing a gutt
until they were within pistol shot. The Dutch were superior
both in number of ships and weight of metal; but the British
admiral, notwithstanding this inferiority, made the battle a trial
of force, rather than of sl^ill. Indeed, both parties were so ex
tremely eager to display national valour, as to supercede alldex-
terity of manoeuvre. For three hours and forty minutes did they
fight without intermission, ranged abreast ofeach other ; the con
flict was extremely bloody; of the English five hundred were
killed or wounded, but the Dutch lost upwards of eleven hun
dred men. Though the enemy long kept the sea with astonish
ing firmness and intrepidity, yet the English were evidently su-'
perior; one of the best ships of the Dutch was sunk, and two
more so much damaged as to be for ever unfit for service. Though
the British ships were greatly shattered, yet none of them were -
hurt beyond the possibility of reparation. The Dutch convoy
was scattered, and compelled to return home instead of pursuing
its course. The voyage to the Baltic was of necessity abandon
ed, all means.of procuring naval stores were cut off, and the im
mense carrying' trade between the northern and southern nations
of Europe, which, along with their fisheries, had been the great
source of the Dutch power and wealth, was for this year annihi
lated. Though the result of the engagement, on the whole,
proved favourable to England, and the valour displayed in the
action was highly and generally approved, yet the admiralty was
severely blamed for not furnishing admiral Parker with a suffi
cient force. There were as many ships idle, either at Chatham
or in the Downs, as, if they had joined Parker, would have
enabled him to bring the Dutch fleet and convoy into England.
The admiral himself, appears to have been by no means satis
fied with the support which he had received ; he resigned his
command, and on that occasion did not conceal his senti
ments.1
Expedi- Commodore Johnstone was appointed to command a squa-
tion of dron destined to annoy the Dutch in another quarter, by at-
dore'john tacking the Cape of Good Hope, a settlement extremely valua-
stoneto " ble to the United Provinces ; thence he was to proceed to the
the Cape
?*' Good ' See Annual Register, 1781.
Hope ; °

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 701
Spanish Settlement of Buenos Ayres, in the Rio de la Plata of CHAP.
South America, where a dangerous insurrection had given great XXVI1-
alarm to the court of Madrid. The Dutch, conscious of their '•^"v^w
inability to defend the Cape, applied for assistance to France. 1781
The court of Versailles being also deeply interested in prevent
ing Britain from obtaining so important a possession, Ordered
monsieur de Suft'rein, in his way to India, to watch the motions
of the British squadron. Commodore Johnstone's naval force
consisted of a se,Venty-four, a sixty-four, and three fifty guh
ships, besides several frigates, a bomb-vessel, a fire-ship, and
some sloops of war. The land force was composed of three
new regiments, of a thousand . men each : several* outward
bound East Indiamen and store ordnance vessels went out with
this convoy ; and the whole fleet including transports and arm
ed ships, amounted to more than forty sail. With these com
modore Johnstone stopped at Cape de Verd Islands, for water
and fresh provisions: for collecting these supplies, a great
part of the crews, apprehending no enemy to be near, were
dispersed on shore. The French squadron, which consisted of
five ships of the line, with a body of land forces, being inform
ed of the situation of the British, expected to take them by
surprise. On the 16th of April, Suffrein leaving his convoy at
a distance attacked the British squadron in Port Praya, in the
island of St. Jago. He advanced as if to certain victory, but
was soon taught his mistake : the British force, though sur
prised, was so far from being intimidated, that they not only
rallied but entirely beat off the eneifty, with great loss of men
and damage to the shipping. Suffrein, disappointed in this at
tempt, made the best bf his way to the Cape, where, by his
•junction with the Dutch garrison, he knew he should be able to
defend it against Johnstone's armament. The British commo
dore, finding on his arrival that success would be impracticable
forbore the attempt. Soon after, meeting with five richly laden hs cap-
homeward-bound Dutch East Indiamen, he took four, and burnt tures "fu
tile other : when, perceiving that he could not compass the ori- *b'e Pri"
ginal purpose of his expedition, he returned to England with his
prizes. The West Indies, after being the theatre of the hostilities West Iti-
which have been recently narrated, experienced a most terrible dies-
enemy in the warring elements. This was a hurricane, far ex- Jj^S?"
ceeding in tremendous horror and dreadful destruction the usual ricane j„"
convulsions of the torrid zone. the Lee-
On the 10th of October 1780, this engine of devastation com- ward Isl-
menced its fell movements in the island of Barbadoes. Thun-ands=
der and lightning, whirlwinds, earthquakes, torrents of rain, fire,
air, earth, and water, appeared to vie with each other in ra
pidity of desolation. The first night, Bridgetown, the capital
of the island, was levelled with the ground. Other towns, as
well as villages aifd single houses, Shared the same fate : plan
tations jfl*re destroyed, the produce of the earth was torn up,

702

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP. XXVII.

17S1.

in Jamai
ca.

Humane
endeav ours to al
leviate the
distresses.

animals perished, and numbers of human beings fell either vic
tims to the fury of the elements, or to the downfall of buildings.1
The fear of a pestilence, from the multitude of dead bodies in
so putrifying a climate, compelled the survivors instantaneously
to bury the dead, without allowing to relations and friends the
melancholy pleasure of a distinguishing attention to the objects
of their affection. The negroes by rapine and violence added
to the general calamity, and as they were much more numerous
than the whites, might have utterly ruined the island, had not
general Vaughan with a considerable body of troops been sta
tioned upon it, and awed those barbarians to quietness and
obedience. The prisons being involved in the common destruc
tion, the late tenants of those mansions, who had been confined
for violating the laws, joined in the outrages ; but the prisoners
of war, especially a party of Spaniards, acted with the greatest
humanity and honour, in assisting the distressed inhabitants
and preserving public order. The islands of St. Lucia, Grena
da, St. Vincent's, and Dominica, were also desolated. The
French islands in the same quarter of the West Indies, espe
cially Martinique and Guadaloupe, suffered no less than the
English.3 But a still more direful hurricane, on the 3d of Oc
tober, wreaked its vengeance on Jamaica, and especially on the
districts of Westmoreland and Hanover, two of the most fertile
spots in the island. The inhabitants of Savannah la Mar,' a
considerable trading town in that quarter, were beholding with
astonishment such a swell of the sea as had never before been
seen, when, on a sudden, the waters of* the deep bursting through
all bounds, overwhelmed the town, and swept man, beast, and
habitation in one torrent of "destruction. What the waters did
not reach in the higher vicinity, combined tempest and earth- •
quake finished. Besides present desolation, this dreadful scourge,
by covering the most fertile tracts with sand and other barren
substances, sterilized the ground, and rendered it unsusceptible
of future culture. The loss of property was estimated at up
wards of a million sterling in two parishes in Jamaica. Their
neighbours endeavoured to alleviate the miseries of the suffer
ers ; but their principal and most effectual relief they derived
from the mother country, in the generous benefactions of indi-'
viduals, and the liberal munificence of the legislature.

> Annual Register, 1781. ,
* It is remarkable, that in the same mpnth some parts of the country in
the vicinity of London experienced a tornado very unusual in this northern
climate. The storm burst on Hammersmith, Rochampton, Richmond, Kings
ton, and the environs. At Hammersmith it blew down a considerable patt
of the church, though very strongly built, and both there and at other pla
ces damaged a number of houses. The same day a much more violent tem
pest raged on the coast of Normandy. See Chronicle in the Annual Regis.
ter, 1780, and Gentleman's Magazine for October in the same year.

REIGN OF GEORGE m. 703
Admiral Rodney was fortunately at New-York at this terrible CHAP.
season, and returned at the close of the year to the West In- XXVH-
dies. Having concerted his plan of operation with general *^~>r>-'
Vaughan, he, together with that cammander, undertook an ex- ^781'
pedition for the recovery of St. Vincent-'s, in the expectation of*^™0"™1"
finding its fortifications dismantled, and its garrison impaired by opens.
the recent hurricane. Having however reconnoitred, and find
ing both the works and garrison in such force as to require more
time for reduction than its comparative value justified, he there
fore desisted from the -attempt. No sooner had Britain been
compelled to go to war with Holland, than ministers, with a
meritorious policy, projected to strike a blow, which should
prove fatal to the commercial resources of her ungrateful ene
my. The Dutch island of St. Eustatius, though itself a barren
rock.'had long been the seat of an immense and lucrative
commerce: it was a general* market and magazine' to all na
tions ; its largest gains were, during the seasons of. war, among
its neighbours, as it then derived from its neutrality unbounded
freedom of trade. The property on a settlement so cir
cumstanced was known to be extremely, great ; t'o the acquisi
tion of such valuable spoils, therefore, government directed its
vjCws, and sent instructions to the commanders to make an at
tempt on the opulent repository. As the place' was naturally
¦strong,' with the assistance of the French, it might have been
rendered able to withstand an attack. Our commanders, to
anticipate re-enforcements, and at the same time deceive the en
emy, first pretended a design of assailing Martinico; but sud
denly appearing before the island of St. Eustatius, they sur
rounded it with a great force. The admiral and general sum- Capture
moned the governor to surrender, with which demand that offi-of St. Eu-
cer very prudently complied, and recommended the town and statws-
inhabitants to the known clemency of the British conquerors.
The wealth found in this place was estimated on a moderate
calculation at three millions sterling. Soon after, a convoy of
Dutch merchantmen richly laden, were captured by three of
Rodney's ships, and the prizes estimated at about six hundred
thousand pounds sterling. About this time, some enterprising
adventurers from Bristol, with a squadron of privateers, sailed
to Surinam, and under the guns of the Dutch forts, brought
away every valuable ship from the settlements of Demarara and
Issequibo. Thus Holland, in the destruction of her commerce,
was taught the folly of provoking to hostilities the most power
ful maritime state of the universe.1
1 British mercliants being proprietors of some parts of the property cap
tured in the Dutch settlements, considerable disputes arose between them
and-the admiral, on this subject. It, is remarkable, that in one of the, let
ters written on this occasion, Rodney prophesied that Demarara would in
a few years very far surpass in value the expectations which were then en
tertained. This prediction, though then thought improbable, has been
since amply verified.

704 HISTORY- OF THE
CHAP. The court of Versailles' formed the same project this cam-
XXVH. paign, which had been defeated in the preceding, to overpower
s"^^<^^ the English force in the West Indies, and afterwards to compel
1781. Britain to relinquish North America. There were alrea
dy eight ships of the line at St. Domingo and Martinico, with a
De Grasse considerable body of land forces. On the 22d of March, count
arrives in de Grasse, with twenty sail of the line, one of fifty-four guns,
Ind'WeSt anl* S'K thousand land forces, sailed for the West Indies, with an
immense convoy, amounting" to two hundred and fifty ships,
and arrived off Martinico. In the end of April, sir George Rod.
ney having detached three of his ships to escort the St. Eustatius
booty to Britain under commodore Hotham, had only twenty-
one ships of the line, while'De Grasse, being re-enforced from
Martinico, had twenty-four. Rodney himself remaining with
general Vauhgan at St. Eustatius, sent sir Samuel Hood towards
Martinico, in order to intercept de Grasse's fleet and convoy.
Admiral On the 28th of April, admiral Hood was informed by his ad-
Hood de- vanced cruisers, that the enemy were approaching in the chan-
Rodnev ne^ between St. Lucia and Martinico. The next morning he
offers bat- descried the fleet before the convoy ; -and though he had only
tie to the eighteen ships of the line to twenty-four, and the enemy had
French, the wind in their favour, the British commander, determined to
hazard an engagement. With great skill arid dexterity he en-
Theydo deavoured to gain the wind and come to close battle. De
not ven- Grasse, however, \#ould not venture a decisive action, and from
rreea his windward position being enabled to preserve the distance
tragement. which he chose, began to cannonade so far from the British
ships as to admit of little execution on either side. During the
first conflict, the British van, however, and the foremost ships
of the centre, after repeated endeavours, at last succeeded
in approaching nearer to the enemy, and having received a very
heavy fire, were considerably damaged in their masts, hulls,
and rigging, before the rest of our ships came up to their as
sistance. Finding his wounded ships in a very shattered con
dition, admiral Hood thought it prudent during the night to
sail for Antigua. The marquis de Bouille attempted, in the ab
sence of our fleet, to reduce St. Lucia on the 10th of May ; but
by the vigorous resistance of the garrison, he was compelled t«
relinquish the design. Admiral Rodney now found it necessa
ry, instead of spending more time at St. Eustatius, to employ
his whole force against the French armament; he therefore im
mediately sailed to Antigua, and, as soon as the ships were re
paired, proceeded towards Barbadoes.
A French On the very day that sir George Rodney with the fleets
armament from Antigua arrived at Barbadoes, a small French squadron,
Tobago with a considerable body pf land forces, under the conduct of
M. de Blanchelande, late governor of St. Vincent's, appeared off
the island of Tobago. On the 23d of May, the day on which
the enemy appeared, Mr. George Fergusson, the governor, sent
the intelligence to Rodney, which the admiral received on

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 705'
the 26th. The naval commander imagined the force of the ene- CHAP.
my much- less considerable than it was, and on that supposi- XXVH-
tion destined six sail of the line and some frigates, under admi- ^^^0*^
ral Drake, with about six hundred land forces, for its relief. 15r81-
That officer having arrived on the 30th off Tobago, descried
between him and the land the enemy's fleet, consisting of twen
ty-four sail of the line. Finding it impossible to attempt a land
ing, he retired, and sent the commander in chief intelligence
of the posture of affairs. Meanwhile, about three thousand
French troops landed on the island. The defenders, including
a few soldiers and the colonial militia, amounted only to four
hundred and twenty-seven whites ; but they found most
faithful and intrepid auxiliaries in their blacks. Governor Fer- Character
gusson1 himself was distinguished for his treatment of negroes, *"d S*1"
the joint result of judgment and humanity, by which he secur- f*^,e *"f
ed the obedience, while he conciliated the affection, and esta- governor
blished the fidelity of his labourers. His precept and example Fergus-
influencing'-other planters, rendered the condition of the blacks son\
much more comfortable than in most of the other settlements., Hisjudi-
and attached to their masters, hearts very susceptible of kind kind treat-
impressions. The island, however, not being far advanced in ment of
cultivation, the number of negroes fit to bear arms was buthis ne-
small. The gallant Fergusson made a skilful and vigorous de-Sroes*
fence against an enemy four times the number of his brave band.
Trusting that his message would bring effectual succour, he oc
cupied a strong post, and for seven days prevented the enemy
from making progress. The marquis' de Bouille, commander
of the invaders, found all attempts to dislodge his opponents
vain; wherefore, to reduce them to submission, he began to
destroy their plantations. The islanders, seeing the approach
ing devastation of their property, were awed to concessions,
which the fear of personal danger could not extort, aud at last
agreed to capitulate. The firmness of the governor restraining overpow-
tnem from precipitate offers, procured honourable and advan- ered by
tageous terms. Admiral Rodney did not escape censure for numbers.
not having adopted more effectual measures for the relief of to an ho-
Tobago ; and it was asserted with some reason, that the French, nourable
without a, great superiority of naval force, had in this campaign capitula-
acquired a most important advantage in the West Indies. tlon-
From the capture of Tobago in the beginning of June, to
the beginning of August, de Grasse continued in the West In
dies, without being encountered by Rodpey ; and in July sailed
to St. Domingo, where, after being re-enforced by five ships of
the line, he escorted the rich mercantile convoy, with a fleet
amounting to twenty-eight ships of the line. He conducted the
convoy northwards until they were out of danger, and proceed
ed himself to the second object of his expedition. Rodney,
' Brother to the colonel, who liv^d and died w honourably. — See this
history, chap. xxv. X
Vol. I. 89

70S HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, conceiving that his health required an immediate return to his
¦A^VU*- native country, escorted the West India convoy home, and sent
'*-f~yr^'*' the greater part of his fleet, under sir Samuel Hood, to watch
^§*' the motions of de Grasse.
The Span- While these operations were carrying on between the French
iards re- anrj British among the eastern settlements of the West Indies,
duceWest^g gpanjar(jg were not jnactive in the western. Elated with
°n 8" their successful attack against the British settlements on the
Mississippi, they had extended their views to West Florida.
In the year 1780, they h»d captured the fort of Bobille, on the
confines of Florida; and in 1781, preparing a considerable
armament from the Havannah, they resolved to besiege Pensa-
cola. The enemy on their first departure were dispersed by a
hurricane, but soon refitting, again set sail with eight thousand
land forces, and fifteen ships of the line. On the 9th of March
they arrived at Pensacola. Mr. Chester, governor of the pro
vince, and general Campbell, governor of the town, with a gar
rison not exceeding three thousand men including inhabitants,
made the most skilful dispositions for the defence of the place.
The enemy were near two months employed against Pensacola,
before they were prepared for a general assault ; and though
they must ultimately,, from the vast superiority of their numbers,
have prevailed, yet the courage and activity of the garrison
would have withstood their efforts much longer, had not their
principal redoubt been accidentally blown up by the falling of
a bomb at the door of the magazine, which set fire to the pow
der. The garrison now finding that farther defence was hope
less, next morning agreed to capitulate, being the 9th of May,
exactly .two months after the siege commenced; and thus the
province of West Florida became a possession of Spain.
Last ef- The history now comes to the last exertions of Britain for
IbrtsofBri- the recovery of North America — efforts glorious to the valour of
tainforthe jjer champions, but terminating in events melancholy to the na-
ofNorth tional interests. Ministry had uniformly Been remarkable, du-
America. ring the American war, for misapprehending situations and
events, over-rating partial advantages, and conceiving them to
be general and decisive. The reduction of Charleston, and
compulsory submission of South Carolina, they considered as
certain indications of her future success, and of the desire of
the colonists to return to their connexion with the parent coun-
Misinfor- try.. They received the exaggerations of deserters from Ame-
n,a*,°n rica as authentic testimony, and gave to the effusions of disap-
c"nclu-Se pointed pride and resentment, a belief due only to the impartial
sions of narratives of truth. The defection of Arnold elevated their hopes
ministers, of recovering the colonies ; they considered his manifesto de
scribing both the weakness and discontent of the American
army, as unquestionable evidence.1 Proceeding on such super-
>¦ The following extract-from a letter written by a respectable field offi-
cer of the guards, dated New-York, August the 24th, 1781, illustrates the

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. f07

ficial views and feeble reasoning, they formed their expectations CHAP.
and plans. It was apprehended that general Clinton, from the xxvn-
Supposed weakness and disaffection of Washington's army, s**"v*,l»
would not only be able to afford that body full employment in i78i-

opinion which was entertained by impartial observers on the spot, con
cerning the information and conduct of ministry, and with prophetic saga
city predicts the event; —
" Well, here I am once more, wrapt up in military nonsense ; for what
but nonsense must be the science of destroying mankiiid, when tailors and
shoemakers startup generals, and dareto oppose us regularly bred practi
tioners : however, f ex nihilo nihil Jit?' and these self-created heroes have
the less merit, as we have learnt to bear and forbear, and even turn the
left cheek where the right has been smitten.
" Now, my good friend, I lament that it is not in my power to send you
much consolation from here. The strange and unaccountable infatuation
that attends our sagacious ministers at home, (who seem to embrace e\ery
phantom, merely that they may be deceived,) will indubitably assist others
on this side of the Atlantic in bringing this rebellion to a most dishonoura
ble conclusion. To enter into a particular detail of all our follies, &c. &c.
Would take up a volume ; but I should wish to give you some idea of our
present situation at New- York. — When I left England it was confidently
asserted by those who ought to have known better, ' that the rebel army
was scarce existing ; that the people in general were in a state of the utT
most misery and despondency, their finances totally exhausted, without
credit, without trade, or the means of procuring the common necessaries
of life ; and, at the same time, general inclination to submit to the mercy
of Great Britain.' This was the language of the 1st of last April : I own
that was a day on which it is usual for the unwary passenger to be held up
to ridicule by much greater fools than himself.
" With respect to the rebels : at no period of time since the commence
ment of this infamous rebellion, have the Americans fitted out so many
large ships as within these eight months : their success (thanks to our na
vy) has answered their most sanguine expectations. Their trade from
Philadelphia to the Havannah and the ]West Indies has been very great,
although it is in the power of two frigates to secure the entrance into tbe
rivet Delaware. The success of the Spaniards at Pensacola was entirely
owing to the constant supplies of flour they received from the rebels,
without which they could not have subsisted ^{ieir army. With respect to
the misery of the people, I leave you to judge how great it must be, when
beef and mutton sell at the rate of two-pence a pound in the Jerseys, while
we in New-York pay two shillings : other things in proportion. The de
preciation of their paper money is now so far from being a loss to' them,, -that
k is a very great advantage, as, by the constant circulation of many hun
dred thousand hard dollars, which they have at length received, their pa
per currency will be annihilated, so that th«y are now beginning on a new
bank. As to the despondency qf the people, believe it not ; for the spirit
of rebellion never breathed with more rancour^ than it does at this moment
in America. Perhaps the great successes of our forces to the southward
have convinced you by this time that the Carolinians and Virginians are
still unconquered. .
" The French and rebel army, united under Washington, consists ot near
twelve thousand men, exctusive of militia, who are now called upon to
join with the greatest force they can collect, in the most sacred promise of

708 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, the vicinity pf New- York, but also to co-operate powerfully
XXVII. ^th ^e southern force, overpower the Americans who were
^^v^*-' still refractory, and enable the well affected (according to the
1781- ministerial hypothesis so often disproved by fact, the majority)
Object to declare their sentiments, and assert their loyalty. On this
and plan theory the plan of the campaign was constructed : its principal
campaign and prominent object was, that lord Cornwallis should pervade
1781. the interjacent provinces, join Arnold, and in Virginia attack
the marquis de la Fayette, an active partisan of the repub
licans ; while sir Henry Clinton should in the north oppose ge
neral Washington, and count Rochambeau, commander of the
Lord French troops. Early in the year 1781, lord Cornwallis tak-
Cornwallis ing the field, advanced to the frontiers of Carolina. Tarleton
begins his jiving 5een ordered to scour the country to the left, pursued
m Morgan the American partisan ; that officer retired to the Broad
River, intending to cross' it with his troops ; but he found that
from a sudden thaw the waters were so high as to render it im
passable, unless with great danger : being so situated and closely
pressed by Tarleton, he resolved to hazard a battle. On the
18th of January, at eight in the morning, Tarleton came in
sight of the enemy ; they were drawn up on the edge of an
open wood without defences, and though their numbers might
have been somewhat superior to his own, the quality of his troops
was so different as not to admit a doubt of success, which was
still farther confirmed by his great strength of cavalry, so that
every thing seemed to indicate a complete victory. His first
line consisted of the seventh regiment, the foot and light infan
try of his legion ; the second of the first battallion of the seven
ty-first, while troops of cavalry flanked each line. Morgan
plunder of this city. The French fleet from the West Indies is expected
in a very short time with a re-enforcement, and then we are to expect to
ba attacked here. As to the British army in these lines, small as it is, it is
equal, beyond a doubt, to the annihilation of the monsieurs and rebels un
der the great general Washington, if they would risk a battle, which we
have no reason to suppose they would not do, as they continue to insult us
so unpunished. The conduct of this war has been, and continues to be,
most shameful and unpardonable ; and neither justice nor common sense is
permitted to have the smallest weight in the counsels of our great men. —
Public faith, once deemed inviolable, is daily Sacrificed, and not the small
est attention is paid to any thing but plunder. The expenditure of public
money is notoriously committed to the most mean and dishonest of
men. There is not a paltry clerk in one of bur departments, who cannot
in the space of a twelvemonth afford to keep his town and country house,
carriage, &c. &c. and realize thousands. Facts must speak for themselves,
and I hope they will be required. It is impossible, in short, to suppose
affairs can go as they should do, when merit is discouraged, infamy .reward
ed, and the name of an honest man a sufficient bar to his advancement. I
am heartily sick of it all ; I wish to return in peace and quietness to Old
England. " I say nothing of myself, but that I am, thank God, in good health, de
termined to do my duty in all situations to the best of my abilities ; and* let
what happen, never to sign a convention with rebels."

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 709
placed seven hundred militia in one line on the edge of the CHAP.
wood; the Second consisted of regular troops, on which he XXVH.
had much dependence: these he disposed out of sight in the s^"v^**'
wood. TheBritish troops soon broke the enemy's line, and l78]-
concluding the victory to be gained, were pursuing the fugi- Jj'P^ \he
tives, when, on a sudden, the second line of the enemy, which jj-jj,.
opened to the right and: left to entice the pursuers, poured in a troops.
close and deadly fire on both sides. The ground was in an Defeat of
instant covered with the killed and wounded ; and those brave the gallant
troops, who had been so long inured to conquest, by this severe and.enter-
and unexpected check, were thrown into irremediable disorder, Tarleton.
and a total defeat was the immediate consequence ; the loss in
killed, wounded, and prisoners, exceeded four hundred men.
Tarleton used every effort that ingenuity could devise to rally
his men, and repulse the American horse, but his abilities and
courage could not recover the, fallen fortune of the day. TheDisadvan-
loss of Tarleton's corps, so soon after the disaster at King's tagetothe
Mountain, was severely felt by' lord Cornwallis, to whom, on such ?ritishh.
a service, and in such a country, light troops were of the highest disfeterl
importance. The American general, Greene, who had been ap
pointed to watch the motions of lord Cornwallis, was stationed
with a considerable force in North Carolina. The British general
proposed to cut off the enemy's communication with Virginia,
and at the same time to strengthen South Carolina, so that it
might not be endangered in his absence : for this purpose he left
a considerable body of forces at Charleston, under lord Raw
don. Lord Cornwallis first made an attempt to intercept Mor
gan, which the dexterity of that partisan eluded. The Bri
tish army with much difficulty passed the Catawba, and being in
formed that general Greene was posted at Guildford, lord Corn
wallis. marched towards that place.; Greene's force consisted of
about, six thousand men, while the British did not exceed two
thousand; therefore the American, general determined to ha
zard a battle. The enemy were drawn up in the field, with a
wood on the right, and other woods both in front and rear ; Battle of
consequently the safest point of attack was on the left wing. Guildford.
At the same time the general was obliged to act with great cau
tion, lest he should fall into an ambuscade from the woods, as
Tarleton had done in a similar situation. Major-general Les
lie commanded the right wing, colonel Webster the left, Tarle
ton the cavalry, and his lordship himself the centre. A party
of light infantry was stationed in the woods to act as occasion
might require. The enemy's first line was soon broken ; the
second made a very vigorous and .gallant resistance, but were
at length beaten back to the third line whicli Was stationed in
the woods : there the battle became necessarily irregular ; the
Americans being more accustomed to such a scene of combat,
appeared for a short time likely to prevail ; but the grenadiers of
the seventy-first regiment, having by a rapid movement passed

710

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP.
XXVII.

over a deep ravine, charged with such impetuosity as to break
the enemy's 'line: the confusion terminated in a total route.
The loss on the side of the British amounted to five hun-
those who died of
very highly esteemed

178\r dred men killed and wounded ; amoi
succSul! w0"nds was colonel Webster, an officer
but with ' by the general1 and the whole army for courage, military skill,
considei-a- and ability. The loss of -the Americans was considerably

ble loss.

Campaignof lord
Rawdon.

Battle of
Hob kirk
Hill.

greater, but when compared, with their immediate resources,
perhaps less in proportion than the loss of the conquerors.
From Guildford the British army marched through a wild, inhos
pitable, and hostile country, and after encountering the sever
est hardships, arrived on the 7th of April at Wilmington in
Virginia. Arnold, meanwhile, made an incursion into the
northern parts of Virginia, and plundered the coast. Being
soon re-enforced by general Phillips, they made great havoc
among the enemy, and were n6t without hopes of effecting a
junction with lord Cornwallis.
General Greene after his defeat ai Guildford, spent some time
in collecting re-enforcements, which having arrived, he march
ed to South Carolina, to cut off" the communication between
lords Cornwallis and Rawdon. The British force in South
Carolina was se small, that their situation was extremely pre
carious : and their provisions were so much reduced, that
their noble general was compelled to decline the proffered
assistance of a body of loyalists, from absolute inability to
afford them maintenance. Lord Rawdon was posted at Cam
den when Greene arrived : his lordship learned that considera
ble re-enforcements were expected by the American army;
small as his own force was, our general formed a resolution at
once bold and wise, to attack the enemy, numerous as they,
were, before they should be still more powerfully recruited.
The Americans were encamped at two miles distance on the
brow of a rocky steep,8 known by the name of Hobkitk Hill,
flanked on the left by a deep swamp, and less fortified on that
side, because there they apprehended no danger. Superior
genius here acted on the same principle which in this history
we have repeatedly seen successful, but especially in seeking
and seizing the heights of Abraham.8 The commander at
tempted the most difficult approach, from the well founded
presumption that there defence would be the least vigilant
At ten in the morning of the 25th of April, the British troops '
marched to the enemy round this swamp undiscovered, arid
entered a wood bordering upon the enemy's left wing. Hence
they rushed with such rapid impetuosity as to throw that divi-
' Lord Cornwallis announced the death of this valiant officer to his fa.
ther, the -late Dr. Webster of Edinburgh, in a letter, which was published
in the newspapers, and universally admired.
¦*¦* See Andrews, vol. iv. ; Stedman, vol. ii. ; and Ramsay-. "•
3 See this Volume*, chap. i.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 711
sion of the enemy into an instant,confusion, which communi- CHAP.
cated to the main body. The Americans, however, far-supe- XXVH.
rior in number, were enabled to rally, and make a resolute V~«''W*»
stand : their artillery arriving at this moment, afforded them 178L-
pow.erful support, and greatly annoyed the British force. The
provincials extended their front to such a length, that lord
Rawdon apprehended the intention of surrounding his troops.
At this instant he conceived one of those happy designs which
the emergencies of war call forth from combined heroism and
ability; he ordered his columns to form one line. Thin as
this rank was, they charged the enemy with , such fury, as
proved totally irresistible, routed them, and obtained a com
plete victory. Whether we consider the design or execution,
no action occurred during the, war which displayed in a greater
degree the united talents, valour, and ready invention, which
constitute the soldier and the general : but little availed mili
tary excellence, when seconded by political weakness; the
re-enforcements intended by ministers to join lord Rawdon,
were not sent in proper time. By. the late conflict his small
band was reduced to eight hundred men, while the Americans,
though- defeated, were fast recruiting; our valiant commander
was thus arrested in the qareer of victory, and obliged to act
on the defensive until fresh troops should arrive. At length,
part of the expected re-enforcement arrived at Charleston,
and the British general marched downwards to effect a junc
tion. In his absence, Greene invested the strong post of Ninety- The Ame-
six, and at the same time sent a detachment to besiege Augus- ricans be
ta in Georgia. Apprehensive that lord Rawdon would Speedily Sr?get
return, Greene attempted to take the fort by assault, butthes-,x"ey'
garrison made so vigorous a defence that the Americans were ,
compelled to retire. The day after their retreat the British but on the
general arrived : he soon learned that Augusta was taken, andW™*
that the besiegers had rejoined the army of Greene. The force S^Sx
of the Americans was now so powerful, that great numbers of the abandon
provincials, who had professed obedience to Britain, threw oft' the at-
the mask, and avowed hostility. Finding every thing around tempt.
him full of danger and enmity, the general perceived, the neces
sity of abandoning Ninety-six, that he might converge his force
for the defence of the lower province, and especially the capital.
On his march, he heard that a detachment of Americans was
posted at Congaree creek, and immediately hastened to that
spot. The enemy, by breaking down a bridge, endeavoured
to impede the progress of the British ; but Rawdon advanced
with surprising quickness, a party of his troops waded through
the river, drove the enemy from the bank, and cleared a pas
sage for. the rest of the armyl Lord Rawdon made repeated
attempts to bring Greene to battle; but, taught by experi
ence, the wary American skilfully and successfully avoided
an encounter.

712 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP. Notwithstanding the enterprise, skill, and genius, so conspi-
XXVII. cuousjy displayed by the brave young Rawdon, Greene on the
s^?~*m> whole succeeded so far as to recover the greater part of Geor-
1/81. gia, and the two Carolinas; and had also entirely cut off com
munication between the British commanders in South Carolina
and Virginia. Lord Rawdon having soon after returned to
England* the command in South Carolina devolved on colonel
Stewart.. Greene having both re-enforced his army irt numbers,
and unproved them in discipline, resolved to attack the British
forces. On the 8th of September, he put his design in execu
tion, and attacked colonel Stewart at the Eutaws. Great num
bers were killed on both sides, without any decisive event ; the
result, however, was on the whole favourable to the enemy, and
the British thenceforward confined their operations to the vici
nity of Charleston.
Cornwallis Cornwallis meanwhile entered Virginia, and made considera-
entersVir- bie progress .near its southern coast. On the 25th of May he
gmia, joined the body that had been commanded by general Phillips;
reaches and in the latter end of June, reached Williamsburgh. His
Williams- lordship considered it of the highest consequence to command a
ijurgj.aiid p0gt on a navigable river, as thus maritime assistance might
ef himself C0"°Pera^e w'tn ^'s 'ant* f°rces- He accordingly established
at Glou- himself at Gloucester and at Yorktown, on the opposite banks
cester. of York river. The marquis de la Fayette, together with the
American general Wayne, were stationed with a powerful
body of troops to watch the motions of lord Cornwallis, and
without hazarding an engagement, to restrain their operations.
Having fortified this position, and taken a general view of the
situation of affairs, he formed an opinion that a much greater
force than that which he possessed would be necessary for redu
cing Virginia, and effecting the object of the campaign. He con
ceived that there could be no hopes of ultimate and decisive
success, without very active co-operation on the part of the com
mander in chief.
Sir Henry Clinton appears not to have coincided in the
judgment of the other general : instead of re-enforcing the
army in Virginia, he turned his attention solely to the, defence
of New- York, against which he apprehended an attack from
Dexterous the combined armies. To confirm him in this apprehension,
stratagem the genius of Washington devised a stratagem which easily
of Wash- imposed on the very moderate sagacity with which the British
winch commander in chief was gifted. General Clihton had inter-
over- cepted many of the American letters in* the course of his com-
reaches mand, and published them in the New-York papers. Wash-
Clinton, ington now wrote letters to various officers, declaring that the
only effectual mode of saving Virginia was by attacking New-
York in conjunction with the French troops; which, he as
serted, would be soon attempted; for he was much alarmed
at the success of a general, whom from experience he knew to
be so fertile in resources, so vigorous in decision, and so prompt

REIGN* OF GEORGE III. 713
and expeditious in improving every advantage. These were CHAP.
(according to the writer's intention) also intercepted, and XXV|I-
completely imposed on the British commander in chief. To s-*"v"^<*>'
continue the deception, the two commanders, accompanied by. 17ai-
the principal officers of both armies, and attended by the en
gineers, reconnoitred the island of New-York closely on both
sides from the opposite shore; and to render appearances the
more serious, took plans of all the works under the fire of
their batteries. The arrival of de Grasse was daily expected
by the combined generals, and they resolved to proceed by
forced marches to Virginia, not doubting that the mass of land
and sea forces which would then be united, would overwhelm
lord Cornwallis, when unassisted by the commander in chief".
On the 19th of August they set out, and Clinton considered Washing.
their departure as only .a feint to cover their designs on New- ton joins
York: they proceeded to Virginia,' and joined the army of la ?he (or?es
Fayette. De Grasse having arrived at the same time, blocked ,J,**a °
up York river with his ships, while his land forces effected a
junction with the Americans. Intelligence had been despatch
ed by sir George Rodney to admiral Graves, that the French
fleet was destined for the Chesapeake, and that' sir Samuel
Hood Was on his way to the same place, in expectation of
meeting with admiral Graves and the New-York squadron.
The despatches having been unfortunately captured, did not
reach the admiral. Sir Samuel Hood having arrived off the
Chesapeake on the 25th of August, three days before, and
being disappointed, in his hopes of", finding Graves there, pro
ceeded to New- York, which he rliched on the 28th, and three
days after the united squadrons sailed for the Chesapeake, and
arrived the fifth of September, with nineteen ships of the
line, when they discovered the French fleet at anchor there,
amounting to twenty-four ships of the line. A partial engage
ment' took place, in which several British ships were considera
bly" damaged, but without any decisive event on either side.
The hostile armaments kept five successive days in sight of
each other, but stormy weather having'inuch increased the
damage of the British fleet, they returned to New- York to refit.
Meanwhile Barras, who had succeeded Terney in command-'- A French
ing the French naval force on the North American station, ?.eet,
joined de Grasse ; -and thus the gallant army under the brave tj,° rive""
Cornwallis was inclosed and surrounded by an immense naval Lord
force, and an army of twenty-one thousand men, whilst his own Cornwallis
corps did not exceed six thousand. Not conceiving it possible ISS»rL
that sir Henry Clinton would be so completely outwitted, lord E^pectine
Cornwallis expected speedy succours, and made dispositions succours
for a vigorous defence until they should arrive ; meanwhile he soon, he
found it necessary to contract his posts, and concentrate his resolvesto
defences ; and the enemy immediately occupied those positions ^f^if t
which the British general had abandoned. The trenches tj,e ]ast
were opened by both armies in the night between the 6th and
Vol. I. 90

714 CHAP.
XXVII.

1781.

Skilfulandgallant de
fence.

Finding himself
unable to
resist, sur
renderson ho
nourable
terms.

HISTORY OF THE
7th of October; the batteries were covered with little less
than one hundred pieces of heavy ordnance, and their attacks
were carried on with formidable energy. In a few days most
of the British guns were silenced, and the defence rendered
hopeless. An express, however, having arrived from New-
York, and informed the commander that he might rely on im
mediate succours, the general persevered in resistance. Two
redoubts on the left of the British greatly impeded the progress
of the siege. The second parallel of the enemy being now
finished, they resolved to open their batteries on these works
on the fourteenth of October. The British forces employed
every effort to defend the fortifications, but were overborne
by the immense superiority of number. The noble commander
saw that it would be impossible to withstand a general assault,
for which the enemy was now prepared. Finding no succours
likely to arrive, and himself surrounded on every side, he con
ceived a design of forcing his way through a part of the ene
my, and making his escape, but found it would be imprac
ticable. Thus hemmed in by a very superior army, through no
rashness of his own, but in tbe skilfuL and vigorous execution
of his part of a concerted plan, this brave leader had no alterna
tive but the sacrifice of his gallant army without answering any
purpose, or a surrender. On the latter step he at last resolved,
and on the 19th of October yielded by an honourable capitula
tion. At last sir Henry Clinton set out from New-York to attempt
the relief of lord Cornwallis, two months after the departure of
Washington and RochambeaUtaad left him at liberty to proceed
to the assistance of the distressed army. He brought with him
seven thousand land forces, with a fleet, which was now re-en
forced by admiral Digby, consisting of twenty-five ships of the
line. Having arrived off the late scene of hostilities, they found
that all was over, and that succours so tardily accorded were
equivalent to desertion. The French fleet, though still superior
to the British, having accomplished their purpose, cautiously
avoided any conflict ; and the British commanders having no
longer any inducement to remain upon that station, returned to
New-York. Such was the fate of the gallant southern army and its
valiant commander, from whose antecedent and recent succes
ses sanguine hopes were entertained that the most valuable of
the colonies would be recovered, and that the cause of Britain
would ultimately prevail. In his laborious marches through
the wild and intricate tracts, his lordship received the fullest
and most experimental assurances that the people who were
asserted by ministry or their adherents to be friendly, were
generally hostile ; that every attempt to recover America
through the Americans themselves, was chimerical, as much as
every idea of reducing it by force. The plan he saw had been
concerted upon false principles, and he himself had fatally

REIGN OF GEORGE III, 715
learned that though he and his heroic band had done their ut- CHAP.
most, there was almost an equal deficiency of support and co- XXVU-
operation for its execution. The surrender at Yorktown was s^~v~>~>
the concluding scene of offensive war with America. All the 1'r81°
profuse expenditure of British wealth, all the mighty efforts of
British power, all the splendid achievements of British valour,
directed and guided by British talents and skill, proved without
effect; the momentous exertions of a war so wasteful of blood
and treasure were for ever lost.

716

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP. XXVIII.

Dissatisfaction again prevails in Britain — enhanced by the news from Vir
ginia. — Out of parliament, a majority becomes inimical to the American
war and to ministers. — Meeting of parliament — the king's speech — op
position inveigh with increased energy against ministers — dexterous de
fence by lord North — preliminary motions against ministers before the
recess — manifest difference among opposition on American indepen
dence. — General plan of attack against administration now formed and
matured — the various parts assigned, while Fox animates the whole. —
Fox's proposed inquiry into the management of the navy — negatived by
a small majority. — Conway's motion for an address to the king to con
clude the American war — carried by a majority of nineteen. — Ministers
still hold their places. — Lord John Cavendish's motion for the removal
of ministers — the minister skilfully addresses himself to different senti
ments and opinions — carries a motion for an adjournment — a coalition
attempted in vain-— the motion repeated by Lord Surry. — Adminis
tration resigns. — Character of the North administration. — The duke of
Richmond's strictures on the execution of colonel Haines — acknow
ledges he had been misinformed, and makes a satisfactory explanation.
—Strictures on the promotion of Lord George Germaine to the peer
age. — New administration. — The marquis of Rockingham first lord of
the treasury — Mr. Fox and lord Shelburne secretaries of state. — Avow
ed plan of ministers.— Adjustment with Ireland. — Indepenpence of the
Irish parliament acknowledged. — Mr. Grattan's address. — Satisfaction of
the Irish tiation. — Supplies. — Parts of Mr. Burke's scheme adopted. —
Conduct of Mr. William Pit! — connects himself with no party — reckons
a chief advantage in our constitution the equipoise of the orders — pro
jects a reform in parliament — proposes a committee to inquire into the
state of representation — proposition not considered as a party question.
— The younger members the' votaries of reform — -the older are for ad
hering to the existing constitution. — Arguments for and against — the
supporters of reform outvoted. — Overtures of Mi'. Fox for peace with
the Dutch. — Prematura endeavours to pacify America. — Death of the
marquis of Rockingham. — Lord Shelburne made prime minister —
enraged at this appomtment^Mr. Fox resigns. — Mr. William Pitt chan
cellor of the exchequer. — Mr. Fox gives a general account of the rea
sons of his resignation. — India affairs. — Reports of the committees re
present the general system of government to be erroneous and hurtful,
and state gross abuses to have been committed by the company's chief
servants: — Warten Hastings implicated in the censure. — Exertions of
Mr. Dundas. — Bill of pains and penalties against governor Rumbold and
his coadjutors. — Session rises.

DURING the recess of parliament 1781, dissatisfaction
had begun again to prevail, from incidents and events already
mentioned, and especially from repeated instances of" alleged
misconduct in > the ministerial direction of the navv. That
source of dissatisfaction being opened, speedily caused others

again pre- to 'ssue '• the immense expenditure, the profuse loans, the enor-

REIGN OF GEORGE III. fif
ffious increase of taxes, the little avail of all our exertions, pre- CHAP.
sented- themselves to the view, and the public were very dif- XXVM.
ferently disposed towards ministers, on the approach of the '*^~'*~>~t
second session of parliament, from what they had been at the }78l-
beginning of the first. Both dejected and dissatisfied, their *ai.ls .in
gloom and displeasure were dreadfully aggravated by the me- n ain '
lancholy news from Virginia. Judging of ministry under the enhanced
immediate impression of this calamitous event, they hastily im- newsfrom
puted our misfortunes-to a series of folly, obstinacy, and miscon- Virginia.
duct. Many who had strenuously recommended perseverance
in 'coercion, now reprobatedrthat system which they had most
loudly applauded : a majority out of parliament became inimical a majori-
to the American war and the present ministers: such was the ty out of
disposition becoming prevalent, when parliament met on the 27th parlM***-
Of November. Tomes
His majesty's speech somewhat exceeding the usual length hostile to
in copiousness of detail, imputed the continuance of the war to ministers.
the restless ambition of his enemies. He should not discharge Meeting
the trust committed to the sovereign of a free people, or requite ^^^'^
the constant and zealous attachment of his subjects to his per- tj,e t;ng's
son, family, and government, if to his own desire of peace speech.
or to their temporary ease and relief, he sacrificed their essen
tial rights and permanent interests. Having mentioned the fa
vourable affairs in the East Indies, he recommended farther in
quiries into the condition of the dominions and revenues of that
country. His majesty stated to the house without palliation
or, diminution, the unfortunate event of the campaign in Vir
ginia, but adduced it as a ground for a firm confidence in par
liament, and more vigorous, animated, and united exertions.
The consequent address excited a very . interesting debate, in Opposi-
which opposition sketched the principal topics of the charges tion* in
which they adduced against ministers in the course of the ses- ve,ffn W1*
sion, and of the counsels which they proposed to be substituted. energy '
Their arguments were directed to prove the original folly of againstmi-
the American war ; the madness of perseverance in so hopeless nisters.
a contest; the incapacity, negligence, and mismanagement of
the first lord of the admiralty ; the ignorance, weakness, and
incompetence of administration in their various departments, as
well as general system ; and the necessity of changing both men
and measures. Lord North defended himself and his colleagues, Dextrous
both as to particular counsels and the series of policy, with • a defence
dexterity and ingenuity that, if it did not convince impartial £f^d
readers or hearers, at least impressed them with a high opinion
of the speaker's ability.
On the 4th of December, Mr. Burke proposed an inquiry into
the conduct of the captors of St. Eustatius; a confiscation of
effects, he alleged, there took place contrary to national
justice and to national policy. To prove his first head,' he
.entered into a very learned and able discussion °F "ie extent
of powers acquired by conquerors over an enemy surrendering

718 HISTORY OF THE '
CHAP, at discretion ; and for this purpose quoted the authority of the
XXV1H. most ce|ebrated writers on the law of nations, traced the history
s^v"*»' of these laws, and their actual state, as elucidated by the cori-
1781. current practice of all civilized societies. The feelings of man
kind had even exceeded the theories of jurisprudence in mitiga
ting the calamities of war; hence he inferred, the necessity, in
the present improved state of that code, of interpreting the max
ims of law, even in the most mild and favourable sense. 'He
therefore contended, that from the moment of submission, the
vanquished parties were entitled to the security of subjects.
Having laid down this proposition, he proceeded to a detail of
the alleged enormities which he contended to be contrary to
every dictate of justice and humanity, and offered to prove his
allegations by testimony. Such cruelty and depredation by ex
citing the hatred and enmity of neutral states, were no less im
politic than unjust. Admiral Rodney, without controverting
Mr. Burke's general principle, totally denied his statement of
the case ; the Dutch were at war with us, therefore it was per
fectly fair, and consistent with the law of nations that their pro
perty captured without a capitulation should be confiscated :
he had seized the whole, not for himself and the other captors,
but for the crown ; he could have no mercenary views, as he
did not till long after receive intelligence of the king's intention
to bestow the booty on the fleet and army. He knew of no out
rage, and never had heard that any was committed by the con
querors. The charge, being unsupported by facts and docu
ments, Mr. Burke's motion was negatived. On the 12th of De-
Prelimina- cember, the day appointed for considering the army supplies, a
rymotions motion was brought forward by sir James Lowther concerning
imniirters *^e American war, apparently intended to sound the dispositions
before the °f the house, and preparatory to more pointed propositions. It
recess. was proposed to declare, that the war in North America had
been hitherto ineffectual to the purposes for which it was un
dertaken ; and that perseverance in it would be unavailing, and
also injurious to the country, by weakening her power to resist
her ancient and confederated enemies. On this subject, so of
ten discussed in such a variety of forms, there could be little
novelty of argument. But opposition, in the division, ascer
tained the point which they were most anxious to establish :
the minority, amounting to one hundred and seventy-nine to
two hundred and twenty, showed that ministers were losing
Differ- ground. In the course of the discussions which American
ence of affairs underwent before the recess, the difference between lord
opinion Shelburne's connexions and the Rockingham party, concerning
position P"the independence, became more manifest than on any former
on Ameri- occasion. Great contests also prevailed in the cabinet, respect-
can inde- ing the plan of policy to be adopted in the present emergency.
pendence. Some of the ministers proposed the total evacuation of America,
and the direction of our whole force against the house of Bour
bon: but the majority still cast a longing lingering look after

REIGN OF GEORGE III. - 719
the object which they had pursued for so many years. The most CHAP.
sanguine saw now, that all hopes of reducing the whole of the XXV'H.
colonies were forever vanished, but they still fondly fancied that v«<"v'^«'
they might preserve a part ; and it was therefore determined, 1781.
that a considerable force should be left at New- York.
During the recess the opponents of ministry were employed Plan of
in forming and maturing a plan of general attack against ad- general
ministration. The chief conduct was intrusted to Mr. *P*X ! ag^nst ad-
and the various parts assigned to other senators, were to be di- ministra-
rected and supported by this illustrious leader, so admirably fit- tion.
ted for the warfare which he now undertook. Indeed, though
it would be difficult to determine in what mode such transcen
dent powers could be most effectually exerted ; it is certain, as
an historical fact, that the force and splendour of Mr. Fox's
genius have been most frequently displayed, not in legislative
invention or plans of executory policy, but in reprehensive elo
quence ; not in devising systems and measures for the wise and
^beneficial government of the country ; but in contending that
others have planned and acted unwisely and injuriously. On 1782.
the 23d of January, the day after the Christmas adjournment
expired, Mr. Fox moved an inquiry into the causes of the want
of success of his majesty's naval forces during the war, and
more particularly in the year 1781. For this purpose, he pro
posed a committee ; which being agreed to by ministers, he, a
fortnight after, on the 7th of February, discussed the subject.
He traced the naval history from the beginning of the war, and
exhibited a summary of the alleged miscarriages of the succes
sive years. In surveying the events of 1780, he, with peculiar
energy, exposed the infatuation which sent captain Moutray,
with the East and West India fleets, so near the enemy's coasts.
Having reached 1781, he stated five distinct charges of miscon
duct in the naval department: 1st, De Grasse was suffered to
depart for the West Indies, without any effort to intercept his
fleet. He had sailed from Brest on the 22d of March, with
twenty-five ships of the line ; Darby was at sea, on the 13th,
but instead of being suffered to pursue the enemy* he had been
sent out of the way to Ireland. The second charge was, the
loss of the St. Eustatius convoy, which had been captured on
its way home; this might have. been, easily saved by sending
a squadron at the time they were expected. The third was a
letter sent to tiie mayor of Bristol from the admiralty, in an
swer to one from that gentleman, requesting information con
cerning the combined fleet; the admiralty had misinformed and
misled the Bristol merchants, by intimating that the hostile ar
mament was not in the channel, when they knewXhat it was
there, and had thereby endangered the trading ships of that city.
The fourth charge was on the force sent to cope with the
Dutch; and the fifth, the inadequate fleet sent out with admiral
Kempenfeldt. The general defence adduced by lord Mulgrave,
in favour of earl Sandwich, was, that he had acted according

720 CHAP.
XXVIII. 1782.
Is negativ
ed by a
small ma
jority. Conway's
motion for
an address
to the king
to put an
end to the
American
war car
ried.

Ministersstill hold
their pla
ces.

HISTORY OF THE
to information, moral probability, and the existing circum
stances. Mr. Fox made a motion, founded on his five charges,"
that it is the opinion of this committee, that there has been
gross mismanagement in the administration of the' naval affairs
of Great Britain during the course of the year 1781. The
question being called for, Mr. Fox's motion was negatived by a
majority of only two hundred and five to one hundred eighty-
three. Encouraged by the progressive declension of ministe
rial majorities, on the 22d of February, opposition, in a mo
tion made by general Conway, proposed to address the king, to
put an end to the American war. After both sides had re
peated arguments so often employed, the country gentlemen
now leaving ministers, Conway's motion was negatived by a
majority of only one, being one hundred and ninety-four to one
hundred and ninety-three ; and opposition cherished hopes of
speedy success. Fully confident of victory, Conway, on the
27th of February, proposed the same motion under a' different
form. The usual arguments being repeated, opposition carried
their motion by a majority of two hundred and tniVty-four to two
hundred and fifteen; and thus, after a contest of eight years,
Mr. Fox'and his party succeeded in their attempt to procure a
vote' from the house, for requesting the king to conclude the
American war.
The following motion was accordingly carried :—" Resolved,
"February 27th, in the house of commons, that an humble ad-
" dress be presented to his majesty, most humbly to represent to
" his majesty, that the farther prosecution of offensive war on
"the continent of North America, for the purpose of" reduring
"the revolted colonies to obedience by force, will be the means
" of weakening the efforts of this country against her European
"enemies; tends, under the present circumstances, dangerously
"to increase the mutual enmity, so fatal to the interests both of
" Great Britain and America ; and by preventing an happy re-
" conciliation with that country, to frustrate the earnest desire,
"graciously expressed by his majesty, to restore the blessings of
"public tranquillity." To this address his majesty returned the
following answer : "Gentlemen of the house of commons, There
" are no objects nearer to my heart, than the ease, happiness, and
" prosperity of my people. You may be assured, that, in pur
suance to your advice, I shall take such measures as shall ap-
"pear to me to be most conducive to the restoration of harmony
"between Great Britain and the revolted colonies, So essential
" to the prosperity of both ; and that my efforts shall be directed
" in the most effectual manner against our European enemies, till
"such peace can be obtained "as shall consist with the interests
" permanent welfare of my kingdom."
Ministers had often declared that they would hold their places
no longer than a parliamentary majority should sanction their
system and measures : it was therefore expected that a resig
nation would immediately ensue. Lord North and his col-

RBIGN OF GEORGE Hi. 721
leagues, however, continued to hold their places, because they CHAP.
said it did not appear, by any vote or resolution, that parlia- XXVUI-
ment had withdrawn its confidence from the present, administra- ,^"v"^"**1
tion : confiding in its increasing strength, the opposite party re- 1782.
solved to bring this question to immediate issue. Accordingly i.ord John
lord John Cavendish, on the 8th of March, proposed resolutions Caven-
to the following effect : that, from 1775, the nation had expended dish's mo-
upwards of one hundred millions in a fruitless war : during fl°"„?mo,*
which' we had lost thirteen colonies, many of ouf valuable Westvai0f m^
India and other islands ; that the rest were in imminent danger ; nisters.
that we were now engaged in an expensive war with America,
France, Spain, and Holland, without a single ally ; that the
chief cause of these accumulated misfortunes was the united
incapacity and misconduct of administration. The three first
of these resolutions could not but be admitted as -matters of fact :
respecting the fourth, which was an inference from the others,
Mr. Fox contended, that a long uniform series of calamity and
disgrace' was a sufficient proof of misconduct : and farther,
that weakness and folly distinctly marked each separate mea
sure of every minister, as they collectively pervaded the whole
system of administration. Lord North argued, that it was un
fair from misfortune to infer misconduct; but that even if mis
conduct existed, it might be in the execution instead of the plans.
The minister, however, was aware, that a direct and pointed
answer to the charges could be of little avail ; therefore, with
his usual dexterous ingenuity he shifted his ground. To draw The min-
the attention of the house from the conduct of ministers, the ister skil-
question at issue, he called on them to consider if the present ^y ad"
counsellors should be removed, who, probably, would be their hfmsdfto
successors. His lordship, well knew that there were indepen- different
dent members in the house, who, though they disapproved lately senti-
of administration, were by no means desirous of being governed ments and
by a whig combination. By far the greater number of opposi- opiraons'
tion members either originally were, or had become partisans
of that connextion. He was aware, that not only the Rocking
ham system of ruling the nation by a confederacy, but also va
rious opinions and measures were by no means consonant to
the sentiments of all who now voted on their side. Was the
house (he said) prepared to new model the constitution, to alter
the duration of parliaments, and the rights of elections? Would
it consent to a violation of the national faith with the crown,
by adopting a celebrated bill of reform in the civil list expendi
ture? Would it vote the independence of America? on which
subject he understood there was as. great difference between the .
two branches of opposition, as between opposition and mini
sters. Mr. Dundas eminently distinguished himself, and with
his usual strength of explicit and direct argument urged the
house, before they voted for rentoving the present ministers and
throwing the government into the hands of their opponents, to
have it thoroughly ascertained and accurately defined, what the
Vol. I. ' 91

722 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, objects of these opponents were ; what system they proposed
XXVIII. *(¦„ a-jopt, and what measures they intended to pursue. These
s-*^r"s^ considerations had so much influence, that the suporters of
1782. ministers prevailed, and the resolution was negatived by a ma-
a motion63-**01-'*/ °^ *en' an<^ a l^°t'on was carried for adjourning the house
for an ad- until the 15th. Many moderate and independent members
journ- wished for a coalition, which should prevent the country from
ment. being entirely governed by any party. Ministers were well in-
A coah- c|inec| to that expedient, and during the adjournment made se-
tempted veral attempts to give it effect, but to no purpose. On the 15th,
in vain : sir John Rous made a motion similar to that of the 8th ; no less
than four hundred and eighty members were present, when
ministers still carried the negative by a majority of nine. The
opposite party immediately announced, that the resolutions
the mo- would be again proposed ; accordingly, on the 20th of March,
tI0n ,SAVh' a vet7 crowded house attended, and lord Surry rose to make the
Fowl Sur*^ Promise(^ motion. Before he had begun to speak, lord North
iy. rose to communicate to the house information, which (he said)
would supersede the necessity of the present motion, and require
an adjournment. Some disorder arose from what was con-
Adminis- ceived interruption to lord Surry ; but being quieted, lord North
tration re- jnf0rmed the house, that there was no administration, and mov-
l^ns' ed for an adjournment until new arrangements should be formed.
He then took his leave of the commons as minister, by thank
ing them for their honourable support during so long a course of
years, and in so many trying situations. He expressed his
grateful sense of their flattering partiality towards him at all
times, and their forbearance on many occasions. A successor
of greater abilities, of better judgment, and more qualified for
his situation, (he said,) was easy to be found ; a successor more
zealously attached to the interests of his country, more anx
ious to promote them, more loyal to his sovereign, and more de
sirous of preserving the constitution whole and entire, he might
be allowed to say, could not so easily be found. He concluded
his speech with declaring he did not mean to shrink from trial,
but should always be prepared to meet enquiry, nay, even de
manded from his adversaries the strictest scrutiny.
Character Thus ended the administration of lord North, a period, of
N^h d which the greater part teemed with calamitous events, beyond
ministra-' any of the same duration to be found in the annals of British
tion. history. A war, with so great, productive, and important part
of our own community, lost thirteen flourishing and powerful
colonies, the promoters of private and public wealth, and the
nourishers of national force. Hostilities, whencesoever they
arose, not only subtracted from us such constituents of strength,
but added them to our inveterate enemies. Year after ^year
our blood and treasure were expended to no puprose ; myriads
of men were killed, hundreds of millions were lavished without
obtaining any valuable object. Temporary gleams of partial
success were followed by the permanent gloom of general dis-

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 723
aster. Were we to judge from result solely, and to draw a con- CHAP.
elusion from the broad principle, that an uniform series of mis- XXVI11-
carriages in the natural course of human affairs, implies a great y"^"v^»""***1
portion of misconduct, our estimate of this administration might 1782-
be easily formed ; but general rules, applied to the appreciation
of conduct, often require to be nicely modified according to the
actual circumstances. I trust it has appeared to the impartial
reader, that the chief minister possessed very considerable ta
lents and fair intentions, though mingled with defects, and act
ing in such emergencies as precluded beneficial exertion and
consequences. But however erroneous and hurtful the series of
measures was during this administration, far is the blame from
being confined to ministers. It indeed belongs chiefly to par
liament, which by its approbation sanctioned their acts, and to
the people themselves of whom the greater part was eager for
commencing and continuing the war. When the nation censures
this burthensome and diastrous war, productive of such an enor
mous load of taxes, they must remember that it originateh in
THEMSELVES. While the house of commons was engaged in the momentous The duke
discussions, which I have been narrating, matters of a moreofK'ph"
personal nature were debated in the house of lords. The duke strictureg
of Richmond moved for an inquiry into the case of colonel 0n the ex-
Haines, executed at Charleston, under the following circum-ecution of
stances. Haines an American officer, having been taken pri- colonel
soner at Charleston, had demanded his parole, but had been Hames-
refused, unless he would take the oaths of allegiance. With
this alternative he readily complied, and thus bound himself
to perform the duties of a British subject. On the faith of his
sworn fealty, he was permitted to go and reside on his estate in
the interior country at some distance from Charleston; he there
raised two hundred men, attacked the innocent inhabitants who
would not join his banditti, murdered some, fired the houses of
others, and threatened the lives of many who fled; by taking
th[s ungenerous inhuman advantage of the lenity which he ex
perienced he added perjury to a breach of trust ahd aggravated
the forfeiture of his word by the blackest treachery. By the
laws of war as established in the practice of nations, a person
taken in arms against the state under which he had accepted
his parole was liable to be hanged instantly without any farther
proof than what should identify his person. Haines was taken
in arms; and, his identity being admitted, he was by lord
Rawdon and a board of oflicers sentenced to be hanged, and
accordingly suffered the punishment due to such treachery.
General Greene had represented this judgment as a transgres
sion of the laws of nations, and issued a manifesto to that ef
fect, threatening to retaliate on British prisoners ; but adduced
neither argument nor authority to prove his positions. The
duke of Richmond having received some partial account of
these circumstances, described the procedure of lord Rawdon

724 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, and the other officers to have been impolitic, illegal, and barba-
XXVIH. rous# Lord Stormont and the chancellor stated the actual
s"^"v~s»/ case, and vindicated the noblemen and gentlemen in question
1782. from so heavy a charge. His grace, on reconsidering the sub
ject, was induced to make a satisfactory explanation to the
young lord whose name had been called in question, and to de
clare to the house, the high opinion of that brave soldier's
humanity1 and just intentions, though he still doubted whether
Strictures the proceeding was strictly legal. It being understood in the
on lord house that a peerage was about to be conferred on lord George
George Germaine, as a mark of royal approbation for his ministerial
maine's conduct, opposition, not choosing directly to interfere with the
promotion king's right of bestowing that dignity, objected to it on a differ-
to the ent ground, that it was inconsistent with the honour of that
peerage, house, for a person who had received such a sentence from a
court-martial, farther confirmed by his sovereign, to be raised to
the peerage. A motion to that effect being made was immedi
ately negatived, as a violent encroachment on the rights of the
crown. Some days after, his lordship having now taken his seat
in the upper house, the motion was again introduced : viscount
Sackville vindicated his own character individually as being by
the long confidence of his sovereign purified from the stigma of
a sentence of twenty-two years before, under circumstances of
very questionable impartiality and equity; and farther asserted
the constitutional right of the crown, to bestow the peerage ac
cording to its judgment and discretion.
Newadmi- During the adjournment of the house, a new administration
nistration : was formed : the marquis of Rockingham was appointed first
the mar- jonj 0r ^e treasury ; the earl of Shelburne and Mr. Fox secre-
Rockhig- taries of state; lord Camden president of the council; the
ham first duke of Grafton privy-seal ; lord John Cavendish chancellor of
lord of the the exchequer; admiral Keppel, who was also created a vis-
treasury, count> first commissioner of the admiralty ; general Conway
and lord commander in chief" of the forces ; the duke of Richmond,
Shelburne master-general of the ordnance ; lord Thurlow was continued
secreta- in his office of lord high chancellor, Mr. Dunning was created
ries of baron Ashburton, and made chancellor of the duchy of Lancas-
Avowed ter' ^e f°"ow'ng were understood to be the public measures
pl^n of mi- which ministers undertook to support : peace with the Ameri-
nisters. cans and the acknowledgment of their independence was not
to be a bar to the attainment of that object ; they were to effect
a substantial reform in several branches of the civil list expen
diture, on the plan proposed by Mr. Burke, the diminution of
the influence of the crown; under which article the bills for
excluding contractors from seats in parliament, and disqualify
ing the revenue officers from voting in the election of members,
' Lord Rawdon was inclined to save Haines, had such an extension of
mercy been consistent with strict justice, and the example to be exhibited
to treacherous violators of their parole.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 725
were included. The house adjourned for several days at Eas- CHAP.
ter, and did not meet after the formation of the new ministry, XXV1H.
to execute any business until April. On the 8th, Mr. Eden, v-*""v>^'
who had been secretary to lord Carlisle late lord-lieutenant, ex- ,^78?'
hibited a view of the political history of Ireland, stated means mentSwith
which were then forming for rendering the country totally inde- Ireland.
pendent of the British legislature, and concluded with moving
for leave to bring in a bill to repeal so much of the act of the
6th of George I. as asserted a right in the king and parliament
of Great Britain to make laws to bind the kingdom of Ireland.
Mr. Fox informed the house that Irish affairs had already un
dergone the discussion of several privy-councils, and that the
next day, he would be prepared to propose a preliminary
measure on the subject ; Eden therefore withdrew his motion.
The next day messages were delivered to the two houses, re
commending such an adjustment as would give mutual satisfac
tion to both kingdoms. The duke of Portland* the lord-lieute
nant, sent a similar message to both the houses of the Irish
parliament, in consequence of which an address was moved by
the celebrated Mr. Grattan, leader of the popular party. This Mr. Grat-
representation fully and explicitly asserted the independent jrn'ssad"
rights of the kingdom of Ireland, and proceeded to state the
causes of those jealousies and discontents which had arisen in
that country ; the act of the 6th of George I. the power of
suppressing or altering bills in the privy-council, and the per
petual mutiny bill. It concluded with expressing the most san
guine expectations from his majesty's virtuous choice of a chief
governor, and their great confidence in the wise, auspicious, and
constitutional counsels which they had the satisfaction to see
his majesty had adopted. On the seventeenth of May, the
repeal of the act complained of was moved in the house, and
passed without opposition : and the parliament of Ireland waslndepen-
rendered independent on the parliament of Great Britain. In^eir°h
return for the liberal procedure of the British government in parijal9
relinquishing its claims without stipulation or condition what- ment as-
ever, the parliament of Ireland immediately voted 100,0001. for certained.
the purpose of raising 20,000 Irish seamen for the service of
his majesty's navy.* The new ministers proceeded to their
plans of reform and economy; bills were passed for disquali
fying revenue officers from voting in the election of members
of parliament, and for rendering contractors incapable of sitting
in the house of commons. On the 15th of April, a message
was brought from the king, recommending the adoption of a
plan for the curtailment of expenses through all the branches PartofMr.
of public expenditure. Mr. Burke, now paymaster-general 0fBurke's
• The sum of 50,0001. was also voted for purchasing an estate, and erect
ing a mansion therein, to besettled'on Henry Grattan, esq. and the heirs
of his body, as a testimony of their gratitude for the unequalled benefits
conferred by him on that kingdom.

726 CHAP.
XXVIII, 1782.
scheme of
reform is
adopted.

Conduct
of Mr.
WilliamPitt ; he
connectshimselfwith no
party.

He pro
jects a re
form in
parlia ment,

HISTORY OF THE
the forces, revived his plan of reform, and proposed as part of
it, a bill to enable his majesty to pay off the debt on his civil
list, to prevent the like in future, and to carry into a law the
retrenchments which his majesty had graciously proposed to
make in his household. Without entering into the detail of
the reduction which was effected by this bill when passed into
a law, it may be sufficient to state in general, that its annual
saving amounted to 72,3681. He followed the bill by another,
for the regulation of , his own office : the principal object of the
latter act, was to prevent the possibility of any balance accu
mulating in the hands of the paymaster-general. On the 3d of
May, Mr. Wilkes having made his annual motion for expunging
the famous resolution of 1769, respecting the Middlesex elec
tion, at last succeeded by a majority of 115 to 47.
Mr. William Pitt had voted against lord North's system and
measures, but never formed any connexion with the Rocking
ham confederacy, and accepted no place under the new ad
ministration. Young as this gentleman was, he had studied
moral and political philosophy more thoroughly, knew them
more deeply, radically, and extensively, than most of the ablest
men of the time, though matured by experience. He had ac
curately investigated the history, detail, and spirit of the Bri
tish constitution, comprehended its objects, principles, and ac
tual state : he conceived it to be the highest effort of human
wisdom, and its support essential to the prosperity and happi
ness of the nation. He saw that, notwithstanding the excel
lence of our polity, various corruptions had arisen, and various
evils had issued from legislature, very pernicious to the coun
try. Considering one of the chief advantages of our system to
be the equipoise of the component estates, he imputed recent
measures and miscarriages to a derangement in the proper ba
lance. Like other young men of lofty genius, grand concep
tions, habituated to scientific processes, and accustomed to
generalization, but not yet matured in the practice of affairs, in
devising a corrective he formed theories which subsequent ex
perience could not entirely confirm. There was in many parts
of" the kingdom a disposition of election franchises totally dis
proportionate both to numbers and to property ; and hence
there appeared to be a defect in the representation of the com
mons of England. Thi3 inequality was founded neither on
alleged merit3 or property on the part of the electors. In a con
siderable number of" boroughs, there was not only a pau
city of voters, but the few that enjoyed franchises were in such
a state as to render them in a great measure dependent on in
dividuals. As there were evidently very great abuses in the
administration of affairs, as legislature appeared in many in
stances to have' sanctioned measures very detrimental to the
country, it was natural to impute the conduct of part of the ma
jorities to the corrupt influence of the crown, and the efficacy
of ministerial seduction. To remove the alleged source of evil,

REIGN OP GEORGE III. 72?
many patriotic men projected a reform in parliament. Lord CHAP.
Chatham had been favourable to an alteration in this depart- XXVHI.
ment of the constitution : his son formed the same general opi- v"'jf*w
nion. To the contemplation of philosophical theory it appear- 1™2-
ed an anomaly in the British polity, that seven thousand indivi
duals should return three-eighths of the national representa
tives, whilst seven hundred thousand not inferior in property,
merit, or any other constituent of superiority, had not a single
vote.1 He therefore resolved to propose some plan for melio
rating the representation. Aware, however, of the delicate
ground on which he trod, he proceeded very cautiously; in
tending to investigate facts before he draw a conclusion or con
structed schemes, be confined himself ti> a motion that a com- and pro-
mittee should be appointed to enquire into the state of the re- Pose? an
presentation in parliament, -and to report their sentiments tol"^,1^
the house. This subject was not then debated as a party ques- state of re
turn, but as a proposition of general policy. Of men of talents, presenta-
the younger, such as Messrs. Fox, Pitt, and Sheridan, weretion-
chiefly in favour of the inquiry: the older and more experien
ced, such as Mr. Burke, lord North, and Mr. Dundas, opposed
the agitation of topics which they conceived might excite a fer
ment in the country. They argued that representation, as itArgu-
stood, though in theory apparently irregular, assembled in par- m^nts for
liament as much collective virtue, wisdom, and property, as*" ingt
could be brought together by any mode that might be adopted ;
that parliament by its present constitution, was' as much dispos
ed, qualified, and empowered to answer the ends of legislature,
as it could be rendered by any increase or new modification of
representatives and electoral franchises. Besides, sentiments had
begun to be entertained and inculcated in certain classes re
specting government, very different from those of the support
ers of the present inquiry in parliament. Doctrines tending to
diminish the veneration of Britain for our constitutional esta*
blishments, and to recommend the visionary theories of demo
cratical republicanism, were published by men of considerable
name and authority, and rapidly spread among their peculiar
adherents. Though these sciolists were understood to have
no connexion with the ablest and most eminent advocates of
parliamentary reform, yet it was easily foreseen that they
might arrive at great influence over the weaker votaries of po-

• It is probable the great manufacturers of Manchester may be more in
terested in the prosperity of their country than a journeyman carpenter at
Shoreham ; that Dr. Samuel Johnson, or Mr. David Hume, might be more
competent judges of a lawgiver than a journeyman ropemaker of the same
noted repository of electors. The capitalists and philosophers had no
vote, the labouring mechanics have a vote. Still, however, the property
of the man of wealth is protected, and benefits both himself and his coun
try : the talents of the men bf genius were remunerated, and produced ho
nour and advantage to their country as much as if they had all possessed a
privilege of polling for a member of parliament.

723 CHAP.
XXVIII.

1782.
The sup
porters of
reform are
outvoted.

Overturesof Mr. Fox
for peace
with the
Dutch,
premature.He endea
vours to
pacify America,

Death of
the mar
quis of
Rockingham.

Lord Shel*
burne is
madeprime mi
nister. Mr. Fox
and his
friends resign.

HISTORY OF THE
litical change, in whose undistinguishing minds their wild and
extravagant theories might pass for the soundest philosophy,
or the most beneficial lessons of practical wisdom. From these
considerations, the most experienced of our able senators op
posed the motion, which' was negatived by a majority of one
hundred and sixty-one to one hundred and forty-one. On the
18th of October, lord John Cavendish moved ten resolutions, by
which the house should declare the necessity of proceeding ear
ly the next session with those regulations for the reform of the
civil list, which it was thought too late to complete in the pre
sent. While such measures were proceeding in the senate, Mr.
Fox commenced the exe-rtion of his talents as a minister, by of
fering to Holland the renewal of that peace and amity which
had so long subsisted between the respective powers, upon the
terms of the treaty of 1674. In order to effect so desirable an
object, he proposed hostilities should be immediately suspend
ed : this offer was made through the Russian minister, but was
very coldly received by the Dutch, who were not disposed to
put an end to the war without their allies. He also made over
tures for peace with the Americans : soon after he was ap
pointed minister, he proposed to recognise the independence of
the United States of America unconditionally, and not to re
serve it as a term of peace. The proposal being agreed to in
council, lord Shelburne officially wrote to the commander in
chief to communicate this resolution to congress, as well as the
determination of parliament to put an end to the American war ;
but that body would not agree to a separate, peace. Before,
however, the resolutions of the provincials on this subject could
be reported to the British government, an event happened,
the consequence of which induced Mr. Fox and his connexions
to resign their places in administration. On the 1st of July
died Charles marquis of Rockingham, first lord of the treasury ;
a man of plain and sound understanding, unquestioned probity,
great benevolence, the most liberal munificence, and patriotic
intentions. He was a lover of the British constitution, but educa
ted in the prejudices as well as principles of the whig party, he
early imbibed and always retained an opinion, that it was ne
cessary for the well-being of this country, for its government to
be in the hands of a whig connexion. His adherents and sup
porters either adopted or professed to adopt this opinion ; the
ablest of these, Messrs. Burke and Fox, extraordinary as their
talents were, appeared to rest their consequence less on their
individual powers than on the rank which they held in the whig
confederacy. On the death of the marquis of Rockingham,
the duke of Portland was esteemed by his party the head of
the whigs, and on that account the properest person to be first
lord of the treasury. His majesty, however, using his preroga
tive of appointing his own servants, made choice of lord Shel
burne. Lord John Cavendish and Mr. Fox soon afterwards
resigned their offices, and were followed by the duke of Port-

REIGN OF GEORGE IU. 72&
land as lord-lieutenant, Mr. Montague from the board of trea- CHAP.
sury, lord Duncannon and Mr. J. Townshend from the admi- XXVIH-
ralty, Mr. Burke and Mr. Lee the solicitor-general. Mr. Wil- s^r>^^^
liam Pitt was made chancellor of the exchequer, Mr. T. Town- I782.-
shend and lord Grantham secretaries of state, Mr. Pepper Ar-^-'^-Jj
den succeeded Mr. Lee, the lord-advocate of Scotland filled the j^appoint-
placeol'Mr. Barre, who. was removed to the pay-office, and ed chan-
earl Temple was appointed to the lieutenancy of Ireland. Par- cellorof
liament having met the 9th of July, for the first time after this the exche*
change, Mr. Fox "-undertook to explain the motives of his latequer'
resignation. "It had (he said) been understood by lord Rock- Mr. Fox
"ingham's friends, that lord Shelburne had, on coming intofive*aSe-
" office, acceded to their measures; that he had sacrificed ;-Sm,trf"
" his own opinion respecting the independency of America totherea-
" the sentiments of his colleagues ; but Mr. Fox found- totally sons of his
"different principles were adopted, which he would not then resigna-
" detail, and thought it his duty to resign.. He pledged Uon'
" himself,*, when circumstances would admit of a particular
" statement of his reasons, to prove that they were well
"founded." The two committees continued to bestow unremitting atten- India af-
tion on East India affairs. Their reports were voluminous be- fairs an*i
yond example, and universally allowed to be drawn up with^P°c"m°f
the greatest ability and discrimination. The first object of in- mittees."
quiry and original cause of its being set on foot, was the con
duct of judges : this being investigated, produced a report, of
which the following are the heads; it appeared that the En
glish judges had taken cognizance of causes between native
land holders, not in the service of the company, consequently,
by the act of parliament, not within the jurisdiction of the En
glish courts ; and had proceeded in several, cases to inflict se
vere penalties on those who refused to acknowledge their au
thority. - The most important instances alleged of extra-judi
cial, assumption, were in civil, actions, the Patna and the Cossir
jurah causes, in the first, two native magistrates, men of rank
and respectability, were imprisoned, and their effects confiscat
ed by an English sheriff, for their official conduct in a, case
which was not under the jurisdiction of the English tribu
nal. In the second, the rajah of Cossijurah having resist
ed the. jurisdiction of the court, the sheriff had despatched
an armed force to compel obedience ; but the governor-
general and council ordered a more numerous body to march
speedily, and prevent what they conceived to be illegal
acts. The most noted instance of interference in extra
judicial causes of criminal process, was the trial and execution
of Nundcomar for forgery. Nundcomar, a bramin of the high
est cast, was tried, condemned, and hanged on a statute of
George II. against forgery, strictly confined, and appropriated
to England and its paper currency. Neither the person accus
ed, nor the person whose name was forged were subject to. the
¦Vol. I. '92

730. HISTORY OF THE
C#AJ\ British jurisdiction : by the laws of India, forgery is not punhrti-
XXVHi. ajjie capitally ; thus a man was put to death by a court to which
,*rS^ife' he was not amenable, for a crime not capital by the laws to
1782. which he wafe amenable. On the4e report^ several resolu
tions Were brought forward by general Smith, some of which
were to censure Mr. Sullivan for neglect Of duty in delaying to
transmit the act bf regulation to the servants of the company,
and instructions to release the Unjustly imprisoned magistrates
of Patjia' ;. and £lso for restraining one of the secretaries of the
India company, by an oath, from giving information to the
committee. The other motions related to the conduct of sir
Elijah Impey. On these resolutions, the house addressed his
majesty to recdll sir Elijah Impey. The committee, in discus-
Sing the conduct of judicature, found some proceedings in which'
Mr. Hastings appeared to have exceeded the authority vested
in the governor-general by the act of parliament. The chair
man, therefore, proposed that a new act Should be introduced
to ascertain the powfer of the governor-general and council of
Bengal.
The re- The secret committee took a much wider range of inquiry
-Present" than the Select committee, and extended its investigations to the
the system Proceed ings of deliberative and executive offices, as well as ju-
of govern- dica tive ; and also included the presidency of Madras with
ment to be Calcutta. The vigorous genius and indefiitigable industry of
¦erroneous Mr. Dundas produced one hundred and eleven resolutions,
and hurt- w^cn ne arranged into three classes, each of which consisted
Exertions °f three distinct heads ; the two first bf a public and general na-
of Mr. tore, the third of personal culpability. The first class regarded
Dundas. the general system of our government in India, and included a
Mr. Hast, severe censure on the conduct of Mr. Hastings and Mr. Horns-
ings im- by, with a declaration, that it was the duty of the directors to
plicated. recall these officers of the company from employments in which
they had been guilty of flagrant malversation. The second
and third classes of resolutions respected the affairs of the
Carnatic, and contained very severe animadversions on the ge
neral administration of the presidency, with specific charges of
great moment against sir Thomas Rumbold, late governor of
Bills of Madras, Mr. Whitehill and Mr. Perrin, members of the Council.
penalties B,"s °^ Pains 'an<' Pena,ties were passed against these gentle-
against ™en> ana" ^ usual regulations annexed, to prevent themselves
governor from leaving the kingdom, or their effects from being confis-
Rumbold. cated.
Supplies. The supplies 6f the year were ohe hundred thousand seamen,
i with nearly the same number of land forces as in the former
year. The loan this year was 13,510,0001. the terms were
near six per cent, but as stocks was so low as fifty-four, and
money could not be borrowed at a much cheaper rate, the
conditions underwent little animadversion; the new taxes were
on insurances, bills of exchange, inland water-carriage and
coasting navigation, five per cent, additional duty on all excise

REIGN OF GEORGE IU. 731
and customs on brandies, about ten per cent, on the necessary CHAP.
article of small beer, and twenty per cent, on, salt and tobacco : XXVIII.
imposts so much affecting the lower classes, were the subjects *-*"v~*«"*-'
of loud complaint. On the 11th of July his majesty prorogued 178%-
parliament, and in his speech steered very clear of every allu- T^"n
sion to political changes.

732 HISTORY OF THE

CHAP. XXIX.

West Indies. — French recover St. Eustatius to the Dutch — invest St,
Christopher's — bold attempt of sir Samuel Hood to relieve the island —
skilful operations of that admiral — but for want of military force ineffec
tual. — St. Christopher's surrenders, and also Nevis and Montserrat.—-
Apprehensions for Jamaica. — Sir George Rodney arriving from Britain
with a re-enforcement, resumes the command. — Objects of the admiral.
— De Grasse sails from Martinico  Rodney pursues the enemy, and
overtakes them off Gaudaloupe. — Battle of the 12th of April — gallant ef
forts of the French — at length Rodney breaks the line — gains a decisive
victory — takes or destroys a great part of the fleet.— Principle of naval
warfare illustrated by this victory — important advantages  Summary of
Rodney's exploits against our three naval enemies — created a peer. —
North America. — Sir Henry Clinton resigns the command — succeeded
by Carleton  No active hostilities  East Indies. — Pepuniary deficien
cies. — Schemes of Mr. Hastings to procure resources for carrying on the
war. — The zemindars — tenure of their possessions. — Cheyt Sing — rajah
of Benares. — Stipulated subsidy. — Mr. Hastings's view of Cheyt Sing's
relation to the company. — Applies for an extraordinary subsidy to an
swer the company's emergency — granted repeatedly with reluctance. —
Hastings repeats his demand. — Proceeds to Benares to enforce compli
ance  Conduct of Cheyt Sing and his people — he flies from Benares.—
Alleged disaffection and machinations of the Begums. — At the instance
of Mr. Hastings their treasures confiscated. — Hastings detaches the
Mahratta prince from the confederacy of native powers. — Suffrein ex
pects to crush the British naval force in India — disappointed  Various
conflicts between him and sir Edward Hughes — though not decisive, are
favourable to Britain. — Campaign of sir Eyre Coote against Hyder Ally.
—Colonel Braithwait's corps surprised and overpowered by Tippoo Saib.
— Signal victory of sir Eyre Coote at Red-hill — Hyder Ally completely dis
comfited — worn out by fatigue, sir Eyre Coote resigns the command. —
Hastings succeeds in putting an end to the Indian confederacy. — Opera
tions of sir Edward Hughes. — Expedition against Mysore from the Mala
bar coast. — Tippoo Saib surprises general Matthews in a defile, and cap
tures his detachment. — Death of sir Eyre Coote, the military saviour pf
India. — Hastings the political saviour. — Farther operations stopt by intel
ligence from Europe, — Europe. — Siege of Minorca by a great armament
—¦the garrison after a gallant defence capitulates. — Fleets of France,
Spain, and Holland. — Admiral Barrington intercepts part of a French
convoy destined for the East Indies. — Exploit of captain Jervis. — Lord
Howe prevents the Dutch fleet from sailing. — Combined fleets sail to
the channel — disappointed, they return southward. — Loss of the Royal
George and admiral Kempenfeldt. — Renewed preparations against Gib
raltar — enormous battering ships — large army and fleet — the besiegers
calculate that twenty-four hours would reduce Gibraltar. — Elliot antici
pates their attack — pours red hot balls on their batteries — again de-
Stroys their preparations, and shows their hopes to be groundless — they
again attempt to blockade. — Lord Howe sails to supply and relieve Gib
raltar—effects his purpose in the face of a much superior fleet— offers

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 733
the enemy battle, which they decline. — General purpose of Bourbon
ambition against Britain frustrated.*— Britain maintains the sovereignty
of the sea. — The belligerent powers at length convinced that their hos
tilities are reciprocally ruinous. — Overtures for a general peace — the
preliminaries signed at Paris. — Independence of America acknowledged.
— Treaties between Britain and the respective powers. — General view of
this arduous contest. — Her resistance against such a confederation of
foes manifested the immense resources — lofty genius and invincible spi
rit of the British nation. — Folly of naval states provoking to hostilities,
the mistress of the ocean. — Consequences proximate and eventual to
the respective parties.

IN the close of the year 1781, while the British fleet was CHAP.
unsuccessfully occupied in attempting to relieve the army in XX1X-
Virginia, the marquis de Bouille, governor of Martinico, invaded *-^V^J
St. Eustatius with two thousand men, easily subdued that island, 1782-
being defended by only seven hundred men belonging to the West In-
thirteenth and fifteenth regiments. Besides the inferiority of dies.
force, the garrison having no expectations of such an attempt, l!he .
were in a state of security, and indeed oscitancy, which great- recover
ly facilitated the success of their enemies. A considerable st. Eusta-
parf of the effects captured by the British still remained on tius to the
the island, so that it proved a very valuable prize. In theDutchl
beginning of January, the French retook the Dutch settlements
of Demarara and Essequibo, and by restoring them to Holland,
confirmed the amity of the aristocratic party in that country
towards their new ally. The count de GraSse was now return
ed from North America to the Leeward Islands, and commanded
a fleet of thirty-two ships of the line. Sir Samuel Hood was
also coine back to Barbadoes. Trusting 'to their superiority, They in-
the French commanders made an attempt on the valuable island vest St.
of St. Christopher's. The land forces under the command ofS£r"!to"
de Bouille, consisted of eight thousand men, escorted and
seconded by the fleet. On the 11th of January, they effected
a landing. The British garrison commanded by general Fra
ser, did not exceed six hundred men ; taking possession how
ever of a very strong i post, the commandant fortified himself,
in hopes of holding out till succour should arrive. The whole
military force of Britain in those islands was inconsiderable ;
notwithstanding this consideration, and the comparative small-
ness of his naval force, sir Samuel Hood determined to venture Bold at
one of those bold measures which have 'generally terminated tempt of
with victory to British arms, and which in her relative situa- ?*r Samuel
tion to her foes, instead of being chargeable with temerity, are Te°°ey^°
the, wisest that can be pursued. He departed from Antigua, the island.
took on board general Prescot and the few troops that could
be afforded, and immediately sailed to attack the enemy's fleet.
The count de Grasse was much surprised at the appearance
of the English fleet, and expecting to profit by what he deem
ed their rashness; thinking that by an increase of sea-room he
could the more easily avail himself of his superior numbers,

734

HISTQRV OF THE

CHAP. XXIX. 1782.

Skilful

he moved away from shore. Sir Samuel Hood instantly saw
the advantage that might be derived from the enemy's depar-
' ture, and while they were forming their line ia-head, pushed
into the road which they had left The jenejny were not only
astonished at -the ability and judgment with which this design
was conceived and -formed, ahd the boldness and nautical
skill with which it was executed, but alarmed at the consequen
ces which must en^ue from its success. They were apprehen
sive that the British fleet might cut off the communication
between the French naval and military force. Hoping to over
power our armament by their numbers, they on the 25th of
January, attacked the" rear of the squadron commanded by
commodore Affleck ; but that brave officer, seconded by lorn
Robert Manners and captain Cornwallis {heroes worthy of the
marquis of Granby aud earl Cornwallis,) and the other ships
of the division, repelled the enemy. The next day de Grasse
made a general attack, but he was again repelled with severe
loss ; and sir Samuel Hood retained his position between the
operations enemy's fleet and army, without uany farther interruption.
nfraf* Mean while the French general had made considerable progress
"" ' in the investment of the fort ; but from the strength of the
place, small as the garrison was, he found that a regular ' siege
would he necessary. On the 16th of January he opened the
trenches, proceeded with the works and mounted his batteries,
which soon played with terrible effect. The British continued
to make the .most gallant resistance: admiral Hood sent general
Prescot ashore, in hopes ito be able to assist the besieged ; but
... finding >the .attempt impracticable, from the. number and dispo-
force mef- sition of the enemy, re-embarked his troops. The garrison, after
fectual. having with the greatest patience and fortitude withstood the host
of their enemies, became every day weaker both in number'and
fortifications ; and at last finding all their efforts hopeless, agreed
to a capitulation which was concluded on honourable terms. The
French fleet being joined by two ships, admiral Hood, now, that
the preservation of the island was no longer in view, resolved
not to hazard an engagement until a re-enforcement which was
daily expected , should arrive from England, he therefore quitted
his present situation, and retired towards Antigua. The
Nevis and islands of Nevis and Montserrat followed the fortune of St.
Montser- Christopher's: so that of all our former valuable possessions in
the W.est: Indies, Jamaica, Barbadoes, and Antigua, now only
remained, and affairs wore a very inauspicious aspect to the
British interests. Jamaica the great object of Spanish ambi
tion, was now proposed to he attacked by the count de Grasse,
who was to be joined by a Spanish fleet and army for that
purpose. The Spaniards had stationed at Hispaniola and
Cuba, about twenty-six ships of the line and a considerable
body of soldiers : the fleet, when combined, would amount to
sixty ships of the line, the troops to about twenty thousand ;
and a great naval and military re-enforcement was daily ex-

but for
want of a

St. Chris
topher's surren
ders,

and also

rat.

Appre
hensions for'Jamai-

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 735
Jected under admiral Guichen. The land force 6f Britain, in CHAP.
ainaica, cdiisisted of six battallions of regulars, amounting to XXIX.
two thousand four hundred men, and the militia about double ¦»^"Nr>*«'
that number. From the British fleet, so outnumbered, they 1782-
could have expected little assistance. The goodness of the
troops,, the zdal and bravery of the .inhabitants, together with
the natural strength of the country, itiight have long Withstood
so mighty a host, ahd perhaps, ultimately, with the assistance
of the climate so peculiarly fatal to Spanish indolence, repelled
the invaders : but the conflict would have been arduous, and a
great part of the valuable property must have been destroyed
during its operations; the well grounded apprehension there
fore of such an attempt was extremely alarming to the islanders
themselves, and to all interested in the fate of so estimable a
possession. While affairs were in this situation, and the hopes
and fears of the contending parties so anxiously aroused, intelli
gence arrived that Guicheri's fleet and convoy, after their en-
Counter with admiral Rempenfeldt, had been shattered by suc
cessive tempests ; and unable to proceed on their voyage, return
ed to France, and two ships of the line only were strong enough
to join de Grasse.
On the T9th of February, Sir Geoi'gie Rodney with twelve Lor<J Hod-
ShipS of the line arrived from England at Barbadoes, and a ,?eJin™he
few days after joining sir Samuel Hood, took command of the \yesi in.
whole fleet before the end of the month ; being re-enforced by dies, re-
two more ships of the line from England, the British fleet con- sumes the
sisted of thirty**-sLx ships of the line. Having received iQ. command
formation that a second convoy had sailed from Brest, in or- fleet-e
tier to compensate to a certain degree the failure of the former,
and was conveying provisions, naval and military stores, he
tried to intercept it before it reached de Grasse ; but the
French convoy found means to elude the dahger, and to join
the admiral on the £0th of March, in Fort Royal, where he
was repairing his ships with a view of sailing as soon as pos
sible to the westward : admiral Rodney stationed himself off
St. Lucia to watch his motions. It was the object of the Objects
French admiral to avoid fighting, until he should join the™™.f]s
Spaniards at Hispaniola ; the British commander proposed to
prevent the intended junction, and to bring the French to a
decisive battle. The fate of the British West Indies depended
on the success or miscarriage of the admiral's design ; if the
two hostile fleets joined, our naval force would no longer be
able to preserve our islands from ruin. If Rodttey. could bring
de Grasse to fight, the former having thirty-six ships of the line,
the fatter thirty-four, but balancing our superiority of number
by size, weight of metal, and a greater multitude of men, the
fleets would be very near an equality of physical force ; con
sequently there could be little doubt that the ability, skill, and
prowess of England would be triumphant. De Grasse was
stationed at Martinico; admiral Rwlirey at Gros Islet bay in

'36

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP.
XXIX. 1782.
De Grasse
sails from
Martinico.
Rodney pursues the ene
my,

and over
takes
them oft'
Gauda-
loupe.

St. Luciai and his fleet ready to sail, the van was commanded
by admiral Drake, the rear by sir Samuel Hood, and the centre
by Rodney himself. Frigates were disposed near the French
fleet to give the English admiral intelligence if .they sailed.
Accordingly,' on the 8th of April, news arrived that de Grasse
had weighed anchor, and in a very short time the same day
Rodney began to follow his course. De Grasse, in order to
avoid the British fleet, instead of sailing directly westward to
Hispaniola, chose a northern and circuitous course along the*
coast of Gaudaloupe. Had he proceeded in the direct track
which was to leeward, he thought he could not avoid being
overtaken by the English, but by coasting between the islands,
as the French were much better acquainted with these chan
nels, he expected to baffle their pursuit. The British signals,
however, were repeated with such quickness and exactness
through the intervening stations, that the fleet sailed within
five hours of the French, and came in sight 'of them that very
same night near Dominica. De Grasse, thinking that a distant
and running fight would be unavoidable, formed his line for that
purpose. Early next morning when sir George Rodney was
making dispositions for battle, he found himself becalmed. A
breeze"however reached the van between eight and nine in the
morning, without extending to the centre and rear. The first
division of the British fleet being thus separated from the rest,
count de Grasse willingly engaged, hoping by his whole fleet
to cut off the advanced part of ours. Notwithstanding the
superiority of the enemy, sir Samuel Hood made so bold a
stand as to sustain all their efforts, though not without his
ships suffering material damage. At length Rodney himself
being able to come up with part of the centre division, the
battle became less unequal. De Grasse, who from the com
mand of the wind could either fight closely or distantly, drew
off his fleet, and before the. rest bf the British arrived, was en
tirely out of reach of battle. The next day admiral Rodney
was obliged to employ in refitting the damaged ships, and
transposing the van and rear, as those who had not been in
the late action were the fittest for beginning a new conflict.
On the 11th, the enemy's fleet weathered Gaudaloupe, and
got to such a distance that they were barely perceivable.
About noon that day two of the enemy's ships were seen so
much astern of the rest of the fleet, that the British had no
doubt of; cutting them off: a signal for general chase was
thrown out. The pursuit was so vigorous that' they would
have been undoubtedly captured had not the whole French
fleet returned for their protection. This movement gave the
British commanders infinitely more delight, than they would
have derived from the possession of the two ships. They
perceived that the enemy could not avoid a close engagement,
and during the night the line was formed in a most masterly
disposition. The enemy, sensible that they must now fight,

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 737
were also arranged with great skill. The scene of action was CHAP.
a bason of water lying between the islands of Guadaloupe, Do- XX1X-
minica, the Saints, ^and Marigalante ; and bounded both to wind- ^">'"s>*
ward and leeward by dangerous shores. 1782.
On the 12fh of April, at seven in the morning, the hostile Battle of
fleets met upon opposite tacks. The signal for close fighting*612*
was thrown out and punctually observed, the line was formed °* AP™-
at only a cable's length distance, our ships as they came up
ranged slowly and closely along the enemy's line, and under
theirlee, where they gave and received a tremendous fire. Ad
miral Drake, who now commanded the van, began the battle
•with the greatest gallantry : received, and with the most effica
cious energy returned the shot of the whole French line. His
leading ship the Marlborough, commanded by captain Fenny,
was peculiarly distinguished, received and returned at the near
est distance the first broadside of twentry-three French ships of
war, and had the fortune only have to three men killed, and six
teen wounded. As the ships were so near, every ball took ef
fect, and the French ships being very full of men, great numbers
were slain. The French made a most gallant resistance, which Gallant ef-
they were enabled to do the more effectually as the British rear f°rts °f
was long prevented by a calm from taking any active share *n i^nch.
the battle. They had fought five hours, before the British,
though evidently the more forcible,- had gained any decisive
advantage ; when between twelve and one o'clock, Rodney, At length
with four ships, bore athwart the enemy, and broke their line ; Rodney
being admirably supported by his division, he doubled upon breaks the
them, separated their force, and threw them into irrecovera- ne*
ble disorder. As soon as he had effected this movement, he
threw out a signal for the van to tack ; admiral Drake instant
ly complying, by this means got to windward Of the enemy,
and completed the general confusion. The French van bore
to leeward in an attempt to restore their broken line, but could
not succeed. Meanwhile sir Samuel Hood had reached the
scene of battle with part of his division, and contributed to
crush the enemy. Even after all order and connected system Gains a
was entirely destroyed on the part of the French, their ships decisive
sin My and severally fought with the most inflexible courage. V1C **'
De Grasse himself, in the Ville de Paris, after the route became
general, made a most obstinate resistance, but at last struck to
sir Samuel Hood. The Hector, the Glorieux, the Ceesar, of 74 Captures
guns, the Ardent of 64, were also captured; the Diadem was» j£,e I™}11"
sunk; three thousand of the enemy were killed or drowned, tak'es or
and six thousand were wounded, and about two thousand taken destroys a
prisoners : most of their ships that escaped being taken or sunk, great part
were so damaged as to be Unfit for service. The loss on the°ftlie
side of the English was about a thousand killed and wounded ; j^
among the slain was captain Blair, who eminently distinguish
ed himself on that glorious day, and also had acquired great
renown the year before, in the Dolphin man of war. Among
Vol. I. 9*

738 CHAP. XXIX.

.1782.

Principle of naval
warfare il
lustratedby this
victory.

Important advanta
ges.

Summary of Rod
ney's ex
ploits againstour three
naval ene
mies.

HISTORY OF THE
the wounded was lord Robert Manners, brother to the duke of
Rutland ; this brave young nobleman, though not twenty-seven
years of age, had acquired distinguished glory in the Resolu
tion, a seventy-four gun ship, during a series of brilliant ac
tions, which he crowned in the last conflict. His wound proved
mortal, and deprived the country of his virtues a few weeks af
ter the victory.
Naval critics in reviewing the operations which terminated
in so brilliant a victory to Britain, have adduced, or at least
confirmed general principles of the highest importance to the
service. Ip the first place, they observed it illustrated the wise
policy of a commander of British ships and British sailors being
adventurously bold. If admiral Rodney, when he found the
rear division becalmed, had endeavoured to avoid battle, the
enemy might have escaped ; it also showed, that in close fight
British ships and seamen possess a very great superiority, and
that the increase of their advantage in proportion to their close
ness, renders it generally expedient for British commanders to
break the enemy's line. The consequences of this victory
were important and extensive, thirty-six chests of money, des
tined to pay the army and fleet in the West Indies, were found
in the Ville de Paris.1
The day after the battle admiral Rodney endeavoured to
pursue the remains of the French fleet, but was becalmed for
three days at Guadaloupe. Sir Samuel Hood, having been
but a short time in the fight, was fitter for pursuit than the other
Ships, the admiral therefore despatched that commander in
hopes of overtaking or intercepting the remains of the enemy.
On the 1 9th of April he captured two ships of the line in the
Mona Passage, between Porto Rico and Hispaniola. Admiral
Rodney proceeded with the disabled ships and prizes to Jamai
ca, was rejoined by sir Samuel Hood oft" Cape Tiberoon in St.
Domingo ; and in the end of April having arrived at the place
of his destination, was received by the grateful islanders as their
glorious deliverer. Rodney indeed had been the most brilliant
promoter of naval glory, the effectual supporter of naval pow
er, and beneficial protector of commerce and wealth to this
country, of any personage whose actions reflected a lustre on
the annals of the American war; in two years and a quarter
he had struck a severe blow against each of our three Europe
an enemies. In his victory over the Spaniards, he broke that
naval force which some months before ostentatiously paraded
on our coasts ; reducing the Dutch, he deprived them of the
¦ This ship had a hundred and ten guns, and no less than thirteen hun
dred men, including soldiers, onboard. She had been a present to Louis
XV. from the city of Paris, during the low state of the French navy re
sulting from tbe last war in which that prince had been engaged with Eng
land. She had cost one hundred and seventy-six thousand pounds before
she was fitted for sea, and was the only first rate man of war that had ever
been captured.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 739
chief sinew of war; by the discomfiture of the French he CHAP,
completely overthrew all the mighty projects of the Bourbons XX1X.
for exalting themselves by ruining our plantations and marine l>^~*~>~'
force. He showed himself a gallant and skilful sailor and an 1782i
able commander, that could direct all the excellence of British
ships and British seamen. Such a commander supplied with a
force equal to the enemy, was successful, and always must be
successful. This victory not only secured our West India posses
sions, but in a great degree ended the West India war, as no ope
rations of any importance were afterwards undertaken in that
part of the vvoild. Soon after sir George Rodney had so es
sentially served his king and country, intelligence arrived that the
new administration had resolved he should serve no longer, and
had appointed admiral Pigot to take the command in his stead.
Whatever that gentleman's talents might be, his situation had
never afforded him opportunities of such exertion or display as
to demonstrate the policy of the minister, who, to avail himself
of Mr. Pigot's professional efforts, superseded admiral Rodney.
Our gallant veteran relinquished a command in which he had
now left so little undone, and returned home to enjoy the grati
tude of his king and Country, and the honours which had been
conferred by his sovereign. The victorious admiral was called <He is crea
te the house of lords, because he had made the best of a force tedapeer.
intrusted to his command, by. conquering the enemy and dis
comfiting their designs. Sir Samuel Hpod also, who next to
admiral' Rodney had so eminently distinguished himself, was
promoted to the well earned honour of an Irish peerage.
Messrs. Drake and Affleck for their respective services were
created baronets.
In North America, sir Henry Clinton having resigned the North
command, was succeeded by sir Guy Carleton, but no military America.
transactions of any importance took place in this campaign. QYitAm^
-The resolutions against the American war, and the negotiations resigns
for peace, although they did not induce the provincials to a se- the com-
parate treaty, yet in a great measure suspended hostilities. The mand, and
armies, indeed, were nearly equal in strength, Carleton had no issucceed-
motive to attack the enemy for the sake of advancing in a coun- Guycarle-
try into which all progress was now renounced, ana Washing- ton.
ton had no inducement to assail a force which was still very No active
formidable. The Spaniards finding all their hopes of impor- hostility.
tant conquest in the West Indies disappointed, employed their
armaments in less considerable enterprises. The governor of
Cuba, with five thousand men, made an attack on the Bahama
islands, which being defended by about two hundred only, ca
pitulated. The French, with the remainder of their beaten
fleet, conceited a predatory expedition against the property of
the Hudson's Bay company, and acquired a considerable booty.
On the other hand, the English made a successful excursion to

740 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, the Musquito shore, and captured fort Dalin, with a great nura-
XXIX. |jer 0f Spanish troops.
*"*'"v>*"' In Africa, the Dutch were dispossessed of most of their settle-
1782- ments, except the Cape of Good Hope; but they were still able
to retain this important key to India.
East In- While in the Carnatic those warlike preparations were carry-
dies- ing on which are narrated among the transactions of 1780 and
1781, the governor-general was not inactive in Bengal. Aware
of the dispositions of the native powers to join in the confe
deracy against British India, it was an important part of his
duty to counteract their designs. He had also the task of pro
viding resources and means of defence against both treacherous
Pecuniary friends and professed enemies. The expenses of the present
deficien- warj ;n which all the English presidencies were so deeply, and
cies' one at least dangerously involved, rose to such a height, that
even the finances of Bengal proved unequal to their supply. It
was therefore necessary, not only to be very strict in exacting
the revenue, but either to create new sources, or to relinquish
Schemes the defence of our possessions in India. The governor-general
°J*J.r- anxiously desirous of securing such valuable interests, appeared
topro?8 t0 ^ink that the preservation of British India might justify
cure re- measures that nothing but political necessity could sanction.
sources The Indian landholders are called zemindars, and the chief
for the zemindars are called rajahs. The great estates appeared to
^?r- have held of the mogul, as lord paramount of the soil : the in-
mindars ferior zemindars to have held of the rajahs. A doubt was al
and the' leged, whether the tenure of the zemindars was stable on the
tenure of performance of certain conditions, or dependent on the discre-
their pos- f10n 0f the superior in the various degrees, from the lowest te-
sessions. nan(. ^0 the emperor. The former mode would unquestionably
be the most consonant to the ideas of freeborn Britons, but the
latter was no less agreeable to the analogy of Mahomedan de
spotism. Whatever power the emperor himself possessed over
the lands or effects of the zemindars, he delegated to the col
lectors of revenues, and consequently had transferred to the
India company over the provinces of Bengal, Bahar, and Orissa,
by the treaty concluded in 1764. The extent and limits of the
jurisdiction which by this treaty the company acquired over
either the lands or effects of the inhabitants, were to be defined
not by any reference to British rules of property, but by the
usage and laws of India. Lord Clive, at the treaty of Illaha-
bad, had guaranteed to Bulwart Sing, the zemindary of Be
nares, subject to the payment of the former revenue to the na
bob of Oude. The guarantee did not extend to the rajah's
family, and on the death of Bulwart Sing, in 1770, it appear
ed that the zemindary of Benares was not hereditary, as
Cheyt Cheyt Sing, the late rajah's son, paid to the nabob a fine of
SmS' two hundred and fifty thousand pounds, with an increase of
rent of three hundred thousand pounds, in order to be admitted

REIGN OF GEORGE UI. 741*1
to his father's tenements.1 The nabob afterwards endeavoured CHAP.
to extort one huudred and twenty-five thousand pounds more XXIX-
from his vassal, which, though prevented by the interference '*^>r^+-'
of Mr. Hastings, afforded a presumptive proof of the discre- 1782.
tionary tenure by which the zemindary was held. In 1775,
under Sujah Dowla, the nabob of Oude, the sovereignty of Be
nares was transferred to the company, and thus Cheyt Sing be
came vassal to that body on precisely the same tenure as he
had before been to the nabob of Oude. Mr. Hastings, soon
after this agreement, authorized his resident to assure Cheyt
Sing of the company's approbation of his conduct, and on that
account that he should be allowed to occupy the zemindary on the
same conditions as before, and at the same time recommended
him to raise a body of two thousand horse. Mr. Hastings from Mr. Hast-
the analogy of Indian tenures, considered Cheyt Sing as a tenant mgs'
at will, with a general promise of holding his lands during good views of ^
behaviour, and thought himself the steward of the proprietor, pefa^*Js
entitled to interpret the goodness of the tenant's conduct, by the the con,
fidelity and gratitude which he should manifest towards the pro- pany.
prietors, from whose bounty he was allowed to retain his lands.2
The requisite exertions might be greater or less according to cir
cumstances ; it was evident that the terms on which he held Be
nares were extremely advantageous, and as obviously Mr. Has
tings appeared to conceive that his tenure was good conduct
and attachment to the company. His dispositions, the state of
affairs soon put to the test; intelligence being received of the war
with France, and a variety of circumstances having intimated the
design of a native confederacy, it was determined by the govern
or-general and council, in the month of July 1778, that the rajah
Cheyt Sing should be required to contribute an extraordinary sub-
sidy of five lacks of rupees towards the expenses which this new
exigency would impose on government during the current year.
The rajah paid this advanced rent with great unwillingness; A -subsidy
the next year he testified much stronger reluctance, although is granted
the increase of hostilities rendered supplies still more indispeu- wl.tn **>reat
sably necessary ; and though known to be extremely rich, pre-tan"e~
tended to be in the most distressing poverty. Mr. Hastings
found him so slow in his payments, that he sent two battallions
of sepoys to Benares to be paid and subsisted by the rajah,
until he made good the required sum. The third year he made
still stronger professions of poverty, and the subsidy was pro
cured with greater difficulty. In 1781, when the designs of the
confederacy had not only unfolded themselves, but in the Car
natic were carried into successful execution, the same addition
al subsidy was demanded, and also the two thousand horse Hastings
which he had been desired to keep in readiness when protection "P^ats
was promised him by the company on his first having become JjJ^j"
« Annual Register, 1783, chap. i.
¦> This may be gathered from his defence, and the writings of his friends.

X

fr42 CHAP. XXIX.

1782.

Hastings
proceeds
to Be
nares to
enforcecompli
ance.

Conductof Cheyt
Sing's
people.

HISTORY OF THE
their vassal. It is to be observed, that the whole amount of
the extraordinary subsidy imposed, from so urgent a nepessity,
' on this tributary) was only one fifth of his yearly rent ; that he
was extremely rich, and could well afford the addition, which
was much less .than his former superior, or any other native
chief acting upon the discretionary principles of Asiatic go
vernments, would have exacted. Even after paying the de
mand, he was not in a worse, but in a better situation as the
tenant of the company, than that in which he would have been
as the tenant of Oude, or any other oriental state. The rajah
baffled the demands by repeated evasions, and at this time (the
beginning of 1781,) when the possessions of the company were
in the greatest danger, and her want of assistance both in men
and money most urgent, Cheyt Sing much more manifestly dis
played his reluctance to contribute aid than in preceding
years.1 All the countries adjoining the rajah's territories were
either openly or secretly engaged in the combination; from
that circumstance, together with the rajah's unwillingness to
support the cause of the company, the governor-general sus
pected Cheyt Sing to be connected with the hostile confedera
cy. Various accounts, both from English residents at Benares
and the neighbouring countries, confirmed the suspicion. Mr.
Hastings now being extremely straitened from want of money
for paying the company's troops and other services, and farther
desirous of exploring the intentions and designs both of the
rajah and others who professed amity, resolved to make a pro
gress into the upper country. Impressed with an opinion of
the rajah's culpability, the governor-general had privately
resolved that, if* on examination he found him really hostile,
the punishment of treacherous designs to injure the company
should be such a fine as would relieve their present exigencies.
Accordingly he proceeded to Benares; the rajah met him on
the frontiers, expressed his complete submission, made protesta
tions of the most zealous fidelity and attachment to the compa
ny, and declared that his zemindary and all his possessions
were the gift of the company, and at their command. Mr.
Hastings little moved with these general professions of friend
ship, after arriving at Benares, made specific charges ofrinfi-
delity and disaffection to the English government, from which
he held his zemindary; of internal tyranny and oppression,
contrary to the tenure of his vassalage ; and of evasion re
specting the payment of subsidies. The rajah denied these
charges, and endeavoured to refute them, but not to the go
vernor's satisfaction: to make him more compliant, he put
Cheyt Sing under an arrest. The inhabitants of Benares rushed
in great numbers upon a small party of two companies which
guarded Sing's person, cut them to pieces, and rescued the
rajah. The governor himself was in considerable danger,
¦ See Annual Register, 178S, c. i. ; and Thomson's War in Asia.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 743
havingbut a small body of attendants in the midst of a hostile chap.
multitude. Finding the disorderly spirit of the people he sent xxlx-
for troops from different quarters to come to Benares ; the rajah *^^^>»^
fled to a distant place of refuge, from thence he sent a suppliant 1782.
letter, to which Mr. Hastings made no- answer. A war broke
out in Benares ; the governor soon subdued that country, and
took possession of the treasures of the 'rajah. Immense sums
were found in his treasury, which proved that his excuses of po
verty were totally unfounded. Cheyt Sing published a manifes
to addressed to other rajahs, in which he attempted to justify He flies
himself, and stir up his neighbours against the British name, and from Be-
immediately afterwards' retired into banishment. nares.
Mr/Hastings considering this insurrection at Benares as a re
bellion, deemed it part of.the great combination against British
India. It appeared to him that Cheyt Sing had been warmly Alleged
supported by the neighbouring province of Oude, especially in disaffec-
the countries that were governed by the begums, or dowager tion and ,
princesses, who according to the customs of India had, for the tionsof1"
support of their widowhood, the investiture of certain demesnes the be-
and treasures under the name of jaghires. The begums of gums.
Oude were the mother and grandmother of the reigning prince.
The nabob came down to Chunar, with the professed intention
of paying his respects to the governor-general, accompanied
with a considerable number of troops : Mr. Hastings by no
means approved of this visit, he had no occasion for the nabob
for quelling the commotions in Benares, and was not without
suspicions of the treachery so incidental to the feeble and timid
characters of oriental despotism; noti however, choosing to
communicate to the nabob his distrust, he expressed his ac
knowledgements for his kind attention, and at Chunar they met.
Mr. Hastings being well informed of the proceedings of the
begums, consulted with sir Elijah Impey, whether, they being
in actual rebellion, the nabob might not confiscate their proper
ty; sir Elijah answered in the affirmative. Fortified with this
authority, Mr. Hastings appeared to entertain no doubt of the
legality of the principle; but it was necessary to the purposes
of equity and justice to examine the fact : in this investigation
he requested the assistance of the judge, who undertook to col
lect testimonies, and the result was, that the begums had abet
ted the rebellion of Cheyt Sing. Having ascertained this fact
to his satisfaction, and also that they were hostile to the govern
ment of the nabob himself, he entered into a treaty with that
prince ; one article of which was, that as great distress had
arisen to the nabob's government, from the military power and
dominion assumed by the begums, he should be permitted to
resume such of their lands as he might deem to be necessary.
As the nabob acknowledged a great debt to the company, the
proceeds of the confiscation were to be applied to liquidate that
demand, and consequently to increase the pecuniary resources
of the company when supplies were so much wanted. The

744 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, nabob having returned to Oude, and not having immediately
XXIX. proceeded to the forfeiture stipulated in the treaty, was strongly
^"v~w urged not only to seize a part but the whole of the effects as
y7?2: confiscated in consequence of the rebellion : that prince at last
stance of enf°rced the act, and dispossessed the begums of all their trea-
Mr. Hast- sures.1 Such was the procedure of Hastings respecting Cheyt
ings, their Sing and the begums, which the narrator considers, with its
treasures ostensible reasons, as part of the series of British affairs in In-
ost !>onfis" dia that it is his dutyio relate, though he conceives it unneces
sary to canvass all the assertions and attempted arguments, all
the replies and attempted refutations, that arose from this sub
ject. Leaving the moral rectitude and judicial legality of Mr.
Hastings' conduct with the appropriate tribunal by which it
has been already discussed, the history proceeds to the political
effects of fhe expedition. It afforded the company the means of
paying their troops, increasing their resources, and redoubling
Mr. Hast- their exertions against the combined enemies. It prevented the
mgs de- native powers from effectually joining the confederacy, and serv-
Mahratta16 e(* a'so to detach one important sovereign, Moodejee Semdia,
prince the Mahratta prince, from the alliance. A peace was conclud-
from the ed, in October 1781, between him and Mr. Hastings ;s so that,
confedera- on the whole, the measures of Mr. Hastings, at this time very es-
tve o* "- sent'a"j served the British cause.
e'rs. " The French, we have seen, had formed expectations of ruining
Suffrien the British interests, through themselves and the confederacies
expects to which they instigated in the eastern as well as the western
crush the world ; and with that view sent a squadron with a powerful
val force* ^^ °* f°rces> under monsieur Suffrien, to India. Sailing from
the Cape of Good Hope, Suffrien joined monsieur de Orves at the
island of Mauritius : the French commander, with a fleet of ten
ships of the line, one fifty gun ship, several large frigates, and
a multitude of transports and store-vessels, having on board a
numerous body of land forces, sailed in January, 1782, for the
coast of Coromandel : M. de Orves dying on the passage, the
sole command of the fleet devolved on M. de Suffrien. A Bri
tish convoy, under general Meadows, was proceeding with
troops for India, and two sliips of the line and two fifties ; the
Hannibal, one of the latter, was taken by the enemy; but the
rest of the fleet reached Madras, the place of their destination.
On the 31st of January, Sir Edward Hughes was obliged to sail
from Trincomale for Madras, to procure a supply of stores and
provisions, and refit his ships. At his arrival on the 8th of Fe
bruary, he was informed by lord Macartney, the new governor,
that a French armament amounting to thirty sail had been seen
on the coast, and was supposed not to be above twenty leagues
to the northward. Admiral Hughes had only six ships of the
line, with the crews in a very indifferent condition, when he was

1 Annual Register, 1783, chap. i.
3 Ibid, and Thomson's War in Asia.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 745
the following day re-enforced by the two ships of the line and CHAP.
one of fifty guns, which were just arrived from England. Sir xx,x-
Eyre Coote with great alacrity and expedition assisted him in *"^"v"w
manning his ships from the land forces; and having now his 1782,
stores and provisions on board, on the 15th of February, he saw
the French fleet bearing directly to Madras, with ten sail of the
line, two fifties.and six frigates- Suffrein had expected to find only
six English ships of the line, and hastened, in all the vivacity of
French'fancy, hoping to overpower the English fleet, and there
by co-operate so effectually with Hyder Ally as to reduce Ma
dras ; and by a little farther extension of the imagination, an
ticipated the speedy ruin of British India. The pleasing reve
rie of Suffrein met with a disagreeable interruption in the view '
of nine ships of war prepared to obstruct his progress ; on this
discovery he immediately stopped, and soon after drew off his
fleet to the southward.1 Admiral Hughes immediately follow- is disap-
ed, and the next day descried the French ships of war to the P0"*-1***1-
eastward ; while the convoy escorted by frigates was steering
south towards Pondicherry, the British admiral threw out a sig
nal for chase, with the double view of capturing the convoy and
inducing the French admiral to return to attempt their relief.
In the course of the pursuit the British ships retook five En
glish prizes with their crews and cargoes, and captured a sixth,
that proved to be a very important advantage : she was a large
French transport of thirteen hundred tons, containing a con
siderable train of artillery and a great quantity of gunpowder
and other military stores for Hyder Ally, with three hundred
soldiers onboard. Meanwhile the French fleet endeavouring,
to assist the convoy, obliged the British admiral to recall the
chasers ; and having ordered the prizes to be sent to Negapatam,
he prepared to form the line of battle. - On the 17th of Februa- Various
ry, early in the morning, the admiral threw out the signal for conflicts
forming in a compact order, so as to prevent the enemy from Jjf^and
profiting by their superiority; but the weather was extremely sir gd-
unfavourable to the collection of his ships. The enemy per- ward
ceiving the British squadron, notwithstanding every effort of Hughes,
both commander and officers, to be still dispersed, attacked the
rear, while the rest were by a calm prevented from taking a
share in the action. The British ships that were engaged were
much shattered and in danger of being entirely wrecked, when
a favourable wind rising, enabled the others to bear down on
the enemy with force and effect, but darkness intervening pre
vented the battle ; and during the night the French fleet sailed
away to the north-east. In this unequal contest, though the
event was not decisive, two English captains were killed; Ste
vens of the Superb, and Reynolds of the Exeter ; and these two
ships were so much damaged, that Hughes found it necessary
to proceed to Trincomale. for repairs. There he expected to
« Annual Register, 1783,
V01..T. 94

745 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, meet a convoy with troops and stores from England, which, he
XXIX. intended to escort to Madras: he however found only part of
V"*"V"N»"' the convoy ; but was joined by two seventy-four gun ships.
I"782- Having refitted his squadron, he coasted southwards, and, on
the 8th of April, saw the French fleet to the northeast, but at a
considerable distance : in three days he arrived oft" the coast of
Ceylon. The enemy meanwhile having gained the wind, and
knowing the bay to be extremely rocky, resolved to attack the
British under the disadvantage of a lee-shore and a very dan
gerous road ; and on the 12th of April forming their line with
superior numbers, favourable wind, and situation, they prepared
for the onset. The English admiral under these disadvantages
arrayed his fleet; the battle began about noon; both sides
fought with great fury ; and the French finding, notwithstand
ing their multiplied advantages, they could make no impression
though on the British, drew oft' their ships. Although these actions
not deci- were not decisive, yet they proved very beneficial to the British.
sive prove Hyder Ally had entered the Carnatic in full reliance that the
to the Bri- nava' force of France would crush the English, that thereby he
tish inte- should capture Madras, depose the nabob of Arcot, and place his
rests. son Tippoo in his stead. Expecting the promised and destined
squadron, he had with the prospects of 1T82 consoled himself for
the disappointments of 1781 ; but on finding the French with so
great a superiority of numbers repeatedly retiring, he began to
be convinced of the vast superiority of British prowess, and to
despair of accomplishing his favourite objects. The other Indian
powers received the same impression in a greater degree, and
became less disposed to hostilities, which they now apprehended
would be ultimately unavailing.
Campaign Sir Eyre Coote's plan of the campaign was to divert Hv-
ofslr Eyre <]er>s force, into detached operations, while he himself pressing
against on n*m w'tn *^e ma'n army» should oblige him to evacuate the
Hyder Al- Carnatic. Major Abingdon at the beginning of the year ar
ty, rived in Tillicherry, then blockaded by a considerable part of
Hyder's troops; by a bold and well conducted sally, he en
tirely defeated the Mysorean, and compelled him to "raise the
blockade and retreat from the coast. Another British detach
ment was stationed to protect Tanjore, to repress the designs*of
Hyder Ally and the French on that side of Pondicherry, and
ColoBel to co-operate from the south with the main army. This bbdy,
Braith. consisting of two thousand foot and two hundred and fifty
waite's horse, commanded by colonel Braithwaite, was posted on the
p"iPesdsand river Coleroon ; and in consequence of the recent defeat of
defeated Hyder's troops at Tillicherry, was not apprehensive that the
"by Tippoo enemy would approach the sea-coast. Tippoo Saib under-
Saib. standing the security of the English detachment, formed a
plan for surprising and surrounding the corps, with about four
hundred French and twenty thousand native troops. He was
hut too successful, and though the British force made the most
skilful and gallant resistance, they were overpowered by nuns*-

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 747
bers. The humanity of the French commander saved the re- CHAP.
mains of the British troops from being massacred by Tippoo's XX1*^-
barbarians; but those who survived the defeat were obliged to V«*">'"v«'
undergo the miseries of a long and cruel imprisonment. By l782-
this disaster the southern parts of the Carnatic were exposed,
and the arrival of a considerable body of French troops from
the Mauritius made the state of the English more critical.
These forces, joined by a numerous body from Mysore, be
sieged Cuddaloie, and soon compelled it to capitulate ; while
Hyder Ally watched the motions of sir Eyre Coote. After
this capture they made an attempt upon Vandiwash. Sir Eyre
Coote marched to its relief, both to protect an important post,
and in the hopes that Hyder Ally, trusting to the efficacy of
his European auxiliaries, would hazard a battle ; the My-
sprean, however, cautiously avoided an engagement, and re
linquishing Vandiwash, retired backwards' two days march,
and posted himself in a very strong situation at a place called
Redhill. General Coote pursued him thither, attacked him on Signal vic-
the 2d of June, defeated him, put his troops to the route, kil- tory °f sir
led great numbers, and would have gained a much more de-p^eat
cisive victory had he possessed cavalry to pursue the fugitives. Redhill.
The battle of the 2d of June obliged the enertiy to retire far
into the interior country, and completed the discomfiture of
Hyder's designs. This aspiring adventurer, with a compre
hensiveness of genius, a firmness, and magnanimity of mind,
not%nworthy of the highest European capacity and heroism,
had projected to become master of the Indian empire; and
for that purpose, to make tools of the French and native pow
ers, in a confederacy for expelling the English, the great ob
stacles to the accomplishment of the lofty projects of his am- ,
bition. In the scenes of his personal enterprise, he and his Hyder
European auxiliaries were counteracted and baffled by British A1,>' ,com-
prowess directed by the skill and abilities of a Hughes and a,§ Joomfit
Coote, while in the more distant regions of his political ope- etj,
rations, he had to contend with the penetrating sagacity,
profound and powerful genius, of a Hastings. He was already
apprized of the successful efforts of the governor-general in
impairing the confederacy, by reducing disaffected allies, and
persuading opposing states to a separate peace. He was ap
prehensive that the same energetic character would finish the
enmity of" their powers, and that the force of Bengal, Madras,
and Bombay, might ultimately be exerted against Mysore alone.
These disappointments" of jftst hopes and fears of future evils His death,
preyed on the mind of Hyder Ally, affected his health, and
spread a languor over his subsequent measures and actions:
he withdrew to his capital, where some months after he died. Worn out
The constitution of sir Eyre Coote was so greatly affected by by fatigue,
the fatigues which he had undergone^ that he was unable to^^™
keep the field any longer; he therefore retired to Madras, s-lgns tjie
leaving the command to major-general Stuart. The enemy command.

748 CHAP. XXIX.

1782.

Hastings
succeeds in putting
an end to
the Indian
confedera cy.

Opera tions of sir
EdwardHughes.

HISTORY OF THE
cautiously abstaining from battle, and the British commander
not being able to compel an engagement, no event of much
importance happened by land during the rest of the campaign.
The French fleet having refitted in the island of Ceylon, re-
turned to the coast of Coromandel ; and understanding that a
re-enforcement was daily expected to join the English squa
dron, sailed to Negapatam before the supplies should arrive.
Hughes, immediately on descrying the foe, formed his line of
battle: the contest began; the enemy were thrown into dis
order; several of their ships were greatly disabled, and they
expected a complete defeat, when an unfavourable wind pre
vented the British from reaping the fruits of the victory, or re
tarding the retreat of the French. During the battle, a French -
ship of the line struck her colours, but afterwards, in defiance
of the established laws of war and of nations, when the British
ship trusted to the surrender of her antagonist, fired into her;
and the unfavourable wind unfortunately kept the British cap
tain from punishing the infamous treachery. Suffrein retired
to Cuddalore to refit : fresh troops having arrived from France,
with two more ships of the line, he' with his fleet and land
forces sailed to Trincomale, which they took by surprise. Both
sir Eyre Coote and sir Edward Hughes were very anxious for
the preservation of this important possession, and the admiral
immediately sailed to its relief. A fourth naval action took
plaee, in which the English, though still inferior in force,, after
a very hard fought battle, again compelled the enemy Xo re
treat with great loss of men, and their ships verylmuch dis
abled. This was the last conflict between the two fleets in the
campaign of 1782.
In northern India, Mr. Hastings was successfully engaged in
detaching powers from the hostile combination. Having by
colonel Muir concluded a peace with Moodajee Sindia, he
procured the mediation of that chieftain to negotiate a treaty
with the Mahrattas, which was concluded by Mr. Anderson as
envoy of the governor-general and council. The Mahrattas
engaged to suffer no Europeans but the English to establish
factories on their coasts ; to have no intercourse with any oth
ers, except the Portuguese anciently settled in those countries,
and to join in compelling the prince of Mysore to restore what
ever possessions he had wrested from the English or their
allies. Sir Edward Hughes having returned to Madras, was ex
posed to great danger from a hurricane : fortunately his fleet
escaped without loss, but much damage was suffered by mer
cantile ships. The larger part of the crop of rice being de
stroyed, produced a famine which cut oft" great numbers of
the natives ; but the vigilant attention of the governor-general
and the council of Calcutta tended powerfully to alleviate the
calamity. There being no naval dock on the coast of Coro
mandel, sir Edward Hughes sailed round to Bombay, to be

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 749
thoroughly repaired : there he was joined by the long expected CHAP.
squadron under sir Richard Bickerton. The councils of Cal- xx,x-
cutta and Bombay now freed from the Mahratta war, di- v-*^^"*-'
rected their views to Tippoo Saib, and proposed to makeapow- 1782.
erful diversion on the Malabar coast. To enable the govern
ment of Bombay to carry on the war with vigour and effect, the .
supreme council sent them fifteen lacks of rupees from the trea
sury of Calcutta, which was now by the policy of Mr. Hastings
well supplied; and, instead of wanting money for that settle
ment itself, Was able to assist the other presidencies.
In the close of 1782, colonel *|Iumberstown, with a considera- Expe'di-
ble body of troops, was despatched to the Malabar coast ; and tion
after having made progress in the maritime parts, ventured to ?Samst
penetrate into the interior country, where he was repulsed with from the
loss, closely pursued, and involved in a vety 'dangerous situa- Malabar
tion. Tippoo Saib informed that the British commander was coast.
so far advanced, hastened after him, but Humberstown by
forced marches reached Paniary, where colonel Macleod was
just arrived from Madras with a body of troops. Tippoo
Saib immediately followed, and invested the town, of which
Macleod, as elder officer, took the command : the bravery of
the British compelled Tippoo to raise the siege, and he returned
with great expedition to the Carnatic. General Matthews
having been sent from Bombay to the relief of colonel Hum
berstown, received on his way intelligence of Tippoo Sp.ib's
discomfiture and retreat. Encouraged by (this information, he
attacked the city of Onore, the eapital of Bednore (called also
Canara ;) he took it by storm, nor was he able to prevent the
outrages incidental to that mode of capture. Matthews pene
trated into that country, took other towns and fortresses by as
sault, and though the detail of his operations be not accurately
known, yet it would appear from the genejral outlines commu
nicated to the public, that very unnecessary, and consequently
very unjustifiable cruelties were committed. About this time Death of
died sir Eyre Coote, who had rendered such very important sir Eyre
services to the British interests in India! Having found the Coote, the
company's fortune at Madras at the lowest ebb in 1781, he, ^^auraf
with a very inferior force, that year effectujally checked the pro- India.
gress of the Indian conqueror; and in the next entirely over
threw his projects. He indeed, seconded . by sir Edward
Hughes may be considered as the immediate military saviour of
the Carnatic, in co-operation with Mr. Hastings, the political sa- Hastings

viour of India.

Sir Edward Hughes arrived at> Madras with his fleet in c?l sa-

April 1783, and on the 2d of May set sail in quest of the
enemy. His strength-was considerably weakened by sickness;
they, however, sought' an action with tie enemy, who gave
them battle on the 20th of June, in whicli the French, having
the advantage of the wind prevented a cfcse engagement Sir

the poliu

viour.

750 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP. Edward Hughes returned for supplies and provisions to Madras ;
XX1X. (jU(. before he was ready to sail again, intelligence arrived from
*-*"***** Europe which stopped his intended operations.
1782. Tippoo Sultan1 having surprised, and by superior numbers
Sa!bPsur- overpowered Matthews' band, and retaken some of the towns
prises ge- which jthat general had Captured, turned the siege of the rest
neral Mat- into a blockade. General Stuart, now commander in the Car-
thews, natic, made it his chief object to expel the French, who were
re-enfoixed by a fresh body of soldiers under the marquis de
Bussy, land assisted by a detachment of Tippoo's troops. After
he had/evacuated Mysore himself with his main army, he sent
colonels Long and Fullerton to invade the southern parts of
Tippoo's dominions ; and these commanders overran the whole
Coimbatour country. The French were strongly fortified at
Cuddalore ; this town Stuart determined to besiege ; and having
spent the month of May in making preparations, he marched
Further in the beginning of June. On the 7th, seconded admirably
operations by all his officers and soldiers, and natives, he carried the out-
bv?ntelli- wor'cs °^ *'le enemy ; some days after, repulsed a very vigorous
gence an(l we" conducted sally, and made such approaches as were
trom'Eu- likely to ensure success, when orders from Europe put a stop to
rope. hostilities.
Europe. The first scene of warlike operations in Europe in the year
Siege of 1782, was Minorca. The Spaniards had made very great pre,-
Mmorca parations to recover this ancient possession : thither were sent
armament sixteen thousand land forces, with a train of artillery, consisting
' of one hundred and nine pieces of the heaviest cannon, and
thirty-six great mortars. The English garrison amounted to
only two thousand six hundred and ninety-two men ; and the
whole force of Britain was so appropriated to various services,
that no addition could be spared for the relief of Minorca. The
fortress was in some respects very strong, but its works were so
numerous and extensive, as to require at least six thousand men
for effectual defence, so that the present number was' totally in
adequate. Notwithstanding the vast advantage possessed by
the enemy, their king endeavoured to increase it by instigating
treachery ; a bribe Was offered to the governor, general Mur
ray : the gallant veteran treated the attempt with the generous
indignation of a man of integrity and honour, solicited to
become a villian. The enemy finding their insidious proffers
rejected with merited scorn, proceeded to invest St. Philip's.
In August, 1781, they had cut off all communication between
the fort and the country ; and though there was no want of
other provisions, they were debarred from supplies of vege
tables. This privation was the more severely felt, as they
were obliged to live on salted meats : the scurvy soon began to
rage, and was accompanied by a putrid fever, which carried
oft' great numbers of the garrison, while otliers were daily falling
1 He assumed the title of Sultan on the death of his father. See Annual
Register, 1783.

REIGN OF GEORGE III.

751

by the cannonade of the enemy. Notwithstanding these niulti- CHAP.
plied evils, the defenders displayed the. utmost valour and/ con- xx***x-
stancy, and made several successful sallies. Though by their l^^^r>-
artillery they daily impaired the numbers of the British, the en- I782-
emy employed five months in constructing their works. In the
beginning of February, the garrison was so much reduced bi sick
ness, that there were only six hundred and sixty men left who
were in a degree fit for duty ; and of these all but one hujndred
were so far tainted with the scurvy, that the physicians and sur
geons declared they could hold out only a very few days before
they must be sent to the hospital: they likewise affirmedl that
longer perseverance in defence must prove the inevitable de
struction of the remains of that brave garrison. There was, they
said, no possible remedy for the sick, nor means even of keeping
the greater part of them much longer alive but by a speedy re
lief of wholesome air, aided by an abundant supply of vegeta
bles. 1 1 was also apprehended that the enemy knowing the veak- After a
ness of the garrison, would now, that their works were finished, gallant de-
attempt to carry it by assault. From all these consider!

tions, dthe

fence the
garrison

the governor thought it necessary to capitulate, and obtain ;u uie capitu.
most honourable terms. . lates, Feb.
Meanwhile preparations were making on both sides fir the 5th.
naval campaign. The armaments which France, Spaii, and^leetsof
Holland, had equipped to act against Great Britain on the Eu- fpa"^6^^
ropean seas, contained seventy ships of the line. As Our force Holland.
for the home service was very inferior to the fleets of the ene
my if united, the object of the first importance was to prevent
their junction, and weaken them by separate attacks: tie se
cond w as to protect our numerous convoys, without departing
so far as to leave our coasts unguarded ; and the third, io re
lieve Gibraltar. On the 13th of April, admiral Barrii gton, Admiral
with twelve ships of the line and several frigates, sailed towards Barring.
the bay of Biscay. On the 20th, he descried a fleet, that irov- *on "l*er"
ed to be a convoy destined for the East Indies, to suppl *¦ the prench
loss incurred by the dispersion and capture of the former frans*> convoy
ports. They had sailed from Brest only the day before, escort- destined
ed by the Protecteur and Pegase of seventy-four guns, the Ac- ^r'tlle
tionaire of sixty-four, and a frigate. The British admiral h-av-^ies
ing made a signal for general chase, captain Jervis of th? Fou- Exploit of
droyant of seventy-four guns, so far outstripped the rest during captain
the night, that in the morning he was out of sight of the fleet. Jervis.
The French commander ordering the convoy to disperse, and
the Protecteur having a large sum of money on board, it was
agreed that the other two ships should keep the enemy employ
ed, while she made the best- of her way. In a short time cap
tain Jervis overtook the Pegase, both ships were fresh from the
harbour, and were nearly equal in force. A very fierce action
ensued, in which, notwithstanding the most valiant efforts of
the enemy, British seamanship and discipline so completely
prevailed, as that near a hundred of the French were (filled,

752 HISTORY OF THE'
CHAP, and a much greater number wounded ; though not one Briton
XXIX. was billed, and but very few wounded : after a conflict of an
S<""*,w hour, the French ship "surrendered. The Pegase being ex-
i782- tremely disabled, captain Maitland of the Queen took her in
charge, while the Foudroyant proceeded in the chase. Cap
tain Maitland having taken three hundred of the prisoners out
of the Pegase, sent lieutenant Bisset with a party on board to
guard the rest, and -take direction of the prize. Immediately
after, a French ship of war appeared, which he understood to
be the Protecteur, he ordered the lieutenant with a cutter that
•was in company, to conduct the Pegase into an English port,
whilehe himself, incumbered as he was with, prisoners, pursued
the enemy. A chase of fourteen hours brought him up with the
Frenchman, when, after the first broadside, she, to his great
surprise, struck her colours, and proved to be the Actionairc,
having on board two hundred and fifty seamen, and five hun
dred tnd fifty soldiers. The other pursuers were also success
ful, and took twelve ships of.the convoy, having on board about
a thousand soldiers. After this very successful cruise, extreme
ly boisterous, weather obliged the admiral to return to port,
where he arrived in the end of the month. Captain Jervis
was immediately after made a knight of the bath, an honour
destined to be prelusive to a more splendid mark of his sove
reign's favour, earned by the exertion of the same heroic quali
ties oft a much wider field. Intelligence being received that
the Dutch fleet was preparing to come out of the Texel, lord
Howe sailed with. twelve ships of the. line to the coast of Hol
land, either to intercept or confine the enemy; but finding
they were not disposed to venture to the North Seas, and that
the combined fleets of France and Spain had set sail, he re-
Combined turned to join admiral Kempenfeldt at Portsmouth. In the
fleets sail beginning of June, Guichen, who had been some months sta-
channel turned at Cadiz, and don Louis de Cordova, sailed. with twen
ty-five ships of the line, and in their progress northward were,
joined, by about twenty more. With this mighty force, steering
to the channel, they-intercepted part of a Newfoundland con
voy ; but the most valuable portion, together with the escorting
ships of war, escaped. The enemy being now in the mouth of
the channel, great apprehensions were entertained concerning
a homeward bound fleet of merchantmen from Jamaica, pro
tected by only three ships of the line, under sir Peter Parker.
Lord Howe sailed in the beginning of July, accompanied by
the admirals Barrington, sir John Lockhart Ross, and Kempen
feldt. This fleet amounted to no more than twenty-two sail of
the line : therefore the object was to receive the Jamaica fleet,
and baffle the attempts of the enemy, without being forced to
Disap- an engagement with so very superior an armament. The abili-
pointed, ties and professional skill of this great man, so well seconded,
turn rC" very dexterously and completely accomplished these purposeg.
south- The combined fleets neither intercepted our trade, nor could
ward.

REIGN OF GEORGE IU. 753
effect a junction with the Dutch : and, finding they could de- CHAP.
rive no advantage from continuing in the channel, retired from xx'x-
our coasts. The British fleet having returned to Portsmouth, v-*~v*w
an accidental calamity befel one of our ships, involving in it I782'
circumstances that caused a deep concern throughout the na
tion. While other ships were receiving some necessary repairs, Lossofthe
the Royal George, of one hundred guns was found to require JJoyal
a slight species of careen, which can be executed by laying a a™j§L.
vessel, in a certain degree, on her side, without the trouble and rai Kemp-
delay of taking her into dock. On the 29th of August this bu- enfel-dt.
siness was undertaken ; the ship was crowded with people from
the shore, especially about three hundred womeS^besides about
nine hundred of the crew. The carpenters had m(%ed the ship
a kreake more on her side than was intended ; when, about ten
o'clock in the morning, a sudden squall arising, threw her fatal
ly upon her side, and her gun-ports being on^h, and the motion
of the cannon increasing the violence of tire shock, she was al
most instantly filled with water, and went to the bottom. The
admiral with a considerable number of his officers, and about
nine hundred of the crew and visitors, perished at this melan
choly moment. The Royal George was the largest and strong
est ship in the British navy; had been the seat of command
under most of our distinguished admirals, especially lord Hawke,
in his celebrated battle with Conflans. Admiral "Kempenfeldt1
was very eminent for professional science, knowledge,. and judg
ment, and deemed unrivalled in the art of manoeuvring; being
besides amiable and estimable as a man, he was universally la
mented. Having protected our coasts and our trade, and prevented the Renewed
junction of the Bourbon fleets with the Dutch, Britain now di-£rePara'
rected her rt&val attention to the relief of Gibraltar. From a'g^nst
the surrender of Minorca, the king of Spain hoped the key of Gibraltar.
the Mediterranean would be the next acquisition. The, duke
de Crillon, a French nobleman, who had commanded at Minor
ca, undertook the supreme conduct of the siege : he was assist
ed by a great number of the best officers of both countries, and
particularly by the most skilful engineers and artillerists of his
own. An immense increase of land and sea forces was brought
both from France and Spain, to aid the troops already before
Gibraltar; and many of the nobility from both countries came
to serve as volunteers. The two princes of the blood-royal of
France, one of them the. king's own brother, the count d'Artois,
sought glory by combating the brave British garrison and its
illustrious commander. In the spirit of loyalty which was then
difl'used through the French soldiers, the presence of their prin
ces excited an enthusiastic desire of distinguishing themselves
before so adored witnesses : the same spirit pervaded the Span
iards, and both became impatient for action. The besiegers Enemy's
' r battering
« He was son to colonel Kempenfeldt, exhibited by the Spectator, under ships,
the name of captain* Sentry.
Vol. f. 95

754, HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, had prepared new and extraordinary machines; battering ships
XXIX; which, though of an astonishing bulk, could go through all their
¦^"^w evolutions with the ease and dexterity of frigates. Twelve hun-
1782. dred pieces of heavy ordnance were to play from land and sea,
besides a large floating battery, and five bomb-ketches. The
large ar- land and naval troops by which these operations were to be car-
ray and rjed on, amounted to forty thousand men, besides the combined
t- fleet of fifty ships of the line, that whs to cover and support the
The be- attack. While dispositions were making for so tremendous an
siegers assault, the besiegers amused themselves with calculations of the
thaTtwen- exact time in which Gibraltar would be taken; some said the
ty-four garrison would hold out twelve hours after the onset commenced;
hours others less sanguine, thought it would last sixteen ; and some,
would re- though very few, allowed even twenty-four for the completion of
xX the conquest.*
Elliotanti- Elliot, without precisely knowing what the inventions of the
cipates enemy were, had a general idea that their dispositions were both
their at- mighty and extraordinary, and with comprehensive wisdom and
tack; magnanimity prepared against every species of attack. Perr
ho"balls ' ceiving their worksi on the land side to be nearly completed, he
on their determined to try how far a vigorous cannonade and bom-
batteries: bardment with red hot balls, carcasses, and shells, might operate
to their destruction. On the 8th pf September, at seven in
the morning, he commenced a firing so powerful, and so
admirably directed, as to commit considerable devastation
on the enemy's works. Enraged at this loss, the besiegers
again de- hurried on their grand attack. On the 13th of September, this
stroys tremendous operation commenced both by sea and land ; the
Orations" various parts being very skilfully adjusted, their batteries ap-
andproves peared to have prodigious effect ; their battering ships especial-
their ly, so formidable for offence, during several hours seemed exqui-
hopes sitely adapted for defence, and invulnerable to the red-hot balls
less " *^a* were pouring from the garrison. The execution of these
terrible instruments, though not instantaneous, was nevertheless
effectual ; about two o'clock, the admiral's ship was seen to
issue smoke, at night she was in flames, and several others on
fire; soon afterwards the conflagration was general over the
battering ships, and the sole endeavours of the enemy were ex
erted in saving the men. The small naval force employed in
the garrison of Gibraltar, was commanded by captain Curtis ;
that brave officer and his sailors had, in the preceding attacks
from the garrison, performed very difficult and important ser
vices by land ; now an opportunity occurred for exerting them
selves on their own element. During the confusion and dis
tress of the enemy hurrying from the burning battering ships,
captain Curtis, with twelve gun boats, flanked their line, raked
them on one side, whilst the garrison was destroying them from
another. The Spanish boats durst no .longer attempt to assist
the battering ships; and, when daylight appeared, the assail-
> Annual Register, 1782, p. 232,

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 735
ants who had been stationed on those were seen perishing in the CHAP.
flames, or, endeavouring to escape, overwhelmed by the oppo- XX1X-
site element. The British now seeing that they had completely ^*"v">»-'
destroyed those formidable batteries, with characteristic hu- I782'
inanity, endeavoured to rescue the remainder of their defend
ers; and captain Curtis, and his gallant band, through great
danger to themselves, saved the lives of about four hundred.
Such was the signal and complete defensive victory obtained by
a comparatively small handful of heroes, over the combined"
efforts and united powers by sea and land, of two great, war
like, and potent nations, wboj sparing no expense hor exertion
of art for the attainment of a favourite object, exceeded all
former examples as well in the magnitude as the formidable na
ture of their preparations. The enemy being so totally disap- They
pointed in their sanguine expectations of taking this fortress a£ain at*
by assault, now rested their sole hopes on the resumption of qwv'JL
blockade, by preventing lord Howe from bringing the expected
ammunition and provisions.. They professed ardently to wish
for the arrival of the British fleet, and assured themselves of
compensating their direful disasters by brilliant victory. On
the 9th of October a violent storm dispersed the combined ar
mament, and exposed them to imminent danger. Lord Howe Lord
having been retarded by contrary winds, did not arrive at the Howe at-
straits until the 11th of October; during the night a considera- temPts t0
ble part of the fleet having missed the bay of Gibraltar, entered anclPre-
the Mediterranean, and the next day the admiral followed to lieve Gib-
assemble the scattered ships, having left the Buffalo of sixty raltar;
guns to collect the store-ships as they arrived in the bay, and
also the Panther of the same force in the straits. On the 13th,
the combined fleet passed the straits with about forty-seven
ships of the line, three of their men of war having been disa
bled by the tempest, and discovered lord Howe with thirty-two
ships of the line off the coast of Grenada ; next morning, how
ever, they were out of sight. The. British admiral now sailing effects his
westward, sent his convoy safe into Gibraltar; it contained afnuJ'-P°fe
re-enforcement of troops, with plentiful supplies of ammunition !0"f a mi^j
and provisions of every sort for the garrison. The enemy did superior
not make their appearance until after this great object of the fleet.
expedition was completely effected. On the 19th of October,
when lord Howe, being joined by the. Buffalo and Panther, was
with thirty-four ships entering into the gut of Gibraltar, he de
scried the" enemy sailing from the northeast towards the straits,
with the wind blowing fair from the Mediterranean. He
thought it would be extremely imprudent, with so inferior a
force, to hazard an engagement in a dangerous road, well known
to the enemy, but not to his fleet; he therefore proceeded to
the open ocean. On the 21st of October, he descried the ene- He offers
my following him at about five leagues to windward, and im-theene-
mediately formed a line of battle.*- The enemy having the wind ™fo!jf
in their favour, had their choice both of the time of action and tt)ey <je.
cline.

756 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, the distance from which they should engage. At sunset the
XXIX. combined fleets began a cannonade, which the British returned
V^"*"^**** with such effect as to produce considerable damage, and to
1782. throw their antagonists into evident confusion. The French
and Spanish admirals drew off their ships about ten at night;
and in the morning they were seen at a great distance, sailing
away in the direction of Cadiz. Several considerations pre
vented lord Howe from pursuing the enemy ; he had effected
the principal purpose of his' command in relieving Gibraltar;
he had been ordered to despatch eight of his ships, after the re
lief of the garrison, to the West Indies : the force of the enemy
was so superior as to render the issue of a battle extremely
doubtful ; and even if he should succeed, he was to expect his
ships to be so much damaged as to disable them from proceed
ing to the other destined services. Lord Howe was too wise to
fight merely for the sake of battle, and to incur certain dan
ger without any definite object. He therefore proceeded to
England, where, after having on his way detached part of his
fleet to the West Indies, he arrived in safety with the rest.
General Thus in the protection of her coasts and trade, preventing the
ofBouiv i1,ncti°n of the Dutch with the Bourbon fleets, and the relief of
bon ambi- Gibraltar, Britain effected the three great. objects of the cam-
tion frus- paign 1782 in Europe. In the East and West Indies the schemes
trated; of our enemies had, as we have seen, proved equally abortive.
Britain re- ^ confederacy extending from the north sea to the Mediterra-
sovereiirn- nean» containing the three greatest naval states and almost all
tyofthe the maritime force of continental Europe, found their mighty
sea efforts against the navy of England recoil on themselves.
The belli- xhe various contending parties at length began to see, that
Eeren<sare whatever partial advantages might be gained, the contest in
at length which they were engaged tended to the general injury of all
convinced the belligerent powers. France had succeeded in separating
thathosti- the American colonies from Britain; but had been foiled in
lities are j,er .principal purpose of obtaining naval and commercial su-
T^Pf*lT"^FO III O
cally ru- premaey. Her operations had been carried on at an enor-
inous. mous expense, which not only annihilated all the recent savings
of her reforming economist, but infinitely exceeded ber revenue,
and overwhelmed her with new debt. The war which caused
such unprecedented expenditure, had been far from producing
any advantage likely to secure an eventual equivalent: her ex
pectations of compensating present embarrassment, were be
coming daily more hopeless. The confederacy in India was
crumbling to pieces, and British superiority was again manifest :
all her sanguine projects against the West Indies had fallen un
der the victorious arms of Rodney ; and America impoverished
by her long and arduous struggle, was more likely to drain than
to supply the treasure of her allies. Spain had engaged in the
war as the tool of French ambition, which artfully playing.An
tlte weakness, personal prejudices, and vanity of the prince,
dazzled him by splendid promises of Gibraltar and Jamaica,

REIGN OF GEORGE IU. 75<f
aid thereby blinded him to his real interests, to which nothing CHAP.
could be more contrary than either the encouragement of re- XXIX-
volt in American colonies, or hostilities with England. All her **"v'>»'
mighty and costly preparations against Gibraltar had fallen un- 1782-
der Elliot's red-hot balls. From Rodney her schemes against
Jamaica received a decisive defeat, her hopes of naval and com*
mercial aggrandizement through the depression of England had
perished, her ships had been captured and her fleets overthrown.
In four years, all; her extraordinary exertions, all her waste of
blood and treasure had conquered a defenceless province,1 and
captured an hospital.2 America had succeeded in the contest,
and attained the objects for which she fought ; but she prevailed
hy efforts which drained her resources, by labours that required
a respite as soon as it could be procured consistently with her
public engagements. During her short warfare, Holland in the
loss of her settlements, the seizure of her treasures, and the de
struction of her trade, learned how dangerous it is for a state
deriving its subsistence from commerce, to provoke to war a
neighbour that rules the ocean. Britain for the last five years
had been engaged in a war to defend her maritime sovereignty ;
great as bad been her collateral losses, she had on the whole
maintained that grand object; but her defence, though manifest
ing her energy, had drained her resources: her expenditure was
enormous, her debts and taxes had far exceeded the anticipation
of even her most desponding politicians ; trade was interrupted,
difficulties and distress poignant and alarming ; increasing de
mands, appeared to portend the derangement of her finances,
and the downfall of her credit. From all these circumstances
it was the interest of each party separately, and all jointly, to ,
conciliate peace.
The determination lately avowed by England to acknow- Overtures
ledge the independence of America, removed the most osten- for a ge-
sive obstacle to an accommodation, as the discomfiture of their neral
designs dispelled the real objections of our European enemies. Peace'
The empress of Russia and emperor of Germany, finding a pa
cificatory disposition in the belligerent powers, and that cir
cumstances now admitted of its being carried into effect, of
fered themselves and were accepted as mediators. Soon after
4ord Shelburne became prime minister, the British government
had sent Mr. William Windham Grenville, brother to the earl
of Temple, to Paris, to pave the way for opening a negotiation
in the proper form. These preliminaries being settled, Mr. Fitz- The preli-
herbert, envoy at Brussels, was appointed plenipotentiary to ne- minary ar-
fotiate and conclude a peace with the ministers of France, tides are
pain, and Holland. He accordingly proceeded to Paris in the slSied-
beginning of November; Mr. Oswald, a merchant, was like
wise despatched to the French metropolis as commissioner from
his Britannic majesty, for treating of peace with John Adams,
Benjamin Franklin, John Jay, and Henry Laurens, four of the
• West Florida. "Minorca.

758 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, commissioners nominated for the same purpose on the part of
XXIX. tne united States of America. On the 30th of November, pro-
<**~*r>*s visionary articles were signed as the grounds of future peace :
tk 7^'a ^y this treaty, the freedom, sovereignty, and independence of the
pendence' thirteen United States was individually byname, and in theful-
of Ameri- 'est and most express terms acknowledged, and every claim to
ta is ac- their government, property, and territorial rights for ever re-
know- linquished by the crown of Britain. To prevent all future dis-
ledged. pUtes about boundaries, several lines were drawn,, which it is
unnecessary to follow with geographical minuteness; it is suffi
cient to say that Britain retained Canada and Nova Scotia ; and
acknowledged all the territory southwards to Georgia inclusive,
westward to the Ohio and Mississippi, and eastwards to the
Atlantic Ocean to be independent : to the United States, so de
fined, she granted an unlimited right of fishery on the banks of
Newfoundland, in the gulf of St. Lawrence, and all other pla
ces where both nations had heretofore been accustomed to fish.
American creditors were to recover fair debts in sterling mo
ney: congress engaged to recommend to the legislatures to
restore ali estates, rights, and properties, belonging to real
British subjects, which had been confiscated; also of other loy
alists who had not borne arms against the United States, and
to treat with mildness all descriptions of loyalists. Congress
farther engaged, that after the conclusion of fhe treaty, there
should be no future confiscations, or prosecutions for having
joined the British.
Treaties By the treaty with France, England extended the privilege**
Britain" of the French *? fish on tlle banks of Newfoundland, and like-'
and the wiRe ceded the islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon in full right
respective to France, and consequently without any restriction in point of
powers, fortification. In the West Indies, England restored to France
the island of St. Lucia; and ceded and guaranteed to her the
island of Tobago. On the other hand France restored to Bri-
taih, the island of Grenada, and the Grenadines, with St. Vin
cent's, Dominica, St. Christopher's, Nevis, and Montserrat. In
Africa, England ceded to France the river of Senegal, with
the forts and dependencies; and also the island of Goree.
France guaranteed to England the river Gambia, and Fort St.
James. In India, England restored her acquisitions during the
war ; in return for which France, having made no conquest,
could not give an equivalent in that country, and none was re
quired in any other. In Europe, England agreed to the abro
gation and suppression of all the articles relative to Dunkirk,
from the treaty of peace concluded at Utrecht, in 1713, inclu
sively to the present time.
By the treaty with Spain, Great Britain ceded not only Mi
norca and West Florida, but also East Florida; and Spain on
her part restored to Britain the Bahama, Islands. The prelimi
naries between Britain and Holland were not immediately sign
ed, but until these should be adjusted a suspension of arms was

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 759
establislied. It was afterwards agreed that; with regard to the CHAP.
honours of the flag, the same custom should be respectively fol- XXIX-
lowed as was practised before the war; the captured ships from *^~>r>'~'
each nation should be restored ; and there should be a general 1782,
restoration of all places taken, except Negapatam, which was to
continue in possession of his Britannic majesty, until the Dutch
should offer an equivalent. The Dutch engaged, not to obstruct
the navigation of British subjects on the eastern seas; and
whereas disputes had risen between the African companies of
the respective nations, it was agreed these should be referred to
commissioners. The preliminaries between Britain, France, and America, were 1783.
signed on or before the 21st of January 1783 ; and as an armis
tice, soon after followed by a treaty of peace, was at, the same
time established between Britain and Holland, we may from this
time consider the war as finished.
Thus ended the American war ; in which all the nations that General
contended, however potent their exertions or brilliant their v'?wo^
i X i. «¦ i_.ii. this ardu-
several successes, yet were very, great sufferers by theouscon.
events. The American colonies, indeed, so far succeeded in test.
their object, as to render themselves an independent and sepa
rate community. The real advantage to accrue from this dis
memberment was problematical and contingent ; to depend (
upon not only physical and moral causes, of which the opera
tion and effect might be doubtful, but on a variety of circum
stances and incidents which could not possibly be foreseen.
One fact they could experimentally ascertain : their revolution
ary efforts had impoverished, devastated, and unpeopled the.
country. , This was a notorious and, glaring evil, present, seen,
and felt, the good was doubtful, and hitherto to be found only
in anticipating imagination. Waving the question of abstract
right, and considering only expediency, concerning the resist
ance of the Americans situated as they had been relatively to
the mother country ; policy and prudence could justify their re
pugnance to the acts of the British government, only on the sup
position that these tended to change their former happy situation,
and to deprive them of their rights as freemen, and British sub
jects. In this case, refusaFto comply would not be a measure of
choice, but to generous and magnanimous minds a dictate of ne
cessity. There not only might be, but were many who conceiv
ed the Americans driven to hostilities at first, yet censured the
unaccommodating spirit which refused the proffers of returning .
amity ; and lamented the separation between children of the
same origin. Britain was a greater loser by this contest than
by any in which* she had ever been engaged : thirteen pro
vinces, before the unhappy dispute rapidly increasing not only
their own prosperity, but the individual and national; wealthy
the defensive and offensive force of the parent state, were
severed from it for ever.: Through her quarrel with America^
Britain had been involved ii} a complication of the most e^f i
i

e>

760 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, pensive and formidable wars ; and a few years, nearly doubling
XXIX. her burthens, almost equalled the cost of a century. So far
s^"v~'w were these enormous sums from being expended in the reason-
1783. able hope of future indemnification, that they were a sacrifice
of a great part of the public capital to preserve the existence
of the nation. Heretofore Britain had fought for victory, now
she contended for bare life; but all her dangers, difficulties, and
distresses from the European confederacy had their origin, in
the contest with the American colonies; and here impartial
history, without either impugning or supporting the alleged
right of the Americans to tax themselves, justifying or con
demning the policy of the principle and mode of asserting that
right, must exhibit one general series of facts, tending to im
peach the wisdom of British counsels ; every coercive measure,
from the stamp act downwards, produced a directly contrary
effect to that which its abettors sought and proposed. The only
soothing and conciliatory schemes adopted before the rupture,
the plans of the marquis of Rockingham and lord North, in
1766 and 1770, in a great degree removed the evils which pros-
jects of imperious exaction had generated through most of the
colonies; they restored the harmony which imperious dictation
_ had disturbed ; and the repeal of imposts reproduced that
revenue which attempted taxation destroyed.-' Thus experience
the most recent afforded strong reasons to conclude, that, te
preserve the attachment of America, and profit by her indus
try, prosperity, and riches, the imposition of taxes must be laid
aside. Strong, and general, and uniform, as the colonial ex
pression of repugnance to taxation had been, and was, the
British ministers conceived a notion that it was confined to the
influence of a few factious demagogues i1 such reports indeed
they received from their own partial and interested adherents ;
on these they acted in the face of the plainest evidence of uni
versal association; which to abhorrence of British taxation
sacrificed every predilection of taste and habit for British com
modities ; and manifested individual, corporate, and confede
rate reprobation, both in word and deed, of pecuniary contribu
tion without their own consent. Ministers still thought that
the majority of the colonies was favourable to British impost.
And here it must be admitted, that the abettors of the project
as a scheme of beneficial policy, with the means of being
thoroughly informed, were really ignorant of the state of the
case concerning which they professed fo reason and to plan.
Originating in misapprehension, their conclusions were false,
and their measures unwise and pernicious. The most partial
admirers of lord North's administration would find it impossible
to prove, or even plausibly to contend, that his schemes re
specting America were founded in adequate knowledge, just de
duction, or wise policy. But his enemies on the other hand
must allow, though the propositions might be his, the enactment
« See this volume, passim.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 761
belonged to the whole legislature. The same imperfect informa- CHAP.
tion that marked the senatorial motions of ministers affected XXIX.
also their executorial plans and directions. In addition to their *«^"v"'*«*
favourite theory of the general attachment of the Americans to I783-
British supremacy, they adopted another hypothesis, that the co
lonists were cowards. On this speculation they formed their mi
litary arrangements, and to repress hostile resistance sent a ve
ry inadequate force. Their tardy projects of partial concilia
tion, and retained coercion, encouraged colonial confidence,
without removing disaffection and resentment.
When War was inevitable, or at least could be avoided but
by such concessions only as they deemed it incompatible with
honour and duty to grant, its management became the object
of consideration. Here the censure bestowed upon ministry
so lavishly, after the first Campaign, admits considerable modi
fications. The armies sent, and generals employed, afforded &
moral probability of success. Sir William Howe was a man
of high military character j nor was it possible for government .
to: select an officer from whom all ranks and parties could en*
tertain more sanguine expectations. The troops in number,
kind, and strength, were such as any statesman, reasoning from
general principles and experience, compared with the hostile
force, might very fairly infer to be adequate to the purpose. If
the event of Howe's command proved very different, the de
tailed narrative must have shoWn that it arose from causes not
all chargeable on ministers. The substitution of Burgoyne in
the place of Carleton, was a preference which had no1 founda- ,
tion in their respective military characters. Whatever Bur
goyne's talents might be, Carleton's opportunities of exertion,
especially in that country, had been greater, and were crowned
with success. The disasters of Burgoyne may? certainly be
charged, in a considerable degree,. to the American minister,
whetiier the failure was in the plan or the execution. Indeed
the design of penetrating into Albany, appeared to arise from a
very general source of miscarriage in all the British schemes
respecting America,' — unfounded hopes, of loyal co-operation.
On the return of sir William Howe, the appointment of sir Henry
Clinton was a measure that appeared fair and reasonable accord
ing to the usqal course of military promotion. His character as
an officer was unobjectionable, and he had been second in com
mand. • He was brave, perfectly acquainted with the details of
tactical evolution, and the routine of military duty. How far h-e
had genius adequate to the great and comprehensive schemes, ra
pid invention, and energetic operation, requisite in a commander
in chief on a momentous service, may be fairly questioned. Hp
certainly, on a very important occasion,1 manifested a want of
that sagacity which, penetrating the design of an antagonist,
can anticipate and disconcert his plans, and baffle his. efforts**
* See this volume, p. 712.
Vol. I. 96

762

HISTORY OF THE

1783.

Our re
sistance to such a
confedera
tion mani
fested the
immense resources
of Britain,
her lofty
genius and
invinciblejjpirit.

Folly of
naval states pro
voking

Though prescription might point to Clinton as a successor to
Howe, reason would have conferred the command upon lord
Cornwallis. When war commenced with the house of Bourbon,
the primary object of Britain was her navy. The conduct of
this department, though branded by opposition with every re
proachful epithet, whether considered in particular detail, or
general result, appears not to deserve such unqualified censure.
The great and broad fact is, the house of Bourbon directed their
chief efforts to naval operations, and were joined both by recent
subjects and former allies of Britain ; yet all this confederated
force could obtain no superiority over the navy of England.
The fleet first furnished agairtst France, equal in number, and
consequently, according to the estimate of uniform experience,
a match for the enemy, and the commander employed high in
professional reputation, afforded well grounded expectations of
success. The disappointment which ensued could not be im
puted to the want of a sufficiently powerful force. The escape
of the French armament probably brought on the Spanish, and
afterwards the Duth war; and though in some particular in
stances trade might have been better protected, and certain
warlike operations might have been more seasonably conducted,
yet in general the commanders employed, and the armaments
equipped, were adequate to the purposes of defence and pro
tection, which against such a host of foes, was nearly the
whole that could be expected.
In the conduct of the war, neither military or naval plans,
operations, or results, were so deserving of blame or regret,
as the enormous profusion of the public money. If indeed we
compare the expense, not with result of operations, but with the
true measure, the means required and exerted, the end sought
and attained, we find the excess of public money expended be
yond public service done, to have been so enormous, as to afford
probable grounds of suspecting, that the minister employed
Corrupt donative to purchase that parliamentary influence which
he could not command by his abilities. Great however as
were the burthens entailed upon Britain by the American war,
the efforts which she exhibited when urged by necessity, mani
fested the extent and depth of her resources, the ability, skill,
and valour of her national defenders, and the force of her na
tional character. The American war, in its origin, was unwise ;
in its conduct of a very mixed character ; in its progress, fre
quently disastrous ; in its result, injurious, but not dishonourable.
The struggles to ward off' calamity, the exertions to defend in
dependence, manifested qualities, which, under wise direction
and more invigorating energy, were fitted and destined not only
to restore the national power and splendour, but to extend it far
beyond the most glorious experience.
Holland, misled by a French faction to provoke war with a
view of increasing her commerce, far from succeeding in her

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 763*
object, was deprived both of her actual trade, and a great por- CHAP.
tion of its former gains. When, according to her mercantile , xxlx-
character, she struck a balance, she found the whole war ac- ^^~^V^
count to be loss. h78t'r
Spain, in the midst of silver and gold, poor, because void of^gthe"
industry, with every natural advantage of situation, soil, and cli- mistress of
mate, and the adventitious profits from her colonial possessions, the ocean.
being in that condition of dependence on her inventive and ener
getic neighbour, which indolence, listlessness, and inaction, in
nations as well as individuals, must yield to ingenuity, activity,
and enterprise ; was by the war loaded with debts, to her over
whelming, because she had not in her character and spirit the
means of extrication.
But the most momentous evils of the American war have Conse-
been experienced by France. That great and powerful nation quences
has ever been a sufferer by wars with England : whatever sPe- a^even-
cial causes may have at different periods embroiled the two toai to the
mightiest states of modern history, in the union of resources respective
and character ; the general principle on the side of the French parties.
has been maritime and commercial competition. In every one
of these wars she has been disappointed, her existing navy and
commerce impaired, and her naval and commercial resources
diminished; the exertions intended to injure Britain failed:
whereas, equal efforts of that ability and energy which she pos
sesses in so eminent a degree, if employed in the peaceable im
provement of her various resources, without wasteful expendi
ture, would have produced the commerce and opulence which
she in vain sought by burthensome and ruinous wars., When
at peace with England, she has flourished ; when attempting
by war to achieve maritime superiority, she was discomfited,
and not only expended the treasure of past, peaceful iudustry,
but anticipated future gains. Experience might have taught
her, that the attempt to be the first in naval power could never
be successful. Reflection might have convinced her, that with
out maritime supremacy, she, from her situation and character,
might possess such an extent of commerce as would fully em
ploy that department of national industry, and a sufficient na
val force to protect it against the whole world, if she did not
interfere with England. If she were susceptible of instruction
from the lessons of experience, never could the hopelessness of
seeking naval supremacy be more strongly impressed on her
than by the American war. Never had Britain fought with so
many disadvantages and impediments, yet she had retained the
empire of the sea. The history, both of Spain and her own
country, might have taught France the certain loss accruing to
the maritime states from a contest with England. Provoking
the naval efforts of this kingdom, Philip wasted much of that
strength which had descended to his dominions from Charles
V. ana left his successors an easy prey to the efforts of France,
who jras then at peace with England, and exerted her forces

764 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, where she was prepollent. Louis XIV. had rendered himself
XXIX. dictator of Europe, until he ventured a naval contest with Eng-
*>*r"v"^»' land. La Hogue avenged Rocroi and the Downs : the victories
1783. 0f Conde and Turenne paved the way to Louis for governing
the christian world by his armies, if his fleets had avoided an
encounter with Russel. As a naval war had always been inju
rious to France, her extraordinary efforts in that which was just
ended, exhausted her treasury, and deranged her finances much
more than was immediately suspected; but fiscal embarrass
ments, great as they were, proved eventually only instrumental
to much more formidable evils which accrued to France from
the part that she acted in the American war. The principles
which intercourse with American republicanism nourished, were
much more mischievous to the French monarchy, than all the ex
penses and losses which she had incurred , and, co-operating
with doctrines before industriously spread, had a powerful effi
cacy in overturning the established constitution. The fall of the
French monarchy, aristocracy, and hierarchyt if not caused, wag
rapidly accelerated by the American war.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI, 763

CHAP. XXX.
Administration of lord Shelbtirtie—deficient in strength. — State of politi
cal parties. — Meeting of parliament. — Unusual length and particularity
of his majesty's speech  Mr. Fox details the reasons of his own resig-
nation.—His party and lord North's concur in censuring ministers— Jhe,ir
attacks indicate a concert of counsels— both reprobate the peace'.— Mi
nisters defend the peace as necessary in the exhausted state of our na
vy, army, and finances — and the terms the: best that could be attained.
. i — Famous coalition of lord North and Mr. Fox. — The coalition consider*,
„ ed relatively to its leaders.**-.V*ote of censure passed against ministers.
* — Great clamour against the coalition. — Ministers resign.— Ministerial in.
terregnum, — The coalition come into office.—Duke of Portland first
lord of the treasury. — Lord North and Mr. Fox secretaries of state.--**
Revival of commerce with America. — Mr. William Pitt proposes a spe
cific plan of parliamentary reform,— Motion of the duke of Richmond
respecting the great se^l*— combated by lord Loughborough. — Minute
economical regulations. — George, prince of Wales— abilities and open
ing character— a separate establishment appointed for his highness.—
India affairs— committee continues its investigations.— From the mass of
.evidence Mr. Dundas exhibits a comprehensive statement of the situa?
tion of affairs, and of executorial co.ntJuct-T-proposes a bill fpr the regu
lation of British India-.— for thepresent postpones his plan. — Indian af-
fair^ first displayed the force and extent of Mr. Dundas's talents — whicli
were before but partially known and comprehended. — Supplies.— New
taxes.-*T-Ii)ternal state of Britain at the peace. — Gontine»tal occurrences.
FROM the resignation of Mr. Fox and the adherents of CHAP.
he marquis of Rockingham, the classes which, though diffeiv XXX.
rtg in certain opinions, had coincided in opposition to lord \^-*>*s
forth's ministry, were now conceived to have become inimical 1783.
^arties. Lord Shelburne, the prime minister, was a man of Adminis-
considerable political knowledge, and particularly distinguished f^d'Thel,
for his minute and detailed acquaintance with foreign affairs, burne,
He was however, more noted for extentand exactness of intel
ligence, than for the formation of able and beneficial plans
from the result. He was therefore, perhaps, less fitted for the
supreme management in so trying and critical a situation, than
for some secondary department, in which, from his abundant
stores, he might have supplied materials for the operatipn of
more energetic and less experienced genius. In that view had
he continued a member of the cabinet of which Mr. Fox was
really the head, there is little doubt Britain would have pos^
sessed a ministry that, whatever its character might have been
}n other respects, at least would not have failed in efficacy.
Lord Shelburne had attached himself to the illustrious Chat
ham, and after his decease was considered as the leader of his
friends and connexions, but did not greatly increase the nuro-

766

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP. XXX.

1783.

is defi
cient in
strength.State of
political parties.

ber by his own personal influence. Far from overbearing party
by genius like Chatham, he was not like many other ministers
' propped up by a confederacy. Lord Camden, lord Temple,
and Mr. Dunning (now lord Ashburton,) joined rather than
followed Shelburne ; lord Thurlow and Mr. Dundas took the
same side, but to support government, more than from any ap
probation of its present chief minister. Mr. Dundas indeed
had taken a grand and comprehensive view both of the coun
try and political characters ; reduced to distress by the timidi
ty and weakness of mature years, Britain he conceived must
seek restoration from youthful wisdom. He very early sup
posed Mr. Pitt to be the man who must save his country as
prime minister: Mr. Pitt himself was officially joined with
lord Shelburne, but appears to have attended to the duties of his
own department without entering into any party projects and
intrigues. Neither the number of those who . supported the
minister, nor the motives by which some of them were actuated,
afforded a probability of permanency to lord Shelburne's ad
ministration. There were two other parties, both powerful and
well compacted. The benevolent disposition and social quali
ties, the brilliant wit, pleasing humour, and engaging manners
of lord North, had co-operated with political motives in at
taching great numbers to his person and. interests. No man had
exerted himself more uniformly and effectually to serve his
friends, and though not from all, he from many experienced
that gratitude which was so pleasing to his benignant and af
fectionate heart. His party no longer possessed the masculine
force of Thurlow, the close, powerful, and direct efforts of
Dundas; nevertheless in lords Stormont and Carlisle, lord
Loughborough and lord Mansfield, Messrs. Courtney, Anstru-
ther, Adam, and Eden, and lord North himself, besides many
others of respectable talents, he retained a formidable host bf
political strength. A less numerous, but still stronger and bet
ter compacted body, was that which the philosophic genius of
Burke guided and instructed, the rapid and powerful energy of
Fox invigorated and led : here shone deliberative and judicial
eloquence in their most brilliant lustre ; here even Messrs.
Erskine and Sheridan acted only second parts. There was
besides this constellation of talent, the weight and interest of
the whig aristocracy. Lord Shelburne was conscious that,
without some accession of political strength, he would be in
capable of retaining his situation, and despaired of a re-union
with those from whom he had so lately separated ; he there
fore made overtures to the party which he had uniformly
opposed. Mr. Pitt candidly bestowed a just tribute of praise
on lord North, but declared his determination never to be a
member of a ministry in which that statesman should bear a
part. It may indeed be fairly inferred from the conduct of
Mr. Pitt, that he thought it wiser to stand upon political ta
lents and character, than to seek the props of coalitions and

REIGN OF GEORGE IH. 767
combinations. The intrinsic strength of lord Shelburne, how- CHAP,
ever, was not so great as to preclude the necessity of extrinsic xxx-
aid ; the application therefore in him was commensurate in pru- v^"v"w
dence with the desire of continuance in office, but it proved un- 1783,
availing. Various reports were now spread concerning the in
tentions of both the respective parties and individual members,
and all eyes were turned to the approaching meeting of parlia
ment, wherein it was expected that the several objects and de
signs would be unfolded.
_ On the 5th of December 1782, his majesty opened the ses- Meetmgof
sion in a speech of very great length, and comprehending an Pariia-
unusual extent, variety, and particularity of political disquisi- unusual
tion. The introduction stated, fhat since the close of the last iength and
session, his majesty had been constantly employed in the care particular-
and attention which the important and critical conjuncture ofjtyofthe
affairs required ; he had put an end to the prosecution of offen- zSf cj,
sive war in America,' and had entered into provisional articles
for declaring the colonies independent. - In thus, (his majesty
"said) admitting their separation from the crown of these
"kingdoms, I have sacrificed every consideration of my own
"to the wishes and opinion of my people. I make it my hum-
" ble and earnest prayer to Almighty God, that Great Britain
" may not feel the evils which might result from so great a dis-
"memberment of the empire, and that America may be free
"from those calamities which have formerly proved, in the
" mother country, how essential monarchy is to the enjoyment
¦" of constitutional liberty." He went over the principal ope
rations of the campaign, and bestowed the merited praise on
the defence of Gibraltar, and other glorious and beneficial ef
forts. He mentioned the advanced state of the negotiations for
peace, at the same time the necessity of being prepared, test
from any unforeseen cause they might be frustrated. To the
¦ house of commons he particularized a variety of economical re
gulations in the expenditure of.the. army and the civil list, and
other reductions : and recommended to parliament an attention
to -the price of corn, that year unusually high. He extolled the
liberality with which the rights and commerce of Ireland had
been established, and advised a revision of our whole trading
system upon the same comprehensive principles; and, lastly,
urged some fundamental regulations of our Asiatic territories.
Though no opposition was made to the address in either house,
yet severe animadversions were passed upon the speech in both.
The recognition of American independence was censured upon
two very opposite grounds. By the supporters of lord North i^;
was severely condemned as having done much more than was
necessary; and by Mr. Fox's party, as not having done enough.
Lord Stormont reprobated an unqualified surrender of the
whole, without obtaining a truce, or evena cessation of hostili
ties, as the price of so lavish a concession. In the most abject
and unfortunate reign that Spain ever knew (that of Philip III.)

768 HISTORY OF THfc
CHAP, the negotiators of that prince retained ten out of seventeen of
xxx- the revolted provinces, and detached the rest from their alliance
s"^v"w' with France ; yet by Britain the whole had been conceded,
1783. without any attempt to procure more favourable terms. Mr.
-Fox censured ministers for having made the independence of
America conditionally to depend on a conclusion of a peace
Mr. Fox with France, instead of being absolute. A dispute on this Sub-
details the jg,.^ jje informed the house, was one of the reasons which had
h?*s,°"|r°f compelled him to resign his late office., It had been uniformly
signation ;' kis opinion, that the unconditional recognition of independence
' was the interest of Britain, because such an acknowledgment
would dispose America to end the war as speedily as possible,
and would tend essentially to accelerate a general peace. Find
ing himself outvoted in the cabinet on this question, he had
thought it his duty to quit his situation. Mr. Fox's explanation
of his reasons for retiring from office were by no means satisfac
tory to the public : it was not considered as the part of a patriot
to withdraw himself from the service of his country, merely be
cause a measure proposed by him was not adopted ; it was con-
-ceived that his extraordinary abilities, employed in the cabinet,
might have rendered essential service to his country, whether the
recognition of American independence were conditional or abso
lute*. The real motives of his conduct were Very generally conr
strued to be dissatisfaction with the appointment of lord Shel
burne to that office which he wished to be held by a distil
guished member of the whig party.
Until the recess, the attention of both houses was chiefly em
ployed in motions for the production of papers respecting the
negotiation, which were negatived on the ground of being pre
mature until the treaty should be brought to a close.
his party Parliament met after the Christmas holidays, on the 21st of
and lord January 1783 : the preliminary articles of peace between Great
North's Britain and France having been signed at Versailles, were laid

concur in

,, . „ before legislature on the 27th of January, and the 17th of Feb*
ministers; ruary was appointed for taking them into consideration. Lord
North and Mr. Fox had both very frequently censured adminis
tration : their animadversions had arisen from professedly dif
ferent principles : there had been no appearance of concert
either in their attacks upon ministers or any other measures.
heir at- The discussion of the peace manifested a systematic regularity
|akcsindi-.of procedure, a selection of parts in the debate, and a concur-
pate a con- rence 0f principles of reasoning and of particular arguments,
ounsels: v'D^ca were too striking to be the result of accident, and obvi-
ioth re- ' ously intimating a concert between two parties so long totally
>robate inimical to each other. Mr. Thomas Pitt moved an address to
jhepeacethis majesty, expressing a high approbation of the peace. Lord
John Cavendish, as speaker for the whig party, proposed an
amendment, which should contain no opinion on the merit of
the peace, but declare their resolution to bestow on it that se
rious and full attention which the. importance of the subject de-

Reign of george hi. 769
served ; but pledge themselves, whatever conclusion they thight CHAP.
draw from the investigation of the terms, that they should in- xxx-
variably adhere to the articles which his majesty had stipulated, ^^^^w
Lord North moved a second amendment, expressive of the re- 1783-
gard due from the nation to the loyalists who had suffered so
much in supporting the cause of Great Britain. The ministerial Ministers
speakers defended the peace; first, as necessary in the circum-defendthe
stances of the country; and, secondly, as favourable in point nlce^sary
of terms. Our finances, our navy, and our army, they con- in the
tended, were in so deplorable a state as to render the continu- state of
ance of the war ruinous. To maintain this position respect- the army»
ing pecuniary resources, they entered into a detailed account See"?
of incumbrances and expenditure. The national debt, funded
and unfunded, amounted to upwards of two hundred and fifty
millions. The- annual interest, together with the necessary ex
pense of a peace establishment, was fully equal to all the reve
nue which- the people, groaning already under the load of taxes,
could afford. Our navy, so far from being adequate to the pur
poses of offensive competition with the combined fleets of Eu
rope, was scarcely sufficient for effectual defence. Our fleet did
not exceed a hundred sail of the line, while the armaments of
France, Spain, and Holland, amounted to a hundred and seven
ty sail of the line. By continuing merely defensive war we
could gain nothing, and consequently could not expect by an
other campaign to obtain a better peace. The army was
still more inferior to the armies of our enemies, and totally in
adequate to farther contest. These general positions they il
lustrated by a detailed account of our force in various parts of
the world. Our most brilliant successes had been merely de
fensive, and only enabled us 'to retard the progress of the ene
my. From this view of total inability to engage in another
campaign with a prospect of bringing it to a more favourable
conclusion, it was argued, that peace, on any terms, would break
the powerful confederacy, and give us time to recruit our wast
ed strength ; and therefore was preferable to a continuance of
the war. But it was further contended, that the conditions of and the
the peace were advantageous. One of the chief objections to terms the
the treaty was the participation allowed the French in the New- ^j ta*
found land fishery; but this, called by opposition a cession, was obtained.
by ministers argued to be only the definition and limitation of
a right which always had been exercised by France, and for
merly, from being indefinite, was the source of perpetual con
tention. The space to which France was now limited, was
very inconsiderable both in extent and productiveness in compa- •
rison of the coast which Britain possessed. The islands of St.
Pierre and Miquelon, ceded to France, were only a restitution
of what had belonged to her before the preceding war ; and
so far were these places from admitting fortifications that could
annoy our fishery in a future war, the most skilful engineers
had certified, that neither island would admit the construction
Vol. I. 97

770 CHAP. XXX.

1783.

Famous coalitionof lord
North and Mr.
Fox.

HISTORY OF THE
of a fortress which could stand the attack of the smallest of our
frigates. During the detail of the various cessions in the West,
' Africa, and the East Indies, they endeavoured to prove that
they were really of little importance. The articles of the
treaty of Utrecht, respecting Dunkirk, had never been enforced,
and were not now designed to be executed: their abrogation
therefore could not be detrimental to England. France desired
their suppression as a point of honour: and by compliance wu
gratified the other party, without incurring any loss ourselves.
East and West Florida and Minorca which were now yielded
to Spain, had already cost this country much more than they
brought, and were besides balanced by the restitution of.the
Bahama islands and Providence. The article most strongly
censured was, the terms procured for the loyalists. In answer
to those, it was said, that congress was invested with no powen
over the property of the several states : a recommendation to
the provincial assemblies was all which their constitutional au
thority permitted them to undertake; but whatever weight
could be justly allowed to any of the objections against the
concessions, the supporters of the peace contended, that either
severally or jointly, they were of no moment when balanced
with the evils of continuing the war. Having endeavoured to
defend the peace, both on the grounds of general expediency
and particular conditions, they next proceeded to the motives
of their opponents ; they asserted, that an union of professed
tories and professed whigs, who for so many years had been
abusing and reviling each other, must arise from some different
reason than mutual agreement of political opinion. The fol
lowing was the account whicli they gave of this unexpected
confederation : lord North's party had long experienced the ad
vantages of office, but at the same time had been exposed, to
the forcible attacks of Mr. Fox, and the whig confederacy of
which he had become a member ; they now sought to regain
the benefits without suffering the annoyance ; Mr. Fox and his
coadjutors conceived that their favourite plan of governing by
a combination was more certainly practicable by extending its
objects ; and both parties found it expedient to sacrifice all ani
mosity and professed reprobation to reciprocal interest; the
peace was merely a pretext for joining the parties, in order to
force their way into administration. The event so far justified
this interpretation, that the new confederacy outvoted ministers,
and the amendments were carried in the house of commons by
a considerable majority.
When this coalition was reported abroad, it was first receivr
ed with a mixture of doubt and astonishment. Many of the
sanguine admirers of Mr. Fox, who had been accustomed to
receive his oratiorts, not merely as effusions of genius, but as
oracles of truth, conceived lord North to be as bad, as malig-,
nant, and diabolical, as Mr. Fox, in the rapidity of invention,,
prompted by passion, and borne away by fancy, chose to repre-

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 571
sent his antagonist. These could not at first believe that he CHAP.
associated with a man whom he taught them to consider as a xxx-
weak and wicked minister ; but when they found that a coali- *"*rv"^**'
tion had taken place, they turned against the late object of 178S"
their idolatry, a resentment proportioned to their recent adora
tion. Discerning and impartial men, estimating the merits of a The coali-
coalition in such Circumstances, laid little stress on the violent tion consi-
expressions which, in the paroxysms of impassioned eloquence, j^elv To
Mr. Fox had employed ; but they examined the history of his its'leaders
planned and deliberative proceedings. The principal points of'andob-
¦difference between lord North and Mr. Fox were not specula- jects.
tive opinions, but practical conduct. He had for a series of
years declared the measures and policy of lord North to be
such as to demonstrate incapacity, corruption, profligacy, and
every quality in a minister that was ruinous to the country over
which he presided. He had not confined himself to imputation
of folly and weakness, but had alleged the highest criminality.
With lord North, whom in 1782, he had declared, deserving of
death for the wickedness of his administration, Mr. Fox, in
1783, declared himself ready to co-operate in administration. If
Mr. Fox represented lord North as the weakest and blackest of
men, believing him to be otherwise, what confidence was to be
reposed in any of his future declarations? If he before believed
him to be so bad as he represented, what had happened in that
short time to change his opinion I What had lord North done
when out of office to approve himself to Mr. Fox fit for being
minister, when, in office, declared by him to be fit only for the
block? These were questions which impartial men naturally
asked, in order to determine how far it was proper to receive
the professions of Mr. Fox. Equal blame was by no means at
tached to lord North ; he had never declared any opinion against
the political talents or character of Mr. Fox. There was, there
fore, no inconsistency in coalescing with him as a statesman, pro
vided the objects to vbe sought, and the means to be employed by
that combination, were meritorious ; and these soon appeared,
though not in their full extent. A very short time manifested the in
tention of the coalition to be, through their paramount influence
in the house of commons, to dictate to his majesty the choice of
ministers, which is left by the constitution of the country to his
own discretion. This purpose was much more incompatible
with the long professed principles of- lord North, than with the
recent principles and doctrines of Mr. Fox. Indeed, lord North
and Mr. Fox, able as they were by nature, and conversant
from experience and situation in the politics of the country, ap
peared to have considered the constitution partially rather than
completely. They could neither be said to be supporters of
the whole system, nor of the balances on which its perfection
depends. Lord North was a partisan of the monarchical, and
Mr. Fox of the popular, department. The former, however,
now joined with the latter in extending the power of the com-

772 CHAP. XXX.

1783.

The coali
tion con
trovertsthe argu
ments of
ministers
in favour
of the
peace.

Grand
views of
Fox on
publiccredit.

HISTORY OF THE
moils, by reducing the power of the crown. Thus a coalition
with lord North, for any purpose to be effected by politi
cal abilities and integrity, was totally inconsistent with the
very often repeated professions of Mr. Fox. Tliis specific object
of the coalition was no less incompatible with the uniformly de
clared principles of lord North. Mr. Fox could not, consistent
ly,, coalesce with lord North as a statesman ; lord North could
not, consistently, coalesce with any man to reduce the kingly
prerogative* Having rejected the motion for approving the peace, the co
alition party next proceeded to a positive censure. On the
21st of February, it was moved, that the concessions granted
by the peace to the enemies of Britain, were greater than either
the actual situation of their respective possessions, or their com
parative strength, entitled them to receive. In support of this
proposition they followed the order of their adversaries, and en
deavoured to prove by detailed accounts, that the finances, the
army, and navy, were not in the reduced state alleged by minis
ters ; that the cessions were much more important than they
pretended ; and also, that they might have been prevented. In
Speaking on our financial situation, Mr. Fox, with great force
and effect, exposed the absurdity of economists supposing spe
cific limits to our national credit. " Speculative politicians
" (he said) have in all times been fond of circumscribing the
" bounds of public credit, and drawing a line beyond which
" they imagine it cannot be stretched ; but repeated experience
" has shown, that such ideas are, for the most part, imaginary
" and chimerical. National credit is relative to the result of
" private and public ability and industry. It is impossible,
" therefore, to fix tbe line beyond which it cannot extend, with-
" out, at the same time, marking the bounds of that ability and
" industry." The navy Mr. Fox declared to be in a flourish
ing state, and to have been competent in the late campaign to
every purpose of offence and defence. It was, however, the
same that had been equipped under lord Sandwich: and for
the ruinous state of which this orator had attacked the first lord
of the admiralty, the year before, with such bitter severity.
His general arguments against the present ministry proceeded
on an assumption, that our resources were in a flourishing state :
we certainly were neither richer nor stronger within the last
ten months ; his reasoning, therefore, contained a virtual ad
mission, that his charges against the former ministry of having
utterly ruined the country, were totally unfounded. Mr. Fox
displayed skilful dexterity in his defence of the coalition : he
kept aloof from the principles and objects of the present com
bination, and exerted his eloquence in impressing a general po
sition, that union between individuals and parties formerly 'in
imical, was often meritorious ; and that such junctions fre-
quently had been effected in this country, to the very great ad
vantage of the nation. Impartial observers saw that the ob*

REIGN OF GEORGE IU. 773
vious truth of this general assertion proved nothing respecting CHAP.
the merit or demerit of this particular coalition. The question xxx-
being called for, the motion for censuring ministry was carried ***~^>*s
in the affirmative, by a majority of two hundred and twenty-four 1 783-
to two hundred and eight. In the house of lords a similar pro- monsCp™'s
position was negatived. a vote of
In consequence of the censure of the commons, lord Shel- censure
burne resigned his office. The chancellor of the exchequer de- on mihis-
clared publicly in the house that he only held his place until Jjjj|jgterg
a successor should be appointed. During the whole month ofresjgn
March there was a ministerial interregnum : the reasons which Ministerial
the one side alleged for this delay were the mutual jealousy interreg-
that still subsisted between the coalesced parties, and the diffir nuin-
culties which they found in adjusting their several pretensions;
others asserted that the court wished to retain the abilities of
the lord-chancellor, and that Mr. Fox's party insisted on the
exclusion of that illustrious character, ' The adherents of the
coalition professed to think that the sovereign was endeavouring
to use his own prerogative, by forming a ministry without re
gard to the newly established connexion. During this time the
kingdom was without any responsible government ; with the
finances neglected, the military establishments unreduced, and
the negotiations with foreign powers, which the critical con
juncture of affairs rendered peculiarly important, entirely at a
stand. During this interval, various inquiries were made in
the house concerning pensions which had been recently grant
ed. On discussing the particulars, however, the coalition mem
bers found that no plausible objections could be maintained to
the several grants of the late ministers. Mr. Coke, member
for Norfolk, gave notice that he meant in the course of the fol
lowing week to move an address to his majesty to urge the for
mation of a new ministry. The king ordered the duke of Port
land and lord North to lay before him a sketch of their propos
ed arrangements ; but nothing conclusive having been determin
ed, Mr. Coke, on the 24th, made the promised motion, in the
discussion of which there was a considerable degree of personal
invective. The opposite party, comprehending several inde
pendent country gentlemen, attacked the coalition. One gen
tleman proposed to add to the address, the exclusion, of all
those who had been comprised ih Mr. Fox's motion in the for
mer year, declaring the incapacity of his present associates;
"that his majesty should please not to nominate or appoint, any
" person or persons to fill up the vacant departments,"«pAo by
« their mismanagement of public affairs, and want of foresight
" and abilities, when they were in office, had lost the confidence
" of the people."1 * The coalition retorted these sarcastic at
tacks, by repeating the vote^ of censure on the late ministry;
they also revived the charges against secret advisers of the
>¦»
' The words inserted in italics are extracted from a motion of Mr. Fox,
in 1782, againsrtord North and his colleagues.

774 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, crown. To these Mr. Fox imputed the delay in forming the
XXX. new administration; and became so pointedly personal, as to
l*^v^**' call up Mr. Jenkinson, who acknowledged that he had been in
I783- conference with the king more than once : as a privy-counsellor,
he was bound to give his advice when asked ; he had done so to
the best of his judgment, but never had obtruded his counsel.
The proposed address was carried ; and his majesty answered,
that his earnest desire was to do every thing in his power to com
ply with the wishes of his faithful commons. On the 31st of
March, Mr. Pitt informed the house that he had that day resign*.
ed his office ; but no new minister having been appointed, the
coalition proposed fresh motions in order to hasten the comple
tion of the arrangements.
The coali- On the 20th of April, a new administration was announced,
tion come of which the following were the principal members : the duke of
The duke P°rt'an^ was first commissioner of the treasury ; lord North;
of Port- secretary of state for the home department; Mr. Fox, secretary
land isfirst for the foreign ; lord John Cavendish, chancellor of the ex-
lord of the chequer ; lord viscount Keppel, first commissioner of the admi-
Jre*s"r*y ' ralty ; lord viscount Stormont, president of the council ; the
andMr.r ear' °f Carlisle, privy-seal : the great seal was put into com-
Fox are mission, the first in the nomination being lord Loughborough ;
secreta- the earl of Hertford was appointed chamberlain, and the earl
ries of 0f Dartmouth steward of the household ; lord viscount Town-
state" shend was made master-general of the ordnance ; Mr. Burke,
paymaster-general ; Mr. Charles Townshend* treasurer of the
navy; Mr. Fitzpatrick, secretary of war; Mr. Wallace and
Mr. Lee had the offices of attorney and solicitor-general ; and
the earl of Northington was appointed to the lord-lieutenancy of
Ireland.
Revival of The first business that engaged the attention of the new mi-
commerce nisters was to open a commerce with North America. By the
with Ame- prohibitory acts which had been passed during the revolt, all
ne8' communication with that country, in the way of trade, was
entirely precluded ; it was the prevailing opinion in parliament,
that those acts were virtually repealed by the acknowledg
ment of the independence of the United States ; nevertheless
in their new character they became subject to other restric
tions which it was necessary to relax and modify. A bill for
this purpose had been brought into the house of commons by
the late ministry, but during the great variety of discussions
which it underwent, difficulties of such a complicated and
important nature had arisen, that it never got through the
committee. 'In the mean time, no regulations whatever having
been stipulated by the treaty of peace, the commercial inte
rests of the country were suffering very materially; for not
only a great number of vessel^ richly freighted for America,
were detained in the harbour, but there was a considerable
danger of having the market pre-occupied by p,ur rivals. In
this emergency, the new ministers thought it must adviseable

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 773
to drop the whole bill for the present, and to pass two short CHAP.
laws, one to repeal all the prohibitory acts, the other to remove xxx-
tiie necessity of requiring manifests or other documents, and to ^"^'^w
lodge in the king and council, for a limited time, a power to make l783.
such regulations as might be expedient.
On the 7th of May, Mr. William Pitt made a motion respect- Mr. Wil
ing the reform of parliamentary representation ; the mode in- liam pitt
tended last year of examining the subject by a committee was Pr°^°S;fi*
accounted too general, he therefore designed to bring forward p^, 0fre.
specific propositions. The object of the first was to prevent form.
bribery at elections, the second proposed to disfranchise a
borough which should be convicted of gross corruption ; but
that the minority of voters should be entitled to a vote for the
county in which such boroughs should be situated ; his third
proposition was, that an augmentation of the knights of, shires,
and representatives of the metropolis, should be added to the
state of the representation. He left the number for future
discussion, but said he should recommend one hundred. The
arguments both for and against a parliamentary reform were
nearly the same as in the preceding session, but the supporters
constituted a smaller proportion: the majority against the re-*.
form were two hundred and ninety-three to one hundred and Motion of
forty-nine. On the eighth of June, the duke of Richmond in- ** d^6
troduced a motion respecting the great seal being put intomonla?1.g.
commission. The appointment of judges (he alleged) commis- specting
sioners, with large salaries and perquisites dependent on the the great
will of the crown, tended to invalidate acts for securing the sea,>
independency of the judicative officers : to ensure this great
object it was necessary, he contended, first, that the tenure of
their offices should be certain ; secondly, that the amount of
their salaries should be ascertained, and thus the temptations
arising from fear of removal, or hopes of greater gain, would
be prevented. His grace by a metaphysical disquisition on
the nature of the passions, showed that hope and fear were
such powerful affections, as often to overcome justice and rec
titude : and having argued in support of his motion concerning
the great seal, he proceeded to some general observations on
the incompatibility of the situation of a judge and a statesman,
and endeavoured to support his reasonings by the authority
of writers on political government. From his arguments and
authorities he inferred, that neither the lords chief-justices, nor
lords-chancellors, ought to sit in the house of peers. Lord is combat-
Loughborough replied to his grace in a speech which wasLd^L0ocd
esteemed equal to any that ever was delivered, even by its T°£& °"
author himself. The motion, he argued, proceeded on a vi
sionary speculation, the mover had stated no actual grievance ;
but had proposed redress. The best and only test of political
truth was experience ; the practice had often obtained of put
ting the seals into commission; the judges had long sitten in
parliament, no evil or inconvenience had been experienced in

776 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, the administration of justice from their voice in the legislature,
xxx- and most important benefit had accrued to parliament from their
"^"""^^ legal and judicial ability and knowledge. These were strong
1783. an(j striking facts not to be- controverted by vague observations
on the nature of hope and- fear ; such disquisitions belonged
to the schools ;i legislatures rarely or never adopted them,
but contented themselves with the application* of law to any
ill habit of the mind, as it became predominant, and incon
venient to the just and rational ends of government. A
theory, professing to have for its object a -practical corrective
and improvement, should show what is amiss, and point out
the manner in which -it is to be reformed: on these grounds
the motion was rejected.' During this session a bill passed
both houses for removing and preventing all doubts which had
arisen or might arise concerning the exclusive right of the
parliament and courts of Ireland in matters of legislation. and
judicature; and for preventing any writ of error or appeal
from any of his majesty's courts in the sister kingdom from**
being received, heard, and adjudged, in any of his majesty's
tribunals in Britain. Before the judicial and legislative inde
pendence of Ireland had been recognised, it was usual to
remove causes by a writ of error from the Irish courts to the
British. An appeal of this sort was before the court, of king's
bench when the last settlement was made ; the chief-justice
considering it necessary to proceed with pending suits, had
given a judgment: this procedure, though unavoidable on the
part of his lordship, had excited violent clamours in Ireland.
To pacify these they proposed the present bill, though really
Minute re- implied in the general arrangement of the former year. A va-
gulations riety of economical regulations took place, more numerous than
of econo- jmp0rtaht. The objects, indeed, were the minute departments of
public offices.'such as salaries of clerks and their deputies,- but
-no plan was proposed for diminishing the momentous depart
ments of national expense.
George, George, prince of Wales, had now reached the years of man-
Wai06 °f '100C' ' an^ *"s a*=e ant* d'gn'fied' rank called for a separate
es' establishment, as a measure agreeable to the uniform practice
respecting the heir of the crown, while his personal character,
his talents and accomplishments, rendered it additionally desi
rable that he should be placed in a situation in which he could
more fully exhibit the elegance of his taste, the dignified and
engaging gracefulness of his manners, the beneficent genero-
abilities sity' of his disposition, his liberal patronage of merit, and his
and cha- many other princely virtues. His highness ih his early youth
racter ot. had attehdet] nttle to party distinction.but gay and animated,
intelligent, erudite, and refined, he had sought pleasure and
wit, information, ability, and taste, wherever they were to be
found. He was particularly captivated by the open, liberal,
and impressive manners, and the social qualities of Mr. Charles
Fox, while he admired the unassuming greatness of his cha-

reign OF George hi. 777
racter. The habits of that gentleman were aljo peculiarly CHAP.
attractive to youth ; he was no austere ascetic, he was pleasu- xxx-
rable and gay; in point of frolic and indulgence, at thirty, such v^^>^
a companion as suited the ideas of eighteen. Through Mr. X783-
Fox, his highness came to associate often with the wit of a
Hare and a Sheridan, and sometimes with the wisdom of a
Burke. The party now in power was considered as most
agreeable to his highness; but the proposal for the establish
ment was received with unanimity by all. It was found, onAsepa-
considering the royal message, that his majesty required only rate esta-
a temporary aid of sixty thousand pounds for the equipment Jy1*™*:"'
of the prince, and that he meant to settle fifty thousand a e(j fJJ. \^
year on his highness from the civil list. The sum desired was highness.
immediately voted, and an address of thanks presented to his
majesty. Indian affairs continued this year to occupy the unremitting Indian
attention of the two committees ; but from the unsettled state affairs :
©f government, during a considerable part of the session, noJJ^"™"
important measures were adopted either for redressing the continue
grievances, or investigating the delinquency stated in the re- their in-
ports, or forming systems for the future regulation of Indian vestiga-
affairs. Mr. Dundas having in the secret committee, investiga- *lon s'
ted an immense mass of evidence, oral and written, in April dag' exyb-
1782, exhibited a clear and connected detail of the state and its a com-
the history of India, from the establishment of the new system prehen-
of 1773 ; the real interests of the company, the general laws aive sta'e-
and successive special directions transmitted to the company's ag^^d
servants for the preservation and promotion of those interests ;0fexecu-
the actual conduct of the principal servants and their subordi- torial con-
nate agents, and the existing situation of those settlements, duct.
From these multiform, numerous, and complicated materials,
the energetic and simplifying mind of Mr. Dundas educed the
general principles in two great propositions. There was very
gross mismanagement, which it became the deliberative wisdom
of the legislature to correct, and also to devise means of improv
ing the resources to the highest advantage. There was like
wise an appearance of misconduct and misdemeanors, which it
behoved judicial inquiry to examine. For these purposes he
proposed that a committee of the whole house should sit upon
the affairs of India. The two principal objects of inquisitorial
procedure, stated by Mr. Dundas, were sir Thomas Rumbold,
governor of Madras, and Warren Hastings, esq. governor-ge
neral of Bengal. Having in a variety of propositions drawn
the outline of Mr. Hastings's alleged conduct, he moved a Se
vere censure on the proceedings of the governor-general, and
his coadjutor in council Mr. Hornsby; and a declaration that
it was the duty of the directors to recall them from India.1 He
¦ The directors passed a resolution for the recall, which was afterwards
overturned by the court of proprietors.
Vol. I. 98

778 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP. als0 moved a bill of pains and penalties against sir Thomas Rum-
xxx- bold, on various charges of peculation, corruption, and disobe**
N"^"v"w dience of the company's orders ; violation of treaties, assump-
1783. tj0n 0p un()ue powers, and deterioration of the company's in-*
terest for his own private emolument and that of his underlings t
he moreover charged that officer with having bestowed iniqui
tous grants on the nabob of Arcot; by injustice and faithless
ness provoked, for his own avaricious purposes, the enmity of
the Nizam, and thereby endangered the possessions of the com
pany. As it was just and necessary that, before the bill should
be passed, the accused should be heard in his own defence, and
the subject was very extensive and intricate, by the prorogation
of parliament, in July, it was necessarily postponed to the fol
lowing session. So much of the session of 1783, was consumed
in the debates between the parties, that it was late before sir
Thomas Rumbold occupied a great share of their attention-.
Mr. Dundas persevered in supporting the charges against Rum
bold, and controverting his defence. But towards the close of
the session, the committee of the house was so thinly attendedj
and appeared so little concerned to ascertain the merits of the
Case, that the prosecutor deemed farther procedure hopeless,
and agreed to a motion for postponing the consideration to
a period when he knew parliament would not be sitting ;
and thus virtually abandoned the charge. In this session he pro
ceeded to his second great object of more permanent conse*.
quence, the formation of a plan for the better management of
the government in- India, and brought in a bill for the purpose.
He pro- The principal objects of this proposition were, to invest the
poses a governor-general with a discretionary power to act against the
bill for wj|j, 0f t|le council, whenever he should think it necessary for
latUm of" the public good ; to allow the subordinate governors a negative
British In- on every proposition, till the determination of the supreme coun*.
dia. cil should be known ; to secure to the zemindars or land
holders of Hindostan, a permanent interest in their respective
tenures ; to cause the debts of the rajah of Tanjore and of the
nabob of Arcot to be carefully examined ; to put an end to the
oppressions of the latter, and the corrupt practices of his credi
tors, by securing to the rajah the full and undisturbed enjoyT
ment of his kingdom ; lastly, to recall governor Hastings, pre
vent the court of proprietors from acting in opposition to the
sense of parliament, and to nominate a new governor-general.
For this important office Mr. Dundas recommended the earl
For the Cornwallis. Ministers intimated their disapprobation of some
present parts of this scheme, and also declared an intention of proposing
postpones a p]an early in the following session ; wherefore Mr. Dundas
his plan, did not urge hi8 bill.
Indian af- The consideration of Indian affairs first afforded to Mr. Dun-
fairs first das an opportunity of completely exhibiting the powers and
th force nab'ts wk\cb combine to render him at once great and beneficial.
and extent During the administration of lord North, his abilities were but
of Mr.

REIGN OF GEORGE IU. 779
imperfectly known, because occasion had admitted of only par- CHAP.
rial exertion. He was distinguished as a clear, direct, and for- xxx-
cible reasoner ; but he had not yet shown his abilities as a states- ^"^"W
man. In the Indian inquiry, he manifested the most patient, I783)
constant, and active industry to investigate: penetrating icnte-^]^^8
ness to discover the nature and situation of affairs; enlarged which'
views to comprehend their tendency; fertile and energetic in- were be-
vention to devise regulations both for correction and improve- fere but
ment. Mr. Dundas, indeed, when in opposition to ministers Partia"y
whose means of procuring their offices he did not approve, was and corn-
far from considering invectives against administration as theprehend-
chief business of a member of parliament. He planned and ed.
proposed himself, much oftener than he censured the proposi
tions and schemes of others.
The supplies of this year having been voted before the re- Supplies.
duction of the army, were nearly the same as in the former year;
twelve millions were raised by a loan, the terms of which Were
severely censured by opposition, and defended by ministers on
the ground of necessity. The new taxes were additional du-New
ties on bills of exchange, probates of wills, and legacies on bonds taxes.
and law proceedings, and on stage coaches and diligences; also
new imposts on certificates of marriages, births, and christen
ings ; licenses for vending medicines, waggons and other com
mercial and agricultural carriages, on turnpike road and inclo-
sure bills, on agreements and awards. The most important in
its effects upon public opinion, and the popularity of ministers,
was the receipt tax. This duty was perfectly agreeable to the The re-
principles of revenue, as it levied money in proportions founded ceipt tax.
on the extent of pecuniary transactions, by which it was to be
presumed, the parties, if they acted judiciously, were deriving a
benefit which could afford the respective rates. It was approv
ed by able and candid financiers of all parties, both in and out
of parliament : yet applying to transfers and other mercantile
concerns that were recurring every day, hour, and minute, con
travening former habits and constant practice, it was infinitely
more disrelished by the people, than a partial, oppressive, and
exorbitant impost, that would have been raised at stated and dis
tant periods, and thus not perpetually press itself on the recol
lection and senses.
A session much more remarkable for debate than enactment, The ses-
was terminated on the 16th of July, by a speech shorter and sion ter-
more general than usual. The complicated discussions between ¦minatea.
the late belligerent powers had prevented the definitive terms of
peace from being finally settled : but his majesty had no doubt
of their speedy conclusion., The affairs of the East Indies
would require their early meeting in the following season.
Meanwhile the king recommended to them to employ their ih-
Suence in their respective districts in promoting a Spirit Of in-
ustry, regularity, and order, as the true sources of revenue and
power to the nation.

780 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP. The events of Britain either foreign or domestic, during the
xxx- recess of 1783, were of little importance compared with those
v^"v^>' which the history has presented in recording the struggles of
.y783: an arduous contest ; the energy of war had ceased, the indus-
stat-Tof *ry an*^ enterprise of peace were not begun. The nation in
Britain at the interval of action, seemed to be in a state of languor, from
the peace, which it could be roused only by very strong stimulatives. Trade
was stagnant, taxes compared with the supposed resources of
the country, enormous ; the national debt doubled in eight
years, appeared overwhelming. ¦ Depression of situation and
spirits, reciprocally increased each other, by action and re
action; distress encourageddespondency, despondency preclud
ed exertion and enterprise, the only effectual means of alle
viating and removing distress. Occupied chiefly -by party
contention, the legislature had, in the late session, devised no
effectual means for the improvement of the peace : the pre
sent administration, however able many of its members actu
ally were, did not possess the confidence of the majority pf
the people ; and extrication from melancholy circumstances
was not expected from their counsels. To these political caus
es of gloomy retrospect and forebodings, the present, though
temporary, pressure of scarcity added its distresses. The
crops of 1782 had been extremely deficient in all parts of
these realms, and having been also unproductive on the conti
nent, had much diminished, the usual sources of importation.
The > wants of the poor concurring with so many other incen
tives to discontent produced great disturbances and riots in
various parts of the country. In several places, especially
puritanical districts of Scotland, enthusiasm contributed its
share to the, disorders. The anti-popish societies still continu
ed, to exist among the very lowest orders ; in the abhorrence of
the Romish church great numbers of mechanics and manufac
turing journeymen avowed their displeasure against that go
vernment by which they affirmed popery to be impiously pro
tected. They insulted and outraged the magistracy, attacked
the military, and even killed several soldiers. Their zeal
becoming more eccentric and extravagant, they branched out
into various sects, whicli, whatever might be the peculiar chime
ras of their phrensy, concurred in disavowing allegiance, every
moral obligation and duty, if they conceived them to interfere
with their theological notions.1 One sentiment they . appeared
to have borrowed from the fifth monarchy men of Cromwel-
Ijan celebrity, that all things are lawful unto the savhts. A re
laxation of order manifested itself in a variety of crimes, espe-
¦ The reader will find in the Gentleman's Magazine, and other periodi-
cal works for the year 1783, details and documents which fully authenticate
and support this general account ; especially Gentleman's Magazine, p. 249
and 340; London Magazine, p. 88; and Morning Chronicle, repeatedly,
under the signature of a Scotch Highlander.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI, ?8 1
cially around the metropolis. Theft and forgefy Were extreme- chap.
ly frequent, robbery became more daring and atrocious, murder xxx-
and barbarity, formerly so rare among English depredators, s^~v~^/
now abounded ; the increase of depravity was great and alarm- 1783-
ing. v
" The national and public acts of the country at this season, Settle-
Were chiefly the evacuation of America on the 3d of September ; ment of
and the preliminaries between Britain and the states-general ^"-^ns.
were also subscribed the same day. This year a commotion in
a distant state produced a considerable accession of arts and
industry to his majesty's dominions ; certain alterations having
been proposed inthe constitution of the illustrious though small
republic of Geneva, a great proportion of the inhabitants were
«o averse to the changes, that they determined to emigrate, and
appointed commissioners to collect information concerning
asylums wherein they might enjoy the greatest security, and
be able to improve to the best advantage their resources of pro
perty and character. - In the beginning of 1783 these commis
sioners arrived in Dublin, and were received with affectionate
kindness by the hospitable and generous Irish. The delegates
of the volunteer corps of the province of Leinster, unanimously
resolved, that the inhabitants of Geneva, who sought refuse
from oppression and tyranny, deserved the highest commenda-,
tion; and that such of them as established themselves in that
country should always receive the warmest support. The com
missioners applied to government for its sanction to the desired
settlement; and the lord-lieutenant was empowered by his ma
jesty to signify not only his royal approbation and assurance of N
protection and regard, and the enjoyment of such privileges as
would contribute to their welfare and prosperity ; but to promise
¦also pecuniary assistance to enable them to execute the project
ed emigration and establishment. Their commissioners were
requested to detail the privileges and regulations which they
wished to be granted to their intended place of residence ; and
were told, that after being approved by his majesty's law ser
vants, they should be extended into a charter. It was recom
mended to the commissioners to examine, with all expedition,
a situation for their new town ; and further, to establish in it
an academy on the principle of those of Geneva, through
which the youth of all countries in Europe had derived such
important benefit. The commissioners chose the county of
Waterford as the scene of the proposed colony. Of these
gentlemen, the most active was Mr. D'lvernois, since so well
known in political literature, by the title of sir Francis D'lver
nois. While on the northern confines of the Alps, the dissentions Continen-
ofman were producing political Reparation; in that delightful tal occur-
country, which stretches from their southern frontiers, the dis- rence3-
' cord of the elements caused a most tremendous natural convul
sion. The portion of Italy which, from being a principal scene

782 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP. 0f Grecian colonies, was anciently khown by the name of Gre-
Jx~~" cia Magna; and in modern times bears the appellation of the
^y^^ Two Calabrias, suffered a succession of earthquakes, the long-*
1783. est, most dreadful and destructive to the face of the country,.
and to mankind, that was ever experienced in those regions.
The first shock happened about noon on the 5th of February
1783, and was of all the most fatal ; it came on suddenly, with
out any of the usual indications ; it was about the Italian time
of dinner, when the people were in their houses ; but beyond
all, the motion of the earth in that shock was vertical, rising
suddenly upwards from its foundations, and as suddenly sinking
again. By this fatal motion the greatest buildings, villages,
towns, and entire cities were instantaneously involved in one
common destruction ; nothing remaining to be seen but vast
heaps of undistinguishable ruins, without any traces of streets
or nouses. One of the towns and cities where the greatest
devastation took place was Casal Nuova, in which the princess
Gerase Grimaldi, with more than four thousand of her subjects,
perished in the same instant. At Baguara, above three thou
sand of the inhabitants were lost, Radicina and Palma counted
their loss at above three thousand each : Terra Nuova at about
fourteen hundred ; and Semina at still more. The greater mis
chief was in Calabria Ultra, the extreme province of Italy next
to Sicily. The inhabitants of Scylla sought refuge on the cele
brated rock from its vicinity to which the town was denominat
ed ; and following the example of their prince,1 descended to
a little harbour at the foot of the hill, where getting into boats,
or stretched upon the shore, they thought themselves free from
danger. But in the course of the night, a stupendous wave,
which is said to have been driven furiously over land, upon its
return swept away the unfortunate prince, with two thousand
four hundred and seventy-three of his subjects. The northeast
angle of Sicily, including the city of Messina, were likewise in
a considerable degree victims of that shock. But the greatest
violence of its exertion, and its most dreadful effects, were in
the plain on the western side of the Appennines; mountains
were rent, valleys closed ; the hills that formed them being
thrown from their places, and meeting their opposites in the
centre, the course of rivers was necessarily changed, or the wa
ters being entirely dammed up, they were turned into great and
increasing lakes.9

! Many of the barons of the kingdom of Naples have the title of princes.
* The whole of the mortality, according to the returns made to the se- ,
cretary of state's office in Naples, amounted to 33,567. These returns,
drawn up in the confusion.and misery that prevailed, could not be accu
rate ; and it was supposed by the best judges, that the real loss, including
strangers, amounted at least to 40,000. These estimates only take in im
mediate victims to the earthquakes j those who perished through want,
diseases, anguish, and every species of subsequent distress not being in
cluded.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 783
The earth in all that part of Italy continued for many Weeks chap.
in a constant state of tremor; and several shocks with different xxx-
degrees of violence, were every day felt; so that the unhappy ^^v^***
people, already worn down with calamity and grief, through 1783-
the loss of their property and of their dearest relations, were
still kept in a continual state of apprehension and terror. The
king and government of Naples employed every possible means
for both affording immediate relief to the sufferers, and assis
tance towards their recovery from, the loss of their property.
The archbishop of Reggio particularly distinguished himself
for benevolence and charity. He disposed of his own furniture,
equipages, and most productive moveables, and employed all
the money he could raise to alleviate the distresses of his flocks.
Having exhausted his pecuniary resources, he still, by infusing
the cordial balm of sympathy, allayed those miseries which he
could not remove. This truly christian pastor is not unworthy
of being ranked with the celebrated bishop of Marseilles, as .one
of the numberless instances of the beneficent purposes to which
recently reproached hierarchs applied their possessions.

784

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP. XXXI.

Constituents and strength of the coalition ministry.— Cfimbines genius, po-
litical experience, and aristoeratical influence. — Meeting of parliament.
— His majesty's speech — recommends to their' consideration British In
dia*?— commerce andTevenue. — Mr. Fox's East India bill — object, to vest
the whole affairs of the company in certain commissioners to be appoint*
ed byparliament, and administer commercial as wiill as territorial con
cerns. — Arguments for the bill. — The company is in a state of bank
ruptcy, and unfit to manage its own affairs. — The enormous abuses of
its servants, and the distresses of India. — The bill is opposed by Mr.
Pitt.**-- Arguments against the bill, that it is an infringement of charter
ed rights, without the justification of necessity — and the formation of ai^
influence dependant on the present ministers — by Mr. Dundas — he.
charges Mr. Fox with aspiring at perpetual dictatorship. — Burke's cele
brated speech on the extent and bounds of chartered rights. — Allega
tions against Mr. Hastings. — Petitions of the India company. — Bill pas
ses the commons by a great majority. — Other corporate bodies petition
against the violation of a charter. — Bill becomes obnoxious to the pub
lic. — Bill rejected by the lords. — Causes assigned by ministry for the
rejection of the bill. — Alleged to be disagreeable to his majesty. — Re
ported interference through earl Temple canvassed in the house of
commons. — Minivers dismissed their offices. — Character of Mr. Fox's
East India bill — whether right or wrong, , decisive and efficient — tho
roughly adapted to its end, whether good or bad — tended to secure
Mr. Foi's continuance in power, however that power might be used.
— General outcry against Mr. Fox.**--4mpartial estimate of this political
scheme.— Mr. William. Pitt prime minister, with a minority in the house '
of commons. — Unpopularity of Mr. Fox and the coalition party. — Mr.
Pitt's East India bill— rejected. — Question on dictation to the crown by
the commons in tbe choice of a minister. — King, peers, and the public
favourable to Mri Pitt. — Attempt of independent gentlemen to effect
an accomodation between the ministerial and opposition party. — Meet
ing for thatjpurpose. — Correspondence with the duke of Portland and
Mr. Pitt. — Design proves abortive. — Display of Mr. Pitt's talents and
character in resisting such a confederacy of genius and power. — Public
estimation of the contending leaders. — The king declares his intention
of taking the sense of his people. — Dissolution and character of this par
liament.

CHAP. XXXI. 1783.
Constituents and
strengthof the coa
lition min
istry.They com
bine geni*

THE season now approached for the meeting of parlia
ment: in the last session ministers had done little more than
procure their appointments. They had proposed no important
schemes of policy to ascertain their collective character: the
public might conjecture what they would be, but could not yet
know what they were. The coalition administration, it was
obvious, had many symptoms of strength superior to that
which was possessed by any ministry since the commencement
of this reign. It combined the leading members of both
parties that prevailed during the American war; united phi-

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 7$$
losophy and genius with official experience : and to consolidate CHAP.
parts formerly heterogeneous into one mass, a great weight of XXXI-
aristocratic influence was superadded. Lord North retained <^~yr><**
many of his numerous supporters : Mr. Fox had a less nu- 17Syl-
merous, but a still more able band of friends. The result ofcaiexpe-
this union of genius, experience, rank, and property, was arience,
majority seldom seen in favour of ministers from the time of and aristo-
the illustrious Pitt. The friends of this ministry conceived it to cratic in-
comprise all that was requisite to heal the wounds and restore fluence-
the prosperity of their country. Its opponents, from the
character of its -principal members, and especially its acting
head, equally expected boldness, decision, and efficacy ; but a
mischievous, not a beneficial efficacy. They conceived the
leaders of the two component parties, by their extraordinary
junction, to have sacrificed all public principle at the altar of
ambition. They apprehended, that by forcing themselves into
the counsels of their sovereign, they had thereby infringed the
kingly prerogative, and in it the British constitution. Having
so interpreted the views and conduct of administration, they
inferred, that their measures would be directed to the preser
vation and extension of their own power, instead of the good
of the country.
Parliament assembled on the 11th of November, and soon Meeting
afforded an opportunity of considering the schemes of ad-ofParlia-
ministration. His majesty's speech was short, but extremely S^maies-
comprehensive ; the definitive treaties, of peace had been con- ty'sspeech
eluded ; the important and extensive inquiries long carried on recom-
respecting India affairs, were pursued with diligence, and the mends to
fruit of them would be expected in the provisions of parlia- t?1"r "*?""
mentary wisdom, to maintain and improve the valuable ad-gri"- J£_
vantages which we derived from our oriental possessions, and dia, com-
to promote and secure the happiness of the native inhabitants merce.and
of those provinces. The season of peace would call for their revenue.
attention to every possible means of recruiting the strength of
the nation, after such a long and expensive war. One of the
first objects of deliberation was the security and increase of the
revenue in the manner which should be least burthensome to
the subjects. Dangerous frauds had prevailed, and daring
outrages were committed respecting the collection of the public
revenue : and to prevent the continuance of such depredations,
it would be necessary to adopt new provisions. The house of
commons were informed of the reduction of all the establish
ments as far as prudence would admit, of the closing expenses
requisite at such a time, and reminded of the necessity of sup
porting the national credit.
The primary importance of these objects was undeniable;
and an address consonant to the speech was unanimously pass
ed in both houses. Mr. Pitt expressed his high approbation
of the ends proposed by government, though he made some
animadversions on the tardiness of ministers, in not having
Vol. I. 99

786 HISTORY OF. THE
CHAP. Deen farther advanced with measures for the accomplishment pf
XXXI. gygh momentous purposes. On all these grand subjects, he
't^~*~>~' counselled them to bring forward great, efficient, and permanent
1783*. systems ; as he highly applauded the ends which they profess
ed to seek, he trusted the means which they would devise
would be equally meritorious ; in which case, they should
have his warmest support. Mr. Fox, impressed with the very
highest idea of Mr. Pitt's talents, declared, nothing could af
ford him more satisfaction as a minister, or proud exultation as
a man, than to be honoured with the praise and support of Mr.
Pitt.1 He expressed very high approbation of the general
principles which he had briefly sketched concerning the ob
jects of their intended deliberation. He acknowledged that
India affairs could ill brook delay: through the industry and
ability of their committee, however, the time which they had oc
cupied was the means of affording parliament the most accurate
and complete information ; so that no assembly could be better
acquainted with the subject on which they were called to deli
berate : he concluded with announcing, that, on the 18th of No
vember, he should propose a plan for the government of India.
East India On the day appointed, Mr. Fox moved the house for leave to
bill of Mr. {,ring in a bill for vesting the affairs of the East India company
in the hands of certain commissioners, for the benefit of the
proprietors and the public ; and also a bill for the better go
vernment of the territorial possessions and dependencies in In
dia. In the former of these propositions, a preamble stated,
that disorders existed and increased in the management of the
British territorial possessions, revenues, and commerce, in the
East Indies ; which diminished the prosperity of the natives,
impaired and threatened with utter ruin the valuable interests
Object, to of this nation. The government of the present directors and
vest the proprietors was to be suspended ; they were to be deprived of
Sirs of the *^e w^°'e administration of their territorial and commercial af-
company fa**rs > °f their books, papers, documents, and their house in
in certain Leadenhall-street. The total direction of all their concerns,
commis- mercantile, financial, and political, was henceforward to be vested
™D to in seven commissioners; namely, William earl Fitzwilliam, the
pointedby ''g'1*' honourable Frederick Montague, lord George viscount
parlia- Lewisham, the honourable George Augustus North, sir Gilbert
ment; and Elliot, sir Henry Fletcher, and Robert Gregory, esq. These
to admi- commissioners were to be appointed for the first time by the
commer- wh°'e legislature ; but afterwards by the crown : they were to
cial as well hold their offices by the same tenure as the judges of England,
asterrito- during their good behaviour, and to be removed only by -ad
mi con- dress from either house of parliament : they were to be assisted
cerns- by seven directors ; who should each possess at least two thou
sand pounds India stock, and have no mercantile concern with
' Parliamentary Debates, 1783-4.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. f§7
the company. The first seven were named in the bill : vacan- CHAP.
cies were to be supplied by a majority of the proprietors, on an xxx*t-.
open poll. Any or all of the assisting directors might be re- «*~*^*>>
moved by five of the commissioners ; and thus the commission- 1783-
ers were to hold the supreme direction and exclusive patronage
of all India affairs. In the exercise of this immense power,
they were required to come to a decision upon every question
Within a limited time, or to assign a specific reason for their de
lay. They must submit, once in every six months, an exact
state of their accounts and establishments to both houses of
parliament ; they were never to vote by ballot, and must enter
upon their journals the reasons of their vote. Such were the
outlines of this celebrated bill. The proposed plan appeared
to combine efficiency in the powers intrusted, openness in the
required progress of its exercise, and responsibility that it
should be employed for the intended purposes. If, therefore,
the objecte were beneficial to our Indian interests and to the
whole British empire, and the persons chosen were completely
qualified for executing the trust reposed, there can be no doubt
that their powers were fully sufficient. This bill for the gene
ral management of Indian concerns, was accompanied by a se
cond bill, the professed object of which was, to prevent all
kinds of arbitrary and despotical proceedings from the adminis
tration of the territorial possessions; it defined the authority of
the governor-general, suppressed all power of acting independ
ently of his council, proscribed the delegation of any trust, and
declared every existing British servant in India incompetent to
the acquisition or exchange of any .territory in behalf of the
eompany; to the conclusion of any treaty of partition ; to ap
point to office any person removed for misdemeanor; to lend to
native powers the company's troops ; and to hire out any pro
perty to any civil officers of the company: it voided all mono
polies, and declared every illegal present recoverable by any
person for his own sole benefit., One part of the second bill par
ticularly respected the zemindars, or native landholders, secured
to them an estate of inheritance, without an alteration pf rents ;
and endeavoured to preclude all vexatious and usurious claims ;
to forbid mortgages, and to subject all doubtful demands to the
examination and censure of the commissioners. It prescribed
a mode for terminating the disputes between the nabob pf Ar
cot and the rajah of Tanjore ; and disqualified every person in
the service of the company from sitting in the house of com
mons during the continuance of his employment, and for a cer
tain specified term after his dismission'. As the scheme of Mr.
Fox proposed to take away from the India company the man
agement of the whole and every part of their own commercial
affairs, as well as the territorial possessions, its author drew
his arguments to support it from two sources: the embarrassed Argu-
state of the company's finances; the durable and comprehen- ments for
sive abuses which had prevailed in the government of Inuia. the *"11'

788 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP. The distressed, situation of the company's affairs he entlea-
XXXI. voure(j to prove from the following circumstances : they had
^^/r>^/ applied the preceding year to parliament for pecuniary as-
l783' sistance ; they had asked leave to borrow five hundred thou
sand pounds upon bonds ; they had petitioned for three hun
dred thousand pounds in exchequer bills ; and for the suspen-
, sion of a demand upon them, on the part of government, for
seven hundred thousand pounds due for customs; By an act
of parliament, the directors were prohibited from accepting
bills beyond three hundred thousand pounds, drawn in India;
yet, at this very time, bills to the amount of more than two
millions were on their way from India for acceptance. Their
actual debt was eleven millions two hundred thousand pounds ;
and they had stock in hand, towards paying this immense in
cumbrance, only to the amount of about three millions two
hundred thousand pounds. The result of this comparison was
a balance against them of eight millions; a deficiency which
was extremely alarming, when compared with the capital of
The com- the proprietors. He would not hesitate to declare the compa-
stateof* ny actually bankrupt: if they were not assisted, they must un-
bankrupt, avoidably be ruined ; and the fall of a body of merchants so
cy, and un- extensive in their concerns, and so important in the eyes of
fitfor man- Europe, must necessarily give a very alarming blow to our na-
agmg its tiqnal credit. Parliament must permit the acceptance to be
fairs.3 ' made, and interfere for their support; but it would be absurd
in itself, and unjust to the nation, for legislature to grant them
succour, without taking for the public security the total direc
tion of their pecuniary affairs. This was an interference not
The enor- only wise but absolutely, necessary. Concerning the abuses
mous abu- that prevailed in the government of India, he began with the
servants conduct<>f the company at home, the nature of their connexion
and dis- ' with their officers abroad, the conduct of the servants in general,
tresses of and of Mr. Hastings in particular, elucidated from the reports
India. of the committee. The plan which he proposed would,' he
contended, prevent the recurrence of such abuses, promote
the prosperity of the British interests, and change the condi
tion of the natives from oppression and misery to seeurity and
comfort.
The bill is The first, most strenuous and powerful opposer of the bill
bvPMr was Mr* Pitt ^,le reasons whicl> he urged against it were re-
pjtt ' ducible to two general heads. "The proposed scheme'* he
Argu- said, " annihilated chartered rights, and created a new and im-
ments « mense body of influence, unknown to the British constitution."
b?ll'nth rt He a(,mi^ted that India wanted reform ; but not such a reform
is'a'viok-1 as broke through every principle of equity and justice. The
tion of bill proposed to disfranchise the members, and confiscate the
chartered property of the East India company; it required directors, trus-
T'^htS teeS cho8l5n by proprietors for the behalf of those constituents,
the justifi- and under t*ieir CODtrol» to surrender all lands, tenements, houses,
cation of
necessity;

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 789
books, records, charters, instruments, vessels, goods, money, chap.
and securities, to persons over whom the owners were to pos- xxx'-
sess no power of interference in the disposal of their own pro- '**^r>+s
perty; on what, principle of law or justioe. could such a confis- l783-
cation be defended f-The rights of the company were convesed
in a charter expressed in the clearest and strongest terms that
couldbe conceived. It was clearer, stronger, and better guard
ed in point of expression, than the charter of the bahk of Eng
land : the right by which our gracious sovereign held the scep
tre of these kingdoms, was not more fully confirmed, nor far
ther removed from the possibility of all plausible question. The
principle of this bill once established, what security had the
other public companies of the kingdom ? What security had
the bank of England? What security had the national credit
ors, or the public corporations ? or, indeed, what assurance
could wehave for the great charter itself, the foundation of all
our privileges, and all our liberties? The power indeed was
pretended to be created in trust for the benefit of the proprie
tors; but, in case of the grossest abuse of trust, to whom was
the appeal? To the proprietors ? No ; but to a majority of
either house of parliament, which the most driyelling' minister
could not fail to secure with the patronage of about two millions
Sterling given by this bill. But the proposition was still more and the
objectionable in another way, it was calculated to increase the*°rma*10n
influence of the minister to an enormous and alarming degree. fluence"
Seven commissioners chosen ostensibly by parliament, but really depen-
by administration, were to involve in the vortex of their autho-denton
rity, -the whole treasure of India. These poured forth like anthePr?-.
irresistible torrent upon this country, woul-d-sweep away our *i- te"s mlnis"
berties and all we could call our own.
Mr. Dundas argued, that the immediate tendency of the bill By Mr.
was so far from being to increase the influence of the crown, Dundas;
that, it must inevitably overbear its power : it created a fourth 
estate, which would overturn the balance of the three establish
ed by the constitution. The opposers of the bill proceededto
attack its author's motives. Mr. Fox was a man of the most
splendid ability, the most intrepid and daring spirit, and un
bounded ambition. He professed himself a party man, and it
was a leading article in his political creed, that Britain ought
to be governed by a party: to perpetuate such a government
was the design of the present scheme. This bill exhibited all wh0 char-
the most prominent features of its author's character and senti- ges Mr.
ments : its end was perpetual dictatorship to himself; the pro- Pox with
jected means were the whole influence of India, possessed and ^Sial
exercised by the members and agents of a party which were dictator-
total ly at his devotion. The motives of the coalition were be- ship.
fore easily divined ; new success encouraged them to unfold
their intentions, and their designs became fully manifested.
To force his way to the supreme direction of his majesty'**
government, Mr. Fox had coalesced with those statesmen

790 CHAP.
XXXF.

1783.

Burke'scelebratedspeech on
the ex
tent and
bounds of
chartered rights.

Allega
tions againstMr. Hast
ings.

Petitions of the In
dia com
pany.

HISTORY OF THE
whom he had uniformly professed to reprobate; he headed
them in censuring that peace, which, in less trying circumstan
ces, he uniformly professed to recommend : and thus found an
opportunity of attaining the power which he through that coa
lition sought. His views extending as he advanced, he now
proposed to make his power perpetual and uncontrollable. Such
was the opinion which Messrs. Dtfndas and Pitt, and their sup
porters, delivered concerning Mr. Fox's East India bill.
The combined force of philosophy, eloquence, and poetry,
was employed by Mr. Burke in supporting this grand project of
his friend. A considerable portion of his own reasoning was
exerted to controvert the arguments drawn from the annihila
tion of the company's charter : he admitted, to the fullest ex
tent, that the charter of the East India corporation had been
sanctioned by the king and parliament ; that the company had
bought it, and honestly paid for it ; and that they had every
right to it -which such a sanction and such a purchase could
convey. Having granted this position to the opponents of the
bill, he maintained, that notwithstanding that sanction and pur
chase, the proposed change ought to take place. He proceed
ed on the great and broad grounds of ethics, arguing that no
special covenant, however sanctioned, can authorize a
violation of the laws of morality; if a covenant operate
to the misery of mankind, to oppression and injustice, the gene
ral obligation to prevent wickedness is antecedent and superior
to any special obligation to perform a covenant : parliament
had sold all they had a right to sell— an exclusive privilege to
trade, but not a privilege to rob and oppress ; and if what
they disposed of for the purposes of commerce was made the
instrument of oppression and pillage, it was their duty, as the
guardians of the conduct and happiness of all within the sphere
of their influence and control, to prevent so pernicious an ope
ration. After laying down this as a fundamental principle, he
proceeded to argue, that there had been, and were, the most
flagrant acts of oppression in India, by the servants of the com
pany ; that the whole system was oppressive from the begin
ning of the acquisition of territorial possessions : he entered into
a detail of the principal instances of rapine, violence, and tyran
ny, which were attributed to the English ; and dwelt with supe
rior energy and pathos on those acts of which he alleged Mr.
Hastings to be guilty. No one undertook to deny, as an abstract
proposition, that charters or any covenants contravening the
principles of morality, and bringing misery on mankind, ought
to be annulled: but the allegation was denied respecting the
charter of the East India company. The bill, it was affirmed,
PROPOSED CONFISCATION WITHOUT PRpOF OF DELINQUENCY. The
proprietors and directors petitioned the house that their securi
ties and properties might not be forfeited without evidence of
criminality. They desired, that before the house passed a bill
W'hich would act as a. condemnation, they should prove the

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 791
guilt. One reason adduced by Mr. Fox for the proscription of CHAP.
their rights was, that they had mismanaged their own affairs, XXXI-
and were insolvent; they denied the alleged bankruptcy, and v-'^r>*>
offered to prove by- a statement of their demands and effects, 1783,
that though somewhat embarrasssed, their assets far exceeded
their debts ; and prayed their situation might be fully inspect
ed before a bill, proceeding on an assumption of their beilig
bankrupts, should be passed. Let not, they said, a parlia
mentary DOCKET BE STRUCK WITHOUT GIVING US AN OPPORTU
NITY OF CONVINCING EQUITY THAT WE CAN PAY EVERY CREDITOR
twenty shillings in the pound. The remonstrating entrea*-
ties of the company, and all the opposition in the house of com
mons, were unavailing : on the 8th of December the bill pass- The bill
ed the house by the large majority of two hundred and eight Passes the
to one hundred and two.1 The next day Mc Fox, attended by £°™™°eat
a great number of members, presented the bill at the bar of the majority.
house of lords. When it came to the peers, it met, if not with
an abler opposition, with a much more numerous in proportion
to the number of the assembly. Great force of eloquence and
reasoning were exerted on both sides ; rarely indeed was there
a fuller attendance, and perhaps never did a greater assem
blage of ability display itself in our house of lords, than on so
momentous a question, that engaged, on the one side, an able
body of peers headed by lord Thurlow and lord Camden;
on the other a no less able body, headed by lord Lough
borough and lord Mansfield. In the house of commons, how
ever, the arguments on both sides had been so completely ex
hausted, that little novelty appropriate to the question, could be
brought forward even by such powers of genius. Lord Thur
low spoke to the attack on Hastings, which had been repeated
in the house of peers. If (said he) he be a depopulator of pro
vinces, if he be a plunderer, and an enemy to the human race,
let his crimes be dragged into the light of day, and let him be
punished, but not condemned without a trial.3 Meanwhile,
¦ In the closing debate on this bill in the house of commons, Mr. Flood,
a very eminent orator in the Irish parliament, lately chosen a member for
Winchester, first spoke in the British parliament. Emphatic in his delive
ry, both pompous and vehement in his manner, he appeared rather to de
mand than to solicit the attention of the house. Such a mode of elocution,
however valuable the matter might be, and cpgent the arguments, certain
ly exposed the speaker to ridicule. — This engine was very happily played
upon him. in the poignant wit, keen and strong satire of Mr. Courtney;
who, without invalidating his opponent's arguments, silenced the oratory
of Mr. Flood in the British house of commons.
1 Mr. Hastings (he said) was one of the most venerable characters that
this country had produced : he had served the East India company for
thirty -three years, and twelve years as president at Bengal. He possessed
a most extensive knowledge of the languages, the manners, the politics,
and the revenues of Indostan. He was a man whose integrity, honour,
firmness of mind, and perseverance, had encountered difficulties that would

792 HISTORY OF THE
CHAPv the bill had beguri to produce a considerable alarm in the coun-
XXXI. try. Other bodies now followed the example of the East India
V-^"V'"W company, in petitioning against a measure which they consi-
1783. dered as an atrocious violation of private property. In the
porate b°o"^ouse °^ Peers *ae opponents of the bill proposed to defer its
dies peti- ' consideration for several days, until they should have time to
tion receive more adequate information ; its supporters were
against the very urgent for the speedy completion of the scheme;
violation f^ fjje fortner prevailing, it was deferred. The bill was now
ter?C ar" become extremely obnoxious to the public; the majority of
The bill the house of peers exhibited the sentimentof a much greater
becomes proportion of a majority of the nation. The people appeared
obnoxious to have adopted a totally dift'erent opinion from the house of
public- commons.1 The motion for a second reading took place on
is reject- the 15th, and the house being adjourned to the 17th, the ques-
ed by the tion was put for the commitment, and carried against the mi
lords, nister by a majority of ninety-five to seventy-six ; and thus Mr.
Fox's celebrated India bill, after passing the house of commons,
Causesas- was rejected by the lords. The conduct of the peers which,
signed by jn voting contrary to the house of commons, concurred with
fortlfe re- ^e P°Pu'ar voice, was represented by the ministerial party as
jectionof arising- not from conviction, but an extrinsic influence. His ma-
' he bill, jesty, on investigating the nature, tendency, and probable con
sequences of the bill introduced by Mr. Fox, was understood to
The bill be inimical to its adoption. It was conceived, that the more
alleged to our k\ntr reflected on the subject, he was the more deeply im-
ffreeabi'e pressed with the mischievous effects of the scheme in question,
to his ma- that he thought it would overturn the balance of the constitu-
jesty. tion ; and that under such an impression, he very freely deli
vered his sentiments to counsellors whom he did not think
members of the coalition confederacy. Among those who en-

have subdued the spirit of any other man, and had surmounted every ob
stacle ; no impediment, no opposition, could have been more formidable
than that of the commission, which seemed to have been sent out for the
express purpose of thwarting ami opposing all his measures. When he
considered the scene of confusion that ensued, the factious and personal
spirit by which these men had been animated from the hour of their land
ing, he sincerely wished they had died before they had set foot in India.
But Mr. Hastings had been able to overcome so arduous a trial, and such
was the vigour, of our government in Bengal ; such were the regulations
for the administration of justice in the provinces, and such the economical
arrangements formed by the civil and military departments, that he did
not believe it would be in the power of the folly and ignorance of the most
favourite clerks Mr. Fox's directors could send out, to throw Bengal into
confusion in the term that was assigned for the duration of his bill. See
Parliamentary Debates, Dec. 1783.
' See a periodical paper of those times, entitled the Political Herald,
which was edited by the elegant pen of Godwin, but supported by the
abler pen of Gilbert Stewart, and frequently invigorated by the masculine
strength of 'William Thomson.

REtGN tip GEtiRGE nr. 793
j6yed the greatest degree of the royal confidence was earl CHAP.
Temple, a nobleman of considerable talents, high character, XXXI.
and an aih pie fortune ; totally unconnected, with any party ,'^r^>^
junto, and thereby not only capable, but niost probably dispos- 1783.
ed, to give the best advice. A report prevailed, that in a P"- mterfe-
vate conference with his majesty, this nobleman, with the can- rence of
dour and honesty of a faithful and conscientious counsellor, had lord Tern-
delivered his sentiments to the king; and that they coincided pie,
with those which the illustrious personage himself entertained.
The report farther added, that the opinion of his majesty having
been communicated to' various peers, had influenced their votes.
The clamour against such advisers was revived by ministry;
and it was asserted that, but for these, a majority in the lords
woujd have forwarded the bill proportionate to that which had
carried it through the house of commons. This rumour re
specting the interference of the sovereign, was never authenti
cated ; it however was believed by the supporters of the bill,
and deemed the means of its rejection. The reports were con
sidered by the coalition party of so great importance, as to be
the foundation of several resolutions. On the 17th of Decern- is canvass-
ber, the coalition speakers expatiated on secret influence, whichXd in *.e
according to their assumption,1 still existed. Mr. William Ba- Jj^mons
ker made a motion, seconded by lord Maitland, importing, that
it was now necessary to declare, that to mention any opinion,
or pretended opinion of the king, upon any bill or other pro
ceeding in either house of parliament, with a view to influence
the votes of the members, was a high crime and misdemeanor,
derogatory to the honour of the crown, a breach of the funda
mental privileges of parliament, and subversive,'of the constitu
tion of the country. Mr. Pitt argued on the impropriety of a
legislative assembly proceeding on unauthenticated rumours;
that monster, public report, was daily fabricating a thousand
absurdities and improbabilities; and it was the greatest sar
casm upon every thing serious and respectable to suffer her to.
intrude on the national business, and for the house to follow
her through all her shapes and extravagancies. He was asked,
how ministers were to act When circumvented, as they com
plained of haying been, by secret influence, and when the royal
opinion was inimical to their measures? In his judgment, their
duty, in a situation thus dishonourable and inefficient; -was ob
vious and indispensable ? The moment they could not answer
for their measures, let them retire : the servants of the crown.
were worse than useless whenever they were without responsi
bility. Mr. Fox endeavoured to prove, that the present reso
lutions were necessary to mark the independence of parliament;
and to decide whether it was to be governed by the wisdom
1 Authentic and impartial history must consider the assertion concern
ing secret influence, as an assumption, because the allegation was neither
admitted nor proved.
Vol. I. 100

794 CHAP. XXXI.

1783.

Ministers are dis-
missed.

Character of Mr.
Fox's East
India bill :
whether right or
wrong, de
cisive and
efficient :

HISTORY OF THE
and free choice of its members; or by the dictates of the crown:
Taking for granted the existence of secret influence, he exer
cised his eloquence in describing the evils which it would pro
duce. We are (he said) robbed of our rights, with a menace of
immediate destruction before our face : from this moment fare
well to every independent measure. Whenever the liberties of
the people, the rights of private property, or the still more sa
cred privileges* of personal safety, are vindicated by the house,
the hopes of the public, anxious, eager, and panting for the issue,
are to be whispered away, and dispersed to every wind of hea
ven, by the breath of secret influence. A parliament thus fetter
ed and controlled, instead of limiting, extends beyond all limit
and precedent the prerogative of the crown, and has no longer
any use but to register the degrees of despotism, and the arbi
trary mandates of a favourite. Thus, according to Mr. Fox, the
constitution of England was to become despotical, if the house
of commons did not reprobate a secret influence whieh rumour*
only alleged to exist. A majority of one hundred and fifty-three
to eighty voted for the resolution.
The conduct of his majesty evidently demonstrated that he
was not only extremely averse to the East India bill, but highly
displeased with its author. On the 18th of December, at twelve
at night, he sent a message to the two secretaries of state, inti
mating that his -majesty had no farther occasion for their ser
vices, and directing that the seals of office should be deliver
ed to him by the under secretaries, as a personal interview
would be disagreeable. Early the next morning letters of dis
mission, signed Temple, were sent to the other members of the
cabinet. Immediately the places of first lord of the treasury,
and chancellor of the exchequer, were conferred on Mr. Wil
liam Pitt ; lord Temple received the seals as secretary of state;
and earl Gower was appointed lord-president of the council.
On the 22d lord Temple resigned the seals of his office, and
they were delivered to lord Sidney, as secretary of state for the
home department; and to the marquis of Carmarthen for the
foreign. Lord Thurlow was appointed high-chancellor of Bri
tain; the duke of Rutland, lord privy-seal ; lord viscount Howe,
first lord of the admiralty ; and the duke of Richmond, master-
feneral of the ordnance; Mr. William Grenville and lord
I ulgrave, succeeded Mr. Burke in the pay-office ; and Mr.
Henry Dundas was appointed to the office of treasurer of
the navy.
Thus terminated the coalition administration, owiiur its
downfall to Mr. Fox's East India bill. In whatever light we
view this celebrated measure, we must allow it to be the ef-
'The report was, that a circular card, supposed to have been written by
lord Temple, had been transmitted to various peers, purporting his majes
ty's disapprobation of Mr. Fox's bill, as subversive of the power and digni
ty of the crown.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 795
fort of an expanded and towering genius. Whether the object CHAP.
was beneficial or injurious, the means were great, compre- XXXI-
hensive, and efficacious. If, with its framer and supporters, l*^~*~**>
we consider the East India company as guilty of the grossest 1783-
misconduct in the administration of their affairs; as having
brought themselves to a state of insolvency, and thus render
ing it necessary for their principal creditor to interfere for his
own security, and to prevent them from utterly ruining them
selves, the plan was efficient: the company could no longer
mismanage their affairs, for Mr. Fox left them none to ad
minister. What the author said of the whole bill, applies to it
With great truth : it was no half measure. If the territorial thorough-
concerns of the company had been so madly, wickedly, and ty adapted
destructively administered by the company's weakness and^f^, »
corruption, and the vices of its servants, the powers proposed g00^ 0I
by Mr. Fox to be conferred upon his seven friends, rendering bad :
them sole, supreme, and complete directors of British India,
were thoroughly adequate to every purpose of correction of
misconduct, prevention of abuses, and punishment of malversa
tion; his provisions for the zemindars tended most effectually
to give to those landholders the security of British subjects.
The opponents of the bill, while they reprobated its tendency
and design, fully admitted that extraordinary exertions of genius
had been employed in adapting it to its end. Considering fitted to
it as intended to make its seven executors lords of so great a!|cujLeto
part of the British empire, and its inventor imperial master contimu
of the whole, they allowed, that in its general principle, and in its anCe in
particular provisions, relations; and dependencies, it was most power,
skilfully, ingeniously, and completely fitted to establish in these however
realms, the government of an oligarchical confederacy, headed ^"^KJJ"
by Charles James Fox. Impartial history, without entirely te used.
adopting the opinion of either party, must see and exhibit in
this plan a most forcible efficacy, that might operate in two
ways : on the one hand, as its supporters asserted, it was
thoroughly calculated for preventing the recurrence of such
evils as had been recently prevalent : and on the other, it was
no less obviously and directly fitted to confer on Mr. Fox and
his connexions, a power new in the British constitution, far
surpassing that which had before belonged to any body or
estate under our polity, and without that control on which has
depended, and depends, the integrity and efficacy of our se
veral establishments and our political system. Concerning
Mr. Fox's motives, the historian, like every other observer of
human conduct, will infer intention according to the nature
and tendencjr of the measure, compared with the circumstances
Of the case, and character of the agent. Examining the
scheme, knowing that the ambition most frequently prevalent
in greai minds occupied no inconsiderable share of Mr. Fox's
heart, and perceiving the bill so well framed to gratify that

796

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP, passion, he will not hesitate to assign the love of power as one
XXXI. 0f the motives. Aware, however, that an inventor, ardent in
^^^^'^^ the promotion of a. scheme, which has occupied his affections
1783. antj faculties, and engaged in contemplating its direct and im
mediate adaptation to proposed ends, may overlook more indi
rect operations, or more distant consequences : he may conclude
that Mr. Fox did not view, in their whole- extent and force, the
effects which, unless arrested in its course, the project might
have produced. The most probable account which impartial
candour can present concerning this important subject of histo
ry, appears to be the following: Mr. Fox had acceded to the
whig doctrine of governing this country by an aristoeratical
confederacy. Conscious of his own extraordinary talents, and
desirous of that power which would have employed and dis
played them, he expected and sought to be leader of an ad
ministration whicli should be supported by such a combination.
The sovereign he well knew was averse to a party govern
ment. The misfortunes of the war having rendered the. mi
nistry of lord North very unpopular, the whig combination
came into power. Finding, in the promotion of lord Shel
burne, a deviation from the plans which the whigs had de
lineated, Mr. Fox and his party resigned. Their own com
bination not being sufficient to secure them the direction of
public affairs, the whig party joined another, before hostile ;
and from their combined powers, forced the practical adoption
of their maxim of ruling by a confederacy. Aware of the
disagreeableness of such a ministry to him in whom the con
stitution vested the choice of executive servants, and naturally
apprehending that he would avail himself of an opportunity to
exert his own free choice, Mr. Fox, in framing his bill, appears
to have endeavoured to guard against the probability of such
an event. The permanence of Mr. Fox's connexion in ad
ministration, would evidently be a morally certain effect of his
bill ; and, therefore, may fairly be assigned as one of its prin
cipal objects. Mr. Fox's opponents illustrated their concep
tions of his scheme, by comparing him to Oliver Qromwell,
Julius Csesar, Cataline, and other celebrated projectors of
usurpation. But an attentive consideration of his character,
dispositions and habits, and, above all, his uniform conduct,
by no means justifies the charge, of solitary ambition. Social
in private life, Mr. Fox has always courted association in poli
tics ; ambitious of sway, he has sought not only to acquire
it by, but to enjoy it with, a party. Besides, had he been ever
so desirous of the solitary dominion of protector or dictator,, he
must have known, that in Britain he never could have attained
so uncontrolled a power. His sagacity would not have suffer
ed his designs so very far to outgo every probability of suc
cess. Confining the proposed schemes of this great man
somewhat near the bounds of probable execution, the historian
may fairly venture to affirm, that he intended, by his India

Outcry
against Mr. Fox.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 79 jr
bill, to secure the continuance of power to himself, his whig CHAP.
confederacy, and their new allies : and that the whole series of xxx*-
his conduct was 'a practical adoption of the doctrines of his l**~*~^'
friend Mr. Burke, in his "Thoughts on the Discontents," ex- in
hibiting all the beauties of poetry and depth of philosophy, to
minister to party politics, and applying the energies of his
genius, the stores of his wisdom, arid the fascination of his
fancy, to show that Britain, disregarding the choice of the
king, or the talents of the subject, ought to be governed by a
whig association. On the whole it is evident, that one of the Impartial
chief objects of the coalition was, to establish the united parties estimate
in the management of government. It is no less manifest, {-[j*!8 po"
that the East India bill both tended, and was designed to se- scheme.
cure to the confederacy the continuance of power. So far
impartial history must concur with the opponents of the il
lustrious Fox. But the reasonableness of the censure, and
even obloquy which he thereby incurred, is much more ques
tionable. That Mr. Fox loved power is very obvious, and
abstractly neither deserving of praise nor censure. There is
little doubt that he was not the minister of the king's predilec
tion and personal choice. The appointment of his executive
servants is certainly by the constitution vested in his majesty ;
but various cases have occurred in the history of England, in
which it was not only requisite, but necessary, for the king, in
the exercise of his prerogative, to sacrifice private preposses
sions to general good : such an event has happened and always
may happen under a free constitution, of which the object is
the welfare of the community. The court doctrine at this
time, that Mr. Fox and his adherents merited the severest
reprobation, because they wished to administer the government
contrary to the inclination of the king, is by no means obviously
true. The unbiassed historian must consider the question on
the broad grounds of expediency. Had or had not Charles
James Fox, in his parliamentary and executorial conduct,
shown such intellectual talents, such force, energy, and de
cision of mind, as would have rendered him a momentous ac
cession to the counsels of the nation, when the state of affairs
required the exertion of the greatest abilities which it con
tained. Those who thought that he had manifested such
talents and qualities, were, by patriotic duty bound to
support the continuance, or attempt the restoration of his
power. Mr. Fox, though not thirty-five years of age,
was an old senator; for ten years his wisdom, viewing
situation and conduct, had predicted events and results
with an accuracy almost prophetic. His lessons as a states
man, he had received from moral and political science,
thorough conversancy with the British constitution, govern
ment, and interests, impressed more forcibly on his mind
by practical contemplation of the errors of systems, the insuf
ficiency of plans, and the imbecility of execution followed, to

HS HISTORY OF THE
CHAp. their fatal effects. For only eleven months and a quarter, in two
XXXI- cabinets, had he been minister. With the marquis of Rock-
****""'i'^W ihgham, he, itt four months, had pacified and enfranchised the
1783. discontented and oppressed Irish ; he had prepared for termi
nating a ruinous war ; and had promoted retrenchment of the
expenditure, which was so burthensome to the nation. In
the coalition ministry he had persevered in promoting economi
cal regulations, which were so much wanted ; and had begun
successfully to move stagnant commerce. The India bill, even
if admitted to be wrong in its bbject and principle, yet was
certainly grand, comprehensive, and efficient. If there was
error, it arose, not from the defect of weakness, but the excess
of strength. It displayed a range of survey, a fertility and
force of invention, a boldness and decision of plan, an open
ness and directness of execution, that stamped its author as
a man of sublime genius, who fearlessly unfolded and publish
ed his conceptions. The impartial narrator, using the best of
his judgment, must disapprove of the infringement of char*
ters,1 at least till proof was established that their objects had
been violated, or deem the new power created greater than
was either necessary for its purpose, or consistent with the
balance of the constitution : but must acknowledge, that its
territorial operation would have been thoroughly and immedi
ately efficacious. The perspicuity of the whole, and every
clause, manifested the extent and bounds of the delegated
power, defined the mode of its exercise, and the open respon
sibility under which the trust was to be discharged ; and in
marking the line of duty, showed the unavoidable consequen
ces of transgression ; by precluding the probability of unpu
nished guilt, it tended to prevent the recurrence of oppression ;
ascertaining the tenure, and securing the rights of property,
it would stimulate industry, and render British India infinitely
more productive to the proprietors and nation, besides diffusing
comfort and happiness to the natives, so long the objects of an in
iquity whieh was disgraceful to the British name. These were the
benefits which must have obviously resulted from the plan of Mr.
Fox. The confiscation of charters could only be defended on the
ground of necessity, and Mr. Fox had not evinced that necessity,
and was therefore precipitate and blamable in proposing to pro-'
ceed upon an assumption, in a case of so high an importance both
as to policy and justice. But his propositions on this part of the
subject did not necessarily imply unfair intentions. The influ
ence which must have accrued to the confederacy might have

» 1*1 have been informed by a member of the party, that some very emi
nent senators belonging to it, especially a gentleman who has since risen
to be one of its heads, privately advised Mr. Fox to leave the commercial
management to the company. If that advice had been followed the chi#f
ground of popular reproach would have been prevented, and Mr. Fox
might have continued to be minister.

REIGN OF GEORGE -III. 799
been formidable to the constitution, but if it proved so, its CHAP>
dangers must have arisen from the legislators, the guardians xxxJr
of our polity, as to these the proposed commissioners were *^*v'>*'*
to be amenable. The new influence might increase ministe- 17a3*
rial majorities in parliament, but great means of such an aug
mentation must have arisen from any plan for taking the terri
torial possessions under the direction of the British government,
His East India scheme, both in itself and in combination w|th
his other acts, and the series of his conduct, displayed those
talents and qualities, which, when joined, place the possessor
in the highest rank of statesmen, and show him fully compe
tent to render to his country the most momentous services. The
plan itself is of a mixed character, and liable to many strong
objections, yet the impartial examiner will not easily discover!
in the whole of this scheme, reasons to convince him, that be-,
cause Mr. Fox proposed this plan for governing India, it was
beneficial to the country to be deprived of the executorial efforts
of his transcendent abilities. The historian, unconnected witK
party, and considering merely the will and power of individuals
Or bodies tp promote the public good, must lament what truth
compels him to record, that a personage equalled by so few in
extent of capacity and force of character, in fitness for benefit
ting the nation, during a political life of thirty-five years, should
have been enjoyed as a minister by his country only once for
three months and a half, and again far seven months and three
quarters. The situation of the empire required the united ef
forts of the greatest political abilities, but Britain was not de
stined to possess the executorial exertions of both her most
consummate statesmen.
By the dismissal of ministers the country found itself in a Mr. Wil-
new situation, about to be governed by an administration, which l'>am Pitt
a very powerful majority in the house of commons thwarted. P.nme mt-
The new prime minister was a young man in the twenty-fifth sTmlnoritv
year of his age, supported by no family influence, or political, of the
confederacy ; having no adventitious props ; resting solely on house of
his own ability; aided by those whose admiration and confi- 'commons j
dence his intellectual and moral character had secured; with- 0fl-eifrd
out any means of extending his influence and increasing the fice> j,ig"
number of his friends, but those to be found in his own head and personal
heart. If talents, integrity, and conduct, could not create a ge- talentsand
neral confidence and support, which might overbear a particular character,
combination, he must fall. The splendid fame of the father, it^e"";.
is true, had spread an early lustre round the son; but -heredi- tious aid.
tary glory would have little availed against such a host, without
similar virtues. Able individuals supported him, but against
so compact and strong a phalanx, little would have been their
weight, unless invigorated, directed, and led by extraordinary
talents. The majority in the house of commons was very
great, and there was little prospect of its being materially re
duced. It was obvious that no ministry could be of long du-

800 CHAP. XXXI.

1783*.

Unpopularity of
Mr. Fox
and the
coalition.

HISTORY OF THE
ration without the support of a house of commons : it was
readily perceived, that either ministry or parliament must be
' dissolved. The consequences of a dissolution depended sim
ply upon the prevailing sentiment throughout the nation. Mr.
Burke has remarked that the house of commons ought to be an
express image of the opinions and feelings of the people. If
in the present case such a sympathy existed between represent
atives and constituents, dissolution could answer no purpose, as
a majority friendly to the coalition must be returned ; but Mr.
Fox's party appeared not to entertain sanguine hopes from such
an appeal.
Having endeavoured to the best of my judgment to exhibit
the conduct of Mr. Fox and his supporters as it really was, it
is necessary, ih order to show the connexion of events, to ex
hibit the impression which it had made on the majority of the
people ; as that impression, much more than the real merits of
their policy, produced their permanent exclusion from the
councils of their sovereign. A comprehensive biographer, who
should view the whole conduct' and character of Mr. Fox, estimate
excellence and defect, ahd strike an impartial balance, after al
lowing grounds of censure, must unquestionably perceive that
there remained an immense surplus of subject for -transcendent
admiration. But perhaps there never was an eminent man
whose actions*, and character, viewed in partial and detached
lights, could lead an observer to grosser misconception of-the
whole. Both his private and public life were of a mixed na
ture. The 'most sublime genius, the most simplifying and pro
found wisdom, did not preclude the indulgence of" propensities,
and the recurrence of acts, diametrically opposite to reason and
sound judgment. Ardent benevolence and patriotism did not
prevent the encouragement, by both precept and example, of
practices and habits injurious to the individual, and, according
to the extent of their influence, prejudicial to the public wel
fare. Just and honourable himself, his amusements and relax
ations promoted vices tending to render their votaries unjust
and dishonourable. In every part of his conduct, Mr. Fox
was extremely open; if there was ground of blame, it must
be known, as no endeavours were used for concealment. His
supereminent excellencies could be apprehended but very
vaguely and indistinctly, Unless by comparatively few ; but his
faults were obvious to the most vulgar examiners. As the mul
titude of all ranks and denominations were incompetent to form
a judgment of such a man themselves, they took up their opi
nions upon the report and authority of others : these were fa
vourable or unfavourable according to the sentiments and wishes
of their authors. Where his enemies were the teachers of the
opinions, in partial views of his conduct, they found plausible
grounds of censure and obloquy. Besides the foibles of his
private life, his public conduct afforded ample materials to ad
vocates, who chose to assail his reputation. From the time

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 801
that the American war, by the losses which it produced, and CHAP.
the burthens which it imposed, brought home to the experience XXXI-
and feelings, of the people, became unpopular, the most ardent *^~^~^
and powerful promoter of peace was regarded as the patriot 17$3-
who was to extricate his country from impending ruin. His
popularity became still higher, as he procured a vote for the
discontinuance of the war, and expelled the obnoxious minis
ters from the councils of the king. Under the government of
the whigs, the people expected the empire to recover its an
cient splendour, and themselves their former comforts and pros
perity. The reforming and improving acts of the Rockingham
administration confirmed this opinion. When on the appoint
ment of lord Shelburne, Mr. Fox withdrew his abilities from
the councils of his country, many began to be staggered in
their conviction of his patriotism; but when the coalition
took place, the gross and undistinguishing multitude was satis
fied, that a junction between two parties and two men former
ly so hostile, must be bad and mischievous in itself. Its able
opponents saw, that the mere junction was neither good nor ill,
but that the justness of censure must depend on the objects
and subsequent conduct of the confederacy ; yet aware, that
this reasoning was too refined for the comprehension of the
multitude, with great skill, dexterity, and effect, they re
echoed, " the monstrous inconsistency of the coalition ;" and
when its members came into administration, impressed great
numbers of the people with a belief, that a ministry so formed
must be unprincipled and worthless, however able and power
ful. The receipt tax drawing hourly on their pockets, though
in so petty sums, teazedand fretted their minds already sore.
The East India bill, in its objectionable parts, the infringement
of charters, and the forcible interference in the administration
of a mercantile company's affairs, was perfectly intelligible
to the most common apprehensions ; shocked the ideas of a
trading people, and suggested probable cases, which by ob
vious analogies could be brought home to their own feelings ;
whereas the benefit that might accrue to British India and its
native inhabitants, much less attracted their attention, affected
their imaginations, or interested their passions. A plain farmer,
manufacturer, or tradesman, could easily conceive the hard
ship of shaving his affairs subjected to trustees not chosen by
himself, when he knew or believed himself to be solvent, and
competent to the administration of his own concerns ; while
the benefit that might accrue to the inhabitants of Hindos
tan were not likely to make a very deep impression on his mind.
In Mr. Fox's East India bill, the real or probable evils, lilce
the defects of his general character, were manifest to a common
understanding ; but its real or probable benefits, like the ex
cellencies of his general character, required comprehensive
views, penetrating sagacity, and great abilities, to estimate
and appreciate. Mr. Fox himself, and his supporters, ardent
Vol. I. 101

802 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, in pursuing their great scheme, though they anticipated, and, a
XXXI. ]east, w;th uncommon ihgebuity controverted in parliament,*1
ly"^v~w the principal objections that were urged ; yet they did not suffi.
1783. ciently regard the impression made out of parliament by these
objections, until it was too late. Mr. Fox in this as ih many
other measures, attending to what was great and momentous,
overlooked various particulars which, though apparently little,
were really important. His enlightened mind valuing'the litera
ture for which he himself and many of his supporters and coad
jutors were so eminently distinguished, and aware of the impor-
tance of the press as a political engine, had secured the ablest
contributors to periodical publications. *
Classes But these efforts of genius were not directed to the objects
hostile to* wherein assistance was chiefly wanted : they were addressed to
x r" ox* scholars, statesmen, and philosophers, instead of the great mass
of the people, among whom an alarm against the coalition wa3
spreading itself so widely. The opposite party, with more
dexterous skill, disseminated writings which simplified argu
ments or allegations to the comprehension of the multitude, and
impressed their feelings. In running the race of popularity,
the anti-coalitionists, by skilful direction to the goal, surpassed
the forcible and energetic movements of the coalitionists devia
ting from the course. Many of the independent landholders,3
hierchahts, and manufacturers, partook of ihe alarm, and tended
to increase it through the nation ; that great and opulent body,
• tiie dissenters, were, with few exceptions, inimical to the coali
tion, and this their principal scheme. All those who were pri
vately or domestically dependent on the king, attached to his
person, and desirous of gratifying his wishes ; all who by habit,
predilection, or office, we're more connected With the splendour
bf the court than the politics of the cabinet, were inimical to
a party which they. conceived or knew to be disagreeable to the
sovereign. But the principal source of popularity to the anti-
coalition party, Was the character of its juvenile leader, who
was conceived equal to Mr. Fox himself in talents ; known to
be so much superior "tn moral habits: free from the imputation
of vice or of political inconsistency ; and presumed, from his cha
racter ahd conduct, more likely to apply With undeviating con
stancy to public business, and with more Steady patriotism to
seek the national good, than a personage whose extraordinary
abilities might be interrupted or perverted by his foibles and pro
pensities, the connexions and associates whieh these generated.

• See Burke's speech on chartered rights.
1 See the magazines and newspapers of the time, and also the Political
Herald. 3 A treatise by sir William Pulteney, very vigorously written, was pow
erfully efficacious in impressing on the publie a detestation of the plan, and
a dread of its author.

REIGN OF GEORGE \U. 803
The character and habits of Mr. Pitt were much more favoura- CHAP.
ble to the promotion of confidence among the monied men than xxxi-
those of his opponent, and in his late defence of chartered *»*^w"Ny
rights he was regarded as the champion of mercantile corpora- 1783-
tions, which enhanced his popularity among individual capital
ists. There was a class of men distinguished by the title of
the king's friends, emanating, according to the whig hypothesis,
from the secret influence junto, which during so great a part of
the reigp had been conceived to exist, and to direct public and
more ostensible politician?. To these the Rockingham party,
which they considered as a hostile phalanx, was much more
disagreeable than the band which, after the death of Chatham,
was headed by earls Temple and Shelburne. Mr. Pitt, as a mem
ber of the Temple party, was much more agreeable to these
courtiers than Mr. Fox, member of the whig party. He had
not joined the whigh administration in 1782, and in 1783 had
sppken and voted with those that were understood to occupy
the greatest ghare of royal favour. Pleasing and engaging as
Mr. Fox's manners are, yet his -character is too open, and per
haps too unguarded, for the reserve and cautiqn indispensible
at courts, where a Mrs. Masham may overturn a Marlborough.
Mr. Pitt regeinhlhlg Fox in ti»e highest talents for the great poli
ties pf |he cabinet, somewhat surpassed him in the secondary
pplitics of the court. Though too independent and dignified
for the habitual suppleness of a mere instrument of splendour,
yet prudent as well as able, he had the address and concealment
»f a skilful courtier. To this statement of comparative per
sonal virtues, a retrospect pf their fathers, allowing the just
iperit to the one, tmt attributing unproved demerit to the other,
produced, with the multitude, a great additional influence in fa
vour pf Mr. Pitt.» FrPtn all these causes, the tide of popula
rity ran so high in favour of the new ministers, as to render an
appeal to the nation desirable to thpm and hurtful to their ad
versaries. But puch a measure was not immediately practi
cable wjjth safety fo the coiintry ; supplies were urgently
wanted for the publjc service, and could not be deferred till the
ipepting of a pew parliament. T**te majority in opposition could
refuse the supplies in order to retard dissolution, The land tax
hitiwas then pending ; the 20th of December, the day after
the change of ministry, h§d been j^ppoinfod **°r the third read
ing ; the majority, however, agreed to put off its considera
tion. On the 22d, the house sat as a committee on the state of the
nation : a resolution was moved by Mr. Erskine for an address
to his majesty, tp state the alarming reports of a speedy disso-

¦ The two pair of portraits, by Mr. Home Tpoke, with the greatest pun.
gency and force converge this kind of argument ; but in point of justness,
resemble the labours of an arbitrator, who debiting one side without • al
lowing any credit, and crediting the other without charging any debit;
should publish the result as an award exhibiting a fair balance of accounts.

804 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, lution ; mentioning the territorial and commercial affairs of the
XXXI. India company as requiring their immediate attention ; and
*"*,-A^"> praying his majesty to suffer them to proceed on the important
1783. business recommended to them in his speech from the throne;
to hearken to the voice of his faithful commons, and not to the
secret advices of persons who might have private interests of
their own, separate from the true advantage of the king and his
people. His majesty's answer, delivered on the 24th of Decem
ber, admitted the urgency of the subject stated in their address,
and pledged the royal promise, not to interrupt the house, either
by prorogation or dissolution. The majority was not satisfied
with this answer of the king, which appeared to them to afford
no certain prospect that his majesty would long abstain from ex
erting the prerogative vested in him by the constitution. They
therefore proceeded with precautions against this event : by an
act of parliament, the lords of the treasury were empowered
to permit, at discretion, the directors to accept bills from India:
the house of commons passed a resolution to prohibit the lords
of the treasury from accepting any more bills from India, till
the company should prove to that house that they had sufficient
means for their payments, after having discharged their current
demands, and the debt due to the public. The amount of this
prohibition was, that the house of commons assumed to itself
the power of suspending an act of parliament. On the 26th,
1784. the house adjourned to the 12th of January : during the recess,
each party was employed in strengthening itself, and informing
its political measures. When parliament was assembled, Mr.
Fox moved, that the committee ort tbe state of the nation should
be resumed. After several subordinate motions, a resolution
was proposed, that, in the present situation of his majesty's do
minions, it was peculiarly necessary there should be an admi
nistration which had the confidence of that house and the pub
lic. In this motion his majesty's name had been omitted. Mr.
Dundas, in order to point out the real spirit of the resolution, as
well as the actual state of the case ; and, that not the confidence
of one branch, but the whole legislature was requisite to mini
sters ; proposed an amendment, substituting, instead of the words
confidence of this house and the public, " confidence of the
" crown, the parliament, and the people :'' the amendment was
rejected, and the original resolution was passed. Another pro
position was immediately adopted, to the following purport:
" that the late changes in his majesty's councils had been pre-
" ceded by dangerous and universal reports, that the sacred
" name of the king had been unconstitutionally used to affect
" the deliberations of parliament ; and that the appointments
" made were accompanied by circumstances new and extraor-
" dinary, and such as did not engage the confidence of that
" house." This resolution manifestly referred to the report
concerning earl Temple: it occasioned a very warm debate,
which contained much personal invective, and repeated all the

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 805'
arguments for and against both parties : the resolution was car- CHAP.
ried in the affirmative. XXX I.
On the 14th of January, Mr. Pitt, notwithstanding the ma- v-*~v"^«'
jority in favour of opposition, introduced a bill for the better 1784-,
government and management of the affairs for the East India East Ma
company. His scheme proposed the appointment of commis- bill.
sioners by his majesty, from the members of his privy-council,
who should be authorized and empowered from time to time to
check, superintend, and control, all acts, operations, and con
cerns, which related to the civil or military government, or re
venues, of the territorial possessions. Two members of the
said board should be the chancellor of the exchequer and the
secretary for the home department; the board should have ac
cess to all the papers of the company ; and the court of direc
tors should deliver to the board copies of all the proceedings
of both courts of directors and proprietors : copies of all des
patches received from the company's servants in India, and the
instructions sent and proposed to be sent to India, relating to
the civil or military government, or revenues of the British'ter-
ritorial possessions. The court of directors should pay due
obedience to the orders of the board, respecting civil and mili
tary government and revenue ; the board, in a limited time,
were to return the copies which were received, with their- ap
probation, or disapprobation, of the proceedings communica
ted : or proposing amendments if they found them unsatisfac
tory. The board was fully to state their reasons, and also their
farther instructions, to be sent to India without delay. Should
the directors conceive any of the orders of the board to be
extra-official, in not relating to the civil, military, and financial
government of India, to which the bill was limited, they should
apply, by petition, to his majesty in council, concerning such
injunction; and the decision of the council thereon should be
final and conclusive. The nomination of the commander in
chief should be vested in his majesty, and that officer should
always be second in council. The king should also have the
power of removing any governor-general, president, and mem
bers of the councils of any British settlements in India ; all
vacancies in their offices should be supplied, subject to his ma
jesty's disapprobation, that might be repeated until one was
chosen whom he should approve. No order or resolution of
any general court of proprietors should have power to revoke
or rescind, or affect any proceeding of the court of directors,
after his majesty's pleasure should have been signified upon the
same. Such are the outlines of Mr. Pitt's scheme for the go
vernment of India. A great and leading difference between
this project and the plan recently rejected by the lords is, that
the former left the charter untouched, and the commercial con
cerns of this corporation of merchants under the sole management
of the proprietors themselves and the directors of their choice.
The company itself was so thoroughly convinced of their

806 HISTORY OF THE
CHAp. charter not being wantonly infringed, that they approved,1 as
XXXI. proprietors and directors, both of its principle and regulations.
W^"^* By the former bill, the entire transfer of the company's affairs
178<t. t0 commissioners nominated in parliament, and the permanent
duration of their authority for a term of four yearsj had occa
sioned great alarm, as creating a new power dangerous to the
constitution, The object of the present bill was merely control.
Ip supporting his own proposition, Mr. Pitt expressed his high
admiration of that part of Mr. Fox's scheme which respected
the zemindars, but he diapproved general indiscriminate con
fiscation. He proposed, therefore, that an inquiry should be
instituted for the purpose of restoring such as had been irregu
larly and uryustly deprived, and that they should be secured
against violence in future. These last provisions were not in-'
eluded in the bill which he had prepared for the consideration
of the house, but they formed a part of his general ideas for
the reformation of India. Mr. Fox argued against this bill, as
inadequate to the correction of the enormous abuses which
pervaded the administration of British Indostan. The bill, by
continuing the powers of the court of directors, and rendering
them dependent for their existence upon the proprietors, had no
tendency to eradicate any mischief, or to obtain any valuable
improvement; the connexion between both and their servants
abroad, that had been the source of so many evils, would still
continue. The governor-general was to have the same powers
of internal regulation as before, and which had produced so
great and manifold abuses. But this bill provided the remedy
of recall : and of what value was this remedy ? Did not all the
officers of state, whether political or military, depepd upon the
governor-general ? Would they not regard him therefore as one
in whose official existence they were peculiarly interested ?
Would they not, if he should choose to be refractory, strengthen
his principles of disobedience ? The governor-general must be
more than man to withstand so potent a temptation, surrounded
and fortified by a variety of individuals in every department
of life, who owed their existence to him; it was not the orders
of a body of men, however respectable, that were in a great
measure unconnected with the country wherein he resided, that
could control his conduct. Mr. Pitt's scheme would throw a
great mass of patronage into the hands of the crown. It tend
ed (Mr. Fox said) not to remedy any of the evils which had
subsisted for so long a time, or to put a period to those barbari
ties which had stigmatized and rendered infamous the character
of Britain in tbe annals of India. If adopted, the company
might, as in former instances, replenish their letters with moral
precepts, but our eastern possessions would be irrecoverahly
lost to this country. To these objections it was replied, that
Mr. Pitt's bill had all the efficiency necessary to correct abuses,

1784

' See proceedings of the courts of directors and proprietors, in January

REIGN OF GEORGE IU. 80/
prevent their recurrence, and improve our interest in India, CHAP.
without infringing the rights of private property, or creating a XXXI-
new power in the empire inconsistent with the established con- ^-»^^>«*
stitutiOn. Acknowledging the defects of the present govern- l"78*-
ment of India, it Was intended to lodge a principal share of the
executive power where it ought to be vested. It showed the ut
most tenderness to the privileges of the company, and would
produce that happy ahd desirable mixed government, which
fevery friend to the immunities of a great commercial associa
tion, and every supporter of our free constitution, would cheer
fully welcome. Though it attributed new powers to the mo
narchical branch of ottr polity, yet were they so circumscribed,
that they could not, in the hands of the most abandoned prince,
be converted into instruments of mischief and oppression ;
these arguments did not avail, and Mr. Pitt's bill was rejected
by a majority of two hundred and twenty-two to two hundred is reject-
and fourteen. ed.
Meanwhile addresses were pouring in from all quarters to Addresses
the sovereign, to testify the highest satisfaction at the dismission againstthe
Of the coalition ministry, and the appointment of the adtaini- coalition
stratiOn headed by Mr. Pitt. The coalition party, the more party"
they heard the voice of the public, the more they_ laboured to
retard an event Which would be an appeal to the* opinion and
sentiments of their constituents. While Mr. Pitt's India bill
was pending, Mr. Fox proposed to defer the second reading of
the mutiny bill until the 23d of February, and thus procure a
respite for a month ; and the motion was adopted. It was im
mediately followed by another, which asserted;' that the conti
nuance of the present ministers in trusts of the highest impor
tance and responsibility, was contrary to the principles of the
constitution, and injurious to the interests of the king and hi&
people. In support of this motion, the coalition leaders did riot Question
attempt to establish delinquency: the arguments proceeded from °n dicta-
an assumed principle, that a minister ought' not to continue in ct'L!?]?1*
office without the support of the house of commons : this was tj,° comf
the basis of their reasoning, and unless it was firmly founded, mons in
all the superstructure must fall to the ground. If the position the choice
was true, its truth was to be ascertained either by positive law, °f a minis"
or by general and admitted practice. By the constitution, the
king has the power, as chief executive magistrate, of choosing
his own officers (unless under specific disqualifications, not im
puted in the case in question) for performing the several branch
es of the executive duties. The house of commons has aright
to impeach, on the ground of malversation in office, any of the
ministers ; but not to prescribe to the king in his choice of a mi
nister. As the majority of the commons did not attempt to
prove that they possessed a constitutional right of dictation to
the crown respecting the choice of its officers, the weight of their
arguments rested entirely on the authority of the superior num
bers 6f commoners.

808 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP. It may be proper to estimate the exact amount of this autho-
XXXI. rjfy^ jn orAer f0 ascertain how far it was right or wrong, wise
^""""v***' or unwise in government, to admit or reject it as a rule of con-
,1*^.4- duct, when unsupported by law and precedent. Of the corn-
lords and mons> two hundred and five against a hundred and eighty-four,
the public voted that the minister ought not to continue in office, because
are favour- he was not trusted by the house of commons. The house of
able to lords, on the 4th of February, took this business into considera-
Mr. Pitt. ^ jon . an(j tjje ear[ 0f Effingham moved two resolutions ; the
first referring to the proposition of the house of commons, pre
scribing the restriction of the lords of the treasury from con
senting to the acceptance of bills from India; secondly, to the
vote of January the 16th, against the continuance of the pre
sent ministers in office. His lordship proposed, that the house
should resolve, first, that an attempt in any one branch of the
legislature to suspend the execution of law, by separately as
suming to itself the direction of a discretionary power, was un
constitutional : secondly, that by the known principles of this
constitution, the undoubted authority of appointing to the
treat offices of executive government was solely vested in the
ing ; and that that house had every reason to place the firm
est reliance in his majesty's wisdom in the exercise of this pre
rogative. The lords in opposition endeavoured to justify the
interference of the house of commons, on the ground of expe
diency, founded on particular circumstances of the case which
the act of parliament could not foresee. It was, they said, in
tended to prevent the India company from contracting engage
ments for two millions sterling, to the prejudice of the public,
their principal creditors. Lord Thurlow insisted that this was
a peremptory order, which the house of commons had no right
to issue in contravention of the law of the land. If he had been
a lord of the treasury he would not have obeyed the resolution
of the house of commons ; and would have refused compliance
on this plain principle, that nothing short of an act of parlia
ment, formally passed by the three states of the realm, had the
power of suspending any part of the statute or the common
law of England. The chief subject of controversy was the se
cond resolution. The supporters of Mr. Fox deprecated
the dissension which the proposed interference must excite be
tween the peers and commons; justified the commons on the
ground of general expediency ; and insisted that the house of
commons, by the Spirit of the constitution, had a right to con
trol the choice of a minister. The ministerial lords, especially
the chancellor, denied the existence of any such right, and
challenged its asserters to establish it by proof. In this attempt
their arguments not being satisfactory, a majority of a hundred
to fifty-three of the peers voted for lord Effingham's resolutions
and consequent address. The majority of the peers consisted
of almost two to one in favour of the kingly prerogative of
choosing his own servants. The majority of the commons, for

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 809
rendering the exercise of that executive power dependent on CHAp.
the arbitrary will of one branch of the legislature, was only XXXI-
about ten to nine. The nation in general manifested its wishes s-^>^>(»
in favour of the minister chosen by the crown. Thus, if the lr84-
authority of opinion was to determine whether the present mi
nister should or should not continue in office, (and tile house
of commons adduced no other argument,) there was on the one
hand the opinion of a small majority of the house of commons, on
the other tlje opinion of a great majority of the house of peers,
and evidently of by far the larger portion of the nation, and the
choice of the king. While, however, there was a majority of
the house of commons, that majority, be it ever so small, was
the house, and no minister could retain his situation thwarted
by the house. The king, ministry, and public, saw that the
present majority in the house of commons did not represent thp
opinion, sentiments, and wishes of their constituents. It was
resolved not to succumb to dictatorial mandates that could not
be enforced : Mr. Pitt, on the 18th of February, informed the
house that the king had not, in compliance with the resolution
of the commons, dismissed his ministers, and that the ministers
had not resigned. Mr. Fox, persisting in his assumed princi
ple, contended that by retaining the ministers after the disap
probation of the house had been signified, the crown had degra
ded the representatives of the people to the lowest insignifi
cance. Mr. Pitt insisted that there was no attempt to degrade
the house of commons, or to infringe any of its rights ; but
merely an endeavo,ur to prevent it from usurping the right of
another branch of the legislature. It was apprehended that op
position, finding no other hopes of success, would refuse the sup
plies : but Mr. Fox, bold and adventurous as he was, appears to
nave been averse to a measure which would throw the country
into such disorder.
While the opposite parties were engaged in contentions so Attempt
detrimental to public business, impartial men desired a coali- ofi"de"
tion which should comprehend the chief talents of both sides, Sentie-1
and produce a sacrifice of private competition to the public men t„
welfare ; retain the abilities of Mr. Pitt and lord Thurlow in effect an
the councils of their country, and join with them the abilities of accommo-
Mr. Fox and lord Loughborough ; and disregarding either °j^°™ ^
court predilections or whig confederacies, should choose for the -ministerial
various offices men most qualified and disposed for discharging and oppo-
their respective duties. With this view a considerable number sition par-
of independent gentlemen met at the St. Alban's tavern on the ^es> .
26th of January, and drew up an address recommending an forth^f
union of parties. This being signed by fifty-three members of purpose,
the house of commons, was presented by a committee to the
duke of Portland and to Mr. Pitt. The duke of Portland an
swered he should be happy in obeying the commands of so
respectable a meeting, but that the greatest difficulty to him
was Mr. Pitt's continuance in office. Mr. Pitt expressed his
Vol. I. 102

810

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP. XXXI. 1784.
Corres
pondence with the
duke of
Portland
and Mr.
Pitt.

The de
sign proves
abortive.

readiness to pay attention to the commands of so respectable a
meeting, and co-operate with their wishes to form a stronger
and more extended administration, if the same could be done
consistently with principle and honour. In the farther pro
gress of the discussion, the duke of Portland proposed as a
preliminary step, that Mr. Pitt should resign in compliance
with the resolution of the house of commons. Mr. Pitt de
clared that it was inconsistent with his principles and senti
ments to resign his ministerial capacity in the present cir
cumstances. The duke of Portland proposed the same pre
liminary repeatedly in different forms, but Mr. Pitt still de
clared it inadmissible, and the duke of Portland insisted on it
as an indispensible step ; the negotiation, therefore, was sus
pended. Mr. Fox and Mr. Pitt expressed their sentiments to
the house : both appeared impressed with a sense of the bene
fits that might accrue from an united administration, but
neither would relinquish their respective principles. Mr. Fox
insisted that it was unconstitutional in Mr. Pitt to hold his
place after such a vote of the house of commons ; that there
fore he must resign. Mr. Pitt insisted that it was not uncon
stitutional, and would not consent to resign : resignation 'Would
be the virtual admission of a control in the house of commons
which he denied them to possess. The reciprocal com
munications between the duke of Portland and Mr. Pitt had
been hitherto carried on through the committee at the St.
Alban's tavern. Still anxiously earnest to compass the desired
union, these patriotic members proposed that his grace and the
minister should have a conference ; and that his majesty should
send a message to the duke desiring that he and Mr. Pitt
should have an interview for the sake of forming a new ad
ministration. A message was accordingly sent to the duke of
Portland, intimating his majesty's earnest desire that his grace
should have a personal conference with Mr. Pitt for the pur
pose of forming a new administration on a wide basis, and on
fair and equal terms. Before his grace would agree to the pro
posed meeting, he required an explanation of the term equal.
Mr. Pitt replied that a personal conference would best explain
specific objects ; but the duke of Portland not being satisfied
with this answer, refused to confer, and his refusal put an end
to the negotiation.
The address for the removal of ministry was presented to
the king on the 25th of February. His majesty in reply de
clared it to be the Object nearest his heart, that the public af
fairs should be conducted by a firm, efficient, united and ex
tended administration, entitled to the confidence of his people,
and such as might have a tendency to put an end to the unhap
py divisions and distractions of this country. He had em
ployed very recent endeavours to unite in the public service,
on a fair and equal footing those whose joint efforts he thought
the most fitted for producing so happy an effect : his endea-

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. gll
vours had failed: he should be happy to embrace every CHAp.
measure most conducive to such an object, but could not per- xxxr-
ceive it would be forwarded by the dismission of his present v****"v*w
ministers. His majesty observed, that no charge or complaint 1784,
was suggested by the house against those oflicers of the crown,
whose removal they solicited; that no specific objection was
made to any one or more of his servants ; that great numbers
of his subjects had expressed their warmest satisfaction with
the late changes made in his councils : in these circumstances, '
he trusted, his faithful commons would not wish the essential '
offices of the executive government to be vacated, until there
was a prospect that the desired plan of union could be carried
into effect. The commons repeated their address in a more
detailed form, and with still more urgent solicitation for the
removal of ministers. His majesty's reply contained opinions
and sentiments of the same important tendency as his former ;
and in the same temperate, firm, and dignified spirit, repeated
the cogent and unanswerable argument ; " You require the
"removal of my ministers, without alleging any charge of
"delinquency." Finding every attempt unavailing to induce
the sovereign to sacrifice his choice of servants highly ap
proved of by his people, to the mere will of the coalition
party, unsupported by any constitutional reasoning, Mr. Fox
proposed what he termed a representation, but really was a
remonstrance to the sovereign ; stating the privileges and
power of the house, and the ancient practice of withholding
supplies until grievances were redressed ; and explaining the
evils that would accrue to the country, if they exercised this
right ; that necessity only could justify its exertion ; that such
a necessity, arising from his majesty's advisers, did exist; and
that the measures originating with these advisers, were al
together contrary to the principles and maxims by which the
illustrious house of Hanover had reigned over this free coun
try, in such harmony with the people, such prosperity and
glory ; for whatever consequences might result from the ne
cessity imposed on the house of commons to assert its own
rights, the advisers of the crown were responsible. The com-
mination intimated, in this statement being carried only by a
majority of one, opposition did not think it advisable to con
tend for the refusal of the supplies. Their superiority had
been gradually decreasing, and they saw that if they at
tempted so strong a measure, they would be outvoted, and
that the house of commons would at last concur with the
majority of the nation. They became more and more sensible
of their great and increasing unpopularity; and from this
time, on the 9th of March, they appeared to have con
sidered themselves as conquered. The opposition leaders had
proposed, as a preventive of a dissolution, to move a short
mutiny bill ; byt this design they now relinquished, and suf-

¦812

HISTORY OF THE

(JHAP. fered the act to pass for the usual term ; and all parties prepar-
XXXI. 6a for a gpeedy dissolution of parliament.
*"*',"v"s',/ Thus terminated a contest betweeh a powerful confederacy
i-^?*' *'n ^e h°use of Commons, and the executive government, sup-
Mr Pitt's Portec' by ^e confidence which the nation reposed in the talents
tuentsand an(J character of the principal minister. The coalition Jiartjr
character defended the ground which it had assumed, and attacked admi-
in resist- nistration with a force, impetuosity, concert, and perseverance,
ing such a -which must have overborne any minister, who did not unite
coiaedera  - - - J-

cy of ge-

abilities to see the means of defending a constitutional tenure,

leadens.

nius and skill to apply them, and firmness to persist in maintaining what
pow^r. he conceived to be right against any combination of ad versa-
Public es- ries. A minister less powerful in reasoning, would have yielded
tmiatjon of t0 allegations so confidently urged, to sophistry SO plausibly
.tending supported, or even to the very authority of such illustrious
names. A minister, however endowed with intellectual supe
riority, unless also resolutely firm, would have rather conceded
what he knew to be right, than maintained a contest with so
numerous, forcible, and well disciplined a host, though he knew
them to be wrong. Without a third advantage, a high degree
of estimation with the public, success might have been uncer
tain. On the side of Mr. Fox there Were consummate ability,
intrepid boldness, fortified by a special confederacy. On the side
of Mr. Pitt. there Were consummate ability And firmness, and
unquestioned character, which was fortified by ho special com
bination, but increased, extended, and enlarged that general
connexion which wisdom, virtue, and appropriate fame rarely
fail to attach to a senator or statesman among an informed, dis
tinguishing, and free people. Mr. Fox, though transcendent
in genius, sought power by means which, during the two pre
ceding reigns, had exalted several ministers of no genius. Mr.
Pitt secured public confidence, and acquired power by personal
qualities. But every impartial well-wisher to his country,
while he rejoices that Britain acquired the executorial services
of a Pitt, must iio less regret that she lost the executorial servi
ces of a Fox.
While the chief attention of parliament had been occupied
by these momentous subjects, several matters of subordinate
importance were transacted. The receipt tax, meritorious as
a financial measure, and productive without being burthensome,
was, notwithstanding, very unpopular ; and a motion was made
for its 'repeal. Several substitutes were proposed ; and among
the rest, sir Cecil Wray moved a tax on maid servants, which
produced laughable strictures rather than any serious considera
tion. The receipt tax was continued, and new penalties were
annexed to enforce the imposts. A committee was appointed
for inquiring into illicit practices to defraud the revenue ; and
Christopher Atkinson, esq. having been convicted of perjury,
sense of was exPe"ed ine house of commons, Previous to the dissolti-
hispeo- *'on °f parliament, his majesty judged it expedient, in the par-
pie.

The king
declares
his inten
tion of

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 81g
ticular circumstances of the case, to announce his intention of CHAP.
recurring to the sense of the people, and the reasons in which XXXI.
that intention Was founded. His speech, as compressing the ¦«^^,^<l
sentiments, opinions, objects, and motives of our sovereign, re- 17'84-
specting the momentous subjects of the narrative just finished,
is highly deserving of full citation: it was to the following ef
fect : "My lords and gentlemen, on a full Consideration of the
" present situation of affairs, and of the extraordinary circum*
" stances whifch have produced it, I am induced to put an end
" to this session of parliament. I feel it a duty which I owe to
,( the cbnstitution and to the country, in such a situation, to
" recur as speedily as possible to the sense of my people, by
° calling a hew parliament. I trust that this means will tend
" to obviate the miBchiefs arising from the unhappy divisions
** and distractions which have lktely subsisted ; and thati the
" various important objects which will require consideration,
" may be afterwards proceeded upon with less interruption,
" and with happier effect. I can have no other object, but to
" preserve the true principles of our free and happy constitu-
"" tion, and to employ the powers intrusted to me by law for the
" only end for which they were given, to the good of my peo-
" pie." On the 24th of March, parliament was prorogued, and
the next evening it was dissolved by proclamation.
Thus ended, in its fourth year, a parliament, than which few Dissolu-
assemblies either witnessed more changes in the executive ad- tion
ministration, or exhibited a greater change of political charac- and cha-
ter. The members had been elected at a session when the re- ra?ter of
cent disturbances of 1780 repressed the spirit of opposition to Jf'mpat"
government, from the apprehension, that if suffered to prevail,
it might generate a discontent, eventually productive of similar
outrages : and at a time when the sanguine hopes from unusual
success obliterated former miscarriages. Disappointed expecta
tions soon revived dissatisfaction, and the parliament which
had been most devoted to lord North,, became eager and active
to drive him from his ministerial situation. The administration
of lord North had been followed by the appointment of a set
of men, from whom many of their countrymen expected the
nation would derive signal benefit ; but these hopes were
overturned almost as soon as they were raised : the untimely
death of lord Rockingham, and the unhappy misunderstand
ings that succeeded, speedily demolished the fabric. The admi
nistration of lord Shelburne passed almost entirely during the
recess of parliament. It fell unfortunately to his lot to nego
tiate the terms of the general peace, which was signed at Ver
sailles on the 20th of January 1783. Upon the assembling of
parliament, this measure was the first object of their delibera
tions, and was judged to deserve a strong and severe censure.
Those who had been most hostile at the commencement of par
liament, now became most closely united. The professed friends
of prerogative, and professed champions of the people, formed

814 HISTORY OF THE, &c.
CHAP, a coalition, which, in the third session of parliament established
XXXI. t|je fourtij ministry. An imputed pursuit of perpetual dominion,
v^^^v^ in eight months, drove this party from power ; and an early pe-
1784. riod of the fourtii session saw a fifth ministry. Half of the fourth
year was not passed when this body was dissolved. Having be
gun with the most obsequious assent to every requisition of mi
nisters, it ended with questioning the most necessary preroga
tives of the crown. Its character being stamped by its succes
sive leaders, for two sessions it exhibited the dexterous but tem
porary expedients, the indecisive policy and indulgent profusion
of lord North. In its third year, before the two parties were
fully cemented and ability assumed its native superiority, it dis
played a mixture of temporizing and decisive politics. In its
fourth year, the supremacy of Mr. Fox being how established, its
measures bore the stamp of the energy, promptness, decision,
and adventurous boldness of that eminent statesman.

END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.