$k £^ 5" £^5fe& *?sr?Cy ¦lap , rmosMtS >YALE°WIMLr^EI&SinrY° ILIII3IK^]§Er ¦ Gift of -Albany piibLihed hy B.D. Packard. fS/'/. THE HISTORY REIGN OF GEORGE III. TERMINATION OF THE LATE WAR. TO WliiCH is PREFIXED, A VIEW OF THE PROGRESSIVE IMPROVEMENT OP ENGLAND, IN PROSPERITY AND STRENGTH, TO THE ACCESSION OF HIS MAJESTt. IN TWO VOLUMES. BY ROBERT BISSET, LL. D. AOT1IOR OF THE " LIFE OF BDRKE," $/C. $¦'¦'< A NEW EDITION. VOLUME II. ALBANY: PUBLISHED BY B. D. PACKARD, SO. 73, STATE-STREET. ** a- cw^V-c HISTORY OF THE REIGN OF GEORGE III. CHAP. XXXII. General election.^Meeting of parliament — and commencement of Mr. Pitt's hcU ministration. — The kings speech. — State of the empire when Mr, Pitt's mini stry commenced.-^-Objects which he proposes to pursue. — First efforts directed to finance. — Bill for the prevention of smuggling, — Commutation act. — Argu ments against and for it, — Regulation on duties for British spirits. — Prelimina ry motions for the relief of the East India compaivy.T— Bill for the regulation of India. — Arguments against it.^-Arguments for it. — Comparison of the two bills as resulting from the characters of their authors. — Debate on the Westminster election, — Mr. Dundas proposes the restoration of the forfeited estates. — A law passed for tbat purpose. — Labours of Mr. Pitt in investigating the public ac counts. — Supplies. — Loan and laves, — Session closes. BY dissolving the parliament, his majesty virtually asked CHAP. jibe question, Did your late representatives speak your sense, or XXXII. not? If they did, you will re-elect them ; if not, you will choose *-»— v^*- others. Thus interrogated, the greater part of the people an- 178*- swered, No ; and a very considerable majority of members election. friendly to Mr. Pitt was returned. As far as popular opinion can be a test of either merit or demerit, it was decidedly fa vourable to the minister, and inimical to his opponents. The general conduct of Mr. Fox often has been erroneously esti mated by those who considered defects, without comprehend ing the excellencies of his plans, acts, and character ; but never was he less popular than after his India bill and contest with the sovereign. Still, however, he retained great favour in some parts of the kingdom, especially in Westminster, and his election was the most noted of any that occurred for the new parliament. The candidates were, lord Hood, who had so emi- Contest for nently distinguished himself with Rodney, Mr. Fox, and sir Cecil s^Td" Wray ; of whom the two last were the late members. Wray influence of had been originally chosen through the interest of Mr. Fox, a beantifuj but now abandoned that gentleman and joined lord Hood. y' For several days, Mr. Fox was superior to either pf his compe titors ; but his majority afterwards rapidly decreased, and he became inferior to 'sir Cecil Wray, who was far surpassed by 1784. HISTORY OF THE £"AP. the naval candidate. On the lllh day of the poll he was three ^Z^ hundred and eighteen behind Wi-ay : but an interference "" " now took place that changed the face of affairs. A lady of very high rank, still more eminent for beauty than for condi tion, one of our lovely countrywomen, who demonstrate that, }n celebrating a Venus or a Helen, poets do not exceed nature and experience, warmly interested herself in the election of Mr. Fox, with a success far beyond the hopes of the favoured candidate. Animated by personal friendship, and inspired with an ardent zeal for what she conceived to be a public be nefit, this exalted woman undertook a personal canvass in fa vour of the losing candidate, and was not to be deterrpd by any inconveniences of the pursuit, or by the strictures of the oppo* site party, upon active efforts which were so efficacious to wards the attainment of the object. Many voters indeed; though far from approving of Mr. Fox's political principles and conduct, could not wiihstand the fascinating eloquence of so impressive an advocate; they might have resisted the utmost efforls of the brilliant genius of an Erskine or a Sheridan, but could not withstand the brilliant eyes of the duchess : these two great masters of the pathetic might have in vain attempted to canvass for their brother orator ; persuasion sat on the lips- arid dimpled in the smiles of the beautiful Devonshire, pleading for her brother whig! Persons too callous to yield to the ap plication of beauty, were not without other avenues to their hearts, to which the fair friend of Mr. Fox did not fail to ap ply with effect. The candidate himself, extremely well quali fied for co-operating with the efforts of his friends, was better known to the lower and more numerous classes of Westminster. electors, than any other eminent person existing. He was na turally open, frank, unassuming, and popular in his manners, politically attended all the public meetings, and associated un der the appearance of most intimate familiarity with ta vern-keepers, mechanics, and tradesmen, and was, by a great number belonging to these classes, regarded with the warmest affection. He was, besides, connected with many of the prin cipal inhabitants, whose personal exertions and influence were strenuously employed in his favour. After a contest of forty- days, Mr. Fox was two hundred and thirty-five superior ; birt a scrutiny beii'ig demanded by' sir Cecil Wray, and granted by the high bailiff, a return was not made. The orator, however^ having been chosen by Scottish boroughs, had a voice in par liament.* a The writer was one day present as this celebrated election, aadbeing rc^ cently come to London, was forcibly struck with the free and easy terms in which some of the lower adherents of Mr. Fox, especially a party of butchers accosted a personage of his transcendent superiority. It was not with the ve neration due to so extraordinary talents from any rank, that those persons of tliej cpry humblest addressed Charles James Fox : it was in the endearing terms of fon<$ REIGN OF GEORGE in. 5 The 16th of May was the day fixed for the meeting of the xxxn new parliament, in which Mr. Pitt, not twenty-five years of age, v_^_v^^y may be properly said to have commenced the chief executorial (7Mi direction of British affairs. The probable conduct of a man in an Meeting of office depends upon liis talents, dispositions, and habits, combin- parliament, ed.with the state of affairs relative to his employment, and his mencement own clear and full comprehension of its nature, objects, of Mr. Pitt's means, and duties. If a minister takes an exact and complete el"c.ie«i a<^ r , t ,.. t> ¦ i. i ministra- survey of the actual condition of a nation, and rises to general iion, views of the chief constituents of national prosperity, bestow ing application and perseverance either in the removal of evil or promotion of good, he must produce much greater benefit to the state, than he who regards and pursues only a part. - The chief constituents of national prosperity are, first, the means of subsistence, through agriculture, mines, fisheries, manufactures, and commerce : secondly, defence in military and naval strength, for securing those advantages; compre hending also, connexions with foreign countries, when conducive either to benefit or security ; thirdly, the preservation and improve ment of that physical and moral character, which is best fitted for retaining and promoting the advantages ; this head requires the encouragement of useful and liberal arts, and in every civi lized and enlightened country the promotion of science and lite rature ; fourthly, the gratification of prevalent habits of comfort and enjoyments, as far as depends upon government, unless re striction be necessary for the public good, and the liberty of the subject, without which, to generous and independent spirits, no other - blessing of life can afford perfect enjoyment; fifthly, subsidiary to the rest, is provision for the continuance of these, as far as human foresight can extend.1' A statesman of con summate wisdom may bestow a greater or less proportion of attention on one or another of these constituents, according to circumstances; but such a minister will have them all in" his view. The peculiar situation of Britain, exhausted by the enor- comrades, on a footing of perfect equality : " Charles, my sweet boy; God bless " your bla-k face ! do not be afraid, my lad, we art yourfriends !" The writer recollects, the same day, to have heard a very open ayowal of corruption. Be ing in a bookseller's shop in Covent Garden, a woman, who it seems was a neighbour, coming in, was asked by the master of, the house, If her husband had polled ?„ No, she answered ; we are told, votes will bear a higher price next week! The circumstances of this election, in a city wherein votes are so general, and of another in the same place four years after, are by no means favourable to the. doctrine of certain political reformists, that universal suffrage would promote re spectability and independence of elections. b This analysis the reader will perceive to be abridged from Gillies's Frede rick, which appears to the author lo exhibit a much juster and more comprehen sive estimate of national advantage, than those, either of writers or counsellors, who should consider mere opulence, either private or public, or the aggregate; of both, as the tests of national prosperity. ; 0 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, rnous expenses of her late ruinous war, and loaded with an ' immense public debt, rendered the promotion of trade and im- '"''^r*"' provement of finance the most immediately urgent objects of ' legislative and ministerial consideration. Besides, at this time, the study of political economy occupied the greater number of scholars, moral and political philosophers, and almost.eyery able and informed senator and statesman. Such disquisitions, originating in French ingenuity, had been corrected, enlarged,; and" digested into a grand system, by British experience, know-! ledge, and deduction. Adam Smith was the framer of com mercial science and the consequent inculcations ; and his esti mable work, indeed, was become the text book of political eco nomists in the closet, the cabinet, and senate. A very eminent writer often gives a tone and fashion to the subjects which he treats, that procures them an attention, perhaps greater than may be justified by their comparative value among the various pursuits of life and constituents of happiness. Dwelling on the nature and causes of the wealth of nations, both theorists and politicians, by too exclusive attention to that one subject, have frequently been led into an imagination that the supreme consti tuent of national good was opulence ; an idea totally; inconsis^ tent wilh a knowledge of human powers and enjoyments, the experience of happiness, and the history of nations. c This very high estimation of wealth, as the supreme excellence of a country, co-operated with the mercantile character, so prevalent in Britain, and many in the various departments of active (es pecially trading) life considered commerce and finance as the principal objects of executorial conduct. Mr. Pitt, though too. enlarged in his views to admit that opinion in the common ex tent, yet regarding trade, and especially revenue, as most im mediately urgent in formjng his plans for the first session of the new parliament, directed his mind chiefly to commerce and finance, and these constitute the principal subjects of his majes-. ly's introductory speech to parliament. The king's The new parliament being met, Mr. Cornwall was chosen speech. speaker, and on the 19th, his majesty opened the session by a, speech from the throne; he declared the high satisfaction with which he met his parliament, after having recurred in so im portant a moment to the sense of his people. He entertained a just and confident reliance, that the assembly was animated with the sentiments of loyalty and attachment to the constitu tion, which had been so fully manifested in every part of the kingdom. The objects particularly recommended to their at^ c Compare, for instance, the Greeks and Persians, the Bomans and Cartha- genians, the Europeans and Hindoos. The heroes sent by poverty from the north to the dastardly and enervated defenders of the riches of the south. These in the monuments of Gillies, of Fergusson, and Gibbon, show how falsely a political reasoner would conclude, who sjiould measure national glory and happiness bir national receipts. REIGti OF GEORGE III. 1 tention, were the alarming progress of frauds in the revenue, xxxir the framing of such commercial regulations as were immediate- ^-^-^ ly necessary, and the providing for the good government of 17g(l bur possessions in the East Indies. Upon this subject parlia ment would not lose sight of the effect which the measures they adopted might have on our own constitution, and our dearest interests at home. He had no wish but to consult the prosperi ty of his people, by a constant attention to every object of na tional concern, by ari uniform adherence to the true principles Of bur free constitution, and by supporting and maintaining in their just balance the rights and privileges of every branch of the legislature. Ah address conformable to the speech having been moved, a debate arose on the expressions of gratitude to the king, for having dissolved the lafe parliament : and an amendment was proposed, to leave out such parts of the address as referred to that subject, Which was negatived by a great taajority. As his majesty's speech implied a censure of the former parliament, and ¦ particularly of Mr. Fox's East India bill, Mr. Burke undertook the justification of opposition and the censure of their adversaries, and on the 14th of June, made a motion for an address to the king, representing and vindicating the proceedings of the last parliament, and criminating the present ministers. The remonstrance0 dwelt particularly on the rectitude and expedience of the late East India bill, and on the dreadful consequences likely to ensue from the dissolution. Though both the speech and proposed statement were replete With ingenuity, yet the main arguments being necessarily- a re petition of What had been frequently urged before, the motion was negatived without a division. Firmly established as the minister, supported by the people through their recently ap pointed representatives, as well as choseniby the king, Mr. Pitt Was called to exercise his talents for performing the duties of so arduous a situation. Although a year and a half had now elapsed since the conclusion of peace, the contentions of party had; hitherto prevented the adoption of any effectual measures to recover the country from the miserable state to which it had been reduced by an expensive and ruinous War. Commerce' was still stagnant, the national credit depressed, and the funds, after an interval of peace, at the lowest price of war ; the public income, unequal to the expenditure even in its full amount, Was at present greatly diminished by fraud ; and our important concerns in India, without any effectual plan of beneficial ar- d He said, he intended his motion as an epitaph on his departed friend, the last parliament ; that he had, on some occasions', written long epitaphs to the memory 6f those that he honoured and respected ;' and, on the present occasion he chose' to follow the corpse to the sepulchre, and go through the ceremony of saying, '' ashes to ashes, and dust to dust," in sure and certain hope, through the merit of the good works of the last parliament, that it would have a glorious and joyfuf resurrection, and become immortal. HISTORY OF THE CHAP. XXXII. 1784. State of the empire when Mr. Pitt's mini stry began. Objects which he prdpoaes to pursue. His first efforts are directed to finance. kill for the prevention of smug gling. rangement ; the country, so situated, required the efforts of the minister to raise drooping credit; to revive the funds; to pro mote the just and beneficial government of India ; to improve the income, by suppressing fraudulent deduction, and by posi tive additions; to stimulate the national industry, enterprise, and skill, to the highest improvement of our mercantile capa bility ; and to promote manufactures and commerce, the sources of public and private wealth. Such were the objects to which, partly the circumstances of the country, and partly the preva- lent.opinion of the times, called the attention of Mr. Pitt, who was just commencing an administration long and important ; in, which the counsels and conduct of the minister, whether wise- or unwise, right or wrong, stamp the history of these realms, their dependencies and connexions, for the last sixteen years of the eighteenth century ; an aera more awfully momentous, involving greater and more extensive interests of enlightened j energetic, and efficacious Man, than any century in the annals of human nature. The first ministerial efforts of Mr. Pitt were directed to finance. Before he proceeded to new imposts, or new regula tions for tbe advancement of revenue, he attempted to render the present taxes as productive as possible, by preventing t he- defalcations of fraud. He had bestowed very great pains in collecting information respecting the various subjects, modes, and details of smuggling. The former ministers having also in view the suppression of this unlawful traffic, had in the. last session proposed a committee for inquiring into those illicit practices; three reports were delivered, containing very ample materials ; and Mr. Eden, chairman of the committee, having employed his usual industry and acuteness in investigating these minute and complicated topics, had moved the following resolu tion, declaratory of the result, That the illicit practice had greatly increased; the public revenue was annually defrauded to the extent of not le^s than two millions : and these enormi ties and national losses merited the early and serious attention of the legislature. Soon after the meeting of the new parlia ment, the subjects of these reports, and of the laws in being for the prevention of smuggling, were referred to a committee of the whole house. On the second of June, the chancellor of the exchequer moved for leave to bring in a bill for the more effectual prevention of smuggling. The objects of the propo sition were, to extend the bounds of the hovering laws, which had limited the distance from shore within which seizures could be made ; to prevent ships from carrying arms, without a license from the admiralty ; smuggling ships once captured were never to be returned ; ships of a certain description adapted to sinu"-- gling, were never to be built ; and clearances were to be regula ted, so as to prevent ships clearing out in hollast, and afterwards going on the smuggling trade. In the progress of the bill, a REIGN OF GEORGE III, 3t Variety of improvements were suggested ; and after considera- ^xxu* ble discussion, it passed into a law. >^»>>/*w Among various articles of illicit trade, the principal commo- 17g4 dily was tea. It had appeared before the committee on smug gling, that only five millions, five hundred thousand pounds of tea were sold annually by the East India company, whereas the annual consumption of the kingdom was believed to exceed twelve millions ; so that the contraband traffic in this article was more than double the legal. The remedy which the mi-C°mmul«' nister devised for this evil, was to lower the duties on tea to so uon *^ small an amount, as- to make the profit inadequate to the risk. In this trade the rate of freight and insurances to the shore was about 25 per cent, and the insurance on the inland carriage about 10 per cent, more ; in all 35 percent. The duty on tea, as it then stood, was about 50 per cent, so that the smuggler had an advantage over the fair dealer of 15 per cent. As this regulation would cause a deficiency in the revenue of about 600,0001. per annum,, he proposed to make good the same by an additional window tax. This tax (he said) would not be felt as an additional burthen, but ought to be considered as a commutation, and would prove favourable to the subject.** But the principal benefit which he expected from this measure, was the absolute ruin of the smuggling trade, which subsisted al most entirely on the profit of their teas. Another benefit would be, the timely and necessary relief it would afford to the East India company. By this regulation they would find a vent for thirteen, instead of five, millions of pounds of tea,, and would he enabled to;employ twenty - more largei ships in their service. This was the bill since so well known under the title of the Commutation Act. .¦>,... .Opposition in both houses denied this tax to be commutative : Arguments tea, though a commodity of general use, still was an article of aga.'"stand luxury; whereas the admission of light into houses was indispen* sably necessary; and thus all persons, whether they drank tea or. not, were compelled to pay. a tax. The gain to the company might be considerable, but must be derived from -the people^ without any return ; the present was a new and positive .tax, and not a substitution of one for another. This bill was far ther censured, as a measure of finance ; tea, it was said, was a most eligible object for taxation, which produced to the revenue near a million sterling annually. If once given up, it could never be recovered, and five times the quantity pf tea consum ed yearly that had formerly been used, by the- new duty would not produce an equal revenue. It was farther contended, that e A house (he said,) for instance, of nine windows, which would be rated' at 10s. 6d., might be supposed to consume seven pounds of tea ; the difference be? tween the old duties. on which, and the, new duty proposed, might at an ave rage amount to 11. 5s, lOd. ; so that such a family would gain by the n>mmnrti- tion 15s. 4d. VOL. II. 2 10 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, jt would not affect the suppression of illicit traffic; the price of xxxlL tea on the continent was 7^ per cent, cheaper than at the s*r^~**-/ company's sales, and 5 percent, was allowed to the company; ,m these added to the 12£ per cent, duty, it was asserted, would be a sufficient compensation for alL the risks incurred by the smuggler. Mr. Pitt combated these objections: he denied that tea was a certain and permanent object of revenue ; the present state of finance and public credit did not permit him to barter a certainty for an uncertainty : he was obliged to select an object on which he could build the. most entire and confident expectation ; and with the invaluable benefits that would re sult from this measure to the public, notwithstanding the indus try with which popular odium was attempted to be stirred up against it, he was ready to risk any unpopularity which it might occasion. The bill was passed by a majority of one hundred and forty-eight to forty. Regulation A third bill was also, passed into a law for the regulation of °' B-Th duties upon British spirits, and to discontinue during a limited spirits. time certain imposts upon rum and spirits imported from the West Indies. These .three bills comprehended the whole plan of Mr. Pitt upon the subject of ¦ smuggling, as far as it was now submitted to parliament. The effect of the scheme for preventing contraband . trade, including several improvements which subsequent experience devised, has. been almost the an nihilation of that species of fraud, to the great benefit of the revenuef and of morals. The commutation act being misinter preted and misrepresented both by ignorance and sophistical ingenuity, caused at first some dissatisfaction ; that, however, was not of long continuance, and the additional duty on win dows came to be paid without reluctance. Prelimina- Meanwhile* East India affairs occupied the attention of the for The 're- minister and parliament ; a committee was appointed to collect lief of th« information ; and its report being presented, was taken into con- TOmpanv* ^deration hy a committee of the whole house. A bill was pro- " ' posed, for enabling the company to make a half yearly dividend at the rate of eight per cent, for the year, and passed both hous es, with considerable opposition in the house of lords, in which it was said that the company's affairs could not afford such a divi dends On the second of July, Mr. Pitt introduced a bill for the relief of the company : this proposition was to allow the com pany a further respite of duties due to the exchequer, to enable them to accept bills beyond the amount prescribed by former acts of parliament, and to establish their future dividends. f Visitors of the watering places, or other parts of the coast, who have con versed with elderly or middle aged watermen, or any kind of seafaring men, in those places, must have perceived that they considered smuggling, heretofore their most lucrative occupation, as having received its death blow from the hands of Mr. Pitt. g Parliamentary Journals,, REIGN OF GEORGE III. 11 The proposed indulgence was, that the duties now due should xxxu" be paid by instalments, at Midsummer and Christmas 1785. ^^^, The principle of the projected accommodation, was the solven- 1784_ cy of the company at the specified terms. Mr. Pitt, in sup porting the measure, informed the house, that from the late in quiries which he had made into the state of the company's finan ces, and from the very ample' and satisfactory accounts he had obtained, he had no room to admit the remotest idea, that they would not, at the period he had mentioned, be able to fulfil eve ry engagement. India would how enjoy peace, and parliament would enforce the active economy which the present state of affairs so strongly recommended ; a few years of tranquillity, and a system of exertion and frugality, would render our Indian possessions affluent and prosperous. Opposition doubted the favourable prospect of the company's affairs, and objected to the relief proposed. A question was started, whether or not parliament, by authorizing acceptances of bills, guaranteed their validity? Mr. Pitt contended that they did not; Mr. Fox that they did, at least so far as to pledge the national honour to their responsibility, by allowing the acceptance which they had a right to restrain. The sanction of parliament impressed the public with an opinion of their goodness, and established their credit. Mr. Dundas illustrated the subject, by reminding the houseof the circumstances in which the restriction had originated. By the regulating bill of 1773, the public were to come in for A share in the profits of the company : in order, therefore, to prevent the appropriation of any part of their profits to the payment of bills that might be fraudulently sent over from India, it had been thought necessary to restrain the amount of those bills ;/conse* quently, when a parliament should consent to the acceptance of bills to a greater amount, it resigned, in behalf of the public, sO much of the national claim to the dividends, as' was secured td them by the bill of 1773. The bill passed without a division. These measures were preparatory arid subordinate to the bill of the minister for the government of India, which he now iri» troduced, similar iii object arid principle to the Scheme that he had proposed in January, but iriore detailed in its provisions, and more extensive in its applications. Oh the 6th of July; B;n ror the Mr. Pitt proposed his bill for the better regulation of India : in regulation his prefatory oration he stated the magnitude' of the subject ; of India. and described the vast accession of power which the wealth of India had for a series of years added f o the empire of Great Britain : our former opulence was owing to the prudent ma nagement of our commercial concerns ; and Our future hopes depended on the judicious regulations that were now to be in troduced for the government of that country. The leading ob ject was to correct and restrain abuses, rethedy evils, improve the condition of British India, and thereby augment the opu lence and prosperity of this country, by powers adequate to those important purposes, without being so great as (o endanger 1784. 12 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. tne balance of the constitrttion. The bill undertook to insti- .XXII. Jute a new svstem 0f government at home, and to regulate the ' different presidencies abroad ; to provide for the happiness of the natives, and to put an end to their misunderstandings and controversies ; to establish a new judicature for trying offences committed in India, and by strictness of government to prevent delinquency. The proposed change at home was nearly the same that has appeared in the narrative.11 It proposed to leave the management of commercial affairs to the company, and to vest the territorial possessions in a board of control. Abroad, the supreme council and governor-general were to have an ab solute power of originating orders to tbe inferior presidencies, in cases that did not interfere with the directions already receiv ed from Britain, and of suspending members of the other coun cils in case of disobedience. The supreme government was restrained from offensive war or alliances, without orders from home ; the subordinate settlements were prohibited from form ing even defensive treaties, but with a conditional clause, which would render their permanency dependent on the ratification of the governor-general ; the servants of the company were requir ed to transmit accounts of all considerable transactions, to the council of Bengal, and the supreme council to convey speedy- intelligence to Britain of every important occurrence. In con sidering the comfort and security of the natives, inquiry was ordered to be instituted by the different presidencies into the expulsions of hereditary farmers, and the oppressive rents and contributions that might have been extorted ; and measures were directed to be employed for their relief and future tran quillity. Various regulations were added, respecting the debts of the nabob of Arcot, and the rajah of Tanjore, to private in dividuals and to the company. The bill further required an ex amination into the different establishments of the presidencies, for the purposes of retrenchment, and an annual report of the same to be transmitted to Britain. The proposition also con tained both the description of delinquency and the judicial es tablishments for its cognizance and punishments. Crimes com mitted by English subjects in any part of India, were made amenable to every British court of justice, in the same manner as if they had been committed in our immediate dominions. Presents, except such as were merely ceremonial, were forbid den to be received, unless by a counsellor at law, a physician, a surgeon, or a chaplain, under the penalty of confiscation of the present, and an additional fine, at the discretion of the court. Disobedience of orders, unless absolutely necessary, and pecu niary transactions contrary to the interests of the company, were declared to be high crimes and misdemeanors. The company were forbidden to interfere in favour of any person legally con demned of the above crimes, or to employ him in their service h See vol. r. chap, xxxi, REIGN OF GEORGE III. 13 "Tfor: ever. The governors of the several presidencies were em- S^xil powered to imprison any person suspected of illicit correspon- ^_^_^ dence, and to send- him to England if they judged it necessary. ^ Every person serving in India was required, within two months after his return to England, to deliver in upon oath to the court of exchequer, an inventory of his real and personal estates, and a copy thereof to the court of directors, for the inspection of the proprietors ; and should the validity of the account be doubted, or any complaint to that effect made by the board of control, the court of directors, or three proprietors possess ing India stock to the amount of 10,0001. conjunctively, the court of exchequer were required to examine upon oath the person accused, and to imprison him until he should have sa tisfactorily answered interrogatories. Neglect or conceal ment were to be punished by the imprisonment of the defend ant, the forfeiture. of all his estates, both real and personal, and an incapacity of ever serving the company. For the more speedy and effectual: prosecution of persons in Great Britain, ' charged with crimes committed in India, a court was established,' to consist of three judges, nominated respectively by the chance ry, king's bench, and common pleas, four peers taken from a list of twentyrsix, and six commoners from a list of forty (the lists to be chosen by ballot from their respective houses), a certain number of whom should be subject to peremptory challenge both by the prosecutor and the defendant. The judgment of the court was to extend to imprisonment, fine, and incapacity of serving the company. Such are the outlines of Mr. Pitt's legislative, executorial, and judicial arrangement for the govern ment of India.' Opposition reprobated the bill, on the grounds of insufficiency Arguments for the regulation of India, and dangerously, extending the £jj* "lst the patronage of the crown. Many objections were also made to particular clauses ; the new tribunal was said to be in truth a screen for delinquents, since no man was to be tried but on the accusation of the company or the attorneyrgeneral ; he had only to conciliate government, in order to attain perfectsecurity; The obligation to swear to the amount of property, and the powers granted to the courts of enforcing interrogatories, tended to compel persons to criminate themselves, and were modes of inquisitorial proceedings unknown to the subjects of this island. It was confidently denied that there was any ne cessity for so alarming a departure from the established princi ples and practice of the constitution ; and it was therefore- presumed that it could have been done with no other than a corrupt view, to draw the rich and powerful servants of the East India company into a dependence upon the crown fol ks protection. Mr. Fox directed the force of his eloquence against this measure of his rival. " It prepares (said the ora- " tor) feebleness at home by a division of power ; if there be ;.' a receipt, a nostrum^-for making a weak government, it is 14 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. « by giving the power of contriving measures to one, and the XXXII. « nomination of the persons who are to execute them to another. y-*~^~*~ " Theories that do not connect men with measures, are not 1784. ({ tneories for tr);s wo,.],} . they are chimeras with which a re- " cluse may divert his fancy, but not principles on which a " statesman would found his system. But, say the ministers, " the negative provides against the appointment of improper" " officers ; the commissioners have a negative, therefore they " have full power. Here then is the complete annihilation of "the company, and of the so much vaunted chartered rights. " The bill is a scheme of dark and delusive art, and takea " away the claims of the Company by slow and gradual sap. " The first assumption made by the minister, is the power of " superintendance and control; and what is the meaning of " this power ? Does it mean such a superintendance and con- "trol as this house possesses over ministers? No; for this " house has not the power of giving official instructions. It is " to be an active control, it is to originate measures ; and this " is the next step. At last, to complete the invasion, orders " may be secretly conveyed to India by the commissioners, "at the very moment they were giving their open countenance " to instructions to be sent from the directors of an opposite " tendency. To suffer such a scheme of dark intrigue will be " a farce, a child's play, and does not deserve the name of a "government. To this progressive and underhand scheme, " I peremptorily object. If it were right to vest the powers " of the court of directors in a board of privy-counsellors, " at any rate it should be done openly. A great nation- ought " never to descend to gradual and insidious encroachment. " Let them do what they wished for explicitly, and show " the company, that what they dare to do, they dare to "justify." Arguments The minister declared his conviction, that the ordinary courts font. of justice were inadequate to the cognizance of Indian delin quency ; and that there were many crimes committed there, for which the common law had provided no redress : at the same time he did not conceive, that the principle on which he proceeded was so totally unknown in the jurisprudence of this kingdom : it was recognised in the whole code of martial law. As to the influence of the crown, he trusted he had sufficiently guarded against any such apprehensions, by the mode directed for the constitution of the new court of judicature. The whole plan was efficient to every good purpose, and guarded ao-ainst the evil which must have resulted from the scheme of Mr. Fox. Compari- ^ne m'1 passed both houses by very great majorities. son ofthe In the characters of Messrs. Pitt and Fox a diversity has two. bills as been remarked, which may perhaps accourit for a striking from"tife difference in their respective systems. Energetic as Mr. Fox characters is in power, he is not always proportionably guarded and con- -"hors"2* au" sidcrate *n tile exertions of his faculties ; hence, though his REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 15 ju3gment be exquisite, his actually exerted discririiination does S^xn not uniformly keep pace with the strength of his invention : v^^/^_, Mr. Pitt, on the other hand, powerful as he is in force, is 1784 extremely circumspect and discriminate, as to the extent and bounds of operation most conducive to the purpose. Mr. Fox, adopting a principle in itself right, often adopts it too impli citly-,, and carries its application to a greater extent than the exact case justifies. Mr. Pitt much more accurately fixes the line of demarcation, which the principle with the existing case requires. The India bill of 1783, considered in relation to cer tain ends, was ably, skilfully, and effectually devised ; but at tending to efficacy, its author neglected control. The wheels strongly constructed, but wanting the drag, by the force and rapidity of their motion, might have overturned and crushed the constitution. The plan of 1784, in forming a power for specific use, guarded more cautiously against eventual abuse. During this session, the Westminster election occupied con- Debate on siderable attention ; a scrutiny having been granted by the the West- high bailiff, at the instance of sir Cecil Wray, the unsuccess-"^",;1^ ful candidate, its legality was questioned by Mr. Fox : accord ing to that gentleman, the election ought to have been referred to a committee, under Mr. George Grenville's bill. The discussion produced an astonishing display of legal ability and. knowledge, both from Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox ; when the question was put, the arguments of the former were found to have prevailed, and the scrutiny was ordered to be continued. A very humane and equitable measure was this session pro- Mr. Dun- posed by Mr. Dundas, indeed equally meritorious as a scheme das propo- of individual justioe and national policy; this was the restora- storaaoTor tion of the estates forfeited in the Scottish rebellions to the the forfeited representatives of the sufferers. He enlarged on the wisdom estates. and justice of the principle, and adducing the opinion of a Chatham as an authority in favour of his arguments, he quoted Ihe celebrated passage in one of that illustrious orator's speech es, which describes the merits of the Scotch Highlanders. He drew an auspicious omen from reflecting, that the first a law is blow had been given the proscription by the earl of Chatham ; passed for and trusted, that the remains of a system, which, whether die- L™pur* i i. * • i , ,• , pose. tated at first by narrow views or by sound policy, ought cer tainly to be temporary, would be completely annihilated under the administration of his son. He made the panegyric of persons under this predicament, who had • distinguished , themselves in the last war. He said there was not one of those families, in which some person had not atoned for the errors of his ancestors, and spilt his blood in his country's cause ; and he would boldly assert, that the spirit which had rendered the inhabitants of the highlands disaffected to the present government, had long since disappeared, and that the king had .not at this moment a set of more loyal subjects in 16 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. XXXII. 1784. labours of Mr. Pitt in investigating the public ac counts. Supplies. JLoan and taxes. his dominions. It would be magnanimity to treat them like true and faithful subjects, and cancel for ever the offences of their ancestors ; nor would the liberality of the proceeding be greater than its policy. The spirit of emigration in the High landers was such, that nothing could extinguish it but the return of their long lost patrons, and the affection and reverence which the inhabitants of that part of the island felt for their natural lords. It was obvious, that a property held for the be nefit of the public, was not- so well managed as if possessed by- private proprietors : the restoration of the estates would tend very much to the improvement and prosperity of the country. The bill experienced some opposition in the house of lords ; the .objections proceeded not from the substance, but the lateness of the season, and the form in which it was introduced; all these, however, were overruled, and it was passed into a law. Mr. Pitt found himself necessarily engaged in the laborious business of winding up the accounts of the war, and was compelled, by the burthen of floating debt, and the general state of the national finances, to negotiate a loan, though in time of peace ; but as this measure was obviously unavoidable, in order to make the terms as favourable as possible, instead of granting enormous profit to private or political favourites, he disposed of it to the best bidders. The sum borrowed was six millions : the taxes were chiefly upon articles of accommoda tion and ornament in dress, furniture, and equipage, or postage, by the restrictions of franking, with some additional duties on liquors. The principle of impost with which he set out, was lo bear as lightly as possible on the poorer classes : besides this loan, there was a large debt unfunded, chiefly in navy and ex chequer bills, and ordnance debentures. Of these six million, six hundred thousand pounds were funded, and the rest neces1- sarily deferred to the following year. On the 2d day of Au gust, the session was ended, by a speech from the throne; in which his majesty expressed his warmest thanks for the emi nent proofs exhibited by parliament of zealous and diligent at tention to the public service. The happiest effects were de clared to be expected from the provision made for the better government of India, and from the institution of a tribunal so peculiarly adapted to the trial of offences committed in that distant country. The sovereign observed with great satisfac tion, the laws which were passed for the preservation and im provement of (he revenue. He applauded the zeal and libera lity with which the house of commons had provided for the exigencies of the state, though he felt and regretted the neces sity in which their exertions originated. A definitive treaty, the king informed the house, was concluded between Britain and the states-general ; and the aspect of affairs, as well as the positive assurances from foreign powers, promised a conti nuance of genornl tranquillity. REIGN OF GEORGE Ilk tf CHAP. XXXIII. Britain resumes her attention to the atTuirs of the continent. — Slate of foreign. power*.— ^-Situation and views of Catharine. — Character and conduct of the r-mperor Joseph. — Catharine courts his alliance — Treaty between these princes. Catharine's invasion of the Crimen. — Seizure of that country, — Measures of inieriiul improvement. — It is trie interest of Russia to cultivate amity with Britain. — Catharine's conduct to Britain not consistent with her usual wis dom, — Reforming projects of the emperor. — Suppression of religious orders, — Schemes ofnavnl and commercial aggrandizement. — Dismantles the fortresses of tho Netherlands.— Proposes to open the Scheldt. — The emperor prefers his claims. — Arguments on both sides.— Joseph's allegations entirely contrary to justice. — The Dutch prepare to defend (heir rights.— Russia supports the pre tensions of the emperor. — Prussia and Frame unfriendly to the emperor's de mands.— Britain disposed to protect Holland. — Britain's speedy recovery from the evils of war.— Flourishing commerce. — Miscellaneous occurrences. — Death of Dr. Johnson, and a short view of literature and science at his decease.— Improvements of the present age in natural philosophy and chemistry. — Inven tion of air balloons. — Ascent of Lunui-di from the artillery ground. — General astonishment of the metropolis at this phenomenon. FOR the last twenty years, England had been so much CHAP. engaged in her own intestine and colonial dissensions, and xxxIIr- afterwards with the American war and its consequences, that l-^"v*-i* she bestowed much less attention on the general concerns of B .j1?84; _ Europe, than at any former period of her history since the re- sumcs her" volution. From the commencement of Mr. Pitt's administra- attention to tion, while recovering her internal prosperity, she. resumed her otHhe'conTi- importance among foreign nations. During the remaining por- neat. tion of our narrative, her interests became so interwoven with those of continental powers, that the general state of Europe must occupy a larger share of the history than has been hither to necessary. The empress of Russia had not been engaged in any great Stnteof ft- war since the pence concluded in 1774 with Turkey; she ne-^npow" vertheless was actively employed in schemes of external ag grandizement, as well as of internal improvement. Catharine's objects were to extend over Germany, and her more northern vicinity, her influence and power, so much increased by her ac quisitions in Poland ; on the other side to make herself mistress situation of the Turkish empire, through the extent of coast which she and views should then possess on the Euxine and the Mediterranean: inoiCatiw- addition to her maritime territories in the north, she proposed to attain a commercial and naval eminence, proportioned to her territorial power, rapidly increase the value of her immense vor . n. ¦' 18 HISTORY OF THE yvxwt dominions, and become decidedly superior to every other so- ' vereign. The end was grand, nor were the means ill adapted* *~*^T^ At peace herself, she had carefully surveyed the circumstances, situation, and character of other states and princes. As the supreme obstacle to maritime exaltation would be Britain, the confederacy formed against the mistress of the ocean was con sonant to her wishes, and, without open and direct hostilities, she endeavoured to promote its success. This naturally produ ced a connexion between her* and France, the ancient ally of Turkey, the chief object of Catharine's ambition. The saga cious empress, penetrating into the characters of other princes, availed herself of either their strength or weakness, and applied to their ruling passions to gratify her own. The king of Prus sia, she well knew, she never could render an instrument for effecting her purposes, though she might procure him as a coad jutor when co-operation with Russia suited his own. She was aware that he would instantly dive into her designs, and effec tually obstruct them if they were likely ever remotely to inter fere with his interests. Besides, in her principal scheme, his co-operation could not directly advance her designs, even if he were so disposed. From the situation and power of his do minions, the emperor would be the most effectual auxiliary ; and to his personal character, she did not doubt she could apply Character with success. Joseph was fond of distinction, without the of the™m-'S means of acquiring it by great and meritorious qualities. Ar- peror Jo- dently desirous of increasing his power, without solid and vigo- stph. rous capacity to gratify his favourite passion, he was one of those secondary characters, bustling, busy, and active, which in all ages and ranks have been efficacious tools, moved and guid ed by superior ability. Joseph, she well knew, from his power and vicinity, would be a most useful instrument in her designs upon Turkey, either of encroachment, which she at the time meditated, or of subjugation, which though at a more distant period she no less firmly intended. That she might the more readily win over Joseph to second her views, in the year 1780 she requested a personal conference ; they met at Mohilof, and there Catharine thoroughly confirmed the opinion which she had conceived of his abilities and character, and after having impressed him with the highest opinion of her own genius and accomplishments, she appeared lo make him the repository of Catharine her most secret designs. She represented to him the advan- XnceiS ta?CS that ^°.uld accrue t0 both emP'res from a close political "' umon; and the practicability that, by such a connexion they might share the spoils of Turkey, and each acquiring both an extensive and productive accession of dominions contiguous to their respective territories, their concert, when so increased in power, would enable them to direct the affairs of tire German empire. Joseph very readily acceded, both to the exr.edienov &r* ? ** ?«**«• «d feasibilit/of the plan. It was agreed S m. Catharine should return to her capital, and that Joleph, after REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 19 making a circuitous tour through the Russian provinces, should xxxni repair to Petersburgh. There they more completely digested ^^^_, their schemes, and a firm alliance was established between the n81 two imperial sovereigns. Catharine found that from the late cessions in Turkey she Catharine's derived great and rapid advantages; her commerce on the [Je Crimea. Black Sea daily extended its progress ; the Russian vessels pas sed the Dardanelles, and went to traffic at Aleppo, at Smyrna, and in the Italian ports, By so great and increasing benefits, the desire of Catharine was inflamed to extend the kind of pos sessions from which they arose. The Crimea, so well known in ancient history and poetry as the Taurica Chersonesus, the scene of exquisite tragedy, is a peninsula which projects into the Euxine from the Palus Moeotis, or the sea of Azoff. This country, celebrated for its fertility and commerce, and filled with populous towns and cities, was formerly a dependency upon Turkey, and had been, at the last peace, declared to be a neutral principality, under one of the Tartarian khans, or chief tains. The empress studiously fomented dissensions between the ruling prince and his brother, a pretender to the sovereign^ ty, expecting that the former, whom she professed to favour and protect, would implore her assistance, and thus afford a pretext for sending Russian troops into the Crimea. The Tartar solicited the assistance of Catharine, as that ambitious princess desired. The empress, secure of meeting no interrup tion from Joseph, and well knowing the feebleness of the Turks, invaded the peninsula with a powerful army, still professing that her intention was to relieve the khan. She left him the shadow of power ; but taking all the substance to herself, she became absolute mistress of the Crimea. Having ascertained Seizure of the success of the iniquitous invasion, she published one of those lhat C9U1>" manifestoes, in which modern aggressors and conquerors render try' due homage in words to that justice and rectitude which their actions are grossly violating. In this curious monument of imperial reasoning she affirmed, that her successes in the late war bad given her a right to the Crimea, which from her sin cere desire of peace she had sacrificed to the wishes of the Ottoman Porte; that she had proposed the happiness of the Crimeans by procuring to them liberty and independence, under the authority of a chief elected by themselves. But those benevolent wishes had been grievously disappointed : revolt and rebellion had arisen ; to suppress which, and restore tran quillity and happiness, from the same philanthropic motives she had been induced, at a very great expense of money and loss of troops, to interfere, for the beneficent purpose of preventing the recurrence of such evils ; and had undertaken, onqe for all, the firm resolution of terminating the troubles of the Crimea. The measures which she had employed, the manifesto farther affirmed, were also intended to perpetuate the. peace .between Russia and the Porte, In this bountiful display of virtue, seeking 2© HISTORY OF THE CHAP. xxxm. 1784. Measures of internal improve ment. i t is the interest of Russia to cultivateamity with Britain. the temporal comforts of its objects, Catharine did not forget their eternal happiness, and promised her new subjects a full and free toleration of their religion. The Turks were ex tremely enraged at this usurpation of Catharine, but did not at that time conceive themselves strong enough to commence hostilities. Meanwhile the empress was engaged in improving her own country, and in connecting herself more closely with Joseph. In pursuing the former of these objects, she promoted manu factures, trade, voyages, and expeditions of discovery ; par ticularly for exploring the resources of those dominions which were remote from the metropolis, and not under her own im mediate inspection. She endeavoured as much as possible to facilitate communication between distant parts of Russia, and especially by water conveyance. She had projected to open a navigation between the White Sea and the Baltic, by a line of canals which should join the gulf of Finland, the lakes of La doga and Onega, and the river Dwina, and thus save traders with Archangel the dangerous voyage round Cape North, but on a survey of the interjacent country, ahounding with rocks and mountains, the scheme was judged to be impracticable. She attempted to establish an intercourse between her eastern and western dominions, by opening a canal between the Pruth, which falls into the Wolga, and the Mista, that communicates by lakes with a river which falls into the Baltic, that so there might be a commercial traffic carried on between the maritime regions of Europe, and the inland recesses of northern Asia ; and this great design was fully accomplished. The policy of Russia respecting foreign alliances, was of much more questionable wisdom, than her schemes of internal improvement. The former princes of Muscovy had uniformly cultivated a close intercourse with England ; desirous of naval and commercial aggrandizement, Catharine conceived that the trade and maritime power of Britain were the chief obstructions to her own, and from this opinion rather discouraged than promoted amity with these realms. Were a person in private Jife to observe, that it is the interest of venders of commodities lo cultivate a close connexion with their best customers, he would be charged with advancing a self-evident proposition, which no man in his senses could deny, either as. an abstract truth, or as a prudent rule of conduct. Undeniable as it is, yet Catharine was not guided by this principle. The commerce with England is essential to Russia. No merchants, with smaller capitals, or less commercial spirit than the English, will or can advance such sums of money long before the period of return, to invigorate the manufactures, employ the people in a wide and poor country, and enable the small traders to bring their goods to market from remote districts. Without this ap plication of British capital, industry ceasing to be productive, trade and manufactures would languish, and all the efforts of REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 21 Catharine for stimulating the industry of her subjects, must i^Uy.',- become less valuable, in the proportion that her policy de creased the English market. Most of the articles that her do- __. minions could supply, might be procured from America ; and should repulsive conduct drive Britain from Russia into other channels of import, it would be a loss to her commerce, which from no other source she could compensate. Never could, or can, Russia profit by disagreement with England. Influenced, Her cnndui -l however, in this important instance by narrow, and unavailing l0 Brltas'". jealousy, instead of her usual enlarged policy, she conducted em wi,'n herself inimically to the nation with which it was her chief in- her usual terest to maintain the strictest friendship. She continued to-wls*lo"K cultivate an amicable correspondence with France, and the closest union with Joseph, whom she ardently seconded in schemes which now occupied the chief attention of Europe. Since the year 1781, Joseph II. by the death of his mother the empress-queen, had been the sole sovereign of the Austrian dominions ; and being now free from restraint, fully exhibited that character which was before discovered by the discerning, but had not yet been displayed to the world. Possessing lively but superficial talents, the emperor was extremely de sirous of fame and distinction. Without original genius to presurn,n,,. concert great schemes, Joseph was the creature of imitation, projecis oi' and had formed himself on the model of the king of Prussia, the C1"l'e" as far as his conception of that extraordinary character reach ed. Among many objects which called forth the exertion of Frederick's astonishing powers, two principally occupied his attention ; the acquirement of productive territories, and the improvement of all his possessions, according to their physical, political, and commercial resources, including the advancement of the general character of his subjects. His efforts ably, skilfully, and constantly directed to one or both of these ob jects, had been so successful as to raise Prussia from being a small and secondary principality, to the first rank among the powers of Europe. Joseph attempted both to improve and extend the Austrian possessions ; his means did not, however, bear much resemblance to the designs of his archetype. Fre derick directed his efforts to increase national prosperity in its various constituents : whatever opinions he himself might have formed on the subject of religion, he was far from judging it expedient to interfere with the established notions of his sub jects, or to subvert any of those establishments, which, either in themselves or by habitual associations, cherish sentiments of piety, the surest sources of both the private and public virtues which exalt a people. If he was a deist, he did not apprehend that his subjects would be the fitter without religion for either defending or improving his dominions. Like many others of no great talents, Joseph considered indifference to religion as a source of distinction ; he was ostentatious in infidelity, and »vished it, under the name of liberality, to spread through his 22 HISTORY OF THE ™A['- territories, ©ne measure which he adopted, was certainly in itself equitable ; he disclaimed all dependence in secular af- ^7^*^ fairs on the pope of Rome : he justly deemed it totally in- "' consistent with the rights and dignity of an independent sove reign, to acknowledge subordination to a foreign priest. The em peror greatly increased toleration in the various parts of his do minions, and in general extended religious liberty to Jews and all other sects and denominations. So far his policy appeared wise and liberal ; but counsels and acts right in themselves, may be wrong as part of a general system. The emperor was a reforming projector, and in the ardour of his zeal for change Suppression very far exceeded expediency : the suppression of the religious ordere!IOUS orcJers) alld confiscation of their property, were the principal objects of his innovating plans. In 1782, he issued imperial decrees for suppressing monasteries, convents, and every spe cies of religious fraternities or sisterhoods, and took possession of all their lands and moveables. A commission was esta blished for the administration of the sequestered estates and ef fects, which were so considerable, that the most moderate cal culators supposed that the emperor could gain four or five mil lions sterling by the reform.' Annual stipends were allotted for the maintenance of the reformed abbots, abbesses, canons, canonesses, monks, and nuns, which were in some degree pro portioned to their respective rank and condition ; but it was heavily complained, that the portions were so scantily measur ed, as to be shamefully inadequate to the purpose. A reform, involving in it such an extensive robbery, was by no means applauded by distinguishing and wise men, as consistent with either justice or sound policy. The spoliation rendered the whole measure more particularly odious than it otherwise might have been ; and whatever means were at home employed to stifle complaint, they could not restrain the censure of fo reigners upon the conduct of this prince. Many conceived that his object was to plunder the church ; that the pillage (instead of being applied to any useful or benevolent purpose) was in tended merely for the support of his ambitious projects ; and that he had concerted with Russia, plans of mutual co-opera tion, in order to aggrandize both powers. The situation of i The celebrated Mirabeau makes the following observations upon these changes: The internal revolutions which the emperor has effected in his do minions have been greatly applauded ; but what a number of objections might be brought against these eulogiums ; at least, the panegyrists of Joseph the Second ought to tell us what justice they find in driving a citizen from the profession which he has embraced, under the sunction of the laws. I will tell Ihem plainly, that there is as much injustice in expelling a friar, or a nun, from their retreai, as in turning a private individual out of his house. Despise the friars as much as > on will, but do not persecute them; above all, do not rob them ; for we ought not either to persecute or rob any man, from ihe avowed atheist down to the most credulous capuchin-. REIGN OF GEORGE IH. 2^ maritime Europe had afforded to the Austrian Netherlands S$M?. mercantile benefit, which inspired Joseph with the hopes of ac quiring naval and commercial importance. The war that per- ""^XT*" vaded western Europe had transferred from Holland to Aus- nisucliemes' trian Flanders and Brabant that immense trade, which, through ofnavuland the canals and great German rivers, England carried on With commercial the eastern and northern countries of the continent. The be-(iizement. nefits which the Netherlands derived from this transit of so great a commerce, were still farther increased, by the peculiar circum stances of the naval war in which Britain was involved : at tacked at once in every part of the world, England was fre quently under the necessity of abandoning the protection of her European commerce, that her foreign fleets might be suf ficiently powerful to cover her very numerous distant posses sions ; and British merchants were obliged to use foreign ves sels for the conveyance of their goods. From the operation of these causes, Ostend became a general mart of all the neutral as well as belligerent states ; and such an influx of trade was carried into that city and port, that even early in the war it reached a degree of opulence and commercial importance, which it never before enjoyed, or was expected to attain. The spirit of mercantile adventure was rapidly diffused through the Austrian Low Countries ; the desire and hope of acquiring im mense riches universally operated : Brussels itself, notwithstand ing the habitual ease and love of pleasure incident to its situa tion, and the long residence of a court, could not escape the in fection ; and many of its inhabitants, who had never before engaged in commerce of any kind, now laid out all their ready money in building ships. The citizens of Antwerp regretted the loss of their former trade, riches, and splendour ; and con ceived hopes of the possible recovery of those valuable advan tages. Indeed, the spirit now excited was so prevalent, that the states of the Netherlands presented a memorial to the emperor, requesting that he would take measures for the re-establishment of that port. Meanwhile the growing opulence of Ostend was immense ; the limits of the city became too narrow for its in habitants, and the buildings were not sufficient to cover the im mense quantities of merchandise of which it was become the temporary depository : traders and speculators continually ar rived to participate such benefits, and rapidly rising population was in proportion to the sudden flow of riches. Elated with unexpected prosperity, the inhabitants little regarded the cir cumstance in which it originated, and forgot that, as the cause was transitory, the effect was not likely to be permanent. Such was the state of affairs and sentiments in the Netherlands when the emperor arrived in June 1781 at Ostend : struck with the flourishing condition in which he found this port, impressed with the exulting hopes of the inhabitants, and devoid of that comprehensive sagacity which could distinguish between spe cial and general causes, wilh the precipitancy of superficial 14 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. reasoneis, lie concluded that the prosperity which was then XXXIU prevalent must always last. In his tour through the Nether- *~^^^ lands he bestowed the greatest attention upon merchants, and *784, every object connected with merchandise. Arrived at Ant werp, he in his conduct exhibited views of interfering in the navigation of the Scheldt. He went down that river in a boat, as far as to the first of those Dutch forts, which had been erect ed to guard the passage, and to secure to the states the ex clusive command of the river ; he had the depth of the chan nel ascertained in several places, and he strictly examined all the obstructions of art and' nature which tended to impede its navigation. Joseph had also farther objects in view, which he thought the situation of Holland, weakened by her impolitic war with her natural ally, would enable him to accomplish. At the conclusion of the succession war, as many readers must know, the principal fortresses of the Austrian Netherlands were deposited in the hands of the Dutch, for the mutual be nefit and security of the court of Vienna and themselves ; and while they formed a powerful barrier to cover the territories of the states, they were to be garrisoned and defended by them, and thus serve to obviate the danger apprehended from the power and ambition of France. During the weakness of Au stria in the beginning of Maria Teresa's reign, she derived con siderable advantages from this treaty ; but now that he was become so powerful, the emperor thought himself fully compe tent lo protect and defend his own dominions, and, being master of great armies, he conceived that he did not want fortresses to impede the progress of an enemy. Thinking it derogatory to his own honour, as well as to the dignity and power of the empire, that a great number of his principal cities and fortresses should be garrisoned, and at his own expense, he proposed to resume the barrier. To justify the intended measure, he stated that, in the last war between Austria and France, the Dutch had shown themselves incapable of maintaining the fortresses ; that, besides, the state of affairs was now so entirely altered, that none of the causes or motives which originally operated to the establishment of the barrier, any longer existed. France, instead of being the common enemy, as then, was now the common friend of both parties ; her ambition was no longer dangerous, and if it were, was directed to other objects ; the emperor and she were mutually bound in the strictest and dear est ties of friendship and blood. On the side of Holland, it was alleged that Austria was indebted to Britain and the states-ge-i neral for the possession of the Low Countries ; and that, as these were the great leaders in the succession war, they com pelled France and Spain to cede the Netherlands to Austria. The settlement of the barrier was the only compensation to Holland for all these services, and her immense expenses of blood and treasure to place the grandfather of the present em peror on the throne of Spain. Besides, being a direct breach REIGN OF GEORGE ffl. 25, of treaty and violation of faith, the proposed measure would be iSAE* a shameful dereliction of every sense of past service and obli gation j and the season chosen for its accomplishment, under y~*^7*~" the present embarrassed and depressed state of the republic, Would render1 it still more disgraceful. These arguments, how- Dismantle? ever strong, were of little avail against the power of Joseph ; ^f0^'™'55 arid the Dutch weire compelled to yield. The emperor dismantled Nether- the fortresses ; and thus Holland, through her folly in going tolan<,s-- war with England, was stripped of her barrier^ for which she had often and vigorously fought. Her most valuable resources being exhausted by War, that unhappy country had the addi tional calamity of being torn asunder by factions ; peace had hekher restored Vigour and unanimity at home, nor reputation and importance abroad ! on the contrary, their civil dissensions were every day increasing in magnitude and virulence. The faction hostile to the stadtholder, and connected with France, was iiow become so strong, that ho Sufficient counterpoise remained ito the State, to restrain the excess and violence incident to the predominance of political parties. The emperor made va rious claims upon the Dutch frontiers^ and did not want pretexts that gave a plausible colouring to meditated injustice. But of Hoproposes all his claims, the most distressing to Holland were the claims l° ?P?; th^ upon the city and country of Maestricht, the entire and free c ' '' navigation of the Scheldt from Antwerp to the Sea, arid a free and uninterrupted commerce to the factories of Holland in both the East arid West Indies. The Dutch alleged, that the empe ror claimed' all the benefits which were derived from their colo nies in the New World, and their conquests and settlements in the East, being the fruits of much hard adventure, great risk, arid advance of treasure, of numberless treaties and negotia tions, and of many severe wars through the course of near two centuries. The rights of the republic, and particularly her ex clusive Sovereignty of the Scheldt, had been confirmed and guaranteed to her by all the treaties which secure the political existence of Europe. The claim upon Maestricht was founded tipon obsolete pretences ; important as the placerwas, however, it Was ority a matter of secondary consideration, and altogether subordinate to the Scheldt. The assertion of the emperor was Arguments founded on what hb Called the natural rights of countries to the on both navigation and benefit of a river which ran through his territo- * ' tries ; whereas the possession of Holland rested on positive and specific cohipact. A recurrence to the original rights of man, the Dutch justly contended, would destroy those social agree ments between individuals and political conventions, which 'con- stitute and secure all private and public property. Such a prin ciple, practically admitted^ would unlooseevery bond that unites mankind, throw them into a state of rjature, and render the world a chaos of confusion and disorder. However just these arguments were, the emperor paid no regard to reasoning so opposite to hisambitious views. He saw hr several concessions vol. u. .4 26 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, the fears of the Dutch, and trusted that then- dread of his ' power would make them desist from the maintenance of their 1784 own r'Snts- The moral principle, indeed, of his conduct was Joseph's very simple : the Dutch are weak, I am strong ; I intend to rob allegations them of their property, and they will be afraid to resist. In contrary to tnis belief, he tried the experiment, by -equipping two vessels, of justice. which one was to proceed down the Scheldt from Antwerp lo the sea, and the other up the river from the sea, on its course from Ostend to that city. The captain of the former of these was furnished with written -orders from the emperor, command ing him to proceed in the brig Louis, from Antwerp along the Scheldt into the sea, and expressly forbidding him and his crew to submit to any detention, 'or to any examination whatever from ships belonging to the republic, which he might meet in the river, or in any manner acknowledge their authority. The imperial ship passed the Lilu arid some other forts without ex amination, hut falling in with a Dutch cutter that sent a boat with an officer to the vessel from Antwerp, the imperial captain told the Dutchman, that he was on his passage to the sea ; and that his instructions forbid his holding any parley whatever with the officers or ships of the United Provinces. The cutter now coining up to the brig, the imperialist quoted the instructions of his master, and refused; to give any further satisfaction, perse vering to sail towards the sea. The commander of the cutter entreated, threatened, and employed every means to induce the pther to desist from conduct which would necessarily bring the affair to a crisis ; but finding his efforts unavailing, he deter mined to prevent such an unjust and insolent usurpation. He fired first powder without ball, but at length poured a broad side, and threatened with the next discharge to sink his oppo nent, if he continued refractory : the imperialist seeing it was in vain to contend, relinquished his object. The ship from Os tend was no less disappointed in the expectations of getting undisputed up the river. The emperor pretended to consider this spirited defence of their own right, as an aggression on the part of the Dutch. The imperial ambassador was recalled from the Hague, and an army of sixty thousand men was under or ders and in preparation for marching from the Austrian heredi tary dominions to the Netherlands. The troops which were already there, amounted to about sixteen thousand men ; great trains of artillery, and all the other apparatus of war were in iThe Dutch motion. Exhausted as they were by the war with England, KTtheir the Dutch made very viSorous preparations ; they employed rights. agents to hire troops from Germany ; and at home they exerted themselves in recruiting the troops, strengthening the frontiers, and putting the posts and garrisons in the best posture of de fence. They prepared for the last refuge .which the nature of thpir country peculiarly afforded, and resolved to open the dykes and lay the Flat Countries under water. While they were thus making provisions for hostility, they endeavoured to appease REIGN OF GEORGE III. 27 Joseph hy reasonable and equitable expostulation ; though JEncm" they were very far from being disposed, they said, to go to war with the emperor, they were bound by all the laws of nature, -^ of nations, of justice, and of reason, not to permit a violation of their dearest and most incontrovertible rights. Russia was at this time closely connected with the emperor, Russia sup= and though she had lately sought the alliance of Holland, P°rls lhe and made the republic the tool of her ambition in the armed J^"^! neutrality, she now warmly and openly seconded the preten- peror. sions of Joseph. Catharine, in a letter to the king of Prussia roundly asserted that the Dutch were in the wrong, and the emperor equally just, moderate, and disinterested. ' The amount of her reasoning was, that the law of nature gave the Austrian Netherlands the exclusive! right of the navigation of the Scheldt, and that the Dutch, in quoting specific treaties to. support their claims, manifested aa avidity which was notorious and blamable in every respect. Nothing well founded (she said, in the conclusion of heir letter) car. be alleged in favour of Holland ; therefore she merits no assistance from any foreign power. The consequences which these republicans are draw ing upon themselves by their obstinacy,' must be submitted to the moderation of the emperor, alone : I am firmly resolved to assist his pretensions with all my land and sea forces, and with as much efficacy as if the welfare of my own empire was in agitation. I hope that this declaration of my sentiments will meet with the success which our reciprocal friendship deserves, and which has never been interrupted.1* These max ims of imperial ethics were not more contrary to the moral judgment of impartial individuals clearly apprehending and fairly estimating right and wrong, than the imperial politics of both the sovereigns were to the obvious interests of neighbour ing potentates. The king of Prussia, it was foreseen, would not Prussia ami be an idle spectator of such an accession accruing to his rival. fjan'j? u"~ France, for. her own security, would protect Holland a gainst the empe° so formidable a neighbour, and was not without farther induce- ror's de ments to oppose, the emperor, even should actual hostilities lJelnands- the consequence. To the arms of France the rich provinces of the Low Countries were most likely to have recourse, espe cially now that the fortresses on the barrier were demolished. Notwithstanding the affinity between the royal families of Vienna and Versailles, his most christian majesty made very pressing remonstrances to the emperor ; he justified the con^ duct of the Dutch, and urged his imperial majesty not to per severe in violatiug these important rights, which were so solemnly secured ; he hoped the emperor would desist from efforts, which, would cause so general, an alarm among his neighbours ; and other powers would think themselves obliged to take such precautions and measures as circumstances ailA k See translation of this letter in the State Papers. 178t, page 35?. n 28 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, event* wight require. The king himself must, in that case, XXXIII. ke under the necessity of assembling troops on bis frontiers-, ^***~*~' and could not, by any means, be indifferent to the fete of tbe 1784' United Provinces, nor see thern attacked by open force in their rights and possessions. The remonstrances of France made no impression upon the emperor ; be considered tbe free navi gation of the Scheldt as an incontrovertible right, which was subject to no discussion or question. The Netherlands was fast filling with bis troops, and winter only retarded hostile operations. Britain if Great Britain observed all those proceedings with a watchful dwpo«*i to eye, but did not commit herself by any hasty declaration. The n'Xurf* views of *^e Britisn cabinet were great and extensive ; it was Holland, planned to secure Holland from the aggressions of her neigh bours, and to detach her from a connexion with France. This project, however, was then only in contemplation, being by no means fit for execution. Britain re- Britain was now recovering fast from the distresses of tbe SeXtret™ war> trade was reviving; by the prevention of fraud tbe reve- es of the nue was becoming much more productive ; and industry and war- enterprise were again roused by the rekindled hopes of suc cess. So lately drooping, this country now raised her head ; a benignant season added to the improvements of her condi tion, and in present comfort the people soon forgot recent dis tress : prospects of returning prosperity opened, and the peo ple were satisfied with government, whose measures they ex pected would greatly increase and accelerate private and pub lic prosperity. The great demands of our distant possessions, precluded during the war from regular and sufficient supply, afforded a very large vent for the productions and acquisitions of British industry and skilL The Americans too, communica tion being again opened, eagerly flocked in quest of British wares, tbe superior excellence of which, compulsory disuse had only imprinted tbe more deeply on their minds. The restored islands of tbe West Indies furnished a considerable market for our commodities ; the want of which, while under the domi nion of our enemies, they had so sensibly felt. The settle ments also which remained in our possession, had been but spa ringly provided while hostile fleets hovered on their coasts, and not yet having fully recovered from the scourge d( tbe hurri canes, called for a great portion of our merchandise. Of our foreign settlements, the chief vent after the peace was the East. in which the supply had not been by any means so liberal ai the wants of British India required; but during this, and some years after the war, the outward trade of the company very far exceeded the usual periods of peace.' Our commerce witb 1 This great and general benefit to .liiifal .nd jodici™, advenlatera, l,h year of Ills nge, ni'ler n long niul tormenting "'''"l'" illness, which ho bore with foilltudo mid resignation, worthy of J"";.,""',.," his other virtues. I .ilonny lilmtory affords few instnnces of such niliumitiire u combination of iutnllooliml niul mnml qualities as constituted |l|"1'|,'il,j"'" tho olinructt'i', nml prompted niul guided the efforts of Siimuol ,.,.„„',.. " Johnson. An understanding pcr.ipiencious, powerful, niul com prehensive ; mi iinu|i,iiintioii vigorous, fertile, uml hrillinnt; and u memory retentive, accurate, ami nioreil with valuable know ledge, wore untfunnly ilireuioil to rentier mankind wise, virtu ous niul religion*. 'The most successful ami heuelleial exertions of this Illustrious wnirii were exhibited in philology, criticism, biography, mid otliici. On subjects of liiiigiiiigo, Johnson displayed science ns well ns knowledge ; he not only collected usngei, but investigated principles ; applying niul modifying general uualoglos, according to the eirciinislnneos of the pnrti. oiilnr enses, ho extremely mirlcliei I (ho Knglish tongue, nml im proved it In precision niul force. The style which his precept nnd example formed, bore the slump of his mind nml habits, being lew distinguished for elegance, nml delicacy, than for per spicuity uml strength: his expression, however, was perhaps not t!m most useful as a general model, because its excellence depended on Its conformity to his vigorous sentiments mid thought. Since (ho lime of" Ariitotlo few have equalled John' aion ns u critic, either in principles of estimation, or in actually appreciating defect and excellence. Surveying motlels rather lliuii considering ends, ninny critics of distinguished neuteness mill knowledge of literature conceived that meritorious execu tion consists in resemblance to certniu celebrated perlommncoH : but (bono, justly mid highly applauded, do not include every possible menus of deserving applause. Disregarding mere usage and authority, Johnson followed nature and reason: In lilting tho value of u .Shakespeare, he did not esteem the mode of (irecuin wiTiiiigeuieut the criterion of judgment, but the ex hibited operation of passion, sentiment, am) character, nml its coufuruiity to real lite, lie estimated works of imitation by liiirmy with gen«ral i>iiiijo<. Finding that vw.v lin-go profits Imd bivii mails t>\ ii vnrlolv oftti-tiolM ilni'liin; llie tlrol voynp?* nflcr lln> «nr, mn u li>w ortlin wm- (hiiiv'* olflrvril la ihe »hl|>|ilns{ sorvivp, mid ihslr ecmnoxion m hmiip, ci»rii«l om >nvr4inti>iit« ol'th* «ttmi> kind, until thev nlntled llir> iimiki-i nml 1ml llipir loriupi iwtvflu, mid iVimi llinlr mtit|u«l)f injr w»)T«»r»M*»» ofnvnrico <'imi|il«l«>ly (ItMtailttl ihrii own |Mir|Mw>ii unit bmniw biutkra]tts j l>nt skillul ami nbleti'mliT* raitinm-il to 30 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. XXXIII. 1784. their likeness to originals, combined with the importance of ob ject and difficulty of delineation. As a biographer, Dr. John son is unequalled ; he indeed possessed the highest requisites- for that important species of writing : he thoroughly knew the constitution and movements of the human understanding and will ; was intimately conversant with the kind of circumstances in which his subjects acted ; and the usual and probable opera tion of such causes : he completely knew their individual history, comprehended their character, and had the power of clearly conveying to others, and forcibly impressing, his thoughts, opi nions, and conceptions. Though the most valuable «thics are diffused through all his works, yet two of his productions are more peculiarly appropriated to those subjects. His Rambler showed more of man in his general nature, as he himself says of Dryden; his Idler, as he says of Pope, more of man in his local manners. His Rambler was the work of a profound, comprehensive philosopher ; his Idler of genius and learning experienced in life : the former describes men as they always are, the latter as they then were in England. It may be easily and obviously objected to the political writings of Johnson, that they were by no means equal in either knowledge or wisdom to his other productions. A whig zealot might exclaim against the high church bigotry, theological intolerance, and arbitrary politics of this great man, as a tory zealot might depreciate JVlilton, because a puritan and republican ; but the impartial ob server, making allowance for human infirmities, will see preju dices and unfounded opinions totally outweighed by transcend ent excellencies. The historian of the present reign, if he narrate the truth after balancing the good i and the bad, must admit that few either lived or died in it of such great and.bene- iicially directed wisdom as Samuel Johnson. Besides the vast accession of knowledge and instruction accruing to mankind from the individual efforts of this extraordinary man, his con versation and writings stimulated and formed many others to me ritorious compositions. The disciples of the Johnsonian school, whatever might be their several diversities of ability and cha racter, have written to promote religion^ order, and virtue. Having made such important additions to the general mass of information and instruction, he taught by precept and example the most efficacious processes of reasoning, and the surest test of truth ; he exhibited the close connexion between clearness of conception and precision of expression, and afforded mate rials and principles of thought and judgment, with directions and examples ¦ for estimating fairly, and conveying ideas and sentiments with clearness, force, and effect. Scholars of mode rate talents, who neither evince depth of reflection, vigour of invention, or brilliancy of fancy, are now accurate composers, and competent estimators of literary merit. Through John son, respectable mediocrity of ability and learning has been prompted and enabled to direct its patient and industrious ef*- 1784. REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 31 forts to the useful purposes, not only of just criticism, but loyal -£SAfr- and - patriotic, virtuous and religious, inculcation. Perhaps, however,; the literary efforts of Dr. Johnson may have been v~""" more beneficial to other writers, than to his own particular as sociates ; from the latter, they come to the world tinctured with his particular prejudices; among the former, they have often diffused unalloyed portions of his general wisdom and virtue. As the death of Dr; Johnson is an epoch in the literary history of the times, it may not here be unseasonable to give a short sketch of literary efforts at this period. The American war had produced a vast multiplicity of political pamphlets, of which, though the greater number were of only a temporary interest, yet some, from the ability of the writers, the im portance of the principles, and the receptions of the doctrines, were of much more permanent consequence. Two men of considerable talents and high reputation engaging in this con troversy, broached opinions of a very unconstitutional ten dency : these were, doctors Richard Price and Joseph Priestley, gentlemen who from nature and study possessed the means of promoting, to a great extent, the benefit of society, were dis posed to use their talents for those meritorious purposes, and had actually employed them with very great success, in cer tain paths, to the good of mankind ; yet were now active in exerting them in pursuit of objects, or at least in inculcating doctrines of a very injurious tendency to the existing establish ments. With genius, competent to any subject of literary or scientific investigation, and deeply skilled in calculation, Price had peculiarly distinguished himself by inquiries into popula tion, and by financial research. Priestley, by his discoveries in chemistry, electricity, - pneumatics, and subjects relative to these, had made valuable additions to physical knowledge and science, both for theoretical contemplation and practical use. These two philosophers were dissenters, and dissenters of a class which has generally carried dissent beyond theological opinions, and has incorporated politics. Men, at once able and ambitious, if they happen to find themselves in a minority, very naturally seek to render that minority a majority. In situations of peace by making converts, as in situations of war by making conquests, aspiring leaders seek power. From calculations and from chemical : researches, doctors Price and Priestley betook themselves to politics, and to theological con troversy, which was intended to minister to politics ; adopted the visionary theories which the profound wisdom of Locke had not prevented from peryading his opinions in politics, with many of the hypothetical comments which had joined them in the course of the century : these they inculcated as the just conclusions of political wisdom, and the proper rules for po litical conduct. Besides the treatises already mentioned, they published various works, which refined on Locke's fiction of a social -compact, and represented every system of government 1784. 32 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. as necessarily bad, that had not originated in a convention of ^3^II!' men assembled for the purpose of forming a constitution ; 'consequently, as no existing government had been so con stituted, concluding that every established polity was neces sarily unjust. So far as these speculations were merely ex ercises of metaphysical ingenuity, they might be accounted innocent pastimes : but whether intended or not to be harm less, they certainly were not designed to be inefficient : they were most industriously circulated by the secondary Mr! struments, which, in the literary as well as the political worldj are in such numbers ready to repeat even the errors of con ceived genius ; and by the authors themselves, among those who were most disposed to take their assertions as argu ments. Price, though constant in his principle, was more de sultory and occasional in his operations : eminent in certain departments of learning, Priestley had attempted to grasp at every subject of human knowledge, and, in the midst of his endeavours at universality, directed his principal efforts to wards one great object, the subversion of the ecclesiastical establishment. It is now obvious, by considering the whole series of his conduct, that he had early formed the design of overturning our hierarchy, which he himself afterwards ac knowledged with triumphant exultation for the imagined suc cess. Priestley appeared to have proceeded on the following- principle : " I, and a minority of this nation, do not approve " of any establishment, especially of the church of England, *' her constitution and doctrines, supported by the majority of ft the nation ; as we, a smaller number, with not more than our " own proportion of ability and property, cannot agree with " the oreater number, wc must make them agree with our '; creed."™ Seeking the downfall of the church, Dr. Priestley formed a plan, consisting of two parts ; the first to attack the articles of her faith, the next the muniments of her establish ment. The former part of his scheme, which was indeed preparatory to the latter, at present chiefly engaged his at tention. For several years he had been strenuously labouring to overturn the Christian doctrine of the Trinity ; this being an article of faith, which the greater number of Christians, and especially those of the church of England, deem essential to the gospel, and consequently to every establishment by which the gospel is cherished. An attack upon so fundamental a part of our religion, was by no means an impolitical mov&- menl ; nor was it carried on without great dexterity. In m It must be -admitted by any liberal friend of the church, on the one hand, that if Dr. Priestley conscientiously intended the temporal and eternal happiness of his countrymen, and not his own aggrandizement, he was morally justifiable ; but a liberal dissenter, on the other hand, must admit, that all those whose opi nion was different, whether moralists or statesmen, were equally justifiable in im pugning his arguments and repelling his attasfcs. 1784. REIGN OF GEORGE IH. 33 adducing the common arguments of often exploded sophis- -£H^£- try, his genius gave to triteness a colour of originality, xxru* and to superficial declamation an appearance of profound '"" reasoning, which, on many even of those not borne down by ,the authority of his name, made a very strong impression. While the generalissimo of heresy was himself thus employed, he had distributed his officers and troops with great skill in dif ferent posts and positions, according to his knowledge of their ability, skill, and zeal for the cause,. Our ecclesiastical esta blishment, however, did hot want a defender, who was at once ardent, able, and well provided with the means of guarding the church against the assailant, Dr. Samuel Horsley brought an acute and powerful mind, disciplined and formed by science^ -and stored with general and theological learning, to support the faith which he had embraced, aiid the venerable body of which he was a member. The Unitarian controversy, which for several years maintained by misconstruing ingenuity, and re-assertion of often confuted arguments ; by obstinate itera tion of sophistry on the one hand, and on the other, by plain .interpretation, deductive reasoning; fair inference, and firm adherence to positions so founded ; now occupied a great .share of lettered efforts and attention." Controversies arising from some parts of Gibbon's history were also very prevalent : the author, however, engaged little in the disputes; he was persevering in his ablej learned; and approved work, in whiehj thotlgh the pious must disrelish the anti-christian tendency of Several parts, and the acute may discover assertion without prodf adduced to support favourite notions, yet every reader of judgment, comprehension, and philosophical and political know ledge, must allow that it is an illustrious monument of industry and genius, which lightens readers through the darkness of the . middle ages, and exhibits mail in various stages of declining .society, until he terminated in barbarisul, and, regenerating, be gan to return towards civilization. Another history had at this time just appeared, that embraced peri6ds much better knowri to every classical reader; but though it recited transactions with whkih every literary man was well acquainted, it present ed new and profound views, Unfolded causes, and marked ope rations and effects, that even intelligent and learned readers had not before discovered. The philosophical pen of Fergusson rendered the affairs of the greatest people Of antiquity the ground-work of the deepest and most expanded moral and po litical science ; to teach mankind that wisdom, courage, enter prise, and skill, uniformly and constantly exerted in the various departments of a political system, elevate a nation as they ex alt an individual, and that folly and vice overturn the fabric Which virtue and wisdom' had raised. Works of an inferior n The Reviews of these years had more than one half of their writings occupied either with this controversy, or the politics.of the day. VOL. If. 6 34 HISTORY OF THE XXXJli sPec^es t0 history, though pursuing the same object, travels, and voyages, much increased our knowledge of the interior and ci* ^^vm*^ vilcoridition of various countries, with which our acquaintance before had been chiefly confined to geographical outlines and political relations. The travels of Messrs. Moore, WraxaL Coxe, and others, into various parts of Europe, not only afford ed amusement and entertainment, but knowledge of mankind. The voyages of the renowned circumnavigator, captain Cook, which displayed human nature in a light showing at once its varieties and uniformity, were a pleasing and interesting acces sion of literary novelty. Improve- Physical knowledge and science were making rapid ad- mem or the vances while, from former discoveries of philosophy, invention innnturaf and experience were fast educing arts which administered to philooohy the purposes of life. Doctors Black and Watson were perse- fsu-y " Bering in their chemical pursuits, and powerfully contributing to the elucidation of subjects, curious to speculative, and use ful to practical men ; with which, through the abilities and la- 'boufs of such men, followed by many others of patient research # and useful industry, who were employed in experimental detail, the public is now become so conversant. ilnventionof The immense improvements of the present age, in the general air balloon?- analysis of material substances, and particularly in the applica tion of chemistry to the qualities of air, produced about this time an invention that astonished mankind, by an artificial pheno menon, which appeared to realize the fable of Daedalus, and to find a passage for man through the air. Eminent philosophers of the sixteenth and seventeeth centuries from the qualities of air had inferred the practicability of such an undertaking, but did not explore the means. The discovery was reserved for the ingenuity of two French manufacturers of paper at An- nouay in Dauphiny, Messrs. Montgolfier. The-e gentlemen, observing the ascent of vapour or smoke in the atmosphere, concluded that the general principle was the ascent of air rare fied by absorption, and that it must ascend until it arrive at air of such a tenuity as to prove an exact equilibrium. On this reasoning they constructed a globular machine of paper and fine silk, covered with elastic gum ; in short, of the very light est terrene materials. This ball, being about thirty feet in"cir- cumference, was raised to a considerable height, merely by ap plying some lighted combustibles to an aperture at its lower extremity. If so small a power of rarefied air could raise such a weight, greater i ment, ing moved by combustibles, would lift about I've 'hundred weight. Montgolfier soon after presenW the experiment at fans ; a sheep, a cock, and a duck, were placed in a gallery o About twenty-eight and a half, to a figure exactly cubical. REIGN OF GEORGE IH. 35 XXXIII. 1784. next the balloon, and returned without hurt. On the 23d of .£$1vAm November 1,783, two human beings adventured to essay an ele ment hitherto unexplored by man. The marquis de Landes and Monsieur Drosier undertook this extraordinary navigation : at 54 minutes past one o'clock, the machine ascended into- the air before an immense number of astonished spectators. When it had reached 250 feet, the intrepid travellers waving their hats saluted the wondering crowd : the aerial navigators were soon beyond the reach of discernment from the earth, but the ball itself was seen towering towards the confines of aither. The travellers having found their experiment successful, agreed to descend by gradually lessening the application, of air, and ar rived safely in an open field at some distance from the city.P The event of this experiment with rarefied air, encouraged far ther trials ; Monsieur Charles, the professor of natural philoso phy at Paris, suggested the improvement of inflammable air, instead of rarefied. In 1784 the experiment was tried in Eng land by Mr. Lunardi, an Italian gentleman. On the 15th of Ascent of September, this gentleman, about five minutes after two o'clock, froUfJI,,', ascended from the artillery ground, before 150,000 people, wlio artillery were collected in the places immediately adjacent: many ol'S10*/"1- the other inhabitants of London and the environs were, gazing from the house tops ; business of every kind appeared to be Astonish- stispeuded, and every ray of thought converged into one focus ; nrJe"r^pf0J^e in short, Lunardi and the balloon occupied general convcrsa- at this phe- tion. The sky fortunately was without a cloud, so that his as- »onienon. sent above London was clearly perceived from a distance of many miles around. The balloon took a northerly direction : at half past three, Lunardi arrived at South Minims, where he de scended on a common ; but again raising himself, he proceeded in the sumo direction, and afterwards descended at Ware.* Va- ]> In an epilogue lo a play exhibited at Westminster soon after this experiment, there was n verse containing the following pun on this (hllic invention : " Quis propria Gallo plus levitate valet ?" " Who can surpass a Frenchman in appropriate levity.?" q The following passage is quoted from Lunardi's written account of his own voyage, observations, unci feelings, when from the m ial heights he looked down upon the British metropolis : — "When tho thermometer was at fifty, the effect of the atmosphere, and the combination of circumstances around, produced a calm delight which is inexpressible, utid which no situation on earth could give ; the stillness, extent, and magnificence of ihe scene rendered it highly awful ; my horizon seemed a perfect circle ; the lei-minuting line several hundred miles in circumference. This I conjectured from Ihe view of London, the extreme points of which formed an ungle of only n few degrees ; it was so reduced on the great scale before me, that I can find no simile to convey an idea of it. 1 could dis tinguish St. Puul's and other churches from the houses ; I saw the streets as lines, nil animated with beings whom I knew to be men and women, but which I should otherwise had a difficulty in describing ; it was an enormous bee-hive, but the in dustry of il \\n< suspended. Indeed tho whole scene before me filled my mind 1784. 3$ HISTORY OF THE CHAP. riouS balloons were afterwards launched, i,n Britain and otherv ' parts of the world, and many treatises were published, endea- ' vouring to demonstrate the important advantages which might arise from this invention, but none of them have been hitherto realized.with a sublime pleasure of which I never had a conception } I had soared irom the apprehensions and anxieties of the world, and felt as if I had left behind all the cares and passions that molest mankind." Of the second descent he gives the fdllowing account : — " At twenty minutes past four, 1 descended in a spacious meadow in the parish of Stondon, near Ware in Hertfordshire ; some labourers ¦were at work in it, I requested their assistance ; Ihey exclaimed they would have nothing to do with one who came in th? devil's house! and no intreaties could prevail on them to approach me. I at last owed my deliverance to the spirit and generosity of a, female; a young woman took hold of a cord which I hod thrown, out, and railing to the men, they yielded that assistance to her request, which, they had refused to mine. A crowd of people from the, neighborhood assembled „ i,vho very willingly assisted me to disembark. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 9f CHAP. XXXIV, Meeting of parliament — Consideration of the Westminster scrutiny. — Debts of the nahoh of Arcot — Mr. Burke's speech on the subject. — Mr. Pitt's plan of parliamentary reform — introduced into parliament — negatived by a great mn- jbrity . — Stale of Ireland. — Propositions of Mr. Pitt to settle trade on the basis of mutual reciprocity. — Resolutions lor that purpose — Additional proposition?. Petitions against ihem. — After considerable modification they are passed into A law. — Sent over to the Irish parliament. — Messrs Flood and Grattan opposfl t;he propositions.— Their cloqueuce stirs up their countrymen lo rage and indig nation — They are abandoned by the British government.— Their real merit. — Mr Pitt's statements of finance, andintimalion of a plan for paying the national debt. — The session rises: — Affuirs of Europe. — Designs of the emperor upon Bavaria — supported by Russia — opposed by Prussia and Honpver. — Fiance, though in alliance with Austria, adverse to Joseph's ambition. — The emperor relinquishes his designs upon Bavaria. — Abandons the navigation of the Scheldt, and concludes peace with Holland. — Treaty between France and Holland. — Internal state of Franee.-r— Projects for diminishing her enormous debts. — Theo ries of the philosophical economists.— ^Influence the practice of politicians and statesmen. — Multiplicity of ingenipus writers. — Votaries of innovation. — Doe trines of Voltaire and Rousseau regarded with enthusiastic admiration. — Pre valence of infidelity. — Great and increasing prosperity of Britain. — Confidence of the monied interests in the talents and integrity of Mr. Pilt.^-Supporters of the minister. — Butts of opposition, wit, and satire. — TheRolliad and birth-day odes.— Question of literary properly. — Return of Mr. Hastings., — A great sub ject of temporary literature, PARLIAMENT met on the 26th of January 1785, and CHAR the chief object recommended by his majesty to the attention XXXIV. 0f the legislature, was the adjustment of such points in the s^^-^^ commercial intercourse between Great Britain and Ireland, as 1785. fcad not before been arranged. The success attending measures Meeting of which were embraced in the last session for the suppression of par ,amen ' smuggling, would encourage them to persevere in their appli cation to those important concerns; they would also consider tho reports suggested by the commissioners of public accounts, and make such regulations as might appear necessary in the different offices of the kingdom. Notwithstanding the dissen sions on the continent, his majesty continued to receive assu rances from foreign powers of their amicable disposition to wards this country. The earl of Surrey opposed the address, or rather objected to it on account of what he conceived to be wrongly omitted ; especially because no mention had been made of the reduction pf the army. Lord North, conceiving parliamentary reform to tie intended by one recommendatory expression, declared hijs 38 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, sentiments very strongly against any alteration of the conslitn- XXXlV' tion; and Mr. Burke blamed the total silence relative to the "^Cr*"" affairs of India. Mr. Pitt replied to the objections; the ob- servations on the reduction of the army were premature, until the supplies of the year should be before the house : parliamen tary reform was a subject of the highest importance, but at this early period of the session it was impossible to state his plans specifically : all his ideas were not yet thoroughly matu red ; the subject comprehended a great variety of considera tions, and related to essentials and vitals of the constitution ; it therefore required considerate and delicate attention ; and though it was a path which he was determined to tread, he knew with what tenderness and circumspection it became him to proceed. There was not a general debate, and the address was carried without a division. Considera- The scrutiny of the Westminster election was again brought tion of the before the house in the month of February. Mr. Fox had con- RiefscZi- tended, that the election ought to be tried by Mr. Grenville's ny- act, and had imputed the perseverance in the scrutiny to the persecuting spirit of the minister. Mr. Pitt argued, that Mr. Grenville's act was for trying elections virtually made, but that there being no return from Westminster, the law in question was not applicable : a scrutiny had been demanded by one of 1he candidates, the returning officer had complied, as official duly required; far from having any personal motives to promote a scrutiny, the very reverse was the case ; it would have been more convenient and easy for ministers to have suffered Mr. Fox to lake his seat without question, but instead of attending to their own accommodation, they had consulted the rights of the electors, and the purposes of substantial justice. The house continued in the same opinion as to the legality of the scrutiny ; but finding in its progress that, though there were objectionable votes on both sides, a majority, nearly the same in proportion as at the close of the poll, remained in favour of Mr. Fox, they judged it expedient and equitable to direct the high bailiff to make a return ; and the following day that officer returned lord Hood and Mr. Fox. Debts orthe Cm the eighteenth of February, the nabob of Arcot's debts nabob of to Europeans were the subject of parliamentary discussion. In Mr. Fox's India bill the new commissioners had been instructed to examine into the origin and justice of the claims; by Mr. Pitt's law the examination was appointed, but referred to the court of directors, who were to enjoin their presidencies and servants to inquire into the case, and in concert establish a fund from the nabob's revenue, for the discharge of the debts which should be found just, that they might be liquidated ac cording to the respective rights of priority of the several cre ditors, and consistently with the rights of the company, and the honour and dignity of the nabob. Conformably to this clause, the directors had prepared orders; but after inspection, REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 39 the board of control rejected them, and gave new instructions, ^xxiv' which admitted the greater part of the debts to be just, assign ed a fund froiti the revenues of the Carnaticfor their discharge, ._„ and established the priority of payment among the several classes of creditors : these directions had been publicly read at a meeting of such creditors as were in England. Motions were made' in both houses, that copies of the letters or injunctions issued by the court of directors might be produced ; the object of this requisition was to prove, that the board of control, in originating the contrary order, had departed from the express purpose of their institution, and had violated the act of parlia ment. Mr. Fox having opened this subject in the house of commons, and assuming the position that was to be proved, expatiated with copious eloquence on the arbitrary power which was usurped by the board of control, and the mischiev ous consequences that the present act must produce to the in terests of the Carnatic, and of the India company. Mr. Dundas argued from the act of parliament, that the power exercised was not an usurpation, since, by the strict letter of the statute, the board was enabled to originate orders in cases of urgent necessity, and to direct their transmission to India, In the present exercise of that power, the board of control had acted upon the most complete information that could be received, and had directed the arrangement in question, on finding it the most •fair and just to all the parties concerned. It was expedient not to keep the nabob's debts longer afloat ; the final conclusion of the business would tend to promote tranquillity and harmo ny, and the debtor had concurred with the creditors in esta blishing the validity of the claims. After these general observa tions, he, by a particular detail of their respective circum stances, undertook to justify the several debts which were ad mitted by the board. On this subject Mr. Burke made a very long oration, which Mr. BurkcV displayed a most extensive knowledge of. the history and state sPeec!??1' of India; but it was much more remarkable for narratives, esuje • imagery, and philosophy, to inform, delight, and instruct a reader in his closet, than for appropriate arguments to the point at issue, to convince a hearer in the senate, and induce him to vote as the speaker desired. The part of his reasoning that appeared specifically applicable to the subject before the house was adduced, to demonstrate that the alleged debts arose from a collusion between the nabob and certain servants of the com pany, who had been guilty of the most heinous fraud, oppres sion, and cruelty : forcibly animated and highly coloured was the picture he drew, of tyranny and suffering, guilt and misery, in British India, as the result of the alleged connivance ; but since, as a chain of logical deduction, the evidence did not make out the case, the motion was negatived; and in the house of peers a similar proposition was rejected. 49 HISf ORY OF THE CHAP. On the eighteenth of April, Mr. Pitt again intnduced his XXXIV. propogiUong^fofj, reform in parliament. Desirous, as the mi- V"T^7V^ nister professed himself, of such a change in the representa- ' tion as he conceived most consistent with the principles, and, conducive to the objects of the constitution, he was aware of the dancer of essays of reform, unless very nicely modified Mr. Pitt's and circumscribed. The general characteristics of his plan plan of par- for tnat purpose, were caution and specification: nothing reform,™* vague or indefinite was proposed; no chasm was left which visionary imaginations might fill with their own distempered fancies ; thus far shalt thou go and no farther, was obviously expressed in the extent and bounds. The leading principle was, that the choice of legislators should follow such circum stances as give an interest in their acts,- and therefore ought iri a great degree to be attached to property. This principle being established, it was obvious, that as many very conside rable towns and bodies either had no vote in electing represen tatives, or had not the privilege of choosing a number propor tioned to their property, it would be necessary to disfranchise certain decayed boroughs. In relations between government and subject, it -was a ihanifest rule in jurisprudence on the one hand, that the interest of a part must give way to the interest of the whole ; but on the other, that when such a sacrifice is required from a subject, the state should amply compensate in- is introdu- dividual loss incurred for the public gdod. Guided by these cedlnto maxims of ethics, Mr. Pitt proposed to transfer the right of '"''••' choosing representatives from thirty-six of such boroughs as had already fallen, or were falling into decay, to the counties, and to such chief towns and cities as were at present unrepre sented ; that a.fund should be provided for the purpose of giv ing to the owners and holders of the boroughs disfranchised, an" appreciated compensation ; that the acceptance of this recom pense should be A voluntary act of the proprietor, and; if not taken at present, should be placed out at compound interest, un til it became an irresistible bait to such proprietor ; he also pro jected to extend the right of voting for knights of the shire to fcopy holders as well as freeholders. The chief arguments in favotir of a reform were derived from the alleged partiality of representation ; an active, reforming, and regulating policy, Which kept pace with the alterations in the country, was requi site to preserve the constitution in its full vigour : when arty pari of our system was decayed, it had ever been the wisdom of the legislature to renovate and restore it by such means Ss were most likely to answer the end proposed ; and hence had arisen the frequent alterations that had taken place with re spect lo the rule of representation. From a change of circum stances, towns which once ought to have a vote in choosing a senator or senators, now behoved to have none; and towns once without any just claim to the right of such an election* were now aggrieved and injured by the want of that privilege/ REIGN OF GEORGE III. 41 The principle continued the same in both the former and the xxmv". latter, but its application should be altered in a difference of ^^_^, case. The opposersof reform, on the other hand, contended, ]78/5 that no necessity had been shown for such a change ; that whatever inequalities theory might exhibit in the existing sys tem, the people were all actually represented, as far as was necessary to their rights and happiness ; that no man could be deprived of liberty, property, or life, hut by his own act, whether he had a vote for a member of parliament or not; that under the present mode of representation, both individual and national prosperity had risen to a very great pitch, and was rapidly rising to a higher ; that it was extremely dangerous to alter what experience, the only sure test of political truth, had uniformly shown to be good.1' The people did not want re form ; the large towns that were said to be aggrieved by the , present state of representation, had made no complaint, or sought any redress ; those which were called rotten and decay ed boroughs were frequently represented by gentlemen who had the greatest stake in the country, and consequently were as much concerned in its welfare as any other representatives, r Never, perhaps, were the arguments on this side of the question more clearly exhibited, than those which are compressed into a page of one of the most valua ble works that can be recorded m the literary history of the present reign. Paley, in his Principles of moral and political Philosophy, resting the question concern ing representation, as well as every political establishment, solely on expediency, says, " We consider it (representation) so far only as a right at all, as it condu- " ces to public utility ; that is, as it contributes to the establishment of good laws, " or as it secures to the people Ihe just administration of these laws. These effects " depend upon the disposition and abilities of the national counsellors -. wherefore, " if men the most likely, by their qualifications, to know and to promote the pub- " lie interest, be actually returned to parliament, it signifies little who return " them. If the properest persons be elected, wlmt matters it by whom they are elecl- " ed ? At least no prudent statesman would subvert long established or even set- " tied rules of representation, without a prospect of procuring wiser or better " representatives. This then being well observed, let us, before we seek to obtain " any thing more, consider duly what we already have. We have a house of *' commons composed of five hundred and forty-eight members, in which number " are found the most considerable landholders and merchants of the kingdom, the " heads of the "army, the navy, and the laws ; the occupiers of great offices in the "stale, together wilh many private individuals, eminent by their knowledge, " eloquence, or activity. Now, if the country be not safe in such hands, in whose " may it confide its interest ? If such a number of such men be liable to the influ- " ence of corrupt natives, what assembly of men will be secure from the same "danger? Does any new scheme of representation promise to collect together " more wisdom or produce firmer integrity ? In this view of the subject, and at- " tending not to ideas of order and proportion (of which many minds are much " enamoured,) but to known effects alone, we may discover just excuses for those ¦' parts of the present representation which appear to a hasty observer most ox-, * ceptionable and absurd." Paley, vol. ii. p. 219. ' vot. IT. 6 42 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. Mr. Pitt's propositions were negatived by a majority of two hundred and forty-eight to one hundred and seventy-four. ^"^^ Parliament was this year principally occupied by forming and nega- arrangements for a commercial intercourse between Great Bri- tived by a tain and Ireland. grot ma- We have seen that, in the year 1780, the trade of Ireland JState'of had been freed from the hurtful restrictions by which it had Ireland. ]ono- been shackled. In 1782, the independence of the Irish parliament had been for ever established. It remained for the legislature of the two.countries to arrange a system of com mercial intercourse, which might best promote the advantage of the two parties so nearly connected. The freedom of trade had afforded to Ireland the means of improvement ; of which the success must depend on the active, well directed, and persevering industry of the inhabitants ; as without those ex ertions, the mere exemption from former restriction could be of little avail : no effectual measures had hitherto been employed for exciting and cherishing so beneficial a spirit : the manufac turers had for some years been much engaged in political spe culations, which, by abstracting their attention from their own business, naturally caused great distress ; and that distress, dis content and violence. Various expedients were attempted for their relief. In 1784, Mr. Gardener brought forward a plan for protecting their own manufactures, and enforcing the consump tion of them at home, by laying heavier duties on similar manu factures imported from other countries-; he had therefore mov ed to restrict the importation of English drapery, by subjecting it to a duty of 2s. 6d. per yard. It was objected to this motion, that Great Britain would probably retaliate, and that Ireland might endanger the loss of the linen trade, the annual value of which was a million and a half, for the uncertain prospect of increasing the woollen, that did not exceed 50,0001. A propo sition of such obvious impolicy was rejected by the great ma jority of one hundred to thirty-six. The populace having been ardently desirous that the bill should pass, were inflamed with the greatest rage at its rejection, and gave loose to excessive outrage. They entered into compacts not to consume import ed goods, and inflicted the most severe punishment on those who either did not subscribe or adhere to such agreements : the riotous outrages of the mob rendered the interference of military force necessary, and though the soldiers behaved with all possible moderation, still in the tumults disagreeable violence took place, and Dublin was a scene of dissension. In such a situation, regard to temporary tranquillity, as well as to gene ral, commercial, and political interest, rendered it necessary to devise some tie, that, by connecting the interests, might com bine the inclinations of both countries. Mr. Pitt, seeing so strong special reasons, and urging immediately what the gene ral consideration required to be speedily effected, took measures for a commercial t reaty with Ireland. Commissioners appoint REIGN OF GEORGE HL 43 ed on the part of the sister kingdom concerted with the British .JSSAE' cabinet a plan for regulating and finally adjusting the commer cial intercourse. The result Mr. Orde slated to the Irish Par"S^VraT*" liament onthe 1 1th of February, and moved a corresponding set prop0si- of resolutions, which passed the house of commons with little al- tions of Mr. teration. The concurrence of the house of peers being soon af- ^!ald^)ne}|Je ter obtained, the resolutions, ten in number, were immediately basis of mu- transmitted to England, as, on their part, the proposed basis ">al .re«- foi* an equitable and final adjustment. Mr. Pitt having receiv- P™"1?1 ed these assurances of the disposition of the body of the Irish; parliament to settle their commercial intercourse on the basis of reciprocity, moved a resolution to the following effect : " That it is highly important to the general interests of the em- Resolutions " pire that the commercial intercourse between Great Britain "J, atpur" " and Ireland should be finally adjusted, and that Ireland u should be permitted to have a permanent and irrevocable " participation of the commercial advantages of this country, "when her parliament shall permanently and irrevocably ;' secure an aid out of the surplus of the hereditary revenue, of "that kingdom towards defraying the expense of protecting " the general- commerce of the empire in time of peace." After reviewing what had been already granted to Ireland by the British parliament, he generalized his object : which was to settle commercial intercourse on the firm basis of mutual reci procity. In applying this principle, he exhibited an extensive knowledge of the relative and absolute state of manufac tures, and other materials of commerce, in both countries, and proposed a plan, under two general heads : First, Britain was to allow the importation of the produce of our colonies in the West Indies and America into Ireland : secondly, There should be established between the two countries a mutual exchange of their respective productions and manufactures upon equal terms. The first, he allowed, had the appearance of militating against the navigation laws, for which England ever entertained the greatest partiality ;¦ but as she already allowed Ireland to trade directly with the colonies, the importation of the produce of those settlements circuitously through Ireland into Britain, could not injure the colonial trade of this country. Such was the general outline of the proposed system on its first ap pearance. A considerable portion of the session was employed in examining merchants and manufacturers upon the various details which could elucidate the subject; and after fully investigating the evidence of the traders, Mr. Pitt, on the 12th of May, proposed twenty resolutions, containing a full expla nation of the terms before proposed, and also new resolutions, which arose from the increased knowledge that had been ac quired. The chief objects of the additional propositions were Additional to provide, First, That whatever navigation laws the British proposi- parliament should hereafter find it necessary to enact for the ,10ns; preservation of her marine, the same photikl be passed by the 178S. 44 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, legislature of Ireland. Secondly, against the importation 6f XXX1V' any West India merchandises, that were not the produce of our own colonies into Ireland, and from thence into Britain. Third ly, That Ireland should debar itself from trading to any of the countries beyond the Cape of Good Hope to the straits of Ma gellan, so long as it should be thought necessary to continue the charter of the English F.ast India company. The propositions underwent severe animadversion against the whole system : it was argued that the manufactures and com merce of Great Britain would be very materially injured by the establishment of the proposed regulations ; the former, from the comparatively small price of labour in Ireland, which alone, it was contended, would soon enable that kingdom to under sell us at home and abroad ; the latter, from the facility with which it was well known the revenue laws in Ireland were evaded. The plan was strongly deprecated by British manu facturers, and many urgent petitions were presented, praying it might not be adopted. The chief objections were made to the fourth proposition, by Which it was intended, " That "all laws made or to be made in Britain for securing exclusive " privileges to the ships and mariners of Britain, Ireland, and " the British colonies and plantations, and for regulating and " restraining the colonial trade, should be enforced by Ireland, " by laws to be passed by the parliament of that kingdom, " for the same time and in the same manner as in Britain." The adversaries of the system asserted, that this- part of the plan was a resumption of the right of legislation for Ireland^ which Britain had renounced, and a proffer of commercial- advantage to Ireland in exchange for her lately acquired inde pendence ; they further contended against the propositions in general, that in whatever proportion the one country should benefit from them, in the very same the other would lose. The supporters of the measure argued, that it was absolutely necessary, in order to remove the discontents which at present raged in Ireland ; and that unless the propositions were passed into a law, all the recent grants would prove useless, as they were evidently inadequate to the expectations of the sister kingdom. The fourth proposition was a clause which the safety of our own navigation laws made it necessary to annex to the benefits allowed to Ireland. It was not the intention of the British parliament to interfere with the independence of Ireland ; all that was proposed, was a proffer of advantage from one independent state to another, on a condition subject to which, that other had the alternative of either accepting or rejecting the whole plan. The notion that, in a commer cial treaty between two nations, if the one gained, the other must proportionably lose, was totally unfounded : trade between two states might be, and often was, the reciprocal exchange of surplus for supply, as between individuals ; and thus both parties might be very great gainers. The relative situation of REIGN OF GEORGE III. 45 Britain and Ireland, their respective commodities and habits, yJKA& were such as to afford a moral certainty of the highest benefits to both countries, from the increased productiveness of labour through the reciprocation of speedy markets. After three Ailer con- months had been chiefly occupied in examining witnesses, andsiderable modifying the various provisions, the propositions were passed {|)Jjf jhev" by a large majority in the house of commons, and afterwards are passed by the lords. On the 28th of July Mr Pitt proposed a billintoalaw- founded upon them : this was accompanied by ail address to the king, in which both houses concurred, containing a state ment of what had> been done by the British parliament, and observing that it now. remained for the parliament of Ireland to judge and decide upon the proposed agreement. In Ireland national prejudice counteracted national interest. Sent over During the progress of the discussion in England, the people t0 *.e Ins'| in the neighbouring island had expressed great dissatisfaction, which had increased, as their orators expatiated on the pro-* positions that had been chiefly opposed in the British par liament. Mr. Flood and Mr. Grattan peculiarly distinguished Messrs. themselves by. the eloquent harangues which stirred their E10^? and countrymen -to rage and indignation against Britain. De-p0rsa;the0P* claiming with' glowing ardour against the whole system, theyproposi- directed their invectives particularly to the fourth proposition, tl0BS' and to the ninth,- which, restraining the Irish from trading to India, merely prevented them from infringing the chartered rights of the India company, and thus placed them exactly on the same footing with ev.ery British subject who was not a member of that corporation. The sentiments of the people Their elo- so impressed, influenced a considerable number of the house of q»ence stilB commons; so that when a corresponding bill was introduced, tryme™"" the majority in its favour was but small. The clamour against rage and in- it wasvery loud, and petitions were very numerous. In these d'p13-'1011- circumstances, it was deemed by the British legislature in- abandoned expedient to proceed any further, with overtures so misunder- by tlle Bri- stood and misrepresented by the party to whom they werem8glnP)vein~ really so advantageous. From close connexion, Mr. Pitt had Their real seen that very great advantages must accrue to both countries ; mer"- commercial intercourse would, in addition to appropriate ad vantage, gradually tend to assimilation of character, and speedily produce reciprocity of interest ', the result of both would -be political harmony. If his propositions had been adopted, it is morally certain, that the bond of amity would have been drawn so close, as to have prevented subsequent events so calamitous to Ireland. Introductory to financial details, Mr. Pitt this season took a general view of the state of pecuniary affairs, by comparing the public income with the public expenditure. The result of his statement and, calculations was, that there would be such a surplus as wouldenable parliament to appropriate one million sterling to a sinking fund for the discharge of the national 46 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. debt. At present, however, he had only seen the general XXXIV. practicability of the principle, but not having matured mea- ~^~v~**"' sures for such an appropriation, he chose to defer a specific Mr'pht's plan till the following year. There remained unfunded up- statemcnts wards of ten millions of navy bills, and ordnance debentures : of finance, tnese were fun(jed in the five per cents, taken at about ninety a'on'of'T" pounds, and a million was borrowed from the bank at five per plan for cent, to supply deficiencies still remaining from the expenses of !vmoifal'he the war- Tne new taxes were> an additional duty on male debt!" servants ; a duty on female servants, increasing in a stated proportion according to the number, with a farther charge to bachelors having such servants ; a tax on attorneys, on post- horses, on carriages, coach-makers, pawn-brokers, gloves, and retail shops ; besides one hundred and fifty thousand pounds The session raised by a lottery. On the 8th of August, on a message from lises- the king, parliament was adjourned to the 27th of October, and afterwards prorogued by proclamation. Affairs of The emperor and the Dutch still persevered in the contest Europe. about the Scheldt, but commotions in Germany unexpectedly arising, prevented him from bearing down upon Holland with his whole force. Joseph was become sensible, not only that other powers would not suffer him to open the Scheldt, but that his present possessions in the Netherlands were precarious ;• Designs of and finding one project likely to misgive, in the true spirit of upon'Sava-1, an adventurer resolved to try another, by making an exchange ila. with the elector of Bavaria, which should put the emperor iff possession of the duchy of Bavaria, with all the appendages con firmed at the peace of Teschen, and make the elector sovereign of the Austrian Netherlands, which, more to render the proposal palatable, was to be erected into a kingdom. This scheme would have been very advantageous to Austria, by the acces sion of a large and productive country, which, surrounding and completing the Austrian dominions, would have con solidated and compacted so great a body of power as would overbalance the other states of Germany. A man of deep reflection, in the very important advantages of the object, would have discovered an unsurmountable obstacle to its at tainment ; that the king of Prussia and other members of the Germanic body would not suffer the establishment of a power that must overbear themselves ; profound sagacity, however, was no part of Joseph's character. Ambitious in design, but fantastic in project, and light in counsel, he very superficially investigated circumstances, and imperfectly calculated the probabilities of success. As soon as he had formed his scheme, he communicated it to the court of Petersburo-h. Catharine, who perfectly comprehended the character of the Supported emperor, studiously cultivated amity With a prince whom she -' could render so powerful a coadjutor to herself. She most readily acceded to hasty and ill digested schemes for gratifying his ambition, that thereby she might prevent his obstruction, and secure his co-operation to the mature and well digested REIGN OF GEORGE III. 47 plans she had formed for extending her power and dominions ; .iltfA?; she also joined him in making overtures to the house of Bavaria, but these were peremptorily and indignantly rejected. The ""^^7"^ king of Prussia being informed of the proposal, made very opposed b\ strong remonstrances; and having concerted with the two Prussia nnu chief powers of Northern Germany, the electors of Saxony H fashionable societies. The royal family, indeed, were not tinctured with the prevalent impiety, but the indulgent liberality of the monarch did not watch and rigor ously check such opinions with the vigilance which sound policy required, and neither he nor his ministers appeared to be aware of the dangers attending the diffusion of irreligion through a nation. Great and British commerce continued to increase and extend ; the increasing flourishing state of trade, together with the announced project of Bniain. of Mr- Piu for the discharge of the national debt, raised the stocks in a short time from fifty-four to seventy, in the three per Confidence cents, consolidated the barometer of the other funds. The ofthcmoni- mercantile and monied interest, in its various departments and fn IheL- corporations, evidently reposed in the chancellor of the ex- lentsand chequer a confidence which they had bestowed upon no miui- MrC¥itt °f ster since the lime °f n's father. They conceived the highest opinion of his integrity and talents, approved the principles on which he was proceeding, and the regulations he had actually proposed, and were thoroughly satisfied with the rapid advances of trade, as well as the increasing means of enlarging their capi tals. While ministers impressed the public with a favourable idea of their qualifications to promote the prosperity of the country, the supporters of opposition were foremost in their efforts to amuse and entertain ; wit and temporary satire ap peared with brilliancy and force in the Rolliad, a mock heroic- poem, of which the professed hero was a respectable and worthy gentleman, Mr. Rolle of Devonshire, a zealous friend of admi nistration, and therefore held up by their opponents to ridicule. The notes on the poem display considerable humour, and illus trate the feelings, sentiments, and opinions of opposition, con- Satirical cerning the general politics of the times. The death of Me. literature. Warton, the poet laureat, also afforded an occasion to ingenuity for exhibiting a sarcastic account of ministerial characters in REIGN OF GEORGE III. 49 the birth-day odes ; performances satirically inscribed with the JpSyy' names of various gentlemen and noblemen as candidates for the vacant office, and, as in characteristic compositions, present- ,_„ ing specimens of their poetical powers by odes on the king's birth-day. The respective essays painted the alleged foibles of the chief supporters of the cabinet : viewed together, the Rolliad and the birth-day odes presented ministerial men and measures in the light in which the satirists of opposition at this period wished them to be beheld, and are not therefore uncon nected with the serious literature and politics of the anti-mini sterial party. 1 A cause affecting literary property was this year determined Question of by the court of session, the chief civil tribunal of Scotland. h}*™y Pro* The compilers of the Scottish Encyclopedia had inserted in that per y' work large extracts from Dr. Gilbert Stewart's history of Scot land, and his history of the reformation of Scotland : Mr. Stew art prosecuted them for piracy, and the transcripts being long and continuous, the court, having a power of determining equi tably as well as legally, gave sentence in favour of the prosecu tor, on the ground that the defenders had quoted more, and with Jess interruption, than was allowedly the rules of literary property. The principle of the judgment appeared to be, that large and connected passages copied from a literary work, tend to injure the sale of that work, and consequently lessen the value of the property to the rightful owner. Peace having been now completely established between ¦ the Return rf East. India company and Tippoo Saib, tranquillity was diffused -J^j1^'* over British India. During the recess, Mr. Hastings, the go- great sub- vernor-general, returned ; and the periodical writings of theJect of times teemed with attacks and vindications of his character. ' ifte'raturef vol. ir. jO HISTORY OF THE CHAP. XXXV. Meeting of parliament. — King's speech. — Views of Mr. Fox concerning conti nental alliances. — The duke of Richmond's scheme for fortifying the dock-yards submitted to parliament. — Arguments for and against. — Speech of Mr. Sheri dan on the fortifications. — The bill is rejected by the casting vote of the speak er. — Alteration in the mutiny bill— Mr. Pitt's plan for appropriating an annual million to the payment of the national debt.— Mr. Sheridan takes the most active part in controverting the minister's financial propositions. — Farther measures of the minister for preventing frauds against the revenue. — Proposes to subject foreign wines to the excise. — A bill for the purpose is passed into a law. — Bill appointing commissioners to examine the crown lands. — The conduct of Mr. Hastings becomes a subject of inquiry. — Public opinion concerning Mr. Hastings — Mr Burke opens the subject. — His introductory speech.— Proposes to proceed by impeachment. — Presents a summary of the alleged criminal acts, A majority, including Mr. Pill, finds ground of impeachment in the proceedings against Cheyt Sing. — Mr. Dumlas's bill for improving the government of British India.- — Supplies — Session terminates. CHAP. ON the 24th January 1786, parliament was assembled. XXXV. 'flle speech from the throne mentioned the amicable conclusion v-*^N^v-'of the disputes which had threatened the tranquillity of Eu> Meeting of roPe> an(* tlie ""'end'y dispositions of foreign powers towards parliament, this country : it expressed the royal satisfaction, that his majes* and the ty's subjects now experienced the growing blessings of peace speech. hi the extension of trade, improvement of revenue, and in- cr as^ of public credit. For the farther advancement of those im portant objects, the king relied on the continuance of that zeal and industry which was manifested in the last session of parlia ment. The resolutions which they had laid before him, as the basis of an adjustment of the commercial intercourse between Great Britain and Ireland, had been by his direction recom mended to the parliament of that kingdom, but no effectual step had hitherto been taken, which could enable them to make any farther progress in that salutary work. His majesty recommend ed to the house of commons the establishment of a fixed plan for the reduction of the national debt ; a measure which, he trusted, the flourishing state of the revenue would be sufficient to effect, with little addition to the public burthens. The objects proposed by the sovereign for parliamentary de liberation, were evidently of such primary importance tbat the speech and corresponding address afforded little opportu nity for animadversion from opposition. Without objecting- to the address, Mr. Fox expatiated into a very wide field of con tinental politics. He went over the state and recent trausac- REIGN OF GEORGE III. 5Jt tions of Russia, Germany, Holland, and France, and endea- SS™1 voured to prove, that the accession of the king, as elector of Hanover, to the Germanic confederation, would disgust the em- ^~*7^^' peror with this country, and indispose him to an alliance with Bri tain in any future war. Viewing the interests and relations of the views of various states of the continent, he deduced from them the prin- Mr Fox ciplesof alliance which he judged most expedient for this coun-™^™1^ try to adopt. From the connexion between France and Spain, alliances. the emperor was the only power whose co-operation could oc cupy the exertions of France by land, and thereby prevent her from directing to maritime contests such efforts as she had em ployed in the recent war. An intercourse both commercial and political with Russia, was also an object of the highest conse quence to this country; a favourable, opportunity had been lost, but still an advantageous alliance might.be concluded. He un derstood that a treaty was on the point of being established be tween Britain and France ; and he strongly, reprobated the po licy of such a measure, appealing to the experience of former times, which (he said) proved that this nation had become pow erful and flourishing, from the moment that she quitted all com mercial connexion with; France. With strictures on the Irish propositions and the India bill, he concluded a speech, which, as usual with opposition on the first day of the session, exhi bited a statement of all the alleged errors and miscarriages of ministers. In replying, Mr. Pitt made an introductory observ ation, deserving peculiar attention, as it very strongly exhibited a prominent feature in the eloquence of his opponent. " Mr. " Fox (he said) discovered most extraordinary dexterity in " leaving out of a discussions such parts belonging to the sub- " ject as did not suit his purpose to be brought forward, and a " similar dexterity of introducing, however foreign to the ques- " tion, such matter as he expected would be favourable." By reverting to the course of Mr. Fox's oratory during the admi nistration of lord North, the reader will perceive this remark of the minister not to be groundless. Mr. Fox had often al lowed himself unbounded liberty of expatiation, and roamed at large in tho wide regions of invective. Lord North had most frequently followed his adversary through the devious tracts, and much time was spent by both orators in contentions on subjects which were foreign to the immediate business of the house. Forcible as Mr. Fox was in argument ; dexterous, skilful* and ingenious, as lord North was in eluding a strength which he could not meet ; the reasoning of both wanted close ness, and compacted arrangement : besides, as of two very able combatants Mr, Fox was incomparably the superior, lord ^orth in his tactics naturally imitated, in order to parry his assailant. Mr. Pitt was of a different cast, and character; he was far from being under the necessity of shifting blows that he could s See parliamentary reports for 17SG, Jan, 24. 52 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. repei by equal force, and return with well directed effort. Dia- XXXV' ciplined in reflection and argumentation, as well as powerful ^^y?^ in talents, he thoroughly knew his own ground, and his ability lm to maintain it in any mode which he judged expedient ; he was not therefore to be hurried away by the evolutions of bis ad versary. Mr. Pitt at this time declared an intention, to which in the course of his parliamentary warfare he generally adher ed, that let Mr. Fox range ever so wide into extraneous sub jects, he should confine his answers to what he conceived rela tive to the purpose. In the present debate, he observed, vari ous topics had been discussed by Mr. Fox, such as the politics of the emperor and the German confederacy, which were not within the control of the house : the treaty with Russia was in considerable forwardness, but neither that proposition nor the negotiation with France were yet proper to be discussed ; ob jections were therefore premature, and only hypothetical con cerning a subject so imperfectly known. Fox replied, by plac ing his former observations in a new light, without any fresh argument ; and no general debate having ensued, the address was carried without a division. Duke of The first important object that occupied the deliberations of Richmond's parliament, was a measure which originated with tbe duke of foraiVinf°r Richmond, master-general of the ordnance. Intelligent and the'S- ardent, this nobleman had paid peculiar attention to mathema- yards. tics, as a ground-work of military skill, especially gunnery and fortification, and desired to rest a great portion of the national defence against the approaches of an enemy, on the abilities and exertions of an engineer. In these sentiments he was con firmed by his conception of recent events. The late war had seen the Bourbon armadas hovering on our coasts : accident only (he thought) secured us from the danger with which we were menaced : our country might have been attacked, our docks and harbours destroyed. Under this impression the duke from the time he became master of the ordnance, had been uniformly eager for adding to our defences a plan of fortifica tion, and, as we have seen, had inculcated this doctrine upon ministers. In the former session, a scheme of his grace for fortifying the dock-yards of Portsmouth and Plymouth was in- cidently mentioned in the house of commons, without being in troduced in a regular motion : the house expressed an unwilling ness to apply the public money to the execution of such a scheme, until acquainted with the opinions of persons most -competent to decide on the wisdom and utility of such a mea sure. That the'desired information might be obtained, his ma jesty appointed a board of military and naval officers to take the project under consideration, and to meet for that purpose at Portsmouth with the duke of Richmond as their president. The instructions issued to this council propounded six hypothe tical positions as themes for discussion, and annexed heads and ¦questions for directing the application of the assumptions to the REIGN OF GEORGE III. 53 objects of inquiry.* The hypothesis on which ihe proposition SjJH- was grounded was, that the fleet should be absent, or for some v-^v^w> other cause prevented from affording its protection to the dock- ,7gf( * yards. In the first and sacond problems, this case was assumed and submitted to the council : the unanimous answer was, that if the dock-yards were not defended by the fleet, fortifications would be necessary." The four subsequent heads of consulta tion wore grounded upon this basis ; and presupposing the ab sence of the fleet, examined the probable force with which an enemy might invade Britain during such absence of our navy, the troops that might be expected to be ready, the time in which the strength of the country could be collected, and the insuffi ciency of the present works lo hold out until an army were as sembled to oppose the invaders. Concerning these subordinate questions, there was considerable diversity' of opinion; the greater number, however, delivered a report, which approved the scheme of fortification as requisite for the supposed emer gency, but gave no opinion on the probability that such a crisis would arise. Lord Percy and general Burgoyne, with several naval officers, went beyond the given case, and represented the hypothetical event as so extremely unlikely to happen, that it was neither wise nor expedient to provide against it by the ex pensive system which was proposed. Admirals Milbnnke and Graves, captains Macbride, Hotham, Jarvis, atld some others, explicitly affirmed the fortifications to be totally unnecessary. The opinion of the majority of land officers did not amount to an approbation of the scheme, as actually right to be executed in the present state of the, country; but was merely an assent to the alleged necessity of fortifying the docks, if the country afforded no other means of defence, and no more than an ad mission of a conditional proposition as true, in the circumstances which its author supposed. So bounded an acquiescence was construed by the duke of Richmond to authorize the immediate adoption of his plan ; to which the cabinet ministers acceding, & board of engineers was directed to make an estimate of the ex pense, and the requisite sum, as slated by these gentlemen, amounted to'7G0,097l- After preparatory motions for the prodnc- Ts submitted tion of papers, Mr. Pitt, on the 27th of February, introduced the l0 pnrlia- plan inthefollowinggeneralresolution : "Itnppears tolhishouse, "that to provide effectually for securing his majesty's doclc- " yards at Portsmouth and Plymouth by a permanent system of "•'fortification, founded on the most economical principles, and " requiring the smallest number of troops possible to answer " the purpose of such security, is an essential object for the " safety of the state, intimately connected with the general de- t See instructions transmitted to Ihe board of officers, dated April lSlh, 17fi;>. wilh exlracls from the reports of the board, as laid before the house of common* on ihe 27th of February! 1786. u See opinion of officer) on the first and second data, 54 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, "fence of the kingdom, and necessary for enabling the Reel to xxxv' " act with full vigour and effect for the protection of commerce, V-^"N^^" " the support of our distant possessions, and the prosecution of 1786- « offensive operations in any war in which the nation may here* "after be engaged," Arguments The favourers of the measure founded their arguments on fiirit- the report of the board of officers, which stated, that neither naval nor military force, nor even both united, could afford a security adequate to the importance of our dock-yards ; fortifi cations were therefore absolutely necessary, in addition to both. They represented the duke of Richmond's scheme as the most eligible that could be adopted, since it was sufficient for the re quisite defence, capable of being manned by the smallest force, demanded the least expense to erect, and afforded an increasing degree of security in the course of the construction. These works, moreover, would give greater scope to our fleets : be cause the dock-yards being thus protected, the navy would con sequently be unfettered, and left at liberty to act as occasion might require,™ whatever part of the world its presence might be necessary ; and they would also reduce the standing army. Were an invasion threatened, and were we to trust only to our military force, there would be a necessity for augmenting to a most enormous degree that army on which the whole safety of the kingdom was to rest ; but, if it were assisted wilh fortifica tions, a much smaller force would answer the purpose. An alarm had prevailed, that the measure was unconstitutional in its tendency, by laying a foundation for a standing army, and diverting into an useless and dangerous channel those resources which should strengthen our navy : far from rendering an in crease of troops necessary, the proposed plan would actually tend to remove the necessity of keeping up so large a military establishim nt as otherwise must be maintained. Arguraenu These arguments were by no means received without oppo- t> gainst it. gition and controversy ; but the speaker who most peculiarly distinguished himself, was Mr. Sheridan, who was fast n ,ng to very high oratorial fame and political importance. On trie present question he exhibited the substance of all tbe reasoning that could be adduced against the scheme, and contended, tiat in itself and in ils consequences, the project was dangerous and unconstitutional; that the nature and circumstances of the re port made by the board of officers did not warrant or authorize the system; fortifications would not reduce the standing army, or if they did, they would still be constituents of strength to the crown, even should it interff-re with the rights and liberties of the people. The possible existence of ibis case was implied in the- provisions of the bill of rights, and in the salutary and sacred reserve with whicl , for a short and limited period, we ilr. &heri- annually intrusted the executive magistrate with tbe necessary rmrbe%n£de(enceo( the country. The orator first \iewed the question fication!. on the general ground of constitutional jealousy, respecting tbe REIGN OF GEORGE HI. fl» ftUjfUWntftllon of military force. This sentiment, so natural lo Sxxv' Britons, Implied no suspicion personally injurious to the indi vidual sovereign, or even his ministers; it merely considered s^w«^' kings and their counsellors as actuated by the same passions with other men : prim-en woro fond of power; from tho consti tution of tho army it must obey the executive ruler, therefore it ought to be circumscribed as much as wns possibly consistent with tho public safety. Soldiers were maintained for national defence and security, and wore not to be multiplied beyond tho necessity in whioh only thoy could originate. The ministot1 had endeavoured to anticipate this forcible objection to the new plan, by persuading the house that the fortifications would les sen, instead of enlarging the standing army ; hut his arguments on tho subject could not stand tho test of examination. "*If it was proper to fortify Portsmouth and Plymouth, the reasons which justified such n measure would apply to every other port in the kingdom, which might bo of sufficient importauco to require defence. Tho plan, as it now stood, proceeded upon two suppositions extremely improbable; the fust was, That wo should be so much inferior on our own sons, ns to permit tho enemy tolnnd: secondly, That if they did invade Itritnin, thoy would choose to attack the only places wo had fortified. Might they not, on such a supposition, land between Plymouth and Portsmouth ; or in Sussex, l\enl, or tho eastern coasts, and strike ul the heart of the empire? If fortification was to bo Our defence, there must be a circle of fortresses round tho coasts; tho completion of such a project would require a mill* tnrv establishment, extensive beyond all former example. The safety of Kngliuid rested on our navy, tho courage and enter prise of our people, mill not upon ramparts and intreucliments. Tho proposed fortifications would not be our safeguard against an invasion ; but though far from being beneficial, they might be efficacious : the garrisons requiring such an addition al number of standing troops, in tho hands of an ambitious prince or minister, might bo employed against the liberties of the people. Tho proposition wns not only unconstitutional, un necessary, and absurd, but unauthorized by tho report of offi cers ; mutilated as the statement was which had been submit ted to the house, it did not contain grounds for justifying the scheme. Tho opinion of naval officers had been withheld, but tho opinion of land officers was founded upon hypothetical and conditional suggestions, and upon such data as tho master-ge- nerul hnd proposed to thein ; for the truth or probability of which, the board invariably refused to make themselves respon sible. In this part of his speech, Sheridan diversified his close mid poignant reasoning by an interspersion of wit most happily appropriated to tho subject. Tho report (he said) had been so artfully framed, that the board of officers appeared to have admitted the data; whereas they only assented to conclusions. Which in their opinion would ensue on iho assumption of the J786. 56 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. data. The master-general of the ordnance deserved the warm- XXXV. egt panegyrics for the striking proofs which he had given of "' his genius as an engineer, which appeared even in planning and constructing the report in question ; the professional abi lity of the master-general shone conspicuously there, as it would upon our coasts : he had made an argument of posts, and con ducted his reasoning upon principles of trigonometry as well as logic. There were certain detached . data, like advanced works to keep the enemy at a distance from the main object in debate ; strong provisions covered the flanks of his assertions, his very queries were in casemates ; no impression therefore was to be made on this fortress of sophistry by desultory ob* servations, and it was necessary to sit down before it, and as sail it by regular approaches. It was fortunate, however, he said, to observe, that notwithstanding all the skill employed by the noble and literary engineer, his mode of defence on paper was open to the same objection which had been urged against his other fortifications, that, if his adversary got possession of one of his posts, it became strength against him, and the means of subduing the whole line of his argument. No sup porter of the bill undertook to refute the arguments of Mr. Sheridan: many who usually voted with administration, were averse to the present measure ; even Mr. Pitt was believed not to be very eager for its success, and . the event was certainly different from the issue of most of his propositions ; for when the question came to a division, the numbers were equal, and the casting vote of the speaker negatived the motion. Soon after the defeat of a scheme which tended to increase military establishments, a bill was introduced for enlarging the authority of military courts, by subjecting to their jurisdiction officers who held commissions by brevet. This clause occa sioned a strenuous opposition in both houses ; the ground of disapprobation was the arbitrary nature of martial law, which was justified only by necessity, and therefore ought to be ex tended no farther than necessity required. Its object was to secure the discharge of duty on actual military service, there fore it ought not to operate out of that service. The supporter! of the motion contended, that such officers might be invested with command, and therefore should be made subject to a court- martial in case of professional misbehaviour ; there were also many other military officers who were not mustered, such as go vernors and lieutenant-governors, who might eventually exer cise command, and ought therefore to become amenable to the laws which bind other soldiers; persons choosing to have the advantage of military rank, should hold it on the condition of complying with military rules ; and if they disliked the terms, they might ease themselves of their grievance by resigning their commissions. On these grounds the clause was carried in both houses. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 57 On the 2®th of March, Mr. Pitt brought forward his plans* £^p- for the reduction of the national debt. A Committee had been appointed early in the session, in order to investigate and ex- . „ actly ascertain the public income and expenditure, and strike p|atl ©V Mr. the balance : the result of the investigation from the inconie of Pitt tin- re- the year 178^, was, ¦$$%£» Irfdome, —- £. 1;'),379,132 debt. Expenditure, — 14,478,181 So that a surplus of more than £. 900,000 remained ; and on this basis Mr. Pitt formed his scheme. lie proposed that, by taxes neither numerous nor burthensome, the balance might be .... » raised to a million: by a succinct and clear view of ourtl', |.;l,.|ia'. finances he demonstrated, that excess of income beyond ex-ment. penditure was in the present and following years likely to iri- crease ; but ill making his calculations, he had contented him self with concluding that it would not decrease. This million was to be appropriated unalienably to the gradual extinction of the national debt. Several savings of expense and increases of revenue, especially through the customs from the suppression of smuggling, would add to the national income : annuities would also fall into the same fund ; the accumulated compound ad ded to these sources would, in twenty-eight years, if properly managed, produce all annual revenue of four millions to the state. For the management of this fund, commissioners were to be appointed to receive two hundred and fifty thousand pounds qilarterly, with the full power of employing it in the purchase of stock. In choosing persons to be intrusted, Mr. Pitt proceeded on his general principle, which had been al ready exhibited in his India bill ; that in circumstances re quiring new delegation of executorial power, the trust should be vested in men Whose official situation presumed their com petency to the execution of the commission ; the speaker of the house of commons, the chancellor of the exchequer, the master of the rolls, the governor and deputy-governor of the bank of England; and accountant-general; were gentlemen whose nomination he recommended. After illustrating his calcula tions, and the advantages of his scheme, he compressed the substance into the following motion : " That the sum of one " million be annually granted to certain commissioners, to be " by them applied to Uie purchase of stock, towards dis- " charging the public debt of this country ; which money " shall arise out of the surplusses, excesses; and overplus " monies, composing the fund commonly called the sinking " fund." The policy of contracting expenditure within in come, in order to liquidate debt, was so obviously just, that nd one dissented from the principle, but various objections werts x The minister is believed to have availed himself of the financial ability of Pr. Viice, whoso thoroughly understood political arithmetic. VOL. IV-. 8 58 HISTORY OF THE made fo the scheme. These are reducible to two general heads : first, that the alleged excess did not exist : secondly, that admitting its existence, the proposed mode of application was not the best that might be adopted. On this subject, Mr. Sheridan took a leading part in opposition ; he moved a series of resolutions, declaring there were not sufficient grounds to establish the existence of the asserted surplus ; that the cal- vwtingihe culations were founded upon one year peculiarly favourable^- prorations and not uPon such a number of succeeding years as could of the mi- constitute a fair average ; and that in the existing accounts nister. even 0f tnat year> at )east jn the report of the committee, there were certain articles erroneously stated to the credit of income, and others erroneously assigned to the diminution of expenditure. He, however, neithf-r proved the alleged errors, nor the impropriety of calculating from 1785, the first year to which any reasoning on the reduced expenditure, or growing revenue of a peace establishment and rising trade, could ap-> ply. The objections lo the mode were principally adduced against the appropriation being unalienable in any circum stances : in times of war and pecuniary emergency, it might be expedient to have recourse to the present fund, instead of a loan. To modify this objection, Mr. Fox proposed, tbat in a future loan the commissioners might accept of as much of it as they could pay from the public money in their hands ; and thus, besides a prevention of that amount of future debt which would be equivalent to the redemption of the past, the ptrblic would be gainers by the profits which would accrue from such a loan.y Mr. Pitt not only adopted, but highly applauded this clause : Mr. Pulteney proposed that the commissioners should continue purchasing stock for the public when at or above par, unless otherwise directed by parliament. This provision, of which the object was to attach to parliament the responsibility of giving instructions to the commissioners, if necessary in the specified circumstances, was adopted. The bill containing the original principle and plan, though with some modification of the latter, passed through both houses, and received the royal assent. Further Mr. Pitt had examined the frauds against the revenue with Mr^Piufor ni'nuteness an<* fullness of inquiry. In no subject of impost he preventing found they were more prevalent than in wine : the present frauds amount of the revenue resulting from that- article was less by rCTenue!he two hundred and eighty, thousand pounds, than in the middle He[>ropo- of the last century, yet it was manifest that the consumption Wt'f Ee'b" vvas ?rea% increased since that period : he attributed the de- wines tothe falcation, first, to the fraudulent importation of large quantities excise. of foreign wine, without paying the duties: secondly, and prin- y For instance, if there were a loan of six millions, of which the commissioners contracted for one million, and there was a bonus of two per cent, the public would gain 20,000/. REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 59 clpally, to the sale of a spurious liquor under the name of that ™™* beverage. To remedy this evil, he proposed a bill for subject ing foreign wines. to the excise; by this means they could nov— longer fraudulently escape the payment of the revenue, as the ' ' excise, by its opportunities of more completely vigilant inspec tion, could much more effectually prevent smuggling, if at tempted ; and there would not be the same motives to adul teration, when the substitute should have to pay the same duty as the genuine ; the consequence would be, that the pub lic would, without an additional price, procure better wine, and the revenue would be much greater, which would produce an increased demand for our manufactures, and thus the mass of productive industry would be augmented. For all these reasons, Mr. Pitt recommended the adoption of his plan. The arguments against it rested on two grounds; first, general, on the impolicy and unconstitutional tendency of extending the ¦excise laws ; secondly, special, on the inexpediency of the mode, These necessarily turned on topics often discussed, the collec tion of the duty by inspecting and searching private houses, the summary proceedings against offenders. Under the second head it was contended, that the practice of gauging, so appli cable to brewers, was perfectly incompatible with respect to such an article as wine ; that continual increase and diminu tion of the trade stock would baffle the. endeavours of the offi cers to keep a regular account : as these objections did not apply more forcibly to wine than to liquors already subiect to A bill for v trie DtirDO££ the excise, they made little impression 5 the bill passed through ;s passed both bouses, and received the royal assent. into a iaw. ¦ In consequence of a message from the king, Mr. Pitt, on Ihe Bill for ap- 20th of June, introduced a bill for appointins commissioners to l>°intln£ ~ COMtnii" inquire into the state and condition of the woods, forests, and sioners to land revenues belonging to the crown. Against this proposi- examine the tion it was contended, that the powers granted to the conimis- amvn ,av ci sioners were contrary to the security of the subjects, whose rights, founded in prescription, would be invaded. It subjected all persons who held of the crown, or possessed estates adjoin ing to the crown lands, to an inquisition into their ancient bounda ries and title deeds, at the mere motion of the commissioners, with out any other legal or ordinary process. It was supported on the ground of expediency, that it was proper and wise to ascertain the condition of these lands, in order to see of what improve ments they were susceptible. In the commons, the bill en countered no material opposition ; in the peers, lord Lough borough argued strongly against the proposition : he and other lords entered a protest ; but it passed by a majority of twenty- eight to eighteen. Mr. Mnrsham proposed a bill for extending, to persons employed by the navy and ordnance, the disqualifi cations contained in Mr. Crew's bill of 1782, for preventing re venue officers from voting at elections of members of parliament. The proposition was controverted hy Mr. Pitt ; the situation, m HISTORY OF THE of persons intended by Mr. Crew, and of to be excluded, was totally different : the revenue officers were CHAP, of persons intended by Mr. Crew, and of those now designed under the influence of government, but the persons employed ' in the departments in question were subject to no control ; they were at all times capable of procuring what was equal to their present salaries in foreign services, or from our merchants at home ; the former were dependent upon the crown, the latter totally independent ; no fair argument could therefore be ad duced from the disfranchisement of the one set, for disqualify ing the other : on these grounds the proposed bill was rejected, •tfhe c»n- A discussion was now begun in the house of commons, which duct of Mr. iorlg occupied the attention of parliament and the public ; this becomJTa was l^e ™nduct of Warren Hastings, esq. late governor-gene- siubject of ral of India. Early in the session, major John Scott, late con- mquiry. fidential secretary to Mr. Hastings, and now a member of the house of commons, reminded Mr. Burke of his charges against the goyernor-general, said that he was now returned from India, and called on his accuser to bring forward the allegations of criminality, that they might undergo the inquiry and receive the decision of the house. Major Scott was, doubtless, warmly attached to Mr. Hastings, and perfectly confident of his inno cence ; nevertheless, the prudence of such a challenge is very. questionable. Many warmly approved Mr. Hastings's cha racter and administration, and conceived him the saviour of India from a native combination co-operating with the ambition, of France : these admirers could not estimate him more highly than at present, though he were freed from charges which they thought altogether unfounded, while persons of a contrary- opinion might not be convinced even by his acquittal. MrJ Scott undoubtedly knew, that howeyer innocent his friend might really b> there was a great body of oral and written evidence in the re,>jrtsof the committees, which tended to establish the opposite belief, or at any rate to leave the issue doubtful ; the multiplicity and complexity of allegations would certainly ren der the process extremely tedious. From all these circumstan ces, an inquiry and trial must involve its subject in a labyrinth of difficulty, even were the ultimate event to be favourable. The zeal, therefore, which produced this defiance, was evi dently imprudent ; by rousing charges that might have lain dor mant, it actually proved highly injurious to him whom it was Mr. Burke intended to serve. Mr. Burke did not immediately answer ma- °u™ cthe *°r Scolt's summons, but within a few days opened the discus^ His mt'ro sion- °n lne ^th of February he brought the subject before ductory the bouse, and in an introductory speech traced the history of speech. the proceedings of parliament respecting the affairs of British India, and also tbe alleged misconduct of the company's ser vants, from the period of lord Clive's government to the reports of the secret and select committees, the resolutions moved thereupon, and the approbation repeatedly given to these pro ceedings by his majesty from the throne. On the authority, th* REIGN OF GEORGE ITI. Cl sanction, anil (lie encouragement ihim afforded him, he rested Si/vy' his accusation of Mr. Hustings as a delinquent of the first mag nitude. There were three species of inquisition against a state culprit : first, prosecution in the courts below, which, hi the |j,.|,rn|ll'lll(,s present cast* he thought very iiiadeqiiiile to the complicated m proceed nature and extent of Ihe offence, and the enormity of llie^'^'P81"*"'' offender : secondly, a bill of pains and penalties, of which he disapproved as a hardship and injustice to the accused, by obliging him to anticipate his defence, and by imposing on the house two relations that ought ever .to be kept separate, those of licensers and of judges. The only process that remained, was by t lie ancient and constitutional mode of impeachment The first step in such a cause, was a general review of the evidence, to enable litem In determine whether the person charged should b<' impeached. If the general question was carried in the affir mative, they must next appoint n committee to divide and ar range the evidence, under the bends of which the impeachment should consist. He proposed, previously ton resolution of im peachment, that the evidence should be particularly investiga ted by a committee of the whole house, that they might be well acquainted with the grounds of procedure before they should attempt (o proceed. He eloquently described the disagreeable nature of an accuser's office, and contended that it was not imposed on him by choice, but by necessity. He moved for the production of papers, alleged to contain evidence relative to the Biibjoct, and endeavoured to show that Mr. Dundas, who in tJH'Z had moved the recall of Mr. Hastings, ought to have taken a lead in the present business. Mr. Dundas ac knowledged that he had recommended I lie recall of Mr. Has« tings us politically expedient, but denied that his proposition expressed, or even implied, any judicial charge of criminal con duct, which consistency would require him to support ; if there wus appearance of guilt, he agreed that it ought to be investi gated, that if found to be real, adequate punishment might be inflicted. No objection was made to the production of the pa pers which were then specified ; hut Mr. Burke continuing at subsequent meetings to move for various other documents, Mr. Pitt, before he would agree to the requisition, proposed that the accuser should exhibit an abstract of the charges which he jnlencleil to adduce, that the house might judge whether the papers required or to be required were relevant to the elucida tion of the subject. Mr. lUirke read a short outline of the,ul<1PraM!nl8 charges, and pointed out the matters which the writings were „r alleged0 intended to explain ami substantiate. Tho charges were twen- criminal ty-two in number : first, the Rohilla wnr : second, the detention ucls- of revenues of the province of Cola Alia Habad : third, the proceedings respect! mr Cheyt Sing : fourth, the conduct towards |he princesses of Oude : fifth niul sixth, the treatment of two ra jahs: seventh, extravagant contracts inndeby Mr. Hastings in the name of the company : eighth, illegal presents : ninth, disregard 62 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. 0f the orders of the East India company : tenth, eleventh, and XXXV. tweift0) extravagant contracts on account of the company, and ^Z^T^ enormous salaries bestowed on officers of his own institution : thir- teenth, ambassadors sent to Arcot and the decan : fourteenth, the Mahratta treaty ; fifteenth, the management of the revenues of Bengal : sixteenth, the ruin of the province of Oude : seven teenth, the dismissal of Mahomed Khan from the internal management of Bengal : eighteenth, treatment of the mogul : nineteenth, a libel upon the directors : twentieth, the Mahratta war : twenty-first, the suppression of correspondence : twenty* second, the "treatment of F'tzullakham. Of these articles, by far the most distinguished were the third and fourth: Mr. Burke employed the remainder of February and the whole of March in moving for papers and preparing his accusations. On the 4th of April he charged Warren Hastings, esquire, late governor-general of Bengal, with sundry high crimes and' misdemeanors ; nine of his articles he then delivered, and the other thirteen the following week. Mr. Hastings petitioned the house that he might be heard in his defence, and that he* might be allowed a copy of the accusation. The first request the prosecutors granted : Mr. Burke objected to tbe last, at so early a stage of the prosecution ; he was, however, overruled. The month of May was chiefly occupied in examining evi* dence ; and on the first of June, Mr. Burke adduced his first- charge, in the following terms : " That there are grounds suf" " ficient to charge Warren Hastings, esq. with high crimes and" " misdemeanors, upon the matter of the said article." After a' full discussion, it appeared to the house, that this war was unavoidable on the part of Mr. Hastings ; this proposition was negatived by a majority of one hundred and nineteen to seventy- six. On the 3d of June, Mr. Fox brought forward the charge respecting Benares : he contended that Mr. Hastings had acted unjustly in his first demands; that his subsequent con duct was a continuation and increase of injustice, but that his last proceedings, when he arrived in that province, were flagramly iniquitous and tyrannical, and had rendered the British name odious in India. On tbe other hand, it was ar gued that the demands of Mr. Hastings were agreeable to the- established conduct of superiors in India, from their tributary dependents, in situations of danger and emergency : the cir cumstances of affairs were extremely critical ; the governor- general was reduced to the alternative of either requiring pe cuniary supplies, or wanting money to pay his troops, when their most strenuous efforts were necessary for saving India against the confederacy of France, and the native powers; the rajah's refusal, combined with various parts of his con duct, manifested disaffection to the British establishment, when A. majority, Mr. Hastings went to Benares ; Cheyt Sing was also in actual Mr FittS rebellion, and intimately connected with the allied enemies of findsground British India. His conduct was therefore justified by neGes* REIGN OF GEORGE IU. i"01' r. . r. T , i • improving ment.of its government in future. Its principal object was to the ig-overri- enlarge the powers of the governor-general ; first, by vesting ment of Bri- in him the nomination of the vacant seats in the council;" secondly, by limiting the officers of the governor-general and commander in chief of the forces ; and thirdly, by authorizing him to decide upon every measure, even though not agreeable to the council. The proposition was opposed by Mr. Burke, as tending to introduce despotic government into India ; but its framer insisted, that the responsibility of the gover nor-general was in proportion to his power, and that abuse of his trust was punishable by a fair and established judica ture : he was himself satisfied, after long and attentive in quiry into the affairs of India, that all the recent mischiefs in that country had arisen from the parties formed in the dif ferent councils, and the factious spirit which had almost uniformly pervaded these, bodies. By his system, the go vernor-general, on the one hand, would no longer be restrained by personal pique and factious opposition, from forming and executing such plans as he thought most conducive to the public good ; yet, on the other hand, he was amenable to the laws of his country from any unjust, tyrannical, or in jurious exercise of his power. The authority allowed to the officer in queslion, was founded on the same general principle, as that conferred on the several members of the British state, sufficiently extensive to effect the useful purposes required, and so clearly bounded as to prevent pernicious exercise. The supplies of this session were eighteen thousand sea- Supplies. men, and about thirty thousand soldiers. A loan was wanted, 2,500,000/. were to be raised by exchequer bills, paid as usual, from the first aids of the following year ; about 200,0001 were to be raised by a lottery. There wece no new taxes, but a duly of a penny per gallon on spirits, on deals, and battens, on hair powder and pomatum, the whole being intended to make up t/ie sum stated to be wanted ; that the surplus of income might be the annual million appropriated to ihe liquidation of the national debt. , On the 11th of July his majesty closed the session by a The scssmi speech from the throne, in which he testified the highest 'orniinaK-:. satisfaction with the measures adopted for improving the resources of the country, and reducing the national debt. He 64 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, continued to receive assurances that the peace was likely ti* ' remain undisturbed ; the happy effects of general tranquillity '"""T^T*"' appeared in the extension of the national commerce, and he should adopt every measure tending to confirm these ad vantages, and to give additions! encouragement to the manu factures and industry of his people*. REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 65 CHAP, xxxvr. Continental affairs.— Death nnd character of Frederick of Prussia, — His provj-v sions for Ihe security of his successor. — Revolution in Denmark.— Queen do\v«s ager disgraced, and ihe reins of government assumed by the prince royal.— Physical calamities in various parts of the continent.— Commercial and politi cal pursuits of France. — Amiable character of Louis XVI.- — Britain. — Alarm ing attempts a'gainst our sovereign, —providentially prevented. — Magnanimous humanity of the king. — The person proves to be a lunatic named Margaret Nicholson. — General consternation on hearing of the attempt.— Anxious affecr tion of all ranks for their revered sovereign. — Congratulatory addresses. ON the continent of Europe, no event so much distin- chap. guished the year 1786, as the death of Frederick II. king of XXXvr, Prussia ; who, for half a century, had acted such a conspicuous ^*ss-+»s part on the grand military and political theatre. Were we to 1786 estimate his conduct on the simple principle, that a long and ^1"lI!"CI"£* constant series of successes must arise from the possession and Death and steady exertion of adequate qualities, we should find grounds, character of for concluding, that the talents of Frederick, as a soldier, ajfp^1^, statesman, and a lawgiver, were singularly eminent. Concern ing a man who has long enjoyed the uncontrolled direction of any species of affairs, we may fairly and candidly ask, in what state did he find the subject of his trust ? did any material ad vantage assist, or difficulty retard, its improvement? has he left the professed objects of bis care in a better or worse situa tion ? When the government of Prussia devolved upon Frede-, rick, he found a small, inconsiderable, and disjointed kingdom, without arts, industry, or riches; and without either the dispo sition or means of rendering the territory productive, the in habitants prosperous, or the state respectable. The treasury was scanty, and the income inferior to the necessary expendi ture ; his dominions were surrounded by powerful and jealous potentates, who commanded numerous, valiant, and well disci plined armies : in such circumstances Frederick raised his coun try to be a great, well compacted, and flourishing empire. By teaching his subjects industry, agricultural skill, manufactures, and commerce, he bettered their condition, civilized their man ners, enlightened their understandings, and enabled them to acquire the comforts and enjoyments of life. His kingdom which before occupied a small space in the geography, and still less in the politics of Europe, was by him rendered the terror of its most formidable foes, and the admiration of man kind. Great as was the result, there are more special grounds vol. in 9 §& HISTORY OF THE CHAP. for estimating the character of Frederick than bare effects : hit* XXXvi. pr0gregg exhibits the operations of the most efficacious quali- '^?^^,^ ties j an understanding that grasped every object of necessary oruseful consideration ; an invention, rapidlyfertile in resources, increased both in force and effort with the difficulties by which its exertion was required: self-possession never suffered his powers to be suspended by either peril or calamity ; intrepid courage faced danger, and magnanimous fortitude, sustaining adversity, rendered misfortunes temporary, which would have overwhelmed others in destruction. Never had a leader with so small a force to contend with such a powerful combination, not of mere multitude (as when Asiatic enervation by feeble crowds impotenlly tried to overwhelm European strength), but of hardy, disciplined, and veteran troops, equal tp his own in prowess and military skill, and quadruple in number. Frederick experienced dismal reverses of fortuue; having attained the highest pinnacle of success by dint of genius, he, from incidents and circumstances, against which no wisdom could provide, was driven to the lowest abyss of disaster ; the very existence of his kingdom became doubtful; his inflexible constancy j' uninterrupted perseverance, and transcendent abilities, triumph ed in calamities, and rose through adversity to victory and glory. His exertions during the seven years war demonstrated to his enemies, that all their attempts to crush Frederick were unavailing against him, and recoiled on themselves. Hostilities being terminated, he had leisure to cultivate the arts of peace, and both in planning and executing measures for that purpose, he proved that his mind was formed for excelling not only in war, but in every other great and difficult pursuit to which cir cumstances might require the direction of his efforts. Com plete comprehension of objects simplified plans for their attain ment: the Prussian king was a great inventor in the military system, particularly in the mode of attack. His 6bject was. td render the assault irresistible in one or more points, so that the confusion produced there might be communicated to the whole line; tbe means- were not merely to advance intrepidly and charge vigorously; but in the moment of onset to form such unforeseen and skilful dispositions, ns would enable an army, greatly inferior in number, to surpass the enemy in exertion, and wherever the action Was likely to prove most decisive, to bring a greater front to act against a smaller.* His internal improvements proposed at once to increase the resources and meliorate the character of his subjects; to render them, both from external circumstances atid personal qualities, fitter for se curing and extending individual and national prosperity, virtue, and happiness. Addicted himself to letters, he Was extremely attentive to the education of his subjects, according to their circumstances, condition, or probable and destined pursuits.' 7, f?ee,fillies's Frederick. REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 67 ¦Tinctured with infidelity, he Was fnr from encouraging its £!{*.£• general diffusion. Totally free himself from bigotted prejudice or superstition, he knew the compatibility of such errors in ^""^^ others With most beneficial conduct, and granted every sect full and undisturbed toleration. That there were great alloys among Frederick's excellencies, he would be a partial panegy rist, not ail impartial historian, who should deny. The justice of several parts of his conduct in the early part of his reign was very questionable. One very important act in a later period admits of no dispute : the dismemberment of Poland will always remain a monument of exorbitant ambition and unjustifiable usurpation by Frederick and the other powers con cerned. It would not be difficult to evince, that both the sub jects thus forcibly acquired were bettered in their condition by this annexation ; but shallow would bo the moralist who, from eventual and coutinged good, would defend injustice. It might be easily shown that the greater number of victorious com manders, in proportion to their power, have been guiltyof as ambitious usurpations as Frederick, anil that not many of them have by their Victories done so much good. In appreciating conduct we must consider the circumstances and opportunities of the agent, and the temptations which these produced; how very few men, it may be asked, having n very desirable object ¦within- their grasp, would abstain from possessing it, even though not conformable to strict justice. The perspicacious and' recollecting' observer of mankind must recognise such con duct to be natural, but the just estimator of moral sentiments and actions will reprobate it as unjust. Frederick, with con siderable moral defects, possessed very high moral and the very highest intellectual excellencies; he raised a small poor terri tory to be a great, opulent j and powerful kingdom; and ren dered ignorant and uncivilized inhabitants an enlightened' and civilized people. To a very grent portion of mankind most momentous benefits have accrued from the efforts of the renown ed Frederick. As the power of Prussia had arisen from the counsels and liis urow- exertions of- Frederick, many apprehended, that, resting on his •'""'..'j''!" ''l1' character, its stability would be endangered by his death : and i.'is'succes- supposed, that the ambitious confederation of the imperial soi-. courtsy so recently thwarted by the vigilant sagacity of Fre derick, would take advantage of his death, and endeavour to reduce northern Germany to dependence. But the provisions of Frederick had not been temporary, to expire with his own life .' he acquired and formed such strength mid 'power as could be protected by mediocrity of talents, that he knew was to bo generally expected in sovereigns as well as others, and which only he saw his immediate successor to possess. His counsel lors had been trained by himself, and were likely to continue die plan of policy which the object of their adoration had de lineated and conducted with so signal success. For the pre- GS HISTORY OF THE chap. XXXVI. 1786. BevoluUon in Den mark. servation of .his dominions, Frederick bequeathed the most ef fectual securities to his successor which human wisdom could provide or devise, by leaving him a full treasury, and a formi dable army, wise and experienced counsellors, and a people enthusiastically attached to the government and memory of their illustrious king. The imperial powers thought it by mo means expedient to interfere with a kingdom so powerfully protected, and were besides maturing their preparations for their own principal design, in the prosecution of which it wa3 their obvious interests to win Prussia to forbearance, instead of provoking her to war. Thus the death of Frederick made no immediate perceivable difference in the politics of Europe. In Denmark a revolution had taken place in 1784, which proved very beneficial to that kingdom. Ever since 1772, the queen dowager having triumphed over the unfortunate and ill used Matilda, from the imbeeility of the king, retained the supreme power which she had acquired by such unjustifiable ' means. Her sway was indeed established beyond all control, and beyond the probability of subversion. She had filled the great offices of state with her adherents and favourites ; the son of the unhappy Matilda was a child, and the chances against his life at that tender age being considerable, Julia's son, prince Frederick, (the king's half brother,) was regarded as the presumptive successor to the throne : all things seemed- to concur in securing her influence and authority for. life. The* exercise of her dominion was far from dispelling the hatred which the dowager queen so deservedly incurred by her means of elevation. Imperious and tyrannical, she sacrificed the national good to the interests of her supporters and minions ; and was hateful throughout the kingdom, except to her own creatures. Retribution though slow was not the less sure ; as the prince royal approached to maturity, he indicated quali ties that excited the hopes of the people in general, and espe cially of those, many in number, who were disgusted with the queen dowager's government. In the seventeenth year of his age, the heir of the crown, by his manly abilities and character, was become the universal favourite of the nation, and in a few months acquired such influence and power as to overwhelm the usurpers of his father's authority. With such wisdom and secrecy had he formed his measures, that, being declared of age at seventeen, he was placed at the head of the council board; when he.acquaintcd the junto that directed the affairs of the kingdom under the queen dowager, that the king bis father had no farther occasion for their services, before they had conceived the most distant idea of their approaching downr fall. Having dismissed these ministers, he published an ordi nance, that no orders from the council of state were in future ^prince'' to be received, or considered valid, which had not been pre renal, viously reported to the king, signed bv him, and countersigned Queendowagerdisgraced,and the reins of go vernment assumed by REIGN OF GEORGE III. G bury : from that able statesman he derived very important as-Seeks the sistance in preparing his scheme. Greatly did he also profit by.an^,eaand Mr. Ederi, whose acuteness and conversancy with every sub-employs the ject of commerce and diplomatic experience, rendered him a most skllful most valuable auxiliary in digesting and composing the plan at asen *' home, and the ablest agent for negotiating and concluding an advantageous agreement with France. Eden accordingly re paired to Paris ; where he conducted and completed the de-, sired arrangement with the ministers of Louis. The treaty in question established reciprocal liberty of com- Principle merce between the two countries. The subjects of each pow-..and details er were to navigate and resort to the dominions of the other, °y l e lrea' without any disturbance or question, except for transgressing- the laws. The prohibitory duties in each kingdom, by enhan cing the price, had reciprocally discouraged the sale of their principal commodities ; these were now modified to the satisfac tion of both by a tariff. The wines of France, to be imported into England, were subjected to no higher duty than the pro ductions of Portugal ; the duties on brandies and various other. articles were to be lowered in proportion; and the commodities. of Britain were to be equally favoured in France. On the. same basis of reciprocity were the articles respecting disputes between the mercantile, maritime, or other subjects of' the two countries, and various details of civil, commercial, and politi cal intercourse were to be adjusted. In whatever related to the lading and unlading of snips, the safety of merchandise, goods, and effects, the succession to personal estates, as well as the proteetibnof individuals, their personal liberty, and the administration of justice, the subjects of the two contracting. parties were to enjoy in their respective dominions the same privileges, liberties, and rights, as the nation or nations most highly favoured by each. Should, hereafter, through inadve^ tertcy or otherwise, any infractions,! or contraventions of the treaty be committed on either side, the friendship and good un? 76* HISTORY OF THE CHAP, derstanding should not immediately thereupon be interrupted ; xxxvii. b(jt this tre,lv ghouid 6Ubsist in all its force, and proper remedies S-**J^7*"' should be procured for removing the inconveniencies, as like- wise for the reparation of injuries. If the subjects of either kingdom should be found guilty, they only should be punished and severely chastised. The relative commercial condition and resources, on which Mr. Pitt grounded his conclusions, he generalized into concise propositions. At first sight it appear* ed, that France had the advantage in the gift of soil and cli mate, and in the amount of her natural produce; while Bri tain was on her part confessedly superior in her manufactures and artificial productions. This was their relative condition, and was the precise ground on which he imagined that a valu able correspondence and connexion might be established. Hav ing each her own distinct staples ; each that which the othesi wanted, and no clashing in the grand outlines of their respeo tive riches ; tbey were like two great traders in different branch* es, and might enter into a traffic mutually beneficial. The re-- spective princes reserved to themselves the right of revising this treaty after the term of twelve years, to propose and make such alterations as the times and circumstances should have rendered proper or necessary for the commercial interests of their subjects. This revision should be completed in the space of a year, after which the present treaty should be of no ef* feet ; but in that event the good harmony and friendly corre> spondence between the two nations should not suffer the least diminution. In a treaty formed on the basis of reciprocal freedom of trade, the advantage to the contracting parties was, and necessarily must be, in the compound rates of their resources and skilful industry. At first sight, from the climate and soil of France, the balance of commercial benefit appeared in favour of that country, and so many politicians reasoned with much plausi bility ; but Mr. Pitt had profoundly considered the relative cir cumstances, and justly concluded that the French industry and skill was much more inferior to the British industry and skill, than the French soil and climate were superior to the British soil and climate ; and thus, that greater benefit would accrue to this country from the freedom of trade : experience justified his conclusions. 1787. The commercial treaty was the chief object which occupied Meeting of the public attention when parliament met on the 23d of Janu- parharnenl, ary ^gy The gpeech fj,Qm lhg ^^ me„tioned the tranqoj| kins'i state of Europe, and the friendly dispositions of foreign powers speech. t0 tnjs country. His majesty informed parliament, that a treaty of navigation and commerce had been concluded between this country and France, and recommended it to the consideration of the houses, under two heads ; its tendency to encourage the industry and extension of commerce, and to promote such an amicable intercourse as would give additional permanence to REIGN OF GEORGE ID. et the blessings of peace : these were also the objects which his XJii?; majpsty had in view in other treaties which he was negotiating. A convention was formed between Britain and Spain, respect- V-*7^T^'' rag" the cutting of logwood : he farther directed their attention to plans, which bad been framed by his orders, for transporting to Botany Bay, in New Holland, a number of convicts, in order to remove the inconvenience which arose from tbe crowded state of i ie gaols in different parts of the kingdom : he trusted they would also devise regulations for simplifying the public accounts in various branches of the revenue : he relied upon the uniform continuance of their exertions in pursuit of such objects, as roijht tend still farther to improve the national resources, and to promote and confirm the welfare and happiness of his peo ple. In discussing the proposed answer to the speech, some general observations were made upon the treaty by Mr. Fox ; but they produced no debate, as the minister and bis friends reserved thpir reasonings until the consideration of the subject was pro perly before the house. ; <>n the 4th of February the treaty was submitted to par- The treaty- liainent. After the minister had explained and supported the J^f^'™rT object, spirit, and provisions of this treaty, numbers of the op- liamcnt. posite side attacked it on a variety of grounds, as relative to commerce, revenue, the naval, and the political interests of Bri tain. The arguments derived from our manufactures were, ?hey contended, founded on a presumption, that the French character would not admit of equal industry as the English : that opinion was asserted to be unjust : the treaty would facili- Mr. Vox late and encourage that contraband trade, which it had been ^d nii co" tbe professed object of Mr. Pitt's policy to suppress : the free flow^t-he*1*" access of French ships to the British shores, would be unques- treaty. tionably by many employed to the purposes of smuggling, and thus the revenue would be greatly injured. By reducing the duties on French wines, we had conceded advantages to Frauce, tor which we did not receive an equivalent : we had farther interfered with tbe Methven treaty, and the interests of our natural ally, Portugal. Respecting the naval operation of the treaty, it was a substitution of a near for a remote market, and requiring short trips would not exercise, nor form nautical skill : but the political effects of the treaty were chiefly repro bated : one argument, often repeated, was founded upon an authority, to which many politicians wonld bow on tbe recur rence of precisely similar cases. Mr. Pitt, the elder, having found the country at war with France, had displayed the whole vigour of his genius in measures most fatally hostile to France ; Argument;. therefore it was unwise in any minister to cultivate friend- "ship with France, and particularly wrong in the son of such a •'father. France was the natural enemy of England, and no sincerity Could be expected in any professions of friend- ;ship, no stability in any contract: nations which bordered on«acb other, could never thoroughly agree, for this single 76 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, reason, tbat they were neighbours : all history and experience, XXXVII. accor{jjno, to opposition, assured us of the fact. Mr Fox in V-"~N'~*-/ particular maintained, that France was the inveterate and un- Fra™7the alterable enemy of Great Britain ; no mutual interest could- unalterable possibly eradicate what was deeply rooted in her constitution. enemy of -j,^ intercol,rse wi,ic„ this treaty would produce, must be ex- (Z ran t K r-i . */..«l f n 1 1 tremely hurtful to the superior national character of England tain. Mutual in- Evil communication corrupts good manners. The nearer the tcrestcan two natjons were drawn into contact, and the more successfully SuTaTe'thot they were invited to mingle with each other, in the same pro- sentiment, portion the remaining morals, principles, and vigour of the Every com- English national mind, would be enervated and corrupted. No mercial commercial treaty formed between the two countries had ever connexion , , „ . , J , . , *i_ . i u witbFiance been beneficial to this country: on the contrary, that wtncft has been followed the peace of Utrecht would have been extremely Bntah"St° injurious, and every mercantile connexion with France had Arguments been always injurious (o England. In defence of the treaty it? for the u-ea- was maintained, that the comparative character of the English; ' and French manufactures, and artificial productions would ren der the free trade more beneficial to this country than to France,- notwithstanding her soil, climate, and natural produce. We had agreed by this treaty lo take from France, on small duties, the luxuries of her soil, whioh, however, the refinement of this country had converted into necessaries. The wines of France- with all their high duties, already found their way to ourtabies; and was it-then a serious injury to admit them on easier terms ?, The admission of them would not supplant the wines of Portu gal or of Spain, but only a useless and pernicious manufacture in our own country. The diminution on brandy was also an eligible measure, and would have a material effect in prevent ing the contraband trade, in an article so much used. It had been objected, that no beneficial treaty would be formed be tween this country and France, because no such treaty had ever been formed, and because, on the contrary, a commercial intercourse with her had always been hurtful to England : this reasoning was completely fallacious ; it deduced a similar con clusion from totally dissimilar premises. For a long series of years we had no commercial connexion with France, and the, relative vnlue of the respective productions were totally chang-. ed. When a treaty was proposed at the peace of Utrecht, England was extremely deficient in those manufactures in which she now excelled, and much inferior to France in pro duce; by a free trade she must then have been a great loser, because she would have given much more than she would have received : now she. would be a great gainer, because she would. receive much more than she gave. The present treaty did not in the smallest degree affect the stipulations with Portugal, The French wines would be still much dearer, notwithstanding the diminution of the duties. In a political view it certainly. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 79 could be no argument against the adoption of a system of con- jy^y^j duct in one species of circumstances, that a contrary system V^_V^NJ< had been pursued with acknowledged wisdom in a different si- 17(J7 tuation of affairs. Although Mr. Pitt the father had, when his country was at war with France, employed the most energetic and successful efforts to be victorious in war, that was no rea son that Mr. Pitt the son should not endeavour equally to make the best of existing circumstances, by promoting commerce with the same country when at peace. The minister himself con- Denied that troverted Mr. Fox's position, that France was unalterably the unaUe'raWe enemy of the country. The existence of etornal enmity was enmity be- totally inconsistent with the constitution of the human niind,^1^^ the history of mankind, and the experience of political socie- Britain. ties. Every state recorded in history had been at different times in friendship or amity with its several neighbours. The dissension between France and this country has arisen from mistaken ambition on her side ; there was no more natural an tipathy between an Englishman and a Frenchman, than between a Frenchman and a Spaniard, or a Frenchman and a German. France, after being long hostile to the house, of Austria, had at last discovered, that it was much more advantageous for both parties to cultivate peace and harmony, than to impair their re spective strength, and exhaust their resources. Hostilities had been carried on between France and Austria, without very long intervals of peace, for two centuries and a, half. During the greater part of the seventeenth century, profound peace had subsisted between France and England; there was nothing improbable in an idea that such a system might again prevail ; but should war again arise, would the treaty deprive us of our natural watchfulness, or our accustomed strength ? On the contrary, as it must enrich the nation, it would also, prove the means of enabling her to combat her enemy with more power ful effect : but it was now much less likely that our resources _, should be called for such a purpose, than at former periods. If e(j discomfi" ever France and her allies could have expected to overwhelm ture of England, their hopes might have been sanguine in the Ameri- ^.l^f' can war; they had united the whole maritime world to re- against the duce her commerce and her navy, but they had totally failed navy °f in reducing our naval power, and sunk her finances to a situa- aufheth tion of extreme embarrassment ; hence, though it was always taught her the interest of France to avoid War with Great Britain, her llle p°llcy present circumstances rendered it more necessary than ever to ByThe6" abstain from hostilities, which, under her embarrassment, Would treaty both. expose her to inevitable bankruptcy. On the other hand, by PartiesPr°- ,\. . . , f. J , '. J cure a more cultivating a connexion with this country, sue must perceive extensive the means of recovering from her difficulties. From all these market for considerations, we might safely infer the sincerity of France ; jp^j™", no doubt that country would gain by tbe treaty ; the French ductions, would not yield advantages without the expectation of a return : than either unless the other party derived benefit from the agreement, we ™i"Ci-e.e ' 1787. &0 HISTORY OF THE could have little hopes of its permanency; but Britain Would reap much more advantage. France gained for her wines, and her productions, an extensive and opulent market ; we did the same to a much greater degree : she procured a market of eight millions of people ; we a market of twenty-four millions } France gained this market for her produce, which employed few hands in the preparation, gave small encouragement to na vigation, and afforded little to the state ; we gained this mar ket for our manufactures, which employed many hundred thousand of our countrymen in collecting the materials from all corners of the world, advanced our maritime strength, and in every article and stage of its progress contributed largely to the state. The treaty underwent many and various discussions through its passage in both houses; and although there neither was, nor indeed could be, much novelty of argument, as it had been so fully canvassed, yet in both houses it called forward an exhibition of commercial knowledge and philosophy, superior to any that had ever appeared in the British, and consequently in any senate. In the house of commons several young mem bers very eminently distinguished themselves, by speeches for and against the treaty, especially Mr. Grenville on the one side, Mr. Grey and Mr.: Windham on the other. In the house of peers, though lord Thurlow, and lord Hawkesbury, lord Lough borough, and lord Carlisle, with other peers on both sides, ex erted their respective abilities upon this subject, yet the fullest and most detailed reasonings were presented by the marquis of Lansdown, and the bishop of Landaff. The oration of the former nobleman in some respects coincided with the support ers, and in others with the opposers, of the treaty. lie with ministers contended on the sound policy of cultivating an ami cable intercourse with France ; and with the other side, that the reciprocity on which the treaty was said to be founded was merely ideal, and that Britain must greatly lose by the stipulation : these objections were weighty, if well grounded ; nevertheless he declared his warm and cordial support of the treaty.15 The bishop of Landaff, in his oration, manifested tha c An altercation arose from the debate between the marquis and the duke of Richmond: the former had stated the danger of the fortifications of Cherburg, and, while on that subject, had digressed to make a severe animadversion on hif grace's plan lor fortifying Portsmouth and Plymouth., The duke observed, that the marquis's opinion declared orally and in writing, as witnesses and lelteri could prove, had, when himself minister, declared his perfect approbation of the plan, to reprobate which he had now deviated from the question. It appeared, however, in investigation, that Ihe marquis had never expressly and explicitly cither sai'l or written, that he concurred with the duke of Richmond ; his grace and Mr. Pitt, and other hearers, had only inferred his sentiments from his wordl and conduct, but could not affirm that he had plainly and categorically said, that He approved of ths plan. They thought that he had agreed to tbe plan, became REIGN OF GEORGE III. $1> Mime Vigour of mind and industry of inquiry, which rendered x^yPj him so eminent in chemistry and theology> nnd procured the applause of both parties. The treaty was approved by a "- 17p7 great majority of both houses; ami on the 8th of March an -iv treaty address Was presented to both, houses, testifying their joint ap-i««upiwt«<1 probation of the treaty with France. llLriVv"1 , The convention with Spam, to which his majesty s speech had alluded, was of very secondary and subordinate moment, when compared with the treaty that we have been considering ; nevertheless, it wns by no means unimportant. The agree^ ment in question wns concluded the 14th of July'1 1786>, and chiefly regarded the privilege of cutting logwood, The British S)OsSessions on the Musquito shore were ceded in exchange 'or a tract of land on the buy of Honduras. The contract produced little oulinndversion in the house of commons, but underwent severe strictures in the house of lords ; the oppo nents of administration contended, that we certainly could have made a bettor bargain, than to have ceded to Spain a tract of luml, tit least as large ns the whole kingdom of Portugal, which yielded us cotton, indigo, mahogany, and sugar, in ex change for a liberty to .cut logwood, and a scanty settlement of twelve miles in extent : it wns moreover ungrateful to the British subjects who resided there on the faith of our protec tion, and who hod contributed every effort in their power tp assist, their country. Ministers replied, that the complaint respecting the vulue of tho cession arose from geographical and statistical inaccuracy. The territory which we relinquish ed wns much less extensive and productive, than lords in oppo- , sitiou apprehended. On the second subject of censure they asserted, that the number of British subjects settled there did not amount to one hundred and forty ; and provision was made for the security of their persons and effects : these argu- menis being satisfactory to the majority of the house) they declared their approbation of the treaty, bespoke of it very fuvourably when consulted on the subject! Ho had, ai first loitl of the treasury , included u sum for the proposed Ibrlificalions in the estimates of expense for tho your. His lordship, however, now declared, that he had uKvuys disapproved of tho scheme, and challenged his p-uce lo produce a scrap of writing lo the contrary. Although, by this declaration, it would appcur that those senators were misltikcn in their construction of his words und actions, it must be allowed, thut their interpretation was, according lo the usual rules of rousoniug, not very unnatural, 'l'he applicability, however, of a general crileri- un to the explanation ol'nparslctilarcase, must depend in a great degree on the peculiar qualities of the subject. The duke of Richmond went so farm to charge his kmlship with insincerity; utl allegation which tho noble peer reprobated with great indignation. In vindicating himself, the marquis of Lansdown asserted that oi'ENNKS.i mis ftts characteristic, nnd that it wits solely from Ihe consideration. •fihe uiiKuai-dcdiiess ofhis temper, Hint, by the advice of his friends, he ha*. secluded himself from the world. d Bee Suite Paper*;. VOL. Ih 11 customs. 825 HISTORY OF THE £31% One of the subjects recommended to parliament by the speech from the throne, was the consolidation of the customs. ""^T^ The increasing commerce of this country on the one -hand, Consoiiiia- and its accumulated burthens on the other, had so widely ex- (ion of the ceeded Ihe expectation of our ancestors, and all the grounds of calculation on which they founded their system of finance, that the principles which they adopted, though sufficiently suited to the narrow and confined scale of our former exigencies and resources, were no longer applicable. The consequence of retaining the old principle, under the altered circumstances of the country, had been in several points of view very detrimental to the interests of the natiom The first institution of the sub sisting duties of the customs was made by the statute of the twelfth year of king Charles II. under the names of tonnage and poundage; the first, an impost upon wines, measured by the quantity imported; and the second, on the price of all other articles. The last was therefore liable to great inaccura cies: it was not calculated according to the real value of the commodities, but by an arbitrary estimation ; perhaps the mar ket price of the article at the time of imposing the duty: this principle, when once adopted, was pursued ki every fresh subsi dy : in some instances it had operated, by imposing additional duties calculated at So much per cent, upon the duty already paid ; in others it laid a farther impost of the same description on a particular denomination of the commodity; almost all the additional subsidies had been appropriated to some specific fund for the payment of certain annuities : there must, therefore, be a separate calculation for each made at the custom-house ; and from the complexity of the whole system,' it was scarcely pos<- sible that a merchant could be acquainted, by any calculations of his own, with the exact amount of what he was to pay. To remedy this great abuse, Mr. Pitt proposed to abolish all the duties that now subsisted in this confused and complex manner, and to substitute one single duty on each article, amounting, as nearly as possible, to the aggregate of the various subsidies How paid ; only where a fraction was found in any of the sums,, to Change it for the nearest integral number, usually taking the higher rather than the lower. This advance would produce ail increase in the revenue to the amount of 20,0001. per annum, and lay upon the public a burthen, which must be amply com pensated by the relief which the merchants were to experience from the intended alteration. Mr. Pitt had given complete at tention to this business; and had not left one person unconsult- ed from whom any information could be obtained ; and the greatest diligence had been used to circulate the plan among the most competent judges of those persons who were imme diately concerned in its operation and effects. The proposed scheme caused no debate ; the object was so evidently adven- »ageous,and the means so well adapted, as to command the REIGN OF GEORGE III. S3 sroncurrence and approbation of the whole house;8 and a bill xr^y^j for the purpose wns introduced nnd passed. On the 26th of ^^***, April, Mr. Pitt presented to the house of commons a bill, sta- 1787 ting, that notorious frauds had been committed in the collection of the tnx on post horses, nnd providing that, as n remedy to the evil, the tax should be fanned. The so vera 1 districts were to be |iut up to public auction at the present amount received in each, and at the highest rate which it ever had produced ; nnd it 'wns not doubted there would bo many candidates; hence the full value might be expected. Mr. Fox opposed tho bill, as tending to enlarge the number of collectors very considerably, nnd in the snme proportion to increase the influence, of the crown : it wns, besides, argued against the proposed mode of taxation, that it wns repugnant to the principles of our consti tution, and to the general system of our revenue; and was the mode adopted under arbitrary governments, and one of the principal sources of oppression in 1' ranee: the precedent was in tho highest degree alarming, nnd required to be warmly resisted in the outset. To those object ions the minister and his friends replied, that although farmers of the revenue contribu ted, under arbitrary governments, very greatly to the miseries of the people, yet it «as not from the nature of their employ ment, hut from the system under which it was exercised. The powers to be given to the farmer were no greater than those at present intrusted to collectors: after considerable discussion, -the bill passed both houses without a division. " A subject was introiluced into the house of commons, which Application became repeatedly the object of its consideration in succeeding- °r,)>cd'?" '. . •' • .. .¦ .i , ,• ,i *T settlers lor a sessions: this was a proposition lor the repeal of the test ana , ..poul of the corporation acts. The dissenters from tho church of I-.ngland lost net. Were very considerable, both in number and opulence ; and certain classes of them derived great lustre from the learning nnd genius of their lenders. Among them there were not u few active, hold, and aspiring men ; these very naturally wished to enjoy the sweets of power, to rise to a political superiority over those to whom they might fancy themselves intellectually superior. Among sectarians, the influence of their ministers is generally greater than under an establishment. The relation between the dissenting pastor and his llock is voluntary: wherer ns between a clergyman and parishioners it is created by the law of the land. The former has. from his situation, depen dent on tho liberality of his employers, the strongest motives of interest to accommodate himself to their passions, prejudices, and < MrUurhe, who rose immoe!«iU' ol'them.-olves and their omui- Ii\, Sec pnrliamontnry doh.ivs. iTtlT 84 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. XXXVII. ra?. Dissenters favourable to Mr Pill, and ihence expect his support. humours ;fbecause, if he thwart these, the proceeds of his labours will be much diminished. The latter, being independent of the 'bounty of those whom the constitution of the country has dele gated to his spiritual care, has no interested motive to gratify' his parishioners, any farther than is consistent with wisdom and virtue. The sectarian minister, like a tradesman, depends for subsistence on his customers ;s and the sure way of increasing the number of those is obsequiousness.1' The beneficed clergy*-'' man, as a gentleman, may cultivate the good will of his people,' and the friendship of the most deserving; but in paying bis court need not stoop beneath a dignified equality. Sectarians also are infinitely more addicted to theological disputations^ than members of an established church. The zealous agitators of controversy naturally regard with much veneration the chief professor of their tenets. From these causes, the influence of dissenting preachers over their employers was and must have1 been very great. It certainly then was very easy for Ihem to render the people zealous and eager to procure privileges so gratifying to human passions, nor were they actually wanting in attempts to predispose the public in their favour. Many of their preachers were literary undertakers, who would write on any or every subject. Doctors Price, Priestley, and some others, furnished ideas, which, by the assistance of dilation, re petition, and prolixity, sent to the world numberless books and? pamphlets on the severe policy of the British constitution, which, in its allotment of offices, had required certain standards of qualification and disposition to discharge the respective du ties. There were circumstances which they conceived favour* able to the attainment of their object. The dissenters had coincided with the majority of the established church, in sup porting the minister of the crown and people against the leader of a confederacy ; thence they inferred, that gratitude would induce him to support a cause, in the discussion of which he was to be one of the judges; that Mr. Pitt was to be guided by private affection in deliberating- on a question of public ex pediency. The minister was on terms of friendly intercourse with various dissenters, especially Mr. Beaufoy : this consider ation, they apprehended, would have great weight in determine ing the part which he, as a lawgiver, was to act. Mr. Fox; from his general eagerness to diminish restraints, had often professed, and uniformly manifested, disapprobation of tests and subscriptions : it was not doubted he would be friendly to the project, the whole dissenting interest, supported by the leaders of the two parties, would, they trusted, produce the desired repeal. f See Hume, vol. ii, p 301. prefatory to the history of the reformation. g Ibid. 302. h The reader will observe, that here I merely describe the general tendency of situation to influence conduct. REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 85 . Delegates were appointed to arrange and conduct their jSSLy?; plans ; these did not directly petition parliament, but first published and dispersed a paper which they called " the case • i( of the protestant dissenters, with reference to the test and previous " -corporation acts."' This treatise . exhibited the history of steps to pre- the corporation and test acts; the hardships to which ron-K^in* scientious dissenters were exposed by those restrictory sta- their fa- tutes ; and endeavoured to demonstrate both the justice and vour- expediency of affording them effectual relief. When this representation explained to the public their apprehension o£ the predicament in which they stood, the dissenters engaged Mr. Beaufoy to move, that the house should resolve itself into a committee to consider those acts, i In introducing this sub-iMr. Bcau- ject, on the 28th of March, the senator in the first place., sta- f°y.P '^^ ted, what were the exceptionable provisions of the law; andi,, parlia- invthe next, the peculiar period and circumstances of its enact- ment. ment. The test act required of every person accepting a civil office, or a commission in the army or navy, to take the sacrament within a limited time; and if, without qualifying himself, he continued to occupy any office, or hold any com mission, he not only incurred; a. large pecuniary penalty, but was disabled thenceforth for ever from bringing any action in course of law ; from prosecuting a suit in the courts of equity ; from being the guardian of a child, or the executor of a de ceased person, and receiving any legacy. On the- second head, he recapitulated the history of the act, and, the noted though despicable' artifice by which Charles II. defeated its repeaUk He farther endeavoured to prove, that the dissenters had al ways been favourable to the present happy establishment, and that their general conduct had been such as to entitle them to the gratitude and regard of every true patriot. Lord North j Lord North, who had been lately deprived of the organs of sight, and a "J1"1*™. thereby prevented from regular and constant attendance in ses the ap. parliament, came that day forward to defend the church from plication as apprehended encroachment. His lordship, educated, at Ox- ihecharch. ford, and impressed wilh the sentiments which. jthat university has uniformly inculcated, was a strenuous supporter of episcopal doctrines. Though too benevolent in disposition and mild in temper for bigotry, he was the warm friend of the rights and privileges of the ecclesiastical, establishment, and had always opposed the dissenters when applying for a change. He now declared himself, though attached to the church, the sincere friend of religious liberty. Far should he be from opposing the present motion, if it sought no more than the free and en tire exercise of the rights of conscience ; but it prayed for the repeal of an act, which was the great bulwark of the con stitution, and to which we owed the inestimable blessings of i See Domestic Literature in the New Annual Review for 1787. k Hume, vol. iv. S6 ' HISTORY OF THE CHAP, freedom; and recommended a proceeding contrary to the XXXVI1' happy experience of a century. It had been said, that the V"^XTV'/ test act was an indignity to the dissenters : but had we not re solved, that no monarch should sit on the throne who refused to comply with the test ? If the throne were offered to any prince, who, from motives of conscience, declined this con dition, surely the refusal of the throne to that prince, would be no indignity. There was no complaint of ecclesiastical tyran ny ; universal toleration was established ; let them therefore guard against change in the church, nor confound the free exercise of religion with admissibility to civil and military ap- Mr. Pitt op, pointments. Mr. Pitt supported the satne side of the question ; poses it on j began by marking- thedifference between civil nnd religious the grounds & , , n, ,,-.-, , i ,-j.l of political liberty on the one hand, and political trusts on the oth*?r. the expediency, former, every good constitution of government must secure to all its subjects ; the latter was bestowed with discrimination, according to individual qualification and disposition, of which the community had the right of judging by any rulf- that it thought expedient. The test was merely the condition re quired by the employer from persons to whom he commit te'l a The test no trust. Every master had an unquestionable right to -declare 'nf"t ofto- *ne conditions in which he would admit service ; and none leration ; could be aggrieved by an exclusion arising from himself. The merely a present therefore, was not a question of grievance and redrt«s, con tion. j^ sjmp]y Qf p0liCy. On this question legislation had only Of admissi- one subject of deliberation, was it expedient, in the pres^Wt bilitytocer-cjrcurnstarlceSj sentiments, and principles of the dissenters, for the nation to employ them in certain specified offices ? To such an inquiry, every recapitulation of former history was ex traneous : a repeal might have been wise in the time of Charles II., and unwise in the reign of George III. The dis senters were, undoubtedly, a body of men, who were entitled to the consideration of parliament ; but tbere was another class equally respectable, and more numerous, whose fears on this occasion would be alarmed. Many members of the church of England conceived, that the ecclesiastical part of our con stitution would be seriously injured, and their apprehensions were not to be treated lightly. If he were arguing on prin ciples of right, he should not talk of alarm ; but he had al ready said, he was arguing upon principles of expediency. The church and state were united upon principles of ex pediency ; and it concerned those, to whom the well being of the stale was intrusted, to take care that the church should not rashly be demolished. The persons who now applied, de clared, that they meant nothing political by their application ; but he must look at human actions to find out the springs. di^entere highly as ne thought of many of the present dissenters, he avowed could not but observe there were persons among them, who. themselves would not admit that any establishment was necessary ; and ihechwch. aSainst such- 't became the legislature to be upon their guard* REIGN OF GEORGE IIL »7 Doctor Priestley, whose abilities and learning were very high,' x^y-jV and whose opinions woo received as oracles by a certain class of ilissenters, had proclaimed enmity against the church. ,7g7 Sectarians (he said) were wisely placing as it were, grain by Therefore grain, a train of gunpowder, to which, the match would one not expedi- day be laid to blow up the fabric of error, which could never fhehpoww, be again raised upon the same foundation. When he saw pro ceedings, intended to subvert so important a part of our polity, he thought circumspection and vigilance absolutely necessary : when there was an avowed design to sap the fortress, it be came the duty of the garrison to secure the outposts : the dis senters already enjoyed every menial freedom to serve God,, according to their consciences, in the most ample degree : what they now required, was inexpedient and dangerous. These sentiments deeply impressed the house : and on a di vision, the proposition of Mr. Beaufoy was negatived by a' majority of one hundred and seventy-eight to one hun- Jjj?,*^'^ dred. .jected. Soon after this application, a bill was introduced for granting indulgence to a different species of complainants ; these were insolvent debtors. The vast increase of commerce poured opulenee on the nation ; but to many individuals, unavoidable losse/or injudicious speculations, brought bankruptcy and ruin. Luxury, growing with commerce and riches, spread its influ- encif over society ; the immense fortunes that were acquired by extortion and peculation in the east, and during the American war, through the prodigal effusion of the public money, stock jobbing, and other causes, operated upon the minds of many traders, and inspired them with a desire of rapid accumulation., This spirit suggested various schemes, which qeing much more extensive than the capital that could be employed, failure pro duced certain ruin. Gaming of every kind was extremely pre valent : the example of some very eminent characters, com bining with their winning and impressive manners, infected their intimate associates with this particular vice, and with general extravagance ; and that consequence extended itself to many of their political supporters. The metropolis teemed with gambling tradesmen; these became strenuous politicians, who. wished to have a share in directing the business of the nation, and that they might deliberate in . the tavern, they neglected their shops ; imitating those whom they admired, they fpllowed them to their private pastimes ; and closed their exertions in the king's bench or fleet prisons ; and the number of imprisoned, debtors, through either misfortune or vice, was extremely great. There can be no wise and just reason for confining a debtor, but to compel payment : if there be no property conceal ed, confinement of the debtor cannot restore the creditor's right : were it practicable to compel, in every. case, the debtor to gtve up his effects to the creditor, as from effects, not per- S8 . HISTORY OF THE son, his reimbursement must proceed, imprisonment1 might ap* pear no longer to answer any just purpose to the creditor. Thp laws of imprisonment for debt, were, by many of the most en- lightened men, deemed a great blemish in the legislative code of the country. Cautious, however, not hastily to innovate, lawgivers, instead of changing the principle, had endeavoured lo lessen the severity of the operation. by temporary expedients. One of these was by insolvent acts, which have been usually passed at periods of various distance, when the prisons of ibe kingdom were so full, as to be supposed to render ihem abso lutely necessary. The last of these had been passed in the year 1780, and bills of Ihis kind had been repeatedly proposed, Bill for the but negatived. This year a proposition to a similar effect was relief ofin- mar]e jn tne house of lords ; the chief supporters were lord debtors. Kiunaird, the earl of Hopetoun, the duke of Norfolk,™ but above all lord Rawdon. This accomplished nobleman we have already seen" distinguished as a soldier ; equally excelling in the arts of peace, he was now become eminent as a member of Enlighten- the senate. With hismany other virtues, remarkable forhumnni- ralS ofic'oW' ne directed his attention to the alleviation of misery : his lord- LordRaw- ship supported the liberation of insolvent debtors both on the don. ground of mercy and political expediency. Do not confine debtors, (he said) to gratify the resentment of creditors .! Do not, because one individual is malignant, suffer another to be miserable ! By confining insolvent debtors, you prevent them from benefiting themselves, their families, and the community ; and you deprive them of every possible means of indemnifying their creditors. Clauses may be introduced, which would re- 1 Mr. Burke delivered the following opinion on this important subject, in his address lo the electors of Bristol :j — " There are two capital faults in our law, with relation to civil debts. One is, that every man is presumed solvent ; a presump tion, in innumerable cases, directly against truth ; therefore the debtor is ordered, on a supposition of ability and fraud, to be coerced his liberty until he makes payment. By this means, in all cases of civil insolvency, without a pardon from his creditors, he is to be imprisoned lor life ; and thus a miserable mistaken in vention of artificial science operates to change a civil into a criminal judgment, and to scourjre misfortune or indiscretion wilh a punishment which the law does- riot inflict on very great crimes. The next fault is, that the inflicting of thai pu nishment is not on the opinion of an equal and a public judge ; but is referred to the arbitrary discretion of a private, nay interested and irritated, individual. He who formally is, and substantially ought to be, the judge, is in reality no more than ministerial, a mere executive instrument of a private man, who is at once judge and party : every idea of judical order is subverted by this procedure. IT tbe insolvency be no crime, why is it punished with arbitrary imprisonment ? If it be a crime, why is it delivered into private hands to pardon without discretion , or to punish without mercy and without measure." m This nobleman, hitherto mentioned in the history as the earl of Surry, had, about a year before, succeeded to the dukedbm by the death of his father. The present duke i^ the first proteslant representative of the- famHy. n VoJ. i. passim. RElGN OF GEORGE HI. S£ Ueve misfortune, without suffering; fraud to escape. Lord Thur- £}%£: low had been uniformly tbe chief opposer of the several insol vent bills, and now maintained the same ground. His argu- ments on the subject have been frequently imputed to a se vere unmerciful disposition ; but whether conclusive or not, when fairly canvassed, they discover no marks of such a spirit ; they manifestly arise from a policy, suggested by an extensive View of a commercial country, and the means of encouraging industry and frugality, and restraining idleness and extrava gance : whatever opinion we may form of his reasoning, these were evidently his objects. His lordship, to answer theoretical ingenlfty, which •expatiated on the miseries that a rigorous creditor might inflict on an innocent though unfortunate debtor, stated a simple and broad fact : English creditors, as a collec tive body, are distinguished for lenity ; to support this assertion he appealed to observation and experience ; and affirmed, that- lawyers and judges, who, in the exercise of their professions, had the most frequent opportunities of knowing the treatment of debtors by creditors, were beyond all others the most deeply impressed with this truth. Lord Mansfield had observed, that for twenty prodigal debtors, there scarcely appeared in the course of law one cruel creditor ; the law, as it now stood, dis criminated between misfortune and vice : the bankrupt code was instituted for the relief of traders, who failed through un foreseen misfortunes j they were the proper objects of generosity and protection ; while on the other hand, those who ran in debt, knowing that they should never be able to pay, were certainly fit subjects of that severity, which the law, as it stood, empow ered their creditors0 to exercise ; besides, In the last insolvent act, the preamble had declared, that it was not likely any more Such acts should be passed ; and thus in a great measure pledged the public faith to creditors : as he was inimical to the insolvent bill/he said he intended to propose several regulations for miti gating the mberies of imprisoned debtors. The bill was nega- The bifl £ lived, on a division, by a majority of twenty-three to twelve, negatived. A question was this session submitted to the house of lords Inquiry concerning peers of the kingdom of Scotland who acquired I*?a, °eo? British peerages. During the preceding summer, the earl of ages!**3* Abercorn, and the duke of Queensberry, of the kingdom of Scotland, had been called to the dignity of British peers, by the titles of viscount Hamilton, and baron Douglas, notwith standing which, they continued to sit as representatives of the peerage of Scotland. Lord Stormont contended, that the right of representation was granted to Scottish peers as a recompense for the loss of an hereditary seat in parliament ; those who no longer suffered the loss, could therefore no longer be entitled to a share in the compensation. Having recapitulated the history o Lord Tb.urk>w did not here overturn the objection to a system which make; ihe party both judge and punUher. rot. «. i? 90 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, of the union to illustrate his positions, he moved that the earl xxxvu. of Abercorn and tne juke 0f Q„eensberry, who had been chosen V-T^T^ in the number of the sixteen peers, having been created peers of Great Britain, thereby ceased to sit in'that house as represen tatives of the peerage of Scotland. His lordship rested his principal argument on a resolution of the house of lords, which was passed in January 1709, that a peer of Scotland, sitting in the parliament of Great Britain, by virtue of a patent passed since the union, had no right to vote in the election of the six teen peers of Scotland. From this opinion of the house, de claring that such peers could not choose representatives, his lordship inferred, that they could not be representatives .them selves/ Lord Loughborough supported ,tKis constructive inter pretation ; lord Thurlow, on the contrary, maintained, that a resolution of either house did not constitute the law of the land ; and that they ought to abide by that law according to its literal meaning. Another debate soon after took place on a question, nearly connected with this, but to which the resolution of 1709 more directly applied : whether British peers, created since the union, could vote at ihe election of a Scottish representative : both sides were supported and opposed on the same grounds as in the foregoing case ; and both motions were negatived.P JSIagnani- A subject equally interesting and important at this time at- ficTbTthe" traded the public attention, and underwent a discussion in the prinee of house of commons. The prince of Wales, amiable, engaging, JY'^d of and accomplished, with a vigorous understanding, possessed justice. strong affections, and was not without that disposition to plea sure which so often accompanies the sensibility and animation of youth, especially in such rank and circumstances as easily afford the objects of pursuit and the means of attainment. Attached to the fair sex, the manly beauty of his face and person, apart from his other advantages, procured him, in the susceptible hearts of his countrywomen, incitements, which while it is admitted as a moral proposition that ascetic virtue ought to have resisted, it must be allowed as an historical fact, that such virtue is not very common in young men of twenty- four. Generous by disposition, the prince was munificent in bounty ; social and elegant, he was sumptuous in hospitality : much connected with the chief characters of opposition, he partook of amusements which constituted the favourite recrea tion of some of the most illustrious men of the party. The effect,of so great an additional source of expenditure to his convivial splendour and expanded generosity, was, that his in come did not prove sufficient, and that he had before summer 1786 incurred a very considerable debt. Finding himself in p At the election of the earl of Selkirk and lord Kinnaird, to represent the peer- oge of Scotland, in the room of the duke of Queensberry and the earl of Aber corn, the dukes of Queeasberry and Gprdon had given their voles as peers of Scotland. REIGN OF GEORGE IH. & such circumstances, and desirous of rendering justice to his -Sgxwi creditorsj his highness resolved to suppress the establishment ^___, of his household and every useless expense, and to save from ._87 his income its greater portion, to be applied by trustees for the liquidation of his incumbrances. He had hitherto, like many other persons of rank and fortune, trained running horses for Newmarket, and the other places of public contention. His racers, his hunters, and even his coach-horses, were now sold by public auction. The buildings of Carlton-house were stopped, and some of the principal rooms shut up from use : and the heir of the crown retired from the magnificence of his station to do justice to his creditors. This conduct in itself did the highest honour to the sentiments and rectitude of the prince ; but a consideration totally irrelative, entered into the estimate which many formed of its merits. His highness had, in the several objects of his attachment, displayed a discriminating selection, which required the union of mental qualifications with corporeal graces. The lady who at this time occupied Situation of the principal share of his attention, was Mrs. Fitzherbert ; a JjeJ]1'11'' woman who, besides the charms and fascinations of beauty and accomplishments, possessed a very respectable character : from this last circumstance a report originated, that greatly interested the public : one relation being presumed, was justi fied on the part of the lady by the presumption of another. It was currently reported, that the ceremony of marriage between Mrs. Fitzherbert and her lover had been privately performed; and as she was of the Roman catholic persuasion, that the officiating clergyman was a priest of her own religion. As a legal contract, no such marriage could have been con cluded, according to the written statutes which regard the royal family as a matter of fact, such a ceremony might have been performed, but the belief that it actually took place, was totally inconsistent with a just and candid estimation of the prince's character : it proceeded on one of two supposi tions : either that he disregarded his own particular station, under its constitutional limits and prescriptions, and the recent laws enacted respecting the royal family, or that he had con sented to an appearance which he well knew could not be valid ; and thus practised deception on the other party. Im probable as the report was in its subject, and totally unsup ported by any evidence, nevertheless it was very prevalent, and created considerable alarm. The prince's friends had expected an interference from a still higher quarter to extricate him from his pecuniary difficulties. Finding no measure of this kind in agitation, and from other incidents inferring disappro bation on the part of the father, many imputed the apprehended coldness to dissatisfaction with certain portions of the son's conduct, especially his close connexion with that party which opposed the muiistersof his majesty's choice, who had been appointed under so *ery peculiar circumstances : and not a few &2 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, attributed some share of the alleged displeasure to the above* mentioned report. From July 1786, to April 1787, these topics v^^^' continued greatly to engross the thoughts and conversation ' of tbe public ; but had not been deemed fit subjects for par liamentary consideration. His highness now authorized Mr. Alderman Newnham to represent to the house of commons his embarrassed situation. On the 20th of April tbat gentle man opened the business : he previously asked Mr. Pitt if he had any design of bringing forward a motion for the relief of the prince; and being answered that he had received no com mands from the king on the subject, the alderman gave notice, that, on the 24th of May, he should make a motion to that ef fect This intimation excited much anxiety in the house, as it seemed to lead to such interesting discussions. Mr. Newnham, on one of the intervening days, explained the precise nature of his motion ; which was to address the king, praying him to take into his consideration the derangement of the prince's affairs \ and to grant him such relief as bis wisdom should deem expe dient and suitable ; and pledging the house to make good the same. Mr. Pitt earnestly wished that the motion should not be brought forward : there were circumstances (he said) respect ing the pecuniary concerns of the prince, that would render tbe present proposition inimical to the object of its author: the application ought to originate elsewhere, and not in tbe house : a correspondence had taken place between the party principally concerned, and another personage, respecting financial embar rassments. Mr. Pitt, with his usual closeness, kept to the sub ject which was introduced by Mr. Newnham ; but some of tbe most zealous supporters of administration introduced an extra neous topic, in an allusion to the prevailing rumours. Messrs* Fox and Sheridan reprobated the report to which this insinua tion referred ; and, at the next meeting of the house, Mr. Fox declared he had authority from the prince to contradict the al legation. In law, as Mr. Fox observed, it could not take place ; and in fact Mr. Fox pledged the veracity of his highness that it had not taken place. This public disavowal, at the instance of the heir apparent, afforded very great satisfaction to the whole house. On recurring to his pecuniary situation, Mr. Fox declared, that the prince was willing to give a general and fair account of his debts ; and if any part of it was doubted. he would present a clear explanation of the particulars to tbe king or his ministers. He had not the smallest objection to af ford the house every possible satisfaction ; and there was not a circumstance of bis life which he was ashamed to have known. Satisfaeio- Meanwhile, interviews took place between Mr. Dundas and nly adjust- bis highness; and the following day between the minister and the prince. Mr. Newnham being made acquainted with tbe result, on the day on which the motion was intended to be made, declared it was no longer necessary. About a fortnight REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 93 afterwards, a message from the king was delivered to parlia- JiS-™ ment, stating, that his majesty with great concern acquaint ed them, that the prince had incurred a very large debt, ^~*^£^ which, if left to be discharged out of his annual income, would render it impossible for him to support an establishment that would be suited to his rank and station. His majesty was in duced to the present application by his paternal affection to the prince of Wales : he could not, however, desire the assistance of parliament, but on a well grounded conviction that the prince, would avoid contracting any debts in future. With a view to this object, the king had directed a sum of 10,0001. to be paid out of the civil list, in addition to bis former allowance ; he had the satisfaction to observe, that the prince had given the fullest assurance of his de|erniination to confine his future expenses within his income, and had settled a plan, and fixed an order ill his economy, which, it was trusted, would effectu ally secure the due execution of his intentions. He farther re commended to the commons to direct, that the works of Carle- ton-house should be propertly finished. In answer to this message, 1 61,0001. were voted for the payment of the prince's debts, and 20,0001. for the completion of his palace. The conduct of Mr. Hastings continued to occupy the atten- Procced- tiou of parliament, and produced an extraordinary display of in^reepocv abilities. One charge of great importance had been decided h'^,^. against the late governor-general : the event of the accusation respecting Cheyt Sing, had surprised and alarmed Mr. Hast ings and his friends. Many supporters of administration regard ed the conduct of the accused in a very favourable light ; thence his advocates seem to have inferred, that Mr. Pitt entertained a similar opinion. One of the most important qualities of a great minister is, that secrecy which avoids the communication of sentiments or intentions, unless prudence admit or duty re quire that they should be manifested. This self command, the firm mind of Mr. Pitt possesses in a very high degree ; and no artifice can discover what he resolves to conceal. In the pre sent case he studied the charges separately, and. as became a judge, abstained from publishing his opinion, until he was pre pared to deliver judgment. Mr. Hastings, therefore, saw that the vote of the prime minister would depend entirely on the view which he took of the respective charges; and that in cases comprehending probable grounds both of blame and justifica tion, it might be doubtful what his sentence might be on some of the subsequent accusations. The authority, he was awarej- of so highly.prized talents and integrity, would be great with those who, hesitating between contending probabilities, found a difficulty themselves in forming a decisive opinion. Much more anxiety and doubt now, therefore, displayed themselves in the friends of Mr. Hastings, than when major Scott, in the exulta tion of anticipated victory, had so eagerly invited Mr. Burke ,y ^ . -. to the combat. The press teemed with defences of the late his"a'voar.n 94 HISTORY OF THE cy.$?- governor-general ; either the spontaneous effusions of convic- XX.V» II. ^ion a|ic, friendship, or the purchased productions of literary ^^^r*^ ability : the former were more disinterested in the motive ; the 1 'a' latter more successful in the execution. Some of Mr. Hastings's friends, indeed, very injudiciously, as well as uncandidly, ascrib ed bad or frivolous motives to the chief men on both sides of the house who voted for the impeachment. They asserted, that Mr. Burke was actuated by resentment; that Messrs.: Fox, Sheridan, Windham, Adam, Artstruther, Grey, sir Gil bert Elliot, and other members of opposition, merely wished to gratify Burke, and to attack a man whom they thought favoured by the court and some of the ministers ;s and that leading men of administration were moved by jealousy of Mr. Hastings's influence. Apprehending those advocates to be con vinced, that the person whose cause they so warmly espoused was innocent, and also able to prove his innocence, the im partial reader must deem them extremely imprudent, and in deed unwise in resting his defence upon extraneous grounds. This imputation was uncandid, because it assigned unjustifia ble motives without proof, or even plausible argument. The motive ascribed to the principal accuser was virulent resent ment, because a friend of his had been promoted by Hastings ; but the alleged cause is not adequate to the effect. That Mr. Burke or any man would undertake so laborious a task, which required such minuteness of investigation concerning in tricate details, the materials of which were to be fetched from such a distance, with so great and powerful a body inimical to an inquiry, merely because his friend had been slighted, is hardly within the compass of credibility : the same observations will ap ply to all the other prosecutors, as far as they were concerned. As to the jealousy of ministers, where can we find the grounds for such'u passion in the relative situation of these and of Mr. Hastings ? Fully admitting extraordinary talents and also me ritorious conduct in the political saviour of India, can a reader discover any official situation which he was likely to fill, that could in the smallest degree interfere with the power and influ ence of the ministers in question ? But the hired pleaders for Mr. Hastings, being much more accustomed to reasoning, de fended him on stronger grounds. Instead of forming hypothe ses concerning the motives of the accusers, they adduced argu ments from the conduct op the accused, which, in detailed series, principle and system, they justified by the circumstances in which he was placed, and illustrated by the effects that his thomojo- exertions produced. These two classes of defenders had each i itv uf the considerable success ; the first With the weak and undistinguish- verse'tothV inS 5 ^ie second with' men of discernment and abilities : and impeach- the majority of the nation was inimical lo the impeachment. uu-nl. c See pamphlels in favour of Mr. Hastings jwssim; also periodica] works, es pecially a newspaper culled the World. REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 95 Such was the state of the public opinion, wjien. one most j^yPt' ¦powerful effort of eloquence diffused quite different senti ments through the kingdom ; and preseuled Mr. Hastings as 1?37 an atrocious criminal. This was the celebrated speech on the Eloquence charge of the Begums., gives a con- An opinion long prevailed among literary men, that though {"pJb'jj™ Britons surpass the ancients in knowledge and philosophy ; opinion. equal them in epic, and excel them in dramatic poetry; yet British elo- they are inferior in eloquence. Writers of transcendent talents, » is shuffling, ambiguous, dark, insidious, and little ; nothing " .-impie, nothing unmixed ; all affected plainness and actual dis- " simulation : he was an heterogeneous mass of contradictory " qualities, with nothing greatbnt his crimes, and those conlrast- " ef a " bloody sceptre, and the little traffic of a merchant's counting u house, wielding a truncheon with one hand, and picking a " pocket with the other." This energetic, grand, and splendid display of eloquence was closed by the following peroration. (t Factions exist in this house, and there is scarcely a subject " on which we are not broken and divided into sects ; habits, *' connexions, parties, all lead to diversity of opinion ; but when " inhumanity presents itself to our observation, it finds no divi- " sion in the representatives the British people ; we attack " it as our common enemy ; and conceiving that the character " of the country is involved, in our zeal for the destruction of " cruelty, wequit not our undertaking till it be completely over- " thrown. It is not allowed to this assembly to behold theob- " jects of our compassion and benevolence in the present exten- (e sive inquiry : we cannot contemplate the workings of their '•' hearts, the quivering lips, the trickling tears, the loud yet f£ tremulous joys of the millions, whom our v°te of this night (l will forever save from the cruelty of e-.rrupted power: '->ut, K though we cannot directly see the effect, is not the true enjoys 102 HISTORY OF THE •SSvVi " ment °^ our Denevo'ence increased, by its being conferred un- ^^ " seen ? Will not the omnipotence of Britain be demonstra- S"^TX"' " ted to the wonder of nations, by stretching its mighty arm " across tbe deep, and saving by its fiat distant millions from " destruction ? And will the blessings of the people dissipate " in the empty air ? No. If I may dare use the figure, they " will constitute heaven itself their proxy, to receive for them " the blessings of their pious thanksgiving, and the prayers " their gratitude will dictate !" Such is the outline and chief substance of this celebrated speech, whose delivery occupied the extraordinary length of five hours and a half; during which its excellence was uniform in vivid, animated, and fervid desoription of conduct that ex cited the various emotions of the human heart5 for the alleged sufferers, and against the alleged tyrant: filled the hearers with contempt and scorn against exhibited meanness, detestation of represented atrocity, and called their vengeance upon powerful guilt overwhelming helpless innocents. Never was Mr. Sheri dan surpassed by any orator in brilliant and irresistible elo quence, nor has he often been equalled in ingenuity and acute ness of deduction from the premises which he assumed. If the governor-general had acted in the mode, and from the motives represented with so impressive effect by Mr. Sheridan, he would have certainly deserved to have been ranked among all the Ca- ligulas, Neros, and Caracallas, that had ever scourged humani ty by lawless power ; with all the Jonathan Wilds and Scapins, that, by fraud and imposture, supplied the want of force lo per- Its effects on petrate villany. The speech so manifestly astonished the the house of house, that Mr. Pitt proposed to adjourn their meeting without and the coming to a deliberation until they should be sufficiently re public covered to distinguish the blaze of eloquence from the light of truth : throughout the country the impression was little less powerful; and great numbers conceived Hastings as guilty as he was represented by transcendent genius. To the commons there appeared so probable grounds of accusation, as to pro duce a vote of one hundred and seventy-five to sixty-eight, for impeaching Mr. Hastings upon the third charge : several other inferior charges were voted to contain grounds of impeach ment. On the 2d of April various other accusations were ex amined, and the impeachment was at length voted ; when the. x The late Mr. Logan, well known for his literary efforts, and author of a most masterly defence of Mr. Hastings, went that day to the house of commons, pre possessed for the accused and against his accuser. At the expiration of the first hour he said to a friend, " All this is declamatory assertion ^ ilhout proof:" when the second was finished ; " This is a most wonderful oration :" at the close of the third ; " Mr. Hastings has acted very unjustifiably :" the fourth : '¦' Mr. Hastings is a most atrocious criminal !" and at last ; " Of all monsters of iniquity the most enormous is Warren Hastiugs !" This I was told by Mr. Peter Stewart, proprie. tor of the Oracle, who was present . REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 103 form in which that inquest should be carried on, became a sub- S$L$£: ject of consideration. Mr. Fox proposed, that there should be a general charge of impeachment, and that the house, on 7„_ acquainting the lords with their intention, should inform them that they were preparing articles which Ihey would present with all convenient despatch ; reserving to themselves the constitu tional rights of supplying more heads, after they had gone through the whole. Mr. Pitt proposed they should separate and analyze the charges, since the accusation consisted of a diffuse and complicated mass ; of many allegations which had not been substantiated, and of many facts which could not be considered as criminal ; that thus each part should be tried by its distinct and individual merits. Mr. Burke and Mr. Sheridan coincided with the minister ; and his plan was adopted. Mr. Hastings now made, through major Scott, an application to the house, that if they resolved there was ground for impeachment, they would vote that he should be brought to trial : he trusted that the house of commons would not suffer his name to be branded upon their records, without allowing him at the same time the only legal means of effacing the stigma. A committee was formed to prepare articles of impeachment against Warren Hastings, esq. and empowered to send for per sons, papers, and records. The committee consisted of Mr. Burke, Mr. Fox, Mr. Sheridan, Mr. Pelham, sir James Erskine, Mr. Windham, Mr. St. John, Mr. Francis, sir Gilbert Elliot, sir Grey Cooper, Mr. Frederick Montague, Mr. Wellbore Ellis, general Burgoyne, colonel North, Mr. Taylor, Mr. Grey, Mr. Anstruther, Mr. Adam, Mr. Dudley Long, and jord Maitland. On the 20th of May, Mr. Edmund Burke went in the name The com- of the house, of commons, and of all the commons of Great mons ™" Britain, to the bar of the house of lords* and impeached Mr. ren°Hast-r* Hastings of high crimes and misdemeanors ; and acquainted >ngs at the the lords, that the commons would, with all convenient speed, n^°r '"j.6 exhibit articles against him, and make good the same. The peer?. ° articles were eight in number : the charge of Cheyt Sing, the begums, charges of Farruckahad, the contracts, Fizulla Khan, the presents, the revenues, and misdemeanors in Oude. At the instance of Mr. Burke, Mr. Hastings was taken into custody by the sergeant at arms ; and being immediately conducted to the bar of the house of lords, was delivered to the gentleman usher of the black rod. Upon the motion of the lord-chancellor he was admitted to bail, himself in 20,0001. and two sureties, Mr. Sullivan, and Mr. Sumner, in 10,0001. each, and was ordered to deliver in an answer to the articles of impeachment in one month from that time, or upon the second day of the next session of parliament.}1 y See Annual Register for 1737 ; British and foreign history, p. 148. 104 HISTORY OF TIIE CHAP On the 20th of April the financial accounts and arrangements XXXVI. 0f tr)e yPar WPre brought forward. The. minister opf-i:ci ihe ""^^T**^ subject by testifying the high satisfaction that lie !e!t, mid Supplies, which hedoubted not the house would share, when he lai-' b fore Favourable them such an account of our finances, as would justify his for- staie ii the mer statements, reasonings, and predictions. The public set vices were to be provided for without additional imposts, although a very bad season in the West Indies had caused a defalcation in the customs to the amount of 350,0001. Mr. Dun- On the 7th of May, Mr. Dundas; as president of the board das brings 0f control brought forward the financial state of- British India. financial He conceived it (he said) highly improper that any part of the stateofBri- empire should be in the receipt df a revenue of five millions, tishlndia. an(j jrjajptain an army of seventy or eighty thousand men, with out its being known to the house of commons how that revenue was disbursed, and why such an establishment was supported. The debt in India amounted to nine millions, the revenue of the last year afforded a surplus of l,80ii,000l. and the company would be able to discharge their debt in this country in the year 1790. Having clearly and concisely stated these facts and opinions, Mr. Dundas moved resolutions respecting the reve nues of India; these were carried without a division. On the 30th of May his majesty prorogued parliament with a speech, expressing his entire approbation of the zeal and as siduity with which the houses applied themselves to the. impor tant objects recommended lo their attention at the commence ment of the session, and returning his majesty's particular1 thanks for the proofs which they had given of affection for his Promising person, family, and government. Satisfied as he was with the aspect of assurances which he received of the continuance, among foreign powers^ of general tranquillity, he greatly regretted theinter- nal dissensions among the states of the united provinces. He rejoiced at the progress made in the reduction of the national debt; and at the measures adopted by parliament for carrying into effect the commercial treaty with France, and for simpli fying the revenue; he trusted the same patriotic dispositions would be exerted in their several c untie^ in pomoti'ig indus try and good order; the surest sources of private and public prosperity. REIGN OF GEORGE IH. 103 CHAP. XXXVIH. Affairs of Holland. — Ruinous effects of the war with Britain — Complaints against the stadtholder. — Charge concerning the inaction of the fleets. — Objects of the aristocratic party at the end of the war. — They put arms inlo the hands of the multitude. — Effects of this measure. — Beginning of a democratic party. — Both the aristocratic.and democratic parties agree in hostility to the house of Orange. Advantages which they possessed over the sladtholderian party. — They are supported by the'monied men — and sectaries. — Circumstances favourable to the prince. — He is commander of the army and fleet. — Civil power and a\x- thority. — He is governor-general of the East and West India companies. — ¦ His hereditary possessions. — Several provinces favourable lo his cause. — - Friendship and affinity with Prussia. — Adverse faction trusts to the protection of France.— They deprive the prince of the command of the Hagne The Orange family leave the Hague. — Temperate remonstrances of Prussia — dis regarded by the faction,— who absolve the troops from their oath of fidelity.— Meeting of the states of Holland and West Friezeland, — violence of. — Remon strance of the prince. — Frederick William sends his prime minister as ambas sador to the stales of Holland. — Firm memorial of, — Conduct of France — en courages the faction. — Rebellion commences at Hattem., — The insurgents are defeated .: — Conciliatory interposition of Prussia — and of Britain — unavailing.— Joint mediation of Prussia and France. — Different views of these powers.— - Alarming power of the democratic party — is exerted in levelling innovation—* defeated in an attempt to suspend the office of stadtholder.— .They try a new fabrication of votes. — The-armed burghers are employed as instruments of revolution. — Fury of a revolutionary mob, — The slates-general avow themselves supporters of the constitution. — Disorders at Amsterdam. — .The army continues attached to the prince. — The faction becomes desperate. — Arrest of the princess on her way to the Hague. — She is compelled to return. — On this insult the king of Prussia changes his tone,^-He demands satisfaction of the slates of Holland — which is not granted. He determines on force. — The revolutionists rely on Fiaace. — The duke of Brunswick enters the United Provinces at the head of an army, — The revolutionists apply to France for aid,— Conduct of Britain. — The king of France intimates an intention of assisting the states of Holland. — Our king declares he will forcibly oppose such interference, .and prepares an armament. — France relinquishes her design, — and the duke of Brunswick is completely victorious. — Restoration of the stadtholder.— Great and unanimous praises of the British cabinet. THE most important events of the summer regarded the CHAP. United Provinces. Their mifortunate war with Britain, and xxxvnl- its ruinous consequences, had shaken the republic to its founda- W~N^S-' tion, occasioned a departure from many of its ancient maxims AffIirs7o'r and principles ; and not only strengthened the old party which Holland. was friendly to France, but made way for the rise of a new faction, much more dangerous and destructive. The known V0L. n, 14 106 HISTORY OF Till CHAP, averseness of the stadtholder to connexion with the house of XXXVIII. Bourbon and the American colonies, hia near relation and be- <*-7JtTx^ lieved attachment to the British sovereign, afforded grounds for ' suspicion, that he could not engage very heartily in a cause so directly opposite to opinions in which he had been nurtured. Ruinous ef- The disgraceful and ruinous consequences of the war, the im- fecu of the mense losses sustained by the capture of St. Eustatius, with Bntain!'h otner severe blows, as well on the seas as in both the Indies, which the republic had received during that ill sought and un fortunate conflict, not only disappointed the views of the sup porters of the French interest, but produced great discontent among many other individuals, who did not originally belong to that party ; and they imputed to the backwardness of the stadtholder, losses which proceeded from their own folly in courting a war with England. They commenced hostilities unwisely and unjustly, when they had so much valuable mer chandise, either on sea or in their factories, exposed to an en emy, who, notwithstanding every opposition, still retained the command of the ocean ; and were enraged that the stadtholder did not perform impossibilities by saving them from the conse- Compiainu quences of their iniquitous impolicy. The charges against the against the stadtholder were chiefly general : it was said, that he had not etadtholder. exerted the force with which he was intrusted by the state, in that manner, or with that energy which he might have employ ed, and which would have been most effectual for counteract ing the designs and frustrating the efforts of the enemy. On these points, the prince in vain repeatedly challenged his ad versaries to the inquiry and proof; but, aware of the futility of Charge their charges, they did not wish for investigation. One spe- conceming cjfic object of examination was, why the Dutch fleet did npt c-nhc fleet" proceed to Brest, according to compact, in the year 1782, thfit the whole combined naval force of the house of Bourbon and Holland might have descended at once on the coasts of Bri tain. The failure had been loudly attributed to criminal neg lect, if not treachery ; and a committee was speedily appoint ed to inquire into the causes : the result was, no discovery was made, tending in the smallest degree to affect the stadt holder. Objetta of At the termination of the American war, no ideas of demo- the arifcio- cratic liberty, or of the admi.ssion of the whole people into a auhe end^ share of the government, appear to have been entertained by of the war. the party in opposition to the stadtholder: their design was to strengthen tbe aristocracies, and to place the government in the hands of an oligarchy, composed of their own principal leaden-., who would likewise be self elected and perpetual ; and who, not subject to the jealousy attendant on the sway of a single person, in the nature of things would soon assume a decisive au thority, which had never been possessed by the stadtholderale. The contest with the emperor afforded a pretext for a measure which the aristocratic faction intended for strengthening tbeii REIGN OF GEORGE III. W power, but eventually produced the total dissolution of their ^'^fr authority ; this was, the bestowal of arms on the multitude : ^^^ the people finding arms in their hands, began at once to feel ]7(J7 their own importance ; they awakened, as it were, from a dead-riicy put sleep, and wondered why they held no share in that govern- ™ into ment which they were called upon to defend or support, and 0j"ll1,I1nlu]. which it wns evident without them could have no permanent titudc. security. Tho Cxalnples of Ireland and America were froshEffrcuol before them ; tho very term of volunteers, which they assum-su',.e ed, contributed to stamp tho character of the pnrt they were to act. The democratic spirit being thus suddenly brought to life, felt the possession of its faculties, and displayed all the vigour, nnd, perhaps, even the wantonness of youth. The armed burghers had been designed as a counterpoise to the army, which wns known to be generally attached to the stadt holder ; nnd it wns fondly expected, that when they had per formed the service, they would have silently sUnk into their former insignificance; but without waiting for that issue; they be-'gau to account themselves constituent members of the com monwealth, nnd demanded to bo admitted to a share in the legislation and government of their respective cities, by elect ing delegates, who were to be received as their legal repre sentatives in the public assemblies; and thus form a popular counterpoise to the aristocratic power. When these sentiments were avowed, nothing could exceed the surprise and conster-> nation which they excited. The principal leaders of the faction Bcft'"m'"C were disconcerted nnd alarmed ; they had improvidently mis- cmtiepariy. od a dangerous spirit, and brought a new power into action; without a due consideration of the force and eccentricity of its movements ; and these were evidently beyond their control or management. This new body they saw would prove equally inimical to the aristberatical, as to the stadtholderian authority 5 but afraid, if they should then oppose the pretensions of the democrnlicul party, that a powerful body would go over to the Orange adherents, and both united put an end to the sway of tho nobles, they temporized) and appeared to coincide with the plebeian combination. This union of two parties, of adverse interests, but concur- Both the ing in desire to humiliate the stadtholder, was very formidable aristocratic to that prince and his friends. The states of Holland and c"Blic p»,°-~ West Friezeland were the great and constant impugners of theticsaitreein stadtholder^ authority and prerogatives. They assumed a [j™'}1^ J°ol- suporiority which, was not admitted by the constitution of theoran™ c union, nnd wns derived only from the circumstance of Holland possessing a greater share of wealth and a larger extent of terri tory, than any of the others. Tho most bitter animosity which appeared against the prince, seemed to be peculiarly lodged in ^hX'thcy* tlmt province ; and the city of Amsterdam took tho lead of powwd all other places in tho invariable display of enmity. The ovor ln.e. diverse faction had many nnd great advantages over therian,p'u'rtv-". 108 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. XXXVIII. 1787. They are supportedby the mo- nied men and secta- Circum- stances fa vourable to the prince. He is com mander of the army and fleet. His civil power and authority. Me is gov ernor gene ral of the East and West India companies. Orange party in this contest : for several years they pursued one common object, to which all their measures were directed ; thence they were closely united : while their antagonists having no purpose to attain, which might serve to combine their zeal or excite their enterprise, were loose, careless, and unconnect ed. The opposite party had likewise the important advantage Of being favoured by the monied men ; they were, besides, quickened by the ardour, and kept in constant exercise by the indefatigable zeal and restless spirit,2 which is always observa ble in sectaries ; and though the measure of arming the volun teers had been productive of much trouble and disorder among themselves, yet it afforded them at least the benefit of a formi dable appearance. To balance these unfavourable circumstances, the prince was not without considerable means, both internal and exter nal : as captain-general and admiral-general of the United Provinces, he had command of the whole military and naval force of the republic : he had the nomination of all the com missioned officers in either service, and was considered by these as their patron and master ; he had also the appoint ment of most of the civil servants of the state. The landed interest, though a much less proportion of the aristocracy of Holland to the monied, than the corresponding class of Eng land, was, with few exceptions, friendly to the prince in all the provinces ; even of the people great numbers (though not amounting to a majority) were partisans of the stadtholder. But his authority and legal powers were by no means confin ed to the fleet and army : by his office he was placed as presi dent at the head of most, if not all of the civil departments of the republic. He presided, either in person or by deputy, as he chose, in all the assemblies of the several respective provin ces. He had a seat, though not a vote, in the assembly of the states-general ; and it was not merely a matter of right, but a part of his official duty, to be present at their delibera tions, and to give his opinion or advice upon all matters of discus sion, in which he deemed it necessary ; and this had not only a great influence upon their proceedings, but in times of harmo ny, and under a vigorous and successful administration of public affairs, was generally decisive of their conduct. His right of nomination or rejection with respect to the new members appointed to fill up the town senates and magistracies, was now contested, and generally overruled, but could not fail to have given him by its past operation a great influence in those distinct republics. In the quality of governor-general and supreme director of the East and West India companies, the stadtholder, likewise had an unbounded influence in those great commercial bodies.* The prince, moreover, inherited very .. Annual Register, 17E6. a See Annual Register for 1786, p. 7-1 REIGN OF GEORGE HI. t09 large estates and possessions which included palaces, cities, and ™5y T.\ castles, and endowed him with several important privileges, in dependent of his offices under the state. Powerful as the aris- _ tocracy was, yet the party favourable to the stadtholder had His here'di- many votaries; even in Amsterdam and Rotterdam, and the tary posses- greater cities of Holland, which were peculiarly hostile to theslons' house of Orange, the domineering faction had lo combat nu merous adversaries. In the smaller towns the parties ap- Several proached more nearly to an equality : of the provincial states, ^^"able Guelderland and Utrecht were devoted to William : Overyssel, to his cause.-' Groningen, and Zealand were fluctuating, and disposed to be mediatorial ; so that Holland and West Friezeland only were absolutely hostile to the stadtholder. The prince possessed Friendship an external resource and support in the friendship and protec-and,'iJnm'y tion of the illustrious Frederick: policy directed a wise king^ of Prussia to repress the ambition of France, and prevent her from acquiring, under the name of alliance, the command of those provinces, and bound him to the anli-gallican party; while affinity cemented the bands by which he was connected with the house of Orange. The authority of so renowned a protector, long shielded William and his consort from any mea sures of extreme violence. Such was the state of affairs in the beginning of autumn 1785. The aristocratic faction now found Adverse themselves very potent at home, and placed unbounded confi- faction dence in the assisting power of France. Proud of this pro- protection.18 tection, and freed of every apprehension from the emperor, ol France. they became less attentive to the admonitions of Frederick him self: they proceeded at once to show that they were no longer disposed to observe any measures of amity wilh the prince stadtholder, nor even to preserve those outward appearances which might indicate a disposition to future conciliation. This They de- was announced by divesting him of the government and com- P''.iv'e ""? mand of the garrison of the Hague ; a measure not more vio-^|^°ndof lent in the act, than it was degrading in the execution, through the Hague. the unusual circumstances with which it was accompanied. The committee of the states issued a decree, by which they de prived the prince of his government and command, forbidding the troops to receive the word from him, to obey his orders in any manner, or even to pay him any of the customary mili tary honours. To render the degradation complete, and as it were, to add the incurable sting of a personal insult, they, at the same time, stripped him of his own body guards, and even •the hundred Swiss, who were destined merely to civil purposes, and to the support of state parade and magnificence. A re monstrance of Ihe prince farmed this decree a violent breach of the constitution, an invasion of his rights, and an indignity to his person and character; but his complaints produced no other satisfaction than the contemptuous intimation, that the guards were maintained for the purpose of supporting the grandeur of the state, and not. for the pageantry of the stadl- 110 HISTORY OF THE xxxvm n0^er' After sucn an <*Pea indignity, the prince and princess ' could no longer continue in a city, which was the seat of the ^~^C^ courtj public! business, and government ; as well as the resi dence of all foreign ministers : they therefore immediately The Orange abandoned the Hague. The prince retired to his own city of ihe1HagurBreda»arid *he princess with the children repaired to West ' Friezeland, where, notwithstanding the implacable enmity of the states of that province, the people Were generally well af fected to the Orange family. The faction followed their late measure by an ordet for furnishing the guards with new co lours, in which the arms of the house of Orange were totally omitted, and those of the province of Holland substituted in their place. The king of Prussia regarded this personal in sult, and violent attack upon the authority of the stadtholder, with great but regulated indignation ; he still preserved the Temporaie most temperate language in his remonstrances ; and while his remoiisiran- expostulations placed in the fullest light the wrongs and Unde- sesofPius- serve(j injuries sustained by that prince, and sufficiently indi cated that he was too much interested in his cause to permit him to become ultimately a victim to oppression ; yet for the present, he appeared rather in the character of a friendly neigh bour to both, and an amicable mediator, wishing to reconcile the differences and misunderstandings between the parties, than disregarded the direct advocate of either :b but the faction was too far ad- b.y 'h« fac- vanced in violence to regard moderate remonstrances ; and proceeded to still greater innovations. They issued an order, that the military honours usually bestowed on the stadtholder, in all his different capacities of captain-general, governor of the Hague, and commander of the garrison, should in future be paid only to the president of their committee, as the represen tative of the states, and to the grand pensionary of Holland. who absolve This was soon followed by an order to discharge all the troops ihe troops 0f lne province from their oath of fidelity to the stadtholder, Iroin their . . * .. - , , , . , , , -, , oath of fide- and to prescribe a new oath, by which they were bound to the liiy. states only. The faction took the press entirely into their own hands, and the most scurrilous invectives were every day pub lished against the stadtholder ; and not only passed With im punity, but received high applause : while the most temperate writings in defence of his rights, or a bare statement of their nature, subjected the publishers and writers to severe and certain punish ment. Such was the state of affairs at the end of the year.1785. The prince stadtholder from Breda had repaired to Middle- burgh ; but finding the faction in Holland had proceeded to extremities, he concluded force would be necessary, resolved to betake himself to the province in and near which his strength chiefly lay ; and, therefore fixed his residence in Guelderland : besides vicinity to his partisans, he there could easily avail himself of the co-operation of Prussia. The faction were not b Annual Pieg-Ftm- for 1786, p. 77 REIGN OF GEORGE. IU. Ill at first sensible of the advantages which must accrue to the xS5yE; prince from the residence which he had chosen, and pro ceeded in their violence. Great expectations had been form- ^^C^ ed on both sides, from the assemblage of the states of Holland Meeiin»- of and West Friezeland, which was to take place at the Hague in the states of the middle of March. When this body was convened, instead ^j"„^t of the cool impartiality of a deliberative meeting, it exhibited Friezeland ; all the violence and outrage of a mob : and the members ap peared to have parted with the phlegm of Dutchmen, and to have borrowed the animated virulence of enraged Frenchmen. In the course of the session, the most important question violence of. which was handled by the assembly, was, whether the stadt holder should be restored to the government of the Hague ? and after many vehement debates it was, on the 27th of July, carried against the prince of Orange by a majority of only one; the numbers being ten to nine. The equestrian order, and the deputies of some towns, protested against this resolu tion as violent, illegal, and unconstitutional. William did not Re010"- . fail to express the strongest reprobation of this conduct of thetn'jfprinc'e, states : in a letter to that hody he denied the legality of one or two provinces presuming to deprive him of a power which had been conferred by the whole confederacy; he did not even acknowledge the right of the whole union to dispossess him of the dignities and powers, which were in the fullest manner rendered hereditary in his family; but without, for the present, investigating that question, he argued, that at least the retraction of the authority should be atteuded with the same unanimity which prevailed in the donation. The states of Holland, regarding this letter as a defiance, passed a second decree confirming tbe first. The death of Frederick brought to the throne of Prussia the brother of the princess of Orange and produced a more active interference to support ¦the interests of the sister, than had been employed while she was only the niece. Soon after his accession Frederick William Frederick sent his prime minister tbe count de Goertz, as ambassador ^J^JJg .extraordinary to the states of Holland ; and by him a long let- prime mini- ter° to the states-general. This paper mingled temperance of ster ambas- manner with vigour of substance, and was in every respect stat^ '0°r worthy of ministers formed under the wise and resolute Fre- Holland. derick. Its introduction removed the objections, which might be made by the states to the interference of a foreign power in their internal affairs. The firm friendship, which for two centuries had subsisted between his predecessors and the repub lic, would even have demanded his friendly and mediatorial interposition in the present unhappy and dangerous state of their civil dissensions : his situation as their nearest neighbour, and the vicinity of a part of his dominions to their territories, F- must necessarily prevent him from being indifferent to anymorialof" c See State Papers of 1786, Sept. 18, 112 HISTORY OF THE violent or essential change that was attempted to be made in the constitution of the republic : besides these causes, the near relation in which he stood" with the prince stadtholder, and the affection which he bore to the princess his sister, rendered - it impossible that he could be unconcerned in seeing them de-. graded from their high rank and authority, and the stadtholder arbitrarily deprived of his rights and prerogatives : he, there fore, urgently, pressed the states-general to interpose their friendly and powerful mediation with the states of Holland and West Friezeland, that the differences between them and the stadtholder might be amicably settled, and the prince re stored to his rights and dignities. The application expressed the fullest confidence that the states-general would exert them selves for the attainment of its purposes: and prudently for bore any intimation of the measures which Prussia would pursue, should the letter not produce the intended effects. . This representation made a very strong impression on the States of five of the provinces ; Holland and West Friezeland vehemently protested against foreign interference; but while- they reprobated the interposition of a potentate hostile to their faction, they closely connected themselves with a power Conductor that was friendly to the anti-stadtholderian party. The court Frtmce of Versailles skilfully fanned the flame of discontent by. subor dinate agents, but her public memorials were couched in so equivocal terms as to admit of different and even contrary constructions : and carefully abstained from pledging France cncourao-es to any specific line of conduct. The faction, however, was the faction, well assured of the support of France : and hy that expect ation inflamed to the most insolent violence : they seemed indeed not only to cast off all obedience to their own laws, but every regard to the law of nations. A courier from Berlin to London was stopped and narrowly escaped having his de spatches examined by the populace of Woerden. This out rage obliged the count de Goertz formally to demand a pass port from the states-general for a courier he was sending with despatches to his royal master. The states which were in the interest of the Orange family, strongly remonstrated* against the turbulent outrages of Holland, but found their Rebellion interference made no impression ; the standard of rebellion at at Hatieni8 ,en£tn was hoisted at Hattem and Elbourg: the states of Guelderland, at the frontiers of which these towns are situated, determined to employ force in repressing revolt: they charged the prince stadtholder, as captain-general, immediately to send a sufficient number of troops under the conduct of an experi enced officer, to these scenes of disturbance, wilh injunctions to continue there until further orders : but that if the inhabi tants were to make any resistance to the performance of this service, such officer was authorized, in spite of all obstacles to support the sovereign authority of their noble mightinesses, by proceeding to force and violence in the establishment of the REIGN OF GEORGE HI. IIS gUfrisoris. General Spenglef, with four regiments, and proper y^x^ artillery, was appoihted by the stadtholder to this service, ^i^^, with strict injunctions, if possible, to avoid the shedding ._ 7 of blood. The armed burghers of Hattem, being re-enforced by as many volunteers as money or party zeal could procure from different quarters, ' exhibted a great parade of making a most obstinate resistance. Their cannon were mounted on the walls and Works ; and on the approach of the stadtholder's little army, as they called the regular forces by Way of contempt -, they fired several rounds of artillery with great briskness, but with so defective' judgment in the direction, as not to produce the smallest effect. As soon as Spengler arrived within a pro per distance, in order .to do the least possible mischief, he pointed his artillery at the chimneys and tops of the houses only ; this, however, along with the bold advance and near ap proach of- the troops, soort produced the desired effect ; the arnied burghers^ with their adherents and auxiliaries, abandoned the town ; and Spengler's men entered at one gate as they Tfej . Were retiring through another. Elbourg Was relinquished in gents are the same tnahner, and wilh still less trouble."1 The faction com- defeated^ lhanded all the public papers; and represented the trifling affair at Hattem as a signal display of republican heroism, worthy of the descendants of those bands which had risen to vindicate their liberty from' Alva and Philip ; they could have completely routed the soldiers of Orange, but patriotic as well as valiant, they were willing to spare the effusion of the blood of their countrymen. In the same style of delusion, nothing Could be more shocking or ¦ deplorable than the accounts which they published Of the enormities^ the plunder, and cruelties, Commit ted by the troops who gained possession of Hattem and Elbourg. The capture of the two towns was represented by the faction as the actual commencement of ctvilwar ; and nothing was to be heard but execrations, as welt ag&irtst the states of Gueldres, as the prince stadtholder. In the province of Holland espe cially, the flames seemed to be blown up nearly to the greatest height at which they were capable of arriving. All regard to forms was now laid aside in completing the deposition by force,- df those magistrates, senators* and members of the respective town councils, who were known or suspected to be of the oppo site party. Towards the close of 1786, the fortune of the house of Orange appeared to be entirely fallen ; but external efforts were made in its favour, which proved ultimately suc cessful. The king of Prussia was incessant in his endeavours Conciliatb- to promote all such measures of conciliation, as could in any I7.intei'P0" degree tend to prevent those unpleasant and dangerous Conse- pr'u6"ia djiences, which the present state of things, and the violence of the republican party could not otherwise fail to produce. For the attainment of this purpose he showed himself disposed to try d Sec Annual Register for 1786, p, 87. VOL. TTi 1 5 1M HISTORY OF THE chap. at]y meaiiSjhowever unpromising, and to coincide with any inte- rests, however discordant, that afforded even a possibility of success. The court of London offered its joint mediation with Berlin 5 but the faction, aware of the predilection of Britain for the in terest of the stadtholder, as well as the family of Orange, to* tally refused her mediation. The king of Prussia therefore proposed that France, the avowed friend, and close ally of the^ republic, should, along with himself, undertake the kind office^ but arduous task, of settling and composing the differences by Joint we- which it was distracted. The court of France professed to re" dianon of cgiyg these overtures with the warmest cordiality; and an am- France. bassa-dor was sent to the Hague for the purposedesired. Though such movements wore the appearance of returning tranquillity, yet it was easily seen that the actual conciliation of the con- Different tending parties wns very improbable. France, it was cpnceiv- riews of g^ Would never really coincide with the king of Prussia in re- grs. storing the stadtholder to his- power, which the faction regarded with bitter hatred ; the king of Prussia would noi sacrifice to France the interests of the prince of Orange, by making such concessions as the adverse combination would require. The ministers, however, of France and Prussia entered upon the negotiation, which was carried on during the winter months; and though the mediators had agreed in their views and inten tions, the objects and notions of the parties concerned were sdi diametrically opposite, that it would be totally impossible to sar Alarming tisfy both. While contests, begun by an aristocratic faction, pcwerofthe were j\ms distracting the United Provinces, the democratical party; party, which, as we have seen, the dissensions generated, was becoming extremely powerful. In Utrecht, a government fs exerted entirely democratical, was established ; and in Holland the in levelling^ states found that in stimulating the efforts of the populace, they nova ion , j^j q^]]^ [n an auxiliary more formidable than the adversary whom they desired to subdue : the violence and anarchy of mob government now prevailed throughout the provinces. It sometimes fortunately happens, that the desultory efforts of q, domineering populace, from unskilful direction, produce effects diametrically opposite to the intentions. The city of Amsterdam from the beginning had been the bitterest and most implacable of the stadtholder's enemies ; so that it seemed as if all the vio lent measures pursued against him, had originated in the pride, malice, and power pf those citizens : but Amsterdam suddenly changed sides, and declared in favour of the stadtholder. To detail the causes of this revolution, belongs not to a history which considers the affairs of the United Provinces, only' as they affected the interests, or came to stimulate the energies of Britain ; and it may suffice to say, that the change produced freat alarm in the anti-stadtholderian faction, and eventually icilitated the re-establishment of the house of Orange. The defection of Amsterdam could, not but excite an universal alarms REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 115 among the leaders of the revolutionary party, and urged them ^J^jy • to the adoption of every measure that could possibly tend to v_^__, counteract its effect : foF this purpose they proceeded to. very l7g7 violent conduct ; and at length resolved to propose a daring measure, which, though they bad often meditated, they had not yet ventured to carry into execution ; thh was the suspension defeated in of the prince of Orange from his offices of stadtholder and ad- an attempt miral-general, in the same manner they had already succeeded ,Deoffice of in suspending him from his command of captain-general. This stadtholdw. question was brought forward on the 10th of January 1787, and for two succeeding days occasioned the warmest and most violent debates that had ever been known in the assembly. The proposers, however, found the opposition so formidable, and the aspect of the independent members so doubtful, tbat they did not choose to hazard the decision of a vole on the question. Defeated in this attempt, the faction attempted a new fabri- They try_ai cation of votes ; but tbe project was treated with indignant re- neT fab™- sentment and scorn. The states of Holland, deprived of the voU3. eo-operation of Amsterdam, and thwarted in schemes of vio lence, began in spring 1787 to assume a moderate tone, and to adopt measures very disagreeable to the violent leaders of the adverse faction; the cause of the stadtholder became popular, even in the province of Holland. The aristocratic confede rates hitherto, as much as possible, repressed the ambition of the democratical malcontents : but now they saw that there was no alternative but acquiescence in their claim, or. submis sion lo the stadtholder: on the former they resolved, and cal- The armed led in the armed burghers as their instruments in revolutionizing burghers the state. Such reformers proceeded wilh the usual fury of a ^aswsin*- democratic mob. They attacked tbe assemblies of Rotterdam meuts ol and other towns, and to produce unanimity drove away by revolution. force every member whom they knew or suspected to be friend ly to the house of Orange, or enemies to boundless innovation. Encouraged by their success, they carried their reforming pro- Fury of a jects to Amsterdam ; and effected a similar change in the ne-w-otaioi- tropolis. During antecedent disorders, the states-general had ary ""*"' observed strict impartiality ; and it could not be discovered to which side they inclined ; but now that an armed mob threat ened confusion and anarchy, they thought it was full time to rally round the constituted authorities, in whose downfall, their own ruin must be involved. In May 1787, they avowed themselves the defenders of the The siatasr existing establishments ; and now it was no longer a contest FeneraL between the house of Orange and a party of nobles, but be- tclrl- snp- * tween constitutional order and revolutionary rebellion. Tbe porters of armed populace having forcibly restored the majority of mal- ,j10eneon*t"ii'" contents in the stales of Holland, that body assumed to itself powers that could only belong to the stateS^general. Among the respective partisans frequent skirmishes took place, not without bloodshed. The revolutionary democrats did not can- lit} HISTORY OF THE CHAP. fine themselves to personal outrage and savage cruelty, hut added XXXVIII . rot,bery : the richest towns of that very opulent country became "*^~^~*^ scenes of pillage.* In the course of the summer, Amsterdam Disorders was a scene of more dreadful devastation, than any European at Amster- metropolis had exhibited during the preceding part of the dam. eighteenth century ; it indeed afforded a specimen to the world of the consequences of a furious love of change, which entirely overleaped every bound of reason and of justice. The states of Holland were extremely anxious to obtain a command of the troops; and the states-general with equal activity, and much greater effect, counteracted these efforts : this, indeed, was the less difficult, as the disposition of the army continued very favourable to the family of Orange; many, both of officers and privates; refused to obey the orders of the provincial states, The army and ardently desired the restitution of the stadtholder. The continues stales-general -very properly encouraged this repugnance to theprim»? usurped authority, and took the troops into immediate protection and pay. Colonel Balneavis, a Scottish gentleman of great ability and resolution, by his successful address was the means of recalling the military force of Holland to the service of their prince. Possessing the affection and confidence of the soldiers, he carried with him two battallions to join the stadtholder, and the other regiments immediately followed so laudable an exam- The faction pie. But the departure of their troops, instead of intimidating becomes the states of Holland, served only to drive them to more desperate, desperate violence. An-estofthe Amidst all the rage which the revolutionists vented against princesson the government of the house of Orange, the persons of these iheHa^ue! prince's had not hitherto been violated ; but the infatuated fury of a mob no longer confined itself within these bounds. The consort of the stadtholder was a princess of vigorous capacity, and intrepid spirit: from the justice of the cause, as well as the late accessions lo the party, she conceived that the hour of restoration was approaching, and might be accelerated by a bold and resolute effort. She accordingly determined to leave Nimeguen, unaccompanied by her husband; to proceed to tha. Hague and show herself to the people ; she hoped, through the states-general, and other adherents, corporate and private^ to effect the restoration of the prince. Accompanied only by the baroness Wassanaar, count Bentick, and a field officer or two, and attended by a few domestics, the princess arrived at the borders of Holland, near Schoonhoven. Since the depar ture of the constitutional troops, the revolutionary burghers composed the sole military force of Holland : a party of these surrounded the carriage, and arrested the person of the prin cess. The commander of this notable troop was altogether worthy of such a corps ; a vulgar and ignorantf burgher ; and', c Annual Register, 1787, chap. i. f See Annual Re;ji;[er for 1787,. p. X. REIGN OF GEORGE IH. 117 by unmerited authority elated to insolence, this person and his jrwyE-, band behaved with brutal irreverence ; they conducted the il lustrious captive as a spectacle, with all the coarse vociferation njf7 of an exulting rabble : even when their barbarous dissonance startled the horses, and almost overtnrned her carriage in a ca nal, they would not permit the gentlemen of the suite to afford her assistance. At length they arrived at an inn ; the gallant captain accompanied the princess to her room : regardless* of Ihe presence of a lady, this municipal commander kept his sword drawn; but her attendants representing the impropriety of such an exhibition, he complaisantly returned it to the scab bard : after this effort of politeness, he sat down by her side, cross-legged, and at the same timeordering beer, pipes, and to bacco, enjoyed a comfortable regale, but without being seduced by such appropriate pleasure to intermit the vigilances of offi cial employment. After being confined several hours, commissioners arrived from the town of Woerden, who expressly told the princess she would not be allowed to continue the journey, but she might retire wherever she chose ; accordingly she set out on She is «„•> her return to Nimeguen : the prince, informed of her capture, Pelled 10 re- applied ia the states-general for protection to his consort, and satisfaction for so gross and outrageous an insult ; and his re presentation was seconded by a much more powerful applicant: the conduct of tbe revolutionists towards the princess, was atr tended with very important consequences. Hitherto tbe king On thism- of Prussia had acted towards the United Provinces as a me- suit the king dialing neighbour between the two parties : though naturally, changes hi and indeed avowedly, favourable to one, he bad never intimat- tone. ed a design of forcible interference ; but from the seizure of the princess, his relation to the provinces was changed : he was now a powerful brother demanding reparation to a sister ; a mighty monarch requiring the satisfaction which he could ex act He sent a memorial to the states of Holland, wherein he He de- insisted upon immediate and ample atonement, and also the lufecUo^of punishment of the perpetrators : he, moreover, added, that he the states of should estimate the value which they attached to his friend- Holland ; ship, by their compliance with this requisition.1" Before this memorial arrived, the states of Holland had expressed their approbation of the conduct of the persons who had seized the princess : they returned a long and laboured answer ; but ac knowledged no blame, and proffered no satisfaction. Thewh«*-s stubborn injustice of the states of Holland was contrasted by not Sranwi the fair and liberal conduct of the states-general, to whom the king o£ Prussia had also applied : that assembly declared, g The Annual Register mentions some very laughable instances of the assiduity with which the Dutch sentinels kept watch, to prevent feir.iie attendants from eSecting their escape : see A. R. p. 33. fa See State paper:.- Aagiut C, 17?7. 118 HISTORY OF THE xxxvni tnat ^^ "^ madc repeated representations to the provincial ' meeting of Holland on this outrageous insult ; that those states v^^>"/ themselves must be entirely responsible for measures, in regret ting and reprobating whipb, their high mightinesses perfectly He deter- agreed wilh his Prussian majesty. Frederick was determined ibrct on to enforce from the states of Holland the satisfaction which they had refused to his requisition : meanwhile he repeated his demand in indignant and peremptory terms, and made a representation of their proceedings to the court of France, to which the faction chiefly trusted. His christian majesty ex pressed to the states very strong disapprobation of the treat ment which the princess had experienced ; and declared he thought the king of Prussia very fully justified in demanding Therevolu- ample satisfaction. Notwithstanding this intimation, the re- eaFrancey v°luti°nary Party persisted in their course ; they had no doubt that, if affairs came to an open rupture, they would receive; from France an assistance proportioned to the danger by which they might be threatened : the Prussian army they knew was strong, but the French army they naturally conceived to be much stronger ; and they were too deeply engrossed themselves to consider or estimate internal circumstances in tbe dominions of theirally, which might prevent the employment of his usual force. Repealed remonstrances and replications passed between the slates of Holland and tbe Prussian king during the month of August ; but so little to the satisfaction of Frederick William} that he made immediate and powerful preparations for hos- rilities ; and in the beginning of September, an army, com manded by tbe duke of Brunswick was ready to enter the Low Countries. Having in the seven years war" attained a very high character for heroism and ability, while hereditary prince, from ihe peace this commander had passed his time in tranquil lity, but not idleness, devoting his attention to military and po litical improvement. On the death of his father, becoming reigning duke, he continued such pursuits as meliorated the condition of his territories. From these meritorious occupa tions he was now called to head an armament, destined to en- 21lf "l^'Z" force the purposes of justice. On the 13th of September he «iliors the entered the province of Guelderland, and there the country be- t'uitcd Pro- ing au favourable to his attempts, he, without opposition, S ofan "' reacbe„:.„: __.l-j :.! :!.. * \y „, Britain regarded with anxious attention the important events i' ranee for that passed in the United Provinces, and perceived that the cri- Conductof E's was arrlved, when it must be speedily determined, whether Britain. the Dutch republic was to resume her ancient and natural con- i See our narrative of the campaigns of the allies in Germany, in the first chapters of Lhid history, pxsiim. REIGN OF GEORGE in. U9 Itelfion with her first protector, or to become a mere appendage XyjJyK; of France. Our sovereign, during the course of Ihe disputes, ^_^_^ repeatedly offered his friendly mediation; but his interposition -7g7 was extremely disagreeable to the revolutionary faction, which Could not stand the award Of an impartial umpire. The court of London was confident that the internal strength of the con stitutional party, seconded by the king of Prussia, was perfectly adequate to the adjustment of disputes, and the resumption of constitutional rights, if France did not interfere with an armed force. Dignity: justice, and policy, called from his majesty explicit avowais,k that he would not remain a quiet spectator of such forcible Interference. In these circumstances, the chief •object of British policy, concerning Holland, was to watch the movements of the court of Versailles. A message from his The king of christian majesty announced to our king, that he had determin- '['jJJU™ „"* cd to afford to the states of Holland the assistance which they intenilonof had requested. Such an intitnation demanded only one line of assisting tho conduct; our king accordingly declared to France, that if she HoUan'l. interposed forcibly, Britain should take an active part; and he Our king gave Immediate directions for augmenting his fleet and army. dc.^ies.j1[s A powerful armament was equipped with uncommon expedi- 0pp0S°™ucJ tion : a decisive and grand tone, worthy of mighty power sup- interior- porting 'conscious justice,' produced the desired effect; and <*j!e^J1os1ui« France made no hostile effort to support the revolutionary fac- ntmamom. tion. The energetic vigour of the British cabinet being so sue- France eessfully exerted towards the formidable ally of the states of ^J^She, Holland, the duke of Brunswick proceeded in a rapid career of her design; victory. The hidden friends of the house of Orange now pub- *njj l,,e, licly declared themselves: the revolutionists, however, still en- Brunswick tertaiuing hopes Franco would not yield, threw themselves is compete- into Amsterdam, and resolved to stand a siege; but finding lv vic,0r'- their expectations entirely vanished, they at length entered into n capitulation ; the constitutional party pro ved completely tri- Restoration umphant, and tho stadtholder was restored to all his rights and J>' !'?c stad* dignities. The discussion which arose between Britain and ° er' France terminated amicably, after his christian majesty had de clared, that in intimating a design of active interposition in the affairs of Holland, he had never intended forcible efforts.1 Such was the result of the disputes in the United Provinces, and the mensures which Britain adopted respecting the con tests. This wns the first occasion that displayed the genius „ . and energy of Pitt in foreign policy, and procured him general unuuinioS admiration abroad and nt home. Opposition as warmly and praises of loudly praised his conduct, as the rest of the nation : indeed 't inbin*""*" is difficult to conceive that two opinions could be formed on the k See his majesty's speech, November 27, 17S7. Stale paper*. ' 1 Soo correspondence between the respective ministers of Biituin find F ration on this subject, in tl>- Male papers of Ocln'wr 17fl7. 120 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, subject by any Britain who at once valued and understood the ^^ interests of his country. The interference was requisite, to V^^T*"' prevent such an aggrandizement of France, as must endanger this country. The means were vigour 'of tone, seconded by powerful preparation, the roost successful instruments which a mighty nation can employ for averting aggression, either di rect or circuitous. REIGN OF GEORGE HI. *S& CHAF. XXXIX. fleeting of parlianient.-- Unanimous approbation of the conduct of ministry respect^ irig Holland. — Bishop of LaiidalT's speech on British interference in continent al affairs — Subsidiary treaty with the landgrave of Hesse-Cassel. — Plan for the defence of the West Indies. — Complaints of a partial promotion of flag officers. — Ministers contend that the complaint is unfounded. — Declaratory law for explaining certain parts of Mr Pitt's East India bill. — Origin of the doubts from which this measure proceeded. — Regiments ordered by government lo In dia, to be paid and subsisted at the expense of the company/— Question-by Mr. Pitt's bill ; had government that power ? denied by the directors and by oppo sition in parliament.-'-Arguments for and against. — Passed into a law. — Ex tension of the mutiny bill. — Bill against the smuggled exportation of wool- passed into a law. — Commencement of ah inquiry concerning negro slavery — Stale of facts. — General and special objections lo negro slavery: — Impugned as contrary to Christianity, as well as justice and humanity. — Pious and bene volent enthusiasm in favour of the negroes. — Mr. Wilberforce — character, ta lents, and laudable zeal— opposite arguments. — Slavery an evil great or small, According to the sentiments and circumstances of the sufferers. — The condition of the African negroes is meliorated by becoming slaves to British masters.— Slaves in our plantations generally happy. — If Britain abolish slavery, other European states will enjoy the benefits. — Great capitals are embarked on th« public faith guaranteeing this trade. — An ample source of private opulence, and public revenue. — Petitions for and against th'e abolition of the slave trade.— *¦ The privy-council institutes an inquiry into the details and alleged cruelties of the slave trade-. Sir William Dolben's motion for regulating the transportation of negroes — passed into a law. — Mr. Pill's bill for the relief and recompense of the American loyalists. — Commencement of Hastings's trial.— Speech of Mi-. Burke, — Motion for the impeachment of sir Elijah impey' — negatived. — Mr. Grenville's bill for improving his father's law respecting contested elections. — Supplies.— Flourishing slate of commerce and finance. PARLIAMENT assembled on ihe 27th Of November; CHAP. and his majesty's speech exhibited to the houses an outline of XXXIX. the policy which he had adopted concerning Holland. He — *~v-*»/ had endeavoured by his good offices to restore tranquillity be- 1787. tween the contending parties, but found his efforts unavailing : p^rHanfenl he also discovered a desire of forcible interference on the part p of France ; he expressed to his christian majesty his determin ation to counteract any such intention, and had armed for that purpose ; but the success of the Prussian troops had re-esta blished the lawful government in Holland ; an explanation had taken place between his majesty and the king of France, which had terminated amicably, and both parties had agreed to dis arm. The necessary, preparations had produced extraordinary rot. rr. 16 1787. i%% History of the Cjomr expenses for which he doubted not his faithful commons would t ^ ^J provide, and also adopt proper means for the defence of his ' distant dominions. He rejoiced at the flourishing state of com merce and the revenue, and the zeal and unanimity which his subjects demonstrated during the late expectation of war. From the dispositions which were then manifested, in any fu ture emergency, he should depend on a promptness and vigour of exertion, proportionate to the exigence by which it might be required. ':$ Unanimous The conduct of Mr. Pitt respecting Holland was extremely oFthe con-" popular among all parties throughout the kingdom ; and in duci of mi- bothhouses it experienced the same unanimous commendation. mstry re- ]y[r# J?ox, Mr. Burke, and Mr. Sheridan, perfectly coincided with Holland. Mr. Pitt and his friends in the general principle of interference in continental affairs to preserve the balance of Europe. In the house of peers the bishop of Landaff, in justifying the principle, adduced reasoning at once appropriate to that specific case, and generalizing the constituents of wise and just interpo- Bishop of sition in any future circumstances. " Upon what ground viewofBri- " (ne sa'^) ^id he approve of our late interference ? on the tish inter- " ground of self preservation. If France had gained Hol- ference m « land, the security of Britain would have been endangered: when affairs. " i* 's sa'^ t'lat Holland and the other states of Europe are in- " dependent states, the proposition is true only on a certain " consideration,- for they all depend one upon another, Hke the " links of a chain ; and it is the business of each to watch " every other, lest any one become so weighty and powerful i.s " to endanger the security or political importance of the rest." Subsidiary During the preparations, a subsidiary treaty had been con- thTiand-111 c'uded w>fh the landgrave of Hesse-Cassel ; by which that- grave of prince was to receive 36,0931. to hold twelve thousand troops Hesse-Cas- ready to be employed by Britain when their services should be required. This treaty was part of a general system, which it was then deemed premature to detail' J the motion passed with out a division. On the 10th of December an augmentation of the army was proposed, for the purpose recommended by his Plan for the majesty's speech, of strengthening our distant possessions. On defence of particular inquiry into the state of defence of our western set- irtdiel68' elements, ministers had found the force to be inadequate; this opinion had been confirmed by the reports of the officers com manding in the West Indies, who had been severally consulted upon the troops which each thought requisite for the security of the island he commanded. It was objected by some mem bers of opposition, that the opinions of our commanders abroad did not afford satisfactory grounds for increasing our present establishments. It was obvious, that each of these officers would demand as large a force as he thought adequate to the defence of his own particular situation, and would govern him self in such requisition, merely by a regard to his own respon sibility; whereas, in judging of an adequate peace establish- REIGN OF GEORGE HL 125 ooent for all the possessions of Britain, the whole would depend SHAE- on a general view of its parts, and their relative exigencies ; by the present motion the house was called on to vote an in- ^ crease of the army without sufficient grounds. It was replied, that the opinion of the officers had not been asked on the whole force requisite for the defence of the West Indies, but that un doubtedly in formiig plans concerning remote objects, men must proceed on information, and in seeking: information must have recourse to those by whom it can be best afforded ; offi cers who had been on the spot were certainly competent lo state the separate facts, on the joint result of wbich ministers formed their inferences. The West India islands were, without doubt, objects of the highest importance lo Britain. For their se cure defence, three modes might be mentioned : first, a great stationary fleet : secondly, succours might be sent on the pro spect of a rupture ; or thirdly, such a military force as would prevent a surprise. The experience of last war proved that a fleet could not solely defend these possessions ; since some of the islands had been wrested from us. when our naval strength was equal to the strength of the enemy : respecting the second means, it might be unsafe to detach any part of our army or navy from Europe; and though there should be no danger in the attempt, tbe succours might not arrive in time to prevent mischief; therefore the most eligible mode was to have a sufficient mili tary force upon the respective islands to secure them from surprise; since, from the dispersion and distance of the islands, and the peculiarities of tbat climate, winds, and currents, it would sometimes be absolutely impossible for a fleet to afford that speedy relief which the occasion might require. After the recess, one of the first subjects of discussion before 1738. the commons was a recent promotion of flag officers during Comphmt the preparations for war. Sixteen captains bad been promoted promotion to the flag, and about forty passed over. This partial promo- of Sag op tion had greatly displeased the officers whom it omitted. They CCT~- brought forward their complaint in the house of peers, under the patronage of lord Rawdon, who moved for the presentment of an address to the king : prav ing. that be would be graciously- pleased lo take into his royal consideration the services of such captains of his maje-.ty's navy, as were passed over in the last promotion. Lord Howe, first commissioner of the admiralty, Minister- eiideavoured to justify the conduct of the board; to execute """end that the beneficially the functions of their office, the lords of tbe ad mi- comprint ralty must employ their own judgment and discretion in dele-i-unfcuiHi- gating an important trus* : unless they were invested with the**1- privilege of selection, the certainly coald not undertake the burthen of responsibility. H i.s lordship could not state in a pub lic assembly the particular grounds on which he had formed his judgment; there mighl be several reaso.is for not promoting captains to be admirals, without impeaching the character of !be officer? in nne^'.i^n. The same persons might be fit for $. 124 HISTORY OF THE CHAP- subordinate employment, without being qualified for a highe* trust: officers who had served ably and meritoriously all their v^IgTW' lives, miarht not appear proper to be intrusted with the care of ' a fleet. So important a charge ought to be committed to men, not only of firm minds, but of such bodily strength as would enable them to endure the fatigues of the hard service which they might have to sustain. The executive government must have the choice of its own officers in the various degrees and kinds of service, otherwise it cannot be responsible for the ef fectual discharge of its duties. On these grounds the motion was rejected by the lords : in the commons a similar proposi tion was brought forward and supported by greater particularity of detail, in order to illustrate individual hardships ; but as the general principle was the same, the proposed address was ne gatived, though by a small majority. It was afterwards, mov ed, that the arbitrary powers which were claimed by the admi ralty, having in some degree received the sanction of thehouse^ to prevent the mischievous consequences which might pnsue, they should adopt, as a rule of service, some permanent princi ple, to which officers might trust ; and a motion was made, that it is highly injurious to the navy, to set aside from promotion to flags, meritorious officers of approved service, who are not precluded by the orders of his majesty in council. Minis ters objected lo the proposition as unnecessary; and it was, negatived, Beclarato- The most important measure of this session, was a bill in- ry bill for Produced by Mr. Pitt to explain doubts which had arisen coh- Mr.Pitrtf cerning a part of the law of 1784, for the administration of East India British India. During the apprehensions of a rupture with law. France, government had formed a resolution of sending out four additional regiments to India, on board the company's ships, for the protection of our possessions in that quarter ; and the proposition had heen received with general approbation by Origin of the court of directors. Though apprehensions of war were from which dissipated, yet government was anxious for the security of dis- thi-inieasuretant possessions, and for that purpose proposed a permanent proceeded, establishment of his majesty's troops in India; on these grounds they adhered to tbe determination of sending the soldiers. A question had arisen between the directors and the board of con trol, concerning the expense of their conveyance, their future Regiments pay and subsistence. By an act which passed in the year 1781, ordered by j( was stipulated, that the company should be bound to pay to Ind?™ to' f°r such troops only, as were sent to India upon their requi- be paid and sition : and upon this act the directors had refused to charge ^s^le^e' the company with the expense of the forces now about to fie of the com- sent. The board of control contended, that they were invest- nany. ed with a power of ordering the conveyance of such troops as circumstances might require; and that if the directors refus ed, the expense should be defrayed out of the revenues which prose from their territorial possession?. The court of director? REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 12£ XXXIX 1708. took the advice of several eminent lawyers, who concurred in ™Y*^' their opinion. Mr. Pitt, impressed with the contrary idea, proposed to bring in a bill for removing the doubts in question, by i.lpclaring the intention of the legislature in the act of 1784, to have been agreeable to the construction put upon it by ad ministration. By the law of 1784 he contended, every power, which before that lime was intrusted to the court of directors for administering the territorial possessions, was by that act vested in the board of control. Those commissioners had the sol'1 direction of the military and political concerns, the collec tion and management of territorial revenue. His object had bei>ti to leave to the corporate proprietors, and their representa tives, the direction of those commercial concerns for which thfir charter had been granted, but lo take into the hands of the executive government territorial affairs ; under the political department was evidently to be classed, the disposal of troops, and the provisions for their maintenance. As doubts were entertained and sanctioned by legal authority highly respecta ble, he proposed an act declaring the meaning of the law. This motion was controverted, first, on general grounds : le- Su^s"0".' gislature ought never to have recourse lo this expedient, except eminent by when either the wording of an act was evidently so ambiguous Mr. Pin's as to stand in need of explanation, or where, in consequence of'j^I-Tde- the clashing judgment of courts, or doubts expressed by judgesnied by the from the bench, it became necessary for the legislature to pro- directors pound anew its own meaning. In all other cases, parliament ,;"n iJfp^.1.* by interfering would quit its legislative, and assume a judicial liament. capacity ; and in the present instance would decide in a cause, in which it was in some respects interested as a party ; since it would gain by its own decision. It was a dispute between the crown or the public, and a corporation, on a pecuniary elaim. The king insists upon a certain sum of money from the com pany, for a specified object. The company admit a sum to be due, but not the amount demanded : here is a clear and simple Question, on which an issue, might be tried in a court of law. The measure proposed was liable lo many serious political ob jections, and might be Used as a precedent for the worst pur poses. A minister has nothing to do but to propose, and bring in a bill for granting new powers, in doubtful and ambiguous words, under restraints indistinctly defined, and with clauses that have a double aspeel. The company had been induced to consent to the act of 1784, upon pretences, which now prov ed to be delusive ; and the minister, having obtained that con sent, was resolved to put his own construction upon it, contrary to the original intention of the party concerned. In the far ther progress of the bill, counsel was heard for the India com pany at the bar of the house, and the whole ability of opposi tion was exerted, to prevent its enactment. Arguments The following was the substance of the arguments, legal and aKainst ll>e pplitical, which were employed on each side. Its opponents wi'i arator^ 126 HISTORY OF THE XXXIX controverted it principally upon two grounds s first, that the .^^_. construction attempted to be put upon the act of 1784, was not 178g its true and just construction : and secondly, that if it admitted such interpretation, the powers it vested in the board of con trol were injurious to the rights and interests of the company, and of a dangerous political nature, and therefore ought not to be confirmed. To prove the former proposition, its supporters Contended that, the charter granted to the company having been purchased for a valuable consideration, everV statute that diminished their rights ought to be construed, like penal lawsf in the mildest sense, and so as to infringe those privileges in the least possible degree ; and in ambiguous cases, acts of par liament should be explained in such a sense as to be consistent with each other. In the act of 1781 m it was expressly stipu lated, that the company should defray the expense of no troops, but such as were sent to India upon their own requisition} therefore the acts of 1784 should be interpreted so as lo coin cide with the preceding law. But the best and safest mode of expounding a statute, was to illustrate one part of it by other clauses of the same act. By the law of 1784," " the eommis- *' sioners (it was admitted) are authorized and empowered from *' time to time, to superintend, direct, and control all acts,' ie operations, and concerns, which in any wise relate to the •( civil or military government, or revenues of the territorial pos-. •' sessions of the company, in the manner in the said act direct- '¦' ed :" and ic the court of directors are required to pay obcdi-' " ence to, and to be governed and bound by, such orders and di-- i! reclions as the said court shall receive from the said board." Were these clauses taken solely, it was allowed that they would justify the construction which was intended by the declaratory5 act ; but from subsequent passages it was argued, that the post? five directorial power of the commissioners was restrained to definite circumstances ; and to be exercised on specified omis sions of the East India directors. The directors by the act were required to deliver to the commissioners copies of all de-i' spatches which were received from their servants in India, and' all instructions proposed to be sent to the company's officers in that country: these the commissioners, within fourteen days, were to return to the directors, either approved or disapproved and amended ; and the directors were bound to obey the orders' so amended or altered. If within fourteen days the court of directors should neglect to yield the obedience commanded by? the act, then and then only, the commissioners might originate" instructions. If the board were invested with the positive power claimed by the declaratory act, it was absurd to specify certain cases in which it might be lawful for them to send orV ders and instructions to the company's servants in India with' m See act of parliament 1731, respecting India. m See acl for the government of Jndifl, July, 1784. REIGN OF GEORGE IH. 137, *>ut the. consent of the company. It was evident, from the £Jx^* whole tenor of the clauses taken together, that the authority *_^ vested in the commissioners was no, other than a superintend- 17gg ency and control over the transactions of the company in their management of their affairs in India ; a power to alter and amend their orders and instructions, and, in case of neglect in the directors, to carry such orders so amended into execution ; hut not to originate measures, in opposition to the chartered and stipulated right of the company. It was farther contended, that the directors had understood the power proposed to be con ferred by Mr. Pitt's bill on the commissioners, to be subject to the alleged limitations ; and that even the minister had ex pressly declared his coincidence ill that construction ; that otherwise the directors would have opposed it as no less hostile to the rights of the company, than the obnoxious bill of Mr. Fox." The board of control itself had not understood the act of 1784 as investing them with the unlimited sway which they now claimed ; they had acted upon the statute of 1781 for up wards of two years after the law of 1784, and by their conduct admitted that they had no power to send out any of his ma jesty's troops to India without the consent of the compan}'. From the general rules of interpretation, from the clauses and tenor of the act in question, the opinions of those whom it first affected, the declaration of its framer, and the construction of the persons who were appointed to carry it into execution, mem bers of opposition endeavoured to prove, that the power now proposed to be declared did not arise from it as a law.P , They next objected to it as a measure of policy : the autho rity which was claimed annihilated the court of directors, and even the property of the company. The territorial revenues being in' many instances unavoidably implicated in their com mercial concerns, the absolute command of the former, as to their application and expenditure, would necessarily carry with it a control over the latter, and might be used to supersede the efficiency of the directors in the only branch of the company's affairs that was left to their management. The measure itself of sending four regiments to India was not less injurious to the rights and interests of the company, than the unlimited power under which it was to be executed. It would have been more economical and just, either to have suffered the company to raise four regiments, or to have sent over the 2,400 men which were wanting to complete the king's regiments, already in In dia: — more economical, because in the one case the company's troops are, and would be maintained at infinitely less expense than the king's ; in the other, the company would be free from the additional burthen of all the officers of the four new regi ments : — more just, because in the former case, the company o Speech of Mr. Fox on the second reading of the bill. p See parliamentary debates, March 1733, passim. 1788. fSi- it. 128 HISTORY OF THE xxxiy W0U'(' nave enjoyed the patronage of the troops which they Were to pay, and might provide for many of their own c!e;:erv-» ' ing officers, six hundred of whom, reduced at the late peacej were living in very distressed situations in India. It was far ther impolitic, as it would create a jealousy and disgust among the officers in the company's service. The opponents next pro ceeded to the motives of ministers, which they alleged to be a desire of extending their own influence and patronage, at the expense of the India company. The ministers had formed a regular progressive plan, to grasp all the patronage of India. The direction claimed by the board of control afforded grounds of jealousy in another view ; it placed a revenue at the disposal of the king's ministers, for raising and paying an army without consent of parliament, and was therefore inconsistent with the bill of rights, and a dangerous departure from the principles of the British constitution. Arguments By the supporters of the declaratory act, it was contended, first, respecting the rule of construction, that the principle could only be admitted, so far as was consistent with the spirit and express objects of the statute itself; it could be no rea son for an interpretation of a subsequent law, that it militated against a prior ; it would be absurd to put a sense upon an act, that would defeat the main ends for which it was passed ; and with regard to the act of 1781, such parts of it as were incon sistent with the provisions of the subsequent arrangement, were virtually, though not expressly repealed. The object of the plan of 1784 was, to take the entire management of terri torial possessions, and the political government of India, out of the hands of the company, leaving them only the direction of their commercial concerns. The board of control was in future to be responsible to the public for the prosperity, defence, and security, of our Indian possessions, and was therefore to be in vested with all the authorities necessary for the due discharge of the important trusts. These powers were given in general terms, and the mode of exercising them in particular cases was specified : in some they bad a negative upon the orders of the directors : in others, where a difference of opinion arose, the board might enforce the execution of its own orders. The act in general clauses expressed this power which was claimed^ and without it would have been totally inadequate to its object. Could it be supposed that parliament intended to leave to the company, who, it might be expected from the short duration of their charter, would attend chiefly to their own immediate pecuniary interests, the entire disposition of their revenues, without enabling the board of control, who were responsible for the defence and security of the whole, to appropriate such part of them as should be thought necessary for those purposes ? The assertion of opposition, that either Mr. Pitt or the board of control had understood the act in the sense imputed, was total-1 ly unfounded in truth, and unsupported by any evidence. With REIGN OF GEORGE III. 129 regard to the economy and policy of the measure, the compa- ££*.?.• ny's troops might be raised and maintained at a smaller ex- pense ; but these were not sufficient for guarding India against ^^^T^C**"' dangers by which it was now threatened. As to the addition- al patronage said to accrue to the crown, it was denied : on the grand question of standing armies, there were inaccuracies in all the existing laws. The bill of rights was not very explicit ; it hardly slated the illegality of a standing army within the kingdom, but was silent with respect to military force in our settlements abroad. Mr. Pitt declared, that if any danger was apprehended from the bill before the house, relative either to the augmentation of the army, or the patronage of India in ge neral, he was ready to receive any modifications which might be offered to avert such danger. In the committee he proposed several clauses for so modifying the bill, as to remove the ob jections respecting patronage. The bill was carried in theThe»'|!i5! house of commons by a majority of fifty-four ; and, after ex- ^"v'd ""* periencing strong opposition in the house of peers, was passed into a law ; and thus it was declared that the commissioners, being instituted for the territorial administration of India by the act of 1784, possessed a directorial, as well as controlling pow er, in whatever was necessary to the effectual execution of the trust reposed in them by the act of 1784. In the mutiny bill of this session, a clause was proposed for Extension of incorporating with the army a new body of military artificers. $?. m»'in7 It was objected to this project, that it was an unnecessary exten sion of the military law, and consequently inconsistent with the principles of the constitution. These artificers had served the army, hitherto, without diminution of their liberty, and no necessity was shown why their tenure of service should be changed. The great advocate for the clause was the duke of Richmond.") Such a corps (he said) was employed in all the armies abroad, and found to be extremely useful : he had pro posed such an establishment to his majesty, who was pleased to signify his approbation of the scheme. The policy of the nation had considered it as right that all soldiers should conti nue in such a state of subordination ; therefore artificers, being enlisted regularly as soldiers, ought undoubtedly to become subject to the same law. Such a change was not to be ac counted any hardship; since no species of trial, however popu lar it might be, was more fair and candid than trials by a court martial. The clause, after a long discussion, was at length carried without a division. At the instance of the woollen manufacturers, a bill was Bill against introduced in the house of commons, for rendering more effect- -lJc smu£- ual, laws against the private exportation of wool. The manu- falion ft facturers asserted, that of long or combing wool, tothe amount wool. of 13,000 packs were annually smuggled to France : hence it q Debates of the peers, 1783. vot-,. fi, 17 139 HISTORY OF THE XXXIX. 1788, CHAP. was inferred ; first, that the wool growers were by this means enabled within the kingdom to keep up the price of their com modity beyond its just standard, to the great detriment of our staple manufacture; secondly, that there ensued a loss to Britain of the surplus value of the manufactured articles over the raw materials, and of the increased population, which the employment of an additional number of manufacturers would produce ; and thirdly, that the smuggled wool being an article necessary to the French manufactures, it enabled them to rival ours. In answer to these arguments, it was contended, chiefly by country gentlemen, that it was an unnecessary and unjust attack upon the landed interest. The quantity alleged to be smuggled bore no proportion to the whole produce of the country, and subtracted only about a fifteenth share even at the calculation of the proposers ; but there was no evidence of the calculation being just. The price of wool was not enhanced beyond its just standard : as a proof that the manufacture was not injured by it, they de monstrated the increase of the value of woollen goods, export ed from the year 1776 to the year 1787, to be in the propor tion of nearly one-third. Upon the second inference it was said, that admitting the quantity of wool stated to be smuggled into France, it did not follow that our manufacturers would work up that additional quantity above what they now do merely by preventing its making its way thither ; on the con trary, unless it were first proved, which had never been as serted, that, in consequence of the exportation, the manufactur ers are in want of materials to work upon, it was fair to con clude, that the quantity exported was a mere surplus, and that the British manufacturers would not work a single pound more, though the whole should be kept at home : a view of the very flourishing state of our manufactures was sufficient to convince us that there was no ground of apprehension from the rivalship of France. It was replied, that the restraints proposed to be laid upon the wool growers would not materi ally affect their interests. The present bill was consonant to the existing laws, and was only designed to carry into more effectual execution those principles of policy, respecting the exportation of wool, by which this country for so many years had been governed, and under which both our manufacturers and our wool growers had flourished and grown rich together. The bill underwent a very minute discussion, in which party politics appeared to occupy no share j and at length was car ried by a large majority. Commence. A subject of very considerable importance, and which long inquiry «,"- 0CCUP'ed the attention both of parliament and the nation, was cerning ne- this year for the first time brought before the house of com- gro slavery, mons : this was the celebrated question concerning the trade carried on for purchasing negro slaves to cultivate our posses sions in the western world. REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 131 Slavery is so evidently repugnant to the feelings of a Briton, £xxrx. .that it may at first sight appear astonishing no means had been ^^^ devised to prevent the existence of such a state in the British 17g8 dominions. The mercantile character of this country predomi- state of rated over the political, when, for the acquisition of wealth, facts. she admitted the destruction of freedom ; and the guardians of European liberty became the most active instruments of African slavery. This inconsistency did not appear to have impressed any of the most zealous and powerful champions of constitutional freedom, during the greater part of the eighteenth century. Planters and traders, who are the most General and frequent and constant observers of this state, were not likely ^lci^5°t0" to testify an abhorrence of a system, by which they were sos|aVery. considerable gainers, or even perhaps to feel the adequate de testation for oppressions, with which tbey were so. familiar. Statesmen might overlook some rigours, through which they Conceived the nation derived private and public wealth ; and the people in general were too distant to consider the condi tion of the negroes. Nevertheless, the mild and. liberal prin ciples of British policy seemed extremely inimical to human thraldom ; and the doctrines of benevolent philosophers were totally hostile to such a practice.; but neither enlightened poli cy, nor ingenious theory, were the causes which at this period produced a prevalent enmity to slavery : a more rapidly ope rative principle exerted itself in favour of negro freedom : religious zeal was infused into the subject, and, engaging the passions of many individuals, stimulated them much . more powerfully than the deductions of moral science, or the dic tates of political wisdom. An opinion was eagerly dissemi- It is im- nated, that tbe state of slavery was incompatible with christian- P^^Ho ity. This notion seems to have been drawn from the conside- Christianity, ration of detached passages, rather than from the general spi- ?* ™cH as rit of that admirable system. The religion of Jesus, seeking humanity. the happiness of mankind, finds its sources in the disposition •and character of the individual; and comprehending the vast Variety of situation and sentiment, delivers general rules, en forced by cogent motives, for performing the various duties of social and civil life: political establishments and gradations it leaves to be formed according -to the circumstances of the case, and character of the people. Philanthropy, which min- Pious and gled with a piety sincere, though somewhat eccentric, distin- benevolent guished many of the earliest votaries of negro freedom ; and ;„ favour of in the ardour of benignant project overlooked difficulties of ihe negroes. execution; indeed, perhaps, rather indulged itself in fancying advantage from the change, than accurately ascertained the probability of benefit, even should their wish be accomplished. In the southern provinces of America, soon after the establish ment of their independence, the quakers presented a strong and - pathetic address to the several legislative assemblies ; in which they exhorted these bodies to abolish slavery ; and 132 HISTORY OF THE xxtox in many instances emancipated the negroes in their own posses - ' sion. In Britain the same sect first followed the example of V-T^TV^ their American brethren; and presented a similar petition in 1787 to parliament. The cause, embraced by the enthusiasm of religion and benevolence, procured a great number of vo taries. From sympathy and imitation, it became extremely popular; literary ingenuity was not wanting, and no works were read with such avidity, as compositions which decried negro slavery. As usual in controversy, one side of the ques tion only was considered by its supporters, and the statement of propositions was such, as to render conclusions obvious. A topic repeatedly employed was, difference of colour is no reason for forfeiture of liberty. On so trivial a truism very popular pamphlets were founded ; eminent divines em braced the cause ; recommended it from the pulpit, and in printed discourses. Churchmen and dissenters concurred in eagerly inculcating the abolition of slavery; many were so far transported by philanthropic feelings, as to declare their readiness to forego all the advantages and habitual gra-f tifications which arose from our West India islands, rather than enjoy them through the compulsory -labour of their fellow crea tures. With this enthusiastic zeal, "hypocrisy, as usual, occa sionally mingled 5 and there were demagogues who, without possessing much tenderness of disposition themselves, courted popularity by coinciding with the humane sentiments, which were so generally diffused. For a considerable time a stranger might have supposed, if he judged from prevalent discourse and writing, that the African negroes monopolized misery, and therefore, that the highest duty of christian benevolence was to afford them relief. While this fervour predominated, a so ciety was formed to collect information on which to ground a petition to parliament ; and a very considerable sum of money was subscribed in order to defray the expense. Mr. Wil- Among those who took the most active share in endeavour- talents0 cho- *n5' to re'*eve tne negroes, was Mr. Wilberforce, member of racter,' and parliament for the county of York. Qf good talents, active laudable and indefatigable industry, and extensive knowledge, this gen- 0 ' tleman held a high place in the public estimation ; and posses sed considerable fortune and influence : these advantages he uniformly directed to such pursuits as he thought conducive to virtue, religion, and the happiness of his fellow-creaturesi Conceiving the cause of the negroes to be that of piety and hu manity, he had employed persevering labour, in order to learn the particulars of their treatment ; and viewing the subject as a British senator, he attempted to reconcile political ex pediency with what he deemed a discharge of christian and moral duty. From these motives he was believed to have en tered much more minutely into the detail of the slave trade, than any other member of the legislature. REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 133 While one party exerted itself so strenuously to render the ££!££¦ abolition generally popular, and thereby prepared to facilitate its passage through parliament, another with less animation and S^^TW impressiveness of eloquence, but with a considerable share of opposite sound reasoning, laboured to prove, that the advantages alleged arguments. to be consequent upon abolition were ideal, and founded upon abstract theories of philanthropy without a knowledge of the existing case. The evil of slavery (it was said) depends on opinion : that state is universally prevalent in Africa ; and the minds of the negroes are habituated to its contemplation, as one of the most common conditions of life. Having the principles Slavery an of dissension and hostility in common with other men, the Af-ev!'Srea'or ... „ J , . ' - small, ac- rican tribes are often engaged in war: one consequence of war cording to is captivity ; the usual treatment of captives is either massacre tne circum- or sale. The market for slaves, independent of European pur- spmiments chasers, is comparatively inconsiderable in Nigritia. Theofthesuf- chance to the individual of escaping butchery, in a great mea- ferers- sure depends on the demand from European traders. Carried The condi- to the West Indies, the negroes are on the whole well treated :t,onofAfrlV by some individual masters they may have been hardly used ; ;s meiiora- bUt in general, as can be proved from persons most conversant ted by be- with these countries, they are contented and happy. Severity C|0mg"st0 is not the interest of planters ; and if even malignant passions Britishmas,- transport masters or their delegates to unwise cruelty, the re- ters. currence of such acts may be prevented by judicious regula tions. Narrow in their views, the negroes like other savages repose their chief happiness in the supply of animal wants : indolent scad improvident, they are often deficient in the exer tions requisite for their maintenance. Nothing is more frequent g|aves m in Africa than famine, which destroys great numbers of the in- our plama- habitants; whereas in the West Indies they have abundance ''orisgene- of provisions. To a Briton, death, either by sword or famine, ra y apw ' may be preferable to life and slavery ; but to a Nigritian the case is far different : by transporting him to a situation, in which his animal wants are fully supplied, where by personal exertions he can modify slavery, and has nothing to fear from either famine or a victorious enemy, you place him in a higher state, according to his estimate of good, than if you had suffer ed him to remain in Africa. The slave trade, does not on the whole violate humanity, because it does not on the whole di minish that happiness which humanity seeks to promote. The culture of tbe West India islands, so productive a source of pri vate opulence and public revenue, depends upon labourers in ured to such a climate. Were we to forego the advantage of If Britain such possessions, what would be the consequence? the other abollsh European states would take up the benefits which we abandon- other Euro- ed i the slave trade would be still carried on, though Britain Pean state? did not participate. It would not be real generosity, but ro- ^'benefit. mantic extravagance, to abstain from so advantageous a com merce, when we ourselves should lose, and our rivals only 134 HISTORY OF THE , 52I£i/ should gain by its discontinuance. Very great capitals have x been embarked, both in the West India islands and Africarr v"*r^T""' slave trade, under tbe sanction of public faith, which guaranteed Great capL * ra'naD'e property to philanthropic chimeras, totally unfounded which i« a in fact and experience f large source Petitions and remonstrances containing such topics, for and of nches and gj^ tne aDO]Hiorl were presented to the house of commons revenue. r> , ... * . ,. . . Petitiom for and pnvy-council. A committee of the latter was appointed ^,d,afai,u, for investigating facts. Mr. Pitt finding that the information trade. * hitherto collected was not sufficient to authorize parliamentary The council discussion, on the ninth of May proposed, that tbe considera- iMtitatea an t;on of tnf; gjave trSM]e 8hould be deferred till the commence- the details ' ment of the next session; meanwhile, tbe inquiry which was in- and alleged gtituted before the privy-conncil would be brought to such a eru*1"*'' state of maturity, as to make it fit that the result should be laid before the house, tbat it might facilitate their investigation, and enable them to proceed to a decision, founded equally upon principles of humanity, justice, and sound policy. Sir William Sir William Dolben introduced a measure of intermediate Dolben's relief, in a bill for regulating tne transportation of African na- reSiteMne tives to the British West Indies : the object of this proposition the train- was to accommodate the slaves, during their passage, better pomnonof than had been hitherto done. It was intended to limit tbe number who should be conveyed, in proportion to tbe tonagje of the vessel ; to secure to tbem good and sufficient provision*. and other matters equally conducive to their health, and their accommodation. While tbe bill was pending, a petition was presented from the merchants and other inhabitants of Liver pool, praying to be heard by their counsel against this regulat ing bill : this request bang granted, it was contended at the bar of the house, that the proposed reduction of number would essentially injure the trade, and that it was founded on an as sertion of hardships which did not exist. The plea of the mer chants was not made out to the satisfaction of the house ; and th* bill, though in a small degree modified, passed unanimously, with out any material alteration. In tbe bouse of lords it under went such changes, that the commons considered its original j. a.,.~i object as not attained : a new bill was accordingly introduced, :ntr, a law. which passed both houses, and received tbe royal assent. iU. Vtn't About the same time, Mr. Pitt called the attention of the "efoF-1^ house to a different class of sufferers, the American loyalists, r«^'r« and tne- losses sustained by them through their adherence. to of ibe \rr^- the parent country during the late war. Commissioners had ri^an ; •M. '" been appointed to inquire into the claims : and in consequence of their report, the minister divided the claimants into four classes. In the first class he ranked those who had resided in America at the commencement of the war, and who, in pursu-. ance of their principle of loyalty 8nd adherence to Britain* IM.ION OF GEORGE III. H5 worn obllffod In nliiinilon tholr ontntoH nnd property in the co- ^mx' IoiiIiMU wlilch wtirn in iiiiiini- poxeil, thut nil whose incomes did not exceed four hiindioil pounds iv your, should receive linlf-pay ; persons whose incouie.i were higher, should receive forty pounds for every hundred •hove four hundred, uml under nfloon hundred; nnd beyond thtit mini, at the rule ol' thirty per cent. The fourth class of Oklmailts consisted ol' those who had been obliged to leave their linbltntloiutand property in consequence of the cession of that coiiiitrv «t the lale pence: n» (heir loss Imd been incurred by u national net, without any nlteruntive of their own, ho pro- i Sw iVlllliinl Hcn'lvli'i- nilll. p. III, • Hi« pivpiwilloil «n«, " llutl till Mich lovtilisla lllilll iweivo Iho full nnimml ol' t)l*ll'lii«i><,Mi liil'tltllio muiio ilouol ovooo.l Iho sum of leu ihotimuul pounds -, nml shltll «l*o rvwlvo, whoro Iho buioWUI ol'suoh lo«*o» sbull ho nbovo Ion iIioumiu.I poiimlii III Iho wholo, uml not nbovo thirty live Ihonsnml poiuuU hi tho whole iiluo^v |touiitU niwor-ut. of urn-It |mi't of Iho until Kwso* as *hnll ovoooil ton iIioiimiiuI |xmiuh ) Hlitl whoiv mtoh liw-nw vhull bo nbovo thliivllvo thoiisninl poiuuU, »lglil\'ttw poimilx |wo nbovo lifly thousand |iouunit of Iho snhl lowoi «.* .'hull bo nbovo ton ihonsniul fXnwliU." » tint! I'imhi nil IImmb cIhIiih, niliniiiitliii; llvm Ion Ihomnn.l poiuuU lo thirty ihiMWtaill, » (Mtlotlou ahoulil bo itnnlo of Ivvonlv |>or coal. ; nml « I'mlhoi- lulililion- ¦( (Miietion t»l' iw-sniy jn»i wm. m [«-»ifi'o»»ioii, ii|h>ii ov oi-v AtMiliuiml fifty Ihou- titiul plalmml. 136 HISTORY OF THE xxxix posed- that they should be completely reimbursed by the pub- ' lie He then stated the sum to which the established claims '""^P"' amounted. The propositions which he founded on this account were received with great approbation, and a resolution for the payment of the same, after some modification, was unanimously adopted. Thus, sufferers through loyalty and patriotism to our sovereign and country, received from the national munifi cence a liberal compensationifor the damages which theyliad sustained. Commence. A considerable portion of parliamentary attention was di- tria" of Mr! rected to the prosecution and trial of Mr. Hastings. In con- Hastings, sequence of the order of the house of lords, near the close of the last session, to the defendant to deliver answers to the charg es alleged against him by the house of commons, on the pre scribed day he appeared at the bar, and presented answers.1 Of these the lords sent a copy to the house of commons ; the answers being read, Mr. Burke moved, that they should be re ferred to a committee which should have the conduct of the prosecution. This measure being embraced, Mr. Pitt proposed Mr. Burke as the first member; the house unanimously concur ring, Mr. Burke named Mr. Francis, and to "support his nomi nation, stated the immense advantages which would accrue to the committee from the very extensive knowledge of that gen tleman. The abilities and information of Mr.. Francis were universally allowed ; but great political differences had sub sisted between him and the accused, in India, and some per sonal animosity was conceived to remain ; on these grounds a great majority of the house voted against the motion. The rest of the committee consisted of the same gentlemen who had been delegated to present the charges to the lords ; and in addition to them, Mr. Wilbraham, Mr. Fitzpatrick, and Mr. Courtney. To the answer of Mr. Hastings, two days after, Mr. Burke brought from the committee a replication, averring the charges to be true, and that they would be ready to prove the same against him before the lords, at such convenient time and place as should be appointed. The reply being carried by Mr. Burke to the peers, Wednesday the thirteenth of February was fixed for proceeding upon the trial in Westminster-hall ; and the members of the recently appointed committee were nominated managers for conducting the trial. Mr. Foxpro^ posed that Mr. Francis should be added to the committee ; but the majority of the house continued to oppose the insertion of his name." The committees were appointed by both houses to u Mr. Francis at this time, in a very able speech, entered into an account of li is conduct respecting Mr. Hastings, for the last thirteen years, both in India and in England ; which, though in some degree individual justification, contains much important statement and remark on the general subject concerning which' the dif ferences existed. Mr. Francis and Mr. Hastings having fought a duel, and ihe former gentleman having been dangerously wounded, they hod exchanged (or- REIGN OF GEORGE III. 137 search fherecords of parliament, for precedents relative to the ^jx1£" mode of proceeding in trials by impeachment ; and the neces- ^^^^^ sary orders were madefor their accommodation in Westminster- 17ag hall, for the admission of spectators, the attendance of witness es, and other matters respecting the regularity of their pro ceeding. On the thirteenth of February the trial commenced with the usual formalities;* Mr. Hastings being called into court, the lord-chancellor addressed him in the following terms : "Warren Hastings, " You standat the bar of thiscourt, charged with high crimes " and misdemeanors ; a copy of which has been delivered to "you: you have been allowedcounsel, and along time liasbeen "given you for your defence ; but this is not to be considered " as a particular indulgence to you, as it arises from the neces sity of the case; the crimes with which you are charged, "being stated -to have been committed in a distant place. " These charges contain the most weighty allegations, and they " come from the highest authority : this circumstancej how- " ever, though it carries with it the most serious importance, is " not to prevent you from 'making your defence in a firm and "collected manner ; in the confidence that, as a British sub- "iject, you are entitled. to, and willireceive, full justice from a " British court." Mr. Hastings answered : "My lords, "ri am come to this high tribunal, equally impressed with a "xonfidence in my :own integrity, and in the justice tiff the "¦¦¦court before which I stand." giveness; ip what sense that (forgiveness was -to be interpreted, , Mr. Francis ex, plained in, the following passage : — " It was my- lot to be dangerously wounded : as 1 conceived immediate death inevitable, I thought of nothing but to die.in peace vytith .all men, particularly Mr, Hastings. I -called him to me , gave him my hand, and desired him to consider in what situation my death w.ould leave him. By that action, and by those words, undoubtedly I meant to declare, that I freely fotgavehim the insult he had offered me, and the fatal consequence which had attended it. I meant that we should stand in the same relation to each other, as iftheduel and the cause ofit had never happened. But did I tell him that, if I survived, I would renounce the whole plan and principle of -my public life ? That 1 would cease to oppose his measures ? On my return to England, I found that a parliamentary inquiry into the late transactions in India was already" begun, and I was almost immediately ordered to attend one of the committees employed upon that inquiry. Could I without treacWy to the public, refuse to give evidence or information necessary for the public service when it was demanded of me by the authority of the house of commons?" See parliamentary debates. i- The house of commons, about eleven o'clock, preceded by the managers of *he impeachment, who were led by Mr. Burke, came from their own house into the hall. The lords, half an hour after, entered from the house of peers ; first, afficial attendantson the house in a rising series, commencing with the clerks, and terminating wilh the judges ; afterwards the peers, beginning with the junior barons, and ending with, the prince of Wales. V01. II. 18 138 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. XXXIX. 1788. Speech of Mr. Burke. The two first days being employed in reading the charges, the third was appointed for opening the same, stating the nar ture and quality of the imputations, the evidence by which they were to be supported, and the guilt which, to the defend ant, if they were proved, would attach. Never had an inqui ry of more magnitude been instituted before a judicial assem bly. The question was, whether a man to whom a trust af fecting the happiness or misery of millions had been delegated, in the discharge of his office, had been a faithful or unfaithful trustee to his employers, the protector or the scourge of the im mense and populous regions committed to his care ? The ques tion derived a very high additional importance from the cha racter of the accused, whom friends, enemies, and impartial men, concurred in deeming a person of the most powerful and comprehensive talents; from the character of the accuser, whom friends, enemies, and impartial men, concurred in es teeming; a person of the most extraordinary genius, multifari ous knowledge, and splendid eloquence, that had ever graced a British senate. The anxiety of the public to hear Mr. Burke speak upon so vast a subject, against Mr. Hastings, brought an immense concourse of hearers to thehall. The court was assembled to the number of one hundred and sixty-four peers, and the chancellor having called the managers to proceed, Mr. Burke rose and said, that he stood forth by order of the commons of Great Britain, to support the charge of high crimes and misdemeanors which they had exhibited against Warren Hastings, esq. ; and that he had a body of evidence to produce to substantiate the whole and every part of those charges. The gentlemen who were joined with him in sup porting the impeachment, had instructed him to open the cause with an account of the grounds on which the commons had proceeded ; a general view of the nature of the crimes al leged ; and with an explanation of concomitant circum stances that were necessary to elucidate the accusation. The dreadful disorders of our Indian government were ac knowledged ; it was not till after every mode of legislative pre vention had been tried without effect, till they found, during a course of fourteen years, that inquiries and resolutions and laws were equally disregarded, that they had recourse to a penal prosecution. The crimes imputed were not errors of human frailty, nor the effects of imperious necessity ; they originated iu the worst passions, and evinced a total extinction of moral principle ; they were committed against advice, supplication, and remonstrance, and in defiance of the direct commands of lawful authority. The accused was the first in rank, station, and power, under whom as the head all the peculation and tyranny of India was embodied, disciplined, and paid ; and in striking at whom, therefore, they would strike at the whojfi corps of delinquents. The evidence, which supported the charges, in many instances amounted to the clearness and pre- REIGN OF GEORGE III. 139 cision required by the English law; but a considerable part ^xxix. did not reach municipal accuracy. The prosecutor contended, ^^^_, that it was a right of the house of commons, in an impeach- 1?88 ment, not to be bound by the confined rules and maxims of evidence prevalent in the lower, courts ; nor by any other than those of natural, immutable, and substantial justice.)' This mode of interpretation was due to suffering nations, who were unconcerned in our'technical distinctions, but on the great prin ciple of morality wished punishment to follow guilt. It was highly necessary to prevent the disgraceful imputation1 which might fall either upon that high court, as if it were corrupted by the wealth of India, or upon the laws of England, as im potent in the means of punishing successful fraud and oppres sion. Descending from preliminary observations to the actual subject of the charge, he stated the relations jn which Mr. Hastings stood; and the duties which from these he had incur red 5 in order to prove his transgressions. The powers dele gated to Mr. Hastings by the India company, and which he was charged with having abused, were derived from two sourc es ; the charter bestovyed by the crown, under the authority of parliament, and the grant from the mogul emperor of the Dewannee, or high stewardship of Bengal, in the year 1766. He exhibited an historical account of the company from its first establishment the powers which it had delegated to Mr- Hastings^ and which Mr. Burke charged him with having abus ed. He next proceeded to the rights with which the company were invested by the mogul emperor, to the collection of the revenue delegated by the company to Mr. Hastings, and which he also charged him with having grossly violated* The alleg ed violation of duties so originating, and abuses of powers dele gated for such general and specified purposes, Mr. Burke re presented with an eloquence which so astonished and agitated every hearer of fancy or sensibility, as for a considerable time to preclude the exertion of that judgment tbat could distinguish pictures from realities. Having exhibited Mr. Hastings as a monster of fiagitiousness and crimes, he concluded with a pe roration which described the nature of the cause, accusation, accused, accuser, and tribunal, in all their constituent parts, and closed with the following words : " Therefore it was with ?* confidence ordered by the commons, that I impeach Warren y This doctrine, that the rank and dignity of the assertor constituted a just ground of difference in the criterion Of proof, is certainly not logically accurate ; neither would it be politically wise, that the quality of the accuser should affect the requisite testimony, as in a criminal case there would be a substitution of authority for proof, which might subject liberty, property, and life, to arbitrary caprice. 'This argument proceeded on a supposition, that the high court was lo be in fluenced by the fear of censure from misapprehension, instead of giving judgment according to the merits of Ihe cuec. 140 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, a Hastings, esq. of high crimes and misdemeanors : I impeach " him in the name of the commons of Great Britain in par- W^T*"' " Hament assembled, whose parliamentary trust he has be- " frayed : " I impeadh him in the name of all the commons of Great " Britain, whose national character he has dishonoured : " I impeach him in the name of the people of India, whose " laws, rights, and liberties he has subverted, whose properties " he has destroyed, whose countries he has laid waste and de- " solate." Such were the grounds adduced by the orator in a speech which occupied three hours for four days successively. Mr. Burke having concluded his account of the substance, Mr. Fox addressed the court on the mode of the charges ; he slated, that the committee proposed to open and adduce evidence which should substantiate one charge at a time ; to bear the prison er's defence and evidence upon that charge, and afterwards to reply ; and to proceed in the same manner in all the other arti cles. Mr. Hastings's counsel being asked if they consented to this mode ? replied in the negative. The manner proposed was, they said, contrary to the practice of all courts of justice^ and was inconsistent with all principles of equity. After some debate it was resolved, that, according to the usual practice on trials, the prosecutor should complete bis case before the accused commenced his defence. Mr. Fox opened the Benares charge which he brought down to the expulsion of Cheyt Sing; the following part was finished by Mr. Grey : Mr. Anstruther con ducted the examination of evidence, and summed up the whole of that article. Mr. Adam, on the fifteenth of April, opened the second accusation respecting the begums : Mr. Sheridan examined the witnesses and summed up the charge; the last that came before the court during that session of parliament. jlouon Another accusation of Indian delinquency was brought bc- for the '""' fore the commons in the conduct of sir Elijah Impey. This ui!irElMah task was undertaken by sir Gilbert Elliot, who, in a very able impey. and eloquent speech, maintained two general principles ; that India must be redressed or lost, and that the only means left of reforming Indian abuse, was the punishment, in some great and signal instances, of Indian delinquency : he stated the nature, the occasion and the purposes of the commission with which sir Elijah Impey was sent out to India, as involving circum stances which were strong aggravations of his guilt, and in creased the necessity of its punishment ; that in the two grand objects which were committed to his charge, the protection of the company from the frauds of its servants, and of the natives from the oppression of Europeans, he had, by corruptly changing sides, added his new powers to the very force they were intended to control, and taken an active part in the op- presaoiib which it was his duty to have avenged. Sir Gilbert Elliot presented to the house six distinct articles of accusation. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 141 The subject of the first was the trial and execution of Nund- xxxu oomar ; the second, the defendant's conduct in a certain Patna v^^. cause ; the third, entitled extension o/Vttri*'d»o' master of all lower Egypt, Compelled the rebel chieftains to fly into upper, and was preparing to pursue them into those regions, v-"r^T^y with the confident expectation of completely accomplishing his design. The situation of the beys now appeared desperate, and another year probably would have enabled the pacha to overthrow the Mameluke power. Should hostilities commence with Russia and Germany, the whole force of Turkey must be exerted against these formidable enemies ; the pacha and his army must be immediately recalled : a declaration of war, therefore, was a necessary dereliction of the pacha's project, when it was about to be crowned with complete success. Oh this view, policy appeared to dictate that war should, if possi ble, be deferred 5 on the other hstnd, besides the general advan tage from striking the first blow, there were special reasons of considerable weight for anticipating the certain intentions of the christian empires. Catharine, conceiving the time of be ginning the war to depend upon herself and her ally, had not been hasty in preparation, and was at present chiefly occupied in providing for her own Security, in the north and west, before she, with her confederate, proceeded to invade the security of her neighbour in the south and east. Engaged in negotiation With the powers in the western vicinity of her Capital, and not Intending to go to war during that campaign, she had suffered her military equipments to proceed slowly. Her finances were By no means in a condition favourable to the increased demands tff hostilities ; she had been greatly exhausted by the former War: and though her projects and improvements might ulti* mately tend to enrich her country, yet her establishments, both for splendour and for force, together with her profuse lar gesses to her favourites,e or at their instance, were extremely expensive ; and her present expenditure actually exceeded her present income. The sultan had beheld with most indignant resentment the Reasons ambitious usurpation of Russia; from her invasion of the Cri- w j'fKr IS* mea, he appealed with success to his subjects, both as Turks and key to strike mussulmen, on the treatment which he had received ; he arous- "}« first ed their patriotism, and their religious enthusiasm ; animated w' by such incentives, he trusted that their native courage would operate, and that the ability of the pacha, aided and supported by other officers, would give it discipline and direction : great western powers, he not only inferred from their policy, but knew from their assurances, would interest themselves in a con* test so materially affecting the balance of Europe, which they had ever been so anxious to preserve. The vast accession of treasure from the capture of Cairo, the depository of Mameluke riches in addition to their usual revenue, placed the Turkish finances in a flourishing state.' From the situation of his ene- c Memoirs of SalhSrine, passim. f See Annual Register, l?88. chap. i. 145 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. XL. 1788. Treaty of the pacha with the Mamelukes. Catharine proposesextensivecessions by Turkey to Russia, as the only means of securing peace. my, the slate of his own resources, and, beyond all, the spirit which diffused itself through his people, notwithstanding the ' successes of his armies in Egypt, he resolved immediately to withdraw them from the south, and employ them in striking the first blow against the autocratrix of the north. The grand pacha, hearing from Constantinople that his talents and mili tary forcemightbe required elsewhere, lamented the cause, but did not repine at the order : and since he could no longer hope to subvert the Mamelukes, endeavoured to avail himself, as much as possible, of the advantages which they must still re tain. In these circumstances he discovered political ability not inferior to his military ; he cautiously concealed both his inten tion of leaving Egypt and its cause, and intimated to the beys, that, though, as they themselves must be sensible, his power was able to effect their speedy destruction, yet his master and he would more willingly dispense pardon than punishment. The Mamelukes gladly listened to these overtures, and entered into a negotiation, in which the pacha so completely wrought upon their fears, that he compelled them to purchase, with their still remaining treasures, the forbearance of a war which he had previously determined to abandon. Hassan, having thus despoiled and reduced the revolters, returned to Con stantinople with such treasures as had not been brought thither for many years, and were alone sufficient to invigorate all the preparations for war. The conduct of the Russian mi nisters at the Turkish capital since the last peace, had been haughty and imperious, without exciting any strong expressions of resentment on the part of the Ottomans. Bulgakow, the ambassador, having been called to attend his mistress at Cher- son, on his return repeated a set of propositions « which were laid down by the empress as the basis of a new treaty, and as the only means of establishing on a permanent footing the tran quillity of both empires. The general principle of the propos ed contract was, the most extensive and important cessions to Russia by Turkey, without any equivalent; indeed a surrender of a great part of a territory. So dictatorial and insolent a g They included, besides the admission of a Russian consul at the port of Var na, within a hundred and twenty miles of Constantinople, which had long been an object of much solicitude, a total renunciation of the sovereignty of Georgia : which, as that ill defined denomination of territory might be extended to all Ihe. neighbouring countries, as well aj< to Mingrelia, v.cuH have afforded sanction lo all the pas', and future encroachments of Russia on that side. Another proposed condition, and still harder lo be admitted, was a ne« settlement of the province! Of Moldavia and Wallachia, by which their governors, jr^ncrally called in Eu rope princes, were to hold them by hereditary succession, and in a great measure independent of the Porte. But the most singular claim, perhaps, of any, was (hat upon Bessarabia, which, as having one*- belonged to the Tartar khans, Russia now demanded ; a principle of no very limited operation,, and which, if pursued to its full length, wouid have ma>' ing peace. The leading article was the restoration of the Cri- Turkey in- mea, that had been usurped by Russia, with others of a similar dignantly- nature; and producing a written instrument, which contained ™.ii'^s those the proffered terms, they required the Russian to sign them on tho spot. Bulgakow declared his incapability of subscribing any conditions, without express orders from his mistress, and desired time for receiving instructions concerning some of the articles : but respecting tne Crimea, he avowed, that he could not venture to mention such a proposal to his sovereign ; and that he well knew, in no fortune, and in no circumstances whatever, could she ever be reduced to relinquish the sove reignty of that country. A barbarous custom prevailed under Turkish ignorance and despotism, of imprisoning foreign am bassadors on a rupture with their principals; accordingly, Bul- gakow was sent to a castle with seven towers, allotted to alleg ed offenders against the state : but he was treated with much more indulgence than former captives in such circumstances had there experienced. Two days after, on the eighteenth ofanddeclares August t787, war was declared against Russia. The manifesto j^j'(j'uinsl presented to the christian ambassadors, stated the good faith" Manifesto. and the strict attention to the terms of the treaty of Kainardgi, which the grand signior had uniformly observed ; and toJhis conduct contrasted the continued violation of the most solemn conventions by Russia. The empress had instigated the prince of Georgia to rebellion, and supported him by her troops against the sultan his sovereign: she had deprived the inhabit ants of Oczakow of the benefit of the salt mines, which not only from time immemorial had been open to them, but which were expressly stipulated by treaty to be held in common by both nations. Russia, through her agents, had endeavoured to corrupt and seduce the subjects of the Porte: she constantly interfered in the internal policy of the Turkish empire, and presumed to dictate to the sultan, insomuch that when the pachas, governors, or judges, by a faithful discharge of their duty, displeased her, she arrogantly demanded their removal or punishment. The complaints in the manifesto respecting commerce were equally numerous; and tbe whole detail endea voured to establish, and in many cases wilh success, a spirit of encroachment, rapacity, usurpation, and insolence, on the part of Russia. The court of Petersburg!! had regarded Tur key with so much contempt, as to entertain not only no appre hension, but no idea that they would commence hostilities, and received the manifesto with astonishment. The counter uinni- Counter festo' was expressed in that lofty style which Russia had used 07r, "!'»' h See Stale Papers, AtifrnstSI,, 178B. i See Slate Piipeis, Sept. 18, 1787. 150 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, since the peace of Kainardgi ; and represented Turkey as hold- XL' ing all which she possessed 'by her merciful bounty exercised 'w"'~s'"v¦"' at that treaty : it repeated her former justification of her con- 17S8- duct respecting the Crimea, and, vindicating in detail her own acts, endeavoured in the usual tenor of such productions, or where argument was wanting, by bold assertion to throw the blame upon her adversary. As the season of 1787 was so far advanced before hostilities began, no very important operations took place. The Turks made several attempts on Russian for tresses, but were not successful. The Russians contented themselves with defensive efforts ; reserving offensive exertions for the next campaign. During the winter the French and Spanish ambassadors made several attempts to mediate between the belligerent powers, and to procure an armistice. The grand vizier declared the proposal to be totally inadmissible, from its affording every advantage to Russia, and none to the Porte: their perfidious enemy, whose rapacity and ambition were insa tiable, would gladly put them off their guard, and amuse them Joseph II. with a negotiation, until her preparations were complete. The without Porte now demanded of the imperial ambassador, what part loms'Russia his master intended to take in the war ? That minister, having aerainst applied for the emperor's instructions, answered by his prince's lurkcy. directions, that his imperial majesty, as the friend and ally of Russia, was bound by treaty to furnish her with eighty thou sand men, in case of war ; that if the Porte should consider this engagement as an act of hostility, he was prepared to abide the consequences ; but, on the contrary, if they should choose to maintain the good understanding which subsisted be tween the two empires, he would with pleasure undertake the Office of mediator, in order to prevent the effusion of blood. His mighty Great preparations were made in all parts of the emperor's , jirepura- dominions : four armies were ordered to be assembled ; one at Carlstadt in Croatia, under the command of general de Vins j another at Feterwaradin in Hungary, commanded by general Langlois; a third on the borders of Lithuania, under general Febris ; and the fourth in the Buccowine, headed by the prince of Saxe-Coburg. On the tenth of February 1788, the emperor Manifesto declared war against Turkey ; in his manifesto*1 there is not of the em- a single sentence asserting the least ground of complaint from Austria on her own account ;. the whole pretext is, that the Porte had not acceded to the reasonable requisitions of the empress of Russia, and had maltreated her envoy ; that by this conduct the Porte had manifested hostile disposition to the emperor, who was in alliance with the empress of Russia. "The Porte (says this manifesto) were not unacquainted with " the strict bonds of amity and alliance which unite the courts "of Vienna and Petersburgh : of this occurrence they were " informed, as well by verbal insinuation, as by a memorial k See Slate Papers, Feb. 10, 1788. tions. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 151 *< presented towards the close of the year 1783. This was CyLi'' " accompanied with an energetic representation of the nature <{ of this alliance, and the danger of encountering its force: ._„„ " the Ottoman court have, therefore, themselves only to blame, "if the emperor, after being for many years employed in the " preservation of peace, and in his endeavours to live with tl them on the best terms, and after having seized upon every " opportunity of amicable intervention, finds himself at length " obliged by their conduct to comply with his engagements to " the empress, and take a part in the war into which she finds "herself so forcibly drawn." Such were the principles of morals exhibited in the emperor's declared reasons for a rup ture with the Turks, from whom he did not allege that either he or his subjects had received the slightest provocation. He went to war with an unoffending nation, and plunged his own country in all the evils of hostilities, that he might fight the battles of the empress of Russia. Before his declaration, he began his enmity by an ineffectu- Commence. al attempt to surprise Belgrade, which believed itself to be m«n' °ftne still In a state of peace : six chosen regiments of imperial in- camPai£n- fantry were, at a season of peace, despatched in two divisions to attack this fortress: by some failure in the time and place of rendezvous, the one body did not arrive speedily enough to assist the other : the first detachment formed under the fire of the garrison and town, without any prospect of being joined by the second. The Turkish governor was well prepared for their reception, and with great coolness sent a polite message to the Austrian commander, expressing his surprise at seeing, in a season of profound peace, such an appearance of troops on their territory, and in the precincts of a fortified city ; only requiring farther to know the cause or motive of their coming. The Austrian leader answered, that hearing a party of Turks was preparing to surprise the neighbouring city of Semlin, he had advanced to counteract their scheme ; but that, finding himself mistaken, he would withdraw his troops. Though the excuse was accepted, yet conscious of their own intentions, and afraid that the moderation of the Turks was only affected, the imperialists crossed the Saave wifh great precipitation, and lost a considerable number of men. An attempt of the same kind was, before the termination of the peace, made by the Austrians upon the frontier fortress of Turkish Gra- disca : this place they endeavoured to take by assault, but were repulsed with the loss of at least five hundred. men killed and wounded. War being now declared, both parties made dispositions for regularly commencing the campaign. The emperor applied to the court of Warsaw for leave to pass through the Polish domi nions, if requisite, in order to form a junction with the Russians. The king and permanent council replied, that they had no jower to. grant the passage demanded, as it entirely depended 152 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. on the general diet. The emperor had intended to force a pas sage, if refused, but found it expedient to change his resolution. y~*^C**' He also requested the consent of the Venetians to a Russian fleet to be received into their harbours, but his requisition was absolutely refused. Notwithstanding these disappointments, Theempe- the imperial troops took the field. The emperor joined his t'hrt.a!idS principal army about the middle of April, being on the south side of the Danube, and about to invest the small fortress of Schabatz in Servia. The investment was deferred until the emperor's arrival, that he might have his share of the military glory that would accrue from such an achievement. The place was obviously incapable of resistance, and was easily captured. The triumph of this victory, however, was soon balanced by a check which prince Lichtenstein's army received about the same time at Dubicza. That prince having carried on his approaches regularly against the fortress, and made a breach, which he deemed practicable, resolved to attempt it by storm. Generous The animosity of the Turks was vehemently inflamed against inrdhgnnli°n l^e Austr'ans : *n their estimation the emperor was an officious mans °* intermeddler in quarrels which did not concern him or his terri- agaimt the tories ; he endeavoured to take advantage of their recent mis- lnlPerlal a£- fortunes, and without provocation to insult and despoil those pressor / i i whom he conceived unable to resist his power : they consider ed him as invading them without even any pretence of wrong, or any other motives than those of a robber and common ene my to mankind : they were inspired with generous eagerness to make so flagrant aggression recoil on the head of its author. This indignant spirit, so merited by its object, pervaded all ranks of the Turkish host; invigorated their efforts against the imperial armies, during the whole campaign ; and turned upon the offender that defeat and disaster, which he had projected against those who were doing him no wrong. The garrison of Dubicza, being re-enforced before the assault was attempted, instead of waiting for the enemy, threw open their gates, and' rushingout, attacked the intrenchments, forced them sword in hand, and compelled the foes to raise the siege with the loss of two thousand men.1 The grand vizier, who com manded the principal army in Bulgaria and Silistria, was a man Wise and of very vigorous abilities: he knew the troops under his command, wilful con- anfj {he enemy with which he had to cope : reviewing the his- »isier. f°ry of former wars, and the relative character of the contend ing forces, he saw that, since, the art of war in christian coun tries had been reduced into a regular system, the Turks, devoid of discipline, were generally unsuccessful, through a prevalent impolicy of hazarding pitched battles, which depended chiefly upon tactical skill ; he, therefore, resolved to pursue a plan much more adapted to his materials : fierce as the Ottomans were in natural courage, stimulated by strong incentives, and animated by partial successes, he was fully aware that they were very 1 So". Annual Rcji-ner, J7"8; chap, ii, REIGN OF GEORGE IU. 1*£ much inferior to German discipline ; he, therefore, resolved not c^^p' to hazard a general engagement, Unless absolutely necessary, ,^__j but to employ the energy of his forces in attacks on posts and 17gg detachments, in which the discipline of the enemy could be of little avail. This mode of warfare would give full scope to the qualities in which the Turks excelled, and prevent the effectual operation of those in which their enemy was so superior : he thus intended to train his troops to obedience, discipline, and mili tary skill, to give them continual opportunities of signalizing their valour in encounters with the enemy; and gradually to approach to decisive combat, as he found his forces increase in tactical knowledge and efficiency. While the inventive mind Military nej of the grand vizier was exerting itself in devising changes ne- ,0''ns of "* cessary for his object, and thus improving the means intrusted to his direction, the visionary fancy, and flimsy understanding of Joseph, was occupied in projects of reform, which tended to render his materials worse instead of better. Applying to mi litary subjects the same general principle which distinguished his civil government, tlutt clumge is improvement, he contrived injudicious. a variety of innovations, far from being conducive to the pur- and pro poses of war, and really inimical to success, because they dis- ^Sgt'ust hIC gusted his soldiers. After having profusely lavished his trea- soldier* sures in equipping mighty armies to fight the battles of another, he endeavoured to exert his economy by making hard bargains with dealers in corn and cattle, contrived new modes of sup plying his troops with necessaries ; and by these reforms re duced his armies, before the close of the campaign, to the greatest scarcity, distress, and consequently discontent."1 The first considerable battle which took place after Dubicza, arose from an attack made by the Turks on thejprince of Saxe- Coburg ; and though, after a furious contest, they were repuls ed by the arrival of an Austrian re-enforcement, yet they being joined by fresh troops, renewed the engagement : for. several successive days they fought with various fortune ; but the Turks Hi» opertfc astonished the Austrians by their furious valour: with their ^"jS atr^[B spears they did not fear to meet hand to hand, the enemy with their guns and bayonets, and showed themselves unappalled by the formidable artillery to which the Germans so much trusted. The Austrians had commenced the campaign with a thorough contempt of their adversaries, and a confident expectation, that the only difficulty they had to encounter would be from the speed of the enemy's flight, but they now underwent a total change of opinion and sentiment, and by a natural transition regarded their foes as the most terrible of mankind. Dislike to the' war against an enemy who had been so much mistaken, and discontent on account of the emperor's innovations, was strongly enhanced by the resentment which they entertained against the Russians for not co-operating with the Austrian ef?- m See Annual Register 1788, V0£. n, 29 1788. 154 HISTORY OF THE Cxl''" ^or*s : ^e emPieror himself was irritated at the commencement of the war, so different from his sanguine hopes, and, indeed, confident declarations, and determined to venture on an exploit which had been held out as the first object of the campaign ; this was the siege of Belgrade ; he accordingly adopted mea sures for speedily carrying the project into execution. The vizier, with an army of eighty thousand men advanced to the relief of this most important fortress, and occupied a strong po sition covered by the Danube in front, Belgrade and the Saave pn the left, the fortress of Orsova pn his right, and garrisons Obliged to on his rear. The imperial army, instead of persevering in their dEfeosive6 design upon Belgrade, returned to Semlin ; and the invaders acted avowedly upon the defensive: various encounters took place, in which great numbers were slain on both sides; but the loss of the Austrians was the greater. Besides war, the Germans had to contend with a still more dreadful enemy in a pestilential fever, very frequent in the Danubian lower provinces, and most destructive to armies which come from higher and more healthy countries ; the inactive indolence, under which the grand army languished at Semlin, added to this distemper : as the season advanced to the sickliness of autumn, the mortality became more dreadful ; and before the close of the campaign, at least the half of one of the finest armies that ever marched from the Austrian dominions, without performing a single ex ploit of any note, perished, partly by the sword, but chiefly by disease. * On the side of the Buccovine, where the prince of Coburg commanded, the war languished in the beginning of the cam paign, from the failure of the Russians in effecting a junction. The object of the cpnfederates on that side was to invest the fortress of Choczim ; and a body of Russian forces arriving, at length, in the beginning of July, preparations were made for the siege : the attempt was greatly facilitated by the governor of Moldavia, who, having been before corrupt^ by the Rus sians, treacherously surrendered the country on the first ap proach of the enemy. The combined generals conceived the reduction of Choczim would immediately follow the investment; but they were mistaken : the seraskier, who commanded the garrison, conducted his defence with such intrepidity and skill, that, after undergoing the severest hardships for upwards of £wo months, he, at last, on the 29th of September, obtained a most honourable capitulation. The capture of Choczim closed the campaign on the frontiers of Poland. The army third in force employed by the emperor, was that which acted on the side of Croatia, and had been compelled to raise the siege of Dubicza. prince Lichtenstein's bad health having compelled him to resign the command, he was succeeded by marshal Laudohn : under this veteran officer the Austrians, dejected by the disappointment, both of the secondary and principal armies, began to recover their vigour and confidence. Laudohn made REIGN OF GEORGE III. 155 a second attempt upon Dubicza, which after a very gallant de- ^hap. fence he compelled to surrender: he affei'wards ihVeSted the fortress of Novi, which in the month, of October capitulated, g He proposed to close the campaign by the reduction of Gra- dista, after Belgrade, the principal fortress on the' northwest frontier of Turkey, but from the strength of the place, and the autumnal rains, was compelled to raise the siege. General Fabre, with the fourth army, contended with the Turks on the borders of Transylvania, where, being obliged to act in the defensive, after many bloody contests, he was sp fat1.' successful as to pre vent the enemy from penetrating into the country. The grand vizier, instead of imitating the quiescent example of the empe ror's army at Semlin, was active in annoying the dominions of the invader. One of the most fertile portions of Lower Hun gary is the Bannat of Temiswar, divided by the Danube frdrii the Turkish Servia, and the fortress of Belgrade. The vizier- made bridges over the river, and sent great detachments, that he might either desolate and despoil so rich a tract of the ene my's country, or compel the emperor to leave Semlin for the jiro-i tection of the Bannat, and thus expose his enfeebled army to the continual attacks of the Turkish cavalry , in a dry, firm, and open country. The Bannat is a tract j which, from the strength Of its Capital, and its vicinity to the strong posts in the moun tains of Transylvania, is extremely difficult to be conquered j but having' ho other fortress of note, besides Temiswar, it is easy to be overrun by any army that commands the field, and is; secure on the side of the Danube ; therefore the vizier wisely resolved not to attempt the conquest, which would be operosef and1 ultimately unproductive, but to overrun the country, from. which the advantage to himself wohld'be immediate, by the ex treme fertility and high cultivation of the province, and the dis tress to the enemy would be grievous and ruinous : he accord ingly put his.design in execution, invaded the Bannat, and spreadiThe Turl(* desolation wherever he went. Banna" Terror and dismay pervaded the imperial armies and pro- Dismay vinces, and even Vienna itself, when they found'that, instead o&eizesthe those conquests for which' the war had been undertaken^ the.!mP!ria' richest dominions of the aggressor were now seized by the de-armie?" fender : they conceived that, instead of Constantinople, Vienna might again be the scene of attack. The emperor, as the vi zier had foreseen, sent troops to the relief of his province ; and' a large division of the grand army was attacked by the Turks on the eighth^ August, with such fury, at Orsova, near the northern bank of the Danube, that they were defeated, and a dreadful slaughter ensued. The emperor now thought it neces sary to quit his camp at Semlin, and march northward to cover' Temiswar, and secure his communication with his force's in Transylvania. The vizier being re-enforced with large bodies of troops, closely followed his enemy : several engagements took place, in'one of which the' Austrians'were defeated with' is6 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. XL. 1788. (Wralions ofKussia. 3£8ect of the aggressive confederacy on the "neighbour ing stales.; the loss of no less than five thousand men, and were obliged to, abandon their camp with terror and disorder, and the remain der of the forces took refuge in Temiswar and Transylvania. The autumnal rains having set in with uncommon violence, the vizier found, that to keep the field would be ruinous to his troops, as little inured to the extreme cold and wet, as their ene mies were to the extremes of heat ; and now that he had effected his purpose of doubly annoying the foe. by despoiling his rich est territory and defeating his strongest army, he re-crossed the Danube, and returned to Belgrade. At Constantinople, great as was their joy for the victories of the vizier, both the people and the court were much displeased with the evacuation of the Bannat. The sultan, notwithstanding his condition, so very unfavourable to either intellectual or moral excellence, was really a prince pf sagacity, prudence, and moderation. He perfectly comprehended the policy of his officer, its reasons and motives, and did justice to both. The emperor in Novem ber returned to Vienna ; having, for such immense expenses, and losses, of this very bloody and destructive, campaign, the ruin of so valuable a province, acquired three fortresses of little significance. Such were to Joseph the first year's consequences of unprovoked aggression. The preparations of the emperor had been formed, in the re liance that a very strong force from Russia would co-operate with him on the Danube. Such had been the plan concerted between the imperial courts, and such, as we have seen, the failure of the execution. The empress of Russia, in seeking the alliance of Joseph, had considered her own advantage solely, without any regard to the interest of her confederate : she deemed him a powerful tool, whom, by working on his weak ness, vanity, and ambition, she could apply to her own use : she had left him. to promote her views at bis expense, by weaken ing her enemy on one side, while she should direct her efforts to her own sole benefit on the other. Joseph was defeated ; and, lavished' the blood and treasure of his subjects, without any advantage to Austria ; nevertheless, he thereby effectually . ¦served Russia : he employed the chief Turkish force, and by his disasters, incurred with such struggles, facilitated her acqui sitions. Her first object was to enlarge and secure her posses- "sions on the Black Sea, and to form such a body of power as eould not hereafter be shaken. From the immense extent of her dominions, much time must necessarily elapse before her armies, -spread through the interior country, could reach the frontiers. She, meanwhile, equipt a powerful fleet, destined for the Medi terranean, and another naval armament for the Black Sea. In the former war she had experienced no hostile opposition, from any of the maritime powers, to her plan of obtaining a footing in the Mediterranean, and was by the mistress of the ocean se conded in that scheme. Now, a different plan of policy was adopted ; both the maritime and other powers of Europe re- REIGN OF GEORGE UL 157 garded the confederacy between the two empires, withajea- ^U^p% lousy which increased as its -objects unfolded themselves ; but ^^^L, principally directed against^the member most powerful both in 17gg resources and in personal character, and whose aggrandizement U tended chiefly to promote. The smaller states firmly re solved not to support a combination by which they themselves might be eventually crushed ; the greater determined, if neces sary, to oppose a confederacy by which their own inde pendence might be endangered : what part Prussia might take, could not be affirmed from either the declarations or conduct of that court, though it might be easily inferred from its interest. Spain and France were known both to be friendly to the pre servation of the Turkish empire ; and internal affairs only prevented the latter from manifesting her disposition in hostile interference. . Holland was sounded on the occasion ; her con duct, it was foreseen, would be chiefly governed by the exam- pleof England. It becamea subject of great politicalanxiety how on Britain.' England was to act in the present case : some supposed, that inspired by resentment for the hostile conduct of .Russia in the armed neutrality, and her manifest indifference to friendly in* tercourse more recently exhibited, she would now oppose her naval schemes : others argued that this was the time for pro curing most beneficial commercial arrangements from Russia by seconding her favourite object. Those who were most thoroughly acquainted with the present British government, concluded that i.t would not be determined by so contemptible a motive to public conduct as resentment, but would be guided by policy ; that not confining its political estimates to mere com mercial gain, it would include ultimate security, and that Bri tain would resume her appropriate character of protector of Europe, from whatever quarter its independence and security might be, endangered. England soon manifested a determina- Britain re. tion not to second Russia. The empress had employed agents 5umes her to hire British ships for serving as tenders and transports to her nrotmofo0/ fleet, and a considerable number was provided for that purpose, Europe ; when a proclamation in the London gazette, prohibiting British and.*nwa,:ls seamen from entering into any foreign service, threw a fatal ou! designs damp on the design. This was attended with a notice to the of Catha- contractors for the tenders, that the engagement for shipping r must be renounced ; that the ships would not be permitted to proceed ; and that government was determined to maintain the strictest neutrality during the war. In hopes of diminishing this great disappointment, Russia applied to the republic of Holland for a sufficient number of transports to answer the pur» pose ; but that government refused to comply with the request, and also declared its resolution to maintain the strictest neu trality ; and Catharine's expedition to the Mediterranean was laid aside. On the Black Sea the prince of Nassau commanded the Russian fleet, and the captain pacha the armament of Tur keys Priuce Polemkin with an army of a hundred and fifty , rine, 158 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. XL. 1788. The Rus sians cap ture Ocza kow.State of Sweden. thousand men, approached the Euxine, on the banks of the Bog. The first object of this expedition was the reduction of Oczakow, a very strong fortress near the Bog, and on the Black Sea, which, as the frontier garrison of Turkey in that quarter, was of the highest importance in her wars with Russia, but more indispensably necessary since her ambitious adversary had occupied the adjacent Crimea. The preparations of attack and defence corresponded with the value of the object. On the twelfth of July, Potemkin invested this fortress aided by his fleet : the Turkish troops did not exceed twenty thousand men, nor, indeed, would the garrison have easily contained a greater number of defenders. During five months this gallant and intrepid band resisted the whole Russian host. In the sixth, the apparent hopelessness of effort, together with the inclemency of winter, seemed about to force the besiegers to desist from their attempt ; when Potemkin, ashamed of making so little' progress with so great a power, on the seventeenth of Decem ber, as the last effort, ordered a general bombardment and can nonade of the place with red hot balls to commence. One of these fell upon the grand powder magazine, which, being still amply provided, blew up with so terrible an explosion, as to demolish too great a portion of the wall to admit of the fortress being any longer tenable : the Turks still made a most despe rate resistance, both in the breach and in the streets ; but they- were at last overpowered, and the place was taken by storm. While these hostilities were carrying on between the imperial powers and the Turks in the south, war suddenly broke out against Catharine in the north. Sweden, beyond most nations^ had reason to regard Russia with resentment^ since by that power she had been driven from the high place which, during the seventeenth century, she had held among the powers of Europe. Fear, however, of force so enormous, had restrained1 the expression of resentment, and produced an apparent con nexion between the two countries ; and there was always at the court of Stockholm a strong and numerous party favoura ble to Russia. It was an uniform policy of the court of Pe- tersburgh to govern by influence and intrigue foreign states,- which they could not so easily command by power' : this means ' of influence was carried to a much greater extent by Catha rine, than by any of her predecessors. One of the chief in struments of her foreign politics, was the seduction of subjects from allegiance to princes, from whose civil dissensions she ex pected to derive benefit. It was, indeed, a part of her plan to weaken the executive authority in the countries which she wished to direct, that from contest there might be the more frequent occasions for her interference." As the Swedish re volution, whatever its other consequences might be, strength-' ened the executive government, it was very disagreeable to Catharine. Although perfectly satisfactory to the lower clas^ n- See Memoirs of Catharine U.passirr. REIGN OF GEORGE HJ. 1,59 ses, it was and continued to be, as she well knew, extremely Cy£P- hateful to the aristocracy, whose peculiar privileges it had en- VJ-1^ tirely destroyed ; thus there was a great faction in Sweden ini- 17gg inical to the measures of the king ; and this party Russia very interference constantly supported- Gustavus was thoroughly acquainted of Catha- with these intrigues : the Swedish king was impressed with an m"e,.n"i'™. idea, that the liberties of the north were exposed to imminent Hues of danger from the power and ambition of Russia, and the chief Sweden. object of his policy was to secure weaker neighbours against the aspiring Catharine. These sentiments he endeavoured to communicate to Denmark, and incite that country to vigilance : meanwhile he bestowed the closest attention on the internal improvement of his own kingdom, with such effect, as justified the apprehensions entertained by Russia from the Swedish change of 1772. A prompt, firm, executive government ; union and decision in the cabinet, with a tolerable degree of ap parent harmony between the king and the deliberative orders of the state succeeded to anarchy, weakness, and discord ; there was a good and amply supplied army, with an excellent fleet, and such a well regulated state of finances, as would give energy to both in case of emergency. A situation of affairs so different from the wishes of Catharine, she formed various pro jects for embroiling, though at the same time she heaped the strongest expressions of regard on the prince, whose govern ment she was ardently desirous of disturbing. She professed a wish to assist, with her experience and counsels, such an illustrious pupil ; invited him to Petersburg!!, and actually gave him advice to introduce among his subjects innovations, which, if adopted, must have rendered him unpopular. Gustavus had penetration to discern the motives of the empress ; and private dislike added to public jealousy. Catharine, desirous of swaying the counsels of Sweden by her influence, was en raged with Gustavus for successfully opposing her artifices ; and the Swedish monarch detested his neighbour for her en deavours to render him dependent. The design of subverting and partitioning the Ottoman empire, with the vast military preparations for carrying the project into execution, could not but increase in the highest degree the apprehension and alarm pf the king ; he saw by the last war the inability of the Turks to combat the power of Russia only, how then could they be supposed capable now of resisting the immense combined force of both empires ? If Russia was already too formidable for the repose and safety of her neighbours, how must she appear when clothed and armed in the spoil and force of the Ottoman empire. Distant and heterogeneous as the Swedes and Turks were, common interest had often before united them against Russia. The feebleness of the Swedish government, however, under Gustavus-'s father, and the revolutionar}' designs of the son had prevented either from taking a part in the preceding war. Differently circumstanced now, the king of Sweden in 160 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. xr. 1788. Rhe at tempts to stir u spring armed by land and sea. The empress pretended, and to many even appeared, to disregard these preparations, and did not deign to inquire into their object. She, however, re plenished her magazines and forts in Finland with ammunition, troops, and provisions : she was indefatigable in exercising her usual insidious policy to stimulate andpromote dissensions be tween the sovereign and his subjects. She had two classes in Sweden from whom she expected co-operation in her designs' against its prince : the first consisted of the ancient aristocra cy, which, without any attachment to Russia, submitted to her influence, in the hopes of recovering, through her, their former constitution : the second of those who, through bribery or oth er inducements, had really become partisans of Russia, but pre tended to adopt the views of the nobility. On the former she depended as the dupes of her schemes, which they would be- voit agaiistlieve beneficial to Sweden ; the latter, she knew, would be the fiustavus. wiUing anc] ready agents of her designs, without any regard to the interest or security of their country. Through these parties she constantly relied that she would be able to subvert the present government of Sweden, and render that nation a de pendency upon Russia. While her emissaries were active in spreading dissatisfaction through Sweden, and Gustavus was persevering in his equipments, the empress ordered her ambas-. sador to deliver a memorial to the Swedish ministry, which, in a very few pages, presents a sketch of that policy by which Catharine endeavoured to promote discord. Its manifest ob ject was to stir up the subject to sedition and -insurrection against the sovereign : it was not addressed to the king, to whom only, by the laws regulating intercourse between nations in the great European republic, it ought lo have been ad dressed : it was directed to all ranks and classes of his sub jects, with whom, by the law of nations, a foreign sovereign could have no ground of correspondence. This document professed the highest regard for the Swedes, represented the interest of the people as separate from those of the king, and the promotion of the former" as one of her principal objects. Mentioning the preparations of Gustavus, it called on the peo ple to join with the empress in preserving the public tranquillity- Thekine- A memorial so openly fomenting disobedience and disloyalty, resents this was severely resented by Gustavus, who, in an answer expo sed its intent and tendency, and -signified to Razouffsky, the Russian ambassador, his majesty's wish that he should forth with leave the Swedish dominions. Manifestoes and counter manifestoes were soon after published, detailing to other powers the alleged grounds of hostilities. Gustavus immediately re paired to Finland, in order to commence warlike operations : he himself commanded the army, and his brother, the duke of Suddermania, the fleet. Various engagements took place by sea between the Swedes and Russians, in which though the> o State Farer*, June 18, 1788. conduct War. Militaryand naval < 'I icralions, REIGN OF GEORGE III. 1$ former displayed extraordinary valour, and gained several ad- c^Vi vantages, yet the Russian squadron (the same that had been ^^^J~, intended for the Mediterranean) being much greater in force, lm formed, directed, and commanded by admiral Greig, a British seaman, proved superior in the result of the campaign, and was mistress of the Baltic. The king headed so gallant and strong an army that he entertained well founded hopes of proving superior to all the Russian land forces that could be spared from southern operations : but in Russian intrigue he found a more formidable enemy. By the constitution of Sweden it was ordained that war should not be undertaken without the consent of the states ; and the present hostilities had not receiv ed that sanction. Catharine had directed her policy to the representation and exposure of this unconstitutional deficien cy, and with such success, that though the soldiers were eagerly devoted to Gustavus's pleasure, yet a great part of Refractory the officers, consisting of the ancient nobility and gentry, (?u"tavus's declared that they could not, without violating their conscien- officers. ces and their duty to their country, draw their swords in a war undertaken contrary to their country's laws : this re fractory spirit rendered the campaign in Finland ineffective. To counteract the imperial confederacy of aggression, this Defensive year a defensive alliance was concluded between the kings of£onfederacy Prussia and Britain, and also these princes respectively, and Britain" the states-general, by which, besides reciprocal defence, and Prussia, the maintenance of the existing constitution of Holland, the l"l[^Lr contracting parties sought the general preservation of the nerah balance of power: they guaranteed each other from any hos tile attack, and engaged in concert to preserve peace and tran quillity : if the one were menaced with aggression, the other, without delay, should employ its good offices, and the most efficacious means to prevent hostilities, to procure satisfaction to the party threatened, and to settle things in a conciliatory manner : but if these applications did not produce the desired effect, in the space of two months, and if one of the parties were hostilely attacked, the others undertook to defend and maintain him in all the rights and privileges, and territories, which he possessed at the commencement of hostilities. The Principle ef general principle of this treaty was that which wise policy thistreaty-, dictated for British interference in continental affairs, security, and the maintenance of that order and balance on which the safety and independence of Europe rested. From the general object of the treaty, the contracting parties had, no doubt, in view the imperial confederacy, which if its progress were not checked, had so strong a; tendency to endanger the tranquillity and safety of other states. , The interests of Eng land were as essentially concerned as those of Prussia, in pre venting the ascendency of Russia and Austria. Mr. Fox's project of continental alliance was to connect our- PiffercljL selves with Austria as iu former times, that, should a war arise Fo"Sand vdL. it. 3.1 162 HISTORY OF THE CXV1'- with France, such a powerful enemy might divide her attention, and prevent it from being, as in the late war, chiefly directed ]7(jr, to maritime affairs. Mr. Pitt's plan was to form continental Mr. Pitt on alliances according to existing situations : France was at pre- thi< I'-hemc gi.-nt engaged in no scheme of policy, likely either to affect o iance. the general safety of Europe, or to provoke England to a war ; she wm, indeed, deeply occupied in plarr; for remedying the evils of former ambition : what systeni of alliance might be wise in circumstances not existing, nor likely to recur, was a question of speculation rather than immediate practicable po-. licy. The pmperor was so involed in the projects of Catha rine, that an alliance with him would be difficult, and indeed impracticable, except at the expense of adopting his partialiti'-s, and seconding the attempts of Russia. In the formidable combination between therif; two powers, that nation became naturally the ally of Britain, which had a common interest with Britain in watching the conduct and preventing the aggran dizement of the parties ; besides, Prussia, together with Eng land, was closely connected with the constitutional party in Holland: however just, therefore, Mr. Fox's reasoning might be, if it were applied to situations that very frequently occur red in our history, yet, in the present circnm stances, alliance with Prussia was more valuable to England, than with any other great power. Internal oc- During the recess, tbat illustrious sage, who had so long prc- 'x'l^'."™*' sided over the judicial decisions of his country, in the eighty- of i",-d fourth year of his age, thought that many years of labour, MsnifieU without reproach, might be followed by a few years of rest, kind's and n-iired from the judicative bench. For comprehending th'.- bench. law of this particular country, William Murray, a man of the most acute and extensive genius, had prepared himself by a profound study of history, general ethics, the philosophy of ju risprudence, investigation of human passions and conduct, and the civil law, on which the judicial institutions of so great a part of modem Europe are founded- On this basis he raised his superstructure of knowledge of the English code : to the depths of leg;; I science, the accuracy and extent of juridical de tails, he added the pleasing and impressive accomplishments of an engaging, graceful, and persuasive eloquence. From su';k an union and extent of qualifications, Mr. Murray very early (..prove- rose to most distinguished practice. With such opportunities '[" "}*. ''."¦ of observing the circumstances of society, of civil actions and dV-ative su- engagements, and criminal perpetrations, his penetrating and prem»-v, comprehensive mind saw that tbe progress of social and espe- in'merraii- c'a''y commercial intercourse, was producing new combinations, dh laws, whi'-h had not been specially foreseen when the laws applied t" such subjects were enacted ; therefore he inferred, that the essential principles of justice required such a latitude of inter pretation, as would render existing laws applicable to the n';w case?. The intelligent reader must know that there are t.w^ RKKIN Or OKORGF, 111. lW ^•eat alnndardi nf judicial iuter|iiv(nlion; Ihe one the authority ciiAi*. of ousloni, decision, nml statute, according to literal delinilion ; the oilier, according to the goiienil principles of equity, con- ^lyiP^ iltruing particular lit w, unwriltuu or written, in such a way ns beHt to answer tHd (jrent ends of justice. The learned render must recollect, thai nl Koine two seels of civilinns arose from tin- iiboveniiintionod ilillereuce ; the l'mciiliaus and the Subi- nli'iis,!' Inking their nnmes from two eiiiiuent jurists. The first of llitwo, roHting entirely on authority rtnil definition, merely considered the hitler nf the law: the second, interpreting more lively, oudenvtiurt'il to ndnpt it to their conceptions of justice ill the case. Kiich of these modus hns utlvuiilugoN unci disud- ^'''.-i "»l1 vantages: by the former the purlieu mny know the exact r n 1 1 » , I!".','"".' ,! ,'.'," 0f by which their dispute will bo Hied, but mny find the lileral im», their judge ililliculteil in applying his rule to their wise ; or entangled "', sage was very happi ly exerted in eliciting truth from unwilling witnesses ; and ia the course of hi? judicial services he was very successful in repressing not only a great variety of individual attempts at perjury, but in preventing the commission of that crime in certain classes of subjects, in which h was before universally prevalent-* This judge, thoroughly comprehending, not only the general object, but the special compartments of bis office, very carefully distinguished between tbe duties of a civil and criminal magistrate. In the former relation he confined bis con- q Especially custom-hoote question*, and justification of boil, to the former imumce the incredibility of oat lit was proverbial ; in the latter it was customary ~.r persons to attend in Westminster-hall on the first day ef term, offering to bail any person who wi/,ted their service?, and to twear themselves t* hare property to any amount requisite for tbat purpose. A person who bad not fire pcwads ia the world, frequently hailed to the amount of tea tboa- •aod pounds in a term. His lordship, hating discovered this practice, ex- ezatr.iw*! those bondsmen so closely, as to the disposal of weir alleged proper ty, that be drove them from that kind of tratnc. From his time tbe perjury ol lictiiiou? bail has been dts cocuased, lo the great secant/ of property, aatt re- * jmat -on cf avcra-V HEION OF GEOllGF. TIL 1»' mdaroilon, nt least so fnr ns It dictated his charge to jujl'lca, to ('%£v lliti tknnaao auHtumed by the plain/iff', without adducing tho S^N^/ uomlucl or tho deftuxlnnt n« n reason for enhancing diiningea im beyond tho uctual Injury, tho repnrnllon of which wns, nnd must be, tho sole ground of a civil action,.' Ho did hot con found rod rem for a private wrong with punishment for u. public wrong ; but by keeping; the administration of civil ai^l crimi nal Justice separate, ns Intended and proscribed by law, ho most ell'oet unity nnswored tho purposes of both. IhunI Mana- liold wns frequently reproached with attempting to increase tho Influence and power of tho crown, nnd wns, as wo have Mefii, exposed to great obloquy from factious demagogues, who directed nnd Inlltiiuod the populace nt tho time : but on inves tigation It was found, that his opinions on tho law of libels wore those that had boon received by former lawyers nml JtulpjeHj that If not precisely correct, thoy wero by no means of his Invention, but adopted on very eminent authority. With talents to excel In any department, professional excellence a^"">}x wns what lord Mansfield chieily sought, and sought wilh the* rB*0f' gran tost nieceis. As a politician his lonlrthip aspirod not to tho eminence which his abilities could have so easily attained ; nnd ho never was a loader. Tho measures which ho supported during varloui periods, especially tho administration of lord North mid his predecessors, wero not thofO on which his character for wisdom could he founded. As an orator ho shone brightly, but not unrivalled ; though equalled by few, ho was hy one surpassed. Thn engaging nnd graceful persuasion of it Murray yielded to the commanding force of a Pitt. But as a judge he earned tho highest fame by combining philosophy and detail, by instantane ously nnd completely apprehending the case; and by neeurato discrimination, which, though deviating somewhat from the let ter wf the laws, hounded his construction! by tho lines of equity and Justice. In him you could not always nnd his precedent!! in tint law report", or his rules in the statutes ut large, when neither would npplyt but you nmut recognise his principles and criteria. of determination in tho liiiiiintablo laws of reason ami rectitude. I.ovd Mansfield's procedure on the bench was, on tho whole, the host that could he adopted by himself, or any other Judge of consummate wisdom 1 how far, ns a general model, it ought to be followed by all judges, might bo a matter of doubtful in quiry. Perhaps, on the whole, unless a Judge bo uncommonly sagacious and able, literal interpretation, keeping as closely an ¦ Till* Jnttps wn» wvw»ly blamed thr having itntril, In hit rhnrg* lo tin jury on Iho trial uf the duk» of Cniiihtrlnnil , ut lh« hmlnncaorioiil finwvi-iior, thnt (li« miik or ruiulliion »f th« (Itleiulnnt dhl not cntltlf lh« ulniMllTto any uicmno uf dttmii(rf'<, ll win nllfgwl hy parly writer*, thnt lord Mnnsfiultl wlnhdd t» vmin » rn-lura of III* Mood : hut ilia i-onl niul lUIr Intiv-pitMniioit is, that ill A civil •i-li.'u iltc plnlnlln' ftppllMi thr the mlirmi of « twin in Injury ; ihM tho tajwjr *.«•, »«d ihM only, U to he c«R»W«»d In ire »w*d of dwwmjcj. 166 HISTORY OF THE XL. 1788. CviAF' P08S'We t° precedent and statute, if in some cases it may be air obstacle to what is completely right, yet in a much greater va- riety is a preventive of wrong. His lordship was succeeded by Lloyd Kenyon, who, by pro fessional ability and industry, had risen to be master of the rolls; and now being chief justice of tlxj king's bench, was called to the house of peers by the title of lord Kenyon. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 16T CHAP. XLI. Uialcmpm- of iho Ifinp; — nssumes an alarming appearance. — Petri and commons ussembloon iho day iippoiiilc-d for Iho meeting of parliament. — Adjourn for a fortnight lill Iho fuel ho ascertained. — Physicians being oxuinined, agree that u temporal y inrupuciiy ovists.— Houses meet to prepare forrisupply. — Mr Pitt moves uu inquiry into precedents. — Mr. 1'ox declares, that in sucheircum- ?liitircB Jhc heir iippai-i'iit husu right to exercise the executive power. — Mr. Fill contends Ihul Iho right of supplying the dclieiciici is in Ihe people, through llieir rcprcM'iiUlJvos. — V.nrd Loughborough, wilh some ilislinclions, agrees willi Mr. l''ox.— Mr. Vox oxpluins his doctrine, which Mr. J'itt slill controverts. tjiiesiinn brought lo issue. — Determined that Iho supply of Ihe deficiency rests with tho houses of pniliumont. — Mr, J'itt proposes that the chancellor shall' be ompowored to put (ho soul lo a commission lor opening parliament.— Alter it violent debute, carried. — ¦Frederick duke of York opposes administration.—, Mr. Cornwall dying, Mr. (Irciiville is chosen speaker. — Mr. Pitt's plan ol regency — is submitted to Ihe pi-inco of Wales. — M is highness expresses his disapprobation und reasons, hut deems it incumbent on )iim lo accept the oflico. Second cxmiiiniition of the physicians. — Mopes ol his majesty's speedy recove ry . — Mr. Pill's plan of regency laid before parliament.' — Principle ; that the power delegated should answer without exceeding the purposes of the trust. — Dolalls and restrictions, — Scheme lepi'obuled by opposition, — Arguments for and against. — Princes of the blood all vole on the side of opposition. — Warm praise nnd severo censure of, hy Ihe respective parlies throughout the nation. — Im- pnrliul eslimatc of its merils. — Irish parliament addresseslho prince to assume the leironcy of Iielnud. — Favourable turn of his majesty's distemper. — Conva lescence. — Complete recovery. — Universal joy throughout the nation. — His inajesly goes to St. I'uul'x to i-eliun thanks.— Festive rejoicings. — Renewed application for the repeal of tho lest and corporation acls. — Chief sects and most eminent men of ibe dissenters. — Proposod relief from the penal laws against non conformists — opposed by tho bishops. — Refused. — Slavo trade.— Mr. Wilber- forco's motion lor Iho abolition. — Arguments for, on Ihe grounds of roligion and hununiiiy, — Consideration postponed to the next session. — Mr. Creuville appointed secretary ol state. — Mr. Addiugton speaker of the house of commons. Kiimuciul scheme. — A loan rcuiiirpd (according to the minister) from a tempo- cm-) ciinsc— . Mr. Sheridan disputes his calculations. — Bill for subjecting to- bneco to an excise. — Popular clnnjour against this bill. — Passed into a law. — Progressive prosperity of India stated hy Mr. Dundas. — Slow progress of Mr. Hustings'* trial. — Motions respecting il in tho commons. — Session rises. THE close of the present year was marked by a signal ca- CHAP. lamity which befel this nation ; but dreadful as was its first as- XLI- pect, terrible and afflicting the fears of its continuance, proving v-**^"^-' only temporary, grief and dismay for its existence were speedily 1788' overwhelmed in joy for its removal. The vigorous constitution and temperate hahits of our sove- Distemper reign, now in the prime pf his life, appeared to promise to hisofihckiti; 168 HISTORY OF THE C\lF V60?}* tne 1°'V£ duration of a reign directed to their happiness: .— ^L. contemplating his countenance and form, with natural health, I7B^ invigorated by exercise, and secured by regularity of living, bin people confidently expected, that the paternal goodness, which for twenty-eight years they had experienced, would, after twenty-eight yelrs more, be still exerting itself for their bene fit, but the prospect was now overcast. In the latter end of autumn all ranks were alarmed by a re port that his majesty was seriously indisposed. On the twenty- fourth of October resolved, notwithstanding illness, to perform the functions of his royal office, he held a levee ; and though it was obvious lo evuery one present, that his majesty's health was very materially af£;cted,yet no symptoms indicated any definite ajFumcsan species of malady. On the king's return to Windsor, his diitero- atormintr per assumed a very alarming appearance ; it was found that it appearance, j^ forme^ Hscjf j,,^ a Drajn fever, attended with a delirium, so often resulting from that dreadful disorder. The mental derangement having continued to tbe beginning of November, without any intermission, at length became public ; and the in telligence diffused grief and consternation among his loyal and affectionate subjects. The prince of Wales repairing to Wind sor to the queen, thete personages were attended by the lord- chancellor, and concerted measures for the management of his majesty's domestic affairs in the present emergency. Mean while, all those who, by their rank and situation in the state, were required to take a part in so new and unexpected an exi gence, assembled in tbe capital. Mr. Fox had spent part of the recess in Switzerland ; to him, as a man from whose extra ordinary abilities most beneficial advantage was expected, an express was immediately despatched, and he hurried to Eng- The peers land. The twentieth of November, was the day on which th« rnons'alk' prorogation of parliament was to expire ; and the meeting took •embleon place as a matter of course. The peers and the commons rc- thedayap- mained in their separate chambers; the chancellor in the up- themeetiiig ?erj a"d Mr. Pitt in the lower house, notified the cause of their «T pariia- assembling without the usual notice and summons, and stated taml- the impropriety of their proceeding, under such circumstances, They ad- to the discussion of any public business ; and both houses re journ fora solved unanimously to adjourn for fifteen days. Mr. Pitt ob» inMhe'iact 8erved that, if his majesty's illness should unhappily continue be a*«r- longer than the period of their adjournment, it would be indis- tained. pensably necessary for the house to take into immediate consi deration the means of supplying, as far as they were compe tent, the want of the royal presence ; it was, therefore, incum bent upon them to insure a full attendance, in order to give every possible weight and solemnity to their proceedings : for this purpose it was ordered, that the house should be called over on Thursday the fourth of December, and that letters should be sent, requiring tbe attendance of every member : orders to the same effect were issued by the lorda. On the day RETCIN OF (JKORfiE 111. i<$ before the appointed meeting, the physicians who had attended ^J*1*- his majesty were examined by the privy-council, mid tho three ^^^1^^, following questions were proposed nml answered : first, N his )7()r) majesty's state of health such ns to render him incapable of i-nyim-iiim meeting parliament, or attending to public business ? tho answer being p- of all wns, he certainly is Incapable: the second intention re*]J^.""'M'lllt spected the probability of a cure, nnd the duration ol the illness : tcmpoi-my they concurred in the probability of a cure, though they could i"™1^"lcily not" limit the limn: the third i|iiestioii wns, whether the physi-CK"" dans judged from general experience, the particular symptom* of his majesty's case, or both? the moat frequent answer was, from general experience ; but doctor Willis, who entered more minutely on the subject, In his answers, than the otherphysicians, stated the circumstances which he deemed favourable to a speedy reeovofy. It was afterwards agreed by both house?, thnt the physicians should bo exnmlncd by committees compo sed, ns nearly na possible, of nn equal, number of members from both parties. It being ascertained that u temporary incapacity The kouiw. existed, Mr. Pitt, in order to puvethe way for a supply, moved, meeitopre- that a committee should be appointed to examine the journals i'"1,]',!^1 ° nnd report precedents from similar or analogous cases. Mr. Mr. Cut Fox objected to a committee for such a purpose, ns nugatory j^fjj ™o and productive of unnecessnry delay: Mr. Pitt (lie said) kuewureceuenw. there Was in thtv journals no precedent to be found of the sus pension of executive government, where there was nt the same time nn heir apparent of full age nnd capacity : he himself wns fully convinced, upon the malm-cat consideration of the princi ples and practice of the constitution, and of the analogy of the common law of tho land, thnt whenever the sovereign, from Mr.ffoxdc sickness, infirmity, or other incapacity, wns unable to exercise [^""'Jlj "•'"' the functions of his high office, tlie heir apparent, being of full enmsmncos tige and capacity, had as Indisputable a claim lo the exercise of lho lic"' RP* the executive power, in the name and on behalf of the sove- [""j™1,^" reign, diiringthecontiniinnee of such incapacity, as in case of hisercise tho natural demise:' Ihe prince himself, from the peculiar delicacy e\ecmivo •f his situation, had not made the claim, but there was no1*™01"" doubt that il was his right to supply the place of his father. Mr. Mr. Pin Pitt combated this doctrine, as totally inconsistent with actual fh,u1J''"1d'i history nnd the spirit of the constitution: there were, he udinit-riihi of sup- ted, no precedents applicable to this specific cause of inenpaci- pb.'ng the ty ; but whatever disability had at any lime arisen in the e\e- •'/'•„liS, VOL. 11. '2J J70 HISTORY OF THE ^XM*"' tnGse exP'°ded ideas of the divine and indefeasible authority of w ^^1, princes, which had justly sunk into contempt, and almost into l738 oblivion. Kings and princes derive their powers from the peo ple, and to the people alone, through the organ of their represen tatives, did it appertain to decide in cases for which the consti tution had made no specific or positive provision. On these grounds Mr. Pitt insisted that the prince had no more eight to be appointed to supply the existing deficiency, than any other. subject ; though he admitted that, in the present case, xxper diency dictated that parliament should offer him the regency : substitution of another to execute the office of a king, during a temporary incapacity, was merely a measure of necessary policy : h. was incumbent on legislature to intrust the authority to such person or persons, as it should deem most likely to an swer the purpose : after these observations the question being put, it was carried that a committee should be appointed to search for precedents. lord In the house of peers, lord Loughborough supported the po- Loughbo- sition which Mr. Fox had advanced, and adduced great legal some dis- ingenuity and acuteness to prove, that the right ascribed to the linctjons, prince was a corollary from the act of settlement, the general flfrTFox'* ana'°&y °f English law, the privileges and immunities peculiar to the prince, and belonging to no other subject. He admitted, however, that the exercise of this right ought not to commence Mr. Foxes- until parliament had declared the sovereign's incapacity. Mr. plains his jrox at tne next xneeting of the commons, made an explanation which Mr. of his meaning, agreeable to lord Loughborough's interpreta- fiu still tion, and said, that his expressions on a former day had been controyerts. misrepresented : his position, which he was still ready lo main tain, was that the houses of parliament had the right to adjudge the fact of incapacity, but on such adjudication the heir appa rent had the right of holding the reins of government whilst the incapacity lasted : as, however, Mr. Pitt agreed with him, that in the present circumstances the prince was the person who ought to hold that office, it would be much more prudent to ab stain from discussing so nice and subtle distinctions. Mr. Pitt replied, that he differed as much from Mr. Fox respecting the question of right, now that he had explained his meaning, as before such an explanation. Mr. Fox (he said) now asserted, that the prince of Wales had a right to exercise theroyalauthori- ty, under the present circumstances of the country ; but that it was a right not in possession, until the prince could exercise it on what he called the adjudication of parliament. He on his part denied that the prince of Wales possessed any right what ever, and upon that point Mr. Fox and he were still at issue. This was a very important question, and must be decided be fore they could proceed any farther ; there might be differences t. of opinion whether an}' regency was necessary as yet, and a difference of opinion might arise, if necessary, what were the powers requisite to be granted to the • regent ? but nothing could REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 171 be deternrined till tKe matter of right should be discussed. He c^^' not only challenged Mr. Fox to adduce either precedent or'aws^^v-l. to support his doctrine, but actually showed from history that 178g. such a claim of right had been made, and had been resisted by parliament. In the reign of Henry VI. the duke of Glou cester, next heir to the crown,1 claimed the regency during the minority of the king, and applied to parliament ; the answer lb this claim was, that he neither had by birth, nor by the will of his brother, any right whatever to the exercise of royal au thority : they, however, appointed him regent, and intrusted him with the care of the young king. At the revolution, par liament proceeded on the same general principle ; the king had ceased to act ; to supply this deficiency, parliament acted as legislators : they did not restrict themselves to a simple address' to the prince of Orange to accept the crown ; they felt not only that they must have a Icing, bwt they must have a king on cer tain terms and conditions : they did what amounted to a legis lative act : they came to a resolution to settle the crown, not on' the prince of Orange and the heirs of his body, nor on the prin cess Mary and the heirs of her body, but on the prince and princess jointly. Here it was evident tbat, whatever the ne cessity of the case required at that time, the lords and com-, Bions possessed the power to provide for it, and consequently. whatever the necessity of the case demanded at present, the-' power belonged to the lords and commons to supply the defi ciency. Parliament could have no possible interest in acting in any other way than as duty prompted nnd wisdom directed : and, ss it was agreeable to bistoryj reason, and expediency, that they should provide for a specific object, it became them, in making the provisions, to extend or contract the trust to be delegated according as they thought either necessary for its execution. Thus, according to Mr. Pitt, precedent confirmed the analogy of the constitution, and both concurred with the expediency which required tbat the peers and the representa tives of the people should provide for supplying an unforeseen deficiencyi Having grounded his doctrine on these arguments and facts, The qua- concerning the right which Mr. Fox had asserted to be vested »»pi>rongty in the heir apparent, f.lr. Pitt proposed on the sixteenth of De-l0,ssae" ccmber three resolutions :u the first stating his majesty's present t After the death of prince John ofLancaster chile of B«Bbr A. n The following are the resolutions : 1st, That it is Ihe opinion of this com mittee, that his majesty is prevented, by bis present indisposition, from coming to parliament, and from attending to- public business ; and that the personal ex ercise of the royal authority is thereby for the present interrupted : Sdly , That it is the opinion of this committee, that it is the right ami duty of the lords spiritu al and temporal, and commons of Great Britain, now assembled, and lawfully, fully, and freely, representing all Ihe estates of Ibe public of this realm, lo provide the means of supplying the defect of the personal exercise of the royal arttliority. 17B HISTORY OF THE c. y£7- unfitness for performing the functions of tl condly, that the lords and commons had the right" to provide for that case, and were in duty bound to make- such provisions: thirdly, that, the lords and commons should determine on the most effectual means of exercising their right, by vesting the powers and authqrity. of the crown on behalf of the king during his majesty's illness. Several amendments were pro posed; withput detailing these, it is sufficient to mention that their object was to address the prince -of Wales, heir apparent, and of mature age, beseeching him,, to take upon himself the administration of the civil and military government of tho country, during the indisposition of his majesty, and no longer. • The admission of this proposition would have precluded every. limitation of the kingly power, thus to be intrusted to a regent. Its supporters contended, that every part of the royal authority and prerogative was necessary for the discharge of -kingly- duties ; if the regent were not intrusted with the whole power, he could not perform. all. the duties. By its opponents it was answered, that the situation for which they were called to pro vide was, from the concurrent testimony of the most competent witnesses, only temporary j the supply wanted, therefore, was also temporary. Various parts of the royal establishment belonged to the splendour and dignity of the crown, more than to its power or its executive functions. So much authority as- was necessary to enable the.regent to act as executive magis trate during the illness of the sovereign, should be conferred, but no more. The bounds and circumscriptions necessary upon this principle would be matter of cautious consideration to parliament, according to all the circumstances of the case. Such restrictions would be impossible if. the present amend-- ment were adopted. Parliament was to reflect on the present as a general question that would be a guide to future ages : they were to form measures for insuring the restitution of hisi power to the principal, when a substitute was • no longer ne cessary; and in making this provision they were to consider men as men are generally found. Cases might arise, in which^ if an heir obtained possession, he might be unwilling to re turn to expectancy ; or, though an heir were ever so dutifully dis- . posed himself, he might be misled by evil counsellors. No character could be more meritorious or more worthy of confi- arising from his majesty's said indisposition, in such manner as the exigency of the case may appear to require : Resolved, " That for the purpose, and for main taining entire the constitutional authority of the king, it is necessary, that the said lords spiritual and temporal, and commons of Great Britain, should determine on the means whereby the royal assent may be given in parliament to such bill as may be passed by the two houses of parliament, respecting the exercise of the . . powers and authorities of the crown, in the name and on tbe behalf of the king, during the continuance of his majesty's present indisposition." See parliamenta ry reports, Dec. 17eS. REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 173 dence than the present prince of Wales. Constitutional policy, cfj¥>- however, proceeds not upon individual merits, but on general expediency. Every part of the principal authority was not ,.„ wanted to the efficiency of the substitute. Why should they con fer on a delegate any more power than was necessary to answer the purposes of the delegation ? Our sovereign possessed as much power as was consistent with a free government, and no more : the regent was, by the scheme of ministers, to possess as much as was consistent with the object of his temporary office, and no more ; there was no disrespect offered, to the regent by a circumscription applying to the particular circum stances, as there was no disrespect to our kings in the circum scriptions affixed to their authority by the constitution. In both cases the principle was the same ; princes are men, and fallible like other human beings ; let them be invested with all the authority which is conducive to the public welfare, and restrained from that which might be prejudicial. Mr. Pitt in formed the house, that he intended, if the resolutions should be adopted by the commons, and also meet the concurrence of the lords, to propose, that the lord bigh-chancellor should be empowered to put the great seal to a commission for open ing the parliament in the usual form ; and that as soon as a bill should be passed by both" houses for providing for the exercise of the royal authority, under certain limitations, du ring his majesty's indisposition, another commission should be sealed for giving to such .act the royal assent. This project was very strenuously opposed : first, as unnecessary; because all parties concurring unanimously in opinion that the prince of Wales should be invested with the regency, the procedure by address or declaration was the most simple, and the most consonant to the practice and constitutional functions of the two houses : the measure was unwarrantable ; in fact it altered an essential part of the state ; it made the two houses kings. To fix the form of a legal sanction on their proceedings, they were to give fictitiously a royal assent, but in reality their own as sent to their own acts. If the houses assumed lo themselves pow ers which belonged to the legislature, and proceeded to legislate, they would act in direct violation of the spirit of the constitution : even to a positive act of parliament, the 13lh of Charles U. which expressly declared, that the two houses could not make laws without the king : after a long debate the resolutions D . . . were voted. Having passed the house of commons, they were that rhesup- introduced to the lords by the chancellor, and similar amend- p'v °f the ments were proposed. In the debate which ensued on that "eS'^ith occasion, the question of right was resumed: an active part the booses was taken by their royal highnesses the princes, and particu- of P**1'*- larly by his majesty's second son, Frederick duke of York. *"en ' This illustrious youth received the first part of his education dokeof in his native country. Destined for the military profession he York oppo- was afterward; sent tg Germany, and spent several years in his *f; *?!mm':' i7i HISTORY OF THE Cf ?AP. own bishopric at Osnabnrg, and his royal father'* electoral do- " minions : thence he repaired to the eourt of Berlin, and coro- %~*^?*' pletedhis military education under the system Which tbe Prus sian hero bad established. Eminently distinguished for manly beauty and graces, in natural endowments and acquired quali fications, he was owe of the most accomplished princes of the age : having the strongest fraternal affection for his' elder brother, between whom and him the closest intimacy from their childhood, bad enhanced the sentiments of relation, on coming back to England he chiefly associated with the prince of t/ales,- and becoming acquainted with the companions of that exalted' personage, be in a considerable degree adopted their political' opinions. " No claim (said his highness) has been made by " my royal brother ; I am confident the prince too well under- " stands the saCred principles which seated the bouse of Bruns- " wick on the throne of Great Utitain, ever to assume or eXer- " cise any power not derived from the will of the people, ex- " pressed by their representatives, snd yonr lordships in par- " liament. On this ground, I hope, the house will avoid pres- " sing a decision which certainly was not necessary to thegreat * object expected from parliament, and which mast be most " painful in the discussion to a family already sufficiently agitat- " ed and afflicted : these (continued his highness) are the sen- " timents of an honest heart, eqnaily iihluenced by duty and " affection to my royal father, and by sttachnjent to tbe eon- " stitutional rights of his subjects ; and I am confident, that if ; " my royal brother were to address you in his place, as a peer " of the realm, these are the sentiments which he would dis- " tinctly avow." Though the peers warmly approved of the general sentiments expressed by his highness, and of the dig nified manner in which they were delivered, yet the majority thought it necessary, since the question of right bad oncte been started, to have it fully discussed ; and the resolutions were carried by a considerable majority. A ttrong protest was en tered against agreeing to these resolutions, and signed by the dukes of York and Cumberland, and forty-six other-! peers." These proceedings of the house occupied the greater' part of' Mr. Com- December. On the twenty-ninth of the month Mr. Cornwall/ wall dying, speaker of the house of commons, was seized with a dreadful ' v\]]e isap- illness, which, four days after; the second of January 1789, pointed ended in his death. The house meeting on the fiftb,Mr. WilUam 'nei78S Grenville was proposed by the friends of ministers as bis suc cessor, and sir Gilbert Elliot by opposition : the election was carried in favour of the former by a majority of two hundred and fifteen to one hundred and forty-four. Mr. ritt's The preliminary subjects having been discussed by both eencv'ie8' houses> Mr- Pitt, ¦ before he explained his plan of regency to submitted io parliament, submitted its outlines to the prince hV a letter, the | riu-je -of Utiles K See their names, Stale Papers, Dec. 29, 1783. REIGN OF GEORGE IH. 1 75 wherein he offered either to attend his highness, should any C.JVV,P' farther explanation be required, or to convey such explanation, in any pther mode which the prince should signify to be most ^7^0*^ agreeable. This letter, sent on the thirtieth of December, stated the plan to be that which, nccording lo the best judg ment which they were able to form, his majesty's confidential servants had conceived proper lo be proposed in the present circumstances : the outlines were, that his highness should be empowered to exercise the royal authority, in the name and oa .the behalf of his majesty, during his majesty's illness, and to do all apts which might legally be done by his majesty. The icare of his majesty's person, the management of the houser hold, and the direction and appointment of the officers and servants therein should be in the queen, under such regulations as might be thought necessary. The power to be exercised by Jiis highness should not extend to the disposal of either real or personal property of the king (except in the renewal of leases, to the bestowal of any pension, the reversion of any office, or any appointment whatever, but during his majesty's pleasure, except those granted by law for life ; that his highness should not be empowered to confer the dignity of the peerage on any person except his majesty's issue wfio had attained the- age of twenty-ope years. This plan, the letter declared, was formed pn ,the supposition, that his majesty's illness was only tempo rary, and would be of no long duration. It would be difficult to fix befqreliand the precise period for which these provisions pught to last ; but should his majesty's recovery be protracted to a more distant period than there was then reason to expect, the consideration of the plan, according to the exigency of the pase, would be open to the wisdom pf parliament.? 0n the first of January an answer was delivered by his royal His highs highness to the Iprd-chancellpr to be conveyed to Mr, Pitt. "^s,s *"ni Respecting the measures already embraced by parliament, his Spproba, highness declared he would Pbserve a total silence : no act ''<"» an(1 of the lords and commons could be a proper subject of his an- Ss u h.* iinadversipn : but (he said) when, previously to any discussion cumbem on in parliament, the outlines of a scheme of government are sent him l° B0" for.his copsideratipn, in which it is proposed that he shall be per- «n?ce! sonally and principally concerned, and by which the royal au thority and the publip welfare may be deeply affected, the prince would be unjustifiable were he to withhold an explicit declara- tipn pf his sentiments : hU silence might be censtrued intp a previpus apprpbation of a plan, the accomplishment of which, every motiye of duty to his father and.soveieign, as well as of re gard fpr the public interest, obliges, him to consider as injurious to both. The scheme communicated by Mr. Pitt is a project for producing weakness, disorder, and insecurity,, in every branch of the. administration of affairs 5 a project for.dividing y See Slate Papers, Dec. 30, 1758. 1739. 176 HISTORY OF THE c££p- the royal family from each other ; for separating the court from the state ; and therefore by disjoining government from its na- "J tural and accustomed support, a scheme for disconnecting the authority to command service, from the power of animating it by reward ; andlfor allotting to the prince all the invidious duties of government, without the means of softening them to the public by any one act of grace, favour, or benignity. These positions the prince adduced detailed . arguments to support : the plan (he proceeded) was not founded on any general prin ciple, but was calculated to infuse groundless jealousies and sus picions in that quarter, whose confidence it should ever be the first pride of his life to merit and obtain. With regard to the object of the limitations, his majesty's ministers had afforded him no light; they had informed him what powers they meant to refuse him, but not why they were to.be withheld : he deemed it a fundamental principle of this constitution, that the powers and prerogatives of the crown are vested there, as a trust for the benefit of the people ; and. that they are sacred only as they are necessaryto the preservation of that poise and balance of the constitution, which experience has proved to be the true security of the liberty of the subject : but the plea of public utility ought to be strong,' manifest, and urgent, which calls for the extinction or suspension of any one of those essential rights in the supreme power or its representative. If security were wanted, that his majesty should repossess his rightful go vernment whenever it pleased Providence to remove his present calamity, the prince would be the first to urge the adoption of measures conducive to that, purpose, as the preliminary and paramount consideration, of, any settlement in which he would consent to share : if attention to what his majesty's feelings and wishes might be on the happy day of his recovery were the ob ject, the prince expressed his firm conviction, that no event would be more repugnant to the feelings of his royal father, than the knowledge that the government of his son and representative had exhibited the sovereign power of the realm in a state of degrada tion, curtailed authority, and diminished energy ; a. state hurt ful in practice to the prosperity and good government of his people, and injurious in its precedent to the security of the mo narch, and the right of his family. . The provision respecting the king's property was totally unnecessary, as that was per fectly secured, during his majesty's life, by the law of the land. The prince having discharged, as he conceived, his indispensa ble duty in giving his free opinion on the plan submitted to his consideration, concluded with declaring in the following terms* his reasons for accepting, notwithstanding the objections he hatf enumerated, the proffered trust : Hisz conviction of the evils which may arise to the king's interests, to the peace and hap piness of the royal family, and to the safety and welfare of the 2 The letter is written in the third person. See State Papers, Jan. 1, J789. REIGN OF GEORGE m. 177 nation, firom the goverument of the country remaining longer *^^>' in its present maimed and debilitated state, outweighs, in the v_^^-^< prince's mind, every other consideration, and will determine him ,_^ to undertake the painful trust imposed upon him by the present melancholy necessity (which of all the king's subjects he de plores the most), in full confidence, that the affection and loyalty to the king, the experienced attachment to the house of Bruns wick, and the generosity which has always distinguished this na tion, will carry him through the many difficulties inseparable from this critical situation, with comfort to himself, with honor to tbe king, and with advantage to the public- Such was the substance of tbe letter written by the heir appa rent on this momentous subject, and though great numbersdid not assent to bis highnesses conclusions, concerning the inexpedi ency of the proposed restrictions, yet every judge of composi tion and argument allowed that it was a very masterly perform ance. On the sixth of January, when Mr. Pitt was about to propose Second ex- his plan of regency to the house of commons, Mr. Loveden, animation member for Abingdon, moved, that, as the intended limitations ^j^. would have a reference to the state of his majesty's health, and several weeks had elapsed since that had been ascertained, the physicians should be again examined. After a very warm de bate* including a considerable share of personal altercation, it was agreed that a new committee should be appointed, and that ihe physicians should be interrogated. The result of the ex amination was, that his majesty's recovery continued probable. The proceedings of the committee having occupied about a week, the report was brought up on Tuesday the thirteenth of January, and appoiuted to be taken into consideration the follow ing Friday. On the sixteenth Mr. Pitt opened his plan to the Mr. Pitt's house : the subject (he said) divided itself into three distinct p,an of.re" heads : first, the nature of the king's illness ; secondly, the laid before principles upon which the two houses were authorized to act parliament. on this occasion : and thirdly, the application of those princi ples to the measures which he should propose, of remedying the present defect in the personal exercise of the royal authority. From the recent examination, they were confirmed in the con clusions drawn from the former, tbat his majesty was by bis illness rendered incapable of attending to the business of bis station ; but that it was probable he might recover, and once more be able to resume the reigns of government. In these two points all the physicians were agreed, they were not all equal ly sanguine in their hopes of bis majesty's recovery : it was, how ever, extremely satisfactory, that the expectations of the seve ral physicians were respectively favourable, in proportion to their knowledge of that particular distemper and that individual ease : ihe deficiency for which they were called to provide was temporary, and would probably be short. The principles by Principle, which the houses were to proceed, arose from the nature and wie?* vot. rr. 23 178 HISTORY OF THE CXLIP ProDakle duration of the deficiency ; they were to provide fdf the present necessity only, and to do no more than it required ;' 17g. they were also to guard against any embarrassment in the re- should an- sumption of the royal authority, and therefore to grant such swer with- powers only as were requisite for the government of the country ?ng tb?pur- witn energy and effect. On these principles he had framed his poses of the plan, of which the outlines were exhibited in his letter to the trust. prince of Wales. The regent was to exercise the whole royal authority, subject to restrictions which were intended not to in- Details and terfere with executive efficiency. The limitations were redu- restrictions. cMe to four heads : first, that the power of his highness should not extend to the bestowal of the peerage, except to his majesty's issue that had attained twenty-one years of age. To prove the propriety of this limitation, Mr. Pitt adduced three grounds upon which this prerogative was intrusted by the con stitution to the crown : first, it was designed to enable the king to counteract the designs of any factious cabal in the house of lords : secondly, to enable the sovereign to reward eminent merit : thirdly, this power was designed to provide for the fluc tuations of wealth and property in the country ; by raising men of great landed interest to the peerage, that branch of the le gislature would be always placed upon its true and proper basis : for none of these objects was this prerogative wanted in the present case ; there was no probability that any such ca bal should now be formed to obstruct the government of his royal highness ; on the other hand, if this power were conferred on the regent, such a number of peers might be created, as would greatly embarrass the government of his majesty on his restoration to health : as a reward of merit, or a nobilitation of property, the suspension of this prerogative, during the temporary incapacity which they were supplying, could be attended with no material inconvenience : should the unfitness prove more permanent than they expected, parliament could extend the regent's power as far as might be then deemed Arguments necessary for the public welfare. On the same principle was found- for ed the second restriction, by which the regent was not empower- •„ ed to grant any pension or place for life, or in reversion, except such offices as are by law held for life, or duringgood behaviour: the powers restrained were not necessary to the executive govern ment, temporarily to be held by the regent ; and their exercise might be injurious to the government of his majesty on his recov ery. The third restriction, respecting the king's personal proper ty, be scarcely thought necessary; but as they were acting on par liamentary principles, and endeavouring to make their provisions as comprehensive as possible, he accounted it his duty to make this regulation a part of his plan. The fourth resolution was intended to intrust the sovereign's person, during his illness, to the guardianship of the queen : he proposed to put the whole of his majesty's household under her authority, investing her with all powers to dismiss and appoint as she should think REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 179 proper: unless she held this control, the queen could not dis- CHAP. charge the important trust committed to her care : a council v_^v^v^ should be named to assist the queen with advice, but without im any power of control : trustees should be appointed to manage the real and personal estate of the king, but should have no power of disposing any part of it, except by lease. The pro positions were very strenuously supported, both upon the ar guments which the minister himself adduced, and on others. The law officers maintained, as a fundamental doctrine, that the king's political character was, in the eye of the law, insepa rable from his personal; that it remained entire and perfect, and would continue so to do until his natural demise ; and to this principle frequent reference was made in the course of the debates. The senator who vindicated the plan of Mr. Pitt, in the most extensive details, elaborate research, and accurate in duction, was Mr. Grenville, the new speaker : in the committee' Speech of this member took an opportunity of delivering his opinion ; J?^ Gren" and for near three hours both occupied and engaged the atten tion of the house. His oration on the subject stated every his torical fact, explained and enforced all the arguments of pre cedent, law, and constitutional analogy, by which the proceed ings of the ministers were justified ; and also endeavoured to combat each and all objections which they encountered. From the constitutional history of the country he attempted to de monstrate, that the principle on which our ancestors both con. ferred and bounded the powers of a regent were the same that were now applied. It was proposed on the one hand to esta blish a form of government capable of conducting the public business ; and on the other, to provide complete and ample secu rity to enable the sovereign to resume the exercise of his au thority, fully, freely, and without embarrassment, when the ex isting deficiency should terminate. Keeping this principle uni formly in view, he applied it to the various restrictions, and contended, that the extent of the delegation was sufficient for the energetic useful execution of the trust, and that the bounds were necessary to the security of resumption. The proposir and against. tions were opposed on the following grounds : they tended, it was affirmed, to debilitate and humble the executive govern ment, by stripping it of its legal prerogatives : the power of bestowing peerages was an integral part of the royal authority, a shield that, from its earliest days, the constitution had pro vided for its own defence and preservation ; and which could not be wrested from the crown without bringing destruction on our polity. Mr. Fox, with his wonted energy,, impugned the doctrine of the law officers, concerning the inseparability of the king's personal and political character : he wished (he said) to hear this doctrine explained ; for bow that person, whose political faculties were confessedly suspended by a severe visi tation of Providence, could still exist in the full enjoyment of his political character, was beyond his understanding to com? 178S1. 180 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, prehend ; the doctrine seemed, indeed, to be founded on those XU blind and superstitious notions, by which, as they all knew "^ from history, human institutions had been, as it were, deified ; and which were inculcated for the purpose of impressing a strong and implicit reverence of authority in the minds of the multitude : while the supporters of this doctrine took up the superstitions of antiquity, they rejected their morality ; they enveloped the sacred person of the king with a political veil, which was calculated to inspire awe and secure obedience ; but laboured to enfeeble the arms of government, to cripple it in all its great and essential parts, to expose it to hostile attack and to contumely ; to take from it the dignity which apper tained to itself, and the use for which it was designed towards the people. He reprobated with peculiar severity the restric tions which were proposed on the creation of peers : Mr. Pitt had conferred that rank upon no less than forty-two persons during the five years that he had been in office ; and he had not the pretext of saymg that any cabal was formed to thwart his measures in the house of lords, which made such a promo tion necessary ; and if such were the means to which he had been obliged to resort, surrounded with all the power and influ ence of the crown, what must be the condition of those who should have to contend, in the crippled state to which they would be reduced, against an opposition armed with so large a portion of the usual patronage of government. He express ed his indignation and abhorrence of a project that placed in a state of competition persons so nearly connected by blood, by duty, and by affection, and thereby excited that mutual jeal ousy which, in some degree, is inseparable from the human mind : how much (he said) had they to answer for, who, with a perfect knowledge of this weakness of human nature, wick edly and wantonly pursued a measure which might involve the empire in endless distractions. To these objections ministers replied, that though the prerogatives proposed to be withheld from tbe regent were necessary for the sovereign, they were not indispensably requisite to a temporary substitute : the regent was to possess the supreme direction of the ordnance, army, and navy ; the power of making war, peace, and affiances ; the choice of his ministers, and all subordinate officers ; the appointment of bishops and judges : such authority was suffi cient for a temporary exercise of the executive functions, though restrained,, from promotions and donations ; the in fluence of which, lasting after the trust had terminated, might have disturbed the government of the rightful holder. These were the grounds on which Mr. Pitt, his coadjutors and sup porters, replied to the objections of the other party, on the restriction concerning peerages. The resolution, vesting in the queen, instead of the regent, the appointment and direction of the household officers, was opposed upon more special grounds: jt withheld a power from a responsible, to confer it on an irre- REIGN OF GEORGE III. lSl sponsible person ; tended to establish in tbe empire a fourth es- C-MA1"- fate, against which Mr. Pitt had exerted himself so successfully a few years before ; and was calculated to excite discord ,-„q between the members of the royal family. If the nomina tion of attendants were withheld from the regent because it was dangerous to trust him with such appointments, the reme dy was inadequate to the disease ; for the army and navy- could not be very harmless engines in the hands of a man, to whom it would not be safe to trust the nomination of lords and grooms of the bed chamber.? Ministerial speakers replied, that it was unanimonsly agreed the royal person should be intrusted to her majesty : the disposal of the house hold was necessary for her execution of that trust ; besides, the officers in question, though a proper and becoming part of the state and splendour of a monarch reigning over a great and opulent people, were not necessary to the energy of the execu tive govermnent during its temporary delegation : on these grounds the resolutions were supported and opposed in both houses : they were at last carried ; and it was voted, that the prince and queen should be informed of the measures of legisla tion. On tbe thirtieth of January the resolutions were pre sented to these illustrious personages, by a committee of peers and commoners. Tbe answer of his highness was similar in substance to the concluding parts of bis letter to Mr. Pitt, which are already embodied in this narrative. Her majesty's answer was to the following effect : " My lords and gentlemen, my " duty and gratitude to the king, and the sense I must ever en- " tenaio of my great obligations to this country, will certainly M engage my most earnest attention to the anxious and momen- " tnus trust intended to be reposed in me by parliament. It " will be a great consolation to me to receive the aid of a coun- K cil, of which I shall stand so much in need, in the discharge y Lord >"orth, declining in years, and afflicted with blindness, took a very active share in opposing the plan of regency, and fully showed, that the appro priate excellencies of his eloquence, ingenuity of argument, promptness of reply, and brilliancy of wit, were still undiminished. Expatiating upon the arguments stated in tbe text, the minister (he said) strains al a gnat, but sw.-il'ows a camel : he is not afraid to delegate the great functions of Ihe executive power, bnt he star- lies at the small : take Ibe patronage, late the disposal of the civil, political, and military appointments, but keep away from ihe court : command the navy and army, but abstain from Ihe household troops : let the houses of parliament become execolrre, as well as legislative ; break down the barrier of the constitution, crip ple the sovereign power: all this you may do, but touch not ihe pages, grooms ef the stole, genilemen ushers, or lords of the bed-chamber. This, said his lord ship, reminds me of the stories with which my old nurse used to entertain me about the achievements of wilchas ; they could ride through the air, agitate the elements, raise the wind, bring rain, lightning, and thunder ; all this they would do without flinching, but if they came to a stirac. there ihey boggled, stumbled, and could proceed no farther. 182 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. XLI. 1739. Princes of the blood all vole on the side of opposition. of a duty wherein the happiness of my future life is indeed deeply interested, but which a higher object, the happiness of a great, loyal, and affectionate people, renders still more " important." The answers being communicated to the hous es, it was moved in the- house of lords, that letters patent should be issued under the great seal, empowering certain com missioners to open and hold the king's parliaments at West minster.1 The arguments already adduced on this subject, by. both parties, were frequently repeated ; and the names of the proposed commissioners were read, and at their head were the? prince of Wales, the duke of York, the dukes of Gloucester and Cumberland. The duke of York, rising, said he had not been informed that it was intended to insert bis name in the com mission ; he, therefore, had not been able to take steps to pre-, vent the nomination : not wishing to stand upon record, and to. be handed to posterity as approving such a measure, he could, not sanction the proceedings with his name: his, opinion of the whole system adopted was already known : he deemed the pro-. position, as well as every other that had been embraced rey specting the same object, to be unconstitutional and illegal : be desired, therefore, to have no concern with any part of the bu siness ; and requested that his name, and the name of his bro ther, the prince of Wales, mightfbe left out of the commission : the duke of Cumberland desired his own name and the duke of Gloucester's might also be omitted : accordingly the princes were left out of the nomination. The resolution being carried, was on the second of February adopted by the commons ; the- following day the houses assembled as a regular parliament, and, the lord-chancellor being indisposed, earl Bathurst, presi» dent, of the council, opened the causes of the present meeting, and ihe objects for which they were to provide. On the sixth of February Mr. Pitt introduced his regency bill, founded on the principles already investigated, and the resolutions already voted. Its various clauses and provisions having undergone in detail much opposition, it was passed on the twelfth of Febru ary, carried to the house of lords, and read a second time without opposition. Recovery of Her majesty, knowing the anxious concern that his subjects she kmg. r-e]t for ^Jjeir- beloved sovereign, with the most considerate good ness gratified them by sending to St. James's daily accounts of the state of his health, as ascertained by the opinion of his phy sicians. For some days these reports announced that his ma jesty's illness had begun to take a very favourable turn, and aroused all ranks of his subjects with the most pleasing and sanguine expectations. On Thursday the ninth of February the lord-chancellor, as soon as the peers assembled in order to go into a committee on the regency bill, informed them, that ?he improvement of the king's health, already stated in the offi- Regency bill. See Pucliamenlarr Reports. REIGN OF GEORGE DI. iSi cial reports of the physicians, was still progressive : an intelli- c^jP gence which certainly must prove pleasing to every man in the kingdom : in this situation of things he conceived they could ^ not possibly proceed upon the bill before them ; and therefore moved, that their lordships do immediately adjourn to Tues day next the twenty-fourth. On the day appointed tbe chan cellor informed the house, that he had that morning attended his majesty by his own command, and found him perfectly reco vered ; he therefore moved a farther adjournment, which being again repeated, his lordship ou the fifth of March informed the peers, that his majesty would signify his farther pleasure to both houses on Tuesday the tenth of March : and thus ended the necessity and project of a regency. Tbe plan of regency received the warmest praises and se-Warmprai- verest censures from the supporters of the respective parties ^£"^T throughout the kingdom. By the one Mr. Pitt was represent- snr« of the ed as having again saved the country from the domination of "'-'"¦ ct an ambitious faction, which, if restored to power, might not JhrwScut have been easily displaced ; that tbe prince, intelligent and tbe nation. well disposed as he was himself, was so much guided by these counsellors as to excite apprehension, lest at their instigation he might act differently from what his own mind would prompt and dictate. By the other it was alleged, that Mr. Pitt's object was to restrict the regent so much, as to render it necessary for him to come to some terms of accommodation with those who should oppose bis present favourites : that his purpose simply was, by retaining a considerable portion of the kingly influence ki bands favourable to his measures, to secure ihe means of re-establishing in office himself and bis friends : that the re straints designed for the prince were inconsistent with the ener getic exercise of the executorial functions : that they were jus tifiable on no general principle, as every part of the kingly pre rogative was necessary for its constitutional purposes : that they implied an injurious doubt and suspicion concerning tbe character and probable conduct of the prince : and were per sonally and individually insulting as well as unjust to his high ness. Impartial observers, probably, will neither altogether agree impartia? in the panegyric nor the reproach. From history, as well as esuT-w tbe general principles of the constitution, it appears that it be longs to parliament, as representatives of the people, to provide for any exigency which was not foreseen or described by the law of the land ; that parliament has exercised this power, and tbat its exertions have been beneficial. Mr. Fox's first position was a theory which neither experience nor analogy supported : his explanatory doctrine, declaring the prince's right, on a par liamentary adjudication of the case, equally wanted the support of experience or analogy. Goncerninp; the competency to pro vide a remedy in the existing exigency, the opinion of Mr. Pitt seems to rest on more logical and conclusive reasoning than 1789. 184 HISTORY OF THE C\lF ^e °Pinion °^ Mr. F°* : but as it was evidently expedient that the heir apparent should be the regent, the power to be ' "^ conferred ought to be as much as was necessary for answering the purposes of the appointment: he was for the time to supr ply the want of the kingly office. It is difficult to conceive that the acting chief magistrate could perform the official func tions necessary for the good of the country, without the full, pre rogative, unless by a supposition totally inconsistent with the constitution, that the crown possessed prerogatives not necessa ry for the good of the subject. That any difficulty could arise in the resumption of his office by the rightful holder, when it should please heaven to restore his health, was an hypothesis containing an union of many and great improbabilities : that the heir apparent should desire to obstruct the resumption, could only be apprehended on a supposition that the prince was totally deficient of filial duty, loyalty, and patriotism ; in short, in every virtue becoming his station : such a notion had evidently no foundation in his conduct : that, intending well himself, he might by his advisers be misled to so great a degree, would be impossible, unless on a supposition that he himself was totally deficient in point of judgment and common intelli gence, which was well known to be quite contrary to the truth. Reviewers of the conduct of the party which he countenanced, though they might disapprove of many of their acts and mea sures, could find nothing in the history or character of lord Loughborough, the duke of Portland, lord North, and Mr. Fox, that could render it likely that they would counsel such an ob struction : but if the prince and these illustrious supporters should propose or attempt such measures, how were they to be put into execution ? were the legislature and the nation to join in the scheme ? without their concurrence, such a disloyal and undutiful attempt would be impracticable, and would dis cover infatuated folly as well as desperate wickedness in its au thors. Vigilant caution to guard against such improbable dan gers would be a superfluous and idle exercise of deliberative policy. In fact, from Mr. Pitt's scheme it is evident that no such fears were seriously entertained : the most efficient engine of power, the command of the national force, was to be put into the regent's hands. The chief object of restriction was the be stowal of titles, the distribution of donative, either in pensions or appointments equivalent to pensions : the subtraction of these mea sures of influence from the intended regent, it was morally cer tain, in the circumstances of the case, would be an accession of influence to the proposer of the restrictions : unbiassed exami nation, therefore, without questioning Mr. Pitt's motives to have been pure, loyal, and patriotic, in his project of regency, can not avoid perceiving that the manifest tendency of his restric tive clauses was to secure considerable influence to his own party : such an opinion is certainly no imputation on the clnv REIGN OF GEORGE III. 185 racier of a statesman ; it merely supposes that he Was a lover i9 jf'aui's'to re- benignant providence in removing the illness with which he turn thanks. had been afflicted: with this view he appointed a thanksgiving, and resolved for the greater solemnity to go to St. Paul's cathe dral, there to return thanks to Almighty God for his merciful goodness : the twenty-third of April was the day fixed for the purpose ; and a more splendid exhibition has rarely met the public eye. The procession began with the commons, as repre sentatives of the people of Britain ; at eight o'clock the mem bers set off in their Carriages, followed by their speaker in his state coach ; preceded by the masters lin chancery and judges, next came the peers, the younger baron first, and the lord chan cellor in his state coach closing this part of tbe procession : af terwards came the princes, escorted by parties of horse-guards. Their majesties set out from the queen's palace soon after ten o'clock, in a coach drawn by eight cream coloured horses, fol lowed by their royal highnesses the princesses, and proceeded along Pall Mall, and through the strand, amid the loyal accla mations of a prodigious concourse of people. At Temple-bar his majesty was met by the lord-mayor in a gown of crimson velvet, by the sheriffs in their scarlet robes, and a deputation from the aldermen and common councilmen,(being all on horse back,) when the lord-mayor surrendered the city sword to the king, who having returned it to him, he carried it bare-headed before the monarch to St. Paul's. His majesty, being come to St. Paul's, was met at the west door by the peers, the bishop of London, the dean of St. Paul's (bishop of Lincoln) and the canons residentiary. The sword of state was carried be fore his majesty by the marquis of Stafford into the choir, when the king and queen placed themselves under a canopy of state, near the west end, opposite the altar. The peers had their seats in the area, as a house of lords ; and the commons in the stalls, Divine service8 being finished, the procession returned in the same order : the whole spectacle was extremely magnificent, a The prayers and litany were read and chanted by the minor canons : the Te Deum and anthems composed for the occasion were sung by the choir, who were placed in the organ loft, and were joined in the chorus, as also in the psalms, by the charity children, in number about six thousand, who were assembled there, previous to his majesty's arrival : the communion service was read by the dean and residenliaries, and the sermon preached by the lord bishop of London, from Psalm xxvii. 16. — " 0, tarry thou the Lord's leisure • be strong, and he shall com- furt thine heart ; and put thou thy trust in the Lord." See Annual Kegisler, 1789. Appendix lo Chronicle, p. 219, 188 HISTORY OF THE CxijF' an''' v'ewen combination with its objects and cause, was admirably calculated to strike every beholder of feeling and reflection with mingled joy, gratitude, and piety. Very splendid galas were given by many individuals on the auspicious occasion ; the most sumptuous and magnificent was exhibited by the princess royal at Windsor; the whole disposi tion of the entertainment, but especially the emblematical figures, did great honour to the taste and ingenuity of its lovely and accomplished author; dresses, of which the principal cha racteristic was uniformitv, exhibiting gracefulness and loyalty, with a beautiful variety of finely fancied ornaments exempli fied Hutchinson's doctrine on the constituents of beauty. The French and Spanish ambassadors also gave entertain ments on the same auspicious occasion ; that which was exhi bited by ihe former, both in magnificence and splendour, in beauty of decoration'' and ingenuity of device, approached nearest to the princess's gala. Parliament- Private and public congratulations occupied, without inter- arL,pr0 ruption, the first week after the re-establishment of our sove- mss' reign's health was announced ; and it was the middle of the second before parliamentary business was resumed. On the eighteenth of March a plan, formed by the master-general of the ordnance, for fortifying the West India islands, was sub mitted to the house of commons ; and after undergoing consi derable discussion, on the same grounds as that of the former year, was adopted. A tax imposed upon shops some years be fore, at the instance of Mr. Pitt, and assessing them in propor tion to the rent of the dwelling-house of which they made a part, had been found to fall heavily on the metropolis and other great commercial towns, where the rents of houses are necessarily high. It had been intended by legislature, that the tax should fall ultimately upon the customers ; but shop keepers alleged this object to be impracticable : they repre sented it as partial and oppressive, and Mr. Fox had repeat edly on these grounds applied for a repeal. This year he re newed his motion, and the house, without admitting the griev ance to the alleged extent, yet wishing to satisfy so numerous and useful a body, consented to adopt the motion : and a bill for the purpose was introduced, and passed both houses unani mously. Kenewed On the eighth of May Mr. Beaufoy again moved for the ib^trKMf" rePeal of the test and corporation act, which he supported peal of the by the same arguments that he had used two years before ; test and cor- ri'irationact. , _, . . . . ... , . , b This entertainment was given in a very largr and magnificent house, which the ambassador occupied in l'orlman-:-rpiare. Among the devices was the follow ing : on each side of the grand saloon \vu« a transparent painting ; that on the right of her majesty representing the genius of I-'mnre congratulating the {rcnius of England on the recovery of the king, nn excellent likenei' of whom iho yoddcigof health held in her hand. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 180 and was also opposed on grounds that had been formerly em- 9^'' ployed ; and his motion was rejected by a majority of one bun- v^___, dred and twenty-two to one hundred and two. One of the l7(!g principal objections to the desired repeal was, that certain clas ses of dissenters not only maintained principles contrary to the fundamental tenets of our faith, but declared intentions inimical to our establishment : there were other bodies of dissenters that differed from the church of England merely respecting forms : it was thought by many who belonged to neither, that if the sectaries of the latter kind had drawn a strong line between themselves and the sectaries of the former, they more readily might have experienced the indul gence of legislature. The first of these classes might be com promised under the general name of calvinists or presbyteri- ans ; they branched in a great measure from the church of Scotland, were orthodox in all the essential articles of our reli gion, and well affected to our constitutional establishment: the second may be comprehended under the general term of unitarians or socinians, heterodox in their opinions concerning the trinity, the divinity of Christ, the necessity of an atone ment, and other , important articles of christian belief: they were, besides, inimical. to our ecclesiastical establishment, and many of them by no means friendly to our political constitu tion : here Was a very important difference-; but there were reasons which prevented the calvinistical dissenters from exhi biting the distinction between themselves and the unitarians. If the presbyterians had the constitutional principles, the uni tarians in their number comprehended the abler men : the g^reat talents and learning of Drs. Price and Priestley had dif fused their respective sentiments through many ingenious young men, not only originally of their own cast, but others bred in the strictness of presbyterian orthodoxy. It was, indeed, na tural for young non-conformists, who were either really able, or aspired at the reputation of literary talents, to follow the admired genius of the heresiarchs, rather than associate with the less splendid, though more useful, teachers of tbe orthodox dissenters. The presbyterians possessed many respectable and some eminent preachers, well fitted for the real business of a clergyman to afford religious and moral instruction to a congre gation ;° but they had no Price or Priestley fitted to form great po litical plans, or execute great political undertakings : they did not possess the literary activity which, by circulating arguments in favour of the dissenters, through periodical works, tended to ren der their cause popular. From the general mass of sectarian litera ture and exertions, they expected they, in common with the rest, r Except Drs. Price and Priestley, I do not nt present recollect among the socinion and republican schismatics any persons of transcendent genius and pro found erudition, or who could with justice be affirmed to surpass Drs.Fordvce and IJunter, and oilier presbyterian* who are still alive. 190 HISTORY OF THE CH AP. would ultimately obtain their wish : separated from such coad jutors, their efforts, they knew, must be comparatively feeble, and, therefore, concluded would be unavailing : they never tried the experiment. Proposed A few days after this motion, lord Stanhope proposed a bill confer f "°t"" " ^or rel'ev'ng members of the church of England from sundry against pe- " penalties and disabilities, to which by the laws now in force nal laws, " they were liable, and for extending freedom in matters of re- " ligion to all persons (papists only excepted), and for other " purposes therein mentioned." He presented to their lord* ships a sketch of all the penal laws enacted upon religion, sor cery, and various other subjects : he insisted that it was both unjust and disgraceful to suffer these to remain amongst our statutes : he proposed, therefore, that they should be repealed ; that all persons (papists excepted on account of their dangerous and persecuting principles) should possess the free exercise of their faith, and by speaking, writing, and publishing, be per mitted to investigate theological subjects ; by preaching and teaching to instruct persons in the duties of religion in such a manner as they should judge the most conducive to promote virtue, the happiness of society, and the eternal felicity of man- is opposed kind. The bill was strongly opposed by the bishops, as tend- 'b^h'm ing to sweep away all order and subordination in religion, and to substitute fanaticism ; to unloose the bonds of society, and, under pretence of establishing religious liberty, to open the door to every species of licentiousness, neglect, and even contempt of Christianity. Dr. Horsley admitted the absurdity of some of the penal laws, and their total inapplicability lo the present circumstances of society : but he objected to the bill, as he thought it would tear up the church of England from tbe root ; and as the destruction of an ally must necessarily affect the interests and existence of the principal, it would tend to destroy the very being of the English constitution : the bill was rejected andrejcctcr'. at the second reading.* Slave trade. By a vote of the last session, the consideration of the slave trade having been postponed to the present, the commons intended to have resumed it early, but the unforeseen business which oc cupied the attention of parliament from November to March, rendered it impossible to take it into consideration, until the season was too far advanced for fully discussing such an exten sive and complicated subject. The privy-council had persevered in investigating the facts ; from them a large and elaborate re el Lord Stanhope, replying to the bishops, said, that if the reverend bench would not suffer him lo load away their rubbish by carlfnlls, he would endeavoui- to carry ii off in wheel-barrows ; and if that mode should be resisted, he would take it away w ith a spade. Having soon after some conversation respecting the exaction of tilhes from quakers, in which he differed from ihe chancellor, lord Stanhope said, I shall teach the noble and learned lord law, as I have this day taught the bench of bishops religion- See Parliamentary Debates. REIGN OF GEORGE ffl. 191 port was presented to the house, and several petitions both for cJr^P- and against the proposed abolition of the slave trade, were ,_____, submitted to their consideration. On the twelfth of May, Mr. 178g Wilberforce introduced a set of resolutions amounting to twelve, Mr. Wil'ber- which he deduced from the report of the privy-council. Africa force's mo- (he said in his prefatory speech) was a country divided under abolition." many kings, governments, and laws : a great portion of that region was subjected to tyrannical dominion ; men were con sidered merely as goods and property, and articles of sale and plunder like any other mercantile wares. The kings and princes had been purposely inspired with a fondness for our commodi ties t they waged war on each other, and ravaged their own country, in order to procure thereby the captivity and disposal of their countrymen ; and in their courts of law, many poor wretches, though innocent, were condemned to servitude. To obtain a sufficient number of slaves, thousands were kidnap ped and torn from their families and theircountry, and sentenced to misery. All these assertions (he said) were verified by every history of Africa, and now confirmed by the report of the privy- council. He considered the subject, first, as a question of hu manity ; and secondly of policy. From the evidence before the council it appeared that the number of slaves carried away from Africa, on an average of four years, amounted to thirty- eight thousand annually : of these by far the greater part was brought from the inland country, and at a great distance from the coasts. According to the information that had been received, the persons purchased for slaves consisted chiefly of four classes : first, prisoners taken in war : secondly, persons seized for debt, or on account of real or imputed crimes, particularly adultery and witchcraft, in which cases the whole families of the captives were frequently vended for the profit of those by whom they were condemned : thirdly, domestic slaves sold for the emolument of their masters, at the will of their owner, and in some places on being condemned by them for real or imputed crimes : fourthly, persons made slaves by various acts of op pression, violence, or fraud, committed either by the princes and chiefs of those countries on their subjects, or private indi viduals on each other ; or by Europeans engaged in this traffic. The trade carried on for the purpose of slaves had a necessary tendency lo cause frequent and cruel wars among the nations ; to produce unjust convictions and aggravated punishments for pretended crimes : to encourage acts of oppression, violence, and fraud ; and to obstruct the natural course of civilization and improvement in those countries. He considered the sub ject next on the ground of policy : the continent of Africa fur nished several valuable articles peculiar to that quarter of the globe, and highly important to the trade and manufactures of this kingdom. For the slave trade, there might be substituted an extensive commerce, which would equal the profits of that traffic, and would probably increase with the civilization and 192 HISTORY OF THE C3ajP ''"provement that would proceed from the abolition of such a- barbarous and depopulating merchandise. The infectious dis- .„„„ tempers arising from the confinement of negroes rendered the slave trade more destructive to British seamen, than other kinds of commerce on the same coasts, or in equally torrid latitudes. The mode of conveying blacks from Africa necessarily exposed them to many grievous sufferings, which no regulation 'could prevent : on their passage, and in the West Indies, before they. were sold, great numbers perished, and proportionably dimi nished the value of the cargo : diseases prevailed with peculiar severity among negroes newly imported, and the number of deaths far exceeded the usual mortality of natives. The natural increase of population among negroes in our plantations was impeded by the inequality of the sexes in the importations from Africa; the general dissoluteness of manners, and the want of proper regulations for the encouragement of marriages, obstructed the nourishment of healthy children ; hence, he concluded, that if we obviated the causes which had hitherto obstructed the natural increase of negroes in the West Indies, and established regulations respecting their food, health, and labour, without diminishing the profits of the planter, no incon siderable or permanent inconvenience would result from dis continuing the farther importation of African slaves. All im partial hearers, or readers capable of comprehending and ap preciating Mr. Wilberforce's view of the slave trade, whatever their opinions might be concerning the evidence on which he grounded his reasoning, agreed in esteeming the present speech and propositions the ablest, fullest, and most masterly exhibi tion of the reasons for abolishing the traffic, that had been pre- The ques- sented on that important subject. The defenders of the traffic 'mni'd loth'e ^ llot t'len ellter minutely into the question, but, confining f Mowing themselves lo some general animadversions, postponed a detail- session. ed answer to the following session ; to which period it was set tled that farther consideration should be deferred : meanwhile, the bill brought in by sir William Dolben for regulating the transportation of slaves from Africa to the West India islands, was by another act continued and amended. Mr. Gren- In the beginning of June, lord Sidney resigned the office of ville is ap- secretary of state for the home department, and Mr. Grenville cretard "f was eppointed to supply his place. The speaker's chair being stme, and thus vacant, Mr. Henry Addington, member for Berkshire, Mr. Ad- was proposed for that office by the friends of the ministers, and f-eeds°hin™C" s'r Gilbert Elliot by opposition : the election was carried in a* s; eater, favour of Mr. Addington, by a majority of two hundred and fifteen to one hundred and forty-two. On the eleventh of June, Mr. Pitt opened to the house his financial scheme for the year : the permanent income declared necessary by the committee of 1?S6 to defray the annual demands, was 15,500,0001.; for the last two years the income had exceeded that sum 78,0001., but {.he expenses of the preceding year, the armament, the dis- REIGN OF GEORGE III- ^ charge of the prince of Wales's debts, the sums bestowed on C^F- the loyalists, and other unforeseen contingencies, had greatly v^_N^%>y exceeded the usual peace establishment : .from these causes the lm total amount of the, supplies required for the current year Financial, amounted to 5,730,0001., besides the annual renewal of ex- scheme. chequer bills; the minister informed the house, that to provide this supply, in addition to the usual resources, a loan for a mil- a loan is lion would be necessary : this sum he proposed lo borrow pn a required tontine, by which means the incumbrance would in time be |*\h°r'm"„ir removed without any permanent augmentation of the public ster) from a debt. As the necessity of the loan arose, not from a defalca- temporary tion of income, but from temporary increase of expenditure, the minister contended, that no fair argument could be addu ced from it, tending to discredit accounts that our finances were flourishing, or to diminish the probability of reducing the national incumbrances. To pay the interest of four and a half per cent, for the sum now borrowed, and also to supply the deficiency of 56,0001. incurred by the repeal of the shop tax, Mr. Pitt stated, that new taxes would be wanted to the amount of ,100,0001. ; for this purpose he proposed to add one halfpenny to the stamp duties on every newspaper, and six pence additional on each advertisement ; fresh duties also upon cards and dice, upon probates of wills, and upon horses and carriages. The ingenuity of Mr. Sheridan endeavoured to es- Mr. Sheri- tablish the following propositions: that, for the three last f|?n disPutes years, the expenditure has exceeded the income two millions, t;onSi and may be expected to do so for three years to come : that np progress has hitherto been made in the reduction of the pub lic debt : that there is no ground for rational expectation that any progress can be made without a considerable increase of the annual income, or reduction of the expenses. The commit tee had declared upon a comparison between the income and expenditure, that the former would be adequate to the latter without a loan : a loan had, however, taken place, The com mittee had declared that the annual income would amount to a specific sum ; but on an average of three years there had been a deficiency : that the expenditure exceeded the income he en deavoured to prove from calculating probabilities, instead of detailing items ; and adopted the same hypothetical mode of argument to support his other positions.6 In stating both in come and expenditure, he took into the accpunt on the one hand the year 1786, of diminished productiveness from a tem porary cause, the reduction of duties, in consequence of a com mercial treaty, that so soon compensated this diminution of re ceipt; on the other the year of 1788, a period of expenditure beyond the usual demands in time of peace ; and thus endea voured to make subjects specially circumstanced the foundation of a general average. Mr. Grenville, from plain facts and e See ?arliamentary Debates, June 11, 17R9. roi, n. 25 194 HISTORY OF THE CXLIP' aulnentic documents, delected, and clearly exposed the sophis- r tical reasoning of extraordinary genius, exercised in forming an hypothesis inimical to political adversaries^ To increase the revenue by the farther prevention of frauds, Mr. Pitt proposed a bill for transferring the duties on tobacco excise. from the customs to the excise : tobacco, being a commodity of general consumption, might be rendered a productive source of revenue, but under the. present regulations and duties, was an article of smuggling, and indeed the principal subject of contra band trade, since the late act concerning tea, wines, and spirits. It appeared on inquiry and investigation, that one half of the to bacco consumed in the kingdom was smuggled, and that the re venue Was defrauded by this means lo the amount of nearly 300,0001. To remedy this evil, the most effectual means would be to subject the greater part of the duty on tobacco to the survey of excise : the peculiar benefit of this change in the mode of col" lection, as a detail of the proceeds proved, had been very clearly exemplified in the article of wine ; the manufacturers would no doubt make objections to the present proposition, as dealers in wine had done respecting the change in tbe du ties upon their merchandise : but though they were to be heard with candour, assertions affecting their own interests were to be scrutinized with strictness, and to be no farther admitted than they were supported with collateral proof. While the bill affecting their commodity was pending, dealers in wine had asserted confidently, that, under the restrictions, ihey could not carry on their trade ; the house at that time thought their rea soning insufficient, and tried the experiment ; the result had been, that the trade had increased to an astonishing degree. The plan was controverted on general and special ground; by exposing British subjects to summary inspection and sum mary trials, the extension of the excise laws was inconsistent witlvthe principles of the constitution: there was a peculiar hardship in subjecting this manufacture to the excise, and the total loss of the trade itself would probably be the conse quence ': the variations in the weight of tobacco, during the process of its manufacture, were so inconceivably great, and at the same time so uncertain, that it would be impossible for the officers of the excise to take any account of stock, which might not subject the retailer, on the one hand, to a ruinous excess of duty, or on the other, to fines and forfeitures equal ly pernicious : there were, moreover, valuable secrets possessed by manufacturers of tobacco and snuff ;s these would be inevi tably exposed to the discovery of excisemen, among whom there might be persons capable of profiting by such ¦ an op- l»opnlar portimity. A loud clamour was echoed through the country an-ainstit. against the extension of the excise, as an unconstitutional apd , j f See Parliamentary Debates, June 11, 1789. g Some of these, it was affirmed, had been purchased at upwards of 10,000). REIGN OF GEORGE III. 195 oppressivemeasure,.and an infraction of British liberty; but cJl^p- such trite declamation did not influence legislature. The bill, in its passage through the houses, underwent various modifi- cations ; after which it received the royal assent. It \s p„Ssed On the first of July Mr. Dundas .presented to the house a into a law. statement of Indian finance : from this account it appeared, P^^y e that the annual revenues, after defraying the expense of the 0f India sta - different settlements, amounted to 1,848,0001. that the interest Military and naval, campaign between Sweden and Russia. — Commotions in the Netherlands. — State and constitution of these provinces. — Joseph's violent desire, of change under the name of reform. — Innovations in the ecclesiastical establishment. — Suppression of religious orders, — and confiscation of their pro perty .—Suppression of ancient, venerated, and beneficial customs. — Change of judicial forms and proceedings. — Arbitrary system introduced. — Subversion , pf . the established legislature. — Progress of despotism trampling liberty and franchises. — Joseph considers his Flemish subjects merely as sources of reve nue. — Remonstrances of the Nelherlanders. — Meeting of the States. — Deputies are sent to Vienna. — Joseph pretends to grant their requests. — Sends general Dalton to the Netherlands. — Despotic conduct of that officer. — Effects of his tyranny. — Farther cruelty and robbery by Joseph. — The Flemings resolve on forcible resistance. — Declaration of rights. — The patriots defeat the Austrian troops. — They form themselves into a federal republic. THE summer of 1789 teemed with events of greater im- CHAP. portance to the civilized world, than any which are recorded in XLU- modern history. Causes that had long secretly operated and >-^^->-' gradually increased in force, now manifested themselves in the 1739- most stupendous effects. Before, however, the history pro-™f0e^"v ceeds to the principal transaction which will render the year civilized 1789 for ever memorable, it is proper to carry the narrative to world- other subjects that may illustrate the collateral and relative state of other countries at the time in which a system commenc ed, that changed not only the policy but the opinion, senti ments, and character of continental Europe. During the last thirty years a very important alteration had Changes in taken place in the political relations of the continent. Through the relative a great part of the sixteenth century, and the whole of the se- ^],cy of , venteenth, the wars which agitated the christian world arose Austria.*"1 chiefly from the contending ambition of France and of Austria. At the accession of the house of Bpurbon, both the royal and 198 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. XLH 1789. Profound policy of Kaunitz in the treaty of Austria withFrance. imperial princes of Austria had begun to decline from that power which the family had possessed under one head. The infatuated bigotry of Philip undid much of what the skilful po licy of Charles had done : nevertheless, the dynasty, in the dominions of both the sovereigns retained a power" very formi dable to their neighbours. To impair the strength of the house of Austria was the principal object of Henry IV. in his foreign politics. His successors, as we have seen' throughout the se venteenth century, pursued this policy, and with such efficacy as to render the French monarchy far superior to the combine ed dominions of the two Austrian branches. In tbe succes sive wars of Louis the XIII. and XIV. against Spain and Aus trian Germany, France made large acquisitions; and that war, which was more fatal to her than any which she had encoun tered in modern limes, secured to her princes the kingdom and dominions of Spain. This was the most disastrous blow which France evergave to the house of Austria, and appeared to threat* en her rapid humiliation. But the maritime ambition of France having driven her to pernicious contests with England, arrest ed the progress of her continental advantages :k she required a long interval of peace after the death of Louis XIV. to re cruit her strength ; and at the demise of the emperor Charles VI. she was recovered from her losses, and sufficiently potent to annby her neighbours. A new co-operator now arose against the house of Austria; the king of Prussia on the one side ag* grandized himself at the expense of Maria Theresa, while France pressed her on the other; and at the peace of Aix-lk- Chapelle the empress-queen found her hereditary dominions curtailed, and her strength impaired. For a century and a half Austria had been progressively losing ; her maritime ally had been uniformly victorious : but the naval triumphs of Bri tain had not averted disaster from Austria. Such was the ge neral series of policy and events when Kaunitz came to be the minister of the empress-queen. The penetrating and compre hensive genius of that celebrated statesman saw, that in the whole result of contention Austria was really not a match for France: and that if she persisted. in enmity to that kingdom, she not only would be totally unable to recover her losses, but must incur greater. He conceived a design which, he trusted, would restore the splendour of Austria, and might permit France to embark in projects that he knew- to be agreeable to her inclinations, but was convinced Would reduce her resources, and leave to her less strength for continental advancement.' Hence arose the treaty of 1-756 '.with France, which suffered i See the introduction to this history. , k The impolicy ofHhe French contests with England is placed in a very striking light by Soulnvie,"a writer now at the court of Bonaparte. See his memoirs of Louis XVI. piis'sim.- ¦¦¦ ,, 1 See Soutevic'g Memoirs ofLqviis.X^l. vol, iii.lchap, viii. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 399 Austria, instead .of acting on the defensive, to resume her offen- ^SA.^- si ve ambition;. and though her projects were defeated for the time by the genius and heroism of Frederick, yet her means of ._fi9 influence and aggrandizement were essentially increased by her amity with France. The want of a continental rival encou raged France their active, en- ierprisingj and intrepid foe in the north afforded them conside rable annoyance. Gustavus, when aboUt to commence hostili ties with Russia, had employed great pains to convince the court Of Denmark, that it was the common interest of both kingdoms to oppose the encroaching politics of Catharine. There were, however, several obstacles to a confederation be tween Denmark and Sweden. The very year in which Gus tavus had accomplished a revolution in his own country, great discontents having arisen irt Norway, the king of Sweden had studiously fomented them, and almost succeeded in exciting an insttrfectioh. Though the discovery of the design by the court of Copenhagen, before it was ripe for execution, prevent ed it from' being accomplished, yet Denmark had ever sirtcp regarded Sweden with a very watchful and jealous eye :rCathar- rinej on the other hand, had cultivated the friendship of the Da nish court with the closest assiduity : she had sacrificed to Den mark patrimonial rights and inheritances of person in the duchies of Sleswick and Holstein, and thereby enabled the Danes to round their dominions on the side of Germany. In addition to the general policy by which Catharine established powerful partisans in the neighbouring courts, this conduct en hanced the connexion that had long subsisted between Den mark and Russia. The king of Sweden, by Subsequent atten tions, endeavoured to obliterate in Denmark his measures re specting Norway. On the commencement of the Turkish war he paid a very unexpected visit at Copenhagen ; and endea* voured fully to conciliate the court and nation, and tP impress them with an opinion of the danger that must accrue to smal ler powers from the ambition of Russia. The court of Den mark could not perceive any of those dangers, which so deeply affected the Swedish king; and accordingly treated, and seem ed to consider them as entirely visionary, and mere creatures of his imagination. They lamented that he should entertain in tentions of involving himself in so unequal and ruinous a con test, and endeavoured strongly to dissuade him from such an Although the king was unmoved by their argu- q See Annual Register, 1789. "undertaking.9 REIGN OF GEORGE III. 205 merits; yet he did not entertain the most distant idea of any c^jj' connexion subsisting between Denmark and Russia. Catha rine, however, had been so successful in her intrigues at the „ court of Denmark, that she prevailed on the prince regent to Conclude a treaty, by which he bound himself to assist Russia' with a certain number of forces^ should she be involved in a war with Swedem Gustavus, having no apprehension of hos tilities from Denmark, when preparing to open the campaign in Finland, had drawn away his forces to that quarter, and left the vicinity of Norway defenceless ; when he was involved in all the trouble and danger occasioned by the refractoriness, pr rather the revolt of his army in Finland. The court of Co penhagen issued a public notice to the foreign ministers, and among the rest to the Swedish, who was most immediately con cerned, of tbe conditions by which she was bound to Russia, fia supply her with a considerable auxiliary force by sea aud land, i and of her own determination to fulfil those conditions. This denunciation was soon followed by an invasion of Sweden on the side of Norway, in September 17881 In this distressing Distresses- situation, Gustavus, surrounded by enemies, and deserted by of Gustavus- Ms Pwn troops, appeared overwhelmed with ruin. The conta*- gidfl frptri the army had spread through various parts of the kingdom, and infected even the capital; while the nobility seemed fast approaching to the recovery of their former power and consequence in the nation. The senate was eagerly dis posed to resume its ancient authority : all the circumstances of the time, the deplorable state of the king's affairs, together with the prevalent disposition of the nobility, rendered them confident of success ; they accordingly took measures, without Consulting the king, lo assemble in diet, the states of the king dom, under colour of considering the deranged and dangerous state of public affairs, the discontents and disorders which pre vailed in the nation. Before this design was executed, the kino- Effects of arrived at Stockholm : knowing, that though the nobility were his genius inimical to his interests, the burghers and people were warmly f"r ex°rica?e attached tp him, he summoned an assembly of citizens ; he 'ion. therein declared, that reposing the most unbounded confidence in their affection, loyalty, and valour, and being himself called to oppose an unexpected enelny^ he should intrust the defence and preservation of the capital, the protection of the queen and family to their faithful zeal. Such an important trust, and sa* cf ed deposit, inspired the generous plebeians with an enthusias tic desire of showing themselves worthy of the royal confi dence ; they immediately embodied themselves, and cheerfully- performed all the duties of soldiers. Gustavus, meanwhile, sent an answer to the intimation of Denmark : he expressed his astonishment that, when peace and friendship had subsisted for sixty years between the two powers, Without interruption, and he himself had employed his utmost endeavours to pre serve a harmony so beneficial to both parties, his Danish ma- 206 HISTORY OF THE •' <2i4J'- jesty should have commenced hostilities : he knew nothing of the engagements subsisting between Denmark and Russia, but ,7g. he now desired from the court of Copenhagen a direct expla nation of its intentions, whether Denmark meant only to act as an auxiliary, by furnishing a stipulated force, or intended direct aggression against Sweden ? If the latter was their resolution, he must consider the war as commenced, and act accordingly. Were so unjustifiable a measure adopted, other powers, he in sinuated, would, for their own security, interfere to prevent the advances of such ambitious rapacity. The prince regent of Denmark in reply declared, that he had no intention of inter fering in the war, any farther than he was bound to Russia by' a treaty concluded in 1781, long before hostilities were in con templation, and that he would not exceed the force therein sti-. pulated ; , he expressed his earnest desire for the restoration of peace. Meanwhile, the new treaty between Great Britain i and Prussia began to unfold its objects, to the great encou ragement of all those states that wished to preserve tbe ba lance of Europe from being overturned by the imperial confe deracy. Franee, the old ally of Sweden, being unable to af ford any assistance, he now looked for support and protection to the wise and vigorous policy of the defensive alliance, and wilh confident expectations of ultimate success. Miners of On the confines of Norway, is the province of Daleearlia,' Dalecartia. memorable in Swedish history for having afforded shelter and: concealment lo the celebrated Gustavus Vasa, when flying from: the Danish usurpers, and for having begun the revolution which- pkced that hero on the throne of his ancestors. The inhabit-- ants, sunk in their mines among the rocks and mountains, and secluded from the rest of the world, are ignorant and rough j but hardened by climate, situation, and pursuit, are strong and valiant, and have the honesty and hospitality of generous bar barians : from their ancestors they inherit the warmest loyalty and attachment to their sovereigns ; their native courage ope- ratingupon this principle induces them with the promptest hero ism to abandon mines and forests whenever their king requires their assistance. To these gallant rustics Gustavus had recourse ; he followed the example of his illustrious namesake, and de scended to desert mines and caverns to visit the loyal heroes. The second appearance of a king in these recesses, also a Gustavus, and come to solicit their assistance, recalled tradi-' tionary glory to the miners of Daleearlia : they anticipated the application of their sovereign ; eagerly proffered their services to defend their prince, and inflict vengeance on the Danes, to wards whom they cherished an hereditary hatred ever since the time that they tyrannized over Sweden. The king having testified his gratitude for their loyal and affectionate offers, limited his request to three thousand men. This body was immediately equipt to attend their monarch, and though by no REIGN OF GEORGE IH. 207 means all provided with regular arras,c yet, furnished with C^J- such weapons as they could procure, and inspired with loyalty, ^^_^1, with vigorous bodies and intrepid courage, they were a formi- ]7gg dable band. i The Danes, meanwhile, entered Sweden from the east part The Danes of Norway, under prince Charles of Hesse, and marching g*e(Jen. along the sea-coast, captured Stramstead, and penetrated as feur: as Gottenburgh, the principal port of Sweden for foreign commerce ; and the governor was about to surrender by an inglorious capitulation : Gustavus was aware of the danger of this valuable city, and sensible that, before he could bring his troops to its relief, the capture might be effected, in order to inspire the inhabitants by his presence, he hastened to the place alone, and travelling night and day, arrived a few hours after the determination to surrender. The king immediately displaced the governor, and having assembled a meeting of the citizens, by the powers of his persuasive eloquence so inspirited them with courage and confidence, that they resolved to defend the city to the last extremity. The force, however, of the Danish army, and the absence of the Swedish troops, ren dered the success of the defenders very improbable. In this British poii. critical situation, the wise, protecting policy of Britain, that CT '"duccs has uniformly supported the weak against the strong, interfer- loeKir"at. edfor the preservation of Gustavus. There being no ambas sador from either Britain or Prussia at the court of Stockholm, Mr. Elliot, envoy at Copenhagen, was sent to Ihe Swedish king, delegate of the allied powers, and to mediate between the be- ligerent parties. Mr. Elliot sent a letter in his new character from Gottenburgh to prince Charles, informing him that the allied powers had sent a courier to the empress to demand a general armistice ; meanwhile, he desired a particular truce, until the effect of the application to Petersburgh should be known. Prince Charles answered, that he should not suspend hostilities without the express orders of his court : Mr. Elliot, in reply, informed him, that if the army which he commanded, proceeded farther in offensive operations against Sweden, Prus sia would attack Denmark by land, and England would attack her by sea ; but that he hoped the prince royal, regent of Den mark, would adopt such measures as would prevent the farther effusion of blood. This notification was not without effect : the Danish general, instead of pressing the siege, sent to his court for instructions. The firm and determined remonstrances of the British ambassador, supported by the strongest and most con- r The author ofthe Annual Register for 1788, in this part of his narrative ob serves : " They formed a grotesque appearance ; some, whose families had pre served the rusty uncouth weapons of antiquity, gloried in the possession, and fan cied themselves thoroughly equipt for war ; but the greater number had no other resource than those rustic instruments of labour used in the mines or in husband ry, which seemed the best calculated for their pnrpofe." 1789. 308 HISTORY OF THE *xliF" VU,CU1£ arguments, man-ifesting tbe wise and comprehensive principles of the allied powers, and the real interests of Den* mark, so deeply impressed the prince regent, that he agreed to conclude a short armistice ; after that a longer ; and. lastly for six months. The Danish army departed from Sweden; but the proffered mediation pf the defensive alliance was refused by Russia. Freed by the intervention of the protecting conr federacy from the invasion of the Danes, Gustavus bad in win? ter leisure to attend to the interna) affairs of his kingdom, and to make preparations for the campaign. He had slill very great difficulties to encounter : his army had not. pnly refused to fight in his cause, but actually concluded an armistice with Gustavus Russia without his consent. The party of his subjects connect* muunTand e^ w't'1 *"s m'Sn*-y eDemv was extremely powerful and desir- fhction. ous of exerting their strength, in effecting a revolution which would totally overturn the royal authority. In this state of affairs peace must have been of all things the most desirably. to the king, and the most suitable to his circumstances ; but his potent enemy was too haughty, and too implacable in her rer sentmenls, to listen now to accommodation on any terms of equality :. she knew his situation, and the advantages which she might derive from his embarrassments ; so that personal animosity and political interest dictated the same conduct. The king saw that, desirable as peace would be on feir, equi-r table terms, it could then be attained only by submitting * to conditions disgraceful and ruinous : of two great evils war was the smaller; he had no alternative, but either to surrender his crown to disaffected nobles, and the ambitious Catharine, or by magnanimous efforts to conquer both foreign and domestic ene mies. In order to cope with Russia, Gustavus had two great- objects to be previously accomplished, the subjection of the mutinous army, and the coercion of the rebellious aristocracy. There is an elasticity in vigorous minds which apportions ef fort to difficulty, and in pressing emergencies produces ex ertions beyond the previous conception of powers. In such exigencies Gustavus felt that his invention was fertile, his cou rage undaunted, and his magnanimity elevated ; he knew that by a great majority of his subjects he was beloved and revered; in his own genius and fortitude, and in the affection of his peor pie', he sought and found resources. Trusting lo his popularity among the plebeian classes, on his return to Stockholm frofn Gottenburgh, he called a meeling of the magistrates and most respectable citizens of the capital ; lo these he gave the flat-' tering name of a grand council of state, by whose advice he professed to be governed in all his measures : he thanked tfie:m for the care with which they had executed the important trusj: committed to Ihem in his capital and family : he informed them that in the preceding campaign, instead of retrieving Swedish glory, the national honour had been blasted by the dis affection of his nobles : these had corrupted his army, had led i't to the disgraceful and fatal excess of a mutiny, in the pre- REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 2°9 seticc of their sovereign, and in the face of a foreign enemy, ^fi/ Expatiating upon these subjects, he impressed his audience with ^^^^, the fullest conviction, and they unanimously declared for 1789_ the continuance of the war; with a warm assurance of their lives and fortunes being devoted to his service. Having se cured the support of his capital, he waited with confidence for the meeting of the states : determined as to the measures Which he would pursue, if they continued refractory. On the twenty-sixth of January, the diet having met tlie order of the nobles, immediately displayed their animosity to the king, and their disregard for his authority : they grossly insulted count Lowenhaupt, the president appointed by his majesty, and even treated the name of Gustavus himself with great virulence and contempt. The king having found that the three other orders, the peasants, clergy, and burghers, were unanimous in support ing the war, disregarded the opposition of the nobles, and de termined to repress their insolence. On the 17th of February he repaired in person to the diet to demand satisfaction for the insult that was offered to the president, his representative in the assembly : a violent altercation here arose between the king and nobles, in the course of which his majesty made a charge of disaffection and treason ; the nobles arose and left the asr sembly : the king addressing the three remaining states, most solemnly disclaimed every intention of aspiring at absolute au thority, but declared there was a faction in the kingdom inimical to Sweden, and devoted to her enemy : that for the good of the country the faction must be crushed. The states unani mously expressed their concurrence with his majesty, and their determination to support any measures which he should think ex pedient for so desirable a purpose. On the twentieth of Febru ary, the king having communicated his plan of procedure to the three estates, ordered twenty-five of the principal nobility to be arrested, and the officers who had been most active in ex citing mutiny, to be seized and brought to Stockholm for trial. These vigorous measures received the general approbation of the three remaining orders. Gustavus proceeded in his efforts, and formed the bold measure of abolishing the senate, a council consisting chiefly of nobles, and that had of late greatly thwarted the king : his vigorous resolution entirely suppressed this as sembly, without the least commotion or opposition, and in its place he instituted a new council, totally dependent on himself: the nobles were so much dismayed and intimidated by these acts, that they suffered Gustavus to extend his changes : his majesty to secure and confirm the remaining orders in their at tachment, granteaVthem respectively such new privileges, and paid them such honours, as he knew they would most highly value. To render these alterations permanent, Gustavus pro- Heconfirms posed an act of confederation, union, and surety, by which he !"» popular-' and all true Swedes were to be mutually bound in the most"5'' firm and solemn manner, not only to common defence, but to VOL. If. 27 2*0 HISTORY OF THE C\\ lfP tne Ptes6tvs^on °f tnft present constitution and laws, againrt. all impugner', whether foreign or domestic. Though the nd- ni-ft bles so far recovered from the consternation as to oppos« this measure, yet ht» majesty directed the president to subscribe it in their name ; and thus Gustavus effected in a few weeks a. revolution, which entirely destroyed the authority that the no bles had been so long endeavouring to re-establish, and the in fluence which the intrigues of Russia had been so many year* employed in acquiring. The trials of the officers charged with mutiny, commenced soon after the arrest; and though the ne cessity of obedience and military subordination required con dign punishment, the executions were not numerous. He dhwii By the reduction of the nobles, the suppression of the mtftiny, M-. wiv.ic. and his popularity with the other states, Gustavus was now mas- X??/? u'r °* 1ne wno'e efficient force of his kingdom, and thereby Ku..,ii. was enabled to make a vigorous preparation for prosecuting the, war with Russia : besides the supplies afforded him by the es tate-, he received a very considerable slim from the Ottoman Porte. Before he opened the campaign against Russia, tlu.- strbng arguments, and urgent instances of Mr. Elliott, on the part of the defensive alliance, prevailed upon Denmark to con sent to an absolute neutrality, and thos freed the Swedish king from that source of apprehension. Gustavus was now enabled to direct his whole attention and force to the prosecution of the war in Finland, and opened the campaign in the beginning df thiiiary June. On the twenty-eighth a very fierce battle was fought be- and naval tween the Swedes and Russians, in which the latter had almost '^twwf1 prevailed, when the king springing from his horse, pot himself Sv.»i<^i and at the head of bis infantry, rallied them, and compelled the »;n«- r.'>*#ia. my to-fly. Various skirmishes were afterwards fought, in which the Swedish monarch displayed the most intrepid and active va lour, bold nnd fertile genius? the successes were various; but daring the first part of thc campaign mo«tt frequemly on the side of Sweden. Encouraged by his advantages, the hero penetrated into Russian Finland, having on the coast a fleet of light galleys to co-operate witb f he army as occasion might re quire. Between this fleet and another of the same sort from Russia, a battle was fought, in which great numbers were de stroyed on both sides : t?i<: Swedes were obliged to retire ; and though they were not totally defeated, the superiority of tbe Russians was such, that it corn pelled Gu«tavu* to evacuatethe ene my's country.' The season beingnowtoo far advanced to admit military operations in those cold latitudes, both arnries withdrew into winter quarters, and the king returned to Stockholm. The duke of Suddermania, theking'3 brother, commanded the prin- t KfMUtvns depended entirely on gen'nn and heroium ; beinjf deficient in milita - ry cxper renee and skill, athehiimeff afWttard, o'lcnowledgedrn sonvenatior •f'h the mar>\nM de Bonifle. See Memoir*, p. *KW. AMuutlK"2;'.ur, T729, -in huh* viinluite, hi' wim iintliiuu.'01'iiig his most pi-inluolivo piMsiumtViiiM. ^J'1'1" The Niillii'i'liuiiU, first of nil the slates of modern Kui-opo, huc- iiutiHfully cultivated iigriciiliuro, commerce, nml iuhiiiiI'uoIiiich, Btul ni'i|illl'iltl nt nn early period u nonsiilorablo degree of lihor- ly. 'J'lirty coimiitoil of independent slates, rciicnihliiig one uno- Snii.- nnd tlior in their pursuits, manners, character, nml ooii.ii.itiillon ol 'l,!",'^,1',',",',','^'. Ifovurunii'iit, Their polity wns composed of throe orders, I In- viu.-.i. nobles, clergy, nnd people under the limited principality of tum |M>r»oii dtiuoniimvlititt oounl : the contests between the preroga tives mid privileges of tlu« respective principalities, according to tholl' rtlilllt, KiivedilToi'onl moililii-ulioiHi to the freedom which thoy nil possessed, »tid which thoy continued to retain under various families ol prince* thnt happened, through inloruiur* ilttge. In succeed lo the sovereign niilliiirily. Tho best ilofuiod, uml most perfect of their political systems, wns the constitution of lll'ulitillt. Tho grout olinrtor of thnt country wns no Ions vo- noi'utOil by the iuhubtliiuts, ihnn the churler of ItiiniiyiiitMlii in rovH'ud by Lnglisbniou : from u elreuiusliinco unending its o\- iJOIitloil, it wns known by tho name of Joyous Kulrv. The in- hnbltioiU of (ho A list fill n Netherlands were extremely devoted fo limb.' undent religion: tliint predilection probably arose, part ly from fhoir Ionic intercourse with Spnin, nml, perhaps, still mora fnini the animosity between l linn nnd (heir neighbours Itild countrymen the Dutch, that originated in wars in which thoy wore iho principal sullVirut's: but, whntovor might bo tho onuso, it is il certain fuel, tho Nctluirltindcrw woro extremely uililicloil to tho most nhsiml nml extravagant tenets of tho llo- iihmi catholic faith : thoy innnilostlod u very wnrm ull'oction to their princes, both iho aboriginal sovereigns of tho country, uml thoir dosooiulnuts of tho house of Austria, llpou thc nc- ws»lon uf tho (lormnu brunch of thnt house to tbe dominion of those provinces, (hurle* VI. wns received bv the people with the groutest cordiality niul good will, he having first sworn til hi* inauguration, as his successors hnve constantly done, to the preservation of (heir ancient oonstiltilioiis mid rights. During the dtstr«MiU« of the family, nt the Hocossiou ol' Marin Theresa, lliev derived the most essential benefit from the/.etil anil fidelity, the loyalty, anil the resources of money nnd of men. which were supplied by their subjects in the Low Countries. The live subsidies weit> grunted with m lihoraliu proportioned to the emergency for which thoy worn required ; (hoy coutinueil tin- rinj,!,- Iter lite to manifest tindiiniiiishoil nlVecliou, and cherisheil the same seiiliment.s for her sou Joseph, lteloveil by (hem be fore, thi' emperor hail confirmed their attachment by the llnt- 'ering hopes which he raised in the Low ('outlines, thai he 212 HISTORY OF THE XLiiP' wou^ recover and open to them the navigation of thc Scheldt. Blasted as their expectations were, imputing the disappoint- .„. ment to necessity, they had not relaxed in attachment to their sovereign ; and though they did not rise in their estimation of his political and military abilities, they were grateful for the be nignity of his intention. The spirit, however, of restless inno vation, which so much distinguished the active, but superficial character of Joseph, soon extended to the Netherlands, and in terfered with their ancient privileges and ancient religion, the two objects of which they were most peculiarly tenacious. No position in political philosophy is more obvious, than that systems of polity, civil or ecclesiastical, must be adapted to the sentiments, habits, opinions, and even prejudices of the people :" such reforms, therefore, as overlook these, however abstracted ly agreeable to reason and rectitude, are neither reasonable nor right in their application to those particular cases, because they Joseph's vi- do not conduce to the happiness of the subject. The clergy olent desire were alarmed and enraged ; the people grieved and astonished undeMhe by the 8UPPression of religious houses, to which, however ab- oame of re- surd in the enlightened views of an Englishman, the Nether- lorm. landers annexed an importance that a wise ruler would have re garded. It was soon seen that reform was not his only object ; and that he desired change for the sake of confiscation, that he might procure the means of gratifying an extravagant and in novations fatuated ambition. Men of abilities and enlarged minds, being s?asticaiC'e totally free ^rom bigotry and superstition, thought that some of establish- the monasteries and convents might be very easily spared; but monia. by no means relished suppression for the sake of plunder ; the same rapacity which seized that species of property, would, they apprehended, extend to other kinds of possessions. The ecclesiastical order formed a very powerful, numerous, and opulent body in the Low Countries ; and their property, of every sort, was estimated at the immense sum of twenty-five millions sterling. The states being composed of the represen tatives of the clergy, the nobility, and the commons : the church had likewise possessed, from time immemorial, at least a third SN^prc.tionpart in the government of the country. It was apprehend- '¦freiigious g^ frorn jne emperor's conduct, that he had projected to r w'' destroy the privileges of this order, as a preliminary step to the seizure of their immense wealth. All ranks were alarm ed, and began to coalesce, in order to oppose an innova ting system, the real purpose of which they conceived not to and confis- be reform but robbery. Those who were themselves merely cation of anxious for the preservation of their civil rights, found it expedi- i heir pro- ent ^ encourage thc discontents of the clergy, and even to pro fess sympathy with thc superstition and bigotry of tbe tower orders : these various causes coinciding, formed a compact and nowerful opposition against the dangers which threatened their <\ S»c Ari 'tolled VoIUtcs. Clltf- Ifllilf. REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 218 ancient establishments. Fortunately for his subjects and neigh- ^Hif' bours, as tho objects of Joseph were wicked, his policy was ^^^^ weak : he wns totally deficient in that dexterity and address, which can varnish mischievous, schemes, and smooth tho way for their reception; he neither tried disguise* insinuation, nor deceit, tho usual engines of ability attempting injustice, where the- effect of force would be doubtful: his heart dictated usur pation and injury, but his head was not well fitted for insu ring- success : a -harsh arbitrary and imperious display of authority nppenred in nil his measures : he wns particularly desirous of suppressing ancient customs, nnd changing ancient institutions. There was n festival of great antiquity in tho Low Countries, Suppro-Mou called the Kcrmeasc, nnd highly venerated by the inhabitants : '^,ll,'!|^l,™i,' it wns n, season of mutual visiting, and of reconciling differ- awl hem-n- onces,' not only between individuals, but villages ; it was equally ('ml :i season for contracting marriages, forming new friendships. and renewing and cementing the old. This innocent source of festive recreation, this laudable occasion of social virtue, was in the emperor's innovating zeal suppressed. Tho disposal of land and revenue, belonging to the abolished convents produced great dissatisfaction and complaint : they were rendered part of the royal domains, nnd merely filled the coffers of the empe ror. His next attempt was upon the abbacies, the most opu lent and splendid of the religious establishments. Several of these conferred a right on the possessors, of being directly in herent members of the states. In lirabant this high distinction and privilege in favour of the abbots, was carried to a greater extent than elsewhere; for the whole of the clergy, being the first order of the state, were represented by abbots only. Jo seph did not at first subvert the abbacies, but ns the incumbents died, placed them to be held iiicmnmentlam, which was directly contrary to an express article of tho Joyous Entry. In the be ginning of 1787 he published two edicts, which entirely absorb ed tho consideration of every smaller change ; by these all the tribunals,'1 all the forms and course of civil justice, which for so many centuries had been established and pursued in the Low Countries, which tho people had so long considered as their glory, and regarded with enthusiastic admiration, wore to be abolished in one day. The forms of process in tho old courts were fair and open : they publicly exhibited the series of evidence, rules of interpretation; the principles applied, and grounds x The principal trihunals wore in the villages ; a court hold hy thc lord of the manor, who in imnllor amen dolognloit his authority to a sot of reputable men « ithin hit district ; hut in ((router judged himself, heing insisted hy two eminont counsellors to nxpoundlha laws. In Ihe cities ihe jurisdiction wns in the hands of . their respective miiRMtralrs : thero wus a supronlo tribuntil composed of sixteen judges nnd a pm-idcM, in which, chiims eilhqr civil or criminal miirht originato ; and in civil oases an appeal Inv from the inferior courts. Son Annual Register, I7U0, p. '-»7 214 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, of decision. New tribunals were appointed, in which the se- crecy of despotism marked the proceedings ; witnesses were *^^i^~' privately examined, the parties were often ignorant of the evi* Change of dence on which Ihey were tried, and the decision was left to a judicial single judge, who was to determine according to his discretion forms and without any existing law. The persons appointed to this of- JU^j66 " fice were foreigners.^ totally unacquainted with the ancient laws Arbitrary of the Netherlands, or at least altogether regardless of their fys!jcm d~ 8P'"t an0- teilor- Such modes of judicial procedure, combined with the other parts of the emperor's conduct, were considered as the forerunners of proscription and tyranny : they excited great alarm among the people, not without a determination to resist acts so contrary to the compact by which Joseph held the sovereignty of the Netherlands. But the second edict ad vancing in lawless usurpation, confirmed their resolution not quietly to submit to the destruction of their rights. The slates of the Netherlands were justly deemed by the people the guardians of their laws, liberty, and property,; and in them was vested the power of imposing taxes, on the subjects, and granting subsidies to the prince. In the exercise of this power they had uniformly satisfied both parties, by liberal grant without burthensome impost. The assembly of the states met annually at Brussels, and having performed tbe most materia] part of their business, intrusted the rest to a select committee, whose proceedings they reviewed at the fol- buin-ersion lowing meeting. This legislative branch of the constitution H-'h* ?f a* was no 'ess va'ue<^ tnan tne judicative, but the emperor in cidautre." hte second edict, proclaimed its subversion ; he abolished the old institutions and forms, and substituted an engine of state under the name of a council of general government, which, while it drew all public affairs within the sphere of its own action, was to be ruled by the court minister who was placed nt its head. Without nominally annihilating the assembly of the states, the new form of government really destroyed its powers : it ordained, that the states might nominate a depu ty, who, if approved of by the minister and his council, might be a member of that council, and when required by tbe. minis ter was to sign all the acts formerly exercised by the states, but now to be proposed by the council. Thus the states were really to have no other power but to subscribe imperial man dates ; and their authority was to be exercised by a nominal representative under the control of the minister and his coun cil : the jurisdiction of this new council was farther to extend to all cases of police and revenue : all persons even suspected, y The baron de Martini, an Italian, was sent into thc Low Countries, wilh the title of Imperial Commissary, to establish and regulate the new tribunals, and tu prescribe to a nation, which had for many ages gloried in the freedom, as well as the equity of its civil insliU'lion*, in what manner justice should be dis- pensed in future. REIGN OF GEORGE IU. 210 -or pfetended to be suspected, were the objects of inquisitorial c^^- procedure, by order of the council and minister from whose ^_^^^, decrees there lay no appeal. When the nature and extent of 17g9 this despotic usurpation was understood and comprehended, the people very loudly expressed indignant resentment against so daring a violation of that convention, by which only the archduke of Austria, held the limited sovereignty of the Netherlands. In language less mindful of his rank than de scriptive of his conduct, 'they plainly and unequivocally charg ed Joseph with having violated the inaugural compact and oath, and not obscurely intimated, that a breach of a condi tional contract by one of the parties absolved the other from its obligations. Those who were most favourable to the em peror, alleged, that the obnoxious edicts prPceeded from mistaken views of the public good, and not from a design upon their liberties : according to such advocates he had suppressed the ancient tribunals,' that the people might be enabled to obtain justice in a less expensive and more compendious way, and his alteration of the government was designed to give it more simplicity and energy : the small military force in the Low Countries wns totally inadequate to the establishment of an absolute sovereignty; he had bee^n < deceived by partial and false representations, and misled by evil counsellors. The reply to this species of vindication was obvious; whether Violation of their dearest rights proceeded from the despotic intentions,1 or the defective judgment of the sovereign, it was equally incumbent on subjects to defend their constitutional liberties : though the conduct of the emperor was, in all his dominions, such as to evince a narrow understanding, yet in the Netherlands, and every other part, it was so uniformly di rected to one object, the invasion of property to increase his own revenue, that misinformation and erroneous reasoning did not account for its general tenor : no person could be a systema tic robber by mistake. The emperor's chief counsellor was the count Belgiojoso, his minister, a Milanese, a great favourite with his master ; and who possessing all the subtlety, artifice, and crooked policy of an Italian statesman, was extremely disagreeable to the open, frank, and holiest Flemings. The governor-general, the duke of Saxe Teschen, and his wife, the archduchess, sister to the em peror, were extremely popular, and never suspected of promo ting any unconstitutional designs; but the minister possessed the real power of government. Belgiojoso proceeded to a vio lent exercise of the powers so lawlessly usurped; indeed, if he had conceived a design of extending and consolidating a re volt, he could not have formed a more efficacious plan for the purpose : having excited the resentment of the civil orders, by the overthrow of the established judicature and legislature, he next attacked the clerical order, not as before, by suppressing certain fraternities, the least essential to thc church, but thos© 210 HISTORY OF THE ?rii 'llsu'ulions which nourished its appropriate learning, preserved* its most important rights, and that literature and science from .„„ which it chiefly derived its influence. The principal univer- Progress or sity of Brabant was the Louvain, one of the most celebrated despotism schools of Roman catholic theology ; distinguished, for the ex- libcrivand traordinary reverence with which it regarded the supreme pon- lianchises. tiff, by its profound respect for the priesthood, and conse quently highly prized by zealous votaries of the Romish church : all its colleges were abolished, and a general seminary was established, in which, by an edict, all youth designed for the church were required to pursue their theological studies. For this new school a German rector and professors were appoint ed, to ihe exclusion of native teachers. Such a change, vio lating the ecclesiastical constitution, and tending to introduce new doctrines of theology, was wa rmly opposed by the bishops, the university, and the people. The Low Countries, so long famous for the purity of its catholic faith ; the Louvain, the nurse of holy religion, was to be contaminated with the here sies in which Germany abounded. The minister enjoined fa ther Godefroy, visitor of the capuchins at-Brussels, to send the young students of his order to be educated in the general se minary : this clergyman refused to comply. Belgiojoso com manded him to depart from Brussels in twenty-four hours, and the emperor's dominions in three days. Such a violent act af forded a new subject of complaint to those who were zealous in religion, and strengthened the abhorrence of the new semi nary ; but it increased the apprehensions of the progress of ar- Jos°ph con- bitrary power, which were already so generally entertained. skiers his The emperor and his counsellors appeared to have adopted, sublet!1 respecting his richest and most productive dominions, one of merely as the most dangerous principles that can actuate the conduct of sources of a government, that subjects are merely to be considered as a source of revenue, and the expediency of political plans and acts to be estimated by their tendency to supply the coffers of the prince. The discontents and commotions in the Nether lands very greatly diminished its financial efficiency, and con sequently defeated the purpose which the authors of the innova tions meant chiefly to promote. The minister, pretending* to impute the defalcation to contraband traffic, proceeded in a summary and arbitrary way against persons whom he professed to suspect to be engaged in such a commerce. One respecta ble and eminent merchant, who held a contract with govern ment, was, after his accounts had been closed and passed, charged with a fraud : he challenged his accusers to make good their assertions by a fair and open trial, agreeably lo the laws of his country ; but, instead of a legal inquiry, he was seized by armed soldiers, and hurried away to Vienna. So fla grant a tyranny, joined to the general system, impressed the people wilh a belief, that their only alternative was subjection tp foreign despotism, or vigorous and immediate resistance. revenue. REIGN OF" GEORGE lit 217 In Brabant the constitution had been the most precise, and ^f,1'" it4, violations the.most, manifest; and there the resistance was ^^^^ the most prompt. In Brussels the companies ofarts and trades, ]7Rg nine, in number, chose representatives, each known by the p.emon- name of syndic! these delegates constituted a -corporation, en- atrances of titled the, syndics of the nine nations : they possessed not only J^j^' lcl"' municipal power, but also very considerable political direction in the choice of members for the assembly of the states; and being composed of the chief citizens, they added extensive i-n- fluence to their strength. This was the first- public body which expressed -its sentiments concerning the usurpations : they drew up a plain, bold memorial, that stated adual facts and obvious consequences ; and enumerated the .conditions on which the prince, of the Low Countries held his sovereignty, as set forth in, the Joyous Entry ; the representation , quoted Jo seph's inaugural oath to observe the prescribed -stipulations, and, his actual conduct, which was a systematic violation of his engagements ; and concluded, that " if the sovereign shall " infringe upon the articles of the Joyous Entry, his . -subjects ".shall be discharged from all duty and service to him, until " such time, as due reparation shall be made for such infringe- "•meats.," This animated remonstrance inspirited and guided thepther cities, and also the other ; provinces ; and the people in general were determined to assert their rights; but before they should commence any active exertions, they waited the meeting of the states, that they might know how far they could trust to< their counsel and co-operation. The; assembly metf and the very first step demonstrated the Meeting of firm and .resolute part which they intended to act. An appli- the states. cation having been made for subsidies, they totally :refused to grant supplies until grievances were redressed ; they sent im mediate orders lo the collectors of the revenues to pay no re gard to the financial officers appointed by the new council, since they exercised an authority which was not admitted by the Flemish constitution : they then drew up a declaration of rights, a statement of grievances, and an exhibition of conse quences, both more detailed aHd comprehensive than that of the syndics, and which avowed their determination to persevere in maintaining the constitution of their ancestors; this manifesto they addressed to the governor-general, At the same time Mr. Vandernopt,, a counsellor of Brussels, and an eminent, advocate in the Cause of liberty, published a treatise addressed to the states, in which, from ancient documents, he traced out and elucidated the constitulion of Brabant. The states not only- ordered this treatise to be read in their presence, but decreed public thanks to the author, for having so ably and justly vin dicated the rights pf the people. The states of Flandeusiand Iliiiuault concurred in the determination to resist all the uncon stitutional changes. The governorsrgeneral endeavoured to break the.force of the opposition by small concessions and libe- vol. ir. 28 218 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. XLII 1789. Deputies are sent to Vienna. ral promises : the Italian, to his great surprise, found that the Flemings were not to be intimidated ; and, until he could be supplied with an adequate force, he had recourse to the more appropriate instruments of his country, duplicity and decep tion : the attempt, however, was now too late ; the patriots persevered in their efforts, and held out to the minister the ter rors of an ancient statute of Brabant, that declared it lawful to apprehend and to punish any person who should obstinately persist in obstructing the public good : they abolished the new seminaries and other unconstitutional innovations ; urged tbe governors-general speedily to redress their grievances ; and ad ded, that the people were in such a ferment, that they could not answer for the consequences of longer delay. The minis ter had hitherto obstructed concessions on the side of the go vernors-general, but now pretended no longer to oppose con ciliatory measures : alarmed at the revolution in the temper and dispositions of a people from whom they had before expe rienced the most affectionate attachment, the governors resolv ed, as far as their power extended, to restore the tranquillity and happiness of the provinces. They issued a decree on the thirtieth of May, declaring that all arrangements contrary to the Joyous Entry should be entirely set aside, and that due re paration should be made for all infringements on that great charter which the people held so sacred : they hoped the em peror would ratify this declaration, and promised to exert their utmost influence with him to accomplish such a desirable pur pose. This proclamation at first diffused general joy through the Netherlands : but these sentiments were interrupted by doubts concerning the emperor's ratification. Joseph, instead of sanctioning the decree, despatched a mandate to the stales of the Low Countries, strongly expressing his astonishment, indignation, and displeasure, at those intemperate and violent measures which the states had adopted, and that bold defiance which they had given to his authority : his edicts had not been intended to subvert the constitution, but to correct ancient abuses, and to make salutary reforms. As a proof of their obedience, he required the states of each province to send de puties to Vienna, to lay their subjects of complaint at the foot of the throne. As a father, he would pardon the errors and lemerity of his subjects, but would severely punish them, if they continued refractory. Disappointed by so imperious an order, and so unfounded reprehension, they did not sink under the insolent claims of usurped authority, but took vigorous measures for their own security. To prevent, however, matters from coming to ex tremities, they thought it prudent to comply to a certain extent with bis requisition : they appointed deputies, intrusted with very limited powers, merely to express the loyalty of the na tion, and to slate their grievances, but to come lo no conclusions respecting public affairs, without the special and immediate or- REIGN OF GEORGE lit. 219 der of the states. While the deputies were on their journey, ^'n/' they were informed that great bodies of imperial troops were ^_AJ^ inarching towards the Low Countries. Though this intelligence .„„0 greatly agitated, yet it did not depress the minds of the Flem ings ; resolved to maintain iheir, liberties at, every hazard of their lives and fortunes, they calculated their strength and re sources, and found them much superior to those with which the Dutch had formerly resisted Spanish despotism : they hop ed for the interference of the powers thnt were already ini mical to Joseph's ambition ; and that France in particular would willingly accept of the sovereignty of the Netherland provinces, so beneficial and commodious, upon the constitu tional conditions which they would most gladly offer. The governors-general having been called to Vienna, to be present when the deputies should appear before the emperor; count Murray, a nobleman of Scottish extraction commander of the Austrian troops in the Netherlands, wns appointed governor during their absence. This officer, a man of prudence and temper, endeavoured to accommodate matters by moderating the fervour of the people, and the imperiousness of the sove reign. The Flemings, meanwhile, were turned with the most anxious expectation to the reception of their deputies at Vien na : and the first accounts were very far from being satisfac tory. When presented to Ihe emperor they were received with all that angry haughtiness which narrow understandings and illiberal sentiments in power produce to real or supposed inferiors, when they are the objects of displeasure. Undis mayed by imperious insolence, the deputies stated their griev ances ; but Joseph informed them, that before he would vouch safe to explain himself upon that subject, thera were certain preliminary articles that count Murray would communicate to his states: the articles wero, that things should be restored to the same footing in which they had Btood at the meeting of the states ; that the new tribunal council and seminaries abolished by the Flemings should be restored, the subsidies paid, and the volunteers dismissed : if these articles were not executed, the Austrian nrmy should proceed in its march to the Nether lands. The Flemings with great indignation refused fo comply, and between volunteer corps, and parties of soldiers, quarrels and skirmishes arose, not without the effusion of blood ; every thing, notwithstanding the conciliatory efforts of count Mur ray, seemed tending to hostilities, when despatches arriving from the deputies totally changed the public sentiments; by these it appeared, that harsh as the first reception of the de puties had been, at succeeding interviews the emperor had de clared, thnt though he had thought it consistent with the digni- Joseph ty of his throne lo testify his displeasure at the violent proceed- prcicnds to ings of his Flemish subjects, he was really favourable to their jfcr'l"^jftlr requests ; and though he would not consent to the re-establish- 220 HISTORY OF THE Papers, Jo'yS, 1787. i Annual Register; 1%7, chap vKi REIGN OF GEORGE III. :Ui *Ul. I78U. On reflection, the Flemings perceived that they held no pledge ^J Af" from the sovereign but his promises, while in disbanding the militia they had given the most solid and substantial security on their part.'1 The emperor after he had expressed his appro bation of the lenient nnd conciliatory conduct of count Mur ray, appointed another commander in chief, who had no local connexions in the Netherlands ; this was general Dalton, a col- Sends pen- ilierof fbrtune from Ireland, bravo nnd enterprising, but whose ™[],Pn'(1°'' principle of conduct was simply obedience to his master's or- thcrlamU.. tiers, whatever they might be, or whatever rights they might violate, lie had been employed against the rebellious moun taineers of Transylvania, and acquired considerable reputation by>his militury efforts ; but hud been noted for the cruelly with which ho treated his prisoners. Count Trautmansdorff wns appointed to the civil government, to the great satisfaction of the. Low Countries, as he was a innu of very amiable disposi tions, nuil extremely popular ; but it soon was found, that in power he was totally subordinate to Dalton. The goveruors- gimernl were by the emperor's new plan to be mere pageants ef state and splendour, without any shure of the government. The first manifestation of the emperor's perseverance in the ])esnoii«- plaiT which he pretended to relinquish, wns an attack upon conduci oi the university of Louvain. While the Flemings were cherish-1""0 IC'" ing tho hopes of preserving their revered constitution, and Indulging the convivial festivity of the Christmas season, exhi larated by the flattering prospect, a peremptory order arrived in the emperor's name to thc members of Louvuiii university, commanding them, without deliberation, delay, or remon strance, immediately to enregistcr in their archives, and sub mit to, the system of reform prescribed by the sovereign. These mandates the university peremptorily refused to obey ; they pleaded their constitutional rights, and appealed to the laws and justice of their country for protection. Thc minis ter, in his reply lo this appeal, propounded a very simple, and comprehensive principle, that subjects must not plead rights, knaSfjtatice, or their amat-itution, against the ivill of the sove reign. Declarations were issued, commanding them to conform to the mandates of the emperor, nnd threatening the severest vengeance against nil persons who should dare to assert- a right contrary to the will of his imperial majesty. These dic tatorial menaces were totally disregarded by the university, tvhich was determined to assert its freedom. Count Trnut- mansdorfl:' wus now become entirely subservient to Dalton, and in his conduct showed, that thc amiable dispositions mid pleas ing manners which had rendered him so popular, were not fortified by vigour, or secured by virtuous principles. This minister, by the direction of Dalton, sent a letter to the grand eomicil of Brabant, requiring their efforts to reduce to obe- lt Annual luigislrr, 1711'.'. p. IW I7f!fi, 222 HISTORY OF THE 'xitiP' ^'ence tne refractory university, and specifying the time before _' ^ which tho mandate was to be executed : the council, with a "'dignified indignation replied, that the letter was founded in ignorance of their laws, tended to despotism, and must be re voked. The minister replied, that it was his majesty's abso lute determination that on ivliatever subject he signified hi* will, obedience must follow ; and he gave them twenty-four hours for publishing the decree. His commutation being still disregarded, the following day he sent a notice, that if the de crees were not published within two hours, he should have recourse to the dire expedient of cannon and bayonets, which his majesty had most expressly prescribed. The council still paid not the smallest attention to those insolent threats ; Dal ton drew up a regiment of infantry near the council house, and ordered an ensign with a party of troops to patrole the streets. This officer, young, inexperienced, and desirous of showing power, on some trifling disturbance, ordered his men lo fire a platoon among the multitude, killed six of the people, and wounded many more : the juvenile instrument of military despotism and murder, dreading the just vengeance of the people, hastily fled with his party to the main body of soldiers. The emperor informed of this achievement, highly applauded Ihe ensign's conduct, and desired Dalton to inform him he might expect promotion on the first vacancy : he also expressed his warmest gratitude to Dalton for supporting the dignity- of the military character, and impressing the people with a due dread of the soldiers. This massacre, unimportant (the empe ror said) as it was in itself, might produce a salutary effect ; but to insure obedience it was necessary for Dalton to persevere in the same meritorious conduct.' The army being once em ployed against the people, constant insolence and frequent bloodshed were the result. The people expressed their indig nation in riots and tumults : one of these being quelled with out firing a shot, the emperor in a letter to his ministers, testi fied his disapprobation of such forbearance, and desired it might not be repeated. Trautmansdorff declared, that if the troops serving in the Netherlands were not sufficient, forty thousand men would immediately enter the Low Countries : this asser- fir,]i his hearers well knew to be a boasting bravado, as the- emperor's troops were elsewhere fully employed. It is fre quently difficult to discover thc precise motive for conduct which is dictated by unprincipled wickedness, and guided by. extreme folly. As Joseph's armies were engaged in the Turk ish war, policy obviously dictated forbearance of injustice and tyranny in ihe west, that he might effectually promote aggression and spoliation in the east. His force in, the Low Countries was very inadequate to his despotic purposes, or to the ernel intentions of his deputy. At tho very time that i Annual Il.'citter. 178!' REIGN OF GEORGE III. '22V, the emperor was enjoining perseverance in military despotism ^"ii' to his willing nnd prompt underling, he, through the governors- ^^^J^ general, issued a declaration, setting forth his tender affection ^ to his subjects, his desire of satisfying their wishes, the com plete return of his favour, and his determination to give the Low Countries most convincing proofs of his benevolence and confidence. Flagrant as the duplicity of these professions were, their uselessnesswas no less obvious: force, not deception was his Instrument of government ; the soldiers could not the more easily massacre one man by proclaiming to him the ten der feelings of their employers : it was a mere wasle of false hood, which Could answer none of the assertors purposes : more resembling the capricious versatility of a frown id child, than the steady policy of a firm man, resolute in wicked de signs. The interpreter of the emperor's tenderness was Dalton : mining the sources of Dalton's fame acquired in Transylvania was a gallows* of on extraordinary height for hanging insur gents, nnd he declared his determination to erect nn edifice of a like construction in the great square nt Brussels, lie now went to establish at Louvain the new professors of divinity ; and to reform the errors of theological schools, the argument em ployed was the bayonet : the rector and professors were ejected by a file of musketeers, and the new teachers were established by the same authority. To celebrate the admission of the im- Effects of periat instructors ' in theology, the soldiers murdered a great ,1IS ,vr""">- number of the inhabitants,0 who could not refrain from as sembling to pay the last tribute of grief at the overthrow of an institution, which had for so many ages been the pride and support of their city. But although soldiers could inaugurate persons appointed to teach the christian system according to the imperial canons of orthodoxy, they could not compel students to learn ; the pupils had universally abandoned the colleges, and the masters were left to deliver their, lessons, either in empty halls, or without any hearers, but their military coadju tors. At Malines and Antwerp the massacre was much more extensive than even nt Louvain: and personal security wasdeemed so precarious in the Netherlands, that some of the nobility, and a great number of other inhabitants of distinction and property sought refuge in exile. The cruel executions committed upon a defenceless people by their rulers, inn season of pence nnd most profound tranquillity, excited the abhorrence of the neigh bouring nations, and procured asylums for the unfortunate sufferers. Confiscation, despotism, and military execution be ing once established, property, liberty, and life being insecure, those that still remained in the country withdrew their capitals from manufactures and commerce, and vested them in foreign d Annual Register, 1789, chnp. ii. e Animal Heg-ister, 1789, clino. ii, 1'U HISTORY OF THE CHAP, funds, as a provision for their own flights, and repositories which Dalton's bayonets could not reach. In a country so recently rZ^~' eminent for industry and the arts, trade was entirely stagnant, and every occupation ceased, except those which minister lo the necessity of life : revenue proportionably declined : fiscal pro ductiveness, the^great object of the emperor's tyranny, experi enced a most important diminution : the states of Brabant an nounced a determination, under the present outrageous tyranny, to withhold the supplies. Such was the state of affairs at the close of 1788. Farther The emperor published an edict annulling all his former con- cruelty and cessions, even recalling his inaugural oath to maintain the Joyous J'OL)DGr"V D V Joseph. Entry; and all the obnoxious establishments of 1787 were to be speedily restored. The grand council of Brabant having refused to sanction so despotic an edict, that constitutional tri bunal was suppressed ; Ihe management of the revenue, which had formed one of its delegated departments, was vested in a commission nominated by the emperor : no abbots were thence forth to be appointed in Brabant, and thus the clerical order was about to be suppressed ; the commons were to be new mo delled according to the emperor's pleasure : the right of grant ing subsidies was to be no longer vested in the slates, bulin a council appointed by the emperor ; ihs Joyous Entry was to be abolished; the whole government and all its parts were to be modelled according to the imperial will. A considerable part of the year 1789 was employed in executing these nefarious projects of infatuated ambition. The enmity to the clergy, and rapacity for money, two predominant features in the empe ror's character, combined in dictating his most extensive and systematic schemes of robbery. By one decree he sequestered all the abbeys of Brabant, and appointed civil officers to ma nage their revenues for his use.f Such a seizure of property, in a country which had so long enjoyed the blessings of a free constitution, and of ecclesiastical possessions, among a people so devoutly attached to the priest hood, excited very general resentment, and open remonstrances from men, who already indignantly brooded over their fallen The Fiem- constitution, and meditated the re-assertion of iheir rights : they ings resolve resolved no longer to yield even the appearance of submission, r".i-°ancee e'l'ler t0 subordinate tyranny, or the imperial despot himself. Stimulated to resistance by the strongest motives which can in spirit generous breasts; considering death as preferable to slavery ; and recalling to their minds those gallant exertions by f The author of Dods'.ov's Annual Register 1791, having attentively considered f'-,o detail of the spoliations, says, that he suppressed no less than a hundred and sifly monastic establishments, and that the only precaution he appears to have lisih! was, that in this great suppression the men were more favoured than the women : of the male convents, only forty were sequestered ', of the nunneries, one hundred &ad twenty. REiGN OF GEORGE III. 223 which a kindred people had emancipated themselves from an ^jf' Austrian despot in the sixteenth century, they trusted that with ___J, much greater resources, against a foe less powerful, they would 17gg be no less successful in resisting an Austrian despotof the eigh teenth ;B besides their Own resources, so valuable and effica cious, in the riches, population, and spirit of the people, and nature of the country, they might reasonably expect support from the arms of Prussia, and even of her maritime confede rates. The emperor was engaged in the Turkish war, and his force greatly impaired by the disastrous events which it had produced: though emigration was very prevalent, yet the re fugees chiefly sought shelter in the most adjacent states, and had greatly promoted the cause of their countrymen by describ ing the- dreadful oppressions from which they had fled. With the emigrants the Flemish patriots maintained a very close cor respondence, and concerted with them the plan and commence ment of open resistance. Dalton, meanwhile, despatched part of his troops to seize every person suspected of disaffection, and carried the system of proscription and murder to a more enormous extent than at arty former period of his tyranny, while Trautmansdorff acted as the civil instrument of oppression. A conspiracy was formed to blow up the houses of these tyrants with gunpowder ; during the confiision to seize the gates of Brussels and the arsenal, and admit bodies of emigrants, who Were prepared, and to be ready at hand for that purpose : the execution of this plot was fixed for August 1789 ; but being discovered, a great number of suspected persons were appre hended. While the ministers were inflicting summary punish ments, the vigorous proceedings of the patriots called their at tention to more formidable objects. About the middle of Sep tember 1789, the duke of Ursel, and the prince of Aremburg, count of la Mark, his son, with the other nobles who had retired to Breda, were joined by the archbishop of Malines or Mechlin, primate of the catholic provinces of the Netherlands, and by g There was a considerable resemblance between the conduct of Joseph II. and his ancestor Philip II. of Spain ; though the former was the professed cham pion ,of toleration, the latter of intolerance, the principle of both was much more nearly allied than would appear from a superficial view of their respective ob jects. Each sought to model the opinions of mankind according to his will ; each endeavoured lo effect his purpose by violence ; each was cruel in persecu ting all those who opposed his system ; each was imperious and despotical : both were ambitious withoul ability, restless without enterprise, aggressive and usurping in intention, mighty in project, but futile in execution, and unsuccess ful in event. Philip, the creature of imitation, was the implicit votary of priest craft: Joseph, the creature of imitation, was the implicit votary of infidelity: neither of them were guided by sound; reasoning and original reflection : both, in supporting their favourite tenets, and gratifying malignant passions, did much mischief; but attempted much more than their incapacity suffered them to per petrate. VOL. IT. 29 226 HISTORY OF THE XtH mo.st if 110t a11 tIle states of Brabant, both civil and ecclesi- v_^»v^_/ astical, were constituted and declared to be the regular and le- 1789. Sa' assembly of the states of that province :h they framed and Declaration unanimously passed a remonstrance to the emperor, declaring oi rights, their rights and their resolutions to maintain them against every violater : they were prepared to sacrifice their lives and for tunes for a sovereign who should govern them constitutionally, but they would not surrender those privileges which they held in trust for their fellow citizens, and for posterity : they adjured him to spare them the cruel necessity of appealing to God and their swords. The declaration of the states, so contrary to his despotic sen timents and views, highly enraged the emperor, and he gave orders for increased severity and violence of military execu tion. The Belgians saw no hopes of redress, but by their swords, and in October 1789 they hoisted the standard of re volt : a body of insurgents took the two small forts of Lillo and Liefenshock on the Scheldt: in fort Lillo, besides the mi litary stores, they found a considerable sum of money. Dalton sent genera] Schroeder against the invaders, at the head of four thousand troops, well disciplined. On the advance of this force the insurgents abandoned the -two forts, and retreated towards Furnhout, a small town about eight miles from the forts : the imperialists pursued them to the gates, and forcing these open entered the town : the Brabanters retreating from the main street, drew the- Austrians after them until they were inclosed in the market place ; there the patriots firing from the adjoining houses, windows, and lanes, did great execution j the regulars being thus ensnared, and unable to extricate them selves, were broken and defeated, and compelled to retreat with the loss of seven hundred men. Hope, encouraged by success, roused all the patriotic and martial ardour of the Bel gians : assuming the name of the patriotic army, they pene trated into the heart of the country: in the other provinces, as well as Brabant, the votaries of freedom flocked to the stand ard erected for its preservation, and burned with impatience to join their brethren in the field, that they might contribute their efforts to deliver their country from foreign tyrants. In the be ginning of November a battle was fought at Tirlemont : a bo dy of patriots having been pursued by Bender an Austrian ge neral, had taken refuge in this place, and were warmly support ed by its patriotic, inhabitants. Bender having entered the town, was very vigorously received by the Flemings, and after an obstinate contest compell"d to retreat. The Netherlanders now ventured to meet their adversaries in the open field, and ots defeat" nav'ng gained a complete victory, took possession of Ostend, the Austri- Bruges, and Louvain. Animated by these successes they had an troops, the boldness to attack the strong city of Ghent : having enter- fa See Annual Register for 1791, p. 32. REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 227 ed the town, they assailed and defeated the enemy in the ^ff- streets; and compelled one part of them to fly for refuge v^^_^/ to the barracks, while another sought shelter in the citadel. l7gg The third day of the siege the barracks surrendered ; the de fendants of the citadel finding they could no longer retain the' place, committed the most infamous enormities in the streets, but soon evacuated the garrison : the defence of Ghent was by no means adequate in either vigour or skill to the force by which it was guarded. Joseph, desirous of winning his soldiers, had given directions for allowing them great laxity ; the troops who were in ,the Netherlands, besides being recently freebooters^ and accustomed to trample on the defenceless inhabitants, con ceived a most thorough contempt for the Flemings; but when they came to battle, and were compelled to face the enemy on equal terms, they showed themselves to have totally deviated from the characters of Austrian soldiers, and to be as dastardly as they were profligate. The reduction of Ghent was of the They form- greatest consequence to the Flemish patriots ; and the more themselves especially as it enabled the states of Flanders to assemble in l-ai°repubiic. that capital of the province, for the purpose of legalizing their public proceedings, giving a form to their intended new consti tution, and concluding a league and federal union with the other provinces. The emperor informed of the great successes of the Flemish patriots, descended from bis despotic haughti ness, and endeavoured by amicable promises to conciliate his late subjects; he exhorted the malcontents to lay down Iheir arms, and to trust for the redress of real grievances to his cle mency and paternal affection : dreadful consequences (he said) would ensue if they compelled him to relinquish the conquests which he was now prosecuting, and pour into the Netherlands armies that were now gathering laurels from a foreign enemy. Endeavouring partly to justify, and partly to explain his most obnoxious acts, he offered lo revoke the offensive edicts, to comply wilh all their former demands, and to grant a general, full, and perpetual amnesty to all who should return to their duty within a specified but distant time, the leaders of the re volt alone excepted : but the Flemings had been too often de ceived by Joseph to repose any confidence in his professions ; and they now paid the less attentiou to his overtures, that from their successes they began to deem themselves no longer de pendent on his power. On the twentieth of November the states of Flanders seized on the sovereign authority in their province, and, in imitation of their Dutch neighbours, assumed the title of high and mighty states : they passed resolutions, de claring the emperor to have forfeited all title to the sovereign ty of the Netherlands ; for raising, organizing, and disciplining an army, and uniting themselves with the states of Brabant. The ardour and success of their countrymen inspired the in habitants of Brussels with the desire and hope of rescuing their capital from the despotic ministers of Joseph. Intimidated by 17S9. 228 HISTORY OF THE CHAt*- the victories of the Flemings, Dalton confined himself within the walls, and ordered the gates to be strictly guarded : his *"' force consisted of about six thousand men, whereas the patri otic band did not exceed one thousand : the soldiers were, however, dispersed through different parts of the city ; their adversaries were at a fixed rendezvous to form a compact body, which assailing the scattered enemy, by throwing them into partial confusion might cause general disorder, and animate the other citizens to join in the conflict. This gallant design was executed : the Flemish band defeated an Austrian detach ment in one of the streets ; the battle became general, and the insurgents got possession of the barracks, with two thousand muskets, and plenty of ammunition. Dalton retreated to the great square, where, attempting to defend himself, he was oblig ed to capitulate, and to give up Brussels, on being allowed to escape with his garrison : he accordingly retired to Luxem burg : Trautmansdorff, with the other chief members of the government, withdrew to Liege. The governors-general, from their popularity were not afraid of any violence, yet, as the emperor's sovereignty was no longer acknowledged, they be took themselves into Germany. The Flemings, in their victo ries, far from imitating the brutal cruelly of the imperial de spot's soldiers, killed no one but in battle. Having thus made themselves masters of the chief towns, after celebrating the most solemn institution of religion, they restored the ancient courts of justice, rescinded all the emperor's innovating edicts, settled the exercise of the sovereign power, and completely re established tranquillity. The states of Brabant being assembled at Brussels, on the last day of the year 1789, bound themselves by oath, in the presence of the citizens, to preserve the rights, privileges, and constitution of their country, and then proceeded to administer the same oath to the members of the sovereign council of Brabant amidst the general acclamations of the peo ple. The other provinces, except Limburgh, having concluded similar engagements concerning their respective internal con stitutions, all the Austrian Netherlands, Limburgh excepted, formed themselves into a federal republic, to be distinguished by the title of the United Belgic States. Such was the result of the restless changes, rapacity, and usurpations of the empe ror Joseph. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 229 CHAP. XLIII. Retrospective view of France. — Old government. — Character and spirit of France under Louis XIV. — Sources of submission to arbitrary power — commencing and progressive change under Louis XV. — Beginning of infideli ty-.— Voltaire and his disciples. — Beginning of anti-monarehism — Rousseau supposes man a perfectable being. — Progress of his doctrines through the efforts of literature. — Co-operating political causes. — General impolicy and burthen- some expense of the French wars against Great Britain. — Enormous expendi ture and distressful consequences of the war to support our revolted colonies. — Pecuniary embari-assinents. — Various schemes of alleviation.-7*Convention of the notables. — Calonne unfolds the dreadful state of the finances. — Calonne pro poses an equalization of public burthens — incenses the privileged orders. — Outcry against the minister — disgraced — retires into banishment. — Brienne minister. — Trifling and inefficient reforms ¦ — Contests with parliaments. — Attempts of the crown to overawe the refractory — unsuccessful, — Arbitrary suspension of parliaments. — National ferment. — Distressed situation of the king — abandoned by many of his courtiers — resolves to recall Mr. Neckar— who consults the convocation of the states-general. — Question concerning the consolidation of the orders. — Meeting of the slates. — Commons propose to meet in one chamber — opposed by the crown. — Commons constitute themselves a national assembly, without regard to the other orders. — Violence of demagogues. —Soldiers infected with the popular enthusiasm — insubordination and licen tiousness. — King orders troops to approach to Paris. — Popular leaders prepare to defend the capital. — An army of volunteers immediately raised— attack the royal magazines to procure arms — assail the Bastile. — Subversion of the old government. — Declaration of rights — fundamental principle the rights or MAN.-^First acts of the revolutionists — power— great and general object to subvert establishment — to that object all the whole energies of the French genius and character exerted. — Licentiousness of the press. — Twenty thousand. literary men employ themselves in stimulating the mob to outrage. — An engine of government new in the history of political establishments. — Clues — influ ence of — extended by association — doctrines — influence and operation. — Law less violence in the country. — Peasants turn upon the proprietors. — Somaof the nobility propose to sacrifice a large portion of their privileges and property — their example imitated and emulated. — Sacrifices of the nobles and clergy. — Admiration of the commons. — Proposition for the seizure of church properly — remonstrances of the clergy— disregarded. — Parliaments annihilated. — Immu nities sacrificed. — The law and policy of the kingdom overturned. — Scheme for voluntary contributions. — Gold and silver sent to the mint. — Preparations for the new constitution — :the authority lo be possessed by the king. — Suspensive veto. — Question, if the assembly was to be composed of one or two chambers — carried, that there should be only one. — English constitution proposed as a model — rejected. — French commons inimical to mixed government — settlement of the succession — Ferocity of the people — inflamed by scarcity. — Additional 'troops arrive at Versailles — entertainment given by the officers in the palace lo *30 HISTORY OF THE the new comer?. — The royal family visit the banqueting room. — Music de scribes thc sufferings of n captive prince. — Tbe queen having in her arms the ' infant dauphin presents him to ihe officers — the ladies of the court accompany her. — Effects of beauty, music, and wine, combined — Unguarded enthusiasm of the loyal soldiers — trample on ihe national cockade. — Report of this enter- lainment at Paris. — Rage and indignation of the revolutionists. — Activity and influence of the fish-women and courtezans. — The mob determines lo bring the Icing to Park — expedition of the women for that purpose — hang priests and aristocrats — march to Versailles— overawe the legislature — break into the assembly and take possession of Ihe speaker's chair.— Mob assault the palace — attempt lo murder the queen — prevented by the heroism of her defenders. — King and queen agree to depart for Paris. — Mournful procession of a. degraded monarch. — Farther proceedings at Paris — The existing government endea voured to quell the mob — severe prosecutions for that purpose. — Effects of the French revolution in Britain. — Detesting Ihe old French government and not acquainted with the new, Britons approve of the revolution as friendly to liber ty. — Sentiments of various classes — respectively differing, concur in favouring. the French revolution.. CHAP. THE. event which rendered the year 1789 most important XLIII. t0 Britons and all the civilized world, was the French revolu- *-*^^fc-/ tion, the causes and means of which extraordinary change it 1781). requires a retrospective view of the scene of operation to in- Old govern- vestigate and comprehend. The government of France was, ment of in the earlier ages, one of those feudal aristocracies, which the northern conquerors established over Europe. The degree of civil and political liberty lhat extended to the commons was very inconsiderable in France, as in most other countries, ex cept England and the Netherlands. The power of the king in the middle ages was extremely limited; the country consisted of a collection of principalities, in each of which the lord su perior enjoyed an arbitrary sway, and held the people in a con dition of abject vassalage. This slate of relative power in the vicissitudes of human affairs underwent material changes. The kings bad one general object, diminution of baronial authority ; prudence required the barons to unite for their common advan tage, yet they had respectively separate interests which much more constantly occupied their attention. By sowing discord between these turbulent chieftains, the sovereigns rendered their aggregate force less formidable. Conquests, escheats, or treaties, united several fiefs to the crown : Louis XL considera bly reduced the power of the nobility, the feudal aristocracy was entirely destroyed by cardinal Richelieu, and the .separate sovereignties were consolidated into one entire mass.' As the people had been without liberty under feudal lords, they con tinued to be in servitude under the monarch : before the total reduction of the aristocracy, they had indeed possessed an assem bly of states, but so modelled, that the commons had little real i See introduction to this hislorv. France. nisa. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 2S1„ share 6f the power : the nobles and clergy wero closely con- ^liiF' uccted by immunities and other privileges, and could easily ^^^^__, overpower the third estate. From the administration of Riche- lieu, France had been without even thc appearance of a legis lative voice : every privilege of the subject was under the con trol of a government habitually corrupt and tyrannical. Tho men of wealth and distinction were purchased either by courtly honours, presents, pensions, or a lavish waste of the public re venue, which was endeavoured to be exclusively wrung from the grasp of the poor, the weak, and the laborious. Liberty and even life were insecure, if either interfered with the will of the prince. Instead of making a part subservient lo the whole; estimating either permanent regulations, or temporary measures, by the aggregate of happiness which they were calculated to produce; thc old government of France administered the whole according to the pleasure and caprice of a very small part ; the comfort and welfare of twenty-four millions was of little account when compared with the freak or fancy of the prince, the interest or inclination of his favourites. The sug gestion of a priest or a prostitute would desolate a whole pro- vinee,1' and drive from that country its most industrious inhabi tants. Thc nobility and clergy, and also thc magistrates, wero exempted -from their share of the public burthens; the taxes, instead of being paid by thc rich and the great, fell upon the poor. These tyrannical exactions were rendered more cruelly •oppressive by the established mode of extortipn ; the revenue was farmed, and farther leased by Ihe principal undertakers to others, and by these to subordinate collectors with advance of rent ; in tho various steps of intermediation between the payer of the impost and the government, much greater sums were squeezed from thc commons than ever found their way to tho public treasury. The farmers of the revenue principally consti- , tuted the monied class, or at least, were the greatest capitalists ;' in them government had its chief resource for loans to carry on tire projects of extravagant ambition, and infatuated aggres sion. Many of the nobility from their prodigality were poor notwithstanding their immunities and donatives, and from these men had the means of supply; the court, therefore, very rea dily connived at most flagrant extortions in the administration of the revenue, as the commons only were to suffer by the spo liation. Tho old government of France, was, no doubt, liable to these Character and other objections, both in its principles and practice; and j""' »i'irit °* in the- reigns of Louis XIV. and XV. it wns a very arbitrary*™^,""" and oppressive system. Its vices appeared the more glaring to XIV. aud. political observers, by being contrasted with the constitution of xv- k See in Render's Tour through Germany, an account of the devastation of lite Fulminate. 1 Annual Register, 1737 nnd 1789. 232 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. XLIII. 1789. the neighbour and rival of France. Perhaps, indeed, this cir cumstance produced to that system, still less estimation than it Really deserved. To Britons it would have been an intolerable scheme of policy, and must have crushed the energy of the British character, which in a great measure results from civil ahd political liberty ; but a greater or less degree of restraint is necessary according to the knowledge and dispositions of a na tion as well as an individual. The French minds, sentiments, and habits, appeared to require a stronger curb than the Bri tish ; but on the other hand the authorities which were to con trol the violence, regulate the vivacity, and guide the versatile instability of the Gallic character, were by no means well' pla ced. The power was not exerted for rendering the greatest benefit to the subjects which even their tempers would admit; it was much more arbitrary than was expedient for a civilized people to tolerate. The great mass of the commons were in a state of slavery to the priests, the nobles, and the officers of the crown;"1 such a condition only profound ignorance, fear, or in fatuation could suffer. It was natural for intelligent and inge nious men to see the imperfections of the arbitrary government, and to wish for a reform of various abuses. The splendid ac tions of Louis XIV. notwithstanding their real impolicy, daz zled his subjects; his ostentatious displays to other nations of his superiority, so flattering to the predominant vanity of the French character, rendered them eager partisans of their great monarch. Instrumental to the glory of the sovereign, they thought theyVere promoting their own ! Vanity assumed the disguise of honour; and in gratifying the prince, and court ing his approbation, they overlooked their own condition; they forgot they were bearing slavery, encountering war, poverty, and starvation, merely as puppets in the hands of a vain-glori ous tyrant." Under Louis XIV. their subserviency was very abject, but it arose from causes that could not be permanent, and, indeed, from a certain operation of passions and energies, which, in another direction, might readily attempt, and power- Sources of fully affect the dissolution of their fetters. Submission to arbi- submission trary power arises from various causes, and operates differently power!'™'* according to the diversities of national characters; often it may proceed from barbarous ignorance and intellectual debasement, which mindful of only animal wants thinks not of any higher enjoyments than the supply of these;0 a phlegmatic temper, that does not feel injustice and oppression; or from relaxation, indolence, and timidity, which, notwithstanding a knowledge of right, and a feeling of wrong, prevents strenuous efforts for vindication and redress; servitude in these cases is a passive principle. The French were very far from being void of know- 'n New Annual Register, 1789. ., Smollett's Continuation of Hume, vol. i, o As in ihe case of thc negroes, see Park's Travels, ptnsim'. REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 233 ledge, sensibility, courage, or active exertion : on the contrary, ^ffi they were intelligent, ardent, bold, and enterprising, but their ^^^_, passions engaged their ingenuity and their force in supporting 178g and aggrandizing their absolute monarch. Submission to arbi trary power was, in them love for the sovereign, a strongly active principle ; theirs was implicit obedience yielded by strength, not, despotism forced upon weakness. The French animation was extremely eager in the pursuit of pleasure as its levity was very fond of pageantry and show. The magnificent profusion of Louis and his court was well adapted for increa sing the popularity acquired by political and military achieve ments ; the high admiration, or rather the adoration with which his subjects regarded this monarch, soon excited in their warm and enthusiastic minds an ardent affection for the whole royal family, and indeed all the princes of the blood ; they associa ted the ideas , of estimation, for royalty with military prowess. These, effects were, as long as they lasted, very favourable to the continuance and extension of absolute sway, but the causes were perfectly compatible with totally different sentiments. Under Louis XV. the French long continued ardent in loyalty, and manifested their affection and reverence for the kingly name in implicit obedience to the mandates of his most christian ma jesty; but while energy was exerting itself in the boldest enter*- prise for promoting the great monarch's glory, props of his commen- power were beginning f.o be .impaired. From the middle of hiscing and reign the Roman catholic faith commenced its decline, and i,™g«!SS'v'e towards the close, the political power of th&jsovereign received SeriSuis a considerable shake. , XV. The abandoned debauchery of the court under the duke of Beginnings Orleans's regency had prepared the higher ranks for theinfusion of infidelity. of infidelity which was afterwards so extensively received. The first movers pf this scheme of irreligion were certain vota ries of literature, who employed men of high rank as their in struments. Learning became daily more prevalent in Europe, and having been fostered in France, by the ostentatious vanity of Louis XIV. though limited during his reign to subjects of taste, sentiment, . and; natural philosophy, afterwards extended to theology, ethics, and politics. Voltaire was admirably fitted Voltaire, for impressing the susceptibility, gratifying the taste, amusing the fancy, inflaming the passions, and so misleading the judg ment of lively, refined, ingenious, ardent, and volatile readers and hearers,: he, therefore, was thoroughly skilled in the most effectual means of attacking the faith of Frenchmen. Vanity materially assisted the infidel's operations : the nobility having imbibed under Louis XIV. a relish for literature, and still more for literary patronage, were desirous of cultivating, or appear ing to cultivate, intimacy with a man of so high rank in letters, repeated his doctrines and witticisms, and abandoned their religion to pass for philosophers. Besides, the debauchery of Louis XIV., carried by his pupil the duke of Orleans to a much vol. ?r. 30 234 HISTORY OF THE Xtn?" more Pron'gate excess, and not much corrected under the ^^^.^ mature age of Louis XV., established in the morals of cour- 1789. t'ers a Powerful auxiliary for spreading infidelity. The ridicu lous absurdity of many of the popish doctrines was easily dis cernible to French sagacity when turned to such animadver sions: and their various mummeries afforded scope to the French wit and satire, when permitted to take such a range. Gallic ingenuity could easily find arguments to expose the frivolity and folly of many of their priestly doctrines, rites, and observances ; but as ardent as versatile, leaving their super stitions, they took the opposite and much more dangerous ex treme. Some of the king's ministers, pleased with the theories of the Voltaire school, and converted by his jokes, became deists, made tbe king inimical to various parts of the ecclesias tical establishment, and inspired him with a desire of reforming the church. This reform both in France and other countries arose partly from a diminished regard for the established church, -but principally from the love of plunder: its consequences were a degradation of the clerical character to a much lower state than was requisite for the purposes of spiritual and moral instruction. The suppression of the religious orders, and the general system of policy towards the church, from the peace pf Paris to the end of the duke de Choiseul's administration, tended very powerfully to second the efforts of deistical writers against the church. Indeed the acts of Louis XV. at the in stigation of his favourites, were powerfully efficient causes, though not the proximate, of the downfall of religion in the reign' of his successor. It is by no means a difficult underta king for a man of genius to establish a new sect in religion or politics; if he mean to mislead the judgment, he has only by animated description to impress the imagination, or by impas sioned eloquence to impel the affections.P Voltaire was very successful in the use of these instruments : other literary ad venturers readily pursued a tract leading so directly to esteem and patronage. Under such influence, projects and institutions were formed for circulating their doctrines. By such influence, projects, and institutions,1! infidelity made very rapid advances : except in the lower classes of people, in the latter period of the reign of Louis XV. the majority of laity in France were deists. Opinions and sentiments so inimical not only to abso lute monarchy, but to every form of regular government, are indebted for their disseminations to the imbecility of Louis XV., and the narrow views of his ministers. The same spirit of free inquiry not being properly understood or wisely modified by the court of France, from exposing the absurdities of many p Whitfield, Wesley, and other adventurers of a more recent date clearly and strongly illustrate the facility with which ingenuity liishionlng itself to Ihe fancies and passions of men, may impress a new hypothesis of religion, ft See Barrtiel on .Tncobinism, vol. i. passim. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 235 popish observances proceeded to attack Christianity itself, and ^j^' soon extended to politics. In their efforts against superstition, w^^^ the philosophists, in the violent ardour of the French charac- 17gg ter, rushing to the opposite extreme, pulled up the wheat as well Commence- as the tares ; the same operators, employed on the same mate- ment olan- rials, using a similar process in politics, produced similar effects ; jj." "i'0^,. and in both, seeking to avoid one evil, without discriminating it nines. from the good in which it was mixed, they incurred a greater. Speculating upon the rights and happiness of man, they easily saw that the government of France was very far from being well adapted to the security of rights or the diffusion of hap piness. The ingenuity of .Frenchmen has, in most subjects of study, exhibited itself much more frequently in framing hypo theses than in collecting facts, investigating principles, and de ducing consequences from actually established premises. This mode of procedure, well adapted to the poet's invention, was employed in cases which required the reasoning of the philoso pher, and the wisdom of the sage. A position was assumed by Helvetius and many others, but above all by Rousseau, that man was a perfectible being, and that every change of system was to be adapted to the perfection which he might attain. While Voltaire and his sect were labouring to undermine exist- Rousseau ing establishments, Helvetius, Rousseau, and their sects, besides manaS per- rendering a helping hand to the scheme of demolition, were fectible be. very active in proposing new models totally impracticable, be- ing- cause to consist of perfect men, materials no where found to exist. The French statesmen were equally blind to the probable consequences of the political as of the theological theories so prevalent towards the close of Louis XV.'s reign. Then was the timer to have prevented their destructive effects by gradual and progressive melioration of church and state, which both demanded correction. The systematic impolicy of Co-opera- France in seeking commercial and maritime aggrandizementby lln£P0,u^' provoking that nation that can always ruin her trade and crush her navy, tended very powerfully to give a practical operation to the spirit of liberty. The immense expense incurred in the General im- seven years war, causing fiscal derangements, was the chief Polic/ and source of those contentions with the provincial parliaments thatsome-ex- principally distinguished the last years of Louis XV. The ac- pense of the tual opposition of these political bodies was perfectly justifia-^™ch ble, but called into action the prevailing theories, and paved against the way for much more unrestrained efforts against the prince's Britain. power. Louis XVI., kind and liberal by nature, was disposed r So early as the year 1772, Edmund Burke, in the theological scepticism and political hypotheses of the French writers, saw the probable overthrow of religion and government ; and even in ihe house of commons mentioned his apprehension of the danger, and proposed to form an alliance among believers against (he said) those ministers of rebellious darkness who ate endeavouring to shake all the works of God established in beauty and order. 235 HISTORY OF THE Xtfn t0 moarerate in its exercise the rigour of his absolute power, ,^~_^ and to accommodate his government to the sentiments which, nsg without comprehending their precise nature or extent, he in general saw become prevalent among his subjects. The first years of his reign promised popularity to the prince with in creasing happiness to his people. Repetition, however, of the same preposterous policy which had cost France so much blood and treasure, not only drove him to an unprovoked war with England, but to a war in which he was to support revolting subjects against their sovereign in which every argument that he could adduce in favour of the Americans might be employed with much greater force to vindicate a revolt of his own sub jects. The intercourse of the French with the defenders of a republican constitution very rapidly increased an anti-monarchi- Enormous cal spirit in a country predisposed for its reception. The enor- ancfdis-8 nious expenses incurred in nourishing America, and endeavour- tressfui con- ing to injure Britain, plunged France into unexampled distress, sequences atu] the aggression recoiled on the aggressor. An immense sUpp^rtthe° new debt was added to the old, the accumulation became in- Americans. tolerable. The multitude of the distinct loans which altogether composed this vast mass of debt, and the diversity of the con ditions upon which, according to the genius of the respective projectors, they had been raised, the numberless appropriations of specific revenues to particular funds, and the frequent in- Pecuniary fractions of these to supply the immediate necessities of the menis!raSS" slate, occasioned such voluminous detailed accounts, such end less references," explanations, and deficiencies, with such eter nal crowds of figures, that the whole presented a chaos of con fusion, in which the financiers themselves seemed scarcely less bewildered than the public. The taxes, numerous as they were, and ruinous in the last degree to the people, were totally une qual to the supply of the current expenses of the state and to the discharge of the interest or annuities arising on the various funds ; new funds could not be raised, but the exigencies of the state must be supplied. No effectual means were devised but by withholding the annuities due to the public creditors to the amount of the deficiency. This measure involved numbers in Schemes of distress and calamity, and caused loud clamours : in a situation extrication. s0 disastrous, projects and projectors of relief multiplied. The wealth of France was certainly very great, but the principal was in the private repositories of ministers, contractors, com missioners, stock-jobbers, farmers-general, and the minions of the court. Vergennes died in 1786, and was succeeded by Monsieur de Calonne, who having in vain tried the experiment of new loans, the king proposed to assemble the states, but was dissuaded by the court and ministry. If the states were assembled, they might, instead of granting supplies, begin their deliberations ' Sec Annual Register, 1737, chap. vii. REIGN OF GE6RGE HI. 237 with demanding a redress of grievances. Monsieur de Ca- ^Lin"' lonne wished to convene the notables, an assembly deriving its ^^^ name from the members being men of rank and respectability. m9 The ministers had endeavoured to prevail on the nobility and Convention clergy to contribute a share spontaneously of those immense of the nota- sums, which through their exemptions they were presumed to es- have accumulated. The same influence, it was also hoped, would be successfully used in prevailing on the great monied capitalists to bring forward part of their stores for the relief of the nation. A proclamation was accordingly issued the 16th of December for holding this assembly.1 In an introductory speech Calonne contended that the pub- Calonne. lie embarrassment arose from causes which were highly ho nourable to France, and the present reign, and, notwithstand ing the immediate exigency, ultimately beneficial as well as glorious. A marine had been formed infinitely more powerful than any ever known in France ; his majesty's fleets had sail ed triumphant over the ocean, he had humbled the rival, and terminated an honourable war by a solid and permanent peace : devoting his attention to the public welfare, he had, since peace was established, invariably pursued extensive commerce abroad, and good administration at home. The minister had He 'info,c'!l found the finances, when he was intrusted with their manage- siateofthe ment, in a deplorable state; a vast unfunded debt, all annui- finances; ties and interest greatly in arrear ; all the coffers empty, the public stocks fallen to the lowest point, circulation interrupted, and all credit and confidence destroyed. He then showed the measures which he had pursued, and the happy effects they had produced (so far as his measures could reach) in remedying these complicated evils. He had, he said, re-established pub lic credit upon a sound basis, had undertaken great and expen sive works of the highest national importance ; but notwithstand ing all those favourable appearancesof prosperity, there wasan evil every year increasing in magnitude, this was the great an nual deficiency of the public revenue, and its inadequacy to the national expense ; to eradicate this evil was beyond the reach of ministers; additional taxes would oppress the people, whom the king wished of all things to relieve ; anticipation on the revenue of subsequent years had already been practised to a ruinous extent ; and the reduction of expense had been car ried as far as was possible without weakening the state and go vernment. In the reform of abuses, the- king and his minister chiefly trusted to find a remedy for the evil. One of the most t It consisted of seven princes of the blood, nine dukes and peers of France, e.ighl field marshals, twenty-two nobles, eight counsellors of state, four masters of requests, eleven archbishops and bishops, thirty-seven judges of parliament, twelve deputies of the pays d'etat, the lieutenant civil, and twenty-five magis trates of different towns ; in all, one hundred nnd forty-four. See Macfarlane's history of George III. vol. iii. p. 34f5 238 HISTORY OF THE XLHI ' ullo'eraD'e grievances which then prevailed, Was the immunity ^-^^^ of the most opulent classes from taxation ; Calonne therefore 178g proposed to equalize public burthens, by rendering the taxes He proposes general ; to accomplish this purpose, the nobility, clergy, and an equal;- magistracies should be no longer exempted, but contribute public bur- their share to the exigencies of the state; the officers un- thens. der the crown were to be assessed ; and there should be a ge neral impost on land, without excepting the possessions of any order or individual. Such a project, in whatsoever motives it originated, was certainly just in its principle, and efficient in its object, as a scheme of finance : as a measure of policy it was wise and equitable, since it proposed to restore to the commons so great a part of their usurped rights : but the minister did not show much judgment and prudence in the means which he chose for carrying his plan into execution. It was very im probable that the aristocratical corporations, to influence whom he had called the council of notables, would willingly recede from such lucrative immunities ; indeed, the notables them selves consisted of members of the privileged orders, and might as a body be presumed unfavourable to a project tending so He incenses much to diminish their corporate advantages. They actually the privi- proved very inimical to the plan, which they represented, as teged or- merely a new expedient for getting immense sums of money into the hands of government, to supply its extravagance and corruption ; they refused to concur in the territorial impost, unless they were suffered to investigate the past expenses and accounts, and future estimates, as thereby only they could know how far public money had been, or was likely to be, applied Outcry for the national good. The privileged orders raised a general nfnrster. * outcry against the man who had proposed to abolish their im munities : they even persuaded the other classes, that the sole object of the minister was rapacity, for the purposes of embez zlement and peculation ; that, so far from intending to lighten their burthens by his new system of impost, he designed to load them with fresh taxes, and thus the aristocrats excited the ha tred of the people against the minister, whose plan, if adopted and fairly executed, would have rendered to the people them selves so essential a service. Moreover, the queen was a great enemy to the minister, because he attacked one of her favour ites. The mild and compliant Louis readily imbibed the pre vailing sentiment, and withdrew his confidence and regard from a man whom he saw distrusted and hated by so many others. Disgraced.- Calonne, fearing a judicial prosecution while the minds of all into^anish- ranks were so, biassed against him, retired into England.0 inenl. u This minister has been charged with having amassed immense riches by plundering the public He certainly lived in London, for several years, in mag nificent splendour; but » hat his funds were, or how acquired/ was never ascer tained. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 239 Meanwhile monsieur de Brienne,' archbishop of Thoulouse, a ^Jj^' leading member of the notables, was appointed prime minis- s^___/ ter, and without attempting the radical reform which the ex- 17g9 igency required, he proposed and executed various partial im- Brienne provements in the collection of taxes, and the management of minister. the public money. It was manifest that a change so confined Triflingand in principle and operation, could not extricate the country from J,"^!,0"3" its present evils. By the new minister the assembly of notables was dissolved,!' and he thought himself obliged to have re course to the usual mode of raising money by edicts. Among the measures was a double poll tax, and a heavy stamp duty. The Contests parliament of Paris remonstrated against the first subsidy, in J*'",1- the terms very unlike the former language of their assemblies, of Paris. even when they opposed the will of the king. Beforethey should concur in raising money, they required to be informed of the real state of the finances, and the purposes to which the new imposts were to be applied; and they particularly objected to the stamp duty ; their requisition not having been admitted, they refused to enregister the edict. The king finding them inflexi ble to persuasion, held a bed of justice, to compel them Ho re gistration. This procedure, hateful in the reign of Louis XV. Attempts of was infinitely more odious at present, when the spirit of liberty 'he crown was so much stronger and more generally diffused. The edict the refract- having been forcibly registered, the parliament protested, thatory, unsuc- not having been obtained by their approbation and consent, it cessful- should not be valid ; and that whoever attempted to put it in execution should be doomed to the galleys as a traitor. This resolute opposition was imitated by all the other parliaments. Matters now appeared to draw to a crisis ; the alternative of the crown seemed to be, either to proceed to coercion, or to relinquish for ever the long usurped power of raising money by its own authority. On the other hand, the judicative bodies were determined to show that they would not, without resistance, any longer permit an arbitrary invasion of property, however supported by precedent. On the 24th of July the Remon- parliament of Paris published a remonstrance,'1 highly cele- sfrance.?r brated fora forcible reasoning, a bold and animated eloquence, mera of "" which clearly demonstrated and strongly impressed awful Paris. truths. After a happy peace that had lasted five years, they, from the revenue before possessed by the crown, had trusted that no fresh imposts would have been proposed ; great, then was their surprise at the requisition of an additional tax so extensive, and generally odious. Ministers had never ap proached the throne with a voice of truth, but had disguised from the king the actual state of his dominions, and the senti ments of his subjects. The council of the notables had been x Bouille on the French Revolution, p. 50. y In the opinion of Bouille, very unwisely, p. 51. s Sep remonstrance, State Papers, July 24, 1787. 1789. 240 HISTORY OF THE XT fn ' tne occab'on °f discovering to the public the dreadful situation _ _ of affairs, and the progressive steps of error, corruption, J and vice, by which courtiers had reduced France to such a condition. Taxes were the contributions of citizens for their own private security and the public safety; if they exceeded those purposes, they were inconsistent with justice and the good of the people, the sole objects of legitimate government. Neither parliaments, nor any other authority but the whole nation assembled, could sanction a new impost. The nation only, being convened and instructed in tbe true state of the finances, could extirpate the abuses that actually existed, and offer resources to obviate such evils in future. If this remon strance be considered in relation to the rights of a free people, and to the actual abuses under the French government; it was firm, yet perfectly temperate and respectful. Addressed, howev er, to a monarch who had inherited arbitrary power, it appeared a presumptuous encroachment. It wasextremely natural for Louis to think himself rightfully entitled to the sway of his ancestors ; to overlook the injustice in which that dominion was founded, and the great change of popular sentiment from the time even of his last predecessor. Like Charles I. he presumed a divine right to what his ancestors and he had possessed only by hu man sufferance ; and, like Charles I. he did not discern that the opinions and sentiments which had permitted thraldom, no longer existed among his subjects. Louis, however, had a much more formidable force than Charles, in which he conceiv ed he might repose secure confidence. He therefore deter mined on coercion ; collected great bodies of troops round the metropolis ; and sent parties of soldiers to the house of every individual member of the parliament of Paris, to carry him in banishment to Troyes, about seventy miles from the capital, and not to suffer him to write or speak to any person of his own family before, his departure. These orders were executed at the same instanton the 18th of August, and by force the judicial body was prevented from proceeding in its official business. In the following month the president was despatched by the ex iles to Versailles, to represent to his majesty the pernicious effects of the compulsory measures which he was then pursu ing. After several audiences, instead of adhering to the he reditary maxims of arbitrary power, the king yielded to the dictates of his individual benignity and patriotism; he con sented to abandon the obnoxious attacks, and to suffer parlia ment to resume its functions. Meanwhile the flame of liberty was bursting forth in various parts of the kingdom.* Other parliaments not only emulated, but surpassed the generous bold ness of Paris, and with the right of property asserted the claims of personal security. The parliament of Grenoble declared a Annual K-gi -er. 17P7, ehap '. ii fn.--::-i REIGN OF GEORGE IU, 241 tettfee di cachet, or arbitrary imprisonment, to be totally Un- xlhi' constitutional ; and pronounced a decree, rendering it capital s->^^_, for any person, under any authority, to attempt such an act 17g9 within that province. In all the populous towns, where there was the most ready and extensive interchange of opinion and sentiment ; the conduct of government, once so sacred In France, was ojjenly discussed, and most severely reprobated, both in discourse and publications.0 The king, in November, appeared to have changed his disposition and intentions : meet ing the parliament of Paris, he said he had come to hear their opinions ; but before they delivered them, to signify his own.c They ought to confine themselves to the functions intrusted by the king to their predecessors : the expediency of calling pub lic assemblies was a measure of which he was the sole judge. He was about to issue an edict, creating for five successive years a loan that would require no new impost. Permission being given for every member to speak without restraint, a warm de bate on the registration of the edict ensued in the presence of the king ; but at last his majesty, suddenly rising, commanded the decree to be registered without delay. The duke of Or leans, first prince of the blood after the king's brothers^ warmly opposed this order, as a direct infringement of parliamentary right ; and protested against all the acts of the day, as thereby rendered void. His majesty, astonished at a proceeding so new to an absolute prince, repeated his order, and quitted the assem bly. The next day he banished the duke and two of his most Banishment active supporters. The parliament, far from tamely submitting opposition'-'' to this act of power, published a very strong address, which isu. justified the exiled members, avowed the highest approbation of their conduct, and represented the dangerous consequences of such a restriction on the necessary freedom of speech. The king answered, that he had strong reasons for the banishment of those members ; with this assurance parliament ought to rest satisfied ; the more goodness he was disposed to show td his parliaments, the more firmly he would approve himself if he saw his goodness abused. Parliament replied in the bold Bold tone of tone of men determined to assert their freedom ; " your par- andforct"je " liament does not solicit favour, it demands justice. No man address. " ought to be condemned without a fair trial : arbitrary ba- " nishtnents, arrests, or imprisonments^ constitute no part of " the legal prerogative of the French crown. It is in the name " of those laws which preserve the empire, in the name of that w liberty of which we are the respectful interpreters and law? " ful mediators, in the name of your authority, of which we are " the first and most confidential ministers, that we dare demand " either the trial or the release of the duke of Orleans and the "exiled magistrates." This attack on a prerogative so, long exercised by the court, and essential to thc maintenance of arbi trary monarchy, was resisted by the king ; and he told them, that h Bertrnnd d<- Molct-illc, introduction. c Plate Pnper*, Nov. 19. 1787, Mil.. Jl. .11, 242 HISTORY OF THE XLm' wnat tney demanded of his justice depended on his will. This ' principle that would subject the freedom and happiness of mil- """Jt^"' lions to the will of an individual, though the foundation of French absolute monarchy, the enlightened parliament totally condemned; they refused to purchase justice by concession; declared parliament would never cease to demand the impeach ment or liberty of the persons in question, and would employ the same zeal and perseverance to ensure to every Frenchman the personal security promised by the laws, and due by the prin- The pariia- cipies of the constitution. This patriotic assembly supported rfeasserf8" tne c'a'm 'n question, and urged new assertions, not for their ihe rights of °wn body alone, but for the whole nation. They published a a free peo- remonstrance,* declaring that no taxes could be granted but by p e' the consent of the people ; they extended the same doctrine to the whole body of legislative power, insisting that no man ought to be imprisoned, dispossessed of his property or liberty, outlawed or banished, or in any way hurt or injured, unless through his own act, his representatives, or the law of the land.'' The parliament1, of Paris vindicated those fundamental rights, which no time, nor precedent, nor statute, nor positive institu tion can abolish, which men always may reclaim when they will. They endeavoured from history and authority to prove this popular consent to have been the foundation of laws in former times, before the subversion of the constitution under the house of Bourbon. The precedents which they quoted did not apply to the present situation, and indeed obscured instead of illustrating their claims. But as neither the justice or expe diency of the doctrine rested upon former usage or authority, the irrelevancy of their citations affected neither the truth of their positions, nor the wisdom of their conduct. d State Papers, Nov. 23d, 1787. e See this doctrine stated by Hume in his remarks on the great charter of Eng land, Hist. vol. i. p. 415. f The provincial parliaments of France were originally courts of justice, pos sessing no share in the legislation, either as an order or as representatives of the people. From the time of cardinal Richelieu, the legislative as well as thc exe cutive authority was vested entirely in the crown. The practice of employing ihe parliaments to enregister the king's edicts, was never intended to convey any authprily or force through these bodies ; they were considered merely as notaries, to record and authenticate their existence, and thereby as well lo promulgate them) as to prevent any doubts being entertained by the public of their reality. The parliament, however, as their popularity and power increased , and times and circumstances proved favourable to the design, assumed a right of judging whether these edicts were injurious to the public. If Ihey determined them to be hurtful, they by ft legal fiction pretended that being contrary to the welfare of the people, and contrary to Ihe king's wisdom, justice, or clemency, they did not be- fieve them to be the king's real acts, but considered them as an imposition prac tised by his ministers ; and on this ground they presented memorials or remon strances to the king, placing in the strongest colours they could all the evil con sequences which they presumed would attend their being passed into laws. See Annual Register, 1789. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 243 The spirit of liberty and reform, operating on the ingenious j^nf" and volatile character of Frenchmen, and tinctured by the pe- ,^_vr^_, culiar doctrines of late political philosophers, produced a disposi- l789 tion to innovation. Even at this period many reformers assumed a Spirit of position, that every existing establishment was bad, and there- boundless fore that melioration consisted in a total change. The court mnovaUon- imputed to parliaments the prevailing spirit, which these bodies rather expressed than incited ; and, confounding the organs with the cause, formed a project for annulling the authority which was recently assumed by these bodies. Professing to gratify the popular passion for reform, ministers proposed a ge neral amendment in the codes both of civil and criminal justice. For this purpose, a tribunal was to be instituted, endowed with such- powers as would carry back the parliaments to the original principles of their institution, and reduce them to the condition of mere courts of justices The members of this body were all to be chosen by the king H» their number and every circumstance relative to their meeting, was to depend on the royal will. Pro found secrecy was observed in conducting this project : the edicts were privately printed at the royal press, and intended to be presented, on the same day to all the parliaments in France, and the registration was to beenforced bysoldiers. The scheme, however, being discovered before it was ripe for execution, by M. d'Epresmenil, was by him communicated to the parliament of Paris, of which he was a member. This body meeting on the 3d of May 1788, issued a declaration, stating a report of aeon- spiracy, by the court, against the authority of parliaments, the interests and liberties of the nation. Detailing the alleged rights of parliaments, and the purposes both of their general bestowal *md recent exercise, they declared their resolution of surrender ing their privileges, not to ministers, or any newcourts established by their influence, but to the king himself, and ihe states-general. Though Louis had, as an act of grace, liberated Orleans and the magistrates, he still determined to support the principle of arbi trary imprisonment. Agreeably to this resolution, he ordered M. d'Epresmenil, and M. De Monsambert, two of the most active members of the parliament to be arrested in their houses. Though these patriots evaded immediate caption, by concealing themselves from the soldiers, they disdained to abstain from their duty in parliament. That body, informed of the attempt, sent a deputation to remonstrate with the king ; but the delegates were not admitted. A regiment of guards surrounded the court of parliament ; its commander entering the assembly, demanded the two magistrates whom the king had ordered to be arrested ; g Bouille, p. 54. h They were to have consisted of princes of the blood ; of peers of the realm ; of great oflieers of state ; of marshals of France ; of governors of provinces ; of knights of different orders ; of members of council ; and of a deputation of one member from each parliament of the kingdom, and two from the chamber of accounts and supply, Annual Register, 1789, c. i. 244 HISTORY OF THE ' CHAP. XLIII. 1789. a profound silence for some time ensued ; at last, the president rising, with the acclamations of the whole body, replied, every member here, is a d'Epresmenil, and a Monsambert.' These magistrates, however, surrendered themselves, and were led off to prison amidst the loud execrations of the people.' The king, on the 8th of May, held a bed of justice to introduce the intended reforms : he inveighed against the undutiful behaviour of parliament, and declared his determination to suppress such excesses, in a few of the magistrates ; yet in general he prefer red prevention to penal animadversion ; he then announced the heads of the new constitution which his chancellor fully detail ed.1' Parliament the following day entered against these pro ceedings a protest, repeating the substance of their former remonstrances and declaring individually and aggregately that they would accept of no employment under the projected establishment. This protestation was seconded by a great body of the members ; and so generally was the new spirit now disseminated, that even many of the clergy declared con currence in their sentiments and resolution. Thus encouraged, parliament published a still stronger memorial than any which they had before issued ; peremptorily declaring their inflexible determination to persevere in their past measures. Through all the kingdom, public bodies, spontaneous associations, and private individuals, appeared agitated by the same spirit. The court on the other hand, proceeded to coercive measures ; the governor of Paris entering tbe parliament house, took pos session of all the papers and archives ; having locked the doors, and stamped them with the king's seal, he carried away the keys. All the other parliaments in the kingdom were suspend ed, from their functions, and forbidden under the severest penalties to hold any meetings.- In this crisis the question now evidently lav between the establishment of liberty, or of com- i tiji'iii * Unfitness of P'ete despotism.1 Brienne was by no means capable of con- Briennefor ducting affairs in so difficult a situation ; he possessed neither the sagacity which could have discovered the force of a general spirit diffused through a people of such boldness and energy, nor the wisdom which, to a certain extent, would have grati fied the national desire, in order to prevent tbe national vio lence ; and moderated the regal power to preserve its essential and useful prerogative. He was no less deficient in that bold ness of design and vigour of execution, which only could have overborne the determination of the people, and crushed their rights. The ready and willing tool of arbitrary power in its usual and established exercise, he possessed neither in vention nor courage to be its counsellor or champion in untried dangers. The conduct of government was a motley mixture of outrage and irresolution, violence, and feebleness : for a short time the court persisted in coercive efforts, both iij. Arbitrary suspension of the par liaments. ."ali rial ferment. hi= office. i Annual Register, 1789, chap. J( State Papery May 8'h. Mackintosh's Vindicia; Galliciae. 1 Bouille, passim. REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 243 Paris .and other provinces ; and in Dauphiny, Languedoc, and 9JJf,?- Brittany, the parliaments were exiled, but the rage of the people broke out in riots which produced disorder and blood- *'""7)XJX~' shed. In some instances it appeared, that the soldiers being com manded to quell the disturbances, manifested an extreme un willingness to act against their countrymen. The king was at Distressed this time in the greatest pecuniary distress, which he saw the the king. "" people would not voluntarily relieve : nothing, he perceived, short of military execution would enforce the obnoxious edicts. Destitute of money, he lost a great part of the influence which through donative he had possessed; many of the nobility, from the extravagance of their ancestors, their own, or both, were mere s dependents on the bounty of the crown; and in the poverty of the king they saw themselves precluded from the usual resource of titled insignificance and beggary ; accus tomed to luxury and splendour, and the eleemosynary fountain of their ; prodigality and ostentation no longer flowing, they from a special cause became infected with the general dis content; poor lords, who had subsisted by the royal dole, forsook the king when he had no dole to bestow.m The household of the monarch, extremely magnificent and expen sive, had supported vast numbers of officers and attendants; in the king's distresses four hundred of these were necessarily dis missed ; many of them, no longer maintained in idleness and pomp,turned against the hand which had given them food while it had food to give, and from the most despicable and unworthy motives added to the number of those who opposed the king's government from generous and patriotic principles. The dis contents rising from political causes were enhanced by a phy sical calamity ; a dreadful hurricane of wind, rain, hail, thun der, and lightning, on the 13th of July, assailing the land, de stroyed the fruits and corn. Want and misery were soon felt through the kingdom ; and the capital itself was apprehensive of a famine. : The dearness of provisions induced or compelled many families to dismiss their servants, and thus increased the number of the idle, distressed, and dissatisfied. To aggravate the danger which menaced the court from so many concurring causes, the wild theories of sophistical projectors, equally inimi cal to religion as to regular government, to beneficial liberty as to absolute monarchy, were fast gaining ground. In the latter end of 1788, the opponents of the king consisted of two great classes :— -first, the champions of rational liberty, determined not only to- prevent future encroachments, but to correct past usurpations ; to change the* government from an absolute to a limited monarchy ; to render its object the general happiness, instead of the pleasure of individuals, its rule the national voice, instead of the monarch's will. The other class consist ed of those who, not contented with an alteration of measures, sought an utter subversion of the establishment, and promoted n) Annual Register, 1789. %4& HISTORY OF THE XLm doctrines an<^ schemes, which would destroy all government : between these two extremes there were various gradations, 17Bg from the supporters of limited monarchy to the levellers of ali ranks and orders. The principal actors were at this time chiefly of the former division, or at least more nearly allied to it than to the latter; but subordinate agents, especially many of the literary men employed as efficacious instruments by the leaders, were closely connected with the votaries of boundless revolution. Many of the writers, in combatting absolute power to assist parliaments and vindicate the rights of the people, at tacked al) existing forms and establishments, and loosened the great cements of society." The minister seeing his sovereign in such calamitous circum stances, was more mindful of his own safety, than gratitude to his master ; he resigned his office, and sought refuge in Italy. Louis finding his own distresses, and those of bis kingdom, multiplying, and that the arbitrary measures which were sug gested by his ministers were producing effects so different from their predictions, and his wishes, resolved to adopt a new plan, He resolves more consistent with his own benignant character. To gratify Neckar tne nat'on> anQl procure a counsellor likely to relieve the coun try and himself, he determined to recall the celebrated Mr. Neckar. From this gentleman, so universally popular, and, indeed, the idol of their adoration, the warm fancies of French men expected impossibilities. They seemed to have conceived that he possessed a kind of magical power, which could pay off an immense public debt without money, and supply twen ty-five millions of people with corn and bread. But Neckar by no means possessed those extraordinary talents which were once imputed to him by the grateful subjects of Louis, and by that monarch himself. Strict morals and integrity even his adversaries" ascribed to this celebrated economist ; but the im partial philosopher!" readily discovered that he was a mere man of detail ; a skilful and upright steward, but not a profound statesman. " Neckar (says Bouille) viewed France with the "eyes of a citizen of Geneva." Native of a republic, he was warmly attached to the rights and interests of tbe people ; of plebeian exiraction, he too little regarded the distinctions of rank and of birth, and estimated them by the abstract princi ples of equality, instead of the actual institutions of an esta blished government in a great and powerful nation : his senti ments and habits of thinking were inimical to the privileged orders. Neckar was, individually, a man of immense riches, during a considerable part of his life, he bad been chiefly con versant with monied capitalists, and naturally attributed- more than its due share of importance to the distinction of wealth : hence, in every regulation which he should desire to frame, farmers of the revenue, contractors, bankers, and merchants, n Bertranii de Moleville on thc French Revolution, v. i. c. 1. c Bouille, p-ge?0. p Adam Smith. REIGN OF GEORGE m. 247 were likely to be more considered than the clergy or nobility : ^liu ' and from these various causes Neckar was chiefly attached to ^^^-.^ the third estate. With such notions and predilections he came J7gfl to the administration of France, at a season which required a statesman and lawgiver that could survey the whole circum stances and interests of the empire without leaning either to clergy or laity, nobility or plebeians, to riches or to birth ; and would provide impartially and effectually for the welfare of the whole. On Mr. Neckar's appointment, the chief persons of Brienne's party were dismissed from office. The parliament of Paris was restored to its functions, met in the middle of September, and Caused all the king's late decrees, which they represented as unconstitutional, to be publicly burnt. Mr. Neckar found thewhocoun- finances in so disordered a condition, that he advised a convo- Voca\ion of cation of the states-general as the only effectual measure for the states- relief. He proposed, however, as a preliminary, to summon aSeneral- new convocation of notables, who should deliver their opinion concerning the composition of the slates-general, the qualifi cations of the electors, and of the elected ; the mode of elec tion, the proportion of delegates to the wealth and populous- nessofthe several districts ; also, the amount and relation of members to be sent by the different orders, and the instruc tions which they were to receive from their constituents; and the 1st of May, 1789, was the day appointed for the meeting of the states-general. Two great questions existed between the three orders, the Question nobles, the clergy, and the commons ; first, whether all the de- concerning puties should meet in one assembly, wherein the concentrated jaiion „r '" power of the states-general should reside, or whether they the orders, should be divided as they had been at the lost meeting in 1G14, into three chambers, through which a resolution must be car ried (at least two of them) before it became the acknowledged act of the states.i Secondly, whether the number of deputies from each of the orders should be three hundred, as in lGi-i, or the clergy and nobles should retain their former numbers, and the commons send six hundred, so as to equal the amount of the other two estates : this was called the double representa tion of the people. These two questions agitated the public with great violence : if they voted by orders, a double repre sentation would be of no effect, as the two estates could out vote the three ; therefore, the double representation was pro posed on the supposition that they were to vote by numbers. The arguments for three assemblies were founded on ancient usage ; for one, upon justice and expediency. By ihe sup porters of the last it was contended, that unless there was but one assembly, the power of the commons would really be nu gatory. The clergy and nobles would coalesce together to de fend their immunities against the commons, who, in their own, q Voting by heads was the te rm applied to thc first of these alternatives, nnd voUng by orders to ihe second, 248 HISTORV OF THE xr'nt' Maintained the general interests of the people. If; their mm>' bers were not equal to those of the other two orders, they. 1789 c°uld effect no purpose of important improvement. The aris- andthcdou- tocrafical estates prevailing among the notables, that council ble repre- voted for separate chambers. In their opinion concurred the semation. parliament of Paris, which, though desirous of repressing the power of the crown, was inimical to the exaltation of the com mons. Mr. Neckar inclined to the third estate, but at the same time prpfessed a desire to preserve the necessary and useful pre rogatives of the crown ; but the means were not wisely adapt ed to the end. Neckar reasoned like an accountant rather than a statesman, and treated a question for constituting the le gislation of a mighty nation, as if he had been summing up the items of a day book in order to make an entry into a ledger i he thought that by equalizing the numbers of the commons and the two privileged orders, the one would balance the other j the states-general, like the parliament of England, would con sist of two great branches of lawgivers, which, together with the king, might produce mutual support and reciprocal control ; therefore he promoted the double representation. But though there would be thus an arithmetical equality between the two first orders and the third, perfectly satisfactory to an auditor of accounts, there was by no means that political equality, which would have satisfied a wise lawgiver, who proposed to establish an effectual balance in a constitution. If Neckar had discerned the actual state and party, he would have found that the partisans of the privileged orders among the commons were very few, that the partisans of the commons among the privileged orders were very inany,r and therefore, tbat if they were equal in number, the commons would engross the power which he proposed to be separated. Intending that the aris tocracy aud democracy should be a mutual equipoise, Mr. Neckar, to whose opinion the king implicitly resigned himself, in no small degree contributed to the destruction of the one and predominancy of the other. The minister entirely neglected the question concerning the consolidation of the orders ; an omission which prevented a corrective of the power which the commons were to obtain by the double representation. The parliament of Paris found they had lost their popularity by taking the side of the other privileged orders, and that they might regain the favour of the commons, published a decree which vindicated as the rights of a Frenchman, all the leading objects that have been attained, or indeed sought, by the best nnd most admired constitutions. The rights claimed, nearly ihe same as those secured to Englishmen, were such as must have contented all who understood both the extent and bounds of useful liberty. The chief heads of the decree were, that no assembly could be considered as national, unless it ascer tained the fallowing points in favour of the people; the perio dical returns of the states-general ; no subsidy to be allowed, r See Annual Register, 17S9. REtGN OF GEORGE III. 249 Unless granted by the states ; no law to be executed by the 'jjjjjf; courts of justice', unless ratified by the states ; the suppression v^*v«^, of all taxes which marked the exemption of certain orders ; jm equalization of imposts, the responsibility of ministers ; the rights of the states-general to bring accusations before the courts of justice for crimes ; the abolition of arbitrary imprison ment, by bridging before the proper judges every man who was detained;' and confirming the lawful freedom of the press. These claims were far ffofn answering the idea's of li berty now spread through France. The decree was regarded with indifference ; and the parliament henceforward dwindled into insignificance. The year 1789 began with very great dissensions between the orders. The nobility and clergy, which, In *1787j had refused to part with their immunities, now expressed -their willingness to take an equal share of the public burthens. Tho commons, far from being satisfied with this sub- The com; mission, proposed to overthrow all privileges whatsoever ; to F™n,c°ra|. reject every claim founded on ancient usage, or on compact ; to ready desire make general-equality the standard of private or public right. a license to« The writers of the time employed their separate and joint ingc-i z™^ j?brer, nuity in attacking the rank and titles of the nobles, and the te-ty. nure by which many of them held their estates; and French liberty, in the beginning of 1789, was mingled with principles subversive of rank and of property. Until the meeting of the states, the question concerning the amalgamation of the orders,' agitated thc nobles and commons, while the clergy appeared Undecided, arid ready to join the party which should prevail. It had been customary in France, in former times, when the states-general met, for the orders in each district to deliver in structions to their respective delegates. This practice! being instructions now revived, the directions given to the deputies of the nobles, from con- and to the deputies of the commons, by their respective 'ili|U™|Jlto constituents, very fully manifested the diversity of'thespi-i rit which actuated the three bodies. The instructions of the nbbility enjoined their" representatives to urge a reform of the: constitution : to strengthen the securities for property, liberty, and life ; and to surrender their pecuniary exemptions, but not resign their feudal rights, nor to consent to a consolidation of the orders.- The commons, in their mandates to their com missioners, instructed them to insist on the abolition of all dis tinctions, the abandonment of feudal rights, and the resolution of the different states into one mass. The injunctions of the nobility tended, if followed, to establish a moderate and limited government, securing civil rights to all classes of subjects, but preserving a distinction of orders and a subordination of ranks. The injunctions of tho commons, previous to their first assem bly, tended to overturn the other states under the weight of a democracy.* » Mr. Lftlly Totlentlal, in exhibiting the different views of the parties of thhv lime, observes, khr-commoii* wwhod to conquer, Ihe liobht* wished lo pr*!*rr« vol. ir. 32 250 HISTORY OF THE SHAP On the first of May 1789, after a cessation of J 75 years, the statesrgeneral of France met for the firat time. The pap? v"^r>"' ties which had prevailed throughout the kingdom appeared in Meeting of the states-general, and ranged themselves into three great di- th« states, visions. The first was the aristocratic party, determined to sup port the ancient form and mode of procedure, by a separaMon of the states into three chambers. This class was considerable fro.m the rank, talents, and situation of its. members. The second division was that of the moderate party ; its member? were, on the one hand, averse to assemblies of three separate orders, as tending to throw the legislative power too much into the hands of the privileged states, and, instead of an unlimited monarchy, to establish an uncontroled aristocracy ; on the other, they were inimical to the confusion of the orders* as tending, instead of reforming, to subvert tbe government. These were desirous of forming the nobles and clergy into; one house, upon a principle of reciprocal control, analogous tp the British constitution. The third division was the great and formidable democratic party, seeking and tending to overbear all rank and distinctions. In this class were to be numbered spine ef tbe most conspicuous men of the other orders. The extraordinary abilities of Mirabeau were em ployed against that estate to which be himself belonged. The first prince of the blood was active in promoting factions tend ing to subvert the monarchy- from which he derived his elevated Hank and immense- possessions.* Against the clergy appeared the bishop of Autun, carrying with him a great body of his brethren, and prepared to join the most violent commons in their- democratic, excesses. The Abbe Sieyes, an eminent disci ple of the new philosophy, penetrating, crafty, and versatHe> brought all his ability and address to. support the faction which his. discernment easily perceived about to be paramount. The literary men, a great and powerful class in circumstances that so much depended on public opinion, ranged themselves under the standard of the commons, pursuing measures so inimical to that tranquillity and; prosperity which best nourish the pursuits of literature. The monied capitalists, proud of their wealth, and enyipus of the rank which their opulence could not attain, were foremost in instigating measures fending to the destruc- what thoy already possessed ; the clengy waited to see which side wotildibo victo rious,; in, order to jpin the conquerors. t The yearly income of the Duke of Orleans was estimated at half a million sterling. A considerable part of this revenue was employed in acquiring popu larity, an«t forming, from the idle and profligate rabble through; thc provinces, but especially in the city of Paris, a numerous body of retainer*, ready to under take any service^ however desperate, at his instance. If his views, as has been alien asserted, were directed to the highest pinnacle of ambition, by a fatahty which often accompanies wickedness, the measures which he pursued for thed*^ si-ruction of another, destroyed himself.- REIGN OF GEORGE III. 251 tion flf that property which Only could prevent them from in- ^jfjr: significance. Besides these Classes, the third division included ^^-^, numbers of profligate spendthrifts, abounding in France, as in J78g all luxurious countries* Who Wished for a change by which they hoped to be better, and knew they could not be worse. The states being met, his majesty 4 in a speech from the Speech of' throne* mentioned his reasons for convoking the assembly : he lhe kl"S- noticed the restless spirit of innovation, and the general discoti'- terit which prevailed among his people. A great object of the states he trusted, wobld be to remove those evils 5 and they would manifest in their proceedings that loyalty and attach ment to the monarchy from which France derived such glory and benefiti The chancelldr spoke Of the advantages which accompanied a limited government, equallydislant from despo tism and anarchy. Mr. Neekar then rising, exeited in the au- Of Neckar. dience the highest expectation. From him all parties trusted for the nlosi full and Accurate information concerning everjt important department of public affairs ; strong practical rea> soning, which would demonstrate what Was wise and right tb be done at such a crisis ; with manly eloquence to inculcate the necessity of correspondent conduct : but allwere totally disap* pointed: his speech was loose and declamatory, abounding in general maxims of morality and politics, which were obviously true, but in no way illustrated the momentous subjects of de* liberation ; and sentimental effusions* that asserted the wishes of the speaker for the happiness of France, without explaining any means for its attainment On the great subject of conso lidation he Said nothing decisive, he merely expressed a desire ihai the matter might be accommodated. .<¦. Appointed. by his so vereign to address the national representatives, who were afr eembled to deliberate on great public difficulties, he neither stated facts, nor proposed means leading to extrkjftiori ; his harangue was totally inadequate to the office which he was chosen to discharge. The ministry were no less feeble and inde^ cisive in their, conduct than their language. The\king at this time possessed all the legal authority of the kingdom ; and though the states were met, they were not yet constituted, as the writs of election had not been examined. Hey by his esta blished authority might have instituted concerning their ses sions, any regulatibns Which should be conformable to ancient precedent and usage ; and to have refused compliance with his directions Would have been rebellion. Notwithstanding his possession of this power, his ministers most impoliticaliy ne glected the exercise of it to prevent the confusion of the, orders, and thereby suffered the states to become a democratical as sembly. The verification of their powers" afforded the first u Each member was obliged, before the commencement of public business, Jo present his writ of election upon the table of the chamber lo which he belonged. flonim issaries were then appointed by each order to examine the authenticity of 1789. 2*2 HISTORY OF THE jSfw" occasion to the commons of insisting that they should meet ih one chamber. Encouraged by their own strength, and the backwardness of the ministers, they very boldly asserted, that unless tbe writs were verified in their presence, they could net admit their holders to a seat in the assembly, and that both no- Pimmion bles and clergy would be illegal meetings. The clergy waver- *£n otfthir ^ ' manv o> the nobility were firm in maintaining the right* of nobiet and a separate verification, but there were great dissensions in that clergy, body. The commons, on the other hand were united. Mr. Neckar proposed conciliatory measures, which, from their inde- cisiveness, satisfied neither party. The nobles remaining inflexi ble, the commons, by a still bolder stretch of their power and influence, declared that they would constitute themselves into an active assembly, and proceed to legislative business. Many of the clergy, seeing the commons prevalent, nocked to their The com- hall, and were most joyfully received. The commons executed mon» de- the bold design which they had formed, and constituted them- jdvesaTna- 8e'ves 'nto a meeting which they denominated the National tional at- Assembly. This body so formed by its own act, rapidly ad- fembly. vanced in the assumption of power. On the 17th of June, they published a decree, intimating tbat they possessed the sovereign authority, and exercised tbe same by a very popular act, de claring all existing taxes to be illegal.* The king was alarmed at proceedings which changed the constitution, and tended speedily to draw the supreme authority into this democratic vortex : and began to be dissatisfied with bis ministers, to whose irresolution and inaction, he now imputed the progress of ambi tious violence. The princes and other votaries of the old go vernment, exhorted him to vigorous measures ;f they advised bim to hold a royal session in the hall of the states-general, which by assembling would suspend tbe meeting of that body. The king agreed to follow the advice, and on the 20lh of June he issued a proclamation appointing the 22d tor that purpose. The majority of the clergy having now agreed to join the com mons, the members of the third estate repaired to the baD. The king having appointed the same day tor the royal xesmoa, tbe guards were ordered to keep that apartment, clear until the arrival of his majesty. As tbe members of the assembly came to the door, they were refused admittance by tbe soldiers; the commons, from so violent an act, apprehending an immediate dissolution, retired to an old tennis court, where they bound themselves by a solemn oath never to part until tbe constitu tion was completed. Tbe majority of the clergy now joined tbe commons, and met them in St. Louis's church, on the all the writs immedtateiy belonging to inelf ; arid noli) tbU buioe*»wa* tmihtrl, w hk-b utoally took op teveral day*, th* it:id. Tho royal leiilon being opened, his iimjoiity proposed ^'Al tliu millluc* <>f n. new cniistltutlini i ho engaged to ontiiblish nn fW'tili tux, nor to prolong nn old Impost beyond Ihe lurni aitlguerl by the laws, wllliout tho consent of the repi'imiMit- atlves of die notion | he renounced the right of borrowing money, unless with tile nppitihiitimi of tile sltitt's ; there should be mi mid of pecuniary exemptions ; uml Mtrex dr attaint tihoiild retiMe with some modifications, lie cnnilemiiod the lute ileiree of tin* otmnnou*, which iiMMiinnl by their own solo net, tho whole legislative power of Ihe kingdom ; uml coiicluiled thnt none of the liiws entiiblit.heil In the preueat ntule>i-geiiet'al rould river bo altered, but by the free consent of future Nttiten- (reneral, and thnt they whould be oonsitlered ns equally Hitcrud wilh nil other national propeitien. On the other hunil ho de clared that nil tlthOM nnd feuthil rents Hhould he neeoiiiitocl propUPtyi nnd therefore Niicied ; mid Unit ihe hIiiIth Hhould he nilel'libled in three clinmbers Instead of one. The manner of the address by no meiiiw suited tlieoonulllatory profession!, nor Indeed llm Hultntunon of the proposition. It frequently Introduced the king's will ns the foundation of grunts, which in u government intended (o be free were iuuiith, not favours. In l hernial vos, however, the proposition! wore inch CIS :t. few yfliirs before, political ungodly could liuve not conceived thnt n king of Franco would oiler to hl» subjects. Ills nut jesty aoninitiud- eil them fo sepiuiito, and to meet tho next, day in the hulls of their respective orders. I''.i|iiitnble ns the plan wns in Itself, It re quired little penetration to perceive, thnt It would by no melius meet Ihe idtiai of the i-iiiuinons; thnt the magisterial expressions would i-ender it utill more impiilntiihle, Slid wero therefore extremely unwlie. The coimnoiin listened In haugh ty silence, while the plan was rending ; niul as soon ns the king departed, ahsolutelv refused to hretik up their session. Tho king's attendant* luiving reminded ihem of lit* mnloity'* order, (ho president answered, THE NATION ASSEMBLED HAS NO OH 1)1, US TO HECEIVE.* They paused it isolation declaring the uilherouoo of the assembly to its former decree ; and another pronouncing the persons of Ihe deputies .stirred Olid inviolable. The populace nt Versailles became violent in behalf of the commons. At Paris the ferment was still more Outrageous,* mid lucrousoil in proportion to tho attempts of,v violt'lirf . » Mlmhemt, who through noiite nrln niul mum1 mispn-ioiw luul iirnrlv hut hli popillnrlly, luul lit* ItoUlM upon Ihi* owmmuii I" iv klnit'i niu>niliiiii>. that noiliing- but ihp points ef hnyuuvti thoulil lurwi iIipiii «ut ol ilielr ahtOuW. n Nudum uf rlul»r« « n« moiv itciiv* in lh«> Prvur-h t (poi,«»imlr«) IUh>\vnin«u \ who In nthllllon lo the violence ol'tlirir ?i«lou In our own mcimpo hit, pfwtMtea' all Ihe (Jullie viviu-ilv. Ifnr MBesdinf Iho llilllii)jji|rtil» liur, In iVMe'ni'iHinllnJng lh«m««lYM«o volulnlity t>f invective, from time iiiiiii«mwi«l 254 HISTORY OF THE xr mi*' euner tne nobles or the court, to oppose or control the pre tensions of the third estate. The commons now found them- ,_ . selves so strong in the public support, that they affected to treat the king's system and declaration as too insignificant to merit consideration or answer. On the 24th of June, the count de Clermont moved, that the nobles should unite with the com mons, and was ably joined by monsieur de Lally Tollendal \ Firmness in but the majority of nobles would Hot bend to a proposal which thenohles. the natural prepossession of birth, rank, and custom, taught them to deem humiliating. Many of that body, however, were either connected with the popular party, or convinced that inflexibility would answer no purpose; and therefore joined the assembly. The people became hourly more violent against the majority of the nobles, whom they deemed refrac tory : outrage and bloodshed were expected. The members of this self created assembly had far exceeded the instructions of their constituents ; in assuming the legislative power, they were not the representatives of the people ; they were a strong and numerous faction, that usurped the office of lawgivers by force ; by force only could usurpation have been opposed. Concession never did nor can avert the encroachments of deter mined ambition. This was the language winch the princes of the blood,b and all tho firmest friends of the monarchy held ; it was indeed not the language Of choice, but necessity. From the attempt of the popular faction to seize the direction of the empire, the simple question with the votaries of monar chy was, shall we defend ourselves or be overwhelmed ? There was no alternative. The king was uniformly impelled by hu> inanity, and in the mildness of his disposition, seeking the good of his people, he deviated from that firmness by Which The kin"- only their welfare could have been effectually secured. T6 exhorts avert the dangers which he conceived to impend over the yield'0 unyielding nobles, he entreated that order to give up their judgment and determination to the wishes of the governing faction. On the 27th of June he sent the following message to the nobles, by their president the duke of Luxemburgh : " From the fidelity and affection of the order of which yott " are president, I expect its union with the other two. I have " reflected upon it, and am determined to nlake every" sacrifice " rather than that d single man should perish on my account* ¦• ihey had acted a distinguished part in Parisian mobs, and were noted for their ferocious anions. On so great nn occasion they were not slow in displaying their zeal and their talents. The sex likewise afforded another class of auxiliaries, more insinuating, less savage in appearance, but not less effective. These were the courtezans,' whose numbers were immense in that profligate city. One of the chief scenes of disorder and enormity was the garden of the duke ol Orlettns, whir ther the mob daily resorted, where hired orators inflamed them to every act df atrocious violence. tfc; b See Bcrtrand. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 255 " Tell the order of the nobility, therefore, that I entreat them ^fjp- " to join the other two estates; and if this be not enough, ^^^J^, " I command them to do it as their king— it is my will. If ng9 " there be one of its members who believes himself bound by At his mn- " his instructions, his oath, or his honour, to remain in thejesty's in- « chamber, let me know : I will go and sit by him, and die ul^Jfwji„y " with him if ; it be necessary!"' A long and violent debate the com- tflotk place, in which the duke of Luxemhurgh read a letter mons- from the count d'Artois, intimating that the- king's person might be exposed to immediate danger, if the popular fury was rousi ed; by their refusal. The question of union was at last carried in the affirmative, and the noblea repaired to the ball of the commons that evening. The proposed meeting of the orders became a popular convention ; and, from this moment, the constitution of France may be considered as actually changed, although: the commencement of the revolution be dated from a subsequent period. The popular leaders now saw that impe rious demand, would extort concession ; and on this discovery they formed their judgment, and regulated their conduct. The people, seeing the orders united, believed the happiness ©f France on the eve of completion. All parties agreed on the necessity of correcting the ancient government ; the only dif ference appeared to be respecting the extent to, which the re form should be carried, and the means that should be employ ed. It was hoped that- the presence of the nobility and clergy, containing, besides rank, so much of talents and of learning, might restrain the intemperate heat of republicans, while the ardent %eal and bold freedom of the commons might inspire and invigorate the otber states ; and that thus they should es tablish liberty without licentiousness ; but these expectations were entirely disappointed. The conduct of the court, having before exhibited such a mixture of rashness and timidity, vio lence and irresolution, consistent in weakness and fluctuation only, soon presented appearances that excited considerable alarm, but, much greater suspicion. The states-genera), since their consolidation, had been more moderate than at any other period of their session. They had already appointed a com mittee to prepare materials for the new constitution: monsieure Lally Tollendal, and Mourner, two of the most able and tem perate leaders,, were of this committee ; and entertained flatter ing hopes that the moderation would prove general. The de magogues very early endeavoured to cultivate a close connexion between their votaries and the soldiers, and successfully instilled the popular doctrines into these troops. In seducing the army from obedience to their king, thc democrats very liberally em ployed wine, gold,, and women, of which last article they had an abundant supply by their alliance with the harlots of Paris, di^are The soldiers now having their professional daringness and de- infected bauchery, without the professional restraints of subordination withlhe and military discipline, totally disregarded their officers ; left Ei^'m™' 256. HISTORY OF THE The king orders troops to approach Paris, M. Neckar tli^missed. their barracks without leave, repaired to the Palais Royafy joined and even headed the mob in their most enormous excesJ ses, while hand bills and ballads were composed'and dispersed, to spread the flames. The soldiers vied with the populace in their democratic exclamations and other excesses: the most daring and refractory being committed to prison, the people flew in crowds to the jail, forced the gates', liberated the captives, and demanded for them a free pardon. The national assembly endeavoured to accommodate the matter by exhorting the Pa risians to tranquillity, and the king to clemency. His majesty having no efficient force at hand was obliged to comply, and thus ended military discipline 'and civil government at Paris. The disorderly state of the metropolis, and the unfitness1 of the guards for re-establishing tranquillity were ostensible rea sons for bringing a great armed force from the different pro vinces. In the beginning of July about thirty-five thousand men drew near Paris and Versailles. On the tenth of the month the national assembly presented very strong remonstrances to the king on the approach of the forces. He answered that he had no other motive for his conduct, than the necessity of establishing and maintaining good order in the capital. He was so far from intending to interrupt the proceedings of the assembly, that if the presence of the soldiery gave tbem um brage, he was ready to transfer the states-general to Noyon, or Soissons, and repair himself to some place in its vicinity, where he could maintain a ready communication with the legislative body. The moderate members were willing to accede to this proposal ; but the popular leaders were aware of the strength which they derived from the capital, and would not leave its vicinity. They either reposed, or professed to repose, no con fidence in the king's assurances, and gave out that a plot was formed by the court to crush the nascent liberties of French men. The king now appeared evidently to listen to the sup porters of the old government, and withdrew his confidence from those counsellors who had been favourable to popular measures. The partisans of the ancient monarchy severely reprobated the conduct of Neckar, to whose republican senti ments and counsels they imputed the degraded state of royal authority ; and strongly urged the king to discharge a servant who from either design or imprudence0 had endangered the mo narchy. Accordingly on the 11th of July, Mr. Neckar was dis missed11 from administration, and ordered to quit the kingdom, t Bertrand, vol. i. p. 191. d Mr. Neckar kept his disgrace a profound secret, even from his wife, and re ceived company that day at dinner, as usual. Those who dined with him did not perceive the least alteration in his countenance. Afier dinner his wife and daughter invited him to take a ride to the Val , a country house situated in the forest of St. Germain belonging to niadame de Beauvais, an intimate friend of Mrs. Neckar's. He consented, and went into the carriage wilh his wife, but in* REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 25J" and with him the other members of the cabinet were also dis- ^jf '*f' charged from their employments. Mr. de Breteuil, a zealous ^^^ frieua of the old goverument, was appointed prime minister, im and marshal Brogtkt, wlio maintained the same sentiments, com mander in chief. Ou Sunday the 12th of .1 ulv, these changes being reported at Paris, caused tlie greatest despair and fury, and riots prevailed in every quarter. The rashness of the prince de Lambese, who, endeavouring to disperse a riotous body of populace, wounded with bis own hand, one who was said to be only a spectator, not only increased the tumult, but hastened tbe general insurrection for which the people were so ripe. The mob, with clubs, spits, and such weapons as they could procure, rushed upon Lambese's troops, and put them to flight, not without killing some of the number.* The following night Paris was filled with a dread of slaughter from the army, and of general plunder from the multitudes of miscreants with which that vast metropolis abounded "j but prompt in expedient, An army of they next day generally armed, formed themselves into one yatamteersfe great body with the professed intention of securing internal or-jy nisei. der, and defeuding themsel ves against external enemies. They The nation- adopted a peculiar cockade for the purpose ; and thirty thou-'1 CBckade' sand citizens totally unaccustomed to arms, were soon seen completely accoutred, and in a few hours assumed the appear ance of oider and discipline. The national volunteers came in a. body to proffer to the people their service, which was most joyfully accepted. Directed by the popular leaders, and in structed by their military auxiliaries, the armed citizens prepared to defend the capital against the approaching troops. They tbxew up iiitrenchinents, and formed barricadoes in different parts of the suburbs. A permanent council was appointed to sit night and day at the Hotel de Ville : and a communication was established between this body and tbe national assembly. stead of going to the Val, he toot th* road to Brussels, in order to be th* sooner eut of the kingdom. « This transaction of Lambese's appear* to ha\e been » i.kout any orders from the ministers, or any concert with the other military commanders. Though her* were several regiments of foot suitoned dose to Paris, none of them stirred ;o assist and protect Lambese's corps The total inaction of ihe troops, both on tbe sneceethac day and night, dnrisi; all which time, critical as the season was, and notwithstanding tbe preparations they knew- to be making in Paris, they ne- ter attempted to enter the city, seems, to exc-u'veie the court and ministers Sronn the bloody designs imputed to tnem by tne popular pa-i\ If such a scheme had been proposed, this w .«H have been the season tor its execution, w hen prevalent confusion and terror would have prevented any effectual plan of resistance. Weak ness ami lolly., indeed, csiedy characterised the ministerial councils of the lime. hlnou iajt that iu lottner periods the very appearance of troops had intimidated the Parisian populace, they without advening to (he total change of semi- meets and circuatstafve*; soetri v*.:r.\- to have expected thasame effect at pre- >¦*«. vnR. TT. 53 258 HISTORY OF THE XLm *n tne course °f tn's aav var'°us robberies being committed, the ,>,__. multitude seizing some of the thieves in the fact, dragged them j^oa . instantly to the Greve, the common place of execution, and hanged Ihem by the ropes which were used to fasten the lan- therns. Hence originated that most horrid practice of the French mob, making themselves judges and executioners in the same ihstant, without the smallest regard to law or justice, rank, age, or sex. They at- The next day was the celebrated 14th of July. The new tack the army, early in the morning, attacked the Hotel des Invalids, azine/'to6" and taking it by surprise, seized a large magazine of arms and procure ammunition ; thence they proceeded to the Garde Meuble, or arms. dricient armoury, forced it open, and distributing the contents among their own body, completed their means for defensive and offensive operations. They now conceived a much bolder de sign, which was to seize the Bastile ; but aware that this for tress was very strong, and limply supplied with provisions for standing a siege, they bethought themselves of attempting stra- fagem ; they accordingly negotiated with the marquis de Lau nay, and coming to the gates, demanded arms and ammunition. The governor appearing to comply with this requisition, the gates were opened ; a great number being admitted over the first bridge, the bridges were drawn up ; in a short time a dis charge of musketry was heard ; but whether from a precon certed scheme of De Launay, or provoked by the intemperate violence of the citizensj has never been ascertained.*1 But whoever might be the aggressors, when the firing was heard, the passions of the populace were inflamed to such enthusiasm f The testimonies on this subject are so extremely contradictory, that an im partial judge would find very great difficulty in developing truth, amidst the ex aggerations of infuriated passions. Where we can place no reliance on the decla rations of witnesses, our opinions must be formed from probability. De Launay could expect no advantage lo the royal cause from this partial massacre. Instead of intimidating, he must have seen that it would inflame the Parisians to still more x-iolent outrages. The cruelty imputed by the popular hypothesis was not found in any one authenticated instance to be a part of the royal policy. What purpose could it serve, from what motive could it spring ? On the part of De Launay, this hypothesis implies, that from mere wanton barbarity he perpetrated mis- ehief tending most powerfully to ruin himself, and injure his master's cause. Such a supposition is, no doubt, within the verge of possibility, but another view ap pears much more probable. The Parisians were in a state of the most violent rage and indignation against every supporter of government, and gave full vent to their passions both in words and actions. The Bastile they considered as a great bulwark of despotism', and the receptacle of its most-miserable victims ; entered into that gloomy mansion, whose horrors had so much occupied their imagina tions, and stimulated their passions : and viewing its guards, whom they consider ed -as the minions, of atrocious tyranny, nothing could be more likely than that their conduct to the soldiers would be abusive,- insulting, and furiously intempe- 'rate, and that thence quarrels might arise leading toa bloody catastrophe. 1789. REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 259 and fury, that the Bastile, the citadel of Paris, with its seem- ^liu' ingly impassable ditches, and its inaccessible towers and ram- ^ _ _' parts, covered wilh a powerful artillery, was, after an attack of v two hours, carried by storm, Pe Launay was immediately dragged to the Place de Greve, and miserably murdered. M. de Losme, the major of the Bastile, met with a similar fate, and equal cruelty. When the place was captured, the Pari sians loudly exclaimed, let us hang the whole garrison ; but the prisoners were saved by the intercession of the national troops. The popular rage now manifested itself in a species of savage- ness long unknown in civilized Europe. .They insulted and mutilated the remains of the dead, and exhibited . their heads upon pikes to applauding multitudes ; so dreadful were the in gredients already mingled with Gallic liberty. The victorious Parisians, exploring the gloomy dungeons of oppression, in ex- pectation of delivering numbers of unfortunate victims, to their great. surprise and disappointment, found only seven captives, four of whom were copfined on charges of forgery, and three only were state criminals. So little was this engine of tyran ny employed under the mild and humane Louis XVI. When the capture of the Bastile was reported at Versailles, the minis ters at first treated it as an- extravagant fiction of the. democra tic party, but they, were soon too well assured of the fatal truth. In this situation they formed the absurd resolution of keeping the king in ignorance of what had passed, and urged,, Broglio to proceed immediately to the reduction of Paris; but he answered, that his troops were infected with the popular spirit, and that he could not rely on their efforts. The ministers- and the princes were soon convinced that opposition would be ineffectual, and began to provide for their own safety. The count de Artois had hitherto used every effort to inspirit the king, and to prevent the downfall of the whole fabric ; but he now saw that the attempt was hopeless. At midnight, the duke de Liencourt, who was master of the wardrobe, forced his way into his majesty's apartment, and informed him of the whole. The king resolved on the most unconditional submission to the national assembly ; and repairing thither without guards, early in the morning, he declared he resigned himself into their hands ; and thus, deserted by its most efficacious supporters, at tacked by the combined efforts of the people, and relinquished by its possessor, fell the absolute monarchy of France; and here the historical reader may date the commencement of the French revolutions Louis arrived in the national assembly, and- having declared.. that his sole reliance was on their wisdom and patriotism, em treated them to use their power for the salvation of the state. £ The susceptibility of the French character renders that people very easily impressed by any address to their senses, imagination, or passions. A song that was composer} about this time had a still stronger effect than even that which is 260 HISTORY OF THE jj-jjj* He informed them, that he had ordered all the troops to quit i^p^_^^ the neighbourhood of Paris and Versailles : the Parisians how- 1789 ever being still afraid of sieges and blockades, proceeded with preparations for defence. They appointed M. La Fayette commander of their armed corps, to which they gave the name of National Guards. The capital was now a great republic, and it soon was so sensible of its power, as to give the law, not only to the unfortunate sovereign, but to the national assembly and the whole kingdom. The national assembly sent a depu tation, consisting of eighty-four members, with a view of re storing tranquillity. The Parisians received the deputies with every mark of respect and applause, but expressed a desire that the king himself should visit the city of Paris. This humiliating measure Louis carried into execution on Friday the 17th of July, under a full conviction that he thereby en countered the peril of instant assassination. He was received by a body of twenty-five thousand national guards ; and thus led in a melancholy procession, amidst the loud and continual acclamations of Vive la nation, while the ancient favourite cry of Five le roi was not once heard. Being conducted to the hotel, he was obliged lo accept the new cockade, and to hear an harangue from the popular leaders, charging the court with all the cruel designs that were reported to have been formed against the city of Paris. Having so clearly and positively denied this imputation, as to impress conviction on the most de mocratical of his hearers, he returned safely to Versailles, to the great joy of his friends, many of whom never expected to see him again. Meanwhile the princes, and some of the chief no bility, with many of the inferior courtiers, perceiving the popu lar party paramount, sought safety in flight. The national as sembly having signified a wish that Mr. Neckar' should be re called, that minister was invited to return to Paris, and other popular ministers were appointed. Some degree of tranquilli ty having been re-established at Paris, the national assembly proceeded to the formation of a new constitution. As the groundwork on which they were to build a fabric, they began with forming a declaration of rights. This manifesto was in troduced by a remark tending to show, that the ignorance, ne glect, or contempt of human rights, are the sole causes of pub lic misfortunes, and to avoid these evils, that it was necessary ascribed by our historian to the celebrated air Lillibullero :* this was the famous Ca Ira, both in 'the words and music skilfully adapted to the impetuous ardour of impassioned Frenchmen ; in rapid strains and expressions, it announced the im mediate downfall of existing establishments. * See Hume, vol. iv. chap. Ixxi. i Mr. Neckar was welcomed both at Versailles and Paris, with such demon. strations of general and excessive joy, that democratic writers compared it to the, {ransports of the Romans on the return of Cicero from banishment. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 261. to define and explain those rights. The declaration contains cJlf,p- the outlines of the doctrines afterwards held out by the various revolutionists^ and, indeed, is the text that has given rise to the 17gg principal class of the comments so long the subject of literary and political discussion. Here was the noted principle brought forward which founded legitimate government upon the Declaration natural eights op man. This theory, however, supposing0'' r'ghts: mankind susceptible of perfection, deduces its inferences from an assumption which it neither did nor could prove, and which daily experience disproved. Many of the remarks are, no its funda- doubt, abstractly true; but they are useless, because they do1"?11'?1 not apply to circumstances either existing or likely to exist :k fheRighis on this basis they proceeded to raise the new constitution. of Man. k The following is a copy of the declaration of rights; consisting of seventeen articles : I. Men were born, and always continue, equal in respect of their rights ; civil distinctions, therefore, can be founded only on public utility. II. The end of all political associations is the preservation of the natural and 'imprescriptible rights of man; and these rights are liberty, property, security, and resistance of oppression. III. The nation is essentially the source of all sovereignty ; nor can any indivi dual, or any body of men, be entitled to any authority which is not expressly de' rived from it. ,t IV. Political Liberty consists in the power of doing whatever does not injure ^another. The exercise of the natural rights of every man has no other limits than those which are necessary to secure to every other man the free exercise of the same rights ; and these limits are determinable only by the law. V. The law ought to prohibit only actions hurtful to society. What is not pro hibited by the law should not be hindered; nor should any one bo compelled to that which the law does not require. VI. The law is an expression of the will of the community. All citizens have a • right to concur, e.ther personally, or by their representatives, in its formation. It should be the same to all, whether it protects or punishes ; and all being equal in its sight, are equally eligible to all honours, places, and employments, accord- ing to their different abilities, without any other distinction than that created bv their virtues and talents. VII No man should be accused, arrested, or held in confinement, except in cases deurrmned by the law, and according to the forms which it has prescri bed. AH who promote, solicit, execute, or cause to be executed, arbitrary or- t7r!l°atii0, bep"™hed: and 'very citizen called upon or apprehended by ...virtue of the law, ought nnmediately to obey, and renders himself culpable by »J"^T,!rlaW0Ught t0imP°Se n°°ther pena,ties than ^ch as are absolutely and evidently necessary; and no one ought to be punished, butin virtueofalaw promulgated before the offence, and legally applied. w! d" ,E7y ",a" bei"S presumed inn°<*»« 'i" ^ has been convicted, whenever N detentton becomes indispensable, all rigour to him, more than is necessary to *core hi, person, ought to be provided againstbv the aw. 7 202 HISTORY OF THE Licentious ness of the press. Twentythousand literary men stimu late the mob to outrage. The practical operation of the principles immediately mani fested itself in the acts and proceedings of the national assem bly, and the various classes of the French revolutionists. Mani- f fold were the subjects of consideration; but the great and gene ral object was subversion of establishment. In prosecuting this purpose, the energy, susceptibility, and violence of the French character, were clearly displayed. Freed from all the restraints which not only superstition and despotism, but reli gious and salutary control, had formerly imposed, they now gave full vent to their dispositions. Their natural ardour was farther goaded to fury by demagogues. The licentiousness of the press even exceeded the licentiousness of the mob, and most powerfully prompted its atrocity. Twenty thousand literary men were daily and hourly employed, not as became superior ability and knowledge, in restraining vicious passions, and in teaching the ignorant the way to virtue and happiness, but in exhorting and stimulating them to outrageous actions. Never was intellectual superiority more disgracefully debased by the venal panegyrist of corrupted courts, or the hired encomiast of titled stupidity and insignificance, than by these adulators of an infuriate populace. But even in scheming and promoting anarchy and disorder, the inventive, bold, and ready genius of Frenchmen appeared. A confederacy was framed which in its institution and effects, exhibited a new phenomenon in the history of political organs. A combination was first formed of literary men, to associate under the name of a club, at their meetings to concert measures which might give the tone to the X. No man ought lo be molested on account of his opinions, not even on ac count of his religious opinions, provided his avowal of them does not disturb the public order established by the law. XI. The unrestrained communication of thoughts and opinions, being one of the most precious rights of man, every citizen may speak, write, or publish freely, provided he is responsible for the use of his liberty in cases determined by law. XII. A public force being necessary to give security to the rights of men and of citizens, that force is instituted for the benefit of the community, and not for the particular benefit of the persons to whom it is intrusted. XIII. A common contribution being necessary for the support of the public force, and for defraying the olber expenses of government, it ought lobe divided equally among the members of the community, according to their abilities. XIV. Every citizen has a right, either by himself or his representatives, to a fiee voice in determining the necessity of public contributions, the appropriation of them, and of iheir amount, modes of assessment, and duration. XV. Every community has a right to demand of all its agents, an account of their conducl. XVI. Every community in which a separation of powers and a security of rights is not provided for, wants a constitution. XVII. The right to property being inviolable and sacred, no one ought to be deprived of it, except in cases of evident public necessity, legally ascertained, an4 on thc condition of a previous just indemnity. REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 2G3 mob, and through their overbearing influence direct the decrees j? .&?¦ of the national assembly, and the acts of all municipal, judicial, and executive bodies, and thus make the whole power of France ultimately depend upon their resolves. These dema gogues invited into their society such of the populace as they conceived likely to become useful instruments, and exhorted them to construct other clubs, both in Paris, and through all the provinces ; and that such meetings should be connected, or to use a new revolutionary metaphor, affiliated together. These An en0.;ne conventicles consisted first of literary votaries of the new philo- of govern- sophy, who promulgated and inculcated suitable doctrines, sen- fhlenn;.n?" !." timents, and conduct. One of the clubs meeting in a convent 0f political formerly belonging to the jacobins, assumed the name of Jaco- esiablish- bin Club,1 which afterwards extending to appendant societies, c^j gained a superiority over the rest, and became so noted through- Their influ- out the world. In the first deliberations of the national assem- cnce ™- bly, these societies, guided by literary demagogues, and direct- afKiiatiort'. ing the populace, had a powerful influence. Many of the law givers were indeed members of the new institutions ; and those who were most inimical to the existing establishments, and to rank and property, were held in the highest estimation, and were really the directors of the revolutionists. Various in de tail as were the precepts of these innovators ; in principle and object they were simple and uniform. Their lessons of in struction, or exhortations to practice, may be compressed in a few words. Religion is all folly: disregard religion and its ministers. Every establishment is contrary to natural right ; pull down establishments. Order is an encroachment upon na tural freedom ; overturn all order. Property is an infringement upon natural equality ; confiscate all property.1" Such was^ the system generally received in the enthusiasm of reform, through a most extensive and populous nation, distinguished for prompt ness and fertility of genius, for boldness and activity of charac ter, and by its very virtues rendering its errors more extensively pernicious. To follow through the various and manifold details, the doctrines and objects which guided the national assembly, would be foreign to our history; but assuredly it belongs to our subject to sketch the spirit and principal operations of a revo lutionary system by which Britain was sojessentially affected. The licentiousness of Paris spread through the provinces ; Lawless and the peasants, having been long severely oppressed by seig- violence in norial tenures and privileges, conceived themselves now eman- l e C0Lmtr}'- cipated, and turned upon the proprietors with the most outra geous violence." Reports of robberies, rapes, and murders, The peas- daily reached the assembly. Landed proprietors apprehended ants turn on the plunder of their property; and some of the nobility, whose }|j[;i.proprie" I Annual Register, 1790, chap. i. m See revolutionary publications at Paris, 1789, passim. ¦i Bertrand, vol. i. u. xi. 264 HISTORY OF THE XLnF P0Ssess'°nS were very great, were seized with a sudden Inr-' pulse of sacrificing a large portion to secure the rest. On the J7g.. 4th of August the viscount de Noailles, and the duke d'Ag'tii- Some of the Ion, proposed an equalization of taxes, a nd an abolition of feudal nobility services. This offer striking the assembly and galleries with Sincea tne warmest admiration, excited in the other proprietors a wish large nor- to emulate conduct which was so highly applauded. The nobles lion of their an'Orvillier's running fight with admiral Keppel. See this History, vol. that pllr. i. p. 583. pose. b Bertrand, vol. ii. eha~. xviir 270 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, fbese amazons broke open the town-house; seized the arms ' there deposited, and meeting on the stairs a priest, required no *~*^^~' farther proofs of his guilt than his dress ; and commenced their They hang org-ios by hanging him to a lamp-post. With the yell of infuri- priests and ate savages ihey set out for Versailles, joined by Maillard, a aristocrats. ereature 0f Orleans, and a favourite spokesman in the Palais Expedition Royal, with a few of his associates. They proceeded on their to Ver- march : and meeting two travellers in the dress of gentlemen, they concluded them to be aristocrats, andhanged them without further inquiry. Arriving at Versailles, they sent Maillard to the national assembly, to demand the immediate punishment of the aristocrats and the life-guards. The assembly sent their own president with a deputation of the women to wait upon the king. The deputies being thus employed, their constitro- ents set about drinking — an operation for which their hasty de parture in the morning had not allowed them time, and the road had not afforded materials. In half an hour the greater Thewomen number of them were completely intoxicated. Thus prepared overawe ihe they broke into the national assembly, not only filled the galle- break^hrto' "es' ^ut <-00'c their seats among thc lawgivers, overwhelmed theassem- them with the grossest and loudest obscenity and imprecations. l>]y, and A.t last two of them, observing the president's chair to be emp- president's ty, took possession of it themselves, and dictated the subjects chair. of discussion. Such, even then, was French liberty ; such were the assessors who controled the deliberations of men as sembled on the most momentous business that could occupy le gislators. While the female army was thus employed at Ver sailles, the fermentation at Paris rose to an extraordinary pitch, and all classes of the populace burned with anxiety to know the result of the expedition. The national guards became so impatient, that they compelled their officers to lead them to Versailles, and declared their resolution to join in obliging the king to repair to Paris. La Fayette, the commander, though a friend to the new constitution, was favourably disposed to the person of Louis,0 as well as lo the authority'1 which the new sys tem had conferred on the sovereign, and was the adversary of violent republicans on the one hand, and of the Orleans faction on the other. He endeavoured to dissuade his soldiers from this expedition but found that the attempt would be impracti cable; he therefore tried to moderate its operation. As the guards made no scruple of publicly proclaiming their opinions and sentiments on national affairs. La Fayette and his officers easily discovered whence their present thoughts and intentions originated. The grenadiers informed the general, without reserve, they understood the king to bo an ideot, therefore they (the grenadiers) would not hesitate to declare, that matters must go on much belter by the appointment of a regent. As this was the peculiar language and doctrine of Mirabeau and c Entrant], chap. vvi. d B-juiile's Memoirs.- REIGN OF GEORGE III. 271 Other directors of the Orleans faction, there could be little doubt ^f,^" where either the politics or the march of the guards originat- ,s_^_v^, cd." Many of the soldiers also declared an intention of massa- im creing the queen. The Parisian guards arrived at Versailles late in the evening, and were most cordia lly received by the na tional guards at Versailles, the mob of the same place, and the amazonsof Maillard.r The most ferocious of the guards and other mob in the morning surrounded the palace, and, with dreadful bowlings, denounced the murder of the queen ; and the palace was filled with consternation. But Marie Antoinette was not frightened. Amid crimes, (says Bertrand,) alarms, confusion, and general stupor, the queen majestically displayed the sub- limest and most heroic character. Her constant serenity, her countenance, firm and ever full of dignity, transfused her own courage into the soul of all who approached her. On that day she received a great deal of company. To some who expressed uneasiness she replied, " I know they are come " from Paris to demand my head ; but I learned of my *' mother not to fear death, and 1 will wait for it with firmness." Her answer to the advice given to her, to fly from the dangers that threatened her, does not less deserve to be recorded. — " No, no," said she ; " never will I desert the king and my " children : I will share whatever fate awaits them." Some hours of sleep happily came to repair her exhausted strength, and to enable her to encounter on the next day, with equal magnanimity, dangers still more horrid. About half past five in the morning the repose of the princess received a frightful disturbance. An immense crowd endeavoured to break down the palace gate, and after murdering two of the life guards, ef fected their purpose. Dreadful bowlings announced their entrance into the palace : they soon arrived at the foot of the great staircase, and ran up in crowds, uttering imprecations and the most sanguinary threats against the quecn.B" Before six The mob they forced their way to the apartments of the royal con- assault tho Sort. The sentinel, monsieur de Miomandre, perceiving thepa ' ruffians, called out, " Save the queen ; her life in sought : " I " stand alone against two thousand tigers." Her majesty escap ed by a private passage into the king's apartment. Louis, fly- attempt to ing to her relief, was met by his' own guards, who escorted him1 murder ihe back to his apartments, where he found his queen and children^™™,' |"e" arrived. The ruffians now endeavoured to force the anti- the heroism Chamber, which a body of loyal guards defended with heroic °fhcr de- Courage ; but their number was decreasing under the murder- cncel!f, ing hands of the banditti. The assassins had almost entered a Annual Register, 1790, page 48. f llcrtrnnd inlbrins us, that this man was rather turbulent than malignant, and even tried to preserve some degree of moderation among his troop; which was certainly, in I heir present condition, no easy task. g Bertrand, vol. ii, p. 112. 372 HISTORY OF THE xVhT" lne aPartmen*- when the persuasions and supplications of Fay ette and his officers induced them to desist. Meanwhile, the 1789 furious mob in the outer court demanded the appearance of the king and queen : the royal pair was persuaded to present themselves on the balcony. An universal cry arose, To Paris, The king to Paris. Refusal or remonstrance would have been instant and queenJ jeath ; the king's assent was immediately notified, and the depart for furious rage converted into the most tumultuous joy. Within Paris. an hour began the procession, more melancholy and humiliating to the king and queen than any which history records of cap tive princes exhibited as spectacles to triumphant enemies. The sovereign of a mighty and splendid monarchy ; so long and so recently famed for learning, arts, sciences, and civilization; renowned for the generosity, honour, and valour of its nobility ; thecourage and discipline of its numerous and formidable armies; Mournful their zealous and enthusiastic affection for their king and his procession family ; the ardent loyalty of the whole people ; was now, with- dcd mor?" °uf foreign invasion or war ; without any avowed competitor arch. for his throne ; even without any acknowledged rebellion of his subjects, with his queen and family, dragged from his palace, and led in triumph by the off-scourings of his metropolis, the lowest and most despicable of ruffians, the meanest and most abandoned trulls. Farther From the 6th of October 1789, the king is to be considered 'J'pee.t'in£3 as a prisoner at Paris. Mounier, equally the friend of liberty and of monarchy, from these horrid transactions augured the downfall of both. He and other penetrating observers saw that the outrages were not the mere accidental ebullitions of a tem porary and local frenzy, but the effects of a general cause. He, Lally Tollendal, and others of the moderate party, who had been the vigorous and ardent advocates of a limited mo narchy, now seeing their efforts unavailing, seceded from the assembly. But the just and virtuous Mounier, before his retire ment, established an inquiry into the recent massacres. The national assembly followed the king to Paris. The republican party now began to express suspicions of the duke of Orleans, which they had before entertained ; though finding him and his creatures instrumental to their designs, they had made use of his agency as long as it was wanted. Become now so powerful, they thought proper to drop the mask, and intimat ed to him through Fayette, that his presence in France was incompatible wilh the public good : he was accordingly com pelled to retire into England. At this time the Parisian mob promulgated its resolution to take the administration of justice The exist- ;nt0 its own hands ; and accordingly hangedh several aristo- menPen-1""' crats (especially bakers) at the lamp-post. The assembly, dcavours to from regard to its own safety, resolved to prevent so summary quell the proceedings. They passed a very effective decree, by which h Annual Register, 1790. RETGN OF GEORGE 111. 273 ike municipal magistrates were obliged to proclaim martial £?£?• law whenever the mob proceeded to outrage. They instituted a criminal inquiry into the late murders; several ringleaders """""l*^""- were bunged, and terror thus was struck into thc rest. Some gevel.epr0. degree, of tranquillity was established in the metropolis ; midsections for the Assembly proceeded with less interruption and greater se-lllttt lHU" curily in its schemes of legislation. Such were the leading features and principal acls of the Effects of French revolution in 178!). Britons rejoiced at the overthrow the French of the old French government because so contrary to the liber- '"g."^;," ty which they themselves enjoyed. A change from such a sys- Detesting .tem they concluded must certainly be an improvement. They l|leoW S"- trusled that the alterations in Frnnee would generate a govern- m',Jj „„, „[.. incut similar to the British constitution. Presuming beneficial qimintcd effects frniii the French revolution, the n-roa test imrt of the neo- "llh "i° I • • J i ,1 ¦ 'l-il r ¦• !• 1-1 i. i now, bi mini pie reiqiood nt. tuts event, i lie generous feelings ol English- approve tin men sympathised with the nsserlors of liberty, before they had'hangc ns time and opportunity to ascertain its effectsoti the situation and i-,1,™.^ to characters of its new votaries, Men whose classical erudition Senimients hiul n greater influence in forming their opinious than experience of various ami reason: who jud«-ed of political wisdom more from the*1"8"8' practice of the ancient republics tbnn from history, investiga tion of chnracter, nnd circumstances, admired what they con ceived to be approaches to the democratic institutions of Greece and Rome. Scholars, chiefly eminent for philology, were, with very few exceptions, admirers of a system 'that they supposed similar to those which they found delineated and praised in their favourite languages. Literary men of a higher class than mere linguists ; persons of profound metaphysical and moral philo sophy, but of more genius and speculative learning than con versancy with practical affairs, commended the lawgivers of France for taking for their guide the " polarity pf reason, in- " stead of following the narrow and dastardly1* coastings of " usage, precedent, and authority." There were many who, forming their ideas of civil and political liberty from their owii abstractions more than from experience, admired the French for declaring the equality of mankind, and making that princi ple the basis of government, instead of modifying it according lo . expediency. This latter class comprehended the greater number of eminent projectors of civil and ecclesiastical reform, who long had considered even Britain herself deficient in the liberty which their fancies represented as deducible from the rights of man. Various political societies had been constituted for different purposes of reform, but of late years the most ac tive of them had manifested principles too abstract and visiona- i The instances are numerous, as the observing reader can entilv recollect without partieulariiafion. k Sec V indicia Gallici.r vol. ii. 3,-, 274 HISTORY OF THE xtm"' ^ to ^e P^cti^hly consistent with the British constitution, or indeed any form of government founded upon an opinion .___ that human nature is imperfect, and requires controls propor tioned to the prevalence of passion. These societies" praised the French revolutionists, and recommended their example as a glorious pattern for the human race. They sent congratula tions to the French leaders. A regular official correspondence was carried' on between the members of private clubs in Eng land, and the leaders of the republican revolution in France. Statesmen of high rank, and of the highest talents," venerating Uberty in general, presumed French liberty would render its votaries happy; and imputing the aggressions of France on this and other nations to the corrupt ambition of her court, an ticipated tranquillity from her renovated state, and rejoiced at a change that appeared to them to forebode peace to Britain and to Europe. These admirers of the French revolution were stimulated by British patriotism as well as love of free dom. The excesses they saw and lamented, but tracing them to their source, they imputed them to enthusiasm ; which, rea soning from experience, they trusted, though furiously violent in its operation on such characters, would gradually subside, and leave only the ardour of useful reform and improvement. The ablest men on the side of administration, abstained from delivering any opinion concerning the internal proceedings of a foreign state which had not then interfered with ours. At the end of 1789, by far the greater number of ah classes and par ties in Britain was friendly to the French revolution ; and its fkvourers included a very great portion of genius and learning, while none was hitherto exerted by our countrymen on the op posite side. Such was the impression which this extraordinary change of Gallic polity produced in the most liberal and enlight ened of neighbouring nations. 1 See Price's Discourse of the love of our country, November 4, 17S9, in Priestley, passim ; also, Writings of their votaries, passim. m Revolution Club and Society for Constitutional Information. n See Speeches of Messrs. Fox and Sheridan in session 1WQ. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 375 CHAP. XLIV. Meeting of parliament. — At the beginning of the session little debate or discus sion. — Mr. Fox lakes an opportunity of praising the French revolution — com mends the conduct of the French army in supporting the cause of the people against an arbitrary court — likens them to the English army supporting the prince of Orange — deems the French revolution in many respects, similar to the deliverance of England. — His friend and political associate Mr. Burke, manifests a different opinion — unfolds his view of the French revolution — con siders its principles, and the characters on which they are operating — points out its first effects, and deduces the outrageous excesses from its nature and doctrines — deprecates the French system as a model for England— denies the allegations of similarity between the French and British revolution — praises the excellence of the British constitution, as contrasted with the French system. —Mr. Sheridan concurs in Mr. Fox's praises Of the French revolution. — Mr. Pitt, praising the British constitution, delivers no opinion on the French system. —Dissenters again propose to seek the repeal of the test act. — Circumstances apparently favourable to the hopes of the dissenters — they are strenuously op posed by the members of the church. — Work entitled, Review of the case of the Protestant dissenters. — Dissenters trust their cause to the transcendent ta- - lents of Mr. Fox — his view of the subject, and answers lo objections. — Mr. Pitt continues to treat admissibility to offices as a mere question of expediency — deems the leaders of the dissenters inimical to our establishment— adduces from the conduct of the dissenters, and the situation of political affairs, arguments against the repeal. — Mr. Burke speaks on the same side. — Majority against the proposed repeal. — Mr. Flood proposes a plan for a parliamentary reform— his subtle theory is controverted by Mr. Windham — withdraws his motion. — Pe titions from manufacturers of tobacco, praying to repeal the law subjecting them to excise. — A motion to that effect by Mr. Sheridan — is negatived. — Fir nancial statements. — Prosperous situation of the country. — Mr. Dundas pre sents an account of our East India possessions. — Libels against the commons on account of the management of Hastings's trial — censured. — Dispute with Spain. — Nootka Sound. — Insult offered by Spain — satisfaction demanded.— Conduct of Spain. — King's message to parliament. — Parliament unanimously pledge their support of the king in vindicating the rights of Britain. — Dissolu tion of parliament. — Warlike preparations. — Diplomatic discussion between Britain and Spain. — Spain attempts to interest France. — The French nation is inimical to war with England. — Spain, hopeless of aid, yields to the demands of Britain. — The disputes are adjusted in a convention. THE British parliament had sitten so late in the preceding CHAP. year, that it did not meet till the 21st of January, 1790. In XLIV.' the opening speech, his majesty mentioned the continuance of -~*~sr***> the war in the North and East of Europe, and informed the 1790. house that the internal situation of different parts of the con- Me?;tlnS «f tinent engaged his majesty's most serious attention. Concern- ed as he was at the interruption of tranquillity, he was per- 276 HISTORY OF THE XLI?' suade<* n's parliament would join him in entertaining a deep .— ^J, and grateful sense of the favour of providence, which conti- 17g9 nued to his subjects the increasing advantages of peace, and the uninterrupted enjoyment of those invaluable blessings which they had so long derived from our excellent constitu tion. His majesty informed them, that during the recess of parliament, he had been under the necessity of adopting mea sures for preventing the exportation, and facilitating the impop. tation, of corn. The- addresses were voted without opposition or debate ; an act of indemnity was proposed, and unanimously carried, respecting the order of council about grain. At the be- During the first weeks of the session, there was scarcely any the"'e"sion parliamentary discussion, but afterwards some of the most there is little striking efforts of eloquence arose from a subject which was not debate or properly before the house. Such a momentous event as the Mr. Fox French revolution,, interesting all enlightened men, had very takes an early engaged the ardent mind of Mr. Fox. This illustrious oFprSsiris senator venerated and ad'mired liberty ; and contemplating the the French.- Gallic change, estimated its nature and value by the happiness,. revolution; which, he conceived, from overturning an arbitray government, it would bestow upon many millions. He spoke with trans port and exultation of a great people breaking their chains on the heads- of their oppressors, and celebrated the particular acts, both civil and military, that had been most instrumental in effecting the change. Asa man, he rejoiced in the subver sion of despotism, and as a Briton, in a stale from which he foreboded tranquillity to this country. When the army esti mates were under consideration,0 this distinguished orator first promulgatedito parliament his opinions concerning the French revoluaom The military establishments proposed were nearly the same as in the former year. Messrs. Pitt and Grenville contended, that'thouzh there was- no reason to apprehend hos tilities from any foreign power, yet the unsettled state of Eu rope, and the internal situation of several parts of it made it necessary for us to keep ourselves in such a condition as might enable us to act with vigour and effect, if occasion should re quire our exertions. It was (they argued) a preposterous eco nomy to tempt an attack by our weakness, and fora misera ble present saving to hazard a ^reat future expense. Our fo reign alliances had been approved by all parties, as necessary for the preservation of that balance of power in Europe, upon which the permanence of its tranquillity depended ; but they could only be rendered' effectual for their purpose by our ability to support them wilh an adequate force. Mr. Fox argued, that our ancient rival and enemy, by her internal disturbances, probably would be disabled from offering us any molestation for "i long course of years; and the new form that the government ^ February 9lh, 1790. See parliamentary reports. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 277 of France was likely to assume would make her a better neisch- ^nf' bour, and less propense to hostility, than when she was subject ^^^-1, to the cabal and intrigues of ambitious and interested states- 17g(J inen.P He applauded the conduct of the French seldiers during commends the late commotions : by refusing to obey the dictates of the the conduct court, that army had set a glorious example to all the military j-renck ar- bodies of Europe, and had shown, that men, by becoming my in sup- soldiers, did not cease to be citizens. Their conduct (he said-) porting the resembled the behaviour of the patriotic soldiers of England, a^Smiaa when the prince of Orange landed to assist in preserving our arbitrary civil and reliffious liberties : the French revolution, indeed, in Sc!url- ,. r i.i ii. i . i . i ,. i Likens them many respects, was like to the glorious event which establish- to the Eng- od and secured the liberties of England. li8" °™y To these doctrines Mr. Fox found an opponent in a very the prince eminent senator, with whom he had coincided during the great- of Orange. erpnrt of his parliamentary life. Habituated to profound me- Hllj 'n.e"d . ditation on important questions in political philosophy, and a"s0ciate',Ca thoroughly conversant with history, Mr. Burke had applied Mr. Burke, himself, with the most watchful attention, to observe the de- J^-fl-kent tail's, and to study the principles, of this extraordinary change, opinion ; He had reprobated Ihe old government of France ; and although he thought it, in the reign of Loui3 XVI. softened in its exer cise by the progress of civilization, and the personal character of the monarch, slill he deemed the welfare of the people to rest on an unstable basis, and to require very considerable re form before it could be a beneficial system. But esteeming ar bitrary power a great evil, he knew that unwise efforts to shake it off might produce more terrible calamities. He vene rated the spirit of liberty as, when well directed and regula ted, a means of human happiness; his respect for it, in- every individual case, was proportionate to- his opinion of its proba ble tendency to produce that end, where he had not actual' experience to ascertain its effects. It was not merely the pos session of it that constituted it a blessing, but the enjoyment of it to such an extent, and wilh such regulations as could make it subsidiary to virtue and happiness. Its operation, as a blessing or a curse, depended, he thought, on its intrinsic na ture, compounded with the character of its subjects, and, in a certain degree, extrinsic causes ; and he uniformly controvert- p Mr. Fox's expectation of tranquillity to other stales from the prevalence of freedom in France, even had there been nothing peculiar in the nature of that freedom, and the habits and dispositions of its votaries, seems to have arisen more from theory than from the actual review of the history of free countries. Had the comprehensive and full mind of this philosophical politician called before him his own extemive knowledge of the actions of mankind, he would have immedi ately perceived that free nations have been as propense lo hostility as the subjects of an arbitrary prince. See the several histories of the ancient republics in the Greek, Latin, or modern languages : in our own tongue, Ferguson, Uillies, and Milford; 1790. 278 HISTORY OF THE XLlv' ec*q tnose doctrines of the rights of man which would allow the , _ _" same freedom to all persons, and in all circumstances. Nei ther did heconcejve, that every one state, though refined, was equally fit for the beneficial exercise of liberty as every other state, which was not more refined. The control, he thought, must be strong in the direct ratio of passion, as well as the in verse ratio of knowledge and reason. Having long viewed; with anxiety, the new philosophy become fashionable in France j he bestowed the most accurate attention on the designs of its unfolds his votaries, as they gradually unfolded themselves. A sagacity, view of the ag penetrating as his views were comprehensive, discovered to revolution ; him the nature of those principles which guided the revolution- considers its ists, as well as the characters on which they were operating. andnthe'cha-Tne notions of liberty that were cherished by the French philo- racters on sophy he accounted speculative and visionary, and in no coun- which they irv reducible to salutary practice : he thought they proposed iino. much.less restraint than was necessary to govern any com munity, however small, consisting of men as they are known from experience ; he conceived also that the volatile, impetuous, and violent character of the French, demanded in so great a na tion much closer restraints than were requisite in many other slates. From the same philosophy which generated their ex travagant notions of freedom proceeded also infidelity. He had many years beforer predicted that the joint operation points out 0f these causes, unless watchfully and steadily opposed, would its e ecis, over(Urn c;vii anfi religious establishments, and destroy all social order. The composition of the national assembly, the degradation of the nobility, the abolition of the orders, the confiscation of the property of the church, and many other acts, tended to confirm the opinion which he had formed. Much as he detested the outrages, he reprobated the principles more, and foresaw that in their unavoidable operation, they and deduces would lead to far greater enormities : in the spirit and details (reous ex- 0I* tne new constitution, he did not expect either happiness, or cesses from even permanent existence. The vicinity of France to Eng- a'dd"'- ^ant' lliacle him apprehensive lest the speculations of that coun- trines. try should make their way into this, and produce attempts against a constitution founded on observation and experience,- and not on visionary theories. The approbation manifested by He repro- many Britons, both of the doctrines and proceedings of the bates it as French revolutionists, increased his apprehension. When he- fo England, found that his friend, of whose wisdom and genius he enter- q See life of Burke, passim. r This was ihe opinion which he had maintained of infidelity and speculative politics in general, in his vindication of natural society, and in his letter to .the* sheriffs of Bristol, and of French in fidelity and speculative politics in particular, in his speech after returning from France in 1773 ;* and in all his speeches and writings, whenever the occasion required his admonition. " Life of Burke, p. 161. REIGN OF GEORGE m. Sf9 tained so very exalted an opinion, was among the admirers of ^H^' the recent changes in France ; he was anxious lest a statesman to whose authority so much weight was due, should be misun- . „ derstood to hold up the transactions in that country as a fit ob ject of our imitation. Our patriotic ancestors had with cau tious wisdom guarded against the contagion of French despot ism, which had not only infected our sovereigns Charles and James, but also made some impression on many of their subjects. The danger in the last ages, he observed, was from an exam ple of tyranny in government, and intolerance in religion. The disease was now altered, but far more likely to be infectious. Our present danger arose from atheism instead of bigotry, anar chy instead of arbitrary power. Through an admiration of men professing to be the votaries of liberty, those who did not thoroughly examine the real features of the French revolution. might be led to imitate the excesses of an irrational, unprinci pled, proscribing, confiscating, plundering, ferocious, bloody, and tyrannical democracy.' He severely reprobated the conduct of the army : the abstract proposition that soldiers ought not to forget they were citizens, he did not combat : but applied to any particular case, it depended entirely on tbe circumstances : in the recent conduct of the French guards, it was not an army embodied under the respectable patriot citizens of the state, in resisting tyranny ; it was the case of common soldiers deserting from their officers, to join a furious and licentious populace. The conduct of the British soldiery in 16SS, was totally differ ent from the coaduct of the French soldiery in 17S9. William of Orange, a prince of the blood royal of England, was called in by the flower of the English aristocracy to defend its ancient constitution, and not to level all distinctions. To this prince, so warmly invited, the aristocratic leaders who commanded the troops, went over with their several corps, as to the deliverer of their country : military obedience changed its object ; but military discipline was not for a moment interrupted in its prin ciple. After enumerating the constituents and acts of the French rje o,,^ . revolution, he contended that in almost every particular, and in vens the the whole spirit of the traosacdon. that change differed from a^s,-{?n- the alteration effected by Britain. " W e." said Mr. Burke, tv between atook solid securities: settled doubtful questions: and cor- the. Stuarts. Tho remark was probably intended to account for their KaJ- % REIGN OF OEORGE HI. 283 come, more engcr in their expectations, more confident in their xV.iV" boasU, and more incessant in their efforts. For these and !-*!,. other i-i'tiHons founded on the Home principles, the most eminent ,„„ of the prelnte.H, thc body of the clorgv, and the friends of the church, called to the people to assist them in defending the ec- clenlmitlcnl establishment. Tho dissenters, to have an advocate pi«niter« of abilities proportioned to their conception of the importance J."1™^!/^ of the question, intrusted the discussion of their cause to the iiunwrad- brilliant and powerful talents of Mr. Fox; and on (he 2d of'^'J"1'^ March, Ihe orator brought t lie subject before the house of com-" mons. Acquainted with the arguments employed by Dr. Hors ley, and other champions of the church, he directed his reason ing chiefly to impugn their allegations, and pursued nearly the order of those, whom ho winlicd to confute. It was, he con tend^, unwarrantable to infer a priori, nnd contrary, to (he professions and declarations of the persons holding such opi nions, that their doctrines would produce acts injurious to the common wool. Men ought not to be judged by their opinions, but by their ni'tioiis. Speculative notions ought never to dis qualify a man for excising fin office, the performance, of whoso duties depondH upon practical abilities, dispositions, and habits. Tho objoct of tho test laws nt first hud been to exclude anti* His viow di monarchical men from civil officeo ; but such conduct proceeded "** *ubJecf> upon false pretences, it tended to hypocrisy, and served as a restraint on the good and conscientious only. Instead of a formal and direct oath of allegiance, they resorted, by means of a religious test, to an indirect political standard. The dan ger of the church arose only from the supiuo negligence of the clergy, mid the superior activity and zeal of tho dissenters, in discharging the duties of their gacred functions. History exhi bited the. dissenterH supporting the principles of the British con stitution, while tho high church promoted arbitrary power. When this country had been distracted with internal troubles and insurrections, the dissenters had with their lives and proper- lies stood forward in its defence. Their exertions had power fully contributed to defeat the rebellions in 1715 and 1745, to maintain the constitution, and establish the limnswick family on tho throne : in those times overy high churchman was a Jacobite, and ns inimical to the family of llnnover, as the dis- Hunters were earnest in their support. An attempt had recently been made, with too great success, to raise a high church party : the discipline, of the church, and the abstract duties which she prescribed, he admired and revered, as she avoided all that was miper-Btltious, and retained all that was essential : he ihcrofnro declared himself her warm friend. Individual members of the body he esteemed for their talents, learning, and conduct ; but as a political party, the church never acted but for mischief. Objections luul been raised for the repeal, from mi «!,»*« the French revolution ; but this great event was totally irrele- •? objec- yum, as an argument ngaiust tbe claims of the dissenters : it "ons" 1790. 284 HISTORY OF THE ^jjB??' had, indeed, a contrary tendency ; tbe French church was now ' paying tbe penalty of former intolerance. Though far from approving of the summary and indiscriminate forfeiture at church property, in that country, he could not but see that its cause was ecclesiastical oppression. This should operate as a warning to the church of England : persecution may prevail for a time ; but ultimately terminates in the punishment of its abettor;. He was aware that the cause which he had underta ken, was not at present popular : some of those whom lie most highly valued differed with him upon this subject. So far was he individually from having any connexion with the dissenfens, that in ihem he had experienced tbe most violent political ad versaries : but regarding their cause as tbe cause of truth and liberty, he should give it his warmest support both on tbe present and every future occasion. He concioded with proposing a more specific motion for the revision of the test act, than any which w:j= formerly made. Mr. Fiii Mr. Pit/, after arguing that efeibifity to offices in any coro- c«r -jes to murity, -a-EL= a question not of right but expediency, considered 2jy^L~ the test act noon that ground. Presuming the utility of the ec~ cfficef a? a desiasticai establishment to be generally trn.aied, be inquired ?ei,eJa4S- whether the principles of the dissenters did not aspire at tbe SziJ^' subversion of the church, and -whether iheir conduct did not manifest an intention of carrying these principles iato practice. Mr. Fox had proposed to jndge men, not by their opinions, 'but by their actions. This -n-as certainly tbe ground for proce dure in judicial cases; but in deliberative, the policy of pre- Tetrtion was often Dot oiily wise but necessary ; opinions produ ced actions, therefore provident kwi^rers arid statesmen mast often inre-riri'-e opinions, in order to infer probable conduct. Lead \r-.z dissenters, from their principles inimical to tbe church, a?? ^'^ had indicated intentions immediately hostile; and favourite ar- '•"'-STc-!:- gmnents i& iheir works were tbe uselessness of &a esiabusb- s™sereio- meat, and tbe probability that by vigour and unanimity it m'.zht !H*^ to be overthrown. Again?, soch avowed design?, it became ail '--Hi-SsL. those who desired the preservation of ibe church, firmly to gt:xd. AdtnlEsibility into olEce; of great trust would obviously increase *i.e power of the dasseneri ; the assenioBs of their advr.catee. that their theo'c-jhes. opinions bad do iudueoce oa their political conduct, were most effectually confuted by their own declarations- At a general meeting ibey bad subscribed resolution? reconuneMinz to touts to -import, at the election, sucb members only as favoured ibe repeal. Thos while they themselves reprobated a refigkm? test established by V:e con stituted authorities of tbe kingdom, they wished to enforce a. political test by tbeir own s*3fe authority. Perceiving tbejr general principles practically operating in conduct hostile to the efeorcb, be should vote agajnst z repeal, which in tbe presect C3TtuB5laaces be deemed roiurkns to our estabKslxiaeat. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 285 Mr. Burke, from various details and documents, endeavoured SPA*'- to prove, that the dissenters anxiously desired, and confidently expected, the nbolition of tithes and the liturgy ; and that they ^~*^^~ were bent on the subversion of the church.0 The arguments Theargii- recently and now employed in the writings and speeches of the nu-ni» friends of the church, the conduct of the dissenters, and the "P""811.118 downfall of the French hierarchy, placed in the most striking light by Mr. Burke, added powerfully to the effect of Mr. Pitt's reasoning, and made a deep impression on members of par liament. In a meeting consisting of about four hundred, Great ma- there was a majority of near three to one against the projected -„^'f^gl repeal. tl'il' repeal. The spirit of change extended itself to our political consti tution ; two days after the rejection of Mr. Fox's motion, Mr. Mr. Flood Flood proposed a reform in the. representation of the people in J^)^nefna parliament. This proposition, like the reasoning for the eligi- parliament : bilily of dissenters, was grounded upon abstract theories con cerning the rights of men. In a speech replete with metaphysi cal subtlety, he endeavoured to prove, that in the popular branch of our government, the constituent body was inadequate lo the purpose of elections. Electoral franchises ought to be formed on principles both of property and number. Electors l>i* subtle should be numerous, because numbers are necessary to the spirit ,neorv of liberty ; possessed of property, because property is condu cive to the spirit of older. Pursuing these principles through various theoretical niceties, and applying them to the actual state of representation, he endeavoured to evince the necessity of a reform, which should extend electoral franchise to every householder. In answer to this theory, Mr. Windham urged is conu-o- from plain fact and experience, Mr. Flood had proved by an Mrl wu^- arithmetical statement, what no one denied, that the represen- ham. tation was unequal, but he had not proved from political history and reasoning, that it was inadequate. Statesmen and lawgiv ers should argue from experience, and not from visionary theo ries ; we had no data to ascertain the operation of such fanciful projects. Our representation as it stood, answered its purpose, as appeared in die welfare of the people, and the prosperity of the country. According to the present system, it was evi dent that the influence of the people was very extensive and powerful. It was their voice that sanctioning, permitted the most important acts of the executorial government ; the com mencement and continuance of war ; the conclusion of peace, and the appointment of ministers were most frequently dictated by the people. Their weight was fully as great as expediency. their own security, and happiness admitted. Besides, were parliamentary reform generally desirable, the present a?ra of c To establish these positions, he quoted passages from the resolutions at the public meetings ; their catechisms ; the writings of doctors Price and Priestley, *nd other supporters of tbe cause. 286 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, XLIV. Petitions from deal ers in to bacco, praying to repeal the law subject ing them to the excise. A motion to that effect by Mr. bheridan a nega tived! Financial BtatementH speculation, change, and ferment, was totally unfit for the pur pose. Messrs. Burke, Pitt, and others maintaining the same ground, and a great majority appearing inimical to Mr. Flood's plan, he withdrew bis motion. These were the only great po litical questions which engaged the house of commons that sea son ; and there they rested without extending to the peers. Subjects of revenue occupied the chief attention of parlia ment, during the remainder of the session. Dealers in tobacco presented a great number of petitions, praying for the repeal of the act which subjected that commodity to the excise. Mr. Sheridan took the lead in this subject, and, having in a splendid speech directed his eloquence against the whole system of ex cise laws, by the fertility of his genius, in his illustrations, he gave an appearance of novelty to so very trite a subject. He came at last to the peculiar hardships of the tobacco bill, en forced the objections made the preceding year, and proposed a resolution, that the survey of the excise is inapplicable to the manufactory of tobacco. It was contended by ministers, that the arguments against this application of excise, rested on the testimony of dealers, who had derived a great profit from fraudulent traffic, of which they were now deprived by the new mode of collection. It could be no just argument against a plan for the prevention of illicit trade, that it was not sanc tioned by the approbation of contraband dealers. Was it unfair or illiberal to doubt the veracity and honour of a smug gler, when he gives testimony concerning his forbidden articles. The extent of former frauds was obvious in the productiveness of the late preventive means. Since its subjection to the excise, the revenue from tobacco had increased upwards of three hun dred thousand pounds a year.d For these reasons, Mr. Sheri dan's motion was negatived by a majority of a hundred and ninety-one to a hundred and forty-seven. In the month of April, Mr. Pitt opened his scheme of finance for the year ; having in general stated the prosperous situation of the country, to prove and illustrate his position, he recapitu lated the extraordinary expenses, defrayed in 1789, in addition to the regular establishment. Notwithstanding these unforeseen demands, though we had borrowed only one million, we had paid six millions of debt. The increase of revenue, which had thus liquidated so many and great charges, originated in two permanent causes, the suppression of smuggling, and the in- d From the statement of thc tobacconists, it appeared, that the manufacturers were about four hundred in nuinlier ; eight millions of pound* were annually smuggled. The revenue of which amounted to four hundred thousand pounds fil'-r- 1in^ ; th'w fiijrn purloining from the public they divided among them*elve« so ihai each manufacturer on an average gained a thousand a year, by cheating the pull!/'-. REIGN OF GEORGE IH. 387 crease of commerce.8 Our navigation1" had increased in pro- SPAF- portion to our commerce. This prosperity arose from the ' industry, nnd enterprise, and capital, which are formed and v-'rwV'' protected under the British constitution. A system productive prosperity of so momentous benefits, it was our most sacred duty to defend of tho against all innovations. Mr. Sheridan endeavoured, as in the coun,l7- preceding year, to controvert the minister's calculations, and through the same means, by including in a general average, the ¦year 171*'', that had been unproductive from causes peculiar to itself. The supplies for the army, navy, and ordnance, were nearly the snme as in the former year : no new taxes were im posed ; but there was a lottery as usual. Mr. Dundas about the same time, presented nn account ofMr.Dunda* the financial state of India. The result of his statement w'a>» SIScount of that the revenue considerably exceeded the product of the for- our' East mer year jK and that tho increase, though in some particulars, India pos- owing to temporary circumstances, was chiefly the effect of S08Slon'- permanent causes. The system of justice and moderation adopted A'om the time that thc territorial possessions were sub- e The exports for the yoar 1789, as valued by tho custom-house entries, amount ed to no leu a sum than 18,513,000/. of which Iho British manufactured goods exported, amounted to 13,'M)0,000/. Upon un average ol thc exports six years prior lo (he Amaricun war, which average he took on account of those years being the period in which our commerce flourished most, it appeared, thnt the British manufactured goods exported, amounted to no more than 10,343,0001. The im ports lor ihui yeur, amounted to a higher sum than was over belore known, being valued at 17,888,000/. This increase of import, which might nt first appear disadvantageous, as it might seem to lessen the balance of trade in favour of tho country, Mr. Pilt having traced to its real source, showed to arise from circum- stuneos demonstrating the wealth and prosperity of tho nation, ft issued in remit ted property from the F.nst and West Indies, from tho increased products of Ire land showing the growing prosperity of the sister kingdom, from tho Greenland and South Wales fisheries, being wealth poured in from tho ocean. f In Ihe year 1773, there bolonged to British ports, 9,Kl vessels, and 63,000 seamen; nnd in the year 17115, 1 1,08.1 vessels, and 83,000 seamen, showing an increuso ol seamen in 1708, above thc number in 1773, of no less than one- third. g The revenues of Bengal amounted to 5,613,999/. ofMudrns , 1,213,223 ol'Boinbny - , 133,228 »Mitir«-es of Bengal 3,183,250/. 6,971,4567., ol" Madras 1,S0V.,0S7 ol Bombay 068,710 6,053,997/. 5,063,997/. I,917,-i59/. lo this amount of iho net revenue was to be added 230,361/. for exports ; and tho sum of 05,000/. charges lor Bencoolen nnd Iho prime of Wales's Island ; leaving •n ihe whole, n nei sum of 2,1-1.7,815/. applicable lo the discharge of debts, nnd (he pui-i'liuse of iiivcstincn (s. 1790. 288 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, jected lo the control of the British government* had produced ' the most beneficial consequences both to the natives and to this country. The landed revenues being much more willingly paidr were much more easily collected. The friendly intercourse be tween the Hindoos and the British, had suggested various im provements in the collection. Fostered by a humane and equi table administration, the internal commerce of our India settle ments had greatly increased. Observing rigid faith with tbe Indian natives, we had to encounter no formidable confedera cies, which should at once diminish territorial improvement, and cause enormous expenses. Prosperity, arising from age* neral scheme of policy at once wise and liberal, must increase with accelerated rapidity. In a few years the company would be enabled to pay off their arrears :h British India would be more flourishing in wealth, in commerce, manufactures, and in every enjoyraeiit, than any other part of the whole continent of Hindostan. In the present state of our power, we certainly had no danger to apprehend from any European nation. Hol land was in alliance with us, and the French were not in a solu tion to disturb British India. We had still one enemy in the country, but without European, auxiliaries, unsupported by the other native powers, Tippoo Saib could not be formidable to the British force; Mr. Francis endeavoured to controvert Mr. Dundas's allegations respecting both the territorial and commercial situation of affairs, and rested his objections chiefly upon extracts from letters. These Mr. Dundas insisted, being garbled, were partial and incomplete evidence ; and resolutions formed on Mr. Dundas's statement, were proposed and adopted. The house voted several sums as a recompense for service, and an indemnification for losses sustained in the cause of the public. On a message from his majesty, parliament bestowed an annu ity of a thousand pounds for twenty years, on Dr. Willis, who* under providence, had been so instrumental in restoring to the country so valuable a blessing.'1 The salary of the speaker was augmented from three thousand to six thousand a year. In a committee upon American claims, Mr. Pitt represented to the house the losses sustained by the family of Penn ; their case was different from that of any of the other American loyalists, and therefore could not be governed by the rules which the house had established respecting the generality of cases. He pro posed to grant to them and their heirs four thousand per annum out of the consolidated fund. Mr. Wilberforce moved for the consideration of the slave trade ; most of the time allotted to that subject was occupied in hearing evidence, and no bill was introduced during this session. h The debts of the company for the last year were 7,604,-754i those of the pre sent year 6,501 ,385/. giving a decrease of 1 ,103,369/, i See this vol, chap. xli. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 2S9 The trial of Mr. Hastings made bot little progress during the ^iV' present session. Tbe court sat but thirteen days, in which the ^_^1 managers of the house of commons went through the charge |7~, relative to the receipt of presents, whicli was opeued by Mr. An- LiMs struther. and summed up by Mr. Fox. in a speech which lasted againe* d» two days. Mr. Burke detailed the circumstances which '*-^a*^c^n, tended the trial : the appointed mode of procedui-e had iiiereas- «t Hasinss' ed the difficulties and delays ; the managers had proposed in •"*'- the written evidence, to confine recital of letters and papers to such extracts as related to the charges ; but the counsel tor Mr. Hastings insisted on reading the whole of such documents, though mauy of them were extremely long ; and the lords had agreed tbat no partial quotation firom any paper could be re ceived as evidence : that either the whole contents, or no part should be adduced: and the resolution evidently tendiug to promote impartial and complete inquiry. Mr. Burke complained of as an obstacle to the prosecution. Ii was however, he con tended, the duty of the house of commons, and their managers, to persevere in the trial, without regarding any hindrances which might occur. He moved two resolutions to diat effect, and the motions were both carried. Mr. Hastings coutinued to hare a most zealous and anient advocate, in major \vu. who very frequently employed not only ins tongue but his peu in the cause. Scott had indeed a great propensity to literary ex hibitions : and sundry letters to editors of newspapers, arid se veral pamphlets, manifested his zeal as a pleader, and his firutt- iulness as an author. Aiu.nig ins other enusiiws was a letter subscribed witli his own name. in a newsoaper called the Diary: this essay contained many iujurious assertions asrainst the ma nagers, and also blamed the house of eotmuous lor supporting tlie impeachment. On the 17 th of May. general Buryroyne complained of the letter as a gr\>ss libel. Major Soon avowed himself the author : but declared that he meant no offence to the house. If he bad been guilty of an error, he had been mis led by great examples: Messrs. Burke and Sheridan had pub- ished s>roMg>i>!* libels thau ever he had written. After offer ing this defence. Scott withdrew from the bouse : several mo tions of censure were made, and various modidcaiions were offered. Mr. Burke was very urgent that an exemplary punish- ment should be indicted : the conduct of Mr. Scot: . be averred. had been extremely reprehensible : from the ecu;me:?ceiuent of tbe prosecntiou be promoted libels ostitis', the managers, and their constituents.1 After a long consideration it was agreed, k Bf«i;.-:*r e»" iSmsc jwA-uwo pttiB$>A: 2:-**. few wKl eoetrewst ^'.e laajers «pscucc OmsUV-t c-js: Sw orragar than aar whieafee wr««e- ! J|-.B.-.-i* ssii. he onus »reit sxsuwl. tbat kj» less thia tweatr aV.-jsas* jpsois iii.; t»sa eqvaJed ia fc^is saptwtktj Mr. H*siiir^ ; lix: ara^r Sc-ct ««c< ageatia aSfiKsc eases, ^aJ the enotsMs^ i&esfor .iiSs-feccss. tt*. v.. £7 290 HISTORY OF THE £?£?• that the letter should be voted a gross libel, and that the author should be censured in his place. V~*7J^X"/ While the nation flourished in the enjoyment of peace, an Dispute alarm arose that so beneficial a tranquillity would be speedily ivith Spain interrupted. On the Mb of May, Mr. Pitt delivered a message ka'sound0'" ^rom *"s majesty to the commons, and the duke of Leeds to the peers ; intimating an apprehension that the peace, during which Britain had so greatly prospered, might be broken. The following were the circumstances in which the message origi nated. During the last voyage of the celebrated Cook, the Resolution and Discovery having touched at Nootka (or Prince William's) Sound, the crews purchased a considerable number of valuable furs, which they afterwards disposed of to very great advantage in China; and captain King, who published the last volume of Cook's voyages, recommended the traffic with those northern coasts, as very lucrative. In consequence of this advice,-some mercantile adventurers settled in the East Indies,"1 and having consulted sir John Macpherson, the gover nor-general, with his consent they undertook to supply the Chinese with furs from those regions, and also ginseng, an arti cle that was likewise plentiful : for this purpose they fitted out two small vessels. The trade proved so advantageous, that in the year 178S the adventurers determined to form a permanent settlement. With this view Mr. Mears, the gentleman princi pally concerned, purchased ground from the natives, and built 4 house which he secured and fortified, as a repository for his merchandise. The following year the settlement was enlarg ed ; more land was bought from the country proprietors, and about seventy Chinese, with several artificers, constituted the establishment. In the month of May, two Spanish ships of Insult offer- war arrived in the Sound ; for some days they made no hostile el by Spain. atterrJpt> but on the fourteenth, one of the captains seized an English vessel, conveyed the officers and men on board the Spa nish ships, and afterwards sent them prisoners to a Spanish port. He also took possession of the lands and buildings be longing to the new factory, removed the British flag, and de clared that all the lands between Cape Horn, and the sixtieth degree of north latitude, on the western coast of America, were the undoubted property of the Spanish king. Another vessel was captured afterwards under the same pretence; the crews of both were thrown into prison, and the cargoes were sold for the captors, without the form either of condemnation or ju dicature. The Spanish ambassador first informed the court of London that the ships had been seized ; and at the same time expressed his master's desire, that means might be taken for preventing his Britannic majesty's subjects from frequenting mThc statement of the grounds of the dispute is compressed from the memori al 01 lieutenant Mears, presented to Mr. Secretary Grenville, which see in Slate Papers, 1790. REIGN OF GEORGE HL 291 those coasts, which he alleged to have been previously occu- $££/' pied by the subject* of the" catholic king. He also complain- ^_^^_ ed of the fisheries carried on by the British subjects in the seas n90 adjoiningto the Spanish continent, as being contrary to the rights of the crown of Spain. His Britannic majesty immedi- Sanction t.tely demanded adequate satisfaction to the individuals injured, ' em and to the British nation for the insult which had been offered. The viceroy of Mexico had restored one of the vessels," but bad ^"'ilct ^ not thereby satined the nation; on the contrary, the court of ! Spain professed to five up the ships as a favour, not as a right, and asserted a direct claim to exclusive sovereignty, naviga tion, and commerce, in the territories, coasts, and seas in that part of the world. His majesty, far from admitting this allega tion, made a fresh demand for satisfaction, and having also re ceived intelligence that considerable armaments were equipping in the ports of Spain, he judged it necessary to prepare on his »ide for acting with vigour and effect in supporting the rights and interests of Britain. The message from the king stated The king's the injury and insult, tbe satisfaction demanded, the reply, foe'^Ymnent. second demand, the subsequent conduct of Spain, and the mea sures of Britain arising from tbat conduct: it farther recom mended to his faithful commons, to enable him lo make such augmentations to bis forces as wight be eventually necessary. His majesty earnestly wished that the wisdom and equity of Ibe catholic king might render that satisfaction which was un questionably due, and that this affair might so terminate as to prevent future misunderstanding, continue and confirm har mony and friendship between the two nations, which his majes ty would ever endeavour to maintain and improve by all means consistent with the dignity of the crown, and essential inte rests of his subjects.0 The message being taken into consideration, Mr. Pitt de clared, whatever the house must feel on the subject of hi3 ma jesty's communication, he was too well assured of the public spirit of every member, to conceive that any difference of opinion could arise as fo the measures which such circumstan ces would make it necessary to adopt. From the facts stated in the message., it appeared that British subjects had been forci bly interrupted in a traffic which they had carried on for years without molestation, ia parts of America where they had an incontrovertible right of trading, and in places to which no country could claim an exclusive right of commerce and navi gation. Ships had been seized, restitution and satisfaction de manded, but without effect : the court of Madrid had advanc- n The > lop and crew (they said) had been released ly the viceroy of Mexico, oo tbe supposition, as he declared, that nothing hut ignorance of the right! of Spain could have induced the merchants in question to attempt any eitaW" Winter'. on that coast. o =?ve Stale Pa'ien, M*r 25, W> 292 HISTORY OF THE X^rV*' ed a claim to the exclusive rights of navigation in those seas', ,^^__^ that was unfounded, exorbitant, and indefinite : in its conse- j7go quences aiming destruction at our valuable fisheries in the southern ocean, and tending to the annihilation of a commerce, which we were just beginning to carry on to the profit of the country, in hitherto unfrequented parts of the globe; it was therefore necessary and incumbent upon the nation to adopt measures which might in future prevent any such disputes. Much as we wished for peace, we must be prepared for war, if Spain continued to refuse satisfaction for the aggres sion, and to assert claims totally inconsistent with the rights of independent navigators, to lands which being before un appropriated, they should make their own by occupancy and labour. He therefore moved an address conformable to the message. On a subject which involved both the interest and honour of the country, there was but one sentiment in both houses of parliament. No British senator could bear without indignant resentment, such an imperious assumption by any foreign: power; and in the commons, the first to declare his cordial support was Mr. Fox ; he however blamed the minister for having so very lately afforded such a flattering prospect of the continuance of peace, when before that time he had known from the Spanish ambassador, the principal grounds off his majesty's message. It was replied that this animad version was founded on a misapprehension of fact: at the period mentioned, government did not know the extent of the Spanish claims, nor the preparations that were carried on Parliament In the Spanish ports. An unanimous address was presented nnanimous- ^y parliament, assuring his majesty of their determination to their sup- afford him the most zealous and effectual support for main- port of the taining the dignity of his crown, and the essential interests dicfti'nVthe 0I" h's dominions.? This address was soon followed by a vote rights of of credit of a million for the purpose of carrying into effect the Britain. warlike preparations that might be necessary. Motions were afterwards made in both houses, for papers that might illus* trate the groundsofthe dispute, but they were resisted upon anes- tablished rule, founded in wise policy, and sanctioned by uniform precedent, that no papers relating to a negotiation with a foreign power should be produced while such negotiation is pending. On the 10th of June, his majesty closed the session with a speech, in which he acquainted the two houses that he had yet received no satisfactory answer from Madrid, and was therefore under the necessity of continuing to proceed with expedition and vigour in preparations for war, in the prosecu tion of which he had received the strongest assurances from hisv allies, of their determination to fulfil the engagements of thfe p See State Papers, May 26, 1790. REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 233 XLIV. 1790. existing treaties. His majesty announced his intention of im- CH AP. mediately dissolving the present parliament ; and in signifying this determination, he thanked them for the proofs they had given of affectionate and unshaken loyalty to his person, their Uniform and zealous regard for the true principles of our inva luable constitution, and their unremitting attention to the hap piness and prosperity of the country. In a very concise, but comprehensive and strong summary, his majesty exhibited the effects of their exertions. " The rapid increase (he said) " of our manufactures, commerce, and navigation, the addition- " al protection and security afforded to the distant possessions "of the empire, the provisions for the good government of *' India, the improvement of the public revenue, and the esta- " blishment of a permanent system for the gradual reduction " of the national debt, have furnished the best proofs of your " resolution in encountering the difficulties with Which you " had to contend, and of your steadiness and perseverance in " those measures which were best adapted to promote the es- " seutial and lasting interests of my dominions." His majesty farther emphatically added, " The loyalty and public spirit, " the industry and enterprise of my subjects, have seconded " your exertions. On their sense of the advantages which " they at present experience, as well as on their uniform and "affectionate attachment to my person and government, I "rely for the continuance of that harmony and confidence, the " happy effects of which have so manifestly appeared during " the present parliament, and which must at all times afford " the surest means of meeting the exigences of war, or of cul- " tivating with increasing benefit the blessings of peace." The Dissolution parliament was dissolved the following day by proclamation. of P*rua- The preparations for maintaining our rights against aggres- Warlike sion were carried on wilh vigour and expedition, proportioned prepara- to the resources of so potent a nation. But it being the inten- tl0ns' tion of the British government to avoid hostilities, unless abso lutely necessary for the national honour and security, Mr. Fitz herbert was Sent to Madrid with full powers te settle the dis putes between the Spanish and British nations, in a decisive manner. The grounds of the Spanish claims were set forth in Diplomatic, a declaration to all the European courts, dated the 4th of June, ?is™ss!o" 1790,'! and more specifically detailed in a memorial delivered Bt'katn'anfl the 13th of June, to Mr. Fitzherbert, the British ambassador.' Spain. According to these statements, Spain had a prescriptive right. to the exclusive navigation, commerce, and property of Spanish America and the Spanish West Indies. The various treaties With England had recognised that right : in the treaty of Utrecht, which was still in force, Spain and England had agreed, that the navigation and commerce of the West Indies, under the dominion of Spain, should remain in the precise situation q Sl»te Paperi, 1790. r State Papers, 1790. 294 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. XLIV. 1790. Spain at tempt1; to interestI'Ynnce. The French nation is adverse to ¦war wilh England. Spain, hopeless of aid, yields in which they stood in the reign of his catholic majesty Charles II. It was stipulated that Spain should never grant to any na tion, permission to trade with her American dominions, nor cede to any other power any part of these territories.8 These rights extended to Nootka Sound ; and though Spain had not planted colonies in every part of these dominions, still they were within the line of demarcation that had been always admitted. On the part of England it was answered,1 that though the treaty of Utrecht, and subsequent conventions recognised the rights of Spain to her dominions in America, and in the West Indies, to be on the same footing as in the reign of Charles II. and we were still willing to adhere to that recognition, the admission by no means proved that Nootka Sound made part of those ter ritories. By the plainest maxims of jurisprudence, whatever is common belongs to the first occupier ; but the right co-exten sive with occupancy is by occupancy determined : every nation, like every individual, has a right to appropriate whatever they can acquire without trespassing on the previous appropriations of others. The English had a right to possess as much of the desert coast of America as they could occupy or cultivate. The Spaniards not having established their claims by either occu pancy or labour, proved no right to the exclusive property of Nootka Sound. The seizure, therefore, of the British vessels and British effects, was an injury and an insult for which Britain demanded restitution and satisfaction. The language of British justice demanding what British power could so easily enforce from any aggressor that dared to provoke its vengeance, was represented by Spain as haughty and menacing ; and various difficulties occurred before matters were brought to a decision. The Spaniards professed a desire of conciliation, but were really endeavouring to interest the. French government in their behalf; and the royal family of France was sufficiently disposed to support the. Bourbon compact; but Ihe king had now lost the power of giving effect to this agreement. The national assem bly decreed an armament of fourteen ships of the line, but avowedly to protect their own commerce and colonies, and to embrace no measures that were not. purely defensive ; and this resolution highly gratified the people, who were not then dis posed to go to war with England. Though the preparations of Spain were vigorous as far as her power and resources ad mitted, yet her fleets consisting of seventy ships of the line, manned by such sailors as she could collect, was little able to cope with the navy of England, amounting to one hundred and fifty eight ships of the line, manned by British seamen. Find- ino- no prospect of effectual assistance from France, and con- s The object of this stipulation was, to exclude France, which wns become so closely connected with Spain, from any share in her American trade or pas- sessions. t State Papers, 1790 ; Mr. Fitaherbm's answer to the Spanish memcrial. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 295 scious of her own inability to contend with England, Spain be- ^iv • gan to mingle proffers of concession with her former declara tions of pacific intention. Mr. Fitzherbert having persisted in ng0 his demands, without relaxing the claims, the Spanish court on l0 lhe &'_ the 24th of July, issued a declaration testifying their willingness mands of to comply fully with the demands of his Britannic majesty, by Ihe^iis- /rendering satisfaction and compensation. In order to mitigate puies are to the people of Spain the bitterness of a just concession, ex- adjusted in torted by fear, the declaration" set forth that his catholic ma- ^on3nvcn" jesty was fully persuaded the king of Britain would act to him in the same manner, under similar circumstances. Mr. Fitzher bert having accepted the declaration, all differences between the courts of Madrid and London were terminated with proper formality and precision, by a convention" between his Britannic majesty and the king of Spain, signed at the Escurial, on the 28th of October, 1790. The settlement at Nootka Sound was restored, a full liberty of trade to all the northwest coasts of America, and navigation and fishery in the southern pacific were confirmed to England. Both nations were equally re stricted from attempting any settlement nearer to Cape Horn titan the most southerly plantations already established by Spain. It was agreed, that should any ground of complaint thereafter arise, no violence should be committed, but the case should be reported to the respective courts, who would bring it to an ami cable termination. The declaration of the 24th of July having been received in England, and the result communicated by the duke of Leeds, secretary of state, to the lord-mayor, and published in the Ga zette extraordinary, afforded great pleasure to the nation; but the convention completed the satisfaction of the people, who deemed it equally honourable and advantageous to Britain; as the minister, without involving the country in a war, had obtain ed every compensation which justice could demand ; and had shown to other powers, that bbjtish subjects were not to be MOLESTED WITH IMPUNITY. u State Papers, July 24, 1790. x Slate Papers, October 23, 1790. 29& HISTORY OF THE CHAP. XLV. Continental affuirs, — Measures of Britain and her ahies for counteracting the am bition of Joseph and Catharine. — Poland friendly tp the defensive alliance. — Death of Joseph. JI. emperor of Gerrnany; and character, — Leopold his suc cessor moderate and pacific— -He agrees to open a congress at Reichenbach. — Military operations between the Austrians and Turks ; bloody but indecisive. — Habitual prepossessions of Kaunitz and Hertsberg. — Liberal and wise policy of Britain, and ability of Ewart. — Peace between Austria and Turkey, under the, guarantee of the defensive alliance. — Operations between Russia and Tur key.— Siege of Ismail. — Desperately valiant defence.— Stormed. — Cruel and dreadful slaughter. — Campaign between Sweden and Prussia — Peace between Russia and Sweden. — State of affairs in the Netherlands. — Rise of a democrat ical spirit. — Its votaries propose to subvert the constituted authorities. — Con tests between the aristocratical and democratical revolutionists. — Leopold pro- poses to avail himselfof their dissensions. — He offers to redress their real griev ances, but vindicates his right to the sovereignty. — Britain and her allies medi ate between the Flemings and LeopoId.-^-Under their guarantee the Nether lands are restored to their ancient privileges. — They obtain further concessions from Leopold. — They find their security in their ancient mixed government.— Proceedings of the French revolutionists in forming -the new constitution.— Qualification of active citizens, — preclude universal suffrage. — Division into departments. — 'New and comprehensive principle of financial legislation.— Confiscation of clerical property ..— Ci vie oath .-^-Scheme for converting the spoils of the clergy into ready money. — Boundless power of ihe mob. — The multitude, civil and military, destitute of r«ligion.-r-Mixtnre of ridiculous levi ty and serious iniquity. — Anucharsis Clootz ambassador from the whole hu man race. — Abolition of titles and hereditary nobility. — Summary of changes within the year— Anniversary-eelebration of the 14th of July in th,« field of Mars.. — Federal oath. — Violent proceedings against those who refused it.-— Britain. — The1 French revolution is better understood. — Mr. Phi and his friends forbear discussion of its merits — Majority of literary men favour the new sys tem though they censure its excesses. — Sentiments pf Mr. Fox. — The clergy are alarmed by the infidelity and confiscation of the revolutionary system. — Burke's work on the subject — effects. — General election. at ap XLV. ' WHILE Britain was thus successfully employed in secur- -^*-v~s_/ ing the blessings of peace to herself, she was desirous of also 1790. extending them to others. The grand scheme of confederacy Continental wnjcb, was formed by Kaunitz for uniting the great continental Measures of powers, had been discomfited by the co-operating talents of Britain and William Pitt the English minister, and Frederick the Prussian herai"raSlt°rkin£- The alliance having since been renewed between the ingThe ani- two empires, and endangering the balance of power, had stimu- bition of iated the son of Pitt, and Frederick's counsellors, to form a cXhrined new plan of defensive confederation, to counteract the ambi- REIGN OF GEORGE III. 297 iious designs of Russia and Austria.y Their project Was so ex- jLV ' tended as to embrace all those states which were likely to be ^^^^ affected by the imperial aggressors. Poland, Sweden, and 179q Turkey, were equally interested in forming a part of this con federacy. Mr. Ewart, British ambassador at Berlin, a man of great abilities, and extensive political knowledge, having at tained very considerable influence with the Prussian court, em ployed it in promoting the purposes of the defensive alliance. This minister, viewing the situation and productiveness of Po land, saw that it might be rendered the source of immense po litical benefit to the confederacy, and might ultimately produce important commercial advantages to Great " Britain. Poland might be rendered a formidable barrier to the designs of Russia ; and the acquisitions which Prussia might obtain by another dismemberment of Poland, would not contribute so essentially to. her security as tbe independence of the Polish monarchy ; it was, therefore, the interest of Prussia to support and strengthen that neighbour.1 The Poles themselves were made sensible that it would be mutually beneficial to Prussia and their country lo be closely connected. Having long nourished the most in dignant resentment against the Russians, their rage was recently inflamed by the insolence of the imperial confederates, who, without asking their consent, bad stationed large bodies pf troops in their territories, and even urged them to enter into an alliance .against Turkey, a power which had been always friendly to Poland ; induced by these considerations, they readily acceded to the defensive union, and made vigorous preparations. Poland This confederacy, when joined to the belligerent opposers of l'.ien.dl/ '° the two empires, constituted a sextuple* alliance, comprehend- sn?ean;.' ing Great Britain, Prussia, Holland, Sweden, Poland, and Tur-ance, key. Its first and principal object was to save the Ottoman empire from the grasp of the imperial confederates ; and to aff'-rd to the contracting parties reciprocal protection from the boundless ambition of the combined aggressors. Not only to liberate Poland from its subjection to Catharine, but to draw to the English ports the numerous productions, naval and com mercial, of that extensive and fertile country, formed a second ary, but essential object of British policy. As negotiation was the first purpose of the powers which were not actually engaged, they made overtures for a congress, which, though rejected by Russia, they, from .a recent change in the sovereignty of Au stria,) expected to meet with a more favourable reception frotn that power. Joseph II. emperor pf Germany, whpse life had been chiefly Death of • distinguished for extent ,and variety of project terminating in em^e'or of disappointment, had long laboured under bodily distemper ; /if Germany. ¦/ >, y Segur's History pf Frederick, William, vol. ii. p. 136. z (linage's Annual Register, 1791. — Scgur, vol. ii. passim. a Otridge's Annual Register, 1791, chap. 1. VOL, II. SS 232 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. n0{ caused in its origin, increased in its operation, and accele- ^---L. rated in its effects, by the distresses of a mind impatient of crosses J7g0 encountered from its own injustice, precipitancy, and folly; The gleam of success from Turkey was soon forgotten inthe gloomy prospect which opened from the Netherlands. The unbounded spirit of reform had produced subversion ; Ihe attempt to go vern without control had, in the most valuable part of his do minions, left him no subjects to command. In Hungary also, his innovations generated discontent, discontent demands of redress ; demands of redress were first haughtily refused, but at length extorted concession. Indeed, his imperious severity appeared softened, and his ambition weakened as he approached that period when earthly power and glory could no longer avail. In his last illness, he sought consolation in that religion which for so great a part of his life he had disregarded, and learned On his death-bed, how absurd and pernicions the attempt was to suppress inJiis-subjects that principle which only could re strain turbulent passion, and heal a wounded breast. In the languor of illness, and the awful hour of dissolution, he saw that his policy had been as unwise as unjust ; and that disgrace and disaster awaits the prince who attempts to enslave a free and gallant people. Being now weaned from the ambition which had so much agitated his life, he acquired tranquillity* and preserved it to the hist. On the 20th of February he expir ed, in the forty-ninth year of his age, the twenty-fifth df his im perial reign as the successor of his father, and the ninth of his sove" reignty over the Austrian dominions as the heir of his mother. Joseph IF. was by nature ardent in spirit, active in disposi- andcharac-fjop^ antj fonft $[ 6$stinction. His situation cherished in such a mind the love of power which he had so much the means of* gratifying. With lively feeling, but without strength of under standing and Originality of genins^in bis objects andnndertak- pngs he was the creatnre of imitation. From the splendour 'of Frederick's character, his illustrious exploits, and his immense improvement of his dominions, as well as the vicinity of their situation, and personal and political intercourse, he chose for a model the Prussian king, Without discrimination to understand the peculiar features of his supposed archetype; acuteness to- discern the principles and rules of that monarch's conduct; or compass of mind to comprehend the general system of his measures and actions. He also was an admiring imitator of Catharine, and supposed himself the confident of her counsels when he was only the tool of her schemes. Froia both he copied infidelity ,b but did not copy from them that prudent poH- cy which cherished religion in their subjects, adapted themselves in appearance to the popular prepossessions, and made their respective churches' engines of state. He imitated their ambi tious projects without possessing the wisdom of plan, or the b See Abbe Ban ud, vol. i. 1790. REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 299 consistent and well directed vigour of execution, which ac- C^T- complished their designs. Springing from a variety of causes, ^_S/^^, and encouraged to a certain extent by these sovereigns, there prevailed in Europe a great disposition to reform. Frederick clearly apprehending what was right or wrong, innovated wherever change was improvement. Joseph was a reformist because innovation was the favourite pursuit of the times ; and on the same principles, by which private votaries of some fa vourite fashion are often actuated, sought distinction by being a leader of the reigning mode, without considering how far U was wise, prudent, or suited to the circumstances in which he was placed. His pursuit of reform being neither accommoda ted to the habits nor to the sentiments of its objects, was the primary end of his conduct ; and from the violence of his tem per, and the total want of moderation, the principal source of his manifold disasters. In his wars, as well as in his internal politics, Joseph was a factitious and imitative character. With out military talents or inclinations, without well founded pro spects of advantage, he appears to have sought hostilities from the desire of rivalling his warlike neighbours. Joseph's mis fortunes arose entirely from his incapacity of directing himself, and from not being counselled by able and upright men. With out sound judgment himself, he wanted wise and faithful ad- visersc to oppose projects which were evidently hurtful to the projector, Qualities apparently contrary, indecision with pre- (CJ.pita.t4on, obstinacy with fickleness and inconstancy, openness, and benignity of manner and countenance, with duplicity and faithlessness, arose from the same source ; an understanding which judged without examination ; and a will directed by temporary impulse, without any fixed principles of conduct. The character, of Joseph, from his condition, was very conspi cuous in its operation, and very pernicious in its effects ; but in stead of being, as has been often represented, singular, is, in its springs and constituents, extremely, common. Whoever observes, in private life, vivacity of fancy without soundness of judgment; ardour of disposition and eagerness of pursuit, with out just appreciation of end, or skilful selection of means; emulation jn mere fashion; multiplicity of project formed with out wisdom, and carried on without constancy, beholds, in a confined scene, the same character exhibited which the world contemplated on the great European theatre, performed by Joseph H. emperor of Germany, Joseph was succeeded by his brother Leopold, grand duke of Leopold, his Tuscany, a prince of a very different character. Accustomed successor, to fhe pleasurable regions of Italy, and the enervating refine- ™ a ^clfic. c The ruling principle of Kaunitz being the elevation of the house of Austria , successful as he had been as the counsellor of the prudent Maria Theresa, yet he soothed and abetted Ihe impetuous Joseph, in projects that eventually tended to its depression, 300 HISTORY OF THE CxLvP' ment °f Italian manners, Leopold, presiding at Florence, was ,_^_^ chiefly distinguished for luxurious softness; and having no in- ,790 centives to war, or opportunities of ambition, was habitually pacific, and actually indolent. Both from nature and circum stances, and perhaps also from contemplating the effects of his brother's violence, he was remarkable for moderation. When, instead of being an Italian prince, he became head of the house of Austria, he demonstrated that his apparent indo lence arose from the want of motives to action, and not from an inherent inertness of character; he showed himself firm and efficient, but retained his moderation and pacific disposition; and though he did not possess superior talents, was, by his mix ed steadiness and prudence,"1 well qualified to remedy the evils which had proceeded from the capricious and violent Joseph. Averse himself from war as an adventure of ambition, he saw, in the circumstances of his affairs, and his relation to foreign powers, strong reasons for promoting his disposition to peace. He was involved in hostilities with his own subjects : at variance with the principal electors, he Was in danger of being excluded from the imperial throne: the conquests oh the desolated bor ders of Turkey, obtained at an immense expense, were of lit tle value. The supplies for carrying on the war had lost, in the Netherlands, their most productive source. A hundred thousand disciplined Prussians hovered over the frontiers of Bohemia, while three other armies were prepared lo act in dif ferent quarters. England would pour her wealth, and Prussia her troops, to support the revolted Netherlands. From war He agrees Austria had little to gain and much to lose. For these reasons congress at Leopold was disposed to pacification, and acceded to a propo- Reichen- sal for opening a congress at Reichenbach in Silesia. Mean- bach, while the campaign was opened on the frontiers of Turkey. Selim, to compensate the impolicy, and consequent losses of the former year, chose for his vizier Hassan Aly, a-man of great Military ability. The Turks, who imputed the adverse events of the befwran'the ,ast campaign, to the misconduct of the late vizier, were ready Austrians and eager to renew the contest, and a great army was prepar- and Turks; ed. The sultan spared no aid, which superstition could af ford, to inspirit his troops. He clad them in black, to denote their readiness to meet death in defence of their cause ; and, in concurrence with his chief priests^ proclaimed a remission of their sins to all who should die in battle: these incentives, co operating with the native valour of the Turks, early in the season he had four hundred thousand men ready to take -the field. The campaign on the Danube, was opened by the cap- lure of Orsova, which having been blockaded during the whole winter by the Austrians, was suddenly reduced through the misapprehension of the garrison. Thc Turks, conceiving a d See Olridgo's Annual Registers for 1791 and 1792, passim; also Scgnr, ol. ii. REIGN OF GEORGE^ III. 301 shock of an earthquake to be the explosion nfia mine, were - struck with a panic, and supposing themselves about to be blown up, immediately surrendered* A detachment of the S"-^T'*"' Austrians besieged Guirgewo, but'the Ottomans, resuming their Wonted courage, marched to its relief. Encountering the Aus trians, they fought with the most desperate valour, threw those brave and disciplined troops into confusion, and defeated them with the loss of three thousand men. Among the killed was count Thorn the general, whose head the Turks, agreeably- to the custom of those ferocious barbarians, displayed in triumph through the army. This was the last act of hostilities carried ,b!°°dy. bl,t on between the Turks and the Austrians. . in eus,ive- At Reichenbach the ambition of Kaunitz, which, for forty Habitual years, had been chiefly directed to aggrandize the house of ?^eps05Sf s" Austria, still entertained hopes of acquiring, advantages from Kaunitz and the Russian confederacy, and the prosecution of the Turkish Hertsberg. war, and was averse to the peace. Count Hertsberg, the Prus sian minister, formed under Frederick, and considering every maxim of that illustrious monarch's policy as the rule of con duct, without adverting to the change of circumstances, desir ed to attack Austria when weak and exhausted; dispossess her of the rest of Silesia, abet the revolt in the Netherlands, and prevent the elevation of Leopold to the imperial throne. A more comprehensive and liberal policy, however, originating liberal and Wl^P O >11CV in:the wise councils of Britain, and urged by Mr. Ewart, incul- 0f " Britain, cated the necessity of sacrificing hereditary enmity to solid in? and ability teuest, and influenced the Prussian king. Leopold being noofEwa'1- less disposed to conciliation, tranquillity was, without difficulty, established ; and on the 27th . of July, a convention was con cluded. The- king of Hungary agreed to open a negotiation fpr peace, on the basis of reciprocal restitution under the um pirage of the defensive alliance.15 The empress of Russia was Peace be- to be invited, to accede to these conditions; but if she should lween Aus' refuse, Leopold was to observe a perfect neutrality between Turkey, un- the con tending potentates. The king of Prussia would co-operate der the with the maritime powers to allay the troubles in the low coun- guarantee ot tries, and restore them to the Austrian dominions, on condition sjVe alli- that their ancient privileges and constitution were re-established, ance. The English and Dutch ministers engaged in behalf of the re spective courts, to guarantee those stipulations; and an armistice for nine months, was, not long after, concluded between Leopold and the Turks, which, notwithstanding various obstacles, arising from the artifices of Catharine, terminated in a peace. The war between Russia and Turkey was this year languid in its opera tions, as Catharine's attention was chiefly directed to the con gress in Silesia, and also to schemes of policy in various quarters : e Segur, who shows himself well acquainted with continental politics, betrays gross ignorance of the views of, Britain, when he deems this league to spring from offensive ambition. See vol, ii. chap, i. 302 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. some desultory engagements took place,, both by land and on ,^^1 tne Black Sea, but without any important event. To facilitate 17go her favourite objects of driving the Turks from Europe, and- raising her grandson to the Byzantine throne, the empress per severed in a plan of detaching the Greek subjects of Turkey from their obedience. By her encouragement, and pecuniary assistance, a rebellion was fomented in Albania : tbe leader of the insurgents defeated a Turkish governor ; and acquired such power and confidence as to form a regular and extensive plan for emancipating themselves from the Turkish yoke, and offer- Operations ing the sovereignty of Greece to the Russian prince. A memo- Russianand ™a''f not unwrortny °f iae descendants of ancient Greeks, stal- Turkey. 'ng both the object and plan, was presented to Catharine, and very graciously received ; but before it could be matured, Russia had been induced, if not to relinquish, to postpone her plan of subjugating Turkey. It was the latter end of autumn before prince Potemkin was in motion : his tardy commence ment of the campaign was not without policy and design. The Russian troops, inured to the colds of the north, were much less adapted to the summer heats even of their own southern frontiers. The Asiatic Turks, on the contrary, could easily bear the solstitial season in countries so much colder than their own as the banks of the Danube and the confines of Tartary : but even the autumnal cold of those countries they could not endure : and on the approach of winter it was their uniform practice to leave the army and return to wanner latitudes. Potemkin knowing the number and valour of those troops, de ferred his military operations until they had taken their depar ture. His plan was, first to reduce Ismail, then Braicklow, which would complete the Russian conquest to the Danube ; passing that river, to place himself between the Turkish army and Constantinople, and thus compel the vizier either to risk an engagement, or to accept of a peace on terms prescribed by Russia. Abandoned by the Asiatics, the Turkish army did not exceed forty thousand men. Dissensions and conspiracies prevailed in Constantinople, and the affairs of the Turks were in the most critical and dangerous state 5 but the divan, un broken by these distressing circumstances, had resolved to maintain the Ottoman independence to the last extremity; and for the accomplishment of his purpose, Selrm trusting not only to the resources which still remained, but to the vigorous media*- tion of the defensive alliance, cherished and supported the Siege of Is- firmness of his council. The town of Ismail had always fceen mal1- deemed the key of the lower Danube: it was surrounded by two walls, covered by their respective ditches, of considerable depth and breadth, and capable of being filled with the waters of the Danube. A select and numerous garrison had been f The reader will find a translation of this ingenious and eloquent performance u Otridge's Annual Register for 1791, page Z73. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 303 early appointed, with an artillery amouriting to more than ^j^p three hundred pieces, and lately re-enforced by thirty thousand s_-rv^w men. The Russian forces on the Danube were formed into |7g0 three divisions ; one commanded by prince Potemkin, a second by prince Repnin, the third by general Suwaroff. To this last body, covered and supported by the two others, the jiege of Ismail was Intrusted. Suwaroff surrounded the place with bat teries constructed on every spot of ground' which would an swer the purpose : and these were loaded with forges for heat ing the balls, with the heaviest battering artillery and mortars and every other engine of destruction hitherto invented. On the 22d of December the besiegers made a general assault in eight columns : the Turks received them with intrepid valour. Five times were the Russians repulsed : five times they renew- J^j*™^ ed the attack ; and at the last onset were discomfited with a j^"" slaughter which seemed to render all farther effort hopeless. The besiegers now began to think of nothing but to sell their lives as dearly as possible, when Suwaroff, having dismounted his cavalry to supply the slain infantry; snatched a standard, and running up a scaling ladder, planted it with his own hand on a Turkish battery. Re-animated to enthusiasm by the per- Stormed. sonal prowess of their general, the Russians not only withstood the attack of the pursuing enemy, but repulsed them, and Woiin became the assailants. The Turks disputed every inch of ground ; but the Russians being re-enforced by fresh troops from the -covering armies, by numbers overpowered the valiant defenders of Ismail ; carried post after post till they reduced the whole. With the fury of enraged barbarians, they effected Cruel and a merciless, horrid, and undistinguishing slaughter, which spar- d]l[fuBfh«r ed neither age nor sex. The annals of Attila or of Gesneric, in the benighted ages of northern Europe, furnish no record of savage butchery which surpasses the carnage at Ismail, by troops employed, according to their mistress's professions, to expel barbarism from this quarter of the globe, and instead of the bloody superstition of Mahomed, to establish the mild and peaceful religion of the meek and benevolent Jesus: such was the Russian mode of making converts to the Greek church, and extending Christianity. The inflexible endurance^ of the vanquished was as great as the inflicting cruelty of the conquerors; as theRussians would give, the Turks would receive no quarter: they either rushed on the bayonet, plunged into the Danube, or sought death by some means equally efficacious. Twenty-four thousand of the Turkish soldiers perished in this bloody contest : the governor of Ismail was found covered with wounds ; the whole number of massacred Turks, includinginhab- itants of all ages, sexes, and conditions, amounted nearly to thir ty The auflbring fortitude of the Turks illustrates the very ingenious reasoning of Dr. Smith, in his Theory of Moral Sentiments, wherein he accounts for Ihe unconquerable lirmitcss of savages. 304 HISTORY OF THF Sclv1*' tyw°nc thousand.1' Theslain on the side of the Russians exceed ed ten thousand men, among whom were many of their officers. ]7go The king of Sweden, having entirely conciliated the affec- Campaign tions of his people, and excited their admiration, by his con- between duct in the preceding year, was, through their unanimous ef- anTReu"sia. ror,s* enabled to open the campaign of 1790 early in the sea son. In the beginning of April, putting himself at the head of three thousand forces in Finland, he penetrated into the Sava- lax, a district of Russia not far from Wiborg. Alarmed by the approach of the enemy within a hundred miles of Petersburg^ Catharine sent ten thousand troops to obstruct his progress. They found their enemy intrenched in a very strong- position. Trusting to their superior numbers, the Russians attacked the Swedish lines ; but the cool intrepid courage of the Swedes, headed by the personal valour and genius of their sovereign,- repelled the attack : it was soon, however, renewed by the impulse of national pride, rivalry, indignation, and shame of being defeated by such a handful of men. The engagement^ fbr about two hours, was most desperate, obstinate, and bloody; but rage, fury, and superior numbers, gave way at last, to calm and determined valour. The Russians left about two thousand dead upon the spot, and Gustavus, encouraged by this success, advanced farther into Russia. Meanwhile, the fleet under the duke of Suddermania sailed up the gulf of Finland. The prince projected the destruction of the Russian squadron lying in the port of Revel, the great naval arsenal, along with its docks and magazines. The ships were, eleven of the line, three of which carried a hundred guns each, and five frigates; and they were protected by numerous batteries. The Swedish fleet, notwithstanding all these obstacles, on the 13th of May penetrated into the harbour, and in the midst of the hostile fire maintained for four hours a doubtful conflict ; but towards the evening a violent storm arose, which obliged the Swedes to retreat. They afterwards fell in with a Russian fleet from Cronstadt, and an engagement ensued, in which the Swedes at first appeared superior, when night intervening interrupted the contest. The next day battle being renewed, whilethe Swedish fleet was engaged with the enemy in front, the squa dron from Revel appearing in the rear, the duke was in extreme danger Of being surrounded, but by judicious manoeuvres and bold exertions, assisted by a favourable wind-, he extricated himself from the danger, and joined his royal brother not far h About three hundred Circassian women, consisting partly of those belonging 10 the governor's haram, and partly of others who had fled thither for refaeft from other harams, were preserved and protected by an English gentleman, in the Russian service, colonel Cobley, who commanded the dismounted cavalry, when they were on the point of throwing themselves into the Danube to escape violation from the Cossack and Russian soldir-r-. See Otrhl^e's Annual Regis ter for 1791. potre 101 REIGN OF GEORGE III. 305 from Wiborg. Against this city the land and naval force of C,H yP Sweden directed their efforts; but while they Were making dispositions for the purpose., the Russian fleet came in sight. ^^1*^ The Swedes were now hemmed in between the united squa drons of Russia and the garrison of Wiborg. His majesty and his army were accompanied by a fleet of galleys, which were likewise enclosed ; the only alternative, therefore, was, to force their way through the enemy or to surrender : the for mer was of course chosen : they effected their escape, but not without incurring very great loss of ships and troops, that were either taken or sunk : the whole number of men either killed or captured, amounted to seven thousand. The genius of Gustavus, stimulated by difficulty, soon refitted his shattered fleet, and recruited his diminished army. On the 9th of July, with his armament, he encountered a large Russian fleet, Commanding his own squadron in person, he immediately offer ed them battle, and conducted his operations with so masterly skill, that, after a very obstinate conflict, he gained a decisive1 victory. The loss of the Russians amounted to four thousand five hundred prisoners, and nearly as many killed and wounded. This defeat astonished and alarmed Catharine : in the great talents of Gustavus, she was at last convinced, she had to en counter a formidable foe, which she had not apprehended in a contest with Sweden. Such an antagonist was not to be sub dued either by overwhelming numbers, or the adversity of for tune. Being now abandoned by the Austrians, and threatened by the English and Prussians, she saw her projects respecting Turkey had little chance of being accomplished, if she conti nued at war with Sweden : she therefore directed the chief efforts of her policy to the attainment of a peace.; she accord' ingly signified to Gustavus a pacific disposition. The Swedish king, finding his country greatly exhausted by her extraordi nary efforts, and not doubting that the defensive alliance would repress the ambitions projects of Russia as far as general se curity required, was not averse to these overtures of amity. Neither Catharine nor Gustavus communicated to their allies Peace be^ their pacific intentions, but concluded between themselves t,veen,Ru3" an armistice, which in the middle of August terminated in Sweden. a peace. Freed from a Turkish war, Leopold had leisure to turn his State of af- ohief attention to the affairs of the Netherlands. The Fie- ^j,rlhe^ the things had begun their opposition to Joseph from a desire ofjands. preserving existing establishments. They limited their wishes and designs to the maintenance of that constitutional liberty, Which they inherited from their ancestors. Their principle of conduct was totally different from that of the French. Dislike of innovation, ecclesiastical, civil, and political, was the leading feature of 4he Flemish character at the time they renounced theirallugiauce to Joseph of Austria. But the vicinity of the Netherlands to France produced a close intercourse between vol. n. 39 306 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. XLV. 1790. Rise of a democratical spirit. Jls votaries propose to subvert all the consti tuted autho rities. the two countries, and opened the way lo the French doctrines,; which various causes now co-operated to disseminate. Since the revolt the states-general had exercised the supreme authori ty : the composition of that body was, in a considerable de gree, aristocratical, as the states of the nobility and clergy had a greater share In the representation than the commons: this inequality was very soon remarked by the members of the third estate, and strongly reprobated by those who either had imbi bed democratical notions ; or from ambition, by raising the commons proposed to aggrandize themselves. So early as January 1790, a number of individuals, professing such senti ments, formed themselves into an association, which they cal led a patriotic assembly. After passing various resolutions of partial and subordinate reform, they framed a general and com prehensive system of revolution, which, subscribed by two thousand persons, they published as an address to the states, in the name of the people. They therein decreed the permanent exercise of sovereign authority, an aristocratical despotism, equally contrary to the rights of the people as the imperial ty ranny of Joseph. The states-general they allowed with pro priety, exercised the sovereign power on the dismission of the emperor, and the declared independence of the Belgic pro vinces. But this authority, arising from a temporary cause, could only endure until a legitimate constitution, formed and ratified by the people,, could be established. The ancient con stitution of the Austrian Netherlands yyas no more. It fell by the stroke that cut off its head Joseph II. of Austria, represen tative of the dukes- of Burgundy, in whom the functions of the other branches of the legislature centered : they were not ori ginal and absolute, but relative and conditional. The states- general were therefore responsible to the people for all which they had done since the deposition of the emperor: a national assembly only could insure tranquillity and security to the com monwealth. These principles and claims were very offensive to the two higher orders, as they were totally inimical to the power which they wished to retain without control. Knowing the influence of the parish priests among the people, they at tempted to employ these in persuading their respective pa rishioners to sign a counter address, requesting the stales to seize and punish all those disturbers who wished to introduceinnova- tions in their religion and constitution. Those clergymen, however, connected by the closest intimacy and friendship with their flocks, were by no means zealous and active in re commending a measure so very unpopular. The states farther endeavoured to prevent the sentiments which they wished ,to inculcate from being counteracted through the press. They is sued a decree, that this great engine of public opinion should be limited to the same restrictions as under the sovereignty of the. .emperor;, that all literary works should be subject to the scrutiny of censors, before they were republished ; and that all REIGN OF GEORGE IIL 307 publishers should be responsible for the contents of the books cJ]yv which they presented to the world. These attempts to re- J^__ strain the actions, and even control the thoughts, of the people, )7,fJ gave great dissatisfaction to those who wished for a larger por- tion of democracy in the constitution. The two higher order*, (^"n '"ihe joined by a common opposition to the democratical schemes, amivraii- ibrtned one party, while the third, and all those who were ini- ' ''^"'j,.^' mien I to privileged orders, formed another party. Tbenobility, rev0imion- on their side, possessed great inheritances, and were reverenced i«t». on account of their ancient families, and many of them highly esteemed for their personal characters : but the clergy, in a coun try distinguished for extreme bigotry, possessed peculiar influ ence : these circumstances prevented democratic turbulence froth rising to the pitch which it would have otherwise attained. But the discontented restlessness of innovation soon triumphed in the minds of the populace over the submissive acquiescence of su perstition. The higher orders attempted to awe the multitude by force, but soon found that here, as in France, the army had embraced the popular side. The commander of the Flemish troops was general Vandermersch, who, after having long ser ved under the emperor, on the first dawnings of the revolution had returned to bis native country. This gentleman Was dis*- tlnguishcd for his military talents and recent successes : he em braced Ihe popular side, and spread his sentiments through the army. Jn March an attempt was made by the aristocratical party to remove the commander from his' office,- and deputies were" sent by the states for this purpose. In this situation the general adopted very bold measures : being nominated by tbe army commander in chief of 'the Belgic forces; in defiance of the states, he ordered the deputies to be committed' to prison1. He issued a proclamation, declaring that he was placed at the head of an army for the purpose of defending the civil and re<- ligious rights of the people, which he was determined to pro1 tect from all invasion. Officers of similar sentiments were pla ced at the head of the war departments; and next to Vander- inesch in the command of the army were the duke of Ursel and the prince of Arenberg. The states ordered the troops which were stationed at Brussels to march against the general; A civil war appeared on the eve of commencement between the aristocratic and democratic parties; but the army, by some sudden impulse of passion, the causes of which have never been ascertained, abandoned that general whom they had so highly valued and recently exalted, and gave him up to the rage of his enemies. The congress of the states at this time was chiefly directed by Vandernoot and Van Kupen ; the former a lay nb-: bleman, the latter an ecclesiastic. Under their direction, charges were drawn up against the general ; and also against the duke of Ursel, hereditary chief of fhe nobles in Brabant,' a man of large fortune and popular character. Vandermersch Was doomed to a dungeon at Antwerp : Ursel was arrested and 308 HISTORY OF THE. CHAP, confined for five weeks, without any form of justice : but being tried and acquitted, he was still retained in confinement until a ,»go strong body of volunteers forcibly rescued him from, this, tyran ny. These unjust and violent proceedings of the ari-sjtocratic party excited the severest reprobation of their adversaries. Priests and feudal tyrants (they said) had seized the sceptre and sword, and used them as instruments of injustice and cruelty against the most patriotic and exalted characters. A government which had, in a few months from its forma tion, manifested such discord, was not likely to be permanent. I'he army having lost its honour as well as its general, became disheartened, and was now not unfrequently defeated. Great supplies were wanted for maintaining and paying the troops; but the congress had so disgusted the principal oities, that their Leopold applications for a loan vyere totally unsuccessful. Attempts avai|lrehim° were made in Holland and in England, but to no purpose ; and self of their if, was evident that the Belgic states were every day, from their dissensions, internal dissensions, becoming weaker in power, and less impor tant in the estimation of foreign countries. He offers to Leopold, aware of these circumstances, sent a memorial to rjJeSg'iee^ the people of the Netherlands, which professed sincere regret ances, but for the despotic proceedings of the Austrian, goyernment ; and vindicates declared the disposition of the prince to redress all their real the sore- ° grievances, but vindicated his undoubted right to the sovereign- visnty. ty of the Netherlands, and announced his resolution to main tain his claim. This address, together with the situation of affairs, revived the loyalists, or friends of the house of Austria ; who, before overawed by the prevailing power, had made no efforts to resist. As the folly and violence of the present go vernment became more evident and more hateful, this party in creased : many moderate men, who had at first favoured tbe revolution, compared the present miserable situation with the tranquillity and contentment enjoyed under Maria Theresa. A coalition of priests and nobles (they observed) was formed, obviously for the purposes of self interest and ambition. If the slates-general should continue to govern, the Belgic nation must groan under a two-fold aristocracy. If a republic were attempted on democratical principles, the first probable conse quence would be anarchy ; which, after producing all its horri ble evils, would terminate in a tingle, despotism. An hereditary monarchy, properly limited and modified, appeared mqst suita ble to the character and habits of the Flemings. These consi derations induced many considerate men to favour a reconcilia tion with Leopold. The populace, without examining matters so deeply, but actuated by the impulse of resentment and indig nation, against the usurpers of sovereignty, very readily joined the loyalists. That party now displayed a force which, even without the assistance of Austrian troops, was formidable and rapidly increasing. The king of Prussia, intimating that he REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 300 had aeknowledged Leopold as duke of Brabant, the aristocra- 'tjL? vP- tical- party saw their hopes of foreign assistance totally vanish ed, whilst their internal power was fast declining : Leopold, ^^^T*^ now emperor of Germany, immediately after his coronation, is- Britain and sued a manifesto, engaging himself, under an inaugural oath, her allies and the guarantee of Britain, Prussia, and the United Provinces, "w^,iJtl*1ga" to govern the Belgic Netherlands according to the constitution, Flemings charters, and privileges, which were in force during the reign !ln found the attainment of their purpose neither tedious nor diffi cult. Their system was free from complexity ; equality was to be the basis of the polity to be;formed ; the means were simple and expeditious, perseverance in the course which they had so effectually begun, by reducing every inequality, in the ap plication of this simple maxim they struck a very effectual blow, by a decree, announcing that there was no longer any dis-1 tinctioti of orders in France, and thus crushed the nobility and clergy. Having equalized rank, the next business was to model elections agreeably to this new system. The choice of repre sentatives was ultimately vested in primary assemblies, compos ed. of men to be distinguished by the appellation of active citi zens. The activity was to consist in contributing to the public exigencies, an annual sum not less than half a crown. By re- Qualifica- quiring this qualification in electors, they contravened their own tions of ac- principles of equality, and precluded universal suffrage ; they zensC'U excluded from legislation, beggars and many other citizens, not' only effectually active in their respective vocations, but active by their tumults in the streets and galleries, in controling the na- precludes tional assembly itself. It farther debarred from the legislation, universal the deliberative wisdom offish-women and prostitutes, whose ex- suffrage, ecutorial efforts had so powerfully promoted the revolutionary schemes. The primary assemblies, constituted with these ex ceptions to equality, were to choose electoral assemblies : the electoral assemblies delegates to the legislative, judges, and ex ecutive administrators. That no vestige of antiquity mijrht re main, they proceeded in the abolition of provincial distinctions ; and dividing the whole kingdom into eighty-three departments, Division consolidated the diversities into one mass : as a geographical ar- intode- rangement, this change was executed with great skill and abili- partments. ty,, the departments chiefly took their names from mountains, rivers, and seas, which shape and bound countries ; and as a political alteration, it certainly tended to render the government more uniform. A plan was established of municipal jurisdic tions, to constitute a fourth assembly, to be chosen by tbe same electoral assembly which, constituted by the primary, appointed the members of the legislature. Financial legislation next oc cupying their attention, they began this branch of politics as they had begun others, by establishing a simple and compre hensive principle, which would apply to every possible case. They enunciated a theorem totally new in jurisprudence, that REIGN OF GEORGE IIL 311 a,ll,pro@erty belongs to the nation. Having declared their sove- ^'^p- reign power over property, the next question was, how private ^^^ and corporate wealth was to be forth coming. They saw it im would be prudent to augment the pay of the army which was New 'a„t| so very serviceable to the revolutionists, and which would be- coinprehen- come more and more attached to systems of confiscation, by ^Vrmlm'! sharing in the proceeds. There were many and numerous de-cjul legisla- tnands upon the public, and it was farther expedient to have a 'ion- governmental bank, which would be able to accommodate the nation by advances, but a capital was wanting. Whatever their lawgivers were in wisdom and virtue, they certainly mani fested the national ingenuity in fertile invention and prompt ex pedient. They soon discovered a very efficient fund for the exigency, in the landed estates of the clergy.; some politicians opposed the seizure of clerical property, not as unjust, because they knew its justice had been already established in the new code of ethics ; but as impolitic. The appropriation would en rage the clergy, who still retained great influence among the less enlightened people ; and would also displease and alarm foreign powers, who might not only reprobate a confiscation, but dread the principle : these admonitions, however, were of little avail. A decree was passed declaring the ecclesiastical Confisca. estates to be at the disposal of the nation. The clergy expos- tion of cle- lulatcd on the robbery, and excited great discontents among p™ty.pr8 their votaries, which were farther increased by the nobility in dignant at their own degradation. To counteract the growing disaffection, the assembly spread reports of plots and conspira cies, and thus. by alarming their fears, diverted the attention of the people from the iniquities of government. Rumours were spread that the princes were now in exile at Turin, and the aristocrats both in and out of the kingdom were confederating with foreign princes to effect a counter revolution. Aware that the king was considered by their adversaries as a prisoner, and that his acts could in that supposition be no longer binding, than the compulsion lasted, they endeavoured to procure from him an approbation of their proceedings which should appear volun tary ; they attempted to prevail on his mild and compliant dis position, to come to the assembly and explicitly declare himself the head of the revolution, and satisfied with all their proceed ings ; but this application his majesty resolutely refused. Finding the king inflexible, the republicans disseminated reports of new plots and conspiracies, for rescuing Louis from his pre sent situation. To deter aristocrats and loyalists from such an attempt, it was very frequently declared in common conversa tion, and in the clubs, that an endeavour to extricate the king- would certainly produce his death. The queen was very open ly and loudly threatened as the instigator of his majesty's refusal; the benignant Louis from tenderness for his wife and children, was induced to make a concession, which no apprehensions for his personal safety could have extorted ; and he repaired to the 31* HISTORY OF THE money. ™ ^f- national assembly, and spoke to the purport desired by the re- ^__^ publicans. The democratic party seeing the anti-republicans ]7flQ overwhelmed wilh dismay by the acquiescence of the king, re- Civ it oath . solved to take advantage of the consternation, and issued a de cree obliging every member to take a newly devised civic oath, under the penalty of exclusion from voting in the assembly. They now published a general address to the nation, stating their acts and measures for the sake of public liberty, and their farther intentions in order to complete the great work of re generating France. Various tumults having arisen, and mur ders and other outrages having been committed both at Paris and Versailles, the ringleaders were seized and punished by the assembly, which with considerable vigour chastised such riots and disorders, as did not promote its own purposes. Having again re-established nearly as much quietness as they wanted, and attained their object from the king, they resumed the affairs of the clergy. In February, they suppressed all monastic es- Scheme for tablishmetit's, and forever confiscated the lands. By another thesD Tof decree 'ri April, they forfeited all the territorial possessions of the clergy the church, for the payment of the public debts, but generously into ready allowed the plundered proprietors a small annual pittance from the booty. As the spoils were not immediately convertible into ready money, they employed them as pledges. They issued out a species of notes under the name of assignats, being as signments to the public creditor of confiscated property ; and payable to bearer, that they might serve the purpose of a bank paper currency. About this time they began to affect an imi tation of the Roman republic, and adopting its phraseology with one of its customs, decreed that mural crowns should be publicly presented to the conquerors of the Bastile. The legislature were not without experiencing inconveniences from the diffusion of their own doctrines. They had found it necessary to idolize the mob ; to talk of the majesty of the people ; their supremo authority ; their uncontrolable sway to which all things must bend. These ideas with the experience of their own force, operating on the ardent fancies and com bustible passions of the French populace, meetings, clubs, par lies, and individuals considered themselves as collectively and separately, rulers of the empire. They indeed regarded the national assembly as a necessary, legislative, and executive or gan, but subject to their own general and supreme control. As force was fhe great spring of government, the soldiers with rea son claimed an important share in the direction of affairs; and by the laws of equality deemed themselves exempted from every degree of subordination and obedience, excepting, so far as suited their wishes or convenience. Both the populace and soldiers conceived, that by their political regeneration, they ry destitute were entitled without restraint to gratify every passion. The ol religion. most actjve 0f tne revolutionary leaders had spared no pains to banish from the people,, that salutary moderator of passion, Boundless power of ihe mob. The multi tude civil and iiulifa REIGN OF GEORGE HI. «*S the christian religion." In extent of despotic power, the French c"^y- mob equalled the Turkish sultan ; the army the janissaries ; and s_<^^ the national assembly the divan, despotic under the despot and 1790 his soldiers, but totally dependent upon these for its own sway. But the horrible tyranny of Turkish rule was mitigated by the Alcoran, whereas the despotic license of France was devoid of any such Corrective. A great portion of tbe vulgar both civil and military were rank infidels. Thus destitute of moral re straint, all the energy of a most ingenious people, all the French force and versatility of intellect and temperament, were the instruments of moral depravity. A great object of the re publicans in the assembly had uniformly been to identify in the opinion of .the civil and military vulgar, their interests and view? with their own; and like other demagogues, while they profes sed to admit the rabble as their associates, really to employ them as their tools, and they in a great measure accomplished their purpose. There was under the direction of the national assembly, an army much more numerous than ever had been commanded by the French monarchs. Many of the nobility, as we have seen, had been the zealous votaries of reform, while they conceived it tending to limited freedom and limited monarchy. But they had always been de-f ficientin point of concert, by suffering separate and subordinate views to occupy their attention, they had facilitated the pro gress of republicanism. They had already felt the fatal effect^ of disunion, among the opponents of jacobinism militant, they were destined to feel them more severely from jacobinism trU lunphant. There was in the proceedings of the French demo- Mixture of crats, a strange mixture of ridiculous levity with the most seri- ]ev;ty anc; ous iniquity. Paris at this time overflowed with adventurers serious from all countries. Among these was a Prussian of the name inl4ulty- of Clootz,k who having left his own country for reasons recorded in the journals of the police, had resorted to Paris, and assum ing the name of the ancient Scythian sage, Anarcharsis, set up as a philosopher, and by his lectures instructed the Parisians. But not having hitherto attained notoriety equal to his ambition, he bethought himself of the following expedient to become con? spicuous : collecting a great number of his companions and other vagabonds who swarmed about the streets, and hiring a$\ the foreign and grotesque dresses from the opera, and play- ^narcl houses, he bedecked his retinue ; and proceeding to the national sis ClootzJ assembly, he introduced his followers, as strangers arrived froin ambassador all countries of the globe, being the virtual ambassadors of all „^mje',n«on of titles, and hereditary nobility, with all the he- nobility. raldic monuments, which would recall to descendants the dis tinction and merits of their ancestors. In vain the nobles op posed so hasty and violent a proposition, it was immediately Summary passed into a decree. Thus in one year, the national assembly within"!? crushed rank and distinction, confiscated property, annihilated year. hierarchy and aristocracy, left monarchy only an empty name, and-perfected their levelling efforts; they now proposed that the 14th of July, the anniversary of the captured Bastile, and of the birth of liberty, should be solemnized by a general confederation of Frenchmen, pledging themselves to maintain the. new constitution, and to bind the king, the assembly, and Anniversa- the people civil and military in one general fraternity. This don o* he" spectacle was exhibited in the field of Mars, appointed to be 1 4th of July Called ever after, the field of confederation. The king, the as- 1,1 '"j? ficl(1 sembly, the people, and the army, were reciprocally sworn. ms. rpjje same oatn was taken the same day through the whole kingdom. Mr. Neckar friendly as he had been to the popular side, dis approved very highly of the late democratical proceedings, and especially the confiscations. Being now received with great neglect and displeasure, and being apprehensive of his personal safety, he quitted the kingdom, and retired to Switzerland. In prosecuting their system of reform, the assembly thought it ex pedient to render the clergy still more dependent on their will. They accordingly passed a decree, imposing on clergymen a hew oath, by which they were bound to submit to the constitu- Fedcral tion as decreed by the assembly, in all cases whatever. This oath. oajn wos a direct breach of the oath taken at ordination; and great numbers of the clergy refused to swear contrary totheiren- Violcnt pro- gagements and principles. All the recusants were immediately ceedmgs ejected from their benefices; and their livings filled by others. thluewho Thus a republican assembly endeavoured to force men's con- lefused it. sciences to be guided by its decrees, and not satisfied with ex- ercisingtyramiy over persons and property, attempted by the same despotism to enchain their minds. Britain. This year the French revolution began to be better under- ' stood in Britain, and to produce more definite and specific opi nions, either of approbation or censure, or of a mixture of both. Many Britons still continued upon British principles to admire 1 Drunkenness, a vice formerly so little known in France, was since the revolu. tion become extremely prevalent even among the lawgivers. Annual Register. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 315 the French revolution, and though they regretted the excesses c^yP- which had accompanied its operations, yet expected that the ^^^ violence would subside, and that a system of rational and be- mQ heficial liberty would be established. They saw that the plan of polity would considerably deviate from the British constitu tion. The greater number of literary men continued to favour the changes, arid imputed the enormities to the vitiating sys tem of government under which the French had so long lived, joined with the enthusiasm of new liberty. But the most ex-TheFreneh perienced and discriminating of philosophical politicians per- bee™e" un" s ceived that the Gallic revolution in its nature, principles, and derstood. effects, was different from any former case, and avoided un qualified opinions concerning either its merits, or probable du ration. They considered it as a composition of extraordinary phenomena, not yet sufficiently investigated to become the foun dation of a just theory ; but they saw that the rapidity of French change far exceeded the progressive variations of cir cumstances, and the human character."1 Writers of genius and Majority of erudition attached to certain visionary principles and doctrines, hterary prized the French revolution more for its particular acts and,|,e new innovations, than for the general assertion of liberty ; and cele- system, brated most highly those measures which overthrew hierarchy, 'tj0USh reduced monarchy, and degraded aristocracy. Dissenters df SUre its ex- very high literary reputation, and unimpeached private cha- cesses. racter, were so transported by their peculiar doctrines and sen timents, as to praise the lawless violence of the Parisian mob, and the abduction of the royal family in triumph, because these acts tended to overthrow the existing orders : and even recom mended the example of the French to the imitation of the English. The able and eminent Dr. Price, and his many votar- ries in civil and religious dissent, manifested in 1790, an un~ qualified admiration of the French changes, and proposed a close connexion between the revolutionists of France, and the people of England. Certain members of parliament, at the- head of whom was Mr. Fox, continued to admire the princi ples of the French revolution, as tending eventuallyto produce a moderate and rational liberty, that would in time fit the cin- cumstances and character of the people, and promote the tran quillity of Europe. The great ministerial leaders, cherishing Mr. Pitt the principles of constitutional liberty, could not reprobate in "nd Jj'f another country an. attempt to procure that blessing, the enjoy- beardiseus- ment of which made this nation prosperous and happy ; and sion of its. when they discerned the peculiar nature and tendency of the mel"lts- new system, conceiving thaj it became statesmen less to specu late than to provide, instead of delivering judgment on the measures of the French, vigilantly watched the conduct of Britons. The sentiments of the minister and his principal sup porters concerning the affairs of France, were not hitherto de* m See Dr. William Thuflason'ji letter to Dr. Parr, SIS HISTORY OF THE ^vjjf' dared. The first open censurers of the French revolution, were .—^J, courtiers, who being the votaries of pageantry and show, under 17go a kingly government, regarded the pomp and ceremony of the palace more than the vigolir and efficacy of the monarchy; who regretted Louis's loss of royal trappings and appendages, more than the seizure of his power; who considering the king's friends and attendants as no longer enjoying the balls and pro cessions of Versailles, saw grievances which being thoroughly conceived by their fancies, could attract their sympathetic feel ings. But a ferocious confiscating democracy, overturning reli gion and property, did not equally affect their sensibility, be cause they by no means so clearly understood the nature, or comprehended the extent of the evil. One class, indeed, emi nent for ability and learning; venerable for profession and ag gregate character, in the early stages of the French revolution, observed its leading principles with horror, and its conduct with arVateS dread. The clergy augured ill from a system guided by pro- hy the infi- fessed infidels, and sympathizing with plundered brethren, be- dclhy and held not without apprehension, the contagion of confiscations© oftherevo" verv near themselves. In this country, they knew there were lutionary men as willing to plunder the church as the most rapacious re- sj-stem. volutionists of Paris. But though they disapproved of the French system, they did not deem it expedient to declare an alarm. Such an avowal, they thought, might imply an impu tation of disloyalty, and enmity to the church, which could not be justly charged fo the majority of Britons*- English clergy men, therefore, did not decry the revolution, which many other literary men praised. In autumn 1790, the declared sentiments of Britons, with several modifications, were on the whole fa- Burke's vourable to the French revolution. One man, however, was ¦work on ihe destined to effect a speedy and important change. Edmund subject, Bm-ke having formed and delivered in parliament the opinions already recorded, with increasing anxiety continued to bestow the closest attention on revolutionary proceedings. He had many correspondents at Paris, of different nations, abilities, and sentiments. Through them he completed his acquaintance with the French system. While attending to its progress, and its operation within the country which it immediately affected, he carried his views to the impressions that it had made in his own country. Penetrating into the various grounds of the praise which it had procured in England, his sagacity perfectly dis tinguished between those who rejoiced at what they conceived the emancipation of France, and those Who in the destruction of the orders, and forfeiture of property, found a model which they wished to be copied in England. In considering the ad mirers and supporters of the French revolution, he from the au thority of Dr. Price among his votaries, apprehended that the late promulgation of that gentleman's political opinions in a ser mon, might be very hurtful, unless precautions were used fo expose the tendency of his doctrines-. To convince mankind] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 817 especially Britons, that the French revolution did not tend to °H ap. meliorate but to deprave the human character, to promote hap piness, but to produce misery, to be imitated and copied, but v*'i^0^^ to be reprobated and abhorred, Mr. Burke composed and pub lished his work. To establish his position, he analyzed the in tellectual principles by which the revolutionists reasoned : the -religious, moral, and political principles by which the revolu tionists acted ; and contended that the effects, which had pro ceeded, and were proceeding, were natural and necessary con sequences of the principles and doctrines. He predicted the completion of anarchy and misery from the progressive enormity of the French system. Profound wisdom, solid and beneficial philosophy, enforced by all the powers of Mr. Burke's elo quence, produced a very great change in public opinion. From this time many men of talents, learning, and political considera tion, openly declared sentiments unfavourable to the French re volution. The nobility, with few exceptions, were apprehen sive of the danger which awaited their order if French princi ples became prevalent in Great Britain. The clergy publicly testified the opinion which they before held. Ministers, cau- an<1 effecte' fious as they were in avowing any sentiments concerning the French revolution, did not conceal the high estimation in which they held Mr. Burke's production. The public opinion, which at first had been so extremely favourable to the French revolu tion, was at the end of 1790 greatly divided. The most important transactions belonging to the internal history of Britain in the recess of 1790, was the general elec tion. The contests were not, however, carried on with the vio lence of former times. The country was in a state of progres sive, and rapidly augmenting prosperity ; the minister possess ed the public confidence, and no great political question agitated the public mind. The election, which was most warmly dis- General ' puted, did not owe the contest to the contention of parties. Of eIectioB- the elective bodies in Great Britain, none is of importance equal to Westminster; the seat of government, the royal family, and for half the year the principal nobility and gentry : hence there had usually been a very warm competition in this city. The dispute in 1788 between lord Hood and lord John Townsend, had been carried on with extreme eagerness on both sides ; and with an expense calculated to have exceeded even the costly election of 1784. It was tacitly understood between the two parties, that at the general election there should be no contest, but that lord Hood and Mr. Fox should be jointly chosen. This apparent determination was represented to many electors 'of Westminster, as a coalition between the candidates to insure themselves the choice, and thus deceive the inhabitants. Mr, Home Tooke a gentleman of great and deserved literary emi nence, and also of very conspicuous political conduct, which was variously interpreted, proposed himself as the representa tive ; he disavowed all connexion with any party, and assiyn- 1790. qi8 HISTORY OF THE C^AP. ing an independent tone, procured a respectable number of supporters ; he every day exhibited from the hustings a series ' of acute and poignant observation; clear, direct, and vigorous reasoning, not unworthy of being opposed to the vehement and forcible oratory of his illustrious competitor ; his efforts how ever were unsuccessful. Though there were several disputed elections, yet there was none that attracted so much attention as the poll for Westminster, in which Home Tooke was pitched against Charles James Fox. REIGN OF GEORGE III. s,$ CHAP. XLVI. ¦Meeting of the new parliament. — Convention with Spain is approved by par liament. — Expenses of the late armament. — Unclaimed dividends. — Measures or Britain for repressing the ambition of Russia — submitted lo parliament — Mr. Fov opposes hostilities with Russia — argument of Mr. Pitt on the impor tance of Oczakow — principle of British interference in continental politics — hostilities with Russia unpopular through the nation — war wilh Russia avoid ed. — New constitution of Canada — political principles introduced into the discussion. — Mr. Fox incidentally mentions thc French revolution — Mr Burke inveighs against that event, and the new constitution — Mr. Fox explaius tho ¦extent and bounds of his approbation — declares tho British constitution the best for this country — quotes Mr. Burke's speeches and writings favourable to liberty — rupture between these friends, and their final separation. — Question whether impeachments by the commons before the lords, abate widi the dis solution of parliament — precedents and arguments for and against — determi nation of tile house tluit impeachments do not abate by a dissolution. — Liber ty of thc press — motion of Mr. Fov for ascertaining and declaring the law of libels, and bill for that purpose — arguments for and against — postponed for the present, but is afterwards passed into a law. — Stale and conduct of the English catholics — i!k\v renounce the most dangerous moral and political doc trines of popery — motion for their relief — modified and corrected by Dr. Hors- ley, it is passed into a luw. — Petition of the church of Scotland respecting the test act — is rejected. — Full discussion of the slave trade — motion of Mr. Wil berforce for the abolition — arguments for and against — continuance of the trade defended on the grounds of humanity, justice, and expediency — Messrs, Pitt cud Fox ugree in supporting the abolition — the motion is negatived. — Settlement at Sierra Leone — Finance. — Supplies. — Indian finance. — Trial of Hastings, evidence for the prosecution closed — impressive speech of the de fendant. — Session rises. THE British parliament opened the 26th of November ; v? VF" and his majesty stated that the dispute between this country and TSpain had been brought to an amicable termination. The ..^ first subject of parliamentary consideration was the convention" Meeting of with the catholic king. In a question concerning an injury, ">e new the great objects to be regarded were reparation for the past, **" ametft' and prevention of future aggression. Iu the present case, ac cording to opposition, thc restitution promised was incomplete, and the promises were not performed. Before thc commence ment of the dispute, we had possessed and exercised the free navigation of the Pacific Ocean, as well as the right of fish ing in the South Seas, without restriction. But the admission of Convention a part only of these rights was all that had been obtained by }y>lh sr»>" tho convention. Formerly we had claimed the privileges of bsva1^j^d n Per rngr 293 of this volume. 320 HISTORY OF THE XLvT' se1lanS m anY Part ot~ south or northwest America, from which we were not precluded by previous occupancy. Now, we J790 consented to limit our right of settlement to certain places only, and even in these- under various restrictions. What we had retained was vague and undefined, and consequently liable to be again disputed. We had reserved what was insignifi cant to ourselves, and resigned what was very beneficial to Spain. To these arguments ministers answered, if we had not acquired new rights, we had obtained new advantages. Be fore the convention, Spain had denied our right to the southern whale fishery, and to navigate the Pacific Ocean ; but now she had ratified those claims. In the convention, the wisdom and energy of ministers had vindicated the honour of the British flag, preserved the rights of private citizens, and established the glory of the British name over all the world, without shedding a drop of blood. On these grounds the ma jority in both houses approved of the terms of the adjustment. Expenses of The liquidation of the expenses incurred by the late armament, mament ar"'he minister proposed to separate from the general financial arrangements for the season ; and to pay off in four years the incumbrances now incurred, by a distinct plan of finance. The first resource was the balance of the public money, which had accumulated in thc hands of the bank of England from un claimed dividends.0 The bank was agent for the public ; re ceived an adequate allowance for its services, and was there fore not entitled to retain a balance greater than the probable Unclaimed demand. Since public creditors forbore punctually demand- dividends. jng tnejr interest, not the bank, who were agents for the pay ment of that interest, but the nation, their employers, should profit by that forbearance, The balance had been gradually increasing from the year 1727, and now amounted to 660,000/. Of this sum the minister moved that 500,000/. should be applied to the public service, and that the creditors should have secu rities in the consolidated fund for payment, whenever the de mand should be made. In addition to this sum, he proposed temporary duties upon sugar, British spirits, brandy, rum, malt, assessed taxes, and bills of exchange. Mr. Fox, and some other members, objected to the minister's proposition as unjust to public creditors, and also unfair to the bank. But it appear ing to the majority of both houses that the creditors possessed the same security of prompt payment as before, and that no injury could accrue to an agent from his employer withholding money which was not necessary to the transactions which he was appointed to manage : notwithstanding various petitions from the bank, deprecating the application, a bill agreeable to the minister's project was passed into a law. o Muny of the public creditors had omitlcd to demand their dividends when iluc ; the money, therefore, issued [or their payment, was used by the bank until the proprietors should demand the payment. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 32* The contest with Spain being thus concluded, another very cJjvP- important subject of foreign politics occupied the attention of parliament. At the congress of Reichenbach, the defensive alii- ^T^T*-' mice had proposed to Russia to accede to the peace which Mr*iure's Austria was concluding, and that all conquests should be re-<;i' Britain stored ; but Catharine constantly replied, that she would admit ''^h'™*" of no interference between her and the Turks. Deprived, munition 4f however, of the assistance of Austria, in the strength and I Russia, determination of the allies she saw thc impracticability of subjugating; Turkey for the present, and now offered to restore all her acquisitions by the war, except the town and dependen cies of Oczakow. This possession, she conceived, would on the one hand secure her dominions against the irruptions of the Tartars, and on the other command an entrance into Tur- ,key, whenever circumstances sheuld prove more favourable to the execution of her ambitious designs. The allied powers perfectly comprehended the objects of Catharine, and deemed them incompatible with that tranquillity which it was the pur pose of the confederacy to insure. There wns, hc.-ides, an unfriendly disposition long manifested by Russia towards Great Britain. During our difficulties, she had headed a con federation for the express purpose of reducing the naval power of this country. When the commercial treaty between Eng land and Russia was expired, Catharine not only declined renewal, but obliged our merchants to pay in duties twenty- five per cent, more than she exacted from other countries, though they gave half a year's credit for their exports, and were always a whole year in advance for their imports. At the same time she concluded commercial treaties with France" and Spain, on terms that were advantageous to both these countries. Such indications of enmity to this country, joined lo her ambitious projects, strongly impelled the British govern ment to prevent the encroachments of the empress's court. Britain and her allies still adhered to their purpose, of inducing or compelling Catharine to restore the conquest. Finding pa cific negotiations unavailing, the defensive alliance projected more effectual interference. Having concerted forcible media -submitted to tion for the security of Europe, his majesty, on the 24th of parliament., March, sent a message to both houses, stating his unsuccessful efforts for the establishment of pence, and that from the pro gress of the war, consequences so important might arise, as to render it necessary for this country to be prepared to meet them by an augmentation of our naval force. The message Mr pox.op. coining under consideration of parliament, Mr. Fox opposed noses hosti- hostile interference on the following grounds: all wars were l'.1'^"'1'1 to Britain unwise, as well as unjust, that did not originate in self defence. Too much latitude was given to the construction of defensive alliances, and treaties comprehended under that p See State F»per?; rmd Sejur's hi.-tory cl'Ficderivk William. VQL, n. u 1791. 322 HISTORY OF THE p- "!™ Ki'™<,<",tt in his Polities, lrmis!;in>d by Dr. Willies, bo, k i\ . 326 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. From Mr. Bnrke himself he derived those principles, and imbi bed those sentiments which Mr. Burke now censured : be quo* "~*Z-^7*~/ ted various passages from the speeches and writings of that ar«n« Mr. eloquent and philosophical senator, and referred to measures Borke'« which he had either proposed or promoted, and comparing 2*?^ them witb the sentiments now or recently delivered, endeavour- aagi la- ed to fix on him a charge of inconsistency. Mr. Burke com- voorable to plained of this allegation, and declared it to be unfounded : life iwuire be- °P'n'0DS on government, be said, had been tbe same during all tween these hi* political life. His conduct would evince the truth of his ('V^i "P^ assertions : bis friendship with Mr. Fox was now at an end; tepantig^ deep must be his impression of truths which caused such a sa crifice to the safety of his country; he gave up private friend ship and party support, and separated from those he esteemed most highly. His country, be trusted, would measure tbe sin cerity of his avowals, and the importance of his warning, by the price which they had cost himself. He was for from im puting to Mr. Fox a wish for the practical adoption in this country of the revolutionary doctrines ; but thinking and feel ing as Mr. Fox and he now did, their intercourse must terminate. With great emotion, Mr. Fox deprecated the renunciation of Mr. Burke's friendship ; and tears for several minutes interrupt ed his utterancej When tbe first ebullitions of sensibility had subsided, be expressed the highest esteem, affection, and grati tude for Mr. Burke, whom, notwithstanding his harshness, he roust still continue to love. Proceeding for some time in a strain of plaintive tenderness, he gradually recovered his usual firm ness, and afterwards contracted no small degree of severity, when having vindicated the resistance of France, on whig principles, he renewed bis charge of inconsistency s gainst Mr. Burke for deviating from those principles. This repetition of the charge of inconsistency, prevented the impression which the affectionate and respectful language and behaviour, and the conciliatory apologies might have probably made: the breach was irreparable : and from ibis tirne Mr. Fox and Mr. Burke never resumed their former friendship. In this discussion tbe impartial examiner cannot find a single sentence, or even phrase, of Mr. Fox, which was not highly favourable to the British constitution : so that tbe political difference between these illustrious men, arose entirely from their opposite appre hensions concerning the French revolution, which hitherto was to a British senator a question of speculative reasoning, and not of practical contention ; but Burke had already conceived such an abhorrence of the Gallic sy*tem, that he could not bear any expression of approbation respecting a change which be deemed destructive to tbe best interests of society. r T?.is a/wmu U rhieflr t-Mtrprccmi Irm pariia afealarj- debate*, i:d pert?/ -.aken from a ;entkmao »h.3 w-st pmenf . RKK1N OF OEORCR UT. 327 With colonial policy, parliament this year considered also ^lvi'" Important (|iic»tiouii niv domoHiic luw. One of thorn anine from ^-J^J, tlmtrlfll <>l JMr. Ilnnling*: it wits doubted whether nil Impeach- |7(|| intuit brought by ihe eonnnonii of Kngliiiiil n baled by the muIu- Ktutuln; wt) limit therefore be governed by the law of pariia- ii»» «i' i»»- inmit, that in by the orders of tho lords, and by usage. The i"'"'.™'.',,,, Intel* in Mi7H, luul iilui'iiiml, that dissolution did not preclude nml ui|ru~ tho renowul of an Impeachment ; but ihat order was not innc-lll,'!"s ''!'' .- i i ,- .- (,,¦ , , i\. , .1 i luul luriiinsll tinned by lornier |)rnctice. fhey had suffered tho nnpoaeh- h uioni. of liuiln Dauby anil Stafford to proceed from the singe in which thny hud boon loll hy the old parliament ; but nt thnt timo the -nation was in a ferment about the popish plot; detest ed Sin II on I uh it catholic, and execrated Dauby ns the Hlipposoil promoter of urbitrnry power nntl tt connexion between th« liiuu' nml J.ouiti XIV. Both poors uml commons were seized wilh the sumo, out luwinitlu against popery nml Franco, and un der ill influence continued the impeachment, contrary to law nnd usage. I'' rum those cases, therelbre, which wore peculiarly olrouiUNtitnced, no precedent could be drawn. In KiS.i loril Dull by win* by tho house of lords lived from Ihe impeachment, wllluu in fuel reversed Ihe precedent, of Hi7H. Fords Salisbury niul Peterborough being accused of high treason, pleaded ft dlHHUlulion, and in l<><)(> were liberated. On tho mime grounds Ihe lord* Soiuors and Halifax, sir Ailiim Blair, and others were released. To uipport their position, thoy also adduced several iiuitlogies, nml concliulotl with arguments from equity : by continuation of till iiupeacltntont the accusers might he chan ged, ami even not a few of the judges. If n trial is to last be yond one piirliameul, may it not be prolonged to mi Indefinite term, or even during life; n court of justice should be free from bias mid prejudice ; but how could this be the case with tl tribunal in which there wore so many new judges; and some of fheiu even accusers from the lower house. The supporters of continued impeachment reasoned in tho following manner. If Ihe alleged precedents existed, thoy would bo extremely pre judicial, because they would enable the sovereign to save a favourite iorvuut, mul to detent the purposes ol national jus tice; nml it would become the legislature speedily to remedy such nn evil, by n law enacted for Ihe purpose. This remedy, liowever, cotilil only be npplioil to future cases, without includ ing present or past ; hut such ti series of usages does not ex ist. » There is no evidence of parliamentary practice to justify tlltt cassation o( a trial before the truth or falsehood of th« * SivxitKOChMol' Mr. I'll! mill »i" Mr. l-",«v, 1791. 328 HISTORY OF THE XLVIP charges be ascertained. Parliamentary records demonstrate .—^J^ that in ancipnt times impeachments were continued after disso lution. But without searching into remote monuments, in the reign of Charles II, in 1673", when there was no ferment either on the one side or the other, the house of lords declared their writs of error, petitions of appeal, and other judicial proceed ings, should be narrowed as to the portion of time which they were to occupy during a ?Ps«ion, but should extend from par liament to parliament, if they were not decided. The reason of this order evidently was, that on the one hand judicial pro ceedings might not employ any part of the time which was re quired by legislative, on the other, that the objects either of civil or criminal justice might not be defeated by discontinuance of process. The precedents, it was contended, did not apply : and in the various cases alleged, the proceedings bad been dis continued by a general pardon, admission to bail, or some other eause, and not from the dissolution of parliament. These posi tions their supporters endeavoured to evince by a consideration of the very cases that were quoted by the advocates of tbe op posite doctrine. They further argued, that decisions of courts of law, and the authority of judges, with few exceptions, sanctioned the same opinion ; and cited cases to prove their- position: the general analogy of judicial proceedings illustra ted the conformity of their conception of the law of parliament with the established modes of process before subordinate tribu nals: the commons are the public prosecutors, and in this re spect analogous to the attorney or solicitor-general in ordinary cases of criminal prosecutions. Tbe removal of an attorney- general does not quash an information or indictment; and the process is carried on hy his successor. The public prosecutors before the house of peers, are the successive houses of com mons, as before the inferior courts, they are the successive at torneys-general. The house of peers are the judges in causes carried on at the instance of the bouse of commons ; the peers may be not all the same in successive parliaments, as the judges of the inferior courts may be changed while the trial is pending. Equity and expediency coincide with analogy : impeachments are calculated for bringing to condign punishment criminals too exalted for the inferior courts: criminals, who to secure themselves or their friends from all responsibility as ministers of the crown, might advise a dissolution, as often as it should be required for their saf-ty. Hence parliament would be no longer able to control either the civil or judicial administration of the kingdom. The cabinet and courts of law would remain equal ly without a check ; it is therefore clear from tbe weight of precedents, the authority of the greatest luminaries of the law, the principles of the constitution, the analogy of public trials, the immutable rules of equal justice, and the dictates of expe diency and common sense, that impeachments continue not withstanding the dissolution of parliament. Qo these ground REIGN OF GEORGE III. 329 ¦t great mnjority in both houses voted that the impeachment of £lJA?" Warren Hauling* was still depending. An inquiry concerning the judicial power of parliament was V^T^TW' soon followed by a discussion of the powers of juries. One of Diftc-mina- the chief engines of that moral and political knowledge, ofiiimof the those sentiments nnd privileges of rational and beneficial liberty ^'"j"'^11' which prevail in Britain, Is a FREE PRESS. By this vehicle, |,'"'nt'a"do n writer may communicate to the public his observations, »'" abate by thoughts, and feelings, and according to his talents, learning, j1'^"^"' and dispositions, may inform and instruct mankind : and thus a'ie Pr'tsv tho presH bestows all the knowledge and wisdom which cannot bo imparted by oral delivery. But its all persons who address the public through this vehicle are not both capable and dispos ed to inform and instruct society, an instrument of general good is frequently productive of considerable, though partial evil. The liberty of the press has often permitted, seditious, treasonable, immoral, and blasphemous libels: and generated mischiefs that were followed by very pernicious consequences. For a considerable timo after tho invention of printing, go vernment possessed tho means of preventing noxious publica tions, as the press was liable to the inspection of a licenser ; but tho preventive was much worse than tho evil ; and the subjection of writings to a previous examination being found totally Incompatible with the purposes of beneficial freedom, ceused soon after thc revolution. Precluded by tho law from preventing the publication of hurtful works, certain judges en deavoured to deter writers by increasing the punishment : to avoid one extreme running into its opposite, they attempted to attach criminality to productions, that before would have been reckoned innocent ; and to supply the supposed deficiency of preventive justice, they tried to enlargo the precincts of penal law. Thoy also endeavoured to change the judicial rules esta blished by tho constitution. For a series of years it had been maintained by very high legal authority, as we have already .seen," that the truth of an allegation could not be pleaded in bar of an indictment for a libel, and also that in cases of libel juries were to investigate the fact only ; to return a verdict re lative to tho proof of tho allegations, but to leave tho criminal ity to the judge ; and though those doctrines had been question ed by very high legal authority," yot thoy were most frequently followed in recent practice. Various cases occurred in which guilt had been found on grounds, that in the popular estimation wero inadequate, or punishment had far exceeded the criminal- Molio- ity that was evinced. l\lr. Fox having adopted tho same sou-m,.. pox r„r foiients respecting some lato decisions, and disapproving of tho being again proposed, it passed into a law. passed into Mr. Fox also proposed a law for depriving the attorney-ge- a law. neral in right of the crown, and every other person in his own right, of a power to disturb the possessor of a franchise in a corporation, after having quietly exercised it for six years. The end of this proposition was, to secure the rights of election, and prevent vexatious prosecutions for political purposes : the bill was passed into a law. State and Parliament, endeavouring to remove all restrictions upon na- condnct of tural freedom, as far as was consistent wilh security, directed its cath5icsIlsl1 attent'on t0 tne catholics. The English catholics were now to tally changed, and no longer resembled the Romanists of the seventeenth century ; nor even those who, at a later period, wished to exalt a popish pretender to the throne. They were now quiet and peaceable subjects, friends to the present govern ment, and favourable to our constitution of church and state, which was so mild and tolerant to every religious sect that wor shipped God according to their own conscience, without dis turbing the public tranquillity. Many of the catholics, as they mingled with protestants, imbibed a great share of their mild- REIGN OF GEORGE III. 331 ness and moderation ; and, without relinquishing the sensible %"*£• rituals, prescribed observances, or the metaphysical theology of s_-^^x the popish church, were really protestants in their moral and n91 political principles and conduct. A considerable body of them They re- had recently protested in express terms against doctrines impu-nounceihe ted for near three centuries to papists. They denied the autho- ^.'rs0tusa'1" rity of the pope in temporal concerns, his right to excommuni- moral and cate princes, and to absolve their subjects from their baths of Rol'tlFal allegiance. They disavowed the lawfulness of breaking faith of'popery. with heretics ; and denied that any clerical power could ex empt man from moral obligations. The penal laws against catholics arising from circumstances arid conduct so totally dif ferent from the present, were slill extremely severe. To 'render the law more suitable to their present sentiments and character, Mr. Mitford proposed to repeal the statutes in question, so far Motion for as to exempt from their penal operations those who had re-lheir relief: nounced the hurtful doctrines abovementioried, under the de nomination of the protesting catholic dissenters, upon these catholics taking an oath conformable to the protest. The prin ciple of the bill was generally approved ; arid the bench of bishops displayed the most liberal zeal in its favour. Dr. Hors- modified ley especially exerted his great abilities, not only in promoting ^cor£:c'" its success, but in removing a clause which was neither agreea- Horslcy, U '' ble to its principles nor conducive to its objects. In the pro- passed intoa posed oath, the doctrine that princes excommunicated by the,aw pope might be deposed and murdered by their subjects, was declared to be impious, heretical, and damnable. The catho lics felt no reluctance to express their own rejection and disap probation of such doctrine ; but from scruples founded on a tender regard for the memory of their progenitors, they could not induce themselves to brand it with the terms which the oath prescribed. To remove this objection, he proposed the oath which had been adopted in 1778 : this alteration was admitted, and the bill was passed into a law. The church of Scotland perceiving a disposition in pariia- Petition of ment tb grant relief to non-conformists, transmitted from the the church general assembly a petition praying for the repeal of the test °eSp™1jnlg act as far as it applied to Scotland ; and on the 10th of May the test act. sir Gilbert Elliot made a motion conformably to the petition. The supporters of the motion endeavoured to prove that the law as it now stood, was inconsistent with the articles of the union. Scotland, by her constitution, and by treaty, had a se parate church, arid a separate form of religion. By the treaty of union she wasto have a free communication of civil rights ; but a test which, as a condition for attaining those civil rights, imposed on her a necessity of departing front her own establish ed theology, and submitting to the system of England, either abridged her religious liberty by means of the civil attainments, or obstructed the civil attainments through the religious obliga tions. When the two kingdoms entered into a treaty of union, 332 HISTORY OF THE xjjyj*" being independent nations, they meant to stipulate and contract ,V^_J on terms of perfect equality. Was it not an infringement of N 1791 that, equality, that a Scotchman entering into any British office in England should solemnly profess his attachment to the church of England, which a scrupulous man might deem a dereliction of his native church ; while an Englishman appointed to an office in Scotland incurred no similar obligation. The opposes of the motion argued, that the test must have been understood as a stipulation at the time of the union, and had never been represented as an hardship till the present time. The grievance was merely imaginary; the test was not a dereliction of the church of Scotland, but a pledge of amity with the church of England. The general sentiment of members of the Scottish church was affection and respect for the sister establishment : but in Scotland there were as in England, sectaries of various denominations, whose sentiments were less liberal. Against such sectaries it was just as well as expedient, that the test should operate ; otherwise the church of England would incur a danger from them, to which from the sectaries of England she was not exposed. Since there was no test in Scotland, the pro posed exemption would let in upon the church of England dis senters and sectaries of every denomination ; and thus break down the fence which the wisdom and justice of parliament had so often and so recently confirmed. This petition, in real ity, arose ultimately from the English dissenters. These had operated on the church of Scotland by representing themselves as presbyterian brethren. Many of the Scottish clergymen, not discovering the total diversity of political sentiments that sub sisted between them and many of the English dissenters, were, from supposed religious sympathy, induced to give them their . , . support. The majority of the house being impressed by these . ' reje ' ' arguments, voted against the proposition. Full discus- ^he slave trade underwent this year a much more complete tion of the discussion than when it was formerly agitated. The facts on slave trade. DOin siftes nac| now Deen verv thoroughly examined : there was fulness of information.; so that the public and parliament had the amplest means of viewing the subject in every light. Motion of Mr< Wilberforce, on the 18th of April, proposed a bill for Mr. Wilber- preventing the farther importation of slaves into the British force for the co]onies in the West Indies. In his prefatory speech he '. abolition. consi_^>^ the faith of parliament, had embarked property to a great 17g] amount in this trade; the total loss of which would immediate ly follow the abolition. The legislature had invited them to engage in the traffic, that Britain might be furnished from their plantations with those commodities which habit has now ren dered universally necessary, and if not supplied ' by them, must be purchased from other countries. It invited them also to engage in this commerce, that the carriage of their pro ductions might rear up a navy ; yet now, when they have a capital of seventy millions embarked, when several islands lately occupied, and therefore thinly peopled, require a con stant succession of fresh supplies ; and when twenty millions of debt in mortgages and deeds of consignment, press heavily on the West India proprietors, the abolition is proposed in con tradiction to so many acts of parliament, and without compen sation of the only means by which they can be relieved Continu- from the enormous load. Is it consistent with British justice T V °t r 'd° to depreciate, and even destroy, property, engaged in a defended on commerce which the legislature pledged itself to protect, and the grounds repeatedly declared its disposition to improve ? But private ty, justice,' property would not alone be affected ; from this trade the and expedl- revenue would suffer a very material diminution. The evidences eacy- adduced to prove the horrid cruelties practised upon slaves were represented to be in some instances false, in many par tial, in almost all exaggerated. It is the interest both of the transporting owners of slaves, and their purchasers in the West Indies, to treat them humanely, and easy to devise regu lations for enforcing this treatment, and punishing the contrary. But were Britain from an impulse of benevolent enthusiasm to abolish the slave trade, under a supposition that it subjected the Africans to the most poignant misery, would not other European nations engaged in the trade supply the vacan cy left by our relinquishment of a traffic necessary for raising commodities naturalized to the European palates ? Would the purchasers, the venders, or the subjects sold, be less numerous ?' Would fewer slaves be exported from Africa ? Respecting the effects of this commerce on our navy, the friends of the aboli tion were totally misinformed. A naval commander of the very highest eminence, lord Rodney, had declared that the power of obtaining from Guinea ships, so numerous a body of men inured to the climate, whenever he wished to send a fleet to the West Indies on the breaking out of a war, was, in his opinion, a consideration of great moment. His lordship's opinion was illustrated, and his authority confirmed, by concurring testimonies of other officers, both of the army and navy. The abolition would be equally contrary to the commercial and political interests of the public, as to the rights Messrs. Pitt and well founded expectations of private individuals. On and F°* this question Messrs. Pitt and Fox took the same side, and REIGN OF GEORGE III. 335 supported the abolition with every argument that genius could £HAP. invent; but their united eloquence was not effectual: on a divi- v-^v^^ sion it was carried in the negative by a majority of one hun- ngl dred and sixtyrthree to eighty-eight. The benevolent spirit a,,reo in" which piompted the abolition of the slave trade directly, pro- supporting duced an attempt gradually to demonstrate its inefficacy and j!aoena ^ inutility. For this purpose its impugners projected to try an rnotion is experiment whether Africa could not be civilized, and render- negatived. ed more lucrative as a vent for manufactures, than as a nursery for slaves. Mr. Devaynes, who had long resided at Sierra Leone, on the coast of Africa, in the eighth degree of north latitude,, attested that the soil is excellent, and produces cotton, coffee, and sugar, with the slightest cultivation. There a so- settlement ciety proposed to establish a colony in hopes of effecting, the. at Sierra desired change in the character and condition of the Africans. keone- A bill for the establishment of such a company was introduced by Mr. Henry Thornton, and passed through both houses without opposition. , Previous to the reduction of his financial plan, Mr. Pitt pro- Finance1. posed to appoint a committee to consider and report the amount of the public income and expenditure during the last five years ; also, to inquire what they might respectively be in future, and what alterations had taken place in the amount of the national debt since January 5th, 1786. The report stated that the annual income, on the average of the three last years was sixteen millions, thirty thousand, two hundred and eighty-six pounds; and the annual expenditure fifteen millions,, nine hundred and sixty-nine thousand, one hundred and seventy-eight pounds, including the annual million for liquidating the national debt ; the balance, therefore, in favour of the country, was sixty-one thousand one hundred and eight pouncls.a Mr. Sheridan as usual, took the lead in combatting the financial conclusions of Mr. Pitt, and moved no less than forty resolutions, which were intended to show that the past revenue had been considerably- inferior to ministerial calcula tions : and that, in calculating the future income, the minister had overlooked contingencies which recent experience demon strated to be probable. The greater number of these propo sitions were negatived, and others were amended. Various resolutions were framed by ministers, confirming, in detail, the report of the new committee, and maintaining the calculations which, were founded on their inquiry. The supplies were Supplies nearly the same as in the usual peace establishment, and no fresh taxes, were imposed. Mr. Dundas produced his annual Indian statement of Indian finance, which had been in a state of so finance" progressive prosperity ever since the establishment of Mr. d 16,030,286 15,969,178 , 61,108/. 136 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. p;tt's plan oi territorial government, and the commencement of Mr. Dundas's executive direction. It appeared from tho 17iing<'¦"¦ by the direction of the court, postponed till the following ses sion, and on June l'J'h the parliament v-a* prorr> onlmnee their danger, several symptoms began to appear in Asiatic Turkey of it disposition to revolt: menaced by most im minent perils both in Asia, and Europe, and apprized thnt the voi,. it. i:' 338 HISTORY OF THE xlvh' C0*0Perali°n ot" Prussia and of Britain, was now obstructed, ¦* ' Selim began to listen to the proposals of the empress ; the ne- 1791 gotiation was not tedious; and a peace was concluded on the 11th of August at Galatz, by which Russia retained Oczakow, on moderate an<* tne country between the Bog and the Dnieper, which had terms. belonged to Turkey before the war. The latter of these rivers was to be the boundary of both powers: each to be equally entitled to the free navigation of the river; and each to erect fortifications on its respective shores. However important this acquisition mighl be to Russia, it was certainly much inferior' to the expectations which she entertained at the commencement Reasons of of the war ; and during its successful progress : but other cir- Catharine's cumstances combined with the exertions of the defensive alli- nuideration ance t0 induce Catharine to content herself, for the present, with Oczakow and its dependencies. Frederick William agree ably to the general objects of the confederacy, as well as his own particular interest, cultivated the friendship of Poland. Encouraged by their connexion with this powerful prince, and beginning once more to conceive themselves of weight in the scale of Europe, reviving self estimation rekindled in the Poles that courage and patriotism, which though smothered, had not been extinguished ; and thus once more they entertained hopes of freeing themselves from the thraldom in which they were P la d at- *,e'c' nJ imperious Catharine. In 1788 and 17B9, various temuts to re- efforts were made to establish the independent interest of Po- cover liber- land in the diet, and to overturn the power which Russia had randence- assumed. A party of generous patriots stimulated their coun trymen to emancipate themselves from a foreign yoke ; the spi rit of liberty was studiously diffused through all classes of the community ; and in 1790 bad risen very high. Its leading vo taries saw, that the only method of securing the attachment and fidelity of the people to those who were projecting such altera tions, was to accompany them with such benefits to the mid dling, and even to the inferior classes, as might deeply interest them in their support. But though desirous of changes, which would terminate the oppressive power of the great, the Poles were sincerely inclined to be satisfied with a moderate degree of freedom ; and at present bounded their wishes to deliverance from the personal thraldom in which, for so many ages, they wi^o, mode- had been tyrannically held. Conformably to this disposition, rate, and the popular leaders exerted their influence, with so much wis- patnoiic ef- ^ an(j pru,icnce among the commons, that they made no forts lor that ¦ . . , • , , , -, . . . purpose, claims but those that were strictly equitable and consistent with legal subordination. On these moderate principles of freedom, the people of Poland drew up an address to the diet, amount ing to a declaration of rights. This representation, instead of recurring to thc natural rights of man, antecedent to political establishment, considered what was most expedient for tlie cha racter and circumstances of the Polish peojrte. The constitution <»f Poland having been extremely defective in various constitu» REIGN OF GEORGE III. 3SS wits of liberty and security, the address in its claims, proposed ciup. such changes only as would remedy the defects, without sub- M^'ii. verting the existing orders. The nobles, clergy, and commons, >-«»-^-^-' should continue tli.slittel, and the nobility retain their rank, dig- lwl- nitv, nud all the privileges which were compatible wilh public freedom ; they should only be deprived of the power of oppres sion and tyranny. Tho commons should not only be exempted from civil thraldom, but have all tho political power that was consistent with the balance of the estates. Requisitions so disci'iniinntely moderate, lending to product) Ihe balance of the parts, as well as the welfare of the whole, were most gracious ly received by ibe Polish nobility, who showed themselves de sirous of promoting a new system, conformable to the wishes . of the people. The Polish patriots were eager to complete their reform, before Russia should be in a condition to give them any effectual interruption. Reports were spread and sus picions entertained, that there was a new partition in contem plation : the only way to prevent such a calamity and disgrace, was without delay to establish a system of polity, which should produce an union of ihe whole strength and energy of the Po lish nation, resist the interference of foreigners in its domestic affairs, nml preserve its natural independence and dignity. With these views tile patriots formed a system, which had for its ba- fis, lite rights claimed in the address ol" the people; and they presented their plan (o the diet at Warsaw. The new consti tution proposed two objects; the external independence, and internal liberty of the nation. The Roman catholic religion ' was lo continue to be the national faith, with a toleration of every oilier which should peaceably submit to the established government. The clergy should retain their privileges and authority ; the nubility their pre-eminence and prerogaiives; th© commons including the cili/ens and peasants, should participate afthc general liberty ; and the peasants were to he exempted from the predial servitude, under which they had so long groaned. Stipulations between the landholders and the pea sants should be equally binding on both parties and on their re spective successors, either by inheritance or acquisition; all property of every rank, order, or individual should be sacred, even from ihe encroachments of the supreme national power. To encourage the population of the country, all people, either strangers who should come to settle, or unlives who having emigrated should return to their country, might become cili/.ens of Poland, On conforming to its laws The constitution should New con- tie composed of three distinct powers, the legislative power in j^jjl"; "" the states assembled ; eNooulivo power in the king and council ; mixed, and nnd judicial power intho jurisdictions existing, or to be establish- lilllllrtl ed. Tin* crown was declared to bo eleclive in point of ftuni- ; "louarc''-> '; lies, but hereditary in the family which should be chosen. The proposed dynasty of future kings, was to begin with the elector of fcaxony, and to descend to liis heirs. The king at his access- 340 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. XJ.VII. 1791. effected without bloodshed. Rage ofCa- tharine at the emanci pation of Poland. sion must engage to support the new constitution, and was 4© command the army, and preside in the legislature ; the legisla tion was to be vested in two houses, the nobility and commons, meeting by their representatives ; and the judicial power was to be vested in a gradation of courts, rising to one general and national tribunal. Such are the outlines'1 of the constitution of Poland, which appeared to steer a middle course between aris tocratic tyranny, and democratic violence. It seemed well calculated to maintain internal liberty, encourage the industry of the great mass of the people, improve the immense advan tages of their soil and situation, and invigorate their energy by the newly infused spirit of personal freedom ; to confirm subor dination of rank, which best guides the efforts of the people, and by diffusing harmony and force throughout the nation, to afford the disposition and means of maintaining the independ ence of Poland. There were members of the diet who not only opposed these proceedings, but drew up a protest against them in the form of a manifesto. Their conduct excited universal dissatisfaction, and though the moderation of the patriotic par ty offered no insult to their persons, yet the people could not forbear to view them with indignation. The king and the other leaders of the popular party were extremely vigilant in restrain ing every appearance of violence. Indeed a singular and hap py circumstance of this revolution, was the peaceable manner in which it was effected : Poland attained the end which it proposed, without the loss of a single life. In framing this sys tem, Stanislaus himself bad displayed great ability: he had consulted the English and American constitutions, and with acute discrimination had selected such parts as were best adapt ed to the circumstances of Poland. The Polish patriots aware of the dispositions of Catharine, and apprehending other neighbouring states to regard the project with a jealous eye, urged the speedy adoption of the new constitution ; and they exerted themselves so strenuously, that on the 3d of May 1791, it was accepted by the estates, and all orders and classes of men, and ratified by suitable oaths, and inaugural solemni ties. The situation of Poland, freed from the Russian yoke, and rising to independence and respectability, galled the pride, and alarmed the ambition of Catharine ; she was enraged, that the Poles, over whom she for many years had imperiously domi neered, now asserted a right of managing their own affairs: she saw in the power of Poland, if allowed to be confirmed, under her present constitution, a bar to the accomplishment of her vast projects: she was therefore eager to conclude the peace of Gala tz, on terms less humiliating to the vanquished Ottoman, than from her successes she might have expected. Sec Qtridge's Annual Register for 1791, Appendix to Chronicle, p. 88. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 34i There were circumstances which afforded her hopes of not ^[v\','- only resuming her dictation in Poland, hut also rendering her ^^^ power over that country more arbitrary than ever. |79] At the commencement of the French revolution, the other Shc |10|w,l0 great powers of the continent were so much engaged in their cmsh the own several projects, as not to bestow an adequate attention ^p0^dem on the character and spirit of the Gallic proceedings. Spain was by far too feeble to entertain any hopes of interfering with effect in favour of fallen monarchy. The king of Sardinia at- impression forded refuge to the exiled princes and nobility, but could sup- p^dnec^e ply no important aid. Thc refugee princes and their party, volution on though anxiously eager to interest foreign powers in the cause other coun- of the privileged orders, yet during the year 1790, had little lriea ' success; but when Leopold had restored tranquillity in the Low°n «we. Countries, after having concluded peace with Turkey, and be-rel£ns" ing on terms of amity with the defensive alliance, he turned his attention1' to the situation of France. Though moved by con sanguinity, he was yet more deeply impressed by kingly sym pathy : he considered the present ruling party in France as in imical to all monarchy, and holding up an example which he apprehended the subjects of neighbouring sovereigns might imi tate : and in these sentiments other princes of Germany coinci ded. Leopold however was aware of the danger which would attend speedy hostilities, unless he should have more effectual auxiliaries than the petty princes of the Germanic empire. His own resources were impaired by thc war from which he had so recently extricated himself. France under her monarchical government had been always too powerful for the German em pire ; the present system would afford her additional energy. From these considerations, so early as the spring of 1791, he endeavoured to interest other potentates in his objects ; and with his own hands wrote a letter to the empress Circular of Russia, the king of England, and the king of Pi-us-!«lerol'thc sia, also to thc king of Spain, the states-general, tlie kings o°hcrprin- of Sardinia and Naples; proposing to form an union and con-ces. cert of counsels and plans, for the purposes of asserting the honour and liberty of the king and royal family of France, and setting bounds to the dangerous excesses of the French revolu tion ; to instruct their ministers at Paris to declare the concert which should be so formed ; and recommend to the respective princes to support their declarations, by preparing a sufficient force. Should the French refuse to comply with the joint re quisition of the crowned heads, the confederated powers would suspend all intercourse with France, collect a considerable army on the frontiers, nnd thereby compel the national assem bly to raise and maintain a great military force at a heavy ex pense. The interruption of trade, and general industry, would f See Annual Register, 1791, ch.iv. g Annual Register as above. 342 HISTORY OF THE \lvi^' ^ring ^ie people of France to more sober thoughts; and might tend to the evaporation of their present enthusiasm. On so ,_„. great an undertaking, the emperor could not venture alone ; the concurrence of the other great powers, especially Prussia and Great Britain, was necessary to give efficacy to the pro ject. Equitable Whatever effect this application might have on the powers principieoi"' severa''v' to wnom '• was addressed, it did not succeed in pro- Biiiishpoli-ducing the proposed concert. The principle of Britain mani- ay respect- fested not only in her declarations, but uniform conduct, was French that an internal change in the political system of any country revolution, did not justify the interference of neighbouring nations, unless that internal change led its votaries to aggression : that it did not belong to England to determine whether the government of France should be monarchical or republican ; and that in chan ging her constitution, humbling her monarch, degrading her nobility, plundering her church, and even committing various acts of atrocity, in her own provinces or metropolis, she did no act which it belonged to Britain to avenge : she inflicted no injury on Britain. As impartial observers, Britons might indi vidually censure French proceedings, as unwise, unjust, or im pious; but' the British nation neither possessed nor asserted a right of dictation to the French concerning the management of their own internal affairs, so long as their conduct did not pro duce aggression against this country. Paris — While symptoms of enmity against the French revolution ejectment were manifesting themselves in some of the neighbouring coun- and banish- .... . ° .. . . . ° nr-.u ment of the tries, its votaries were proceeding in their career. With great elerg-y who expedition thej' ejected from their livings the refractory priests refused the |10 ^^yif] 110t swear contrary to their belief and conscience, civic oath. , ,,., J ,. »• and filled their places with more complaisant pastors, who were willing to submit to the powers that be ; and in a few months there was a new set of spiritual teachers, most eagerly attached to the revolution to which they were indebted for their benefi ces. Besides this body of staunch auxiliaries, the national as sembly, by robbing the church, procured another set of very active assistants in the holders of the assignments. These were, indeed, a kind of revolutionary pawn-brokers, who advanced money on plundered effects, and depended on the stability of the new system for payment. By the spiritual influence of the new priests, and the temporal influence of the new brokers, who consisted of great monied capitalists, the people became still more attached to the revolution, and its engine the nation- Proo-ressof al assembly. This body of legislators, finding confiscation so confiscation, productive a source of revenue, deemed it unwise to confine it l'orfeiturcof to the property of the church. Anew fund they provided iii theestatesor,ne estates of ihe refugee princes and nobility;11 and with their tisnal despatch they passed a decree sequestering the principal li See proceedings of the national assembly. emiSTants. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 343 estates, and threatening to confiscate them all if the proprietors £H AP. did not immediately return. Farther to equalize property, they passed a decree abolishing primogeniture, and ordaining that the property of parents should be equally divided among their Abolition of children. But the national assembly now extended its system primogeni- of confiscation to the properties of foreigners. Several German iure- . r -1 x ,..,,, -, • • Invasion ot princes, secular and ecclesiastical, held great possessions in the rights Alsace, by tenures repeatedly ratified under the most solemn of German treaties ; and guaranteed by the great neighbouring powers. Prmces- Yet these rights the national assembly overthrew by a mere act of lawless robbery." This flagrant aggression on the rights of independent powers, not only excited the indignant resentment of the princes who were actually despoiled, but the displeasure and apprehensions of others. The confiscation of French pro perty by the government was an invasion of the rights of French subjects. But the invasion of foreign property was a declara tion of intended hostilities against all nations to which their plundering arms could reach. The emperor remonstrated on The empe- this violation of existing treaties, requiring compensation for ror remon- the past, and security against future attacks on the rights of ™j"t thi? princes of the empire. The national assembly imputed this re- violation of quisition to hostile intentions, and affirmed that there was a national en- concert of foreign sovereigns, French princes, and aristo- gasemenl" crats, to effect a counter revolution : Louis, they said, had ac ceded to this confederation, and was preparing to escape from France. His majesty at Easter had taken the sacrament from the hands of a refractoryk priest, and had thereby given great of fence and alarm to the Parisians. It was also remarked that he. had recently promoted officers inimical to the revolution. On Proposed the 18th of April, being Easter monday, his majesty and family janntofthe intended to repair to St. Cloud, a palace about three miles from cloud" is the city, there to spend the holidays. In the morning, as the prevented family was stepping into their coaches, an immense crovyd stir- y tn,e rounding the carriages, refused to suffer them to proceed, and insisted that they should remain at Paris. The national guards, joining the multitude, exclaimed that the king should' not be suffered to depart; and the sovereign found it necessary to comply with the requisition of the populace. After several dis cussions, the Parisians represented their apprehension of dan gers assailing them from various quarters, and especially the king's intimate counsellors. His majesty, to gratify the popu lace, dismissed various royalists from their places at court, and employed other means to remove the popular dissatisfaction. One step which he took for this purpose, was to send a memo- Mornm-ini rial to the French ministers in foreign countries, with orders to deliver^! to deliver a copy at each court where they respectively resided, foreign i See proceedings of Ihe national assembly. lc Those clergymen who would not take the prescribed oath v. ere, by the re volutionists styicd refractory priests-, 1791. 344 HISTORY OF THE" XLVfl* '*''* document recapitulated the events which produced and ¦~*r+s*L-, '0"OWK(' ^e revolution, and described that great change as having importantly improved the condition both of the monarch and the people. It extolled the new constitution, reprobated the efforts employed to overthrow that beneficial fabric, most clearly and unequivocally expressed the royal approbation of the present system, anil declared that the assertions of those French men in foreign parts, who complained that he was obli ged to disguise his sentiments, were unfounded in truth. This despatch being communicated on the ^:jd of April to the na tional assembly, was received with the loudest applause, and ordered to be posted up in the most conspicuous places of every municipality in the kingdom, to be read at the head of every regiment and company in the army, and on board of eve ry ship in the navy. For several weeks the greatest harmony appeared to prevail between the king and the assembly. Meanwhile the royalist', without being dismayed by the power of the revolutionists, expressed their sentiments with an asperi ty, which increased the more that in oppression, they saw the injustice of t *e predominant principles, and felt the misery of their effects. Attachment however to the king's person a id family deterred them from measures which they had reason to conclude, would endanger his safety; should they make any decisive movement towards a counter revolution, they did not doubt, a massacre of the royal captives, would be the sacrifice to popular fury. The deliverance of their majesties and Ihe family from a slate of real captivity, by whatever name it might be called, would enable them to begin their attempts without hazarding thc royal safety. They believed that the majority of the nation secretly cherished the same sentiments with them selves, and would readily co-opera le in attempting the resto ration of royalty, when they saw hopes of support and suc cess. Under this conviction, his majesty's friemfs employed their utmost dexterity to effect his escape from I'aris. The en terprise appeared arduous, but not impracticable} his mnjerty was accompanied by a national guard, and also by a Swiss guard; the latter corps was warmly attached to the king and his family. The marquis de Bouille at different times strongly exhorted the king to fly from his oppressors, and join his friends.' After the obstruction of his visit to St. Cloud, he re presented lo him that by flight, with the countenance ol fori igit powers, he might be able lo head all those friends of moderate liberty, and mixed monarchy, that should be inimical to demo cratic despotism, and to save his country from the evils by Hirhti.f which she was now threatened. At length ihe marquis pre- iheio'ng. vailed;™ and it was concerted that the royal family should di rect, their course to Luxemburg!), the nearest part of the em- I Hi«s Bowlle'< rrtfrnoirn. rr. The narrative of tlii king'* flight isrlisfly -•impreMcd from Boui!1'.'* me moin. ru.M". XI. VII. inn. u niv sled nt RKTON OP (H'lOROE III. W* peror'n dominions, ami to which tho itind lay through the north- mil borders of Lorraine, where de Ifouille being governor of iMel/, niul having the command of the troops, ol whom ninny were well iill'eelotl fo lite king, eould fm-Hiliite and protect their progress. On tlis J Nth of June the Hiwinu nmhtissitdor pro cured n passport for a Russian lady about (ho said) to set out for (formally, with n specified uninber of attendants nutl two diildron. 611 the 30th, the royal parly left Paris about mid night: at St. Mcurlioud. a postillion recognising I .ottis Vroin hi.n'l ( , SCUur, informed the postmaster; this person without veivtiir* vui'.-nne.-; |f fo Stop the king hiiuself, despatched Ills son to Vtirenues, lh« m>st stago, to wnrn ihe magistrates. Apprized of his limit's* »y'» nptututclt, tho magistrates of Yiironuos wei-e prepared to seir.o llie monarch ; they accordingly took liitn prisoner, audi split him ami his family, 'escorted by n strong gunril, to Paris.™ Meanwhile Ihe king's flight being disoovrooil about eight in the morning, filled the city with the greatest const ornatiOTh To overttilve him was imprtielicable, as Paris was not two hundred miles from the frontiers, and he must have already ef fected oiirMlllrtl of his journey. It was universally believed that hostilities luul been concerted between the kinji" and hi* partisans awaiting him on tho t'rontiors of I he kingdom, nnd that theif ho was to collect nil the force v» liich lie coultl assein« bhs ami invade France, The national assembly having met, rYoww). " gti\e orders that nil people slionld lake up arms fo repel the ini»»f lh«- atteui|ils expecleil to be made by the king's party. Louis had '{J&'mJ' let) (wlioular directions that no use should he made of the seals ubMUM. of ollice till his fni'thfr commands; hill Ihe assembly ilecived that tbe king having absented himself, the business of the n*. tion, ought nevertheless lo proceed : for which ronton the seals of the state should, in virtue of their authority as rpprwentti* ti\ev of tho nation, bo ntuxed as usual to llieu- decrees, bv tlw chief iiiinisler. The following day. news arriving of the cap ture of the king, lurnod iheir fours into exulting joy. On the n,,,* }'W. tho uuloi'tunato prince . amidst the most insulting tind tri- <>>-»«n;la iitnphaut acclamations, was conducted to the former place of^'*,1'' hi* iMufiuemoul. Aller invoMtgttling llio conduct of various suspected persons, ihey at last deleituinetl to suhjoot their so vereign himself lo a judicial examination : and to manifest their sentiment* respecting kings. «|i>oievl the (rial of Charles I. of Keg-laud. A deputation of three monibers was appointed to iv» answer any interrogatories, but avowed his willingness to make known th« motives ti>r his late departure. His intention (ho saidl was not lo leave the kingdom, but to repair to MontimHli, a fortified tovxn on the frontiers, wheiv his personal lilwly \\»uk) l>« s«» euro, «n«l his public conduct under no restraint ; and whciv ho CouM ha\o transacted business, tivgvihor with iho assembly. a S«* the do util in li,*mll,- \Ol. M. It 346 HISTORY OF THE Xtvu'. witnout tne imputation of force. He did' not object to the con- ^r^s^, stitution, but only to the small degree of liberty allowed to 1781. himself, which so impaired the, sanction of his voice, as to give it the appearance of compulsion. A memorial which he left at his departure, more fully detailed the various grounds of his dissatisfaction with the national assembly; recapitulated their various acts, and very ably exposed the despotic usurpation of the revolutionary party. The assembly ' answered this memo rial by a manifesto which was intended to prove that their con duct had been directed by regard to the public good, that its effect was internal prosperity, and a strength that would resist every attempt at a counter revolution. From the unsuccessful effort of the king to escape from thraldom, the republicans de rived a great accession of strength. They, however, thought it prudent to assume in the assembly the appearance of mode ration, while their emissaries and associates in the clubs were occupied in increasing among the people the prevailing hatred of monarchy. No faith could be reposed, they affirmed, in the king or any of his adherents, who were all plotting' a counter revolution. Under pretence of guarding against the designs of the royalists, the assembly assumed the organization of the army, and, indeed, the chief part of the executive power, which, at the confederation, they and the people had sworn to leave in The mo- the hands of the king.: The monarchical party now adopted narohical a system of open, resolute, and vigorous opposition, which, if a v?Boro°f chosen at a less advanced stage, might have saved their country system, bui from the despotism of paramount democracy. They declared too late. tnat tjjey never would relinquish the defence of the monarchy : no less than two hundred and eighty joined in a bold and ex plicit protest against the decrees by which the assembly acted independently of the crown ; but now their firm boldness was too late. The national assembly, to guard against foreign in vasion, gave directions for fortifying the frontiers. Meanwhile they proceeded with the constitutional code ; and the king's late attempt caused the insertion of several articles which had not been before proposed. It was decreed by a great majority, that a king putting himself at the head of an armed force, hos tile to the state, should be considered as having abdicated the crown. The same penalty was denounced against him were he to retract his oath of fidelity to the constitution, or incur the guilt of conspiracy against it by a criminal correspondence with the enemies of the nation. It was farther decreed, tbat after such abdication he should be treated as a simple citizen, and subjected, like all other individuals, to the common course of law. There was a very warm debate about the inviolability State of of the king's person. At this time there were four parlies in parties. the national assembly, and throughout the French empire : the royalists, whose object was the restoration of the monarchy in its former power and splendour ; the moderates, who wished a mixed kingly government consisting of different estates, uniting REIGN OF GEORGE ITI. 347 security and liberty with social order, and subordination : the xlvh'' third was the constitutionalists^ the supporters of the existing polity, which, levelling all ranks and distinctions of subjects, _gJ still retained the name of king, and were by far the most numerous: fourthly, the republicans, who were gaining ground in number and strength. The royalists and moderates were eager for the inviolability of the royal person ; the constitu tionalists were divided ; the republicans were strenuously inimi cal to the proposition : but after a long and animated contest, perceiving that by persisting in their opposition in this point, they would lose the support of many constitutionalists, in order to conciliate the different parties, they proposed certain provi sional modifications to accompany the inviolability of the royal person. Their opponents thought it expedient to accede to a compromise; and it was accordingly decreed, that the king's faviolabill. person,' with certain restrictions and limitations, should be in- km^'s'per- violable. A decree was passed, intrusting the education of the son°carrie4 dauphin to a governor appointed by the national assembly^ in m '^j* as' order to form him to constitutional principles. The moderate se " ' party endeavoured again to introduce two separate chambers, and enlarged on the blessings of the British constitution, but their propositions were rejected. The constitutional code being finished, sixty members were appointed to present it to the king: these waited on his majesty with great solemnity, and were very graciously received. When they presented the code; he informed them, that the importance of '.the subject required his most attentive and serious examination; and that as soon as he had acquitted himself of this duty, he would apprize the as sembly of his intentions. The violent republicans hoped that the king would refuse the constitution, and thereby justify a different system. The king and his friends were well informed of their wishes and schemes : the people in general, however^ were not yet disposed to establish a commonwealth, and the greater number of them were most strenuous constitutionalists. His friends, aware of the designs of the republicans, advised The kingis the king to accept the constitutional code. Being prevailed friends ad- upon, he, on the 13th of September, wrote a letter"? announcing Iccept'iLe9 his acceptance, and declaring the motives of his former, recent, constitu- and present conduct. The following day, repairing to the na- tlonal f("*e- tional assembly, , he verbally declared his acceptance of the He acceDl9 constitution ; and in presence of the assembly, signed his de- it in the n^ claralion. He was received with great respect, and attended tional as- hy the whole assembly on his return to the Thuilleries, amidst sein *' the acclamations of all Paris. . 0n4he 28th of September, the constitution was formally proclaimed at Paris. The substanee of the proclamation was, that the important work of the con stitution being at length perfected by the assembly, and ac cepted by the king, it was now intrusted to the protection of o Ses State Papers, September 13th, 1791. 1191. 348 HISTORY OF THE XLViF ^e kgislature, the crown, and the law ; to the affectio'n and fidelity of fathers of families, wives, and mothers ; to the zeal and attachment of the young citizens, and to the spirit of the French nation.? While the assembly had been thus engaged in completing the new constitutional code, it bestowed the highest oaW tcTinfi- honours on the memory of those revolutionizing philosophers del philo- who had contributed so powerfully to the change. As Voltaire sophers. .had been so efficacious an enemy to Christianity and the church, the assembly conferred signal honours on his remains, which they ordered to be transported from his burial place, and de posited in the church of St. Genevive, the place appointed for receiving the ashes, and perpetuating the memory, of those who had deserved well of the French nation. Equal honours were decreed to Rousseau : he had been the object of almost constant persecution by priests and their votaries. France, that had now dispelled the clouds of superstition, and broken the fetters of tyranny, after having profited so much by his la bours, ought to pay that veneration lo his memory when dead, which ignorance and superstition had denied to him while he was alive. The public joined with the assembly in doing homage to the characters of these writers, and also to Helvetius ?tnd others, who had distinguished themselves by their exertions against Christianity. To gratify the prevailing sentiment, the -theatres were, as usual, accommodated : plays were represent ed in which infidel writers and doctrines were held up to admi ration : religion, and the various establishments and orders by which it had been maintained, were expo'sed to ridicule and contempt. That they might contribute as much as possible to the perpetuation of their system, the revolutionists endeavoured to instil such sentiments concerning the relations of domestic and private life, as would best correspond with their political establishments.1! Want of Amidst the many plans for regenerating France, there was money. one eviU which ingenuity could not remedy, this was the scar city of money. Notwithstanding the immense forfeitures, there was still a great deficiency of income compared with expenditure. The army required to support the new liberty was more numerous and much more expensive, than the armies of the old monarchy had been at the most extravagant periods. The populace considered exemption from taxes as one of the sacred .rights which they ought to enjoy, and therefore paid very sparingly and reluctantly. The boldest and most ardent champions of religious, moral, civil, and political regeneration, neglected no opportunity of committing theft. The assembly- had declared that all property belonged to the state : from this comprehensive theorem they deduced a corollary,1' that p See State Papers, September 28th, 1791. <) See Burke's Letter to a Member of the National Assembly. r See Play lair's history of Jacobinism. REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 849 whatever was thus acquired by the stale belonged to any Sj\™^ lawgiver or statesman that could get it into his possession. Though these peculators publicly celebrated tbe credit of the „ national paper, in their own accumulations they gave the pre ference to jrold and silver. Many other monied men who had amassed their riches by fair means, being doubtful con cerning the stability of the new government, hoarded the great er part of their cash. All who were disaffected to the revolu tionary system, to discourage assignats a% well as to secure their own property, concealed as much as possible their gold and silver. A great part of the hidden treasures wa3 lodged ia foreign countries, especially tbe British funds, which even the French patriots practically acknowledged to afford the best security for property.' Ah silver and gold disappeared, the paper money was proportionably depreciated ; and great pe cuniary distress prevailed. The indigent now became a more numerous body than ever, and made desperate through want, broke into every recess where they thought money was hoard ed, and exercised their depredations with such dexterity, that numbers of individuals lost immense sums, notwithstanding tbe carefulness and extraordinary precautions with which they had been concealed.' As a considerable part of pecuniary distress was imputed to the administrators of the revenue who were the most zealous members of the popular party, the aristocrats ¦very minutely investigated and severely scrutinized their con duct; and when the accounts were presented for inspection, inspection declared openly that they conceived them false, and the docu- of accounts. ment? and vouchers by which they were supported fabricated for the purpose of covering fraud and depredation. The ar guments and statements were very strong and clear, but the assembly overthrew arithmetical re*ults by a majority of voles; and so far the patriots were cleared from the charges. The purgation of these patriotic financiers was the last important act of tbe national assembly: on the 30th of September, 1791, Disjoint™ this body was dissolved by a speech from the kin;r, in which "f «f>« »*- be solemnly repeated his promises to maintain the constitution, ^bly*" Thus terminated the first national assembly of France, which Beviuon of in little more than two years had effected a more complete t!"j rf ir:' >- change in the government, ranks, orders, laws, religion, doo^e^"^68 trines, opinions, sentiments, and manners of the people, than this t>ody. any legislative body ever before effected in a series of ages. It found an absolute monarchy ; left an uncontroled popular How ;, legislature, with a king nominally limited, actually subdued, found and It found the laws, which emanating from the Roman code, and'eft France* intermingled with tbe feudal institutions, had spread over the • So great was Ibe iodine of Frmch men*;, into Englapd during the year 1791, that wherea* seventy -five had been the average price of the consolidated anno. jlie* ol three per cent, during the live preceding yearn of peace and pn»peritr9 from mid«pmirier 1731 the arerag'; pri« r;si aVrut ei'^htT-ei^ht. t See Pfayfiur on Jacobinism, 350 HISTORY OF THE : SPy/J' greater part of Europe, and subsisted in France for twelve ' centuries ; it left a new code, which originated in a metaphy- ^^^^r*^ sical fiction of universal equality; vindicated to matt, when member of a community, all the rights which might belong to him in a state of separation from his fellow men, and appli ed to a constituted society principles that presuppose no socie ty to exist. It found disparity of rank, a political result from inequality of ability and character, extending itself to descend ants : it left all rank and eminence levelled with meanness and obscurity; seeing that in the progress of hereditary transmis sion there might be degeneracy, instead of correcting the abuse, it abolished the establishment. It look away one of the strongest incentives to splendid and beneficial actions, in the desire of a parent to acquire, maintain, or extend, honour or dignity, which he may not only enjoy himself, but transmit to his children. It found the people, though turbulent and reluctantly submitting to arbitrary power, well inclined to a free system, which should include order and subordination. Expelling monarchical despotism, instead of stopping at the middle stage, which wisdom dictated, it carried the people to* the opposite extreme of democratic anarchy. Impressing the multitude with an opinion that the general will was the sole rule of rrovernment, it induced them to suppose that their wills jointly and individually were to be exempt from restraint; and that the subjection of passion to the control of reason and . virtue, was an infringement of liberty. It found pro perty secure, and left arbitrary confiscation predominant. It In all fis ex- f0UlK] the peeple christians; left them infidels. But whatever manifested opinion impartial posterity may entertain of this legislative the genius body, either in the revolution which they effected, or the new and energy SySietn which they established, it must be admitted that un- French common ingenuity, skill, vigour, and perseverance, were dis- charaeter. played in the means adopted to give to the projected changes the desired effect. Their great and fundamental principle was, to revolutionize the minds of their countrymen, as the, only sure means of civil and political revolution. In the clubs, the populace, and the army, modelled by their pleasure, they formed most effectual instruments for carrying their schemes' into execution, and rendering their will the paramount law. The first national assembly manifested ability and genius, which, unfortunately for their country, were neither guided by wisdom nor prompted by virtue. Progress or The revolutionary leaders did not confine their efforts to- political en- ^]ie:r own COuntry. They employed emissaries in other nations to disseminate their principles and co-operate with champions in the same cause. A spirit of political enthusiasm had, in deed been spread through a great part of Europe. In Germany, and particularly in the Prussian dominions, a set arose, though under different denominations, who, ascribing the greater part of human calamities to bigotry, superstition, arbitrary power, REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 351 and error, endeavoured to awaken their cotempornries to the • GPA?" most animated hopes, of the advantages that were to flow from political improvement, philosophical education, and, in nil s"^n~*>"' things, a vigorous exercise of reason. They professed, at tho snme time, the warmest sentiments of humanity, and a spirit of universal philanthropy. In Britain, as we have seen, Britain, the lending doctrines of the French revolution were maintained from various causes, and to different extents, by numbers of writers, more especially by those of the unitarian dissenters. In the beginning of this year Dr. Priestley employed his rapid and indefatigable pen in answering Mr. Burke. After repeat ing his usual arguments against the existing establishments, the doctor confined himself to a prophetic vision of the mani fold blessings which toere to flow through the world from the glorious French revolution. This event was to diffuse liberty, to meliorate society, and to increase virtue and happiness. A Certain in- political millennium was about to be established, when men ^cniou- *i- should be governed by the purity of their own minds, and the *'° JJ'JJ "2u-' moderation of their own desires, without external coercion, i.-d niillen- when no authority should exist but that of reason, and no le-»'um- gislntors but philosophers and disseminators of truth. But a work soon after made ite appearance, which however little entitled to historical record for its own intrinsic merits, is well worthy of mention as the cause of very important and alarm ing effects ; this was a treatise entitled, The riglds of man, by Thomas Paine ; already mentioned as the author of a violent pamphlet written to prevent re-union between Britain nnd her colonics. Paine having gone to Paris soon after the Thomas commencement of !he revolution, nnd thoroughly imbibed its doc- Paine. triues and sentiments, undertook to induce the English to copy so glorious a model. Perhaps, indeed, there never wns a wri ter who more completely attained the art of imposing and impressing nonsense on ignorant and undistinguishing minds, as sense and sound reasoning, more fitted for playing on the passions of the vulgar ; for gaining their affections by gratify ing their prejudices, and through those affections procuring their assent to tiny assertions which he chose to advance. His manner was peculiarly calculated to impress and effect such objects. The coarse fainilinrity of his language was in unison Rights of with vulgar taste; the directness of his efforts and boldness*1'"1"- of his assertions passed with ignorance for the confidence of adaptation undoubted truth. It was not only thc manner of his connnuni-ofioihoscn- cn tion, but the substance of his doctrine, that was Peculiarly ^^"{Jj? pleasing to the lower ranks. Vanity, pride, and ambition, are the vulgar. passions which exist with as much force in the tap room of an alehouse as in a senate. When peasants, labourers, and journeymen mechanics, were told that they were as lit for go verning the country as any man in parliament, it was ti very pleasing idea ; it gave nn ngroenhle swell to their self impor tance: when farther informed, that they were not only quali- 352 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, fied for such high appointments, but also, if they exerted them- XLVU- selves that they were within the reach, they were still more ^-^^s**-' delighted. Through a book so popular, very great addi- A |,7^h- t'ons were made to the English admirers of the French revo- ing popular- lution. Societies and clubs, in imitation of Ihe French jaeo- Hy of bins, fast increasing in number and divisions, testified the lowrfanks. highest approbation of Paine's Rights of Man; and very in dustriously, through their affiliations, spread cheap editions of it among the common people, in all parts of the kingdom. Commem- On the 14th of July a party of the admirers of the French oration of revolution met at Birmingham to commemorate its commence- revoTmionh ment> under the auspices of its great champion Dr. Priestley. at Birming- Previous to the meeting, a handbill" was circulated outrage- ham, ously seditious, stigmatizing all the established orders, and urging insurrection against church and state. As the majority of the inhabitants were warmly attached to the constitution, this mischievous production excited very great alarm and rage. The celebrators having assembled, the populace surrounded the tavern where they were met ; and as Dr. Priestley had so often and openly.avowed his enmity to the church, they very unfortunate ly supposed that the present paper, dooming our establishment to destruction, was composed and dispersed by him and his Riots. votaries. Under this apprehension they became extremely rio tous, burnt one of the conventicles, destroyed several private Destruction houses, and, among the rest, the library of Dr. Priestley, con- ofDr. taining a most valuable apparatus for philosophical experiments, Priestley's anc[ a]so mar)y manuscripts. The tumults raged for two days so violently that the civil magistrates were inadequate to their suppression. A military force arriving the third day, dispersed the mob ; and the magistrates, thus assisted, re-established tranquillity. All friends to our king and constitution sincerely regretted these lawless proceedings, though evidently originat ing in a zealous attachment to our establishment. Men of science lamented the destruction of Dr. Priestley's library, of his collection, machinery, and compositions on physical subjects, in which department the exertions of his talents and learning were supremely valuable. The doc- The conduct of Dr. Priestley himself upon this occasion, tor's con- though it could not diminish the public abhorrence of such outrageous violence, by no means increased sympathy in the sufferings of its principal object. Hastening to London, he- wrote an address to the inhabitants of Birmingham, in which, though he justly exposed the lawless disorder of the insurgents, and naturally complained of the mischiefs that they had per petrated, yet the main scope of his letter was to attack the church, and impute the riots to its principal supporters in the vicinity. The tumultuous excesses he illogically and falsely u See Gen'.leman's Magazine for July, 1701, and Chronicle of Annual Regis ter for the same month. REIGN OF GEORGE HI. S53 ascribed to the badness of the cause ; as if the intrinsic merits SPA£" of any system could be lessened by the madness or folly of its defenders. Vitriousaddresses of condolence sent to Dr. Priestley %"-7J^n"V'' by societies of dissenters, and other clubs, very clearly demon strated the sanguine hopes of the writers, that the downfall of our establishments was approaching. Mr. Benjamin Cooper, secretary of the revolution society, hoped that the church which he (Mr. Benjamin Cooper) pronounced an ignorant and interested intolerance, was near its end. Dr. Priestley's reply chimed with this Mr. Benjamin Cooper's tune. The young students at Hackney college, expressed their conviction of the folly of existing establishments. Priestley's answer" to their letter mny be considered as a recitation of his political creed. The hierarchy (he said) equally the bane of Christianity and of rational liberty, was about to fall : he exhorted these young men strenuously to use their efforts in so glorious a cause, and to show by the ardour and force of thoir exertions against the constituted authorities, how much more enlightened understand ings, and liberal sentiments were formed by the plan and in structions of their academy, than those that were imbibed in national institutions, fettering and depressing the mind. The doctrines so earnestly inculcated by Priestley and his class of enemies to our establishments, tended to promote the success of Paine's political lessons. Priestley was more fitted for forming companion visionary and sophistical epeculatists among men of superficial '"-tween literature, whereas Paine was best qualified for effecting a anj p^jjj^ change on the vulgar and ignorant. Priestley dealt chiefly in prescription ; his nostrum to be applied to every case was alterative : Paine was operalical and proposed immediate inci sion. From Priestley proceeded such philosophers as Godwin and Holcroft, from Paine such practical reformers as Watt and Thelwall. Priestley, to use his own words, had laid the train, Paine's desire was to light the match. Republican, and even democratic principles, continued to make a rapid progress during the remainder of the year. It would be extremely un just and illiberal to impute to unitarian dissenters indiscriminate- ly, the principles and intentions so obvious in the heresiarch. It is however well known, that if not all, very many of that class of dissenters were at this time inimical to the British con stitution of church and state. Besides the dissenters, there were rtapidaiuj other sets of men who regarded the French revolution as a extensive model for imitation. From causes purely political, without jjJ,^'1'U,i°i' any mixture of theology, some of the votarie* of a change in principles. parliament, and other departments of the state, conceived the diffusion of French- principles highly favourable to their plans of reform. In the metropolis, besides men of genius and learn ing, well affected to the French revolution, there was another x See Genflemnn's Magazine, for November, 1701. p. 1(31, arid Annull Re gister, 1791, Appendix to Chronicle, p, 8G. vol. n. 4'5 354 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. set of adventurers in literature and politics, very eager in main- ' taining and spreading its doctrines. If learning be not more S^T^W' profound in the present than in former ages, it is certainly spread Wide diffu- over a much wider surface. The commercial opulence of the sion of su- country encourages the manufacture and sale of literary com- perficial modifies of every value and denomination. The demand ex- hteraUire, ... •> . „ , , . , . ... favourable tending to a vast variety of productions, which require neitner torevolu- deep learning nor vigorous genius, the number of authors mul- iions.ry "°' tiplies in proportion to the moderate qualifications that are ne cessary. All these, down to translators of German novels, and collectors of paragraphs for the daily papers, deem themselves persons of genius and erudition, and members of the republic of letters. In France, literary men possessed great direction; many of this class in England conceived, that if the same sys tem were established here, they might rise to be directors in the new order of things. There were in the literary class, as in other bodies, persons who, from a benevolent enthusiasm, hoped that the French constitution would extirpate vice and misery, and diffuse over the world philanthropy and happiness. Among the literary producers, there was one set who thought the high est perfection of the human character was sensibility; and that the restraints of religious and moral precepts, as well as of political establishments, were harsh and tyrannical, because they so often contradioted the impulse of sentimental feeling; these praised the French revolution in the belief that it was inimical to austere restrictions. Under this class were to be ranked various female votaries of literature, and at their head Mary Ann Mary Ann WoUstonecraft, who produced, as a counterpart to craft.8 °ne" *he Rights of Man, a performance entitled the Rights of Woman ; vindicating to the sex an exemption from various restrictions to which women had been hitherto subjected from the tyranny and aristocracy of men ; but first and principally from the re straint of chastity; and claiming the free and full indulgence of every gratification which fancy could suggest, or passion stimu- Debating late. Besides these classes, there was a great and multiplying societies, variety of clubs for political discussion and debate. To these resorted many mechanics, tradesmen, and others, from a desire extremely prevalent among the lower English, of distinguishing themselves as spokesmen. By degrees, from hearing speeches and reading pamphlets, they supposed themselves politicians and philosophers, and .thought it incumbent on so enlightened men, to drop the prejudices of education ; and sacrificed religion, patriotism, and loyalty, at the shrine of vanity. From so many causes, and through so many agents, the revolutionary doctrines' Cheap edi- were disseminated very widely. To faciliate circulation, opulent Paine's^0"1 votaries published cheap editions of the most inflammatory works. works, especially Paine's Rights of Man, which contained the essence of all the rest. But men of high rank, and of the highest ability and charac ter, still admired the French revolution as" likely to produce, REIGN OF GEORGE in. 355 when corrected by time and experience, the extension of mode- ^y4. J"' rate and rational liberty ; and besides Dr. Priestley, a few others of eminent genius celebrated the French changes, in literary works. Of these, by far the most distinguished production One able that appeared in England in vindication of the FreYich revolu- and pro- tion was Mr. Mackintosh's answer to Mr. Burke. The obvious |nUfavM?rof purpose of this learned and philosophical writer is the meliora- the French tion of the condition of man ; convinced that men habitually ||?.v"'.ul.ion- guided by reason, and determined by virtue, would be happier GaUicuS under small than considerable restraints, he proposed a control too feeble for the actual state of men now existing ; much more of a people whose national character, from the old despotism, and other causes, required a greater degree of control than some of their neighbours. The erroneous conclusions of this forcible and profound writer, appear to have arisen from two sources ; first he argued from a supposition of an attainable perfection in the human character, instead of an accurate esti mate of the degree of perfection which it had actually attained. Secondly, he appears to have been misinformed concerning the principles, spirit, and character of the French revolutionists. Great and important as the progressions of public opinions Marriage of were in 1791, to arrest the attention of the philosophical ob- York to^the server, the actual events in England to employ the pen of the princess of annalist, were not numerous. His highness the duke of York, t>ru8sia- in the close of the year 1791, married the eldest princess of Prussia, between whom and the English prince a mutual affec tion had subsisted ever since the royal youth's residence at the court of Berlin. The arrival of the fair stranger, the many festivities that ensued on so auspicious an occasion, and the ap pearance of the new married couple in public, agreeably re lieved the political discussions which had long absorbed the at tention of the public. 356 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. XL VIII. Meeting of parliament. — Opposition censure the conduct of ministry respecting Russia. — Incidental but interesting debates about the French revolution. — Real difference between Messrs. Burke and Fox. — Motion of Mr. Whitbread respecting the riots at Birmingham. — Petition of the unitarian dissenters — rejected. — Multiplication of political clubs. — Society of the friends of the people — rank, character, and property of the members. — Mr. Grey. — The earl of Lauderdale.— Address of the society to the people of Great Britain. — Inten tion good, but tendency dangerous. — Mr. 'Pitt opposes this engine of change. — Rise and progress of corresponding societies. — Second part of Thomas Paine's Rights of Man. — Ferment among the populace. — The lower classes become politicians and statesmen. — Proclamation against seditions writings — discussed in parliament. — Schism among the members of opposition. — The heir ap parent testifies his zeal for supporting the British constitution — General satis faction from the manifestation of the prince's sentiments. — Bill for the amend ment of the London "police. — Humane and discriminate propositions of lord Rawdon for the relief of debtors and benefit of creditors. Abolition of the slave trade is, carried in the house of commons. — Subject discussed in the house of lord5?. — Duke of Clarence opposes the aholiliou. — His highness exhibits a masterly view of the various arguments — The question postponed. — State of thecrown lands — especially forests. — Mr, Pitt's bill for enclosing parts of the New Forest- — disapproved — rejected by the peers. — Mr. Dundas's bill for facilitating the" payment of wages and prize money to sailors — passed. — Finances. — 'Prosperous state of commerce and revenue.— -Prospect of farther reducing the debt, and diminishing the taxes. — Flourishing state of India finances. — Political stale and transactions in India. — Beneficial effects of Mr. Pitt's legislative measures, and Mr. Dundas's executive management. — Sir John Mucpherson, governor-general. — Able and successful administration— r succeeded l>y lord Cornwallis. — Wise plans of comprehensive improvement. — Tipjwo Saib recruits his strength. — His ambitious projects revive — attacks our allv thc rajah of Travancore. — The British council remonstrates to no purpose —The English armies invade Mysore from the east and west coasts. — Cam paign of 1790 — indecisive. — 1791 lord Cornwallis himself takes the field — reduces the greater part of Mysore — comes within sight of Seringapatam — prevented by the overflow of the Cavery from investing thc metropolis of My sore. — In 1792 besieges Seringapatam. — Tippoo Saib sues for peace, and ob tains it at the dictation of lord Cornwallis. — Generous conduct of his lordship respecting the prize money .—Measures for the improvement of British India. CH\P. PARLIAMENT met January 31st, 1792. His majesty's speech mentioned the marriage of liis son, and the peace con- <**F]yw eluded between Russia and Turkey ; but dwelt chiefly on the rapidly increasing prosperity of the British nation, which must confirm steady and zealous attachment to a constitution that we have found, from long experience, to unite the inestima ble blessings of liberty and order; and to which, under the REIGN OF GEORGE III. 57$ favour of providence, all our advantages are principally to be ^lviii* ascribed. Members of opposition arraigned the conduct of ministers concerning Russia. Both the accusation and defence ._„_ necessarily repeated former arguments. The British govern ment thought interference necessary for the balance of power; and though they had sacrificed their own counsels to the voice of the public, the armament prepared upon that oc casion had not been useless, as it had prevented the Turks from being; obliged to make such concessions as would have been otherwise extorted.? Mr. Fox, conceiving himself, and those Incidental who coincided in his sentiments respecting the French revolu- £"[ '"'j}'e"_ tion, indirectly censured by the praises of the British polity, bates about clearly and forcibly demonstrated the compatibility of satisfac- the French tion at the downfall of French despotism, so inimical to human revo uUon' rights, and destructive to human happiness, with the highest veneration and warmest attachment to the British constitution, the preserver of rights, and promoters of happiness. He rejoi ced at the overthrow of the French despotism because it was bad, but would use every effort to support the British constitu tion because it Was good. In subsequent discussions Mr. Fox, more explicitly than ever, exhibited to the house his sentiments and views on this momentous subject. The French, with characters formed by the old despotism, now emancipated from slavery, are actuated by a most impetuous enthusiasm, which drives them, as it has driven every other votary, to violent ex cesses. ' But enthusiasm like every ardent passion, must, as knowledge of human nature and history inform us, ere long subside. It is illogical to impute to the principles of the French revolution the excesses which really arise from a sublir mated state of passion that cannot last. Enthusiasm accom panied the reformation; enthusiasm marked the efforts of the puritans, which vindicated British liberty from kingly and priestly tyranny. But the free principles and beneficial esta blishments subsist many ages after the passion subsided. Do not therefore proscribe the French revolution because a fury that must be temporary has inspired many of its votaries. Let the noxious fumes evaporate, you will retain the genuine spirit of liberty salutary to mankind. Such was the opinion of one per sonage, not less profound as a political philosopher than forcible as an orator, decisive and energetic as a statesman. Many and Real d;f. various in detail as were the subjects of difference between him fcrencebe- and Mr. Burke upon French affairs, the principle was simple. twcen Fox esteemed the outrages incidental effects of an enthusiasm BiX^nd which must be temporary, and which formed no part of the es-Fox. senlial character of the revolution : Burke reckoned the exces ses necessary and essential parts of the revolution, which, legi timately descended from its nature and principles; and increas ed as they advanced, and which could never cease to operate y See Parliamentary Debates, January 31st, 1792. 358 HISTORY OF THE xtviit m1''' t'ie revom,'onary system ceased to exist. Fotf thought the French to be men in the ardent pursuit of what was good, V"'^C>"' and transported by passion beyond the bounds of moderation and wisdom ; as men pursuing what was really good have often been transported : Burke considered the whole nation as actua ted by a spirit of diabolism, eagerly bent on perpetrating all possible mischief; a phenomenon never before known in the history of mankind ; and therefore, if true in that particular case, requiring, from its contravention to probability, the strong er evidence. From the opposite theories which they formed as political philosophers, these illustrious men deduced very opposite practical systems, which they recommended as states men. Burke very earlyz recommended and inculcated a confe deracy, which, upon his hypothesis, was not only wise, but ab solutely necessary. If the French were devils incarnate, to prevent the diabolical spirit from operation, neighbouring na tions must overwhelm the power of beings so possessed, or perish themselves from the frenzy. Fox, not regarding them as a multitude of demons, but as the votaries of enthusiasm, recommended to encourage their spirit of liberty, and suffer their passions to subside through time, the surest corrector. Hostile interference in their internal concerns, would support instead of extinguishing their enthusiasm, turn its efforts to ex ternal defence, and give them an energy that would prove fatal to those who had roused it into action. These were the leading diversities in the theoretical and practical systems of Messrs. Fox and Burke, which account for th.e whole series of their respective counsels and conduct concerning France. Ministers still avoided the delivery of opinions on events and systems which had not interfered with the interest of Great Britain. Though the French revolution was never directly before the house, yet many of its proceedings arose from ques tions of liberty and reform which that great event was instru- Motionof mental in suggesting. Mr. Whitbread, a new member, of good Mr. Whit- ta]entSj respectable character, and immense fortune, who had meeting the joined the party of Mr. Fox, reviewing the riots at Birmingham, nots at imputed these outrages to the encouragement given by govern- harn"'"g" nient to persecutors of the dissenters, because they were inimi cal to civil and ecclesiastical tyranny. The magistrates were not sufficiently active ; the government had been dilatory in sending troops; and several rioters had been acquitted: some after being condemned, were pardoned. Mr. Dundas, now se cretary of state, said, that on inquiry by the attorney-general, there appeared no grounds for censuring the magistrates. From a detail of dates, and military stations, he proved that no time had been lost in despatching troops to Birmingham. The rioters pardoned, had experienced the royal mercy on the recommendation of the judges. z See his hints for a memorial to be delivered to the French ambassador; and Thoughts on French affair1;, both written in 1791 . REIGN OF GEORGE IlT. 359 The Scotch episcopalians perceiving a disposition in pariia- XLvm.' ment to extend toleration as far as political security would ad- ^^J, mit, petitioned fora more ample and unrestrained indulgence, n92 ( than that which they had hitherto enjoyed. The former mo tives for laying them under legal discouragements, subsisted no / longer: the house of Stuart, to which their attachment was (' known, was extinct ; and their fidelity to the actual govern ment was not liable, on that account, to be suspected. A peti tion for exemption from restraints, the reasons of which no longer existed, was favourably received by a legislature at once / indulgent and discriminating. A bill was accordingly introdu- I ced into the house of lords, and passed both houses. The Petition of unitarians alleging this law as a precedent, applied for a repeal the fmia- of the penal statutes ; and in addition to the usual reasons for ™^ refusing their application, their recent practices were stated as rejteted. inimical to church and state, especially their active dissemina tion of Paine's works, and other democratical performances, and their formation of political clubs and societies. While various subjects of alleged defect, or proj ected amend- fltultiplica- ment, either in measures of government, or the existing laws r'"?f, were agitated, a project was formed by a society of gentlemen, ^{J^' for making an important change in the composition of the le-/ gislature ; this association, consisting of men eminent for talents^ for character, for political, literary, and professional ability; for landed and mercantile property, for rank and importance in the community, took to themselves the name of the frientfs ^Jylend, of the people. The following were the general objects which of the peo- they professed to seek : — To restore the freedom of electioh, P1cj and to secure to the people a more frequent exercise of thfeir right of electing their representatives. For the purpose] of these reforms in parliament and the country, they instituted their society, but though determined to promote them, resolved to confine their pursuit rigorously to such means, as should be consistent wilh the existing constitution. A short declaration of these objects and means, was framed by a committee,/ and signed by the society, with an address to the people, of England tending to prove; first, that reform was wanted; secondly, that the present, a season of peace and prosperity, was the best fitted for commencing and establishing that reform; and that if there existed some degree of discontent, the proposed reform was well fitted for its removal : that the projected means were calculated to promote the good without incurring any danger; thirdly, the objection arising from recent events in France, could not apply to a case so very different, as the British con stitution, with some abuses, was from the old despotism of France. The object of the society was to recover and preserve the true balance of the constitution. , They announced the de* termination of the society, to move a reform in parliament early the ensuing session. On these avowed principles of their union, they looked with confidence for tho co-operation of tbe British 360 HISTORY OF THE XLVm"' nat'on: these are the outlines of an address which may lie considered as the manifesto of the only respectable body, 1792 which, since the commencement of the French revolution, un- rank, cha- dertook the cause of parliamentary reform. The society in- rai ter, and eluded the greater number of eminent oppositionists in the the'enem-0 nouse °f commons witb one member of the house of lords : hers. This was James earl of Lauderdale, a nobleman of very consi- 'j*ne ear' "fderable abilities, and deeply conversant in moral and political e" philosophy and history', who had distinguished himself, first as lord Maitland in the house of commons, and afterwards made Mr. G»v. a no less conspicuous figure in the house of peers. Mr. Grey was appointed to take the leading part for the society in the house of commons. Mr. Grey had been educated an English; whig, and considered the opposition party as the supporters of whig principles ; and in his present measure conceived himself paving the way for a truly whig parliament. The rank and fortune of this peer and commoner, independent of their re spective characters, and also the talents, character, and situa tion of other members, afford very satisfactory grounds for be lieving them actuated by constitutional motives. It is indeed jiot impossible to suppose, that subordinate to patriotism mere anti-ministerial considerations might have some weight, and that, as Mr. Pitt had once been the advocate of reform, and was not Tkely to be so in the present circumstances, they might hope to reduce him to some embarrassment, and expose him to the charge of inconsistency. But though such intentions perhaps operated in some degree with some of the members, there is much reason to be convinced that the friends of the people, as a society, desired only what they conceived to be moderate reform, without having the least design to invade the .\iiihc« m" fundamental parts of the constitution. Their association how- r his sentiments in parliament. His highness considering the^"™ h;s critical state of affairs, as requiring from every friend to his zeal for sup- country, a manifestation of the principles which he was resolv"B0r^ish con ed to support, and the more strongly in proportion to his rank stitution. and consequence in the country, spoke to the following effect :— u When a subject of such magnitude is before the house, I * should be deficient in my duty as a member of parliament, " unmindful of that respect which I owe to the constitution, " and inattentive to the welfare, the peace, and the happiness " of the people if I did not state to the world ray opinion on " the present subject of deliberation. I was educated in the *' principles of the British constitution, and shall ever preserve " its maxims : I shall ever cherish a reverence for the constitu- " tional liberties of the people ; as on those constitutional prin- " ciples carried uniformly into practice, the happiness of these " realms depends, I am determined as far as my interest can " have any force, to give them my firm and constant support. " The question at issue is in fact, whether the constitution " is or is not to be maintained ; whether the wild ideas of un- " tried theory are to conquer the wholesome maxims of esta- " Wished practice ; whether those laws under which we have " flourished for such a series of years, are to be subverted by a " reform unsanctioned by the people. As a person nearly and " dearly interested in the welfare, and I shall emphatically add " the happiness of the people, it would be treason to the principles " of my own mind, if i did not come forward and declare my dis- " approbation of the seditious writings, which have occasioned " the motion before your lordships. My interest is connect- " ed with the interest of the people ; they are so inseparable, " that unless both parties concurred, the happiness of neither " could exist. On this great and this solid basis, I ground ;ny '* vote for joining in the address which approves of the procla- " mation. I exist by the love, the friendship, and the benevo- " lence of the people, and their cause I will- never forsake so " long as I live." The patriotic sentiments, so forcibly and General sa- impressively declared in the manly and dignified eloquence of f^m the the royal speaker, conveyed very great and general satisfaction manifesta* to all his hearers, who loved their country, to whatever party "°.n ol, lhe ,, ... j, ' •" f J prince's they might adhere. sentiment?. Among the applicants for reform this year were the royal boroughs of Scotland, from which certain petitioners stated flagrant abuses in the administration of the revenues, and also E64 HISTORY OF THE ifvm °*ner grievances, tbat, if proved, would have demanded re- ' dress ; but the allegations not! having been supported by proof, ,i**^^J^H,,*' the motions arising from the petitions were negatived by a great majority. State of the Great complaints very generally and justly prevailed' at this metropolis'6 time of tlle Police °'f London. The British capital surpasses in populousness all European cities ; in opulence any city throughout the known world. With wealth comes luxury, which frequently extends beyond the possessors of riches, per vades many of the poorer classes, and produces habitual wants, that cannot be supplied but by criminal means. In a city abounding with every pleasure that can caplivate the ' batman heart, excess and debauchery naturally exist. The freedom of the country dloes not permit the same means ot prevention as under absolute governments ; hence dissipation ripens into proftigaicy, profligacy rises into criminal enormity. In London thc temptations are powerful and seductive to those indolgencies which corrupt principle, vitiate character, and waste property. Thence arises the desire of seizing by fraud, theft, or force, the substance of others as the means of vice. The practicability of plunder is much greater, and the materi als of depredation much more numerous, valuable, and accessi ble,1' than in any other city known in the history of mankind. Be sides the profligate of our own country, London, like ancient Rome,'1 is. the receptacle of exotic wickedness. Every adventurer, who, from the poverty of his own country, personal incapacity, idleness or dissipation, cannot earn a competent subsistence at home, flocks into England, and preys upon the metropolis. Hence arises a very great increase of vice and depredation, in their various departments, but, above all, in that parent of crime, gaming. This destructive propensity within thirty years far surpassed the most extravagant excesses of former times: descending from the great it pervaded the middle and lower conditions of life, and generated many enormities. Akin to this propensity, and originating in the same desire of acquisition without industry, is the spirit of chimerical adven ture in lotteries, funds, and other subjects of hazardous pro ject. Though thin spirit enriched several votaries, it empover- ished many more ; and sent them, with the habits of indulgence which had been cherished during the season of temporary suc cess and aerial hopes, to increase thc number of those who find in fraud and rapiiie the means of luxurious enjoyments. From these and many collateral causes, sprang a vast and increas ing variety of crimes against the police of the country ; against the persons, habitations, and property of the inhabitants. A multiplicity of rules and ordinances had been enacted at divers periods and different occasions, but had experimentally proved c See Mr. Colquhoun's Trcu'i.se on thc police, pa*=im. tl Sec Juvenal, satiie iii. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 3ui&;ht have a preventive operation ns well as a penal, a clause was inserted vesting in constables a power to apprehend people who did not give a satisfactory account of themselves, and empowering the justices to commit them as vagabonds. There were, it appealed from evidence, laro-e gaug-s of the most desperate villains, who were notorious thieves, lived by no other means than plunder, infested even- street of the metropolis, nnd put the person and property of every individual passenger in danger every hour uf the day and night. Various objections were made io (lie bill as an iil- rreuchuieiit. on tho liberty of the subject, niul nn increase pf 366 HISTORY OF THE x/vin' ^e Power °f tne crown j Du* on investigation and inquiry, (he necessity of it was found so strong as to overrule the argu- ^"^^7*^ ments of its opponents, and it was passed by a considerable majority. Humane While these measures were adopted to secure the innocent anddiscn- an(j jnciugtrious against the profligate and atrocious, the wisely positions of generous Rawdon resumed his efforts for affording relief to the lord Raw- unfortunate, by a revision of the laws relating to debtors and rehefof h* creditors. His lordship's general object was,' on one hand to debtors and compel the debtor to give up all that he possessed, on the other benrfl °f t0 prevent the creditor, after such a cession of effects, from "' confining the debtorin jail for life. Hislordship, with discrimi nating justice equal to the benevolence of his spirit, sought the reciprocal benefit of both debtor and creditor. He proposed that no man, to gratify a malignant disposition, should have it in his power to keep his fellow creature in perpetual imprison ment, merely on choosing to pay him four-pence a day ; and that no man should continue in prison to the injury of his credi- itor, to revel in luxury on property which might pay his debts. As the subject was of very great importance, and required a full and minute discussion of principles, and a very nice discri mination of circumstances and cases, it was recommended to ispostponed. his lordship to postpone its introduction till the following ses sion, by which time it might be maturely weighed ; his lordship consenting, for the present withdrew the bill. Abolition of The slave trade this session again occupied the commons, and trade Is'ear- was a's0 considered by the lords. In the lower house, the abo rted in the litionists having succeeded in the main question, were divided commons ; as (0 the tjme when the suppression should take place. At last, at the instance of Messrs. Dundas and Addington, it was agreed that the trade should cease from the 1st of January, is opposedin 1796. In the house of lords, the same arguments were used the lords. tnat na(j ^een employed on both sides by the commons. The The duke of duke of Clarence, who now, for the first time, spoke in the exhibits a house °f Peersj made a very able, comprehensive, and impress- masterly ive speech, against the abolition of the slave tfade. This royal view oi the senator rejected all fanciful theories, argued from plain and giimonisd! stubborn facts, and took for his guide experience, the only un- and opposes erring director of the statesman and lawgiver. Indeed his re- the aboh- peated orations on this subject exhibited and enforced every argument, from either humanity, justice, political and com mercial expediency, that could be adduced ; and his clear and manly reasonings constitute the most satisfactory and complete treatise which has hitherto appeared on tbat side of the ques tion. The majority of the peers concurred with his highness in opposing the abolition, but the final determination of the question was postponed to the succeeding year. State of the Among the national objects which engrossed this session of erowniand^p^r'iarrtefi^ was the state of our forests. Commissioners ap- forests? * pointed to inspect the crown lands reported that the principal REIGN OF GEORGE IE. 36f reservoir of materials for our navy, the New Forest in Hamp- ^yYjV shire, was in such a condition, that unless proper attention s-^^m^ were bestowed immediately, there would be no timber fit for , public service for many years ; but that if adequate care were employed, in a short time it might yield a considerable quantity. Impressed by their representations, Mr. Pitt proposed a bill to Mr. Pitt's enclose certaiu parts of the New Forest, for promoting the b,'" '°r e™~ growth of timber. Very strong objections were made to this Ne« Forest, proposition in the house of commons, of which many of the is rejected members professed to think it a job for the private emolument by'hePeers-- of Mr. Rose, secretary to the treasury, instead of a national object. In the house of peers it was strongly reprobated, particularly by the lord-chancellor, and was finally relinquish ed. Mr. Dundas having in his official capacity, as treasurer ofB'!lofMr' the navy, learned the many difficulties which, through their facilitating thoughtlessness and ignorance of business, our gallant support- the paymast ers often experience in the recovery of their wages and prize 0| ^'"g?5 ** unci prize money, introduced a bill to remove the obstacles, and prevent money to the frauds. When the bill was passed, Mr. Dundas sent a sailors. printed account of the spirit, tendency, and provisions of this new act, to all the parochial clergy in Britain, to be read from tbe pulpits, and explained to sailors and their connexions. Since that time the impostures which before were so frequently practised by personating individuals, forging wills, and other criminal artifices, are very rarely attempted. In bringing forward his plaue of finance, Mr. Pitt showed Finance..- the national revenue to be in sucb a favourable state, that a diminution of the public burthens might be reasonably expected. The taxes for the year *791 had produced £l 6,730,OCO, ex ceeding the average of the last four years ,£500,000 ; after subtracting from which the sum total of the expenditures, which amounted by the reductions proposed to £15,811,000, the per manent income would exceed the permanent expense, including the million annually appropriated to the extinction of the na tional debt, by no less than £400,000. The supplies wanted Prosperous for the preseut year would amount to .£5,654,000, for which ^f^" the means provided constituted a sum that exceeded the former revenue. by ,£S7,000. From the foregoing statement, Mr. Pitt was of opi nion, that the surplus would enable government to take off such taxes as bore chiefly on the poorer classes, to the amount of one half of that sum ; and to appropriate the other half to the diminution of the public debts. By the methods projected for Prospect of the redemption of this debt, £25,000,000 would be paid off ia farther re tire space of fifteen years; towards which the interest of the debt wasep. suras annually redeemed would be carried to the sinking fund, till the annual sum to be applied to the redemption of that debt amounted to .£4,000,000. This favourable state of the finances e Febrnarv 17rh. 368 HISTORY OF THE XLMfi' Afose ^rom tne ac!:ual prosperity of the nation,' which, though ^^^ " arrived at an eminent degree, had not yet attained that summit 1792 ^ grandeur and felicity that lay within the reach of its industry and manifold abilities. During the discussion on the ways and means, several severe Strictures were made on the mischiefs of lotteries, in wasting the property and corrupting the morals of the lower classes. Ministers replied, that the lottery was a lax upon adventure, which would exist though it were not taxed, it was no reason to forbear a productive source of revenue, that Flourishing j{s gl1Dject might be abused. Near the close of the session Mr. finances. Dundas laid 'before the house his annual statement of the in come and expenditure of British India. In the preceding ses sion the surplus, after deducting all charges, was £1,409,000, applicable to the reduction of the company's debt, and to pur chase an investment. The actual revenues of Bengal, Madras, and Bombay, be stated at £7,35.-— The royal linnily carried prisoners lo Iho Temple — deposition of the Itin^ — plan of proviniwiury government drawn up by Bristol — mnniicstoofi 10 Iho French nml lo foreign powers — plun of aconvonlion— persecution of Iho unyielding priests. — Church plate is sent to iho mint mid the bolls arc IiihiiiI niio numou. — Domiciliary visits. — Massacres of September — atrocious bar barity Inwards tho princess l.nnilinllc. — Meeting of Ihe ntitionul convention. — I'inglish societies address Iho couvi'iilion wilh congratulations nml praise — uc. cuitipiiny their eniiimcndnlinns wilh n gill of shoos.— Thc corresponding so ciety by its secretary Thomas Hardy, shneuinlviT, invites t li r- French republic to liutoniily wilh III ilnin. — 'I'ho convculioti believes llir boasts of such rclbrm- nn, tlml thoy sppnk the voice of thc British nalion — thin l»:lii'f influences their (inliiicnl conilui'l. — Schemes of tho convention for proem in;;- thc property of oilier countries. — Proceedings of tin; dnko of Brunswick. — I lu onlcrs Franco nnd advances towarili Champaign. — lliuiiourior the French gcnerul, occupies i\ strong position. — Thc dulio of Brunswick retreats, — Elation of Ihe French, — Duiuottrior enters llic [Netherlands, defeats liis enemy nt .lemuppe, nnd i educes Ihe country. — The French propose to conquer nnd icvolulioni/o all neighbour ing stnlos.— Noted dreiee of November IU1I1, encouraging loreigu nations to revolution. — The I'Yciieh open Ihe Scheldt nh ury to treaties with Britain- .Klleetn in Itrituin from French doctrines und proceedings. — Anti-constitutional li'iuicnt during the recess of 1792. — Knglish republicans confidently hope for a chiincr'.— Alarm of many friends of the constitution, — Mr. Krcvo's association iiguiust republicans and levellers — ia very gniid-nlly joined — and gives an im portant lurn to public opinion. — Tho king embodies the militia — and al such « crisis summons piirliiinienl belbre the appointed time. WHILE lord Cornwallis thus effected so great a change chap. in Indostiui, the eyes of all Europe wore fixed on the revolu- xfj,x- tions ul" Poland and France. I'Yomtho admiration of virtue, or ^"^^f~^^ I'roni tlio enmity of ambition, princes and subjects wero warm- n™ ' j,-'^,' .IC] ly interested in the concerns uf the gallant, moderate, and dis- revolution criminating votaries of rational liberty in Poland, but they were (,i'""'.v on- alill more universally and vigilantly attentive to the furious ntioniionof proceedings of democratical and anarchical license in France, tho conti- Every friend of human rift-hls regarded the Polish establish- "S'V. '.'"'. ment of diffused freedom with complacency and satisfaction ; ° but ho rejoiced nt it on account of the Poles themselves, with oul considering his own security or interest as likely to be af fected by the acts of men who confined their views to their own country. In contemplating France, whether with a friendly, hostile, or impartial regard, every neighbouring be holder saw that the conduct of the gallic revolutionists would mitt must influence other nations. The principles and pro ceedings, whether deserving praise, reprobation, or a mixture of both, were general in their object, and energetic in their operation j and their effects, happy or miserable, evidently must bu extensive. The monarchs of thc contiueul, conscious that even moderate nnd rational liberty was by no menus con sistent with their own respective governments, regarded with alarm a system, lending not merely lo restrain, but to crush unci annihilate monarchy, llrilaiu declared her resolution not 374 HISTORY OF THE XLIX* *° ",leriere 'n the internal affairs of France ; but the other sove- *_^_" reigns by no means concurred in disclaiming such intentions f ]TC, indeed some of them were severally predisposed to a very con- The British ^om decreed ny lae constituent assembly, they immediately ex- ihetecond hibited a specimen of their legislative justice by passing a law national as- to rob the pope of the territory of Avignon, which had been Mmbly. ^ ceded to that prince by the most solemn treaties. This act ceive inter- was a farther illustration of the principle already exemplified' nai revolu- by the revolutionists in their aggressions on the German sove- sonVor"^ reigns, that because France had made a change in her internal changing constitution, she was also to alter the law of nations according the law of t0 her convenience or pleasure, and to violate the rights of in- naions. .dependent states. Their next project of rapacious injustice was against the bishopric of Basle> Thither they sent com missioners to settle certain differences which they pretended to Seizure of have arisen amongst the inhabitants, and between Avignon and Avignon. Carpentras. They began the system of their operations by in stituting a club, and gaining partisans among the people : after massacreing the most peaceable and respectable inhabitants, they compelled the remainder to meet, and vote their union Operations with the kingdom of France. The French royalists were fortn- ot the j11D- an army under the prince of Conde; and, from the con- exiles at tinned junction of the nobles and their adherents, they were be- Coblciuz. come very numerous. On the 14th of October^ the assembly decreed, that emigrants thus collected should be from that time considered as traitors against their country ; and that, from the 1st of January 1792, such as should be known to be assembled should be punished with death ; that all the French princes and public functionaries who should not return before the 1st of January, should be adjudged guilty of the same crimes, and suffer confiscation of their property. The king refused to ratify this decree, but endeavoured to reconcile the exiles to the The king French government by admonition and persuasion : he repeat- urges them ef]|y despatched letters to all the princes, earnestly entreating g The marquis de Bouille, who was in the confidence of the king of Sweden, quotes several letters which prove Gustavus to have been very anxious lo take an active part in the restoration of monarchy ; but thc zeal of Catharine, he says, never extended beyond professions. Page -157. h Sec French .Toarnals of the proceedings of the assembly, which ihe Eng lish reader will find with considerable accuracy, in the Gentleman's Magazine. and the hislorical substance in Ihe Annual Krgisleis ; bat in fuller and rooic mi nute detail in the Monitonr1. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 377 them to retnrn : he used his endeavours by a public proclama- CH J £¦ tion, as well as all the private influence he possessed, to. recall the emigrants to the bosom of their country, and to retain those ^^^T^" who were inclined to emigrate. The French princes, in answer to the king's repeated letters, persisted in their refusal to ac knowledge the constitution accepted by the king, and declared their, views to be the re-establishment of the Roman catholic religiony and the restoration to the king of his liberty and legis lative authority. The republican party, professing to think that the king secretly instigated the princes, endeavoured to excite in the nation a general mistrust of his intentions ; and found their efforts so successful, that they were encouraged to proceed in executing their design of lessening the power of the king, and exalting their own on its ruins. The first step they Rapid di- took for the accomplishment of this end was, by all means to minuiion of get rid of the usual marks of respect to his majesty's person. 'J,^."5 S On the 6th February 1792, Condorcet, appointed president, was ordered to write a letter to the king, in which he was direct ed, to lay aside the title of "your majesty." The lowest rab ble were permitted, and even encouraged, to resort to the pa lace, and revile the royal family in the most-gross and profligate terms. The national character of Frenchmen appeared totally General changed : that people which for so many ages had been distin<- character guished for loyalty and religious zeal, now eagerly trampled on Sf the, ' every remnant of monarchy or hierarchy. But the change was tion, vio- really much less in the constituents than in the direction of i?nt Pas_ their character. The French nation has ever been distinguish- Sour o"" ed for ardour of sensibility to the passion of the times : whatever pursuit, objects, prevailing opinions, or sentiments proposed, they pur-dndGr?er£y sued with an energy, rapidity, and impetuosity, which naturally ° -actlon- and necessariM- produced excess. In whatever they sought, The same eager for pre-eminence, they ran into extremes : the same spe- character cies of character which, in the sixteenth century, took the lead fl?'"'^-™"1™ in augmenting the domination of priests, in the seventeenth gious, loyal, century in extending the power of kings, in the eighteenth wasand.dcm°- pre-eminent in enlarging the sway of atheists and levellers. a1Us'ras!n" Prompt in invention, and powerful in intelligence ; fertile in re sources, and energetic in execution, the efforts of the French, whithersoever directed, never failed to be efficacious. Readily susceptible of impression, they were alive to sympathy. Senti ments and opinions were very rapidly communicated : what Frenchmen seek, they seek in a body. The same national cha racter which supported the catholic league, and spread the glory and power of Louis XIV. now overthrew the monarchy. To render the king obnoxious, as well as to increase the means offeree, the republicans repeated the reports of a confederacy of despots, declared their disbelief of Leopold's pacific profes sions, and procured a decree of the assembly, demandfilg satis faction for the alleged treaty of Pilnitz. The Jacobin clubs, Vol. it. 48 378 HISTORY OF THE y?-™- their pamphleteers, journalists, and other agents of confusion ' and anarchy, rang the changes on the treaty of Pilnitz, and af- '^ZT*'' firmed that there was in the palace a junto, which they called Progress an Austrian committee ; and of which De Gessan, the king's of republi- minister for foreign affairs was alleged to be a leading member. camsm. ^t a pUbHc trial of one of tbe journalists for asserting the exist ence of such a committee, he could bring no proof to support his assertion ; nor was there ever any evidence adduced to give the smallest colour to the allegation. The royalists now coun teracted the designs of the republicans with openness and bold- Intrigues ness ; they formed several projects for rescuing the king through between the the agency of Danton, and some other outrageous democrats, andVepub- wn0 manifested a disposition to betray their cause, if they lican lead- found treachery more lucrative than their present violent adhe- ers, irorn rence, Danton,that furious republican, received a hundred ness of ihe thousand crowns' for supporting motions really favourable to roya! cof- the king, though professedly inimical; but finding the resources availi'ns""" °^ tue court inadequate to his desires, resumed his republican ism. It is also affirmed that Brissot offered to betray his cause for a large sum of money, but that the court being either un willing or unable to afford the bribe required'5 by this patriot, he persevered in his republican career.1 A plan was concerted for effecting the king's escape to the coast of Normandy, which province was attached to his majesty. His flight, it is believed, would have been practicable ; but the character of the king, mild and benevolent, without active enterprise, was little fitted to profit by these opportunities. His departure from Paris would, he thought, annihilate the monarchical constitution which he had sworn to protect; and expose all his adherents, declared or even suspected throughout France, to the infuriate The king cruelty of dominate licentiousness. From these considerations atempUiis t,ie king refused to attempt his escape. Understanding reports. escape. to have been circulated that he was projecting to leave Paris; to contradict these he wrote a letter to the national assembly, in which he fully explained his sentiments, views, and inten tions."' The friends of the king, and even of limited monar chy, regretted his unwillingness to venture any step that miut ,ne g^™501* ot Mons. Fayette commanded the lands. county of Narnur, and the navigation of the Meuse ; but the armies were found very imperfectly provided and disciplined : Their fint the French soldiers were deficient in military experience, in operations ammunition, and stores of every sort. Many of the officers ir'aodonT warm'y attached to the king were not eager in promoting a suce?s-=:"u!. cause which they by no means deemed the cause of their sove reign. Tbe war was begun witb an attack on the cities of Mons and Tournay; but the soldiers being impressed with an idea that tbey were betrayed by their generals, retreated in groat confusion ; in their savage rage they murdered several oflieers ; and among tbe rest Dillon, the lieutenant-general. They trampled upon his body, and having lighted a fire, threw the corpse into the flames. Tbe infuriated soldiers danced round the remains of their commander : so ferocious and hard ened had they become from the influence of the revolutionary Unprovided enthuskm. Rochambeau, finding tbe army totally loosened state of from subordination and all honourable principles of duty, TOies"' resigned in the highest disgust. Luckner, appointed com* mander of the army of the north, found the troops in a much worse situation than even his predecessor had represented. La Fayette made the same complaints of the unprovided state of the force intrusted to his command, as deficient in camp equipage, artillery, ammunition, and stores of every kind : s inpu-ed 'n short, at the commencement of the war the armies of tbe to t.-eache- French government were in so very unprovided a state, as J- could hardly arise even from negligence, without the co-ope- of gorern^ ration of treachery. In such a condition of the forces it was mem to re- found necessary, if not to abandon, to postpone the invasion of defect thli tne Austrian Netherlands, until discipline were better establish ed, magazines formed, and other dispositions made, proper for a campaign. The Austrian force then in the Netherlands was not very considerable ; and during the months of May and June the operations of both sides were desultory and unimportant. The d-te of On the 3d of July, the duke of Brunswick arrived at Coblentz, Bnnswick wilu the first division of the Prussian army, and in the course Cobtenii1 °f tne month being joined by fresh troops, he prepared to commence the campaign. His serene highness, witb very great talents, the deepest military skill, and eminent political abilities, is extremely diffident.1 From that cause, joined to a gentle and delicate disposition, he frequently treated very in- iThkis ihe account given of him by rariom genuenea who have visited REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 383 ferior capacities with excessive deference, and did not with £'/£?'¦ sufficient vigour maintain in deliberation the dictates of his own excellent understanding. Fitted to lead in council and v~-r^V"' in war, in the former the duke of Brunswick too frequently followed. In concerting the plan of the campaign 1792, he The allied left the formation chiefly to Francis and Frederick William. P^med"' These princes were impressed with an opinion, so naturally concerning adopted, and studiously spread by the emigrants, that the lhe disposi- greater number of Frenchmen were attached to the old go- {-°.erich na_ vernment, and would join the standard of monarchy if they tion. found themselves properly supported; and on this supposition Under this they formed the plan of the campaign. It was proposed that misinfor- the duke of Brunswick should set out from Coblentz with an [hey'con- army of Prussians, fifty thousand strong, and march by Treves cert the and Luxemburg to Longvy. After reducing this fortress, and Plan of. the also if possible Montmedi, the next object was to establish xhey pro- magazines, continue the march, and invest Verdun. In support'pose to in- of these, as well as of subsequent operations, the court of pa^ece and Vienna engaged to bring into the field two armies; the' one restore mo- to act between the Rhine and the Moselle, and to be of suffi- narchy. dent strength for the purpose of at once menacing Landau and Saar-Louis, and carrying on the siege of Thionville; while the other, of much superior force, should be engaged in the Low Countries : their positions were to be as near the Meuse as possible. Should the expectations of a general rise in France be disappointed, the duke of Brunswick was not to cross the river with his main body, but to detach a considerable portion of his army to qo-operate with the Austrians in French Hain- ault, in. feducing Verdun, Sedan, and Meziers. Thus the al lies establishing themselves upon the French frontier, would be able to winter in security, and commence the following cam paign with great advantage. To oppose this invadino- "force, the intrenched camp at Maubeuge, and another at *Maulde, with the strong fortress of Valenciennes, formed the principal points of defence on the part of the French. Previous to the. march of the duke of Brunswick, a manifesto was composed Manifesto under the authority, and according to the sentiments of Fran- of the duke, cis, now emperor of Germany, and the king of Prussia ;0l.Bruns- proclaiming the objects of these two princes in their projected W'C ' invasion, and issued in the name of the duke of Brunswick, commander in chief of the expedition. This celebrated mani festo was founded on the same misinformation concernino- the disposition of the French themselves, in which the plan of th for leaving the armv without permission, and attempting to ]792 govern the assembly by intimidation. He left Paris privately ; i>ut is 0bli- commissaries were sent from the assembly to arrest the generaljged to fly ; he gave orders to have these deputies apprehended ; finding he le.aves however, no disposition in his army to affoid him support, he the Frencli withdrew in the night to Liege ; there falling into the hands of«rm^£ the enemy, and refusing to join the standard of the French l0 lue Aus-, princes, he was sent a prisoner to Xamur. mans. Intelligence now reached Paris, that the combined armies were preparing to take the field ; the national assembly en deavoured to inspire the people with an enthusiastic eagerness to oppose a confederation of despots ; and with the assistance of the jacobin clubs they were successful. They decreed the*^?*™' country to be in danger, and published two addresses,1 the one on the ap- to tbe people of France, the other to the army, which were {£j^lm"i' skilfully adapted to their respective objects, powerfully stimu-j>inedarI lated the enthusiasm of both ; and demonstrated that however mies. deficient the republican leaders might be in virtuous principles, they could ably call into action the passions and energies of men. They soon issued a decree, declaring that all citizens qualified to bear arms, should be in a state of perfect activity. By this measure the whole order of things was completely changed ; and the French became a nation of soldiers. The German potentates threatening the subjugation of a powerful people, drove the objects of their invasion, to the ferocious energy of a military democracy. On the 14th of July, vast Annivers*, bodies of federates arrived in the metropolis, al the invitation i^hofJuls. of the jacobin leaders, to celebrate the third anniversary of the revolution. Among others a troop from Marseilles repaired to ^e ^J81* Paris, to participate of the uproar and confusion, which they expected to arise from the celebration. They happened to arrive too late for the anniversary, but in sufficient time to pro duce disorder and tumult. They rendered their first homage to Petion who was now restored to his office, and were received with great kindness by that magistrate, whose, duty it was to drive them from the metropolis. They commenced their opera tions with attacking a party of national guards who weredining at a tavern, and wh©m they supposed to be attached to the king; killing one and wounding five, they paid their respects to the national assembly ;» and were very graciously received by the republicans. Visiting the jacobins they partook of the fraternal embrace, and H~ere admitted members of the club. Small as the qualification of voters denominated active citizens was, yet the number of those who were not included was very great, and fast increasing from prevalent idleness, and profliga^ 2 See State Papers, July, ITS?.' -» Course's Animal Ee^fster,*!?^ chap, si, , 388 HISTORY OF THE XLlx"' cy* These consisting of beggars, vagabonds, and the meanest s_^_/ classes of ruffians, thieves; robbers, and assassins, under the 1792 name of passive citizens, assumed to themselves the chief por- Passive citi- tion of the executive power, in the exercise of which they were ¦*ens. instigated and guided by their friends of the jacobin clubs. The passive citizens most joyfully received the Marseillois strangers, as a co-ordinate estate, but which was soon con solidated into one body with themselves, and their supporters, while the jacobins by their affiliations and adherents, governed the whole mass. The republicans now denominated the Mountain, because they occupied the higher benches in the assembly room, began to govern the legislature, and from this time the acts of the national assembly are to be considered as the acts of the jacobins. They proceeded in their efforts for de stroying regal power ; they imputed the king's refusal to sanc tion the two decrees, to a correspondence with the exiles and the enemy. His majesty having in a letter expressed his repro bation of the duke of Brunswick's manifesto, the assembly would not suffer this expression of his sentiments to be communicated The mayor to the public. On the 3d of August, Petion demanded, in the of Pans in name 0f the forty-eight sections into which Paris was divided, his "onsti- that the king should be excluded from the throne, and that the tuents, de- management of affairs should be intrusted to responsible mini- deposhion6 sters> unt'' a new ^UVS should be chosen, by a national con- of the king, vention ; and on tbe 7th of August, Collot d'Herbois a play actor headed a great body of passive citizens, who made the same demand to the national assembly. They were answered that the assembly would take the requisition into consideration. The king informed of these proceedings addressed a proclama tion to the people of France, stating his own conduct and its reasons ; the malicious artifices by which it was misrepresented ; the situation of affairs ; the union and vigour required at the present crisis ;b but the assembly studiously prevented the proclamation from being dispersed. On the 9th of August,6 the day appointed for considering the proposed deposition of the king, bodies of armed men surrounded the assembly hall, menaced* and insulted the members whom they conceived in imical to the republican proposition. As an insurrection was threatened, the constitutional party urged Petion to employ the municipal force in preventing tumult, but no precautions were Proceed- adopted. At midnight the tocsin sounded, the Marseillois join- inSh °r 'a8 e(* ^y other insurgents marched with such arms, as they could gust, collect, towards the Thuilleries. The council of state made vigorous and prudent dispositions for repelling the attack. The Swiss guards amounting to about a thousand, joined by other loyal and gallant men, formed themselves to resist the b State Papers, 17th of August, 1792, c Annual Register 1792, chap, xi, d Clery, page 4, REIGN OF GEORGE IH. 3S£ insurgents. In the morning the banditti broke in ;e and the rily1'* officers of the household encouraged the valiant defenders of the king: at first the brave champions of their sovereign re- pulsed the insurgents, but the rebels having corrupted the a baiulTiii national guards, the gallant Swiss were overpowered and fell assault iho under the murderous hands of the banditti. The king was va"«ir «r*""" strongly importuned to send for a large body of Swiss guards (hc s« iss stationed near Paris, which, joining their heroic countrymen, guards ;. by steady and disciplined valour might have repelled the infu- uw'rpower- riate assassins. But the virtues of Louis were not those that ed and mus- were most fitted for encountering- the very arduous situations in sacred by .... , i n- *',,.''.. , the savage which he was placed. His gentle disposition was averse tomob; the employment of greater force, as it must cause the farther effusion of blood. In his case wisdom dictated and self- preservation required stern and unyielding firmness ; desperate resolution might perhaps have extricated him from his humili ating state ; concession to so infuriate atrocity, was certain destruction. Louis still hoping to preserve his family sought refuge from the national assemhly, the rulers of which, he well knew were seeking his ruin. The royal captives were now ""' royal confined in the Temple ; the palace which they had left, became r';edpi is'on- a scene of pillage, carnage, and desolation. The jacobins crs to ihe elated with iheir victory, proceeded to the deposition of the £Jm'^",jon king ; and on the 10th of August a decree was passed, suspend- 0f the king. ing him from his royal functions, and retaining him as an hos tage in the hands of the nation. Brissot one of the chief sup- Plan ofpro- porters of this revolution, proposed a provisionary government visionary"'owl 1 1 1 1 it'll ' until a national convention assembling should determine whe-3,.awll up ther the king was to be restored or dethroned. The executive by Brissot. power was to be lodged in a council of the jacobin ministers lately displaced. Brissot wrote a manifesto addressed to citi- Manifestoes zens, and a declaration addressed to foreirrn powers, iustifvinc l£ llle, .1 j r.i .rv.i_ r i .i tot- >J „ olienchpeo- the decree of the 10th of August ; these papers were dexterous- pie, and to ly executed, and conveyed a high idea of the ingenuity of the '0!'eiS" author; skilfully various in its efforts ; the declaration to his Powcls- own countrymen appealed to all their prejudices, and feelings, and passions ; and through the very susceptibility of their minds, imposed on their judgment ; his memorial to foreign nations employed plausible sophistry to mislead their under standings, as he could hope for less sympathy from their hearts. The first manifesto is misrepresentation in the shape of im pressive eloquence ; the second in the form of logical deduc tion ; and both show the author to have in a high degree united declamation and subtlety. While thus exerting himself for the dethronement and imprisonment of the king, this patriot was said to be carrying on a correspondence for betraying the re publican party, by suffering the king to escape ; but it was e See a very interesting and pathetic detail ef these dreadful atrocities in CI. - ry's journal, page£ lo IS.- 390 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. xtix. ra-i Plan of a convention alleged tb3t the bribe which he required, half a million sterling; was more than the royal cotters could afford/ The municipality or common council of Paris, which had been lately constituted and was composed of tbe very dregs of the people, assumed a large share of the direction of public- affairs. By their influence the chief acts of the deliberative body were determined, and through their protection and ope ration the executive government in a considerable degree was administered. A party of these appearing as the deputies of the people, at the bar of the assembly, demanded in tbe name of the people, tbat a national convention should be immediately called. The assembly received these counsellors very gracious ly, and in obedience to their mandates, resolved to invite the French to form a national convention. A plan of a convention drawn up by the Brissotines, was dis seminated and recommended through the nation. Meanwhile* the jacobins and the sansculotte rabble proceeded in their ope rations. Hitherto they had not entirely crushed the ecclesias tic.?, or eradicated Christianity, but they rapidly proceeded in Perieentioo the attempt. All who continued to refuse perjury were by an °vur m" act °^ *ne assem'>'y ordered to quit the kingdom. The eoun- Jj^JIJf cil general next ordered, that all the vessels, images, and other Church moveables in the churches of Paris, whether gold or silver, rJateissem snould be sent to the mint; the church bells were turned into a,„j the bells cannon. From monuments of religion they proceeded to mo- are innttd numents of monarchy : the brazen statues of the princes were "l'oczmja- converted into ordnance, and thus, it was said, were drawn over from the cause of tyranny to the cause of liberty. The next object after religion and monarchy was property. Conr- fiscation hitherto grasping lands had not extended its rapacity in an equal degree to moveables. To supply this deficiency, they instituted what they called domiciliary visits, officers em ployed by tbe municipality, and accompanied by passixe citir zens, visited private houses, to search for arms : for refractory priests, or other aristocrats. According to their good pleasure they plundered the houses, arrested or even hanged the own ers. Brissot in his professional capacity as editor of a newspa per, very strongly recommended and ardently promoted these domiciliary visits : Petion as mayor was still more effectually active : nor was Danton as minister of justice wanting with hie assistance. He proposed, and by threats extorted a decree, for walking wmmissark.*, who were to co-operate with the domi ciliary visitors. Whoever should refuse to give up bis arms, or to serve in the army at the requisition of the s^iid commissa ries, wa3 to be declared a traitor and punished with death, without any further inquiry. The visitors and commissaries did not murder all those whose houses they inspected ; but in many instances contented themselves with sending the owneiy- IMnncifia' ¦Wafting cominiisa- fm. f See Pbyfajr's Jacobiiwsnj, REIGN OF GEORGE III. sgl to dungeons. The prisons were become extremely full ; the ^HAi • rulers thought it expedient to rid themselves of the captives by stirring the populace to another insurrection and massacre. ^"^iC^"' For this purpose it was alleged, that as the duke of Bruns wick's approach would compel the majority of the inhabitants to take the field, it would be dangerous to leave the prisons so full of aristocrats and suspected persons. By these representa tions the murderous rabble was easily excited to assassination. Massacres Ou the M of September the toscin was sounded, the cannon of^*ptc'n" alarm were fired ; and bands of ruffians were sent to the dif ferent prisons. They commenced their carnage with priests ; two hundred and forty-four clergymen were murdered before the eveniug. The assassins from the ministers of religion, pro ceeded to the gallant defenders of fallen monarchy, aud mur dered the Swiss officers, that having been spared at the last massacre were now in prison. From these murders the sava ges betook themselves to more indiscriminate barbarity, search ed the common prisons and even hospitals, butchered felons, sick, and lunatics,? as well as those who were charged with disaffection to government. Among the cases which most Atrocious strongly mark the enormous depravity of those brutalized bar-!*"*8?'*', i_- j .u c .1 • t towards the bamns, none can exceed the massacre of the prmcess Lam- princess balle : this lady sprung from the house of Savoy, was distin- Eauiballi*. guished for personal charms, and a character at once amiable aud estimable, and had been superiutendant of the queen's household. Married to a man whom she loved, she had been deprived of her husband, through the duke of Orleans ;'' and was now principally distinguished for her ardent and invincible attachment to her royal mistress, and her detestation of her husband's murderer. She with other attendants on her queen had been scut to prison on the 10th of August ; the murderers about eight in the morning of the 3d of September, entered the apartment in which this unfortunate lady was immured. They offered to save her life, if she would fabricate charges against the queen. The heroic princess returned a resolute negative : they demanded that she should take the oath of liberty and equality, also an oath of hatred to the king, to the queen, and to royalty : the first she consented to take, but refused the last: an assassin said, swear or you are a dead woman : she looked in his iaee but made no reply. In an instant she was assassin ated with pikes aud bayonets ; her clothes were torn off. and the naked corpse exposed to the most abominable insults. With religion, justice, order, and humanity, decency and modesty fled. The head and body of the massacred lady were exposed before the windows of the royal captives, with every circum stance of brutaltsm, that diabolical malignity, maddened to frenzy could suggest.' The murders continued for a week ; in g Sec Annual Register for 1792, chagk til- h See this volume, p. -J^S £«* OtonVpc "s Register, 179& 392 HISTORY OF THE 9,? AT' which time the numbers of the massacred exceeded five throw- " ' sand. Meanwhile the elections of the national convention were 17qo carried on under the influence of this terrible system. A cir cular letter from the municipality of Paris, countersigned by Danton was sent to all the other municipalities, required the approbation of the whole people to the massacres, and even re commended them to imitation; and under such control the election proceeded. The clergy were banished ; the higher and the most honourable of the nobility had fled, or fallen by the hands of the assassins ; the royal family in prison expected their fate ; all who favoured royalty or distinction of rank were held in abhorrence, and those who had been called passive as well as the active citizens had been declared to be eligible to all honours and offices of the state. The convention was chiefly chosen from the most violent and desperate republicans in the Sleeting of kingdom. The members assembled on the 20th of September ; jhe national an(j ^e next j^y ^gy sanctioned the law for abolishing royalty. Having thus proscribed monarchy, and established what they termed the French republic, their next object was, to prepare for the murder of their dethroned king. While the French were thus occupied, their proceedings and projects afforded the highest satisfaclion to democratic republicans in other countries. From England many indivi duals flocked to Paris as the centre of liberty and happiness, English so- The societies eagerly transmitted their approbation of the cieticad- French revolutionists; during the successive degradations of convention monarchy they had in their own country published their apr with con- plause of its invaders, but when the acts of the 10th of August gratuiations na(j r]ep0sef] arKj imprisoned the king, murdered his defenders, ' and prostrated his power ; when the busy week of September extending the massacre of aristocrats, shed the blood of the nobility, gentry, and clergy ; when the national convention doing honour to its own composition, had abolished the king ly office, the English societies eagerly testified their joy and congratulations on the success of those with whose principles ihey declared their own to coincide, and wilh whose feelings they avowed the most cordial sympathy. The chief demo cratical clubs of England, were then the revolution club ; the society for constitutional information, both in London; and the London corresponding society affiliated with divers places through the kingdom. The address of ihe first to the national conven tion, the shortest of the three, restricted its applause to the 10th of August; augured happiness from the establishment of a republic on the downfall of monarchy ; repeated the opi nions of the late Dr. Price ; to refresh the memory of revolution ists concerning the treatment of dethroned kings, alluded to the history of Charles 1.; and expressed their hopes .hat peace and constant alliance should be estaMished between Britain and the French republic. The address of the society for constitutional information' approved of the deposition of the REIGN OF GEORGE III. S9S kirg; expressed hopes that the ami* doctrmts wmtld 4* wreir- £SST- *>?*. ami At* «n«* «.raMpfe gtntmiig ftUntctd m other w.mtrk*. Having declared their seatimwrts hi the most ponuw.s phrase- ,-c.^" ology. they accompanied their eloquence with a oonation of M^ompMr shoes ^ but the iik>si explicit of the addresses was the pro- their eom- duction of the London correspoi>ding society and i.s affiliated ^'f^1^ friends; which praising the successive and various proceed- rfWxJ ings of the French republicans, reprobated the policy and Tke <»«««- constitution of Britain.1 This address subscribed by Thomas ££^f *$- Hardy, shoemaker : and Maurice Margaret, ktme-£rrinder ; stat- s«ereary ed divers and manifold Messiahs which Britons might attain J?^*??5 by following the counsels of the said Thomas- Hard v. shoe- sk^^fa*, maker; Maurice Margarot, knite-grinder : aud other pohu- writes uk dans equally enlightened, instead of being guided by tbose^Jj^'J*' who had so long governed Britain : the sentinuv.s of the cor- rVau-aiiT respowling society devoted openly to tbe csuso of mankind, »iu> Btr- existed, they were convinced, in the hearts of all the freemen *"*¦ of Fsi^and: ihey enjoyed by anticipation and with a com- j^,,,,. moo hope, thai epoch (not fair distant), when the interests of tomwm bc- Enrope and of mankind should invite the two nations ^rT^'H stretch ©ut the hand of fraternity. The convention receivied sart*^. the addresses with very great satisfaction, and strongly espres- fawij. sed their expectations of a similar change in Eugiand. and***!*^ tbeircootMem hopes, ibat the v speedily would have an opportu- ^!f <*- nity of congratulating their corresponding mends, on a national *e Brio* convention established in England : the convention crwterred tbe r~" honour of citizenship on various individuals belongi:: g to other countries, and some of the departments chose for their repre- seotatires sach Englishmen as they conceived proper celebrates for expressing their doeiriivs and sentiments. Of -kese «h? niosJ noted was Thoft-j.s Paine, and the most e.iunent was Dr. Priestley : this gentleman was *> greatly pleased wi:h the two fold bortowrs. conferred on bun. by K»:«s thus naturalized by the anarchists, and even deemed worthy of a place iu tbetir eeiiveutioo. that he wrote letters both to the convention and individual members, manifesting and declaring: the warmest approbation of their principles, as displayed in the suppression oi" monarchy and the privileged orders, and the whrte series flf revolutionary proceedings: though his age and other cir- cuT-.-.sra'oces prevented hini from accepting a sf-si himself, he with die greatest thankfulness and joy accepted it tor his sot Tbe convention flattered with the approbation of one whom they conceived to be as great in political philosophy as be really was in physical, ordered h.s letter to be transcribed ialo i Ifecctsareiaate «" these skoes mas oMrested *.- M .-kin Fress stienM^r. *fc» tons; attained awcriety tor pwK-ssiiinsii ar.'iimwti^. tad becscae • wary sos)c«s rehrejjv. 4S«* Use respara^ie sik-sssfi JtnpeaaBX 394 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, their records, as a testimony of the applause bestowed by XL1X foreign illumination on their powerful efforts for the destroc- v"*~J*r*-' tion of establishments ; they charged their president to inform their panegyrists that they would with pleasure receive any Thin belief reflections which he, from the stores of his wisdom, might trans- influence. mjt t0 an asgemr,ly whose sentiments coincided with his own. caicon'0 With these testimonies of approbation from British democrats, duct. the convention fancied, as indeed did many of the democrats themselves, that the voice of the British nation wan in their favour, and that Joseph Priestley, dissenting minister; Thomas Hardy, dissenting shoemaker; Thomas Paine, cashiered ex ciseman and deist ; Maurice Margarot, knife-grinder and de ist ; in conveying their own praises of the destruction of rank, property, and monarchy, including the massacres of August and September, echoed the feelings of all free Britons, and that (hey might soon expect through the British people, the co-operation of the British force. Pleased with attestations, of which they so much overrated the value, the convention proceeded in a series of measures no less conformable to their own sentiments, than those of their panegyrists. Their ope rations were directed principally to two objects, plunder and regicide. The first head comprehended the farther extension of con fiscation, and also the convertibility of the objects thus seized into gold and silver ; which they found much more current than the assignats. The second consisted of resolutions,' de crees, charges, and witnesses, which they were preparing, that in the eyes of their deluded votaries they might give some Schemes of colour of legality to the murder of their king. In order to the conven- accumulate gold and silver, they saw other countries might be curing-^ne" rendered extremely productive; for that purpose it was deemed property of expedient to combine fraud with robbery. Agents were sent trieT C0U° *to L°nc'00» Amsterdam, Madrid, and other opulent cities, with orders to negotiate bills on Paris, payable in assignats. Those bills being discounted in foreign countries, the value in specie was remitted to France : when they became due, they were paid according to the course of exchange; but before this could be converted into cash, assassins were hired to patrole the streets, and threaten all those who sold gold and silver j" thus the payers were either obliged to take their paper money or a much less sum in coin than that which had been remitted from the discount; and by every operation of this kind the quantity of specie of France was increased. In managing this traffic, the jacobins, proceeding with their usual energy and rapidity, rendered it extremely extensive and productive, before merchants and their bill-brokers discovered its hurtful m The gold and silver were sold by porter* in the streets, some of whom soM for their own account, bnt most of them for monied men, who did notappna ¦Sec Piayfair'e History of Jacobinism. UKIGN OF GEORGE III. 3M WHirlt, and before political causes put an end to, thc neutrality ^'j^'- through which it wns offticltitl. The convention, with much ^^^^, ease amassed immense quantities of gold and silver, both into ,7aiJ th<- public treasury, und into tho private coffers of the leaders. The other chief object, the murder of tho king, they pursued with the most iniquitous vigour mid perseverance. Meanwhile the Prussian army advanced on tho left towards Program of Thiouvillo, and, the Austrian army on tho right through Lux- ^1'ul'')"X),of einbiugu, in order to join it on tho confines of France. The Austrian general reduced Longvy : the armies, after their junc tion, captured Verdun, und besieged Thiouvillo. The French executive government displayed grout vigour und judgment in its exertions and dispositions for resisting and repelling the in vasion. Tho frontier fortresses, which, not without probable reason, they deemed purposely neglected by the royal offi cers,.. thuy strengthened as well as lime and circumstances would permit, but trusted their principal defence to more inland posts. Dumourier being appointed general, undertook- to de fend the pusses between Lorraine and Champaign, with a force much inferior to the t.enunii host. Roland, minister for tho homo department, issued a proclamation for carrying off pro vision and forage, cutting down trees, and forming abbatis to impede (he march of the enemy. Leuving the sieges to de-Itc mierx tui'liiiiouis, the combined troops advanced towards Clnunpuign, ''"mure, and fount! that the people, far from co-operating, were uimni- J!,'"' towards inous and zealous in annoying the invaders.. Sickness and t'.imm- w.uul of provisions began to pervade the combined armies : P"i'>n- still, however, they persevered in advancing. They found Dumouii- puniourier posted at St. IVlonehoud, a strong defile in Cliam-'p!'' ""., puigu. They attacked his front division, but were repulsed. „','r„i'' ocru- A. negotiation was opened on the :^d of September, between i'i<>-« n»iruii[; Puinourier und the king of Prussia, but news arriving of the1*"'1'0'1, abolition of monarchy, it was broken off. Dumourier now received daily ro-enfnrcenients. The duko of Brunswick and The duke oi .the king of Prussia perceiving the strength of the enemy before "lu"sw"-'1' them, and knowing every thing behind them was hostile,""'"'* fearing to be lionnued in, proposed to retreat. The Austrian general deprecated this movement, but ns his command was only subordinate, he was obliged to comply. On the 30th of September these denouncers of conquest were compelled to measure buck their steps; and, on their route, being annoyed by (he Trcucii army, lost numbers of iheir men, mid a great purl of, their baggage. Abandoning their conquests, by the Ititli of October they completely .evacuated France. Thus ended the cuiifeilorate invasion, which excited grout hopes, poured out splendid promises and imperious threats, but per formed nothing. It wns soon found to have materially injured Klmion oj tiie cause of the allies: the ilight of the enemy after' such ""-' ^"'utii boasts, operating on the susceptibility of the French character, elevated their spirits, and turned, the military energy which de- 394 HISTORY OF THE ^WAP. fence had excited to offence and invasion. It was speedily re- solved to enter Belgium. Dumourier made rapid and effective S"J™T>"' preparations in provisions, artillery, and troops elated with Dumourier recent success. In the beginning of November he entered the enters the Austrian Netherlands ; on the fifth of the month attacked the kndTde- Austrian army in ils camP at Jemappe, gained a complete and feats his " decisive victory. He successively reduced the various cities of enemy at Flanders and Brabant ; before the middle of the month was and Xces"niaster of Brussels ; and in less than another month had totally the country, subdued the Austrian Netherlands, except Luxemburgh. Ge neral Custine having invaded Germany, captured the cities of Worms, Spires, and Mentz ; subjugated all trie country between the Rhine and the Moselle, except Coblentz; crossing the Rhine, he also reduced Frankfort. The French These rapid acquisitions operating upon the volatile minds propose to of the French, inspired them immediately with the desire of revXet?ou"d ""bounded conquest. They became as eager to sacrifice the izeall rights and properties of other nations to their ambition and ra- neighbour- pacity, as they were to seize the rights and properties of their mg states. .feiiovv,.guDjecta. They resolved to preserve or annul treaties, without regard to national faith or to justice, as best suited the boundless advancement of their power. Such being their end, their means were at once simple and comprehensive : with their own immense force, to employ in their service the disaffection, ¦caprice, and folly of individuals and bodies in other countries. The susceptibility so often remarked in the French character, appeared in credulity, or the ready admission of assertions and allegations, as well as in sympathetic accessibility to sentiments and doctrines. A desire of indefinite change had gone abroad through the world ; and prevalent as this passion really was, the French both conceived and believed it to be universal. Tn Germany and the Netherlands, where it was actually frequent, they supposed it paramount and irresistible,, from hatred to ar-,. bitrary power and oppression ; in England they apprehended it to be equally dominant, as an emanation from the national spirit of liberty. The praises bestowed by eminent statesmen on their efforts to overthrow despotism, they construed into an unqualified approbation of their levelling system. Hearing of the rapid dissemination of the work of Paine, they imputed the reception of these new theories to a desire of applying them to practice. The addresses which they received from obscure clubs, they, on the authority of the addressers believed to speak the voice of the British people. The three last panegy rics of the reforming societies, more specifically expressing a desire of copying the example of France, strengthened their as surance of British sympathy. The last and strongest of these banished all doubts that Britain desired to fraternize with France, in establishing democracy, and levelling ranks and dis tinctions So little proportion is there often found in political history between the importance of instruments and effects, that REIGN OF GEORGE III. 397 a great scheme of French policy, directly hostile to all esta- £P™P- blished governments, and one of the chief causes which involved Britain in a continental war, is to be traced to the ignorant y~*^^*~' vanity of the meanest mechanics, seeking importance out of their respective spheres. Believing that Thomas Hardy, a shoemaker, and other worthies of equal political consequence, represented the people of Great Britain, and that the people of other nations concurred to encourage and stimulate subversion of establishment, on the 19th of November 1792, in direct and Jfoted de- open contradiction to their former professions, not to interfere 'ember in the internal government of other states, the convention pas- 19th, en- sed^ by acclamation, a decree,0 " That the national convention couraging " declare, ¦ in the name of the French nation, that they will ijo^o""- " grant fraternity and assistance to all those people who wish volutionize, "to procure liberty ; and that they charge the executive power u to send orders to their generals to give assistance to such " people as have suffered, or are now suffering, in the cause " of liberty." This decree confirmed a suspicion which had been entertained from their preceding conduct, that the fomen tation of sedition and insurrection in foreign countries, was a systematic principle" of the French republic, immediately produced jealousy and caution in neighbouring nations, and determined most of them to prohibit all intercourse with the French revolutionists. The course of French conquests having led Dumourier to the Scheldt, soon manifested their principles ofjustice. Their first act, after the reduction of the Austrian The Frencfe Netherlands, was to open the navigation of the Scheldt, in con- °Pen the travention to the most sacred treaties, guaranteed by Britain, contrary to France herself, and the neighbouring powers. As Holland was so treaties with intimately connected with Britain, their conduct was a peculiar Britain- attack upon this country, and showed that they were resolved to. include Britain in a general system of aggressive hostility. With the designs of France, so inimical to the English govern- Effects in ment, a spirit of disaffection and innovation at home powerfully Britain from cooperated. Hue's and*' During the recess of 1792, the public ferment greatly in- proceeding?, creased in this country. The efforts of the revolutionary etnis- Apli\con- saries became more strenuous in London, and in the other great ferment du chies of England. Government had been so completely over- ring the re turned in France, and the possession of power and property had ces'of179^ been so entirely attained by the revolutionary banditti, that their courage and audacity were beyond all bounds. The retreat of the duke of Brunswick; a retreat not displeasing to some even pf the moderate friends of freedom, to those, at least, who con- n See proceedings of ihe national convention, November 19th, 1792. o Most of our readers will probably recollect the noted saying of Brissol, that- they must set fire to the four quarters of the globe. I am assured by a gentle man who was then at Paris, and very inlimale with the Girondists, that this was the general language and intent. 398 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. XUX. 1792. English re publicansconfidentlyhope for a change. Alarm of many- friends of the consti tution. Mr. Beeves' association against re publicansand level lers, is very gen erally jo'i.- ed, and gives an iin- ' poriant turn to public opinion. sidered the good of real liberty more than the phantom that had assumed its name in France, greatly emboldened the de mocratical republicans of England, who admired that phantom. About the capital the approaching downfall of the British con stitution became a subject of common talk : king, lords, and commons, church and state, were described as on the eve of dissolution. The garrulous vanity of some of the weak and ig norant members of the democratic societies boasted of the situations they were to attain under the new order which was to be speedily established. From a multiplicity of circum stances it was evident, that a design was formed to overthrow the constitution, and that there was great confidence of its success. That such proceedings required to be checked, con- troled, and punished, could not be denied by any who posses-^ sed just notions of the nature of man in his social state : go vernment employed such measures as appeared to be the best cal culated to correct this growing and threatening mischief. But though the arm oflaw be sufficiently strong to restrain the open invader of the constitution, it was not altogether able to ferret all the secret arts of its enemies. It became necessary, there fore, to aid the efforts of law by employing their own wea pons against the adversaries of our establishments. As the ap proaches were carried on by societies, clubs, and familiar books, suited to the meanest capacities, it became a public duty to es tablish associations, and prepare literary works, which might op pose these hostile attacks. An association was accordingly in stituted in November, by a gentleman of the law named Mr. Reeves, for the avowed purpose of protecting liberty and pro perty against republicans and levellers. The framer's address, stating with great perspicuity and force the multiplied and per nicious efforts of enemies to our laws and constitution, and cal ling on all loyal and patriotic men to unite in the defence of every thing that could be dear to Britons, made a very deep and rapid impression, and spread a general alarm. Associa tions for preserving the constitution multiplied in every part of the kingdom, and were joined by far the greater number of respectable Britons. These associations had a most powerful effect in counteracting the seditious societies ; thpy recalled the well meaning but misguided votaries of innovation to the re collection of the blessings that were ascertained by experience, diffused a spirit of constitutional loyalty through the country, and brought back the stream of popular opinion into the old and useful channel. Mr. Reeves's exhortations to patriotic and loyal union were accompanied with books explaining the hurt ful effects of the Gallic changes; and though some of these, in reprobating levelling democracy, may have urged to the con trary extreme, yet the main operation was highly salutary :p the p For instance, a. letter from Thomas Bull to his brotlier Mm, thoitgh it em ployed some of (he exploded senlimcnts and phraseology of tory bigotry, yet REIGN OF GEORGE III. 399 whole measure prevented or recovered great numbers of Britons xLtX* from Jacobinism, which was then the impending danger ; and w_,_, its certain consequence if allowed to flourish, the subversion of 17g2 the British constitution. Before public opinion had received so salutary a bias, the seditious practices had, in various parts, produced such disorders as to render the interference of the ex ecutive government necessary. The king availed himself of The king his legal power to embody the militia, and to convene the par- embodies liainent before the time to which it had been prorogued, and to and^t'such call on the representative wisdom of the people for counsel and a crisis, aid at so momentqus a crisis. At this eventful period some of 6um,monesnl the most distinguished supporters of opposition, deeming the before the present a season of alarm and danger when all party spirit appointed should; subside, when all party contentions should cease, and timc- when all men of all parties should unite to support the constitu tional government of the country, considered our external as well as internal enemies to be of a species which never yet had been encountered ; and that no weapon could so effectually oppose their diabolical designs as an unanimous and determined spirit of resistance : they therefore supported the present mea sures of administration. taught the common people the mischiefs of innovating speculations; and that their respectability and happiness depended not upon political theories, but on their practical performance of their professional, moral, and religious duties. 400 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. L. Meeting of parliament. — The king states his reasons for this extraordinary con vocation.— The chief subjects of consideration the progress of Jacobinical principles. — -The greater number of peers and commoners conceive there is' a design to revolutionize Britain. — A small but able band think this alarm un founded. — Conduct of France comes belbre parliament. — Peace, the interest and wish of Brilaiu, if it could be preserved with security. — Commercial poli cy of the minister, and unprecedented prosperity of the country. — The British government observed a strict neutrality during the hostilities, between France and Germany. — Communication be'«een lord Grenville and the French am bassador in sammer 1792. — On the deposition of the king of the French, our sovereign orders his ambassador to leave Paris. — This order a necessary conse quence of our king's determination of neutrality. — Careful avoidance of inter ference in the internal affairs of France. — Application of the emperor and king of Naples to his Britannic majesty to refuse shelter to murderers. — Strict adherence to neutrality by Britain. — Aggressions on the part of France. — Chauvelin opens an explanatory negotiation. — Marat, the French secretary comes to London to confer with .Mr. Pitt. — Marat justifies, on revolutionary principles, the opening of the Scheldt, though contrary to the established law of nations. — Mr. Chauvelin supports the same doctrine in his correspondence with lord Grenville — professes the decree ol November 19th, not intended against Britain. — Reply of the British minister. — Be declares Britain will not sutler France to annul at pleasure the established law of nations. — Britain re quires France lo forego her projects of invading and revolutionizing other countries. — Alien bill — is passed into a law. — Augmentation of the army and navy. — proceedings at Paris. — Gironde party — their literary ability, boundless ambition, and wild projects. — The Mountain blood-thirsty and ferocious.— Robespierre, Danton, and Marat. — The Girondists desire to spare the king's life. — The Mountain and the mob desire regicide. — Pusillanimity of Brissot and the other Girondists. — A decree is passed for bringing the king to trial. — Attempts to break the spirit of Louis — trial — not the smallest proof of guilt -r- Complicated iniquity of the process in principle, substance, and mode. — Self- possession and magnanimity of the persecuted monarch. — Sentence — Last in terview of Louis \v ith his family. — Execution — an awful monument of tho doctrines and sentiments that governed France. — Chauvelin demands from the British" minister the recognition of the French republic — and the admission of its ambassador. — The British government refuses a recognition which would be an interference in the internal affairs of France. Chauvelin remonstrates against the alien bill aud the preparations of Britain — on the massacre of Lotus ordered to leave the country. — France declares war against Britain and Hol land. — Review of the conduct of both parties. — Opinions of Messrs. Burke, Fox, and Pitt respectively, on the French revolution — the justice and policy' of a war. — Messrs. Burke and Pill support ihe war on different grounds.— Mr. Pitt proposes the security of Britain — Mr. Burke the restoration of monarchy in France. — Violent parly censures. — Impartial history finds in the conduct of neither just grounds for their reciprocal reproach. — Public opinion favourable to war wilh France. — In declaring war against France our king spoke the voice of a great majority of liis people. REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 401 ON the 13th of December parliament was assembled ; and CHAP. the king stated his various reasons for his present measures. Notwithstanding the strict neutrality which he had uniformly 2 observed in the war now raging on the continent, he could not, Meeting of without concern, observe the strong indications of an intention parliament. in the French to excite disturbances in other countries ; to pur- ^Jjt* j'jj-f sue views of conquest and aggrandizement inconsistent wilh reasons for the balance of Europe; to disregard the rights of neutral thi^ extra- powers ; and to adopt towards his allies the states-general mea- "onyo^. sures neither conformable to the public law, nor to the positive tion. articles of existing treaties. He had, therefore, found it neces sary to make some augmentation of his army and navy : these exertions were demanded by the present state of affairs, to maintain internal tranquillity, and render a temperate and firm Conduct effectual for preserving the blessings of peace. Never did more momentous objects engage the attention of Chief su1>- a British legislature than in the present session of parliament. iecrls?fd^ Its many and complicated subjects of deliberation, however, progre.-s of chiefly resulted from two subjects which were interwoven lo- Jacobinical gether, the operation of Jacobinical principles, and the ad- andFrcnch vances of French power. Ministers, supported not only by power. those members who for many years approved of their measures, but by most of the principal nobility of the old whig interest, Mr. Burke, the veteran champion of that party, and many othergentlemen of the house of commons, also, many members of the North part of the coalition, especially lord Loughbo- ihe greater rough, now chancellor, declared their conviction that a design number of existed to revolutionize this country: and that notwithstanding Pcers and j ? o commoners the precautions which were already employed, still constant conceive vigilance, prudence, firmness, and energy, was necessary to there is a prevent its success. It had not hitherto, they admitted, prodii- vSiHion'iaa^ ced such overt acts as to afford grounds for judicial process; Britain, but had discovered, and even manifested, such objects and tendencies as demanded the counteraction of deliberative wis dom. There were intentions and schemes openly avowed, with many more reasonably suspected, for effecting the down fall of the existing establishments; although no specific treason able plot had been actually brought to light, the evidence for the existence of such projects consisted of conversations, wri tings, specific proceedings, and general conduct. To repress such views and attempts, preventive and prospective measures were proposed, and not retrospective or penal. A small but very able band, headed by Mr. Fox, ridiculed a small but and reprobated this apprehension; they said it was a mere .'ble band chimera, like the popish plot of Titus Oates; that it sprang ^rnV1"- from the eloquent misrepresentations of Mr. Burke's invectives founded. against the French revolution, and was supported by ministers to promote an alarm ; divide the whigs ; oppose the spirit of liberty and the reform of parliament, and facilitate hostility with France. These were the respective positions of the bodies yoi.. ii-. 51 402 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, which now differed in parliament on the subject of internal L' danger. Mr. Fox and his adherents called for specific instances s^y^*~/ oi conspiracy; and alleged, that since none were produced, 9*" the pretended schemes and projects did not exist; that every general imputation must be an aggregate of particular facts, or must be false ; that the deduction of probable practice from speculative theories was inconsistent with sound reason and ex perience, and totally unworthy of a legislature. Must parlia ment interfere whenever a hot-brained enthusiast writes or speaks nonsense? for the ostensible purposes of ministry, their arguments were futile ; but for their real purposes their asser tions and actions were well adapted. At the commencement of the session, Mr. Pitt was absent, his seat being vacated by his acceptancy of the Cinque Ports. The chief impugner of these arguments of Mr. Fox and his friends was Mr. Burke, who showing the connexion between opinion and conduct, in sisted that the strongest preventive policy was necessary to the salvation of Britain. Conduct of Meanwhile the conduct of France towards this country, with comesbe- the part which Britain should act in the present emergency, fjre pariia- was a subject of anxious concern to the parliament and nation. rnent. fg a commercial country deriving its prosperity from its in- interest and dustry and arts, cherished by peace, war was an evil to be in- wjsh of Bri- curred from no motive but necessity. The extension of com- co'n|d'h '' merce, manufactures, and every other source of private wealth preserved and public revenue, though very far from exclusively occupying with securi- the official talents of Mr. Pitt, had hitherto been the most con- tJommer- stantly prominent objects of his administration. He had pro- cial policy moted trade by the wisest and most efficacious means, removal of the min- 0f restraint, and reciprocation of profit. His exertions had been unm-'e*c- eminently successful where legislative or ministerial effort was denied pro- necessary, and when no political interference was wanted, the sperity of national capital, enterprise, and skill, nourished by freedom, and ' ie coim'ry' secured by peace, had done the rest. The prosperity of the country was beyond the precedent of any former time, and was evidently more abundant from the advantages of neutrality in The British the midst of surrounding war. The British government was govi-inmrrii fui|y aware of the blessings of peace, and the British sovereign strirt ncu* na& uniformly adhered to the strictest neutrality, and also to a traiit.v rigid forbearance from any interference in the internal affairs of d|,rinB France. As soon as the king of France had announced to ties between Britain the commencement of a war between the German pow- Fiance ami ers and his dominions, the court of London issued a proclama- Germany. i\on> enjoining his majesty's subjects to receive no commission from any enemy of the French king; and in noway to act hostilely to him or his people, under the severest penalties."! His majesty's subjects observed these injunctions, aud no com plaint of aggression was alleged either by the French king or. q See Debrett's State Papers, 25th May, 17B2.. '• REIGN OF GEORGE III. 403 nation. Chauvelin, the French ambassador, applied to the C^A"- British secretary on the 24th of May, stating, that the procla- ^^^^ niation published a few days before against seditious writings, )7g2 contained expressions which might, contrary to the intentions communf- of the British ministry, encourage an idea that France was cations be- considered as inimical to the internal tranquillity of England, ^"-jje and requested his application might be communicated to pariia- nnd the ment. Lord Grenville's reply represented that Mr. Chauvelin *Ve!.ncJJ1a,?," had deviated (he was convinced unintentionally) from the rules ^mncr, of this kingdom in applying to the British minister to connnuni- 1702. cate to parliament any subject of diplomatic discussion ; but assured the French minister of the cordiality of the British so vereign. Chauvelin acknowledged his mistake, and expressed his satisfaction at the assurances of amity which the British minister's answers had conveyed. On the 18th of June, Mr. Chauvelin delivered a note, stating that by the proceedings of the German potentates, the balance of Europe, the indepen dence of the different powers, the general peace, every consi deration which at all times has fixed the attention of the English- government, was at once exposed and threatened ; and inviting his Britannic majesty, for the general security, to interfere with his mediation. His majesty adhering rigidly to the neutrality, replied, that consistently with his impartial determination, he could not propose an intervention when not solicited by both Farties.p On the 11th of July 1J"!)J, a small fleet sailed from ortsmouth, under the command of admiral lord Hood, to perform naval evolutions in the channel. The whole squadron consisted only of five ships of the line, besides frigates and sloops: it had but a fortnight's provision on board, and bad manifestly no other destination than a sea review. The matter, however, was so magnified in France, and was represented in such a false light, that on the 26th of July, an immediate arma ment of thirty ships of the line was proposed in the national assembly, and the marine committee was ordered to draw up a report on the subject, and"present it within a few days.* But Mr. Chauvelin having inquired into the object and circum stances of this squadron, was satisfied that its purpose was not hostile; and the French government and nation were convinced that Britain had no design of taking any part with their ene mies.' His Britannic majesty being informed of the suspension On ibode- of the king's executive power by the decree of the 10th of position of August, directed his secretary of state," Mr. Dundas, to write }n* French our sove- r See the series of correspondence between lord Grenville and Air. Chauvelin, |*'Pn or"ers in Debrett's State Papers, from May 21, lo July Sth, 173;. sador to s See ihe Monileur, 28lh July, 1792. leave t See Moniteurs of July 179-', and Marsh's History of the Politics of Great Pttl's- Britain and France, chapter viii. ti Lord Grenx ille happening to be out of town when this intelligence arrived, iliat part of his official business was performed by his colleague. 404 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, to lord Gower the British ambassador at Paris, thai the exercise of the executive power having been withdrawn from his cbris- ^*r~^*~' ton majesty, the credentials of the ambassador were no longer Thi» order a valid, and that he should return lo England. This order his neeeiwary majesty deemed a necessary consequence from his determination of"ourllae^Ce °* neutrality ;* because the continuance of his representative termination at Paris, treating as the sovereign power that party which had ofneutrali- overturned the constitution recently established, would have y' been an interference in the internal affairs of France, by an acknowledgment of the republican party, in preference to the Careful loyalists and constitutionalists. Our king, conformably to the of7m^-"- same cautious and discriminating policy, which would not renr-e i» the pledge to the one side his virtual support, repeated his declara- infernai af- tions, that he would not support the other, or in any way inter- France ^ere m iae internal arrangements of France.* Lord Gower having communicated his royal master's orders, and the reasons wherein tbey were founded, to Mr. Le Brun, minister for foreign affairs, he expressed the regret of the executive council that the ambassador was lo be withdrawn,. but its satisfaction at his majesty's continued assurance of neutrality, and determination ¦*PP'i<^a"^n not to interfere in the internal affairs of France.* In the month ror arj'knvrof September, the emperoriand king of Naples stated to his of .NhdIo m> Britannic majesty their apprehensioas, that the atrocities of !",* II '"?£ Paris would extend to the Hves of the royal family, and expres- itic majesty .... , ¦ . * , r . . , ¦ u,re(me sed their hopes, that should guch anefanous cnme be commit- sheitcrto ted, his majesty would grant wo asylum to the perpetrators." mur era. With a request eo conformable to justice, humanity, a sense of moral obligation, and an abhorrence of enormous wickedness, the kin;; complied, and induced his allies the states-general to form the same resolution. Here there was certainly no devia tion from neutrality, no interference in the constitution of the French polity, unless a declared purpose to refuse shelter to a parly that shall commit an atrocious murder, be an interference in that party's private concerns. When the theatre of advancing conquest approached so near the united Netherlands, the king declared his resolution to adhere to their mutual alliance, and at the same time expressed his conviction that the belligerent parties would not violate the neutrality of the states-generak g^iei a>;»• botadmitted thers hid been none beiorc h<» V.-^nn. < \-.. ¦>, ix.. a V:br'd'.''. ~ta'.'- Paper.. F.Wnrt'Mi 39rh. -<- 17912. RETGN OF GEORGE III. 405 vill« assiuwlliim "Hint ontwunl forms would bo no hindrance HUM'. " to his Hritinniic innjeHty, whenever llie question relnlntl to ex- ''_ ''tiliuiiilions, which might he Milidlticlory nnd nilvaiitngcnus to "both purlieu ;" nnd Mr. 1'itt declined to the same gcnlleinuii, thnt il wan his desire lo nvoid n wur, nnd to receivi1 h proof of tho Niuue nenlimi'iils from the French ministry.1' MIL PIT'I' AND I1ISCOADJUTOHS WEItE UNIFOUMEY CONSIS TENT IN MAINTAINING ONE I'ltlNCIl'LE, THAI' THE INTKHNAL CHANGES OF FKANCE DID NOT PHECECDE AMITY WITH ENGLAND; nnd therein to- Inlly differed from Mr. Ilurke nnd Ii im followers. No coniniuni- cntinus iiiiiterinl to Ihe i|UeMlion of nggi-ci-iHion passed between Mr. Clitiuveliu nnd the Itiilisli ininiHler, until the decree of the tilth of November, the Invasion of the rights of our allies, uud the rnpitl nilvunc.eM of French couqueHt, aroused and alarmed Britain. There hud hitherto benn strict neutrality, ns we have seen, on the purl of England, while thero had been aggression Oil the purl of Enuice; for thut aggression satisfaction wum dun, Ap^roi-sinn nnd the French professed to wish n pncilie adjustment. Chun-"" ''»• pm'i velin wits instructed to open nn expltiuutory uegotiutiou, con- n, to official character would import the admission of ihe executorial <""|l'") ,"'i"' competency of their eiuployers; would have been n declaration '"' in hivour of u piuty, und cousciiueully un interference in the internal niTiingcnieiits of France. Mr. I'ilt therefore did not meet. Mr. Marat (is the ininiHler of England I lie niinisler of Friince; however they did meet, and their cnnversniioii, ns detailed from Mr. Marat's eoiiiinuuicaliou,'' .showed on the one linnil, thut Mil. Pitt haunhs'ity nuxiiiuu to imu-im.iiivi; i'i>:.\ei'i WITH FlIMMUtt; uud oil llie oilier, thai the French agent enileil- voureil lo explain the obnoxious decree ns not inteudeil lo ii|>- M . s| ply to Itiilnin. On the subject of the Scheldt, Marat stated ii,v! ,,'u I-,!-' tint t the order of tho council, uud the decree of the nulioiml v".|,,,i."l""'.v convenlion concerning thnt navigation, tiiiualed ou the most «"- lil"",',1,^,,,,- cred principles ol' (Jallic liliorl y, were irrevocable, nnd thusurl- »r iln- milleil that the internal change in Friince was bv ils votaries i1''l"''<."» coiiKidered tts mitlioi'i/.iii;;' them to vinlule the tights ot' foreign l.1,,n1|'l,'Jl,!v ,,, and iliilopendenl imlinns; nnd (hut they were resolved to inal;e tin- s-^tn'ii- no sulUliu'tiiin I'ornii iujurv inllicleil, in auifonnily.to this m'iu- ''?'"''',!""' •' • J l ol natHw. h TIipsi- di'i'liinilions »l urn Iwo iiiiiiislriN nr(> iiil.iimvl.-.l'.'vil l>v Ihissol, in hi< repiirl m lln- ivnv.mlimi ul' tin- I'iih ul' .liinmin 17H;i ; niul in llm ullli-ml rrvnln- lloimry ji'iinml, lln< iM.niii.iir of l.'nh .I.uimiu v. r7!>.i. r Hy All. IMilfN. in u wink i-n. if.| WiiMffiWii ivri-M/ieMuVmr. Mr. nlili-i tin* Ihoiuunmli' iiiiileoiitiili'iilril frii'iul i>f Mr iMnrnl 40G HISTORY OF THE CHAP. Ii. 1792. Mr. Chau velin sup ports the same doc trine in his correspon dence with lordGrenville, and pro fesses Ihe decree of T9lh Nov. not intended against Bri tain. Reply of the British He declares Britain will not suffer France to annul at pleasure llie established ki". of na tions. Britain requiresFranco to forego her piojects of invading and revolu tionizing other coun tries. ciple.u The same questions were agitated with much greater particularity of detail, and reciprocation of argument, between monsieur Chauvelin and lord Grenville, in the latter end of No vember, and during the month of December. Chauvelin main tained the right of the French to open the navigation of the Scheldt : he however declared, by order of the executive coun cil, that if at the end of the war the Belgians were unfettered, and in full possession of their liberty relinquished this naviga tion, the French would decline all opposition. This answer evinced a firm and unalterable resolution of adhering not only to the infraction of the treaty of Utrecht, but also of dismem bering the Netherlands from the Austrian dominions, and ma king them dependent on France : he obstinately contended that the decree of the 19th of November, could have no re ference to Great Britain, and declared that if Holland continued. to observe neutrality, France would not invade her dominions. These professions the British minister would not believe, because they were totally contradicted by actual conduct. Concerning the decree of the convention, the application of these princi ples to the British king's dominions was unequivocally shown, by the public reception given to the promoters of sedition in this country, and by the speeches made to them precisely at the time of this decree, and since on several different occasions. At the very time France declared she would not invade Hol land, she had already attacked that nation by opening the Scheldt. France, (said the British minister) can have no right to annul the stipulations relative lo the Scheldt) unless she have also tbe right to set aside equally all the other treaties, between all the powers of Europe, and all the other rights of England, or of her allies. She can even have no pretence to interfere in the question of opening the Scheldt, unless she were the sove reign of the Low Countries, or had the right to dictate laws to all Europe. England will never consent that France shall arro gate the power of annulling at her pleasure, and under the pretence of a pretended natural right, of which she makes her self the only judge, the political system of Europe, established by solemn treaties, and guaranteed by the consent of all the powers. This government, adhering to the maxims which it has followed for more than a century, will also never see with indifference tbat France shall make herself, either directly or indirectly, sovereign of the Low Countries, or general arbitress of the rights and liberties of Europe. If France is really de sirous of maintaining friendship and peace with England, she must show herself disposed to renounce her views of aggres sion and aggrandizement, and to confine herself within her own territory, without insulting other governments, disturbing d See Marai's letlcr to his colleague. Debrett's Slate Papers, 2d December, 179?. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 407 their tranquillity, and violating their rights;0 but the French CHAP. government positively refused to satisfy Britain for the violation of treaties.f j7f)„ In the consideration of peaceor war with the French republic, the proceedings of the French rulers, the negotiation between their agents aud British ministers, and the conduct of our exe cutive and legislative government, are so much interwoven, that it is frequently necessary to change the scene to review their. process of action and reaction, and exhibit cause and effect, Before we follow this negotiation to its close, it is ne cessary to present to our readers, both internal legislative pro ceedings, and foreign acts, by which the negotiation was ef fected. The great objects of alarm, both to thc British go vernment, and to the principal part of the British nation, were the rapid advances of French principles, and the rapid progress of French power. The number of aliens at this time in Britain far surpassed the usual influx. Of these, many so conducted themselves as to justify a suspicion of their evil in tentions towards this country. Agreeably to the system of Alien bill, preventive policy already recorded, the attorney-general pro posed to parliament to provide for the public tranquillity by subjecting the resort and residence of aliens to certain regula tions. All foreigners arriving in the kingdom were, by the. plan of ministers, to explain their reasons for coming into this country, to give up all arms except (hose commonly used for defence or dress. In their several removals through the coun try, they were to use passports, by which their actual residence, or occasional movements might be manifest, and their conduct easily oberved. Those who received eleemosynary support, were to be distributed in districts where they would be more .liable to the vigilance of the civil power. Particular attention wns to be paid to foreigners who had visited this kingdom with in the present year, who should hereafter come without obvi ous reasons, and be thus more obnoxious to prudent suspicion. Such were the objects and chief provisions of the law known is p»«»>i| by the name of the alien bill. Those members of both hous-i'iioalaw. es who had denied the existence of the dangerous doctrines, consistently with their opinions, opposed a measure, which upou their hypothesis was certainly not necessary. Admitting, Aiipmcni- however, that there was external danger from abroad, they B''°" 2nd unnnipiously agreed to ministerial motions for tho augmentation navy. of the army and unvy. While the British legislature was making these dispositions Proceedings against internal and foreign danger, an event took place inal l'(lli-'', France, thc flagrant injustice and ferocious cruelty of which most fatally manifested the pitch of infuriate wickedness at * Sec correspondence between lord Crenvillo and Mr. Chmivr-lin, in Teecm- ber 1702. Stnlr papers lor that period, f See Cimitvi'lin's note to lord llreiivillr-, Dec. 27th. 408 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. L. 1792. Gironde puny: their lilera- ry ability, boundless ambition and wild projects. Tbe Moun tain blood thirsty and ferocious. which thc jacobins were arrived. The republicans now con sisted of two parties, the Girondists and the Mountain. The former contained the principal part of the literary class, in genious, and eloquent enemies of monarchy ; the latter, the most daring and blood-thirsty directors of the murderous mobs, the votaries of anarchy. Though men of genius, the lead ers of the Gironde were much more brilliant than solid.s Form ed to the metaphysical theories long so prevalent in France, they carried their visionary abstractions to practical life. To subtle paradox and ingenious hypothesis, which are commonly the effusions of literary retirement, many of them joined profli gate corruption and rapacity, that would grasp all the wealth and power which stimulate injustice in the active world, with an excessive vanity, which represented all the objects of their cupidity as within the reach of their invention and enterprise. This wildness of speculative sciolism, this depravity of prin ciple and pursuit, and this overweening self estimation dictat ed their internal and external politics : impelled them to seek a republic not suitable to the human character; in which levelling others, they might themselves enjoy boundless riches nnd unlimited sway; and to fancy that their talents and ad dress could employ both the weakness and strength of various parties, in their own and other countries as instruments for the execution of their designs. To extend the circle of their proposed dominion, and also that pre-eminence which French men have always sought, they formed their boundless schemes of national aggrandizement;11 of embroiling mankind in war; subjugating aii countries by French principles and French power, and thus subjecting the whole to themselves ; new as these men were in sonic part of the composition of their cha racters, yet in others as old as vanity, avarice, and profligacy, they transcended every bound of morality or religion. Pos sessing great energy they in a considerable degree attained, and for a short time preserved the objects of their desire ; but wanting profound wisdom and overrating their own talents of managing tools, they ultimately fell by the instruments of their exaltation. As the great operators in the several changes of the revolution were the Parisian rabble, the demagogues who could most readily and effectually direct the mob, posses sed a formidable power either instrumental or supreme accord ing to the ability and skill of its possessors. The members of the legislature, most ferociously violent against the king, were the Mountain. These, less literary in their acquirements, less metaphysical in their harangues, exhibited in their manners a coarseness which the others, educated as gentlemen, had not been able completely to attain, and were much more popular g The chief philosophical scholar among them was Condorcet. Brissot wo* animated, enthusiastic, and operative, but by no means profound. h Sec Brissot's works passim ; also thc writing, of other Girondists.. REIGN OF GEORGE III. #& among the governing sansculottes. The hea,4 of this party CHAP. was Robespierre, a man much inferior to . the Girondists in ^-f^,^ cultivated understanding, polished eloquence, and those talents 17g2 which would have had weight with an ingenious and refined Robes. ' audience ;but by theuncouth plainness of his speeches, and the piem?,Da(l,- energy of his invectives, he was well fitted'to govern, a mob at ^'ra"lcl anytime; and by his stern and sanguinary disposition pecu liarly suited to the Parisian mop, panting for regicide. Next in power was Danton, equally blood-thirsty and ambitious, less strong and direct in his means, but more dexterous. Sub ordinate to these was Marat; a half lettered editor of a news paper, hideous in appearance, loathsome by disease,' and squa lid in attire ; he was passionately desirous of reducing all eminence and distinction to the same low level, with himself; andlongthe hireling of Orleans, he imbibed against the king that rancorous gall which he had been paid for disseminating through the populace. Bloody in his disposition, ardent in his cruel exhortations ; he was the delight of the. murderous mob, because in so many points coinciding with themselves. By these leaders chiefly, assisted by many others of the Moun tain members, the Parisian rabble was directed. The Gironde party saw the character of these demagogues, hat in their eager efforts to subdue, the constitutionalists, and overthrow kingly power, had co-operated with the Mountain; intending, and Tor a considerable time appearing, to use them as tools. The. insurrection of the, 10th of August was the work of the- Girondists for the subversion of monarchy : Danton was a most powerful auxiliary in the massacres of that bloody day. So effectually instrumental to the execution of the Girondist de* signs, the mob and the leaders of the Mountain, more sensibly felt their own resistless power. The Gironde party were to tally unrestrained by conscience from seeking their euds through means however wicked ; yet they do not appear to have had a desire of shedding blood merely for pleasure. Blood they would not spare where they conceived it to answer their pur pose ; the butchery of their fellow creatures, however, they did not seek as a pastime. Not so the sansculottes, who mani festly sought massacre for its own sake.k Before the begin ning; of September the power of the Mountain was very great ly increased. Marat and his associates under Danton and Ro bespierre, were, the ring-leaders in the September carnage. Brissot had formed the plan of a national convention, and a republic: the leaders of the Mountain were contriving, that the republic, which they had been instrumental in creating should be directed by themselves, and that the national convention should contain a majority of their creatures. When the asserrjh i See Adolphus's Memoirs. Life of Marat. k What but the mere delight in human carnage could have prompted the g-eater part of the September massacres ? See details in Playfait's Jacobinism. VOL. IT, f>2 410 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, bly which he had projected met, Brissot found that the Moun tain was becoming very strong. The executive council, how-1 y**^^*~' ever, still consisted of Girondists, and, the army being com manded by officers of that party, they remained formidable!, The Giron- fhe Gironde party, desirous of establishing democracy, ap- spareThe '° peared to have had no intention of attacking the life of iheir life of the sovereign, unless they conceived it to interfere with the pre- Jung. servation of the republic and their own power. From the Ger man retreat, and the subsequent success of the French arms, they entertained no appreherisions of the restoration of mo- TheMoun- narchy, and wished to save the king's life : the opposite party, mob desire"6 not mevely murderers from policy, but sanguihary frotti the in- his massa- furiate disposition of the multitude, desired the blood of Louis. ere. The jacobin clubs, now leagued with the Mountain, promoted the savage barbarity. Their leaders, especially Robespierre, had formed views of the most unbounded ambition, and con ceived that, by involving the people in the guilt of regicide, they would bind' them entirely to their system, and overpower their adversaries the Gironde and all other parties. The Girondists, superior as they were in genius and literature to the Mountain, were less daring and intrepid, and besides, had more to dread, as their adversaries were supported by the go verning mob.1 There were, however, still £reia.t numbers throughout the provinces, and even in Paris itself, who ardent ly desired to spare the blood of their king. By firmness and magnanimity, the Girondists, possessing the executorial func tions, might have rallied round the metropolis a sufficient force for saving innocent blood ; but they did not display the courage of resolute determination, without which lawless ambition will JPusillanimi- riot retain newly usurped power. The proceedings were pii- tynf ?rissot sillanimous half measures, more contemptible in their inefficacy otherGiron- than the diabolical conduct of their adversaries ; and though Gists. less detestable in their operation, equally noxious in the result. The Mountain persuaded the populace that Louis had betrayed- his country, and conspired against France with its enemies: on these grounds they instigated the mob to demand histrial.m A decree is After various preliminary discussions, the Girondists being' ErfngmeT a^ra'^ f0 express their sentiments, a decree was passed, for the king to bringing to trial a personage whose life, by eVery principle of b/ial. expediency and policy, ought to have been sacred under any well regulated constitution ; and whose person was inviolable' according to the polity existing in France at the time when the acts charged were alleged to have been committed. To pre vent the public mind from hearing innocence calling for justice, they suffered not the king to know that his life was Souo-ht. From the fidelity of a zealous domestic" Louis of France "first learned that a perjured banditti prepared publicly to destroy their monarch's life, which every federate Frenchman had t Segur, vol. iii, p. 6. m Ibid, p. 7. n See Clery. REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 411 sworn to protect. To break down the soul of their sovte- CHAP. reign by -accumulated misery, they debarred him from the sight and converse of his wife and children. , They hoped v~*r^CV"' that the strength of his benevolent, affections, thus deprived Attempts to of their dearest objects, would crush the faculties of his break the- Blind, and would disable him from vindicating his inno- ?lr,tsof cence,.and exposing the enormity of their blood thirsty guilt ; but their purpose was frustrated. The dreadful situa tion in which their wickedness had placed him, roused the ener gies of a, mind which manifested itself not unworthy of the descendant of Henry. With every circumstance of degrada- TratL tion that the upstart insolence of unmerited power could be stow, he was brought to the bar, and bis charges were read. They consisted of two general heads ; first, of crimes commit ted before his acceptance of the constitution; secondly, of crimes committed after his acceptance of the constitution. The evidence was composed of interrogatories, put to the accused himself, and of documents charged to have been written with his privity and concurrence. The charges before his accept ance of the constitution he successively answered, by declaring what every hearer well knew, that the power then vested in ¦him authorized the seyeral acts, and consequently could now be no subject of question : the accusations for conduct sub sequent to the acceptance he either showed^to be agreeable to his constitutional powers, or denied to be such as were repre sented. In every particular case he protested he had acted according to the best of his judgment for the good of his subjects. The allegation of conspiracy with tbe enemies of his country he firmly denied. The written evidence on which he Not the was accused contained neither proof nor grounds for probable p'^Jj^f presumption that he was culpable, much less guilty : thg asser- guilt. tions rested upon no evidence.0 When the charge for the prose cution was finished, the king applied for permission to be al lowed counsel. Various emigrants p informed of the charges, proffered exculpatory testimony : Louis's judges would hear no evidence but on one side : the accusation was totally un- -supported by proof. His defence was conducted, first by him self, with great magnanimity and ability, and afterwards by his counsel. It was glaringly manliest, .that his accusers had totally failed in making out their case ; that there was not a shadow of foundation to justify an arraignment, much less evidence to au thorize a penal sentence, even against the meanest subject. Be fore judgment was passed,it was proposed to appeal to the pea-. pie. The national convention, it was said, was not a tribunal o For the proof of this assertion we refer to the reports o( the trial. p Lally Tollendal, Bertrand, Narbon, Cazales, and Bouille offered, at the risk of their lives, to go to Paris, and bear testimony to the falsity of the principal charges against the king, wherein they respectively were said to have been agents. Otridge's Annual Register, 1793. 412 HISTORY OF THE CHA». of judges, but an assembly 'of lawgivers; and in assuming a ^^—^^ judicial power they were usurpers. The people, their coir- 1793 stituents, had not delegated to the national convention the power of trying causes. This objection, though unanswerably valid, had no weight with men determined to commit murder: for the appeal there were two hundred and eighty-three, against it four hundred and twenty-four. It being resolved by such a majority that the king should suffer punishment,, it was strenuously contended by one party that he should be confined, Condemna- ty the other that he should be put to death. In a meeting of tion and seven hundred the bloody verdict was passed hy a majority of sentence. nve j T{,c iniquitous sentence being delivered after midnight, on the 20th of January, it was that day, at two o'clock, announced to the king, that the following day he was to be executed. Selfpos- With unmoved countenance hearing, the decree read, he re-. se"ion and quested permission to see his family. The. hardened hearts of masrnanim- njs murderers did not refuse him this last boon.i He himself persecuted first conveyed to his queen, sister, and children, the agonizing monarch, intelligence. During the dismal interview, retaining his firm- view of"" ness> ^e 'ncu'cated on his son the transient nature of sublunary Louis with grandeur; called to his mind what his father had been; and his family, then was; bid him trust for happiness to that virtue and reli gion which no human efforts could efface. Late in the evening his family left him, trusting1' to see him the next morning once more. Prepared by conscious innocence, uprightness, and piety, for meeting death, neither guilt nor fear disturbed his rest. He slept soundly till five o'clock, the hour at which he ordered his faithful valet to awaken him for the last timet*. His family he now resolved to forbear again pressing to his arms. The bitterness of death the tranquil resignation of the christian regarded with complacency; the bitterness of parting grief the brother, father, and husband could not endure. He sought from religion, in his last hours, that consolation which, in thc zenith of power, splendour, and magnificence, as well as in humiliation and captivity, she had never failed to afford. The attendance of a clergyman, a favour refused him ever since his imprisonment in the Temple by his atheistical oppressors, was, at his earnest entreaty, granted him on the day of his mas sacre. Being now assisted in the external rights, as well as en couraged in the internal sentiments of devotion, and having opened his soul to a priest whose sanctity he revered, he for a short interval, returned to the concerns of this world ; deliver ed to his faithful servant his last charges and commissions" to q Clcry's journal, 235. r Ibid. 239. s Ibid. 212. t Ibid. u Atseven o'clock (says Clery), thc king, coming out of his closel, called to me, and taking inc within the recess of tho window, said, " Von will give this seal to my son, this ring to the queen, and assure her that it is with pain I pint wilh it : this liltlo packet contains the hnir of all my family ; you will, give her that too, Tell (he queen, my dear children, and nvy si«ter> lhat although I 1793. REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 413 be' Conveyed to his family and friends. The messengers CHAP. of murder arrived; and he was conducted from the Temple.. _ '_ When htf was ascending the son (Told 'his executioners seized v his hnnds in order to tie them behind his back : ns he wns not prepared for this lust insult, he appeared disposed to repel it, and his countenance already beamed with indignation. Mr. Edgeworth, his clerical attendant, sensible thnt resistance would be vain, and might expose the royal sufferer to outrages more violent, entreated his sovereign to submit.* lie presented Iris hands to the ministers of blood: they tied them with so much, force as to call forth another remonstrance. lie now mounted the scaffold amidst the noise of drums : bound nnd disfigured ns he was, he advanced wilh a linn step, and requesting the drums to cease, wns obeyed, lie then, with a steady voice and in a distinct tone, addressed the people to the following purport. " Frenchmen, I die innocent of all the crimes which *' liove been imputed to tne ; and I forgive my enemies. I im-' " plore God. from the bottom of my heart, to pardon thein, " nnd not take vengeance on tho Frencli nation for the blood " about to bo shed." As ho was proceeding, the inhuman Santerre,y who presided nt the execution, ordered the drums to bent, and the executioners to perform their office. The king's voice was drowned in the noise of drums, and the clamours of the soldifery. As the fatal guillotine descended on his head, the confessor exclaimed, "Ison of St. Louis, ascend into hea rt yen 1" The bleeding bend wns exhibited to the populace, soraoof whom shouted, lire la repubtiipie f but the majority appeared to be struck dumb with horror, while the affection of many led thorn to bathe their handkerchiefs in his blood. That every barbarous insult might be offered to the remains of -the murdered prince, the body was conveyed in ti cart to the church-yard of St. Mudelaine, and thrown into a grave, which wns instantly filled with quick lime, and a guard placed over it till the corpse was consumed. The execution of Louis XVI. violated every principle ofjus tice, and every rule of law, which n Herds security to men bound together in society. By the established1 constitution, and which subsisted during all tho time that he had any power to act, his person was inviolable.1 By the law of the land he wns amena ble to no criminal court : the most tyrannical of all decrees only, a law passed after tho alleged giiilt could subject him to promised lo see them this morning, I luive resolved to spnro live in Ihe pangs of bo cruel a separation : Tell (hem how much ii costs nn- to go without receiving their embraces once more !" Clerv '2 til . x The wonts of Ihe priest were, •• Sire, this added humiliation is nnoiher cir cumstance in which your uwjcsli 'stuttering*- resemble thoso of llint Saviour who will soon he your recompense." y \nnuul Register, IVJfU. * Chap, xlvii. 414 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, penal inquiry, whatever might have been his crime. But if hi*- person had not been by law inviolable, the assembly which pre- '""^p^T*"' sumed to try him was not a competent court. The national convention, even though admitted to be the delegates, of the people fairly chosen, were not delegates beyond the extent of their commissions: they were chosen by the people as their le gislative representatives only. In exercising a judicial povver, they were not a lawful tribunal, but a banditti of usurpers.* If the national convention had been a competent court, the char ges adduced, were principally irrelevant; some of the acts al leged referred to a period in which the constitution had been different, and in which Louis had simply exercised the powers which were then vested in the Icing : his former conduct they had sanctioned! by conferring on him the supreme executive authority by the new constitution. Most of the accusations against him subsequent to his acceptance were constitutional exertions of his prerogative. The charges of corresponding with emigrants and foreign powers for the purpose of overturn ing the liberties of France, were supported by no authentic evi- Compliea- dence. Thus a personage criminally responsible to no French ted iniquity tribunal, was tried by a set of men that were not a legal court, cess'in''™" for charges not criminal by the law of the land, if proved ; or principle, charges which, if criminal, were not proved. Condemned and E"^stan?c' executed in those circumstances, he presented to France an An awful awful monument of the ferocious disposition by which it was monument now governed. The massacre of Louis demonstrated that li- trine^and" berty, law, and justice, were vanished; and exhibited the pre sentiments valence of a system which terror only could maintain. thatgovein- .While the French government was preparing this dreadful Chauvelin catastrophe, it instructed its agent in London to demand the demands virtual recognition of its establishment and authority, in the fromBri- acceptance of an accredited ambassador. His Britannic ma- recognition j6sty> considering the present rulers as only one party, and ef the :, from the rapid vicissitudes of sway, a temporary and shortlived Frencli- party, in conformity to his principles of neutrality, would not and the' receive an ambassador, because such admission would have admission acknowledged as the rulers of France a particular junto ; and hassador" violated his resolution and promise not to interfere in the inter- The Bri- nal affairs of France. But though he would not recognise the tish govern- paramount faction of the day, as the firmly established and per manent rulers of France, yet while these powers did exist, and menaced England with hostility, he did not forbear to repeat his statements of the injuries which he had received, and the satisfaction he demanded ; and since that continued to be re* fused, to prepare the means of enforcing redress. Chauvelin, by the instructions of the executive council, still persisted to » This argument was very forcibly and eloquently employed by the constitu tionalists and Girondists against the murderous Mountain. See speeches. Of the convention, passim, lucnt re- REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 415 fcefuse satisfaction for their aggressions, demanding the recog- CrJAp- nition of the republic, and the acceptance of an ambassador. ls_-^Lw, He farther remonstrated against the alien bill, and the naval ]7gg and military preparations, imputed hostile intentions to Eng- chauvelin land, and notified1 that if the preparations continued, France remon- w"ould prepare for war. In conformity to the principles and ^ ™|**t Uie objects of the decree of the 19th of November, he intimated an aiien bill. intention to appeal to the people of England against the govern ment. His Britannic majesty, persevering in his 'former con duct, declared he would continue his preparations until France should relinquish her ambitious aggression.0 On the 24th of On the mas. January; 1793, intelligence arrived in London of the melancholy ^nghVis"1 catastrophe of Louis XVI. His majesty immediately directed ordered to a notification to be sent to Mr. Chauvelin, that the character^6 Bri-. ,wlth which he had been invested at the British court, and of al which the functions had been so long suspended, being now entirely terminated by the fatal death of his most christian majesty, he had no longer any public character here. The king, after such an event, could permit his residence here no longer .-'within eight days he must quit the kingdom, but every attention should1 be paid him that was due to the character of the ambassador of his most christian majesty, which he had exercised at this court. A negotiation was still open on the frontiers of Holland, between lord Aukland and general Du mourier, but the French persisted in refusing to relinquish their invasion of our allies, and in demanding the recognition of the republic ; which requisitions being totally inadmissible, matters were not accommodated. The French rulers, finding Britain J™nce, inflexibly determined on adherence to the rights of independent w6ar against nations, by a decree of the convention, declared war against Britain and Great Britain with acclamations, and soon after against Hoi- Holland- land, which their forces were ready to invade. Britain and Holland, in their own defence, returned a declaration of hos tilities ; and thus commenced the war between Great Britain and the French republic. 'V , The hostile advances of France^ and the refused satisfaction 'France ths for an aggression totally inconsistent with the law of nations, aggressor. and existing treaties upon rights which we were bound to pro tect, combined with their attempts to excite insurrection in our own country, and followed by their declaration of war, render it evident that the French' were the aggressors, and that Britain had a just right to go to war. The expediency of that measure, however, is a different question, and perhaps few subjects have occurred in political history, which have produced stronger arguments on both sides ; in which men of the most patriotic hearts and wisest heads, drew more opposite b See series of correspondence between Mr. Chauvelin and lord Grenville, debrett's State jfapers of 27th December 1792, to 27lh January 1793, horh inclusive. 416 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. L. 1793. Opinionsand fien'.'- ments of difteient parlies. Views of M<.ss-f . Bnrk.-, Fox, and Fill re- speclivelyon 'he Fren- "'¦ re- voluiion, and the war with France, Messrs.B- ke and Pi- 1 support tl.f- war on different grounds. conclusions, according to the light in which they viewed this immpnse and complicated subject. Never was there a question in which candour, founded on cool and comprehensive reflec tion, examining the mass of evidence and reasoning on both sides, would more readily allow laudable and meritorious mo tives to total ^diversity of opinion and conduct. Yet never did there occur a contest in which party zeal generated more illiberal constructions and more malignant interpretation of intentions. The sentiments of Britons on tbe subject of the French revo lution, may be divided into two classes ; those who wished the establishment in England of a system resembling the French republic, to the utter subversion of the British constitution ; and those who, varying in their plans and measures, desired the preservation of the British constitution. Most of the British democrats and jacobins were inimical to a war with France, because it interrupted the communication by which they ex pected to establish their favourite system ; but some of them. were said to have rejoiced at the hostilities, because they con ceived war would excite such discontent as would lead to a revolution. But far was the opposition to the war from being confined to democrats, jacobins, and the enemies of our polity. Of those who disapproved of hostilities, many, in the general tenor of their conduct, evinced themselves the firm friends of constitutional liberty, and monarchy. They sought tbe same. ends, ihe preservation of the British constitution, and the main tenance of British security, but deemed them attainable by peace instead of war. The friends of the British constitution, both without and within parliament, for and against the war, in a great measure took the tone of opinions advanced and maintained by three of the highest parliamentary characters ; Edmund Burke, Charles James Fox, and William Pitt. Burke continued to deem the French revolutionists, of every opinion, kind, and succession, the determined and inveterate enemies of religion, virtue, civilization, manners, rank, order, property, throughout the world ; and eagerly and resolutely bent on dis seminating disorder, vice, and misery; to regard them as pur suing these ends, not only in the ardent violence of infuriate passion, but also in the principled and systematic constancy of depraved, but energetic and powerful reason. He reckoned them totally incorrigible by any internal means ; and therefore strenuously inculcated an external force to overwhelm an as semblage of beings, who in his estimation, unless conquered, would destroy and devastate mankind. Long before* tbe com mencement of hostilities between France and Germany, he had suggested a confederation of the European powers for the subjugation of men whom he thought revolutionary monsters; and had uniformly written and spoken to the same purport. He eagerly promoted war, not merely for the purpose of pro- c See his poslhomcus works, memorial written in autumn, 179) . REIGN OF GEORGE III. 41? curing satisfaction for a specific aggression, which, in both plain CHAP. and figurative language, hedescribod as comparatively insignifi cant, but for the restoration in France of the hierarchy, aristoc- -_93 racy, and monarchy, the downfall of which, was, he thought, the cause of French ambition and encroachment, menacing the de struction of all Europe. Mr. Burke desired war with the French revolutionists? to overthrow the new system, and to crush the new principles. Mr. Fox continuing to impute the increasingoutrages of the new votaries of liberty toglowing enthusiasm, still conceiv ed that the enthusiasm would subside if left to its own operation. External force, he predicted, would not only preserve, but increase the vehement heat, which might otherwise cool. The recent experience of the effects of the German invasion, con firmed him in this opinion. He thought that an attempt to force the establishment of monarchy, would drive France to become a military democracy : the project was unwise, because it was impracticable in its object, as well as pernicious in its means. Criminal, Mr. Fox said, as the French republicans were in their various confiscations and massacres, and in the murder of their king, their acts were no crimes against Eng land ; if the French nation choose to abolish existing orders, and to annihilate monarchy, they were not invading the rights of England ; such a- purpose of going to war was totally unjust ; our efforts would spill the blood of our brave countrymen, would overwhelm us with additional debts ; we might wage war year after year against France, as against America; we should make no progress, we should in the end be obliged to conclude a peace, recognizing the form of government which should then be established in France. The aggressions alleged against 'the French were too inconsiderable td justify war as a prudent measure, and if these' were the sole causes of contest, they might be easily compromised, were Britain in earnest. We ought to receive an ambassador from the ruling powers of France, because they were the ruling powers."1 With all fo reign nations we considered neither the history of the establish ment, nor the justice of the tenure, but the simple fact that the government witb which we treated was established ; such also was the conduct of other nations respecting England ; France, Spain, and other monarchies, negotiated with Cromwell ; Eng land ought now to pursue the same course : we ought to treat with those who possessed the power of doing what we wanted, as for the same reasons we frequently negotiated with Algiers, Turkey, and Morocco, however much we reprobated their re spective governments. Mr. Pitt was far from coinciding* with d See,s,peeches of Mr. Fox on war with France, in January and February 1793. Parliamentary Debates. , e See Mr. Burke's two memorials written respectively in November 1792, and October 1793, published in his posthumous works ; and also his regicide peace, wheiein he severely censures the objects of the allies, and the little confidence Ihey reposed in the emigrants. VOL. II. 5'3 418 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. ]yjr j}urke, in proposing to carry on a war for the restoration of the monarchical government. France had manifested schemes .7g3 of unbounded aggrandizement, actually invaded our allies, and declared her resolution to encourage revolt in other countries. By the reciprocal action and reaction of her principles and power, she sought the unlimited extension of both. Attacking ¦us in such a disposition, and with such views, she compelled us to go to war for the repression of principles, and the rediu> tion of power endangering our security. We ought not to re cognize a government consisting merely of a faction, and riot having the marks of probable stability, in the cool and delibe rate approbation of the people. From a party so uncertain and •changeable, we did not choose to receive a regular ambassador, as if it were firmly fixed in the supreme power ; but we did treat with the existing government. The source of war was not our refusal to treat, as many believed, or pretended to be lieve, but the refusal of the French leaders to make satisfaction The objects for injuries and insults. Not the restoration of monarchy in both of the France, but the security of Britain, being our reason for going """tv* and t0 war> we should carry on hostilities no longer than we were opposition in-in danger from the conduct and dispositions of France. As parliament the republicans and democrats in opposing the war, coincided although"* with Messrs. Fox, Erskine, Sheridan, and other able men who sought un- were inimical to hostilities, on patriotic and constitutional der different grounds, many of the other party classed them, and more af- sioiurand fected to class them, with democrats and jacobins. As on the by different other hand, the votaries of war were presumed, by its oppo- means. nents, to seek the re-establishment of despotism in France, they were called crusaders against liberty. On the one side party zeal represented Messrs. Burke and Pitt, and their re spective adherents, as the abettors of tyranny ; on the other, •Mr. Fox and his adherents as the abettors of jacobinism and anarchy. Impartial history, viewing the individual acts and -chain of conduct of these three illustrious men, finds no grounds to justify so injurious an opinion ; but the strongest reasons for concluding that they and their supporters and adherents, through different means, sought the same end, the constitu tional welfare of their country. Public opin- Many as were averse to war, both on the constitutional "w fayour" grounds of Mr. Fox, and on the unconstitutional grounds of war with democrats and jacobins, that great engine of politics in a free France. country, public opinion, was on the whole favourable to hos^ tilities. A sense of the actual aggression of the French repubr lic ; but much more the alarming apprehension of French prin ciples, rendered the country desirous of a total interruption pf Indeclaring communication with F ranee. It was not the war of the court, war ugamst cf the ministers, of the privileged orders ; it was a war op the France, Ihe ' ' " ., ' T • king spoke , GREAT MAJORITY OP THE PEOPLE OF BRITAIN. In DECLARING tte voice oi WAR AGAINST FRANCE IN FEBRUARY 17'J3, HIS BRITANNIC MA- th.e nauoti. JEgTX sp0SE THE yoiOE OF THE BiUTISH NATION. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 419 CHAP. LI. , ;»i * \; i Objects of Britain— the. repression of French principles, and thq prevention of French aggrandizement. — Sir John Scott the ntloriiey-gciieiul introduces u bill, lor preventing traitorous correspondence — nrgiimcnls for and nguinsl — modified, pusses into a law. — Motion for pence. — Reasonings of Mr. Fox re specting iho wur and its probable effects. — The propositions are negatived by unprecedented majorities. — Mr. Sheridan proposes an inquiry into the alleged sedition. — Mis motion rejected. — Motion for parliamentary reform by Mr. Circy — urgumenls for. — Mr. Whilbrrud. — Arguments against. — Proposition reprobated as peculiarly unseasonable at such a period — and rejected. — Slate of commercial credit, and causes of iis being aliened. Mr. Pitt proposes an advance of public mone}- on the security of ntei-euntile commodities. — The pro- position is adopted, and revives mercantile credit. — Fust India company's char ter on thc cvo of rvpirntion. — Mr. Dundns presents a masterly view of the prosperity of India under ihe present system.— Me proposes the renewal of the churler. — liis plan is passed into a law. — Measure* adopted to render British India farther productive, — Plan of ngi iculiural improvement. — Sir John Sin clair— inquiries of in Scotland and England — Result, thai agriculture is not ' understood nnd practised in proportion to the capnbiliiy of the country— pro poses the establishment of a board of agriculture — ihe proposal adopted. — Lord Ituwdon's motion respecting debtors. — Increase of thc army and navy. — Na tional supplies. — A loan. — Tuxes. — Session closes. — Ciimtncncoment of cain- puign 1793. — French invade 1 lolland— reduce rtrcdn. — Huudart and Gerlruy- denhurgh surrender. — Dumourier besieges Willininstadl and Maestre.irlit. — Tho Briii^li forces arrive in Holland.— Thc French raise tho siege of William- sliii.lt. — Attacked by thc Austrians ut Winden — defeated. — French generals ae> k.cusc each other. — Dumourier evacuates iho Netherlands— disapproved by the convention — privately proposes to make pence wilh the allies und restore mo- nurcliy — suspected by the French government — summoned lo return to Paris In answer for his conduct — sounds Ihe dispositions of the army— finding them unfavourable, deserts to the Austrians, t THE grand purposes of the British government in its con- chap. duct respecting France were to repress the operation of revo- LI- lutionary principles in this country, and to prevent the French s-*"v"w system of aggression aud aggrandizement from being longer ni/7??' r carried into successful execution on the continent. In this Great Bri- twofold object originated the measures of external policy adopt- tain— the ed by parliament during the remainder of the session, and also 0rlJr>cnl°h some of those that were confined to internal regulation. principles War having been declared against a foreign country, it was and the pre. obviously expedient to prevent correspondence between British French a*-- subjects and the hostile party. To render this prohibition ef- grandize-* factual, sir John Scott, attorney-general, on the 15th of March g™j0| introduced a bill for preventing, during the war, all traitorous scoitfihe 420 HISTORY OF THE correspondence with the king's enemies. The law of treason was founded upon a statute of the 2Mh of Edward III. which had been the subject of legislative'exposition in different laws, attorney- enacted since that period. The acts declared treasonable in general, in- that statute were principally reducible to two heads ;f to com- b™ldforepre- Pass> tJlat is> t0 intend or project the king's death ; to levy war venting against the king, and to abet or assist his enemies. Since that Vaiiorous period, during wars, parliament had repeatedly passed laws correspond- wjjjcn applied the general principle to the existing case ; by specifically prohibiting adherence or assistance to nations at enmity with our sovereign.^ Agreeably to the original statute, and the consequent explanatory acts the present bill was framed. Arguments Former laws had, in such circumstances, prohibited British agafnsi. subjects from sending military stores, arms, ammunition, and provision, of various enumerated kinds. The present bill, be sides interdicting these articles, prohibited purchases of French - funds or French lands. The reason of this prohibition was, that, as the French government proposed to carry on war against this country by the sale of lands, British subjects if allowed to purchase such land would not only feel an interest in the property which they had thus acquired, but furnish the enemy with the means of carrying on war against ourselves. It was further proposed that no persons should be allowed to go from this country into France, without a license under his ma-i jesty's great seal ; and that their neglect of this clause should be deemed a misdemeanour ; and that no persons, though subjects of this country, coming from France should be allowed to enter this kingdom without a passport or license, or giving to a magistrate such security as he should require. The last re gulation was to prevent the insurance of vessels which should traffic with France. The bill was opposed as inconsistent with the treason laws of Edward III. the principles of the British constitution, with < justice and commercial policy. The provision against English men returning to the country, was the bestowal of a power on the king to banish, during the war, every British subject now in France. Though he might return, in certain cases, by giving security, who were to be the judges of the amount of that security ? This was to be left to a magistrate : here one man was to be put under the discretion of another, who might render his return impossible, by exacting security to an amount f See vol. i. 667. g An act had passed in the reign of queen Anne to prevent all traitorous correspondence which prohibited any person from supplying the enemies with arms, naval or military stores, or from going out of the kingdom to the enemy's country without license. A similar act of William and Mary had carried the regulation farther ; it prohibited goods and merchandises of every sort. See Statutes at large. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 421 that could not be given.1' The restriction upon the purchase Cr* AP- of lands was represented as extremely impolitic : it was alleged to be founded uppn an absurd supposition, that Britons having here the most permanent security for their money, would send their capital to France, where they could have no security. Frenchmen, on the other hand, found property exposed to the revolutionary grasp in their own country ; and, to escape spoli ation, had sent many and large sums of money to Britain to be vested in our funds, and also great quantities of other precious moveables : as proscription advanced they must wish to send more to the place of safety. If the present regulation were adopted, France would no doubt follow the example : we should render her government the most essential service, by forcing Frenchmen to employ their money in their own funds. Instead, therefore, of preventing, as proposed, the efflux of money to the country of our enemies, we would prevent its influx into our own ; and by ihe project of withholding resources from the enemy, we should add to his strength. The bill was. defended as conformable both to the general law, and to special acts passed in periods of war. The particular provisions most" strongly combatted were supported as necessary in the precise arid specific nature of the present war ; the circumstances in which it was founded, and the projected resources of the ene my. After many debates, the two clauses most severely repro bated, concerning the return of British subjects, and the pur chase of property in France, were abandoned. Undergoing Modified, it these important changes, and several much less material modi- P*sses lnt0 fications, the proposed bill was passed into a law. Repeated motions were made in the houses of parliament in Motions for order to procure peace. Of these the most important was a'Peace- proposition of Mr. Fox, after the first successes of the allies, and the retreat of, the French armies from the Netherlands.' Intelligence having arrived, that the French, leaving the scenes of recent invasion and aggression, had retired within their ancient frontiers ; Mr. Fox, professing to consider the avowed objects of the war as now attained, proposed an inquiry into the reason of Its continuance ; and moved an address to his majesty praying him to make peace. Supposing, for the sake of argu- Reasonings ment, the present a just, prudent, and necessary war at theofMJ\ Fox beginning, he contended that the alleged reasons no longer pediem-yTof existed. Holland, our ally, was not now exposed to any attack: the war, France would willingly purchase peace by insuring the conti- ?ndJB'ed«;t" nuance of that safety, whereas he was afraid perseverance infects. carrying on war along with the combined powers, would again expose her to danger. The French had, no doubt, manifested designs of aggrandizement, but these had arisen from the suc- h^See speeches of Messrs. Erskine and Fox. Parliamentary debates, 1793. i Thc historical narrative of these events is somewhat subsequen{ : 1 here only mention a result on which Mr. Fox founded part of his reasoning. i79a 422 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, cessful repulsion of confederate attack. Besides, must England goto war with every continental power that perpetrates injus tice ? Was not the conduct of the partition ers of Poland pqual in infamy and iniquity to the aggressions of France ? Were the people of England to suffer all the miseries of war because the people of France were unjust, when that injustice, be it ever so atrocious, was violating no right of Englishmen ? They had, indeed, threatened the security of his majesty's allies; but now confined within their own territories, they were occupied in defending their frontiers against the combined powers. The danger apprehended from their former conquest was no longer a subject of just uneasiness and alarm. The French were, at present, in great internal confusion and distress ; and Britain Could form no views of aggrandizement from the situation of her adversary. Even were justice and humanity out of the question, would policy and prudence authorize this coun try to seize the possessions of France ? What advantage1' could we derive from promoting the conquering and encroach ing plans of other powers ? Having driven France from the territories of her neighbours, for what purpose were we to- persevere in a war, unless to invade her dominions? If we did make an inroad into her territories, could such a movement be to attain our professed objects, security and defence ? By con tinuing the war we should manifest an intention of either dis.- membering her empire, or interfering with the government which her people chose to establish. These objects our govern ment had uniformly disavowed, and the declared ends of hos tilities had been compassed. The most favourable season for offering peace was in the midst of success ; when the enemy were sufficiently humbled to feel the evils of war, without being* driven by the haughtiness of the conquerors, to desperate efforts^: which might turn the tide of victory. Those, who calculated' probable exertions of men fighting for conceived liberty aiid independence by the usual course of military events, funda mentally erred in expecting similar effects from totally dissimilar causes. Inspired by such animating motives, men had, in all ages and countries, displayed valour, prowess, and policy, astonishing to the rest of mankind. Pressed by continued and invading war, which excited such motives, the ardent spirit and inventive genius of the French would, Mr. Fox predicted, no less exert themselves ; we should drive them to become a military republic. Let us therefore endeavour, while op- ' portunity was favourable, to procure an honourable and secure peace. To this a common objection is, with whom shall we ' treat ? The answer is obvious; with any men who possess the power of doing what we want : the French are desirous of peace, and the present rulers are as competent to conclude peace as to carry on war. Shall we be at peace with none whose form of government we shall not have previously ap proved ? We have formerly made peace with tyrants j not REIGN OF GEORGE IH. 423 because we approved their maxims and constitution of govern- CHAP. ment, but because they had the power of making and observing conventions. Peace with any ruler or rulers implies approbation .-^ t)f their character no more than of their government. The French republicans have been guilty of cruelty and atrocious murders; so was Louis XIV. No British statesman refused to treat with the bigolted banisher of his most valuable subjects, nor with the sanguinary devastator of unoffending provinces. The statesman treats not with the virtuek but with the power of another party j and in expecting performance, looks for his best security, not in the integrity but the interest of the contractor. These were the arguments by which Mr Fox inculcated the restoration of peace; and this was the strain of reasoning which he and other votaries of amity employed repeatedly at various stages of the contest.1 In opposing the address, Messrs. Burke and Pitt argued Messrs Pitt conformably to the different views which they had respectively and f"\h adopted concerning the French revolution and the war. Mr. j0x on Pitt persevered in urging the impracticability of any treaty with different the persons that at present exercised the government of France; grou and in supporting his position, exhibited a very eloquent view of their individual and collective atrocities : therefore he would not treat with them now. Reprobating the French principles as manifested in their present operation, he still disavowed eve ry design of forcible interference in the internal government of France : he sought only security. This security was to be effected in one of three modes : first, by obtaining an assurance that the principles should no longer predominate ; secondly, that those who were now engaged in them should be taught that they were impracticable, and convinced of their own want of power to carry them into execution ; or, thirdly, that the issue of the present war should be such as, by weakening their power of attack, should strengthen our power of resist ance. Without these we might indeed have an armed truce, a temporary suspension of hostilities, but no permanent peace; no.solid security to guard us against the repetition of injury and the renewal of attack. The present situation of affairs not hieing such, in Mr. Pitt's estimation, a,s to admit these means of obtaining security, he and his votaries opposed the address for the discontinuance of the war. Mr. Burke clearly and expressly combatted the principle asserted by Mr. Fox, that England had no right to interfere with the internal government of France. If (he said) by the subversion of all law and religion, a nation adopts a malignant spirit to produce anarchy and mischief in oilier countries, it is the right of all nations to go to war with' the authors of such atteinpls. In support of this doctrine he quoted the authority of Yattel, who lays down a position^ -i ¦ k Parliamentary debates, 17th June. 1793. X See also his letter to the ejectors «f TVetttnftBter- 4£4 HISTORY OF THE ci*A*'- " that if any -nation, adopt principles maleficent to. all govern- ._-^ " ment and order, such a nation is to be opposed from princi- 1793'' "¦ pies of common safety." This was the spirit of France ; and what was to keep the effects of it from England? War, and nothing else : , therefore, war with the French republic, ore account of her system and principles, Mr. Burke recommended ; and explicitly declared his opinion, that while the existing system continued, peace with France was totally inadmissible. The propo- The proposed address to the king was negatived by a majority negatived equally great as that which had voted for the war; and by unprece- throughout the nation perseverance in hostilities was as gene- dented ma- rally p0pU|ar. Ministers, and many others who had been formerly inimical to their measures, having expressed their conviction that there existed in the country dispositions and designs to subvert the. constitution, and to follow the example of the French innova- Mr. Sheri- tors, Mr. Sheridan proposed that an inquiry should be instir dim propo- tut d into the aiwea- sedition. He declared his disbelief of ses an inqui- ,....& . ., »ii» ry into the the ministerial representations upon any evidence that had been alleged se- adduced, but avowed himself open to proofs, if such should be '"''" established : he therefore proposed a committee of the whole house to investigate the assertions, that it might be ascertained whether there was really a plot against the country, or if it was merely a false and mischievous report to impose on the credulity of the nation ; to, attach, obloquy to the opponents of administration, and to facilitate the continuance of the war. In answer to Mr. Sheridan's requisition it was argued, that government had not asserted the existence of plots to be esta blished by proof for judicial animadversion, but of a seditious spirit and operations, which required deliberative precaution and the most vigilant care to prevent them from maturing into plots and insurrections. From a combination of various and disconnected circumstances a man might receive a moral cer tainly of a general fact which ought to regulate his conduct, though he might have no proof of such a fact01 sufficient to establish it before a magistrate. The active circulation of sedi tious writings, the proceedings and declarations of the inno vating. societies ;n the public and avowed sentiments0 of great numbers in favour of the French system as a model for this country, concurred in manifesting the existence of a spirit which it became the legislature and government to repress $ his motion and Mr. Sheridan's motion was negatived by a very numerous is rejected, majority. Great and powerful as the body was which now supported administration in both houses, the small band which in pariia- m Mr. Windham's speech on Mr Sheridan's motion, 4lh March 1793. Se* Parliamentary debates. n lb. see ib. o Speech of sir James Sanderson the lord-mayor. See ib* i REIGN OF GEORGE III. i%fr ttent abetted contrary measures was not discouraged from per- "^ HAP, Severing in an opposition which appeared very unlikely to attain any of their objects in- 'parliament : and out of parliament was """""XT*"' not gratified -by that pdpularity vvhrch has so often encouraged 17 and elevated parliamentary minorities. Mr. Grey,1 agreeably Motion by to the intimation which he had given the preceding year in the ^'- nV-'y tor D&rlifi" house, and to the promise which he had made to the friends of Ury re- the people, proceeded in his resolution to move a reform in form. parliament. Various petitions were presented lo the house from inhabitants of towns, villages, and districts, both in Eng land and Scotland, who joined for that purpose. Of these, some were moderate and respectful, but others wild and violent. One petition, of a very great length, was read from persons Calling themselves friends of the people :P this representation, repeating the usual arguments, endeavoured to illustrate them by facts and instances ;i arid earnestly, though temperately, urged a change. Mr. Grey, having presented this petition, Seconded its prayer by a proposition of parliamentary reform. Besides the usual arguments which, on a subject discussed so Arguments often in parliament, must necessarily be repetitions, and per-for> sonal animadversions on the affirmed change of Mr. Pitt's conduct, Mr. Grey endeavoured to obviate objections to the seasonableness of the requisition. Forcibly urging the vast mass of influence which, though before known as a general fact, had never been so explicitly demonstrated hy particular ..enumeration, he contended that the greater part of the influ ence in question was under the control of ministers ; that thence they had been enabled, at different periods of history, to esta blish systems and execute measures which were totally incon sistent with the country's good. Whatever evils did Or might threaten our country, there was no preventive so certain, no safeguard so powerful, as a pure and uncorrupted house of commons, emanating fairly and freely from the people. The national debt, in its present accumulation, was owing to the corruption of parliament : had a reform in the representation. of the people taken place at the conclusion of the peace of 1^63, this country would, in all likelihood, have escaped the American war: if it had been accomplished last year, probably ,P Not the association of which Mr. Grey was at the head, but a society that appears to have sprung from the addresses of that body. q A work was published about this time, presenting an abstract of counties and boroughs, especially the latter, asserted to be in the nomination of peers, "commoners, anoi'the treasury, and not of the ostensible electors. The alleged result was, that severity-one peers nominate eighty-eight, influence seventy-five; that the treasury nominate two, influence five ; that ninety-one commoners nomi nate eighty-two, influence fifty-seven ; that in England and Wales the whole number of members returned by private patronage amounted to three hundred and nine. See Report on the state of the representation, published by the society of friends of the peonfc, YQft. U'- 54 42G HISTORY OF THE CHAP. LI. 1793. Mr. Whit •bread. it would have saved us from our present distresses. If ever there was danger to be apprehended by this country from the propagation of French principles, the danger was now com pletely at an end. No set of Britons, without being bereft of their senses, could after recent events propose the French revolution as a model for British imitation. But were such principles ever to threaten danger, ,the surest way of prevent ing it from being serious was, by promoting the comfort and happiness of the people;' to gratify their reasonable wishes, and to grant a parliamentary reform, which was so essentially necessary, and so ardently desired : the effectual preventive of violent and forcible alteration was timely reform. This, last position was still more -warmly urged by Mr. Whitbread. Metaphysical opinions (he said) have never, in any instance* produced a revolution : the engine with which Providence has thought fit to compass those mighty events has been of a differ ent description : the feelings of the governed, rendered despe rate by the grinding -oppression of their governors. What -brought about that great event the .reformation ? Not the theo ries or speculations of philosophers, but the impolitic avarice ,-and injustice of the church of Rome. What produced the •catastrophe of Charles the First ? What produced the revolution in this country? The oppressions of the executive government j and to the same cause America owes her freedom. Lastly, what produced the-revolution in France ? The misery of the people ; the pride, injustice, avarice, and cruelty of the court." The great characters who acted in these different scenes had -but -little power in producing their occasions. Luther, Crom well, or Washington, the illustrious persons who appeared at the sera of the English revolution, or the wild visionaries of France could never have persuaded the people to rise, if they 'had been unassisted by their own miseries and the usurpations Arguments of power. When the feelings of men are roused by injury* against. then they attempt innovation; then the doctrines of enthusiasts find ready access to their minds. This general reasoning was ' not controverted by the opposers of parliamentary change in the present circumstances. No one pretended to assert that seasonable reform was not better than perseverance in profligate corruption and tyrannical oppression ; but the existenceof these mischiefs wasdenied : no evil had been demonstrated that called for such a corrective. The persons associated to petition for a reform in parliament (their opponents said,) after a year's con sideration, and, as it appears, repeated meetings, do not produce any specific plan whatever ; it is therefore reasonable to infer, that they have not been able to ascertain the evil, much less to produce a remedy. The supporters of reform have asserted that the national debt originated in the corruption of parliament; r Mr. Grey's speech onreform, 6th May, 1793 See parliamentary debates. s Mr. Whitbread's speech on reform. See parliamentary debates. RETGN OF GEORGE MI. 425* and that a reform would have prevented the many burthensome CI?AP' wars in which this country has been engaged since the revolu-;|^^". tion. Instead of theory ^examine fact : all .these wars have1 ag^ been agreeable to the people ; the proposers and supporters of them spoke, in unison with the sentiments of the people. Was- not a great majorit}' of the nation favourable to the wars ofs William and Anne, for humbling the pride and reducing the power of Louis XIV. ? Was not the Spanish war of 1739 popu lar ? undertaken at the express requisition of the people, and even contrary to the known opinion of the government ? Con sider the war of 1756 : was that unpopular ? Never was any country engaged in a war more universally popular. The American war was equally approved by public opinion until within a year and a half of its conclusion : nothing could.be more marked than the approbation which the public gave of that mea sure. No new system of representation could have spoken the voice of the people more plainly and strongly than the house of com mons expressed it in approving these wars. That there might be improper influence in elections- could not be denied ; such in fluence, however, arose not from the political constitution, but from the imperfections, prejudices, and passions of human nature. If you are to reform, begin with moral reform :' but if political The propo- reform be wanted, this certainly is not the time to agitate sub- silj°n » mp- jects so likely to inflame the passions of the people, and to pecuifariv- excite a public ferment. Though there may be some defects} unscasona- abide by the constitution rather than hazard a change with all.ble al. sVch the dreadful train of consequences with which we have seen, it ' attended in a neighbouring kingdom. • These arguments made a deep impression, and the proposition of Mr; Grey was rejected hy a very great majority, as totally inadmissible in-and is re tire present state of affairs, opinions, and sentiments. . .| jected. One: of the most important objects of parliamentary conside-Staie of >ation during the present session was the state of mercantile commercial credit. A spirit of commercial speculation and enterprise had causes' ofits been for some years increasing in every part of the kingdom, being affect- and was now risen to such an height, as to threaten public.ed" credit with very serious danger. The. circulating specie being by no means sufficient to answer the very greatly augmented demands of trade, the quantity of paper currency which was brought into circulation as a supplying medium, was so large and disproportionate, that a scarcity of cash was produced which threatened a general stagnation in the commercial world. In consequence of the distress and alarm which this stagnation had caused, Mr. Pitt proposed that a select committee should be appointed to inquire into facts, and explore their causes; and the subject being investigated, it was found that the em barrassments arose from the precipitation, and not the inability t The reasoning in the text is in substance taken from, thc speech of Mr. Jenkin son. See parIiamen:sryidobatcs,.Mny 6ih, 1790. 428 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. 0f British merchants. The multiplication of paper currency, .— ^L and scarcity of coin, induced banks and bankers to suspend ,_g3 the usual discounts in expectation of which, merchants had formed engagements that were far from exceeding* their pro perty, but in tbe present state of pecuniary negotiation, surpass- Mr. Pitt ed their convertible effects. To extricate commercial men £d'va°SeSnn. from these difficulties, Mr. Pitt proposed that government public mo- should advance money on the security of mercantile commodities, ney on the by issuing exchequer bills, to be granted to merchants, on the mereanii'le rea.u'sh> security, for a limited time, and bearing legal interest. commodi- Opposition expressed their apprehensions that the proposed ties. mode would be ineffectual, that the failures arose from the present ruinous war, and that every remedy hut peace would be futile. The projected plan, besides, would open -a path to the most dangerous patronage, since government could afford or withhold the accommodation according to the political con- sitbnPis>P° ('uct °f tn* applicant. These objections being overruled, the adopted, bill was passed into a law : the temporary embarrassment was and revives removed ; and manufactures and trade again became flourish'- mercantile ¦ _ ° credit. ln£- £asi India 'Another subject, of the highest commercial magnitude, at company's the same time""6ccupied legislature; The charter of the East courier on the eve of India" company being on the eve of expiration, a petition for expiration, its renewal was presented to parliament ; and on the 23d of April the subject was taken into consideration. The very ge'- rieral reception of Smith's commercial philosophy especially -his, doctrine of free trade, and the known admiration in which Mr. Pitt, and many of his coadjutors and votaries held the popular system of political economy, had given rise to expectations and apprehensions that the exclusive privileges of the East India merchants would last no longer than the period which was pledged by the public faith. Many supposed that the commer cial monopoly would be forever destroyed, and that the trade to India would be opened to the whole energy of British enter- Mr. Dundas prise. To scrutinize this subject was the peculiar'department presents a 0f Mr, Dundas ; and though thoroughly acquainted with the viev/ofthe views of theoretical economists, that able minister regarded the prosperous question as a practical statesman. Without undertaking to state of In- controvert the doctrines of speculative writers concerninrr the dia under . ,. «. j. r f -i i . , b ¦ the present productive efficacy of a free trade, or even denying theproba- sysiem. bility of its profitable effects, if extended to our intercourse with India, he laid down a sound and prudent proposition* that legislators ought not rashly to relinquish a positive good in pos session for a probable good in anticipation. The advantages which experience had proved to accrue from the present isys- tem were immense, varied, and momentous. The shipping employed by the East India company- amounted' to 81,000 tons ; the seamen navigating those ships were about seven thousand men, who had constant employment: the raw materials import ed from India, for the use of the home manufactures, amounted REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 42J» annually te about .£700,000. Bntish commodities annually Clffv- existed to India andChina, in the company's ships exceeded a million and a half sterling, including the exports in private x-ysT^ trade which were allowed to individuals. The fortunes of in dividuals annually remitted from India amounted to a million. "The industry of Britain thus, (said Mr. Dundas) on the or* " hand w increased by the export of produce and manufactures, " and the consumption of those manufactures enlarged by the "number of persons returning witb fortunes from India, or " who are supported by ihe trade and revenues of India ; and "on the other, it is fostered and encouraged by the import of * the raw materials from India, upon which many of our most "valuable manufactures depend. So that, on the whole, the " trade adds between tix and seven millions to tbe circulation " of the country. Such is the benefit accruing from the mono- "poh/ of the company, exercised under the control of the legis- * latore. The experience of nine years has justified this system! * British India is in a state of prosperity which it never knew " under the most wise and politic of its aneient sovereigns. u The British possessions compared to those of the neighbour ing states in the peninsula, are like a cultivated garden con- .** tra -ted with the field of the sluggard.0 The revenues of In- #dia have been increased, and the trade connected with them " is in a state of progressive improvement. A necessary war " has been conducted with vigour, and brought to an honour- "able and advantageous conclusion. A system so effectually " conducive to all its important purposes ; the prosperity of " Britain, the welfare of India, itb internal good government, ¦"and security from foreign aggressors, ought still to be sup- >" ported. The benefits to be derived from a free trade may be "still greater; but they must be contingent, whereas the pre- "sent are certain. Before a change can be digested and exe- " cuted many great difficulties are to be surmounted. Would " it not create an interruption in the discharge or liquidation of ^¦the company's debts r Would it not derange the regular pro- egress of their increasing commerce ? and would there not be " a serious danger, that while these innovations were proceed ing, .rival European powers might seize the occasion, renew " their commercial efforts, and divert into a new channel those "streams of commerce which render London the emporium of "the eastern trade? On these principles, illustrated through He propo-* '- u a vast variety of important detail, he moved that the compa- o,'ethc"har- " ny's monopoly should be continued, under the present limits, ter. " for twenty years. He farther proposed regulations pending " to promote a free trade, which should not interfere with the " company's charter, and should embrace only such articles as " did not employ the capital and enterprise of the Fast Jndia "company, that should bring this surplus commerce into the 11 Bee parliamentary debater, April 23, IT.C 430 HISTORY OF THE C if P" " Porls °^ London instead of the continent of Europe, to which? "¦ it had been chiefly diverted." The most important measure- 1793 " w'1'cn ^e proposed for this purpose was, that the company " should annuallyprovide three thousand tons of shipping for "conveying to and from India such exports and imports as it " did not suit themselves to include in their own commercial " adventures, that thus British sailors might be employed in " this private trade instead of foreign sailors ; and British sub jects might be enriched by this employment of British capital This plan is " instead of aliens." After considerable discussion, the plan passed into of Mr. Dundas was digested into a law; the charter was re- fj.law- newed, and the clauses respecting the promotion of free trade lVl63SUr6S to* adopted to inserted into the act. renderlndia While commercial arrangements so much occupied the at- ductive15'0" Mention of our statesmen and lawgivers, a kindred subject was rianofagri- submitted to their consideration. Agriculture has never occu- caliural im- pjecj a share of legislative attention proportioned to its momen- provemen . toug va]ue as a forancn 0f political economy, since Britain be came so eminent for manufactures and commerce. This is an omission the consequences of which have been often fatally ex perienced from recurring scarcity in a country, by the fertility of its soil and the talents of its people, so adapted for securing plenty. An evil so frequent was naturally the subject of reite rated complaint ; but no effectual measures were employed to prevent it from often occurring again. Among the many ardent inquirers into political economy, one of the most active and indefatigable whom an age supremely addicted to such studies. Sinclaii" has produced, is sir John Sinclair. This gentleman, of a vigo rous and acute understanding, enriched with knowledge and" methodized by erudition, had bestowed great industry of re search on various branches of political philosophy. He had traced, investigated^ and presented to the public, the history of revenue. In the progress of his pursuits, agriculture pre sented itself to him as an object most deserving of promotion. He saw that very much remained to be done ; but before he could set about propositions of improvement, he thought it wisest and most expedient to ascertain the facts; and therefore sought information where useful information was most likely to Inquiries ofbe found. In Scotland, his native country, he applied himself in Scotland, to the clergy, the best informed of any class of men of'fixed rural* residence, and addressed certain queries to the mem- x See sir George Dallas's letter to sir William Pulleney, in which the origin? historj', and nature of this free trade is very ably explained 5 and the means of* making it lo centre in British ports is clearly demonstrated. y'Fromlhe towns also the reports were extremely valuable'; bifTthcse were not all executed by clergymen. The most important — the account df the- city of Edinburgh, came from the pen of Mr. Creech ; and with the slate of the metropolis, very happily united the progress and variation of national manners. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 434 tiers of that numerous and respectable body. These queries, c^p- embracing the physical, mora), religious, and political situa tion of tbe respective parishes, in the result of the answers ~"^,CX"' produced an immense body of statistical knowledge ; especially on pastoral and agricultural subjects. He afterwards, les? & England. Systematically and extensively executed, through different means, a similar plan in England. He advanced, however, k,..,,),, Inat so far as to ascertain a general fact, of the very highest im- agncuh im portance ; that though in some particular districts improved ,c*^d'an'(jc'" methods of cultivating the soil are practised, yet, in the great- practised in erpart of these kingdoms, the principles of agriculture are not proportion yet sufficiently understood ; nor are the implements of husband- biilty of^Se ry, or the stock of the farmer, brought to that perfection of country — which they are capable. To promote so desirable a purpose, pr<-,pw> ihe sir John Sinclair projected the establishment of a board of ag- e*t-ruii«h- riciilture, to be composed of gentlemen perfectly acquainted ^"^ot with the subject, and considerably interested in the success of agriculture/' the scheme, and who should act without any reward or emolu ment. An address was proposed to the king, praying him to take into his royal consideration the advantages that might ac crue- from such an institution. His majesty directing the esta- Tm(, propo_ Mwhrnentof the board ; the commons voted the ntcssary sums sails adopt er defraying the expenses, and the board of agriculture was''1- accordingly established.2 ¦ -Certain districts of Scotland, on the coast, were molested wilh heavier duties upon coals than-other parts of the country. This evil had been often and strongly stated in the statistical reports; and the duty actually amounted to a prohibition. In the north -of Scotland, from the high price of coals, the people were obliged to trust almost entirely to their peat mosses for a supply of fuel. In preparing this article a large portion of the labour of that part of the country wns expended, which might be beneficially employed in fisheries and manufactures, and by this means a great part was lost to the revenue, which would have arisen from the industry of the inhabitants. For these* reasons Mr. Dundas proposed the repeal of the duties in ques tion * and that the revenue might not suffer, he moved certain imposts upon distilled spirits, which, enhancing the price of the article, would benefit health and preserve morals. Ai peti tion was presented by the cities of London and Westminster, praying fora repeal of a duty upon coals : in the reign of queen Anne a tax of three shillings per chaldron had been imposed upon imported coals, and the amount was to be applied to the 'building of fifty-two churches." The duty afterwards had been employed in the maintenance of the clergymen of those church es ; and lastly, was made a part of thc consolidated fund ; and z See Otridgc1* Annual He-isier, 1793, diap. iv. , , a Thin was a quite dii>'"in impost from thatofCharleifl, of five shillincs per chaldron, now enjoyed hy Hie duko of liiHimoDd. 432 HISTORY OF THE CHAP- ministers alleging it was no longer a local tax, prevailed on the house to reject the petition. Among the classes of subjects .„._ who applied for relief this season were the catholics of Scotland: Law for the 'he lord-advocate stated on their behalf, that his majesty's ca- reliefof tholic subjects in Scotland were al present incapacitated by law catholics, ^her from holding or transmitting landed property,; and were , liable to other very severe restrictions, which could -not now be justified by any necessity or expediency. He therefore propo sed a bill to relieve persons professing the catholic religionfrom certain penalties and disabilities imposed on them by acts of parliament in Scotland, and particularly by an act of the 8th of king William : the bill being introduced, was, without oppo sition, passed into a law.b Motion of Lord Rawdon this year presented a bill for the relief .of in- don for the s0'vent debtors, and for amending and regulating the practice1 relief of with regard to imprisonment for debt. The bill was a com- dcbtors and pound of that humanity and discrimination which has been ofae&iors a'ready noticed in this benevolent and able character. His lordship deemed the law of imprisonment for debt to be found ed in principles at once rigorous and absurd : it was rigorous, because it exacted from the victims of its operation, while doomed to inaction, that which, in the free exercise of their faculties, they were not able to perform ; and was absurd, be cause ineffectual to its avowed purpose; for it was calculated to defeat, not to attain its object. If the debtor be guilty of a fraud, said his lordship, punish him as a fraudulent agent ; if not guilty of a fraud, do not punish insolvency as a crime, which should rather be commiserated as a misfortune : to pu nish insolvency as criminal, and to doom fraud to the same pu nishment as mere insolvency, is to confound all moral distinc tions. As the law now stands between debtor and creditor, in the very commencement of an action the fundamental principle of justice is violated. What is the great object of the kistitu-; tion of government, but to prevent individuals from being even the judges, far more the avengers, of their own wrong? Yet, by the existing laws of the land, the creditor is*enabled to de prive the debtor of his liberty upon a simple swearing to the debt. The proposed bill, however, for the present, did not intend a general change of the law which he reprobated as so severe and unjust : what he now desired, was a modification of arrests and of bail, so as to prevent oppression and distress for inconsiderable sums. The bill was opposed by lord Thur low and by others, as striking at the whole system of the law of England , and the lord-chancellor proposed that it should be referred to the judges to examine the state of the. debtor and creditor laws, to consider the subject, and prepare a bill to be introduced early the next session : Lord RawdoB ' agreeing, it was, for the present, withdrawn. b Acts'of parliament, 33 of Geo. III. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 483 These were the principal subjects that came before pariia- Clffp- aienl this session, except the supplies. The army and navy \vere increased to a war establishment, and a considerable body } of Hanoverian troops was employed in the service of Britain. rncre;,, P 0f Besides the ordinary national funds, a loan of four millions five the army hundred thousand pounds was required. The high estimation ^"^J' in which the minister stood with the monied capitalists indu-xnppiies. ced the public to expect that the loan would have been negoti- LoBn anc! ated on very favourable terms : but the stagnation of mercantile """ credit was felt by the minister as well as others who had occa sion to borrow money. There was actually a great scarcity of cash, and the public was obliged to pay a premium of eight per cent. For defraying the interest of the loan the provisions Vere, ten per cent, on assessed taxes ; an additional duty upon British spirits, on bills, receipts, and on game licenses. On session the 21st of June the session was closed by a speech in which closes. his majesty expressed the highest satisfaction with the firmness, wisdom, and public spirit which had distinguished the houses during so very important a session, and testified his approba tion of the successive measures which they had adopted for the internal repose and tranquillity of the kingdom ; for the protec tion and extension of our commercial interests both at home and in our foreign dependencies, and for their liberal contributions towards those exertions by which only we could attain the great objects of our pursuit, the restoration of peace on terms con sistent with our permanent security,, and the general tranquil lity of Europe. The signal successes with which the war had begun, and the measures that were concerted with other pow ers, afforded the most favourable prospect of a happy termina tion to the important contest in which we were engaged.0 . Having brought the parliamentary history of this session to a Campaign close, the narrative now proceeds to military transactions, some of 1793. part of which passed at the same period ; including certain events to which allusion has already been necessarily made. From the disposition of their forces the French were enabled first to commence hostilities ; and as soon as war was declared against Great Britain and the states-general, Dumourier pro posed to invade the United Provinces. There the democratic party, which, as we have seen, the aristocratical faction had. cherished and abetted to co-operate in their enmity to the house of Orange, still subsisted. Though cautious in their proceedings since the re-establishment of the stadthold er, they were increasing in number and force from the Belgian commotions, and still more from the French revolution ; espe cially after the republicans had become masters of the Nether lands.. With the disaffected Dutch, Dumourier maintained a close correspondence, carried on chiefly by emigrant Hollanders assembled at Antwerp : these, formed into a kind of Batavian c State Papers, June 21»t, 1793. vol. m 55 434 HISTORY OF THE cmr. M. 1793. committee, were the channels of communication between the Gallic leaders and the malcontents residing within the united provinces. The malcontents recommended irruption into Zea land, but the general himself thought it more adviseable to ad vance with a body of troops posted at Mordyck, and masking Breda and Gertruydenburg on the right, and Bergen-op-Zoom, Steenberg, Klundert and Williamstadt, on the left, to effect a passage over an ami of the sea to Dort, and thus penetrate into the very heart of Holland."1 The design was adventurous, but not unlikely to' succeed, if executed with such rapidity as to anticipate the arrival of assistance from England. The army which Dumourier commanded on this occasion consisted of twenty-one battallions, which, including cavalry and light troops, amounted to about thirteen thousand men. He was accompanied by the skilful engineeer D'Arcon, who had in vented the floating batteries at the siege of Gibraltar, and a considerable number of Dutch emigrants. A proclamation was published, inveighing against the English government and the conduct of the stadtholder, and calling upon the Dutch to as sist their democratic brethren in destroying the power of their TheFrench aristocratic tyrants.e On the 17th of February the French ar- j"Vjde Ho1" my entered the territories of the states-general. Breda being Breda, invested surrendered by a capitulation, in which it was stipu- Kiundart, &, Jated, that the garrison should retain their arms, "and continue to fight for their country during the war. On the :26th, Kiun dart opened its gates to the French army; and on the 4th of March, Gertruydenburg having stood a bombardment of three days, surrendered. The same terms were granted to these two fortresses as to Breda. The strength of the captured towns was so great, that military critics, convinced they might have resisted much more effectually, did not hesitate to conclude Dumourier that their easy submission arose from treachery. Dumourier l>esieo;es now proceeded towards Williamstadt. While he was himself making such prggress on the left, general Miranda, advancing on the right, invested Maestreicht with an army of twenty thousand men. Having completed his works, he summoned the garrison to surrender; but the prince of Hesse, commander of the fortress, refused to capitulate, and avowed his determi nation to defend such an important post to the last extremity. The French general bombarded as well as cannonaded the town ; while, on the other hand the besieged made two sallies, though without material success. General Miranda continued his investment of Maestreicht : and a covering army of French was encamped at Herve under the command of general Va lence. Meanwhile general Clairfait, with the Austrian army, having crossed the Roer, attacked the French posts on the 1st of March, and compelled the army lo retreat as far ns Aldev- Gertruy denburg surrender. Williamstadt and Maestreicht. d Memoirs of Dumourier. e Slate Taper:, February. 1790 REIGN OF GEORGE HI. -435 haven,»with the loss of two thousand men, twelve pieces of c^p- cannon, thirteen ammunition waggons, and the military chest : ,^^-^, the following day the archduke attacked several French bat- ngg teries, and took nine pieces of cannon. On the 3d of March the prince of Saxe-Cobourg obtained a signal victory over the French/ and drove them from Aix-la-Chapelle even to the .vicinity of Liege, with the loss of four thousand killed, one • thousand six hundred prisoners, and twenty pieces of cannon. In consequence of this defeat of the covering army general Mi- . randa raised the siege of Maestreicht. Dumourier, following the career of his successes in the west, laid siege to Williamstadt, and to Bergen-op-Zoom ;s but the course of his victory was , arrested ; for now he had a new enemy to encounter in the British army. The first object of the British military plans for this campaign The Britislv, was the defence of Holland, and a body of troops was in Febru- f?rce.s "u" . ary sent, consisting of about six thousand British, command- iand. ied hy the duke of York. A brigade of British guards was thrown into Williamstadt, who animating the Dutch to vigor ous defence, and. leading their efforts, made so gallant a resist ance, that Dumourier saw that perseverance would be unavail ing ; he therefore raised the siege, ordered his troops to retire The Frencft , from Bergen-op-Zoom, evacuated the towns and forts which r?lse ^ had surrendered, and returned to take the command in thevvnHau»- eastern Netherlands, where the declining fortunes of the French stadt. . required the'presence of an able general. The Austrians had continued advancing to Brabant ; and several skirmishes of posts had taken place, in which the Germans were generally • superior. On the morning of the 18th of March, an engage- They are ment commenced at Neer Winden, on the confines of Brabant attacked ^by and Liege. General Dumourier attacked the centre of the ^ a^Neer imperial army with great vigour, but suffered a repulse. ; and Winden, he yielded to the same superior efforts from the imperial right a"ddefeot? wing. In the afternoon, however, the French right wing gain ed some advantage ; but the corps de reserve, commanded by general Clairfait, decided the day. The army of Dumourier . retreated for some time in good order, but were at length en tirely routed by the Austrian cavalry. The slaughter was great ; the French lost four thousand men, and soon after six thousand deserted to the enemy. The French generals,, by French mutual crimination, endeavoured respectively to remove from I™6™'8™* themselves the blame of disaster. Dumourier imputed the de- other. feat to general Miranda, who, he asserted, both fought feebly, and fled unnecessarily. In his memoirs, indeed, he admits that general La Marche, committed the first error, by an injudicious . movement which threw his troops into confusion ; but Miranda . is the subject of his principal censure.0 Miranda, on the other f New Annua! Regis' er, 1793, p. 159. g See Bumoufier's Memoirs. h. See Pumou/jer's Memoir?. 436 HISTORY OF THE hand, imputes the discomfiture to treachery on the part of Dumourier.' But wherever the blame lay, if there was any, the battle of Neer Winden decided the fate of the Belgian. Netherlands. The Austrians continued to pursue the republi cans ; on the 21st, Dumourier judged it proper to take post ' near Louvain, and on the following day he was attacked by the enemy. The action was bloody, and lasted the whole day; hut the imperialists were compelled to retreat with great loss : the Austrians, however, raprdly advancing in other quarters, the French general judged it expedient to evacuate all his con- He private- q.uests and re-enter France. Dumourier thoroughly knew the ly proposes disposition of the convention, aud foreseeing the fate which the peace'wlth suspicious republicans prepared for a vanquished general, he the allies, resolved to make his peace with the allies, to march with his and restore troops against Paris, there to' effect a counterrevolution, and monarchy, reestablish monarchy. On this subject he converged with colonel Mack, an Austrian officer of great eminence ; and it was agreed that the imperial troops should act merely as aux iliaries for the attainment of this object ; and should remain on the frontiers, unless he wanted their assistance. If Dumourier should find it impracticable to effect a counter revolution with out, the aid of the Austrians, then he should indicate the num ber and kirid of troops of which he should stand in need to execute his design. The Austrian forces to be furnished in that event, should be entirely under the direction of Durtiourier. He is sus- The executive government suspecting the dispositions of Du- pecied by mourier, sent deputies to investigate his conduct. Confident •J^verrf."0" of the assistance of his army, he did not disguise from them his ment, and project to annihilate the national convention, and fix a kirig summoned upon the throne. Informed of his design the convention sent nParIsUrtol° commissioners to supersede his command, and summoned him answer for to appear at Paris to answer for his conduct. Dumourier or- his conduct. aered these delegates to be seized, and conveyed to general Clairfail's head-quarters, to be kept as hostages for thesafefy He sounds of the royal family. But 'the army soon showed the variily tionl'f'tne' of Dumourier's expectations; they not only refused to follow army ; but him to Paris, but gave him reason tb doubt his personal securi- finding {y? anfj lie was compelled to seek safety by' flight. Having vourable^ reached the imperial territories, he had an interview with deserts tp colonel Mack, and with the prince of Saxe-Cobourg. Two itheAustrl" proclamations were digested, one by Dumourier himself, the other by the prince of Saxe-Cobourg. The manifesto of gene ral Dumourier contained a recapitulation of his services -to the French republic ; a statement of the cruel neglect which his army had experienced in the preceding winter, and of the out rages which were practised by the jacobins towards the gene rals of the republic, and particularly himself. It states the reasons why he arrested the commissioners ; exhibits a vivid i In a letter to Petion, dated 31st March, 179?. REIGN OF GEORGE IH. o3? picture of the evils which might be apprehended from the con- c "AP tinttance of the anarchical system in France ; and expresses his .^^^^J^, confident expectations, that as soon as the imperialists entered 1793 the territory of France, not as vanquishers, and as wishing to dictate laws, but as generous allies, come to assist In re-esta blishing the constitution of 1790, great numhers of the French troops would join in'proihbting so necessary a purpose. He protested updn oath, that his sole design was to re-establish constitutional 'royalty ; and that he and his companions would hot lay'dbwn their arms until they had succeeded in their en terprise. These protestations, interspersed with a considerable portion of gasconading promises which he could not perforin, and threats which he could not execute,1* constituted the de claration. A manifesto1 was also published by the prince 6f Saxe-Coboiirg, announcing that ' the allied powers were no longer to be considered as principals, but merely as auxiliaries in the war ; that 'they had no other object but to co-operate with general Dumourier, in giving to France her constitutional kirig, and the constitution she formed for herself. He pledged himself that he and his army would not enter the French tei'ri- t6ry to make cbnquests, but solely for the end now specified. He declared farther, that any strong places which should be put into his hands, should be considered as sacred deposits to be delivered up as soon as'the constitutional government should be established in France, or as soon as general Dumourier should demand them to be ceded. It was at this period that Mr. Fotf" and many others thought that the combined powers might have proposed such lerrris of peace to 'France, as would have been accepted with equal readiness and gratitude. The allies, it wris alleged by the votaries of peace, ought to have declared theriiselves to the national convention to the following purport. k In the last paragraph, in which he introduces his oath under the head ," J swear (he says) that we will not lay down our arms until we shall have succeeded in our enterprise ; and our sole design is to re-establish the constitution, and con stitutional royalty ; that no resentment, no thirst after vengeance, no ambitious motive, swnys our purposes ; that no foreign power shall influence our opinions • thnt wherever anarcliy shall cense at the appearance of our arms, and Ihose of the combined armies, we will Conduct ourselves as friends and brothers; that wherever « e shall meet with resistance, we shall know lo select the culpable and spare the peaceable inhabitants, the victims of the infamoas wiles of the jacobins ofParis, from whom have arisen the horrors' and calamitii-s ofihe war ; that we shall in no way dread the poignardsof Mara! and the jacobins ; — that we Will de stroy the manufacture of these poignnrds, as well as that of the scandalous wri tings by which nn attempt is made to pervert the noble and generous rh^fHacter of the French notion'; — and finally, in the nanieof my companions in armsjl repeat the oath, that we will live and die free. Thc gcneVal in chief of the' French ar my, Dumourier." See Stale Papers, 1793. ' 1 See State Papers, April 5th,- 1793 m It was in consequence of the pie ent posture of affairs, thnt he made the mo tion for peace, which has been already mentioned in tho parliamentary history 1793. 438 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. Arrange your internal government according to your own in clinations : the present confederacy is formed for purposes of 'J defence, not of aggression ; we shall not therefore interfere in the constitution of France. We only desire you to re-establish the ancient boundaries of the Netherlands, to restore your other conquests ; to liberate the queen and the royal family ; and to allow tbe emigrants a moiety of their property : we will then withdraw our forces, and be your friends. Had such proposi tions been made, these politicians affirmed that a stop might have been immediately put to the effusion of blood ; and that France would at this time have been under a regular and established, government, and Europe would have been at peace. Hvpotheti- It is difficult to say with any degree of probability, what would cal reason- nave oeen tne result in a very problematical question, of an ex- praciicabil- periment that never was tried. The probable success of such ity and ex- an attempt proceeded upon an assumption that either the French peacenCat ° were not originally the aggressors ; or, if the beginners of the this period war, were from recent discomfiture tired of, its continuance. of victory to Perhaps if the offer had been made, in their present circum- rates. "stances they might have received it with delight : and for a time have continued pacific; but afterwards might have re sumed invasion, when the confederation was broken. But it belongs not to history to state possible, or even probable con sequences, which might flow from measures that were not adopted. If as some able statesmen argued, the hour of vic tory was the hour of offering peace, the confederates against France were of a totally different opinion. They conceived France to have been the aggressor ; to have manifested views of ambitious aggrandizement ; that it was the policy of her neighbours to prevent her encroachments, and in her present condition to reduce her strength so as effectually to prevent the future accomplishment of her projects : that therefore they ought now to press upon her in her weakened state. On this view they regulated their policy, and formed the plan of the rest of the campaign. A congress was held at Antwerp, wherein representatives attended from the several powers that formed the combination, which had now been joined by Spain and Naples. At this congress were present the prince of Saxe- Cobourg, counts Metternich, Starenberg, and Mercy d'Argen- teau, with the Prussian, Spanish, and Neapolitan envoys. It was determined that the fortresses on the frontiers of France should be invested by the armies of the confederates, that the enemy's coasts should be beset on every side by the fleets of the maritime powers, and that every encouragement and prac ticable assistance should be afforded to the royalists within France." A second proclamation was now published by the prince of Saxe-Cobourg, annulling the first, and declaring a design of keeping whatever places he should capture, for the. n New Annual Register, 1793. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 439 indejjinifiCjation of hjs sovereign. Dumourier, when he was CHjP- informed of this change in the imperial system of inilitary op&> v^_^_, rations, declared to, the prince de Cobourg, that he could not 17g3 with honour serve against France. Receiving a passport, he therefore retired into Germany." By the plan of operations concerted for attacking the fron tiers of France, the British, Dutch, Austrian, and Prussian troops were to press on to the Netherlands ; an army of Prussians and. other Germans from the Rhine. Joined to the confederate armies were great bodies of emigrants,' commanded by the princes of the bipod, and other refugees of high rank and dis tinction. The chief part of the exiles was attached to the army of the Netherlands ; and on all sides dispositions were made for invading the French dominions. ,0 He first came over into Britain, but was desired by ministers to quit the king dom ; and in his visit nothing passed of any historical importance. See Anna- alKegistcr, 1793. 440 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. LH. ©vertures of the French government for peace witb Britain. — La Bran the4 minister proposes to send an ambassador to England. — Letters containing his- proposilions are delivered to lord Grenville — but receive no answer. — Alarming state of France — at war with all her neighbours^ — Intestine war in La Vendeeu- — The victorious allies invade the French dominions.— Battle at St. Amand between the allies and the French. — The duke of York and the British troops take a share in the action. — British soldiers, supremely excellent in close fight-T in spite of French numbers and artillery by the bayonet decide the late of th.e;, day. — Battle ofFamars and the defeat of the French. — Blockade and surrender of Conde. — Siege of Valenciennes — strength of the fortress— operations — taken- after a siege of six weeks. — Successes on the Rhine. — Mentz taken by the Prussian army. — France torn by dissensions. — Mountain excite a clamour against the Brissotines — Establishment of the revolutionary tribunal. — Brissot- ines, with distinguished speculative ability, deficient in practical talents.-*- Mountain superior in decision and daring atrocity. — Brissot, Roland, and their supporters, seized and committed to prison. — Robespierre and his associates become rulers of France. — System of terror reigns Constitution of 1793.— Singular absurdity and anarchy. — Committees of public and general safety.— Combination in the south for overthrowing the frightful tyranny.— Toulon puts itself under the protection of lord Hood and the British fleet. — Compre hensive and efficacious malignity of ihe governing junto,— Robespierre and his band abolish Christianity — publicly and nationally abjure the Supreme Being — proscribe genius, destroy commerce, confiscate remaining property — debase every kind of excellence — attempt to level all civil, political, and moral dis tinctions. — The pressure of the war facilitate* their atrocities. — Forced loans — requisitions. — Bold scheme of the war minister to raise the nation in mass. — Efficacy of this system— confounds all calculations of the allied powers— over. comes the insurgents of La Vendee — forces the British lo seek safety by evacu ating Toulon. — Netherlands. — Activity and progress of the duke of York and the British troops. — Victory at Lincennes — invests Dunkirk with reasonable- hopes of success. ABOUT the time that Dumourier engaged in a negotia tion with Cobourg for the re-establishment of monarchy, the existing government of France made an attempt .to procure the restoration of peace. The proposals were conveyed through a very unusual channel : Le Brun, the French minister, em- L^'iBYCn,by ployed Mr. James Matthews, an Englishman of whom he bad the French no knowledge but what Matthews gave himself, to carry to Lon- m"uster- don two letters"! addressed to lord Grenville, and a third to Mr. John Salter, attorney, then a vestry clerk to the parish, since a notary public in Penny's Fields, Poplar, recommended by Mat- q Dated at Pari=. April 2d, 17P3, and deliv 1793. See State Papers. !red lo lord Grenville 26th April REIGN OF GEORGE III. 441 thews, requesting him to deliver the two letters to the British C?AF- secretary. The purport of the first was, that the French re public desired to terminate all differences with Great Britain, . and that he demanded a passport for a person to repair from He proposes France to Britain for that purpose. The second mentioned to send an Mr. Marat as the person who was to be deputed, and claimed J'"^^^ a safe conduct for him and his necessary attendants. Mr. Sal ter accepted the commission, as he had probably agreed with Matthews; and on the 26th of April 1793, delivered the two Letters letters to lord Grenville, at his office, Whitehalli. The letters £"r0emdhrm procured no attention, and produced no effect: they never; £Jjet0 *0'rdC1' like other overtures for negotiation, were the subjects of par- Grenville, liamentary discussion ; and the literary notice which they ex- blU recelve i no Answer cited was inconsiderable. The partisans of war regarded the uncommonness of the agency as a sufficient reason for over looking the propositions.' The votaries of peace did not view the advances in that light, but from their general and cursory account, appear to have thought the transaction of little impor tance,8 and are totally unacquainted with the causes and cir cumstances of a mode of conveyance so different from the es tablished etiquettes of diplomatic communication. The real history of this mission the kind information of Mr. David Wil liams has enabled me to lay before the reader. The literary celebrity of Mr. Williams, and the use which Circum- the French reformers had made of his " Letters on political stances and ''liberty," induced the Girondists to invite him to- Francejthese^rof- that he might assist litem in the formation of a constitution.' fers of con- Brissot, whom he describes as an honest but a weak man, he tion" had known in England, had corresponded with him, and warn ed him of the danger which he was incurring by his violence! Repairing to Paris, he became intimate with Condorcet, Ro land, and other political leaders of the times. He continued to admonish them of the evils which they would encounter, un less they could moderate the licentiousness of the populace, and suppress the faction of the jacobins. He saw the wildness and extravagance of the Girondists themselves, and strongly represented to Brissot the impracticability and madness of rou sing and uniting the nation by war. He powerfully inculcated the necessity of peace and moderation, to the welfare of the people, and the security of any constitution which might be formed for that purpose : he particularly recommended the maintenance of peace with England, and strongly reprobated the prosecution and death of the king, as giving the populace a r See Otridge's Annual Register for 1793 ; a volume which, having evidently taken a side, I prize less as an authority than any of the other v lumes of the same work, which loyally and patriotically supporting our ronslit ution, record, and estimate measures with the dignified impartiality of authentic history, s See Belsham s Hislory, vol. v. p 47. t See Madame Roland's Appeal, and Public Characters for 1798, p. 4*2. vol. ii. 56 442 HISTORY OF THE CLHF tas*e °^ ^ood. Eager as the Brissotines were for war, yet .— ^-^ they were conscious that France was not prepared for hostili- 1793 ties with England : patriotic policy sometimes overcame revo lutionary fury, and then they would listen to the pacific coun sels of Mr. Williams. When the discussions between Mr. Chauvelin and lord Grenville were evidently tending to hostili ty, they asked Mr. Williams to undertake a mission to the Bri tish court, in order to effect an accommodation. Regarding such an office as not altogether suitable to a British subject, especially in the fluctuation of sentiment which the Frenph government exhibited on the questions of peace and war, he dec}ined the mission. Still, however, he conceived that peace might be preserved : the same opinion was expressed to him by members of the Gironde ; and it was with great surprise, ,on the 1st of February, that he heard the convention declare war by acclamation against Britain and Holland. Mr. Williams now resolved to return to his country: still Le Brun and ojher memT hers of the French government professed to him their wishes for the restoration of peace ; and since he would not himself undertake a mission, that minister asked him to bear a letter to lord Grenville, which requested the British government to open the ports of Dover and Calais ; in the postscript declared the French government to desire the re-establishment of peace, proposed to send a minister, and stated that Mr. Williams was empowered to explain their principle and project of concilia-: tion, so as to be satisfactory to the British government. Mr. Williams returned to Britain, repaired to the secretary of state's office, delivered his letter,11 and mentioned his readiness to wait on lord Grenville whenever his lordship should appoint: but he was never sent for by the secretary, and there his commission ended. Mr. Williams himself appears to me to think that the French were already convinced of their precipitation in declar ing war, and would have willingly agreed to the terms which lord Grenville had required from Chauvelin, if they found the British government equally disposed to return to amity ; but as no opportunity was afforded him of an audience from ford Grenville, neither his statements nor deductions could be of any avail to the purpose of the commission with which he was charged. Correspondence between Britain and France being now pre cluded, Le Brun heard nothing from Mr. Williams. While Mr. Williams had been at Paris, there went thither a Mr, James Matthews, who professed great regard and veneration for Mr. Williams, was frequently in his company, and had thereby op portunities of knowing the names and persons of some mem bers of the French government, but was not introduced to any of these rulers. The inauspicious commencement of the cam paign between France and the allies disappointed the republi- u See State Papers. REIGN OF GEORGE lit 443 cans ; and the desertion of Dumourier added treachery as a; c^p- fresh 'ground of alarm lo the apprehensions that were enter- ^_^^, tained from the British and Austrians. Perhaps1 these consi- im derations rendered the French government more anxious for peace, or perhaps they might profess anxiety without being sincere : whatever Was the motive; they certainly did repeat the attempt ; and this Mr. Matthews was the person, on the mere pretence of being Mr. William's confidant,1 that was ap pointed to- carry the second overtures' lo England. Why Mr. Le Brun chose Mr. Salter to be the deliverer of the despatches sent by Mr. Matthews I have not learned, or why Mr. Matthews did not deliver therh himself, he not being in A state of mind to answer such questions. Indeed, the whole' transaction ; Mr. Matthew's application to Le Brun as the confidant of Mr. Wil liams ; the appointment of Mr. Salter, theti vestry clerk of the parish of Poplar, to convey the letters to Grenville; and the assurances of Matthews, who brought the letters, that he should instantly make peace, and provide for all his friends (in which,; however, Mr. Williams was not mentioned), can be accounted for only from an incipient derangement of mind, the symptoms of which soon appeared, and for which he has been ever since confined. Mr. Matthews was chosen to be the bearer, not as an obscure and unconnected individual, but from being con ceived by thie French government to have the confidence of Mr. Williams. Mr. Williams they had first wished, in their extra vagant manner, to be, in effect, an ambassador; and finding he would not accept that general mission, they prevailed on him to' be the bearer Of specific proposals, which they professed to think conducive to peace. Thence came Mr. Matthews to be employed in the second application which the French govern- rhent, within1 the first three months of the war, made for the re-establishment of peace. That the republicans were sincere in these proffers it would be very rash to affirm. Against their sincerity there were the series of Brissotine menaces of univer sal warfare; the tendency and character of the revolutionary enthusiasm : for their sincerity there were the actual disap pointments which they were experiencing, and the farther disasters which they then appeared likely to suffer. Perhaps they might be sincere in desiring peace with Britain, in order to facilitate their schemes .of ambition against other countries;' but those schemes of ambition had been formed in the exulta tion of unexpected success, and might not be cherished at the season of discomfiture and retreat. From the correspondence between Grenville and Chauvelin, they well knevfr that no pro posal would be admitted by Britain which did not renounce the riavigatioli of the Scheldt, forbear interference with the internal affairs of other countries, and forego their projects of aggran dizement : if they intended to offer less, their overtures, there- 444 HISTORY OF THE QyAP- fore, would have been futile ; but it cannot" be ascertained ^^¦^^ whether their offers would or would not have been satisfactory 1793 according to our requisition of satisfaction, since they were not heard. The intervention of a vestry clerk has been stated as ridiculous; but Le Brun did not propose Mr. Salter as a nego tiator, he-employed him as a courier for carrying an offer of sending as ambassador Mr. Marat, who had-a few months before conferred and negotiated with Mr. Pitt. Alarming The situation of France wasat this time extremely alarming ; France; shewas at war with her three most powerful neighbours, Prus- at war wilh sia,. Austria, and Britain. A body of her bravest sons, stimula- . neighbours te'' by -the strongest resentment, was joined to her formidable enemies. The states of Holland, and principalities of Gertna-. ny, though not very important in their separate force, yet ad-» ded to the impulse which was already so great. Sardinia, Naples, and Spain, were embarked in the same cause. From the Texel to the straits of Gibraltar, from Gibraltar to Shet-f land, there was a circle of enemies encompassing France.* Within her territories there -were numerous bodies eagerly desi rous of co-operating with her foes from without:, a formidable rebellion was broken out in La Vendee, and the French govern ment, divided into two violent factions, appeared on the eve of destruction by an intestine war. These concurring circum stances seemed to justify the hopes of the confederacy, that France, surrounded by so many enemies, and rent by such con vulsions, would be unable to resist their separate and united ef forts : but the French republicans were not overwhelmed by the multiplicity of dangers. The national convention, informed of the arrestation of their commissioners, and the defection of Dumourier, manifested that rapid energy which ever distinguish ed the French revolutionists in emergency and; danger, and adopted efficient measures to preserve the tranquillity of the metropolis, and defend the frontiers against the invading host. The northern army was re-organized, and general Dampierre x On this part of my inquiries Mr. W. declined any particular' explanation, He is writing on the subject himself. .• ¦•>": y The people, from having such a multiplicity of enemies, conceived them selves at war with the whole world; the following incident that occurred to a captain of the navy, a near relation of mine, is a curious illustration >of these sentiments. On the 22d of March arrived at Portsmouth from Jamaica, the Falcon sloop of war, captain Bisset, having captured ofTUshant a French priva teer. Captain Bisset was not apprized of a war between this country and France, till he fell in with the above privateer, who bore down upon the Falcon, but perceiving her to be a sloop of war, she immediately -hauled her wind, and fired her stern. Captain Bisset, astonished at this conduct, instantly stood, after her, and coming up with her, demanded the reason of such conduct ; when he was told by the commander of the private;r, " that France liad declared twar against all the world." The Falcon then fired a few guns, dnd the French ship struck her colours, and was taken possession of by the Falcon. REIGN OF GEORGE IH. 44fr being re-appointed provisional commander in chief, re-occupied c?{jf" the camp at Famars in French Hainault, near the right bank of the Scheldt. The confederate army was posted at Kieverain n93 on the frontiers of Austrian Hainault, with their right extending to St. Amand, and their left to Bavie, so as to blockade Cond6, threaten Valenciennes, and even to overawe Maubeuge. The French general proposed to drive the allies from so advantage ous a position, and to relieve Cond6. On the 1st of May he began the execution of this design, by attempting to dislodge the Austrians from several villages which they possessed,, but was repulsed with the loss of near a thousand killed .and wounded. Dampierre undismayed by this check, and encoura ged by re-enforcements which were just arrived, marched on a second time, with three formidable columns against the Prus sian lines at St. Amand, and maintained a long, severe, and bloody contest, till succours from the Austrians under Clairfait, obliged him to make a precipitate retreat, after leaving two thousand men on the field of battle. His immediate object be ing to relieve Cond6, he still threatened the Prussians, who were now joined by the British troops under the duke of York. In tending to confine his attack to the right wing, he feigned an intention of assailing the whole line; and advancing to the wood of Vicoigne, he began the charge. On his left were con structed several strong batteries, where were posted ten thou sand men drawn from the garrison of Lisle. Against this nu merous force the Coldstream guards, with some other British troops, were despatched. This heroic band, regardless of numbers, checked the enemy's batteries with their field-pieces ; and after one discharge of musketry, rushed forward with fixed •bayonets. Terrible in every species of warfare, British soldiers British sol? are irresistible in close fight; when no dexterity can elude thediers force of personal prowess ; and hence the opportunity of char- excellent* ging bayonets has rarely failed to assure victory to our country- in close men. Our combatants made an impression on their antagonists, fiSht> which the French soon saw they could not withstand man to "j- S"'e ch man; they had, therefore, recourse to their chief excellence, numbers missiles ; with rapid activity they wheeled round artillery from and artiiie- the front to the flank, and opened with grape shot upon the pa'yonet de^ gallant English. Dreadfully annoyed, the British forces dis- cide the fate dained to fly : they kept their ground, repulsed the multitudes of tneday. of the enemy, and in the conflict mortally wounded Dampierre.' The French had gone forth to battle in the most assured confi dence, thinking they had only Prussian tactics and intrepidity to oppose their rapidly active genius and valour ; but finding it was a very different undertaking to combat the energy of Bri tish heroism, they retreated within their lines, nor afterwards attempted offensive operations in a quarter secured by so formi dable champions. From this period to the 23d of May. the z ]^ew Animal Register, 1793.., 4-46 HISTORY OF THE chap: Lit 1793. ISattle of Fa mars. Blockade and sur render of Conde. Sjege of Valen- Strenglh of the fortress. French did not venture out of their lines; the antes, on the other hand, encouraged by the impression which was made by' ' the action of the 8th, resolved to make a general attack on the camp at Famars, that covered the approaches to Valenciennes. The dispositions for this grand object being finished, the 23d of May was fixed for executing the design. At day-break the British and Hanoverians assembled under the command of the duke of York, and the Austrians a.nd German auxiliaries under the prince of Cobourg and general Clairfait. Great pains had been employed to conceal the projected attack, until its execu tion should be commenced. A fog somewhat retarded the ad-' Vance of the troops, but at the same time concealed their ap proaches; until the sun penetrating through the mist, displayed to the astonished French the allies in four columns, proceedirig- t'owards their camp. A tremendous fire of artillery began the action on both sides : the contest soon became closer ; and one of the Austrian columns was nearly -overpowered, when the' Hanoverians and British repulsed its assailants: at length the combined troops, led by the British, and headed by the duke of York and general Abercrombie, entirely defeated the French army. During night the duke of York refreshed his forces, re solved to attack the enemy's fortifications the next niorning; hut in the night the republicans abandoned the intrehchments which they had formed with such pains and expense, a'nd left the Way open to Valenciennes. About the same time bodies of Dutch and Austrian troops employed in the maritime Nether lands, drove the French invaders on that side within their fron tiers. Condfe, as we have seen, was in a state of blockade : the town was not provided with a sufficient quantity of provisions to sustain a long siege : the governor (general Chancel), there fore, about this period ordered the women and children fo quit the place. As the diminution of consumers tended to prolong a blockade, the prince of Wirtemberg, who commanded on that service, would not suffer their departure ; opposed and prevent- ted repeated attempts. The besieged, after a very brave and obstinate resistance, and enduring with the most persevering fortitude all the rigours of famine, were, on the 10th of July, obliged to surrender at discretion. But a much more arduous enterprise, undertaken by the allies, was the siege of Valero ciennes ; and the victory at Famars having enabled them to ap proach, they formed a regular investment. Valenciennes is si tuate on the left bank of the Scheldt, opposite ' to the camp which the French had recently occupied. It's fortifications-, among the chief efforts of Vauban's genius, rendered.it a post of extraordinary strength. The garrison consisted of about eleven thousand men : Custine, appointed on the death of Dam pierre to take the command of the northern army, found it im possible to relieve the fortress, which was therefore obliged. to depend upon its own strength. Thc allies; conscious of their REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 4*7 force,, and .confident of ultimate success, summoned the fortress c^p- to surrender : the summons was disregarded ; and .being repeat- ^^^^ ed, was Mill unavailing,: the allies, therefore, proceeded with lm their approaches. A difference of opinion prevailed between the two chief engineers of Britain and of the emperor respeo tively, colonel Moncrief and monsieur Ferasis. The British officer, less regarding customary modes than efficient means, proposed to plant batteries immediately under the walls of the city, instead of approaching it by regular parallels.* The German officer, adhering closely to experimental tactics, pro posed to proceed in the manner which had been so long in use ; and hi? /opinion was adopted by the council of war- On the Operations. morning of the 14th pf June the trenches were opened; and Ferasis directed the siege under the superintending command pf the duke of York. The successive parallels were conducted wijth distinguished skill, and finished with uncommon expedii tiq9 ; this despatch being powerfully promoted by the British guards :; whp, from their habits of working in the coal barges on the Thames, were enabled to do n)ore work in a given time than an equal number of any other soldiers.0 In the beginning of July the besiegers were able tp bring two hundred pieces of fjeayy artillery to play without intermission on the town, and the greater part of it was reduced to ashes. The smallness of the garrison, compared with the, extent of the , fortifications to be defended, preyentedgeneral Ferrand, the commander, from attempting frequent sorties : in one which the garrison made on the 5th of July, however, they were very successful, killed several of the enemy, and spiked some cannon. A considera ble part of .the, war was carried. on under ground, by numerous mines and countermines, which both besiegers and besieged constructed. The chief of these were, one which the besiegers formed uncjer the glacis, and one under the horn-work of the fortress.0 These mines were completed and charged on the 35th of July, and in the night, between nine and ten o'clock, were sprung with complete success. The English and Austrians immediately embraced the opportunity to throw themselves into the covered way, of which they made themselves masters. The duke of York now, for the third time, summoned the place, to surrender; and the governor seeing no hopes from farther Captured defence, capitulated ; by the capitulation the troops taken inaftc.rasieSe. the garrispn were allowed to retire into France, on swearing weeks, in that they would npt, during the war, serve against any of the the name °f allied powers,; and the duke of York took possession of Valen-i 'g"™" pienn'es in the name of the emperor of Germany. Those promoters of war with, the French republicans who Sentiments 4esired the restoration of monarchy as the chief object of bos- of Burke and his vo- • - ¦ taries on a New Annual Register, 1793, page 187. this subject, b See]Macfar!ane, vol. iv. page 390. c New Annual Register, 1793,,page 190, , 448 HISTORY OF THE cPr4P' tililies, disapproved of various circumstances in the capture of Valenciennes, and indeed in the principle on which the cam- S-7^T'"^ paign was conducted ; as, according to their hypothesis, the legitimate object of the war in which the confederacy was engaged was the re-establiShment of monarchy, the emigrant princes and other exiles ought to have had the chief direction in its councils and conduct ; whereas these were really employ ed as mercenaries. On the same hypothesis Valencien'nes and other towns captured, or to be captured, ought to be possessed in the name of Louis XVII. as king of France, and of his uncle the count ofProvence, as lawful regent during the young king's mi nority ; and troops capitulating ought to be restricted from serving against French royalists, as well as the allied powers. These observations were fair and consistent inferences, if it had been- admitted that the combined powers were actually, as the En-» glish opposition asserted, fighting for the restoration of the mo narchical constitution :d but according to British ministers, and the greater number of their parliamentary votaries, the purpose aredifferent of the war was not a counter revolution in France, but the at- of°Mlllp'u ta'nment °f security against the French projects of aggran- and his co- dizement, and dissemination of revolt ; that the most effectual adjutors. means for this pupose was the reduction of her power, without ahy regard to her internal government ; that we were to reduce her strength in the present as in former wars, by capturing, according to our respective force, her towns and possessions. Indeed, the confederates at present seemed to proceed on the same principle of conquering warfare which had been practised by the grand alliance for humbling the power of Louts XIV. To adopt the language of works less specially devoted to the support of ministerial politics, than to the restoration of mo narchy in France; they were rather anti-gallkans, warring against physical France, on the general principles of former times, than anti-jacobins, warring against moral France, on the peculiarly requisite principles of present times. On the one hand, the object of Mr. Burke, however impolitic and imprac ticable it may have been deemed, was much more definite than the objects of Mr. Pitt, as far as these were explained : on the Qther, the objects of Mr. Pitt being conceived to be merely anti- gallican, were much more agreeable to the prevailing senti ments of Britons than the avowal of a combination would have, been, for interfering in the internal polity of France, and re-es tablishing a government which, in its former exercise, Britain so very much disapproved. The capture of French towns in the name of the young prince, as sovereign of a country tbat had renounced its authority, would have been an avowal of a counter revolutionary project, which the British government d The most eloquent and illustrious advocate of this doctrine, Mr. Burke, exhibits this theory in his remarks on the policy of the allies, begun in October, REIGN OF GEORGE IH. 4ty disavowed, and which the majority of the British nation would c",|p- have censured. The appropriation and capitulation of Valen- ^__^ cien nes were therefore perfectly- consonant to the professed . views with which the allies, having completed the purposes of defence and recovery, had invaded the French Netherlands. While the allies were thus engaged in the Netherlands in strengthening the power of the emperor ou the Rhine, they were occupied in recovering the captures of the French. On Successes oT the 20th of June the Prussian army invested Mentz ; and after the I'ms- a regular and vigorous siege, and a very gallant defence, it j|' "uZ is capitulated on the 22d of July. >¦» taken. While the confederates were making such advances on the France is frontiers of France, the republic was entirely torn wilh dissen- torn by dip rions. The Girondists^ who had been long declining in a uthori- sensionB- ty, and who were more than ever abhorred by the Mountain, since their desire to save the king, had constantly supported Dumourier against the invectives of Marat and the jacobins. As soon as Dumourier was driven into exile, the Mountain rais- The Mount ed an outcry against his late protectors the Girondists. They ^mml"* * were represented to the furious multitude as a band of traitors against the and counter revolutionists. The municipality of Paris, and the Girondist/ jacobin clubs, resounded with complaints, threats, and impre cations, against the party in the convention which retained some sentiments of humanity, some love of order, and some regard for justice. The Gironde party still possessed conside rable influence in' the convention ; but the Mountain, gratify ing the Parisian rabble with blood and plunder, exercised the supreme command in the city. In March was established the Establish. revolutionary tribunal for trying offences against the state, ^l"^-,,,^. This celebrated and dreadful court, consisting of six judge?, ry tribunal was wholly without appeal. The crimes on which it was to pronounce were vague, undefined, and undefinable ; ex tending not merely to actions, but to most secret thoughts. On the 1st of April a decree was passed abolishing the inviolabili ty of members <«f the convention when accused of crimes against the state. * The chiefs of the Brissotines appeared to be astonished and confounded' at these daring and desperate measures of their inveterate adversaries, confident in their power and popularity ; and made no vigorous opposition to decrees which were evi dently' intended to pave the way to their destruction.6 It was The Gi">ft- now manifest that the Girondists were inferior to their antago*se,lar"sl>s^" nists in Vigour and decision ; and, notwithstanding the inlel-iative inge« lectual and literary accomplishments of the leaders of thcn"lly'jut party, grossly deficient in practical talents for government ; practical fliatj therefore, they must finally sink under the contest;; of ability. which they were unequal to the management. The Mountain The Moun- had not only in its favour the jacobin club and the dregs of the ^'", ''JleX" * sion and e. See Befehnm's history, vol, v. p. 62 . during atro- %w. ii.. sr ci,y< 450 HISTORY OF THE CJ,AP- people of Paris, but it knew that the triumphant party in that immense city, from terror or obedience, was able to command, .„„ throughout the whole extent of the republic ; and whilst the Girondists were reasoning, deliberating, and menacing, the Thd G|" d Mountain conspired, struck, and reigned. On the 31st of May, ers are "early in the morning, the tocsin was sounded; the barriers committed were shut ; Brissot, Roland, and many others of the most dis- to prison, tingutshed Girondists were seized and committed to prison by a force devoted to Robespierre. Terror quickly seized all minds; and the theoretic republic of ingenious, but unwise and nnprincipled innovators, became subject to a detestable Kobes- and hloody tyranny. Robespierre, Danton, Marat, Collot Pierre and d'Herbois, Billaud, and Couthon, became rulers of France. IllS SSSOC1" it 7 aies become They associated w'*h themselves ferocious individuals whose rulers of talents were necessary to the administration, and who consent- Svstem'of ed *° serve them through fear, ambition, or policy.''' They terror hastily drew up the celebrated constitution of 1793 ; and no reigns. policy ever existed more absurd, or more favourable to anar- tionofl793. cny- Legislation was confined to a single council, the mem- Singular bers of which were elected without any qualification of pro- absurdity perty : (he executive power was among- twenty-four ministers. and anar- r J. , . , ' . ,»- • .,.. " chy. appointed by the convention, and dismissed at their pleasure. This government, the most absolute and the most ferocious of which there has ever been an example, was confined to Committees two sections, consisting of twelve deputies. The one was of public called the Committee of public safety, and the other the Com- safetyfnera n"ttee of general safety. They were to be renpwed every month ; but by one of the incalculable effects of fear, which blinds those whom it governs, the convention, divestino- itself of its inviolability, intrusted the committees with the formida ble right of imprisoning its members : and thus rendered the power of the government as solid as it was extensive. Mean while, some of the Girondist deputies who escaped the pro scription excited insurrection. Several departments indicated a disposition to avenge themselves, and resist oppression : Combina- some of them took up arms. By far the most formidable resist- tiom in the ance to the reigning usurpers arose in the south, where the overthrow- ttiree principal cities, Lyons, Marseilles, and Toulon, formed ing the a combination for overturning the existing tyranny. Toulon ra'tfnv^' t>_ opened a negotiat'on with lord Hood, who commanded the Toulon puts British fleet in the Mediterranean. The English admiral, itself under at the instance of the inhabitants took possession of the town tionorf0!ordand shiPPin?> in lhe na«"e of Louis XVII. The Spaniards "Hood and advanced into Languedoc, proffering assistance to all those fleetBrUiSn Frenchmen who wished to resist the horrid tyranny of the ja cobin faction. • hSTand In comPrenensive tyranny, efiicacious malignity, delibera- efBcaciouT tive in'quity, affecting the persons, liberties, properties, and f See Segur's History of Frederick William, v. iii. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 451 uh'nda of' their countrymen, the junto which now governed CP.|P' France surpassed all the wickedness ever recorded in history. Their predecessors had progressively promoted infidelity, con- N"-r^T^"' fiscation, destruction of rank and order; but still there remain- malignity .ed>a considerable degree of religion, and great musses of pro- ofthe go- perty, with a small share of subordination. Robespierre and.™™"^ bis band abolished Christianity ; publicly and nationally abjur- it,,i,c~pierrc fid the Supreme Being. They proscribed genius, lest its effprts nnd his might overthrow their horrible system. They ruined com- ii"",,;",.;".." inerce to, stimulate the multitude to plunder; and they seized tinnity und all property. N Totally free from every principle of religion and ",».,,,; The menns by which- they wire enabled to exercise such a und moral complication of tyranny was tho multitude. By the populace distinctions. conjunctly and aggregately they were able to exercise des potism over the populace themselves severally.1' The war fa cilitated the extension of their power, because it enabled them to accuse all persons obnoxious to themselves as traitorous cor respondents with foreign enemies. The war also, so much engaged the anxious attention of the people, that they had less time to brood over the internal sufferings of their country. Pressed on all sides by invaders, who Ihey conceived wore desirous of dictating to them in the arrangement of their own government, an ardent zeal to maintain national independence drew off their thoughts from internal despotism. The same patriotic spirit was inflamed, not only by the fears of foreign interference in their government, but by the belief that the dis memberment of their country wns intended. The pressure of the confederates, and their supposed de- Thejwcs- signs, cherished the ferocious tyranny of Robespierre. Detest- M,"'(; "J !')c utile us this relentless tyrant was, yet, in one momentous ob- |Utes ihcir ject, he promoted the first wish of Frenchmen.; not to be con- mrociiics. troled by foreign invaders. In opposing the confederacy of princes, the revolutionary goverument displayed an energy that triumphed over all obstacles. Much of this energy, no doubt, is imputable to the very wickedness of the system. The understanding, employing its invention and foresight in seeking means for gratifying passions, without the least re straint from conscience, may certainly be more efficacious, than if repressed in its devices by religion and virtue. The extinc tion of every pious and moral sentiment, and the removal of the sanctions of a future state prepared minds for every enor mity. It paved the way for bearing down all opposition to the executive power proceeding by massacre or any other crime that might most expeditiously effect its purposes. The revolutionary government, in its total violation of justice, K Sec Olridge's Annual Register, IV.tf. Ii See Burke on Regicide peace. 452 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, found ample resources for military supply. "' The terrible system wanted money : a forced loan placed the fortunes of all men at its disposal. It wanted provisions, ammunition, arms : it put all physical resources under requisition.' It wanted men : its war minister, bold in conception as unrestrained by humani ty and justice, said, " let us confound all the calculations of " experienced warriors : ours is a new case ; raise the whole of " nation in masse : overpower discipline by multitude ; bear '"" ^down tactical skill and experience ; and tire out their efforts " by fresh and incessant relays : consume your enemies by the " fatigue of exertion." Scarcely were the orders given when twelve hundred thousand menk marched out to meet the ene my'. Of these, great numbers, no doubt, were propelled by fear, and the assured alternative of massacre if they refused ; but whatever might have been the motive, the effect was pro digious. To hasten the operation of such a multitude, vehi cles were contrived for carrying both men and cannon with Kfficac of ex'faofdinary despatch against the enemy. Immense bodies this system, were sent to quell the insurgents of La Vendee, and succeed- It over- ef] m repressing the attempts of these royalists. Marseilles in'surgems yielded with little contest to the revolutionary arms. Lyons, ofLaVcn- instead of following the example of Marseilles, made a most iee- resolute resistance, and for two months heroically withstood an active siege. General Kellerman, who commanded the army of the Alps, was ordered to besiege that city; but not answering to the impatience of the convention, he was remov ed, and general Doppet appointed to succeed him ; to whom the inhabitants, who were not only unused to arms, but very ill provided with the means of defence, as well as the necessa ries of life, on the 8th of October, were obliged to surrender. , " A great part of the city was reduced to ashes by a continual Murderous bombardment. The victors, who had' sustained considerable cruelties, loss during the siege, were filled with furious resentment, and gratified their revenge by the most savage and atrocious cru elty. The wretched victims, too numerous for the individual operation of the guillotine, were driven in large bodies, with the most brutal and blasphemous ceremonies, into the Rhone ; or hurried in crowds to the squares to be massacred by mus ketry and artillery.1 Immense bodies of troops under general Cartaux, proceeded to Toulon : an advanced corps having arrived in the neighbourhood of that city, captain Keith El- phinstone, of the navy, landing from the fleet,' and joining a body of English and Spanish infantry, attacked and routed i See decree of August loth, 1793, requiring all Frenchmen , to be inperma* ncnt readinessfor the service of the armies with every kind of warlike, stores, and even every material for making arms, powder, ball, and all other kinds of ammunition or provision for military service. fc See New Annual Register, 1793. 1 See Ot ridge's Annual Register Ibr the year 1733, p. 27a! REIGN OF GEORGE IIL 453 tfee enemy with considerable loss. Soon after, general O'Hara, CH|P- arriving from Gibraltar, took the command of the British for ces. Attacking the enemy, he defeated and put them to flight ; ^^C"^ but pursuing the fugitives very eagerly, he unexpectedly en countered a large force entirely fresh. In endeavouring to J1* French draw off hie soldiers safely to Toulon, he was unavoidably en- En^iif to gased in a conflict with superior numbers ; and after an obsti- evacuate nate contest he was wounded and taken prisoner. Near aTolllor'' thousand of the British and their allies were either killed or captured. As an immense mass of French was now approach ing, against which to defend the town the remaining handful was totally incompetent, it was judged expedient to evacuate tbe place with all possible despatch. Accordingly, the allies made dispositions for withdrawing and saving as many of the inhabitants as could be removed : and for destroying all thc shipping, stores, and provisions, that could not be preserved hy any other expedient from falling into the hands of the ene my. This service was performed very completely ; the troops were carried off without the loss of a man ; and several thou sands of the loyal inhabitants of Toulon were sheltered in the British ships. Sir Sidney Smith, to whose active intrepidity was intrusted the conflagration of the magazines, storehouses, and arsenals, with the ships in the harbour, most effectually performed tbis hazardous and extraordinary duty. On this occasion, fifteen ships of the line, with many frigates and smal ler vessels, were destroyed, and an immense quantity of naval stores. Three ships of the line, and several frigates accompa nied the British fleet. By this destruction the French navy received a blow very difficult to be retrieved. While the French, rising in a mass, crushed revolt and ex- Nether-. pelled foreign enemies in the south, their gigantic efforts effect- lands- ed in the north a momentous change in the events of the cam paign. After the reduction of Valenciennes, the French were compelled to abandon a very strong position which Custine occupied behind the Scheldt, denominated Cassar's camp. A council of war was now held by the allies to consider the most effectual plans of pursuing their successes. Generals Cobourg and Clairfait proposed,m while the French were under an alarm from the disasters in the Netherlands, to penetrate towards Paris, while a force should be sent under cover of the British fleets, to co-operate with the loyalists in Britanny : the duke of York was of opinion that it would be much more ad- viseable to extend their conquests upon the frontiers. He pro posed that the army should divide; that he, at the head of his countrymen, the Dutch and Hanoverians should attack- the enemy on the side of West Flanders, while the allies continu ed their operations in the Eastern Netherlands. It was con- pregreis ^ «erted that the allies should besiege Quesnoy, and that the the duke of York and m Annua) Register, 17®. ^^^ 454 HISTORY OF THE c'1*p- duke of York marching to the coast where he could receive maritime co-operation, should invest Dunkirk. , This port has *~*r^T*~' ever been, in time of war, a very great receptacle, for privateers, and extremely troublesome to the English trade in its approach to the Downs. Therefore the British cabinet, as well as the commander in chief, were eager to wrest from the enemy such means of annoyance. Separating from the allies, his highness marched towards Dunkirk; and on the 18th of Aueust he Victory at reached Menin." The Dutch under the hereditary prince of Lincelles. Orange, attacked a French post at Lincelles in that neigh bourhood, and were repulsed ; but the British troops, though very inferior in force, carried the post with fixed bayonets, and defeated the enemy. The French no longer venturing to ob struct his advances, on the 22d his highness arrived before Dunkirk. i On the -14th he attacked the French outposts, and compelled them to take refuge within the town.8 In this engagement, however, he incurred some loss both of men and oflieers; and among the latter the Austrian general Dalton, so noted, as we have seen during the revolt of the Netherlands Hishio-h- from the emperor Joseph. On the 28th of August the siege ness invests was regularly commenced by Ihe duke of York, while general %tlr' Freytag with an army of auxiliaries, was posted to cover the sonabie besiegers. A considerable naval, armament from Great Britain, hopes of intended to co-operate with a military force, by some unac- Lrte arrival countable delay did not arrive nearly so soon as was appointed of the artil- and expected. His highness nevertheless carried on the siege lery and na- wijh great vigour and skill. Meanwhile the republican troops, ProoTess of commanded by general Houchard poured from all quarters, in the sie»;e an enormous mass. Attacking the army of Freytag the ~th notwuh- f September, after several severe actions, in which the Ger- standing. i • . i r, , 1 Anim- mans made a most vigorous resistance, the r rench at last over* mense mass powered them by numbers, defeated them, and compelled them to make a very precipitate retreat. In this route Freytag him self, and prince Adolphus of Lngland, youngest son of his Britannic majesty, were taken pnso-iers, but in a short time rescued. The duke of York, fr j,r. t.'~ • defeat of the covering army, found it necessary to raue t:-:. si HISTORY OF THE CLltP' tion' anc* rePass tne Sambre. The French general now freed .-^—^ from blockade, was at liberty to employ offensive operations. 17g3 Detachments were accordingly sent to make inroads into roarii time Flanders. They took possession of Werwick and Menin, from whence they advanced to Furnes : they proceeded to Nieuport, which they besieged and greatly damaged ; but the place was saved by having recourse to inundation. It was some lime before the allied forces were able to stop the progress of the republicans, and their generals even trembled for the fate of Ostend. A considerable armament from England, how ever, being at that time preparing for the West Indies, under sir Charles Grey, their destination was altered ; and by arriving at this fortunate moment at Ostend, they saved the Low Coun tries for the: present campaign. ihey force On the Rhine, after the capture of Mentz, a number of petty Mans ™" actions took place, in which the French were generally success- retreat, ful ; but no event of importance ensued.? During the month of September, the duke of Brunswick gained several advanta ges, and the allies invested Landau, the siege of which occu pied the remainder of the campaign. A French army com manded by general Landremont, strongly posted on theLauter, covered and protected this important fortress. On the 14th oi October genera) Wurmser forced the strong lines of the enemy J, and Lautrcburg surrendered at discretion, after being evacua ted by thc republicans. The town of Weissembourg made a longer resistance ; part of it, however, was unfortunately burn ed, and the French before they retreated, set fire to their ma gazines within the walls, as well as those at Alstade. The- French, not disheartened by these losses, made repeated at tacks on the enemy's lines, and at last were so successful, that the duke of Brunswick deemed it expedient to raise the siege of Landau, and retire into winter quarters. The armies of the Netherlands finished the campaign about the same time. - The cam- Although the continental campaign of 1793 was on the whole nail? much' successiu' on the side of the allies, yet its termination was by no less favoiir- means equally auspicious as its preceding periods. From itscom- ably than its mencement to the month of August, it had been progressively ment pro-* successful; then, hov/ever, the career of victory was arrested. mised. In point of actual possession, the allies had preserved Hol land, and recovered the Netherlands; had retaken Mentz. captured Cond6, Quesnoy, and Valenciennes. But it required little discernment to see that the prospect was not now favour able to the confederates, and that the tide of success was turn- Gio-amic ec*- ^ie a"'es never appeared to have established that concert efforts of of ends, and consistency of means, without which alliances France, and cannot hope to succeed against a single and well compacted ten anion"" powerful opponent. If it was wise and expedient to seek the ihe allies." restoration of monarchy, their efforts should have been direct- n See New Annual Register for 1793, p. 102.' REIGN OF GEORGE III. 4'« Oil to that sole object, Separate aggrandizement, eVen were c'^''- it in itself justifiable, necessarily created jealousy and distrust. ^^^^ The king of Prussia began to conceive that the successes of nfl3 the campaign were advancing the power of Austria, while he had a share only in its expense and disasters. From the dismemberment of France he could look for no Catharine accession, and wns, besides, intent upon dismemberment in Ij™^';1-,,. another quarter. Catharine having attained her. wish of en- uguinst gaging the Gerrnan (towers in a wat with France, had executed Poland ; her intentions, of destroying the new constitution iof Poland, which had tended to extricate that country from its dependence on, herself. She invaded Poland with an army of a hundred proposes a thousand men, forcibly annulled thc constitutional the diet, second par- l . .1 r .< i • <• r. ,! titionofthat. and to secure the concurrence of the king of Prussia, as vvqll territory, as gratify her own ambition, she proposed a second, partition and invites of lho Polish territories; that the king of Prussia should for p^S if his share receive the cities of Danteick and Thorn with Great participate. Poland, while her own portion of the spoliation was nearly half the remainder more contiguous to Russia. The Prussian Frederick king was more occupied in securing his spoils in Poland, which William a band of patriotic heroes still endangered, than In seconding^".-™ the emperoi. On the other hand, the emperor was extremely iho spoils jealous of the acquisitions of his Prussian ally ;. and the bands ofPoland, of the confederacy were evidently loosening. Oh her own element, Britain unincumbered by allies, began Rapid suc- the war with signal success. In the West Indies, the valuable Jf"^"1* bland of Tobago was captured by a British squadron under wj,e,-. -ihey admiral Laforey, about the beginning of April. From aiir°"fc|u early period of tho French revolution, the West India islands" ' belonging to Franco, and particularly St. Domingo, had been agitated dnd convulsed by the revolutionary spirit, and by pre mature and injudicious attempts to confer the right of free citi zens, iu that part of the globe, upon the "people of colour," who constitute n large proportion of the inhabitants.1!. From Conquests ?lie dreadful internal commotions, St. Domingo was a scene 0f m 'hg West devastation and bloodshed. In July, fort Jercmie, and Cape indie*. Nicola Mole, being attacked by the British squadron, surren dered themselves. In the gulf of St. Lawrence, the islands of St.iPierrc nnd Miquelon, were captured. In the East Indies, the company's troops in the first campaign of the war, reduced Pondicherry, and all tho settlements of the French on the coast* ef Malabar and Coromandel. q Sco Belsham's History, vol. v. page 101. vol. ir« 98 455 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. LIH. Projects oi' political i e&nn. — Ciub of united Irishmen. — Institution and objects^- Convention bill, — Britain — great numbers are infected wilh the desire of change. Causes ignorance, vanity, and visionary enthusiasm more than malignant in tention. — Propensity in the lower orders to be spokesmen — arises from the fre» interchange of opinion which Britons enjoy — at this time is abused, — Danger ous tendency of certain political associations and sentiments. — Scotland. — Messrs. Muir and Palmer — trials of for sedition. — They are sentenced to trans portation. — The punishment is represented as excessive, and even illegal. — Scotch convention for new modelling the constitution — consists chiefly of per sons of low condition — dispersed by the civil power. — Their leaders are tried and sentenced to transportation. — Meeting of parliament. — Mr. Fox and his supporters recommend peace — arguments against and for. — Mr. Pitt's reason* fug on the war, and the interna] system of France. — Lord Mornington 's view :>fthe subject. — A great majority approve of the continuance of the war. — Messrs. fox and Sheridan impute to the combination the astonishing efforts of France. — Discussion of the question with whom should we treat. — The oppo nents of the war predict the dissolution of the confederacy, and the triumph of the French. — Mr. Fox complains that the object of the war is indefinite — con trasted with former wars. — He prophesies that the war with France, like the war with America, wouid terminate in disappointment. — Varioas motions for peace — rejected. — Questions respecting the trials for sedition in Scotlanji. — Air. Adam's proposed amendment of the Scottish criminal law — debate nega tived. — Proposed inquiry into the conduct of the Scottish judges. — His speeclj on that subject. — Reply of the lord-advocate. — The motion of Mr. Adam is re jected. — Third proposition of ^lr. Adam for assimilating the Scottish to the English criminal law. — Masterly speech of Mr. Adam on that subject. — An swer of Mr. Dundas. — Reply of Mr. Fox. — The proposition is negatived- — Progress of the innovating spirit among the lower ranks. — Seditions lectures against the British constitjtion, and kingly government. — Proceedings of the democratic societies. — Plan of a national convention — discovered by minister* — leaders arrested, and papers seized. — Committees of both bouses appointed to examine their papers — from the reports, Mr Pitt proposes a bill for detaining suspected persons without allowing them- the benefit of the habeas corpus act — bill passed into a law. — Ministers, including lord Loughborough the chancellor*. consider the crimes charged as high treason — Lord Thurlow asserts, that by ihe :a*v of England they are not treason. — Supplies, subsidies, and taxe3j-*-Dfc- hate on the introduction ol Hessian troops. — Apprehensions of- an invasion. — Voluntary contributions for levying troops. — Session closes. — Internal proceed ings in France. — Jacobin faction and Robespierre paramount. — Iniquitous tri al, condemnation, and punishment of the queen . — Brissot and the other Gironde prisoners pnt to death. — Orleans shares the same fate. — Danton overborne by Robespierre. — The Parisian mob adore Robespierre. — Real talent^ and character. CHAP Llil. THE chief internal occurrences of this year regarded 1793. projects of political reform. In Ireland a society was establish*- REIGN OF GEORGE III. 4!>9 *d for promoting a complete emancipation of the catholics ; that c^^p- is a thorough exemption from all legal disabilities, and aradkal ^^^^ reform of parliament on the principles of universal suffrage and ng3 annual elections. This club, constructed on the model of thep^^-tof affiliated jacobins, took the name of the United Irishmen, which political was afterwards productive of such dangerous consequences. qJ^"^ In the Irish parliament an act had been passed, granting relief United to the catholics, but by no means so extensive as their supporters Irishmen. in and out of parliament desired. They were allowed to exer cise all civil and military offices under the crown, except in the very highest departments of tho, law and state ; and they were prohibited from sitting in parliament. The executive govern- Irutimtion ment appeared well inclined to extend the relief, but the appre- wd obie<« hensions of the protestant party were so deeply rooted, as to render it inexpedient in the legislature to proceed any farther at that period. The united Irishmen, as a party, were hot par ticularly connected with the catholics, but consisted of the vo taries of innovation' in general ; held assemblies for concerting and preparing means to promote their schemes of change. These meetings being considered as dangerous in the present Convention ferment, a law was passed by the Irish parliament for prevent- bill. ing such assemblies; being specifically described, both in nature and purpose, so as to restrain innovating cabals : the new act was known by the title of the convention bill. While the legis lature endeavoured to prevent pernicious assemblies in Ireland, projects were formed in Britain by bodies of individuals for holding a convention, which should speak the national voice, and effect such changes as in the judgments of these politicians should appear necessary for the regeneration of Britain. The revolutionary doctrinesof Frances preadinginlo this island, Britain. produced a il. sire of change, which was different in object and G'eat nnni- extent according to the circumstances, knowledge, and character feec'ted'witii of their votaries. Men of desperate fortune or reputation might the desire desire a subversion of government, in hopes of profiting by the of clmnS<>- general confusion, and no doubt there were such men in the clubs which were supposed to seek revolution. These were a kind of associates that revolutionary leaders might be sure to acquire, according to the believed probability of success. But, Causes— if their conduct be candidly reviewed, by far thc greater num-i£n°™lce> ber of the associated votaries of indefinite change will appear to vUtoiiary1 have been misled by folly, ignorance, or visionary enthusiasm, enthusiasm, rather than prompted by malignant intentions. A passion ™°[^J^J," which produced the addition of many members to these clubs, intentiprr-;, was vanity. They wished to make a figure in spheres for which • their education and condition rendered them totally unfit. The supposed exaltation of the people in France, inspired many well disposed manufacturers, mechanics, tradesmen, and pea sants with a desire of reaching the same distinction, and stimu- j- Sec Reports of Irish Co|nmiltees in 17P7 and I79R 460 HISTORY OF THE CLiiV' 'ate(* tnem t0 exercise *neir talents as orators and lawgivers. There is, indeed, in the lower orders of our countrymen a pe- ^^^ culiar propensity to oratory : the free constitution under which Propensity they live empowers them to utter their sentiments and opinions in the lower with open boldness ; the love of social and convivial intercourse spokesmen6; verv naturally following a n unrestrained interchange of thoughts arises from ' and feelings, produces clubs, which at this period were very the free numerous. These requiring some kind of methodical arrange- of opinion556 ment, introduced sonic kind of order and system in addresses which Bt-i- and replies beyond the desultory irregularity of conversation. tons enjoy: Hence ar0Se debate, which 'generated emulation to distinguish themselves in their circle of companions ; the members respect ively tried to be spokesmen. As their oratorial talents, in their own apprehension, increased, they wished for a wider field of exercise^ this they found in vestries or other meetings of local arrangement; or sometimes betook themselves to debating soi cieties, where they could exhibit their eloquence and wisdom On subjects of erudition, philosophy, and politics. From these causes there was, especially through the great towns, a pre disposition in people of low rank, without education and litera ture, to recreate themselves with speeches and dissertations." The visions of French equality held out to their fancies and passions pleasing images and powerful incentives ; increased the objects of their eloquence and political exertions, proposed so wide fields for exercise, and promised such rewards as stimu lated great numbers to seek change, less from dissatisfaction n{ this time wilh the present than from sanguine expectations of the future} h abused. nn(j rendered them desirous of reforming assemblies, not so much wilh a view to overthrow the established constitution, to crush king, lords, and commons, as to distinguish themselves in the proposed conventions. That some of the ringleaders desired the subversion of our existing establishments, admits very little doubt ; but that a total misconception of the purpo ses of their leaders, vanity and the love of distinction, and not treasonable motives, actuated the chief portion of their votaries Danger ous vve may candidly and fairly presume. But, whatever might tendency oi ae tnc intention of the individuals respectively, the tendency of Mcafassoci- sucn assemblages collectively, in a season of revolutionary en- aiions and thusiasm, was evidently dangerous ; and required the unremit- senuments. tu)g vjgi]ance 0f government, to restrain and correct delusion and to chastise mischievous deluders. Scotland. In Scotland, two active agitators of political change, Messrs. ??.frp.,^'r M"'1" at)d Palmer, the former an advocate, the latter a dissent- anu i aimer, . . 7 . , r ... 7. ing clergyman, were tried lor sedition, charged to have been, s At the trial of Hardy, the shoemaker, one Wills a dancing-master, who- had accompanied the defendant to the corresponding society, being interro gated as lo his own motives for resorting to that meeting, replied' that he had a pleasure in 'hearing the conversation of clever men. See State Trials Ji! 1701. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 46-1 committed in writing and other acts. The following facts were c"Ap- established against Mr. Muir at his trial: he had actively ais-v-f„v_/ persed in and about Paisley and Glasgow, Paine's Rights of 17gg Man and other books and pamphlets of a similar tendency ; in lria]g ofj' for conversation expressed his wishes and hopes of changes on the sedition. model of France ; and purchased works hostile to the British constitution, especially Paine, for people too poor to buy them themselves and so ignorant as to be easily impressed by his ex hortations.1 It was farther proved that he was an active and leading member in societies for promoting such doctrines and conduct as Thomas Paine inculcates, and that his rank and situation afforded great weight and influence to his exhorta tions. Mr. Palmer, an unitarian preacher at Dundee, had been no less active in the east than Mr. Muir in the west, and indeed much more violent. He had either composed dr promo ted addresses, which stimulated his votaries to enmity against the house of commons and the existing orders, and declared the highest privilege of man to be universal suffrage ; inveighed against the constituted authorities, their counsels and measures, as> oppressive and tyrannical; called on the people to join in resisting these oppressions, and adjured them by every thing that was dear to them, to combine for the preservation of their perishing liberty and the recovery of their long lost rights. These and other publications similar in inflammatory rhapsody, were dispersed with ardent activity by Mr. Palmer, and by a very strenuous agent, George Mealmaker, weaver." There could be no doubt that such conduct was seditious, and no valid objection could be made to the evidence. The jury were therefore bound to bring in a verdict guilty in each of these cases. In Scotland the sentence in cases of sedition, rests with They are the judges ; and in both these cases the punishment was, that sentenced to they should be transported for the space of fourteen years be- [™,"sporla' yond the seas, to such place as his majesty, with the advice of his privy council, should think proper. Both these gentle men possessed fair and unimpeached moral characters, and were deemed enthusiasts in what they conceived to be right, and not intentionally malignant incendiaries. Though this circumstance did not diminish the mischievous tendency of their conduct, yet lessening their moral guilt, it excited a con siderable degree of compassion for their destiny. The punish- The punish ment, indeed, was by very eminent members of the law of ment is re- Scotland deemed and represented as an assumption of power excessive aS by the court, which was not allowed by the statute enacting and even the penalties consequent on the species of sedition charged in llleSali the indictment. They were tried on an accusation of leasing^ t Such as Thomas Wilson, barber, Ann Fisher, servant maid, and others in equally humble stations. See Muir's Trial. U See Trial of Palmer, at the Autumn Circuit at Perth 1793. x Leasing, a Scotch word, in its general import signifies a lie; k law it is ap plied to the particular species of falsehood described in Ihe text. 462 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, quaking, a term, which in the Scotch law meansstirring up se- ' dition, by spreading false reports between the king and his "^T**' subjects. It was asserted by Mr. Henry Erskine and others " that the punishment annexed by the law of Scotland to this crime, was outlawry ,y and not transportation ; that the judges might sentence the convicts to be exiled from Scotland, but that their judgment could not extend to their conveyance to any other place. Others who were neither disposed nor com petent to such legal disquisition, censured the judges for adopt ing the most rigorous mode that even by their own hypothesis could be chosen. Many, however, deemed the castigation wholesome in example, and beneficial in tendency. Scotch con- In the end of October, 1793, a club of persons entertaining vention for similar extravagant ideas of reform as Messrs. Muir and Palmer, fin™ the 6 ' meeting at Edinburgh, denominated themselyes the Scotch con- constiiution, vention of delegates for obtaining annual parliaments and uni-? c°ns'sts . versal suffrage. This notable assembly consisted chiefly of persons of tradesmen and mechanics, a few farmers, many of lower silua- fow condi- ti0n, and one or two men of abilities and knowledge, who twere !I0D' unfortunately smitten with the revolutionary contagion. Thesg- persons having met, adopted the modes and phraseology of the French convention, accosted each other by the term of arizen, divided themselves into Stttions, granted the honour of sittings f in humble imitation of their model ; and proposed to concert Measures with the innovating clubs, especially the London corresponding society, for the attainment of their object. It is- remarkable that those who sought universal equality of politi cal privileges, claimed this equality as an inherent right, and upon this assumption founded all their theories. Now political power is the inherent right of no individual ; every man has a natural right to . govern himself, but has no nalural right to govern others :z government is the creature of expediency. 1,i\ every society those ought to govern who are most fit for pro-i moting the general good. All men are not equally qualified lor legislation, therefore it is not expedient that all men should have an equal suffrage, either in legislation or in constituting a legislature : the political inequality which these visionary inno vators sought lo reduce, arose from unequal means of advanc ing the general welfare which these levellers professed to pur- Aisperscd sue. On this absurd theory of human rights, without any proof ty the civil of expediency, these agitators proceeded ; but before they had brought their deliberations to a conclusion, they were inter- y The punishments are three, fine, imprisonment or banishment : the question respecting the last was whether it meant merely the exiliurn of the civil law (outlawry), or the deportatio, (transportation). There were very respectable authorities on both sides. z See this doctrine very ably explained by the learned and profound Fergusson's principles of moral and political science, vol. ii. p. 471, on the exercise ol legisla.- 'h-o poT.ver. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 46s iiupted by the civil power," and dispersed. Skirving, Marga- cJf Ap- rot, and Gerald, three of their most active members, were tried for sedition, and received sentence of transportation ; which ^^^ judgment incurred the same censure as the punishment that xhoir lead- was appointed for Muir and Palmer. The conduct of the crs are tried judges who passed the sentence was very much blamed, not ^^"r1^. Only by democrats, but by the constitutional opponents of poriation. government ; and was not completely approved by many others who were well affected to ministers ; but the merits of the judgments afterwards underwent a discussion in par liament. The session opened on the 21st of January, 1794 ; and the 179*. diversities of political opinion continued to resolve themselves Meeting or into three classes, the same in principle as before, though paria,,ner""' somewhat varied in detail, from the course of events1. A few, at the head of whom was Mr. Burke, deemed war against regicides indispensably necessary, until monarchy should be restored. A small, but greater number, reckoned tho war un wise frOm the commencement, and a peace conducive to its professed purposes, to be at present attainable. The season Mr. Fox of important victory, (according to Mr. Fox and others) aHandhissup- wise politicians thought the best opportunity for concluding J?°m"*nj." a peace. The continuance of war, instead of subjugating peace. France, tended to drive her to desperate efforts. bi We had seen in her recent exertions arming her people in mass,' and hurrying them on to the scene of war with unheard of rapidity, the consequences of invading her territories. Continued at- Arguments tempts to trcneh upon her dominions, would only drive her to against an* still more extraordinary efforts. Besides, to what purpose Was ul the continuance of war ; the professed objects of the British government had been attained in the delivery of Holland, and the expulsion of the French from the Netherlands. Unless we proposed to restore monarchy, which ministers said we did not, we were now fighting without an object. A very nu- Mr. Pitt » merous body, at the head of which was Mr. Pitt, maintained reason>ng that the object of the war was and uniformly had been the and theVtn- same ; the security of Britain, and general tranquillity.0 The 'ernai sys- present terrible system of France was totally incompatible with pj^jje,. these objects : in its dreadful nature it could not last. The people,' if properly seconded and supported, would generally revolt against such an oppressive, rapacious, and desolating government. With the present rulers we could not make peace ; but we might expect that their sway would be of short duration: the efforts of the terrible system had far exceeded any reasonable or probable expectation ; but the resources from a On this occasion Mr. Elder, the lord provost, peculiarly distingnished himself. hy his activity, resolution, and prompt decision. b Sec parliamentary debate^, 21st JatmSry, 1791 v IbW. 464 HISTORY OF THE C^AP. which they arose, so'desperateand iniquitous, afforded in them selves the most certain symptoms and indications of the ap- <<^mT^ proaching decay of that fabric with which they were connect- ' ed. The leading feature in the French revolutionary character, (said the minister) is a spirit of military enterprise, exerted not for the purposes of systematic ambition, but every where in its progress spreading terror and desolation. We are called in the present age to witness the political and moral phenomenon of a mighty and civilized peoplee formed into an artificial horde of banditti, throwing off all the restraints which have influenced men in social life, displaying a savage valour direct ed by a sanguinary spirit, forming rapine; and destruction into a system, and perverting into their detestable purposes all the talents and ingenuity which they derived from their advanced stage of civilization, all the refinements of art, and the disco veries of science. We behold them uniting the utmost savage- ness and ferocity of design with consummate contrivance and skill in execution, and seemingly engaged in no less than a conspiracy to exterminate from the face of the earth all honour, humanity, justice, and religion. In this state can there be any .question but to resist, where resistance alone Can bei effectual, till such time, as by the blessing of providence, upon our endeavours, we shall have secured the independence of this country, and the general interests of Europe. All the succeeding parlies which had prevailed from the deposition of the king, however adverse to each other, had agreed in hosti lity to this country : the alternative of war and peace did not at present exist. Before we could relinquish the principles on which the war commenced, proof was necessary, either that the opinions which we had conceived of the views of France were erroneous, that the war was become .'desperate and im practicable, or that, from some improvement in the system and principles of the French, the justice and necessity which prompted us to commence the war, no longer co-operated. i.ord Morn- Lord Mornington spoke on the same side, and displayed very *»•££"? s extensive information and considerable ability. According ta snhiect. ° the representation of his lordship, the French views of ag*- grandizement were unlimited. Their desire of conquest sprang from principles which were subversfve of all regular govern ment. The avowals and exhortations of their most admired writers fully proved their schemes of boundless aggression, and their determined hostility to this country/ But a still surer proof was their conduct, which was uniformly and consistent^ ly hostile to this and every other nation within the reach of its influence. Our cause was originally just ; the whole series of o. Mr. Pitt's speech, 21st January, 1794. Ibid. 1 To support his argument, his lordship quoted many extracts from French writings, ^specially from a pamphlet by Mr. Brissot, which had recently reached ¦Etr£land. and which breathed hostility lo Biitain. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 4(75 events confirmed its justice. But an important point to be cJfj1*p- considered was the probability of success: the recent efforts ^-1^^^ of the French arose from causes that could not long exist ; these 17g4 were the atrocious tyranny of the present government, which embraced men, money, liberty, even if just, were attainable. The efforts, Messrs.' Fox of the French arose from the enthusiasm of conceived liberty and Sheri- anfj patriotism. So devoted (it was said) are the whole peoplp the Xissolu- °f France to the cause which they have espoused, so determined tion of the are they to maintain the struggle in which they have engaged^ confederacy so paramount and domineering is the enthusiastic spirit of liber- umphofthety in their bosoms, so insignificant, comparatively, are all other French, considerations, and finally, so bitter and active is their animo sity against the conspiring powers which surround them, tha^ individual properly has ceased to be regarded even by the pos sessor, but as subsidiary to the public cause ; and the govern ment which had demanded these unprecedented sacrifices,. yet retains its power arid does not appear to have impaired its popu larity.11 France, by the pressure of the allies upon her fron tier, had become a school of military wonder; and if other governments persisted in their design of thus goadhig her to. almost preternatural exertions, we should see a military repub-. lie firmly established in the heart of Europe." Such was the energetic spirit of the French, that we might be sure, with the resources that spirit would call into action, we could never Discussion succeed. In answering the ministerial objection, with whom of the ques- cou]d we treat, vve might negotiate with the existing rulers^ whom shall a"d depend for adherence to pacific engagements neither oh' we treat, the justice or stability of the present set, but on their interest,1 and the interests of their successors, whoever they might be,' and of the whole French nation. Interest and not good faith,' had been our security in our various treaties with the despotic princes of France. The confederacy, in which we endeavour ed to make an impression upon France, composed of heteKH geneous materials pursuing different objects, Mr. Fox strongly and repeatedly predicted, must be soon dissolved. If the' objects of the war had been just and wise, the plans were dis jointed, inconsistent and consequently ineffectual. But minis ters, said Mr. Fox, never defined the object : they vaguely told us we were fighting for security ; but wherein was thai security to consist. In former wars our objects had been defi nite, to prevent the aggrandizement of France,k by the acces sion of one of her princes to the throne of Spain ;> to protect our merchantmen from the search of Spaniards;1" to defend h See Mr. Sheridan's speech on the first day of the session, 1794. Parlia mentary Debates. i See marquis of Lansdown's speech, on his motion for peace k War 1689. IWar 1702. ni War 1739. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 4Cf dar colonies from the encroachments of France :n lo resist the ^j^1*" interference of foreign nations, in disputes' between us and ^^^^, our colonies.0 There the objects, whether right or wrong, ng^ were definite : but Here they were barren generalities, mere abstractions : if, as ministers professed, we .were not warring for the restoration of the Bourbon princes to the throne pf France. From their conduct, however, he was convinced they did propose that restoration which he predicted no foreign force would ever produce. He had spoken, and would always continue to speak against a war which sought no ob ject beneficial to Great Britain ; required exertions that drain ed her resources, and anticipated the products of future indus try. He prophesied that the War with France, like the war Mr. Fox with America, would terminate in disappointment. We were prophesies , rrr . . i i ¦¦ j that the wSl> incurring an enormous expense, in return tor which we had no w-lln prospect of advantage or compensation. Such conduct might France likq be varnished by splendid eloquence, or justified by sophistical '^nw^mc. logic, yet when viewed by common sense and common pru- rica would dence, it was infatuated blindness that was producing conse- terminate in >c the spring tli.it set "urn an engine in motion, the dangerous operation v. a« the fame .-. hen it w t>- actually moved. REIGN OF GEORGE in. 473 only at that time, but in their habitual conduct, manifested CJ{AP- themselves inimical to'the British constitution, as far as- their enmity could operate ; hostile lo kingly government of all kinds, .... and desirous of establishing a Jacobinical democracy. Among these, one of the most noted was John Thelwal, destined' to the same kind of perpetual remembrance which has followed John Ball, Wat Tyler, Jack Cade, and Kett, the tanner, those cele brated votaries of radical reform in their days. This John Lectures of Thelwal, besides his joint efforts with others of the correspond- John Th.6'" ing societies, was singly and separately instrumental to the pur- m* Bruish poses of sedition by a kind of periodical disclamations, which he constitution styled political lectures. These lectures were chiefly comments and kingly on Tom Paine's works and similar performances, with abuse of meai. the present constitution and government, more direct and point* ed to its specific measures than even the efforts of Paine him self. - Witn the most scurrilous invectives against establishments, which he called usurpation, his harangues mingled vehement exhortations1 to revolution, or as he phrased it, to resume the rights of nature." Government observed the open proceedings of those societies and individuals, and suspected the secret ma chinations of the ringleaders: todiscovcr thetruth they adopted the policy which is necessary in apprehended plots ;b and em ployed despicable instruments that are easily to be found in all great cities, ns spies that wero to attend tho conventicles- of se dition, and to become members of the societies, in order to be tray the secrets with which they might be intrusted. Iuconse- Leadens quenceof discoveries which were obtained through these and wrested, other channels,' ministers ordered Hardy and Adams to be ar-antl'ne"' 1/ ij ft firs rested, and their papers to be seized; and immediately after seized. Thelwal, f ioveit a hair dresser, Martin an attorney, and two or throt! others, to be apprehended. In a few days the arresta- tiows extended to men of higher rank and regulation : Mr. Joyce, a respectable clergyman, chaplain to lord Stanhope ; Mr. Kydd, a barrister of talents nnd fast rising character; the eminent and celebrated Mr. Home Tooke, were among the numbers of the confined. The papers being examined, it was found that the two societies had concerted a project for assem bling, by their joint infiueiice, a national convention. This de- ™ r ° . J 1 . . ¦ 1 , 1 ,. f 1 1 'an ol a sign, in combination with the many other proceedings of the national conventiondiscovered 7 Sec rhelwal'a Tribune, passim. a Sec Rights 6f Nature, in opposition toby minis- Ihe usurpation of establishment, by the same, pnsBim. b The anti-ministerial 'crs. writings of the limes severely inveighed ugainst government for employing wretch es so very destitute of honour, and thence inferred lo he so unworthy of be lief. But the best and WMsest alatesmnn, in investigating secret and associated vil» luny, must often make use of worthless instruments. ' As well might Cicero bo blnmcil for employing the prostitute l<'ulvid in eliciting information respecting a conspiracy whi«h he deemed dangerous to Rome, as ministers for employing such fellows as Goslin, Lynham, Taylor, und Groves, lo elicit information concerning u conspiracy which Uiey conceived dangerous to Britain, vox*, u. ' CO 474 HISTORY OF THE CT*mP' soc'eries> was construed by ministers to be a conspiracy against the constitution ; and consequently (they inferred), a conspira- . cy against the king, amounting to high treason. His majesty sent messages to both houses, announcing the discoveries which had been made, and referring to their consideration the volu minous papers that had been seized. The ministers proposed a secret committee for the inspection of these documents. Mr. Fox reprobated the projected secrecy as unconstitutional and unnecessary, tending to promote that system of misery and de lusion with which he had often charged the measures of ad ministration. Whatever (he said) the criminality is, drag it openly to ligl#: besides, by a resolution of the house, the sei zure of papers has been declared to be illegal, unless treason be charged in the warrant, which authorizes such seizure. Minis ters replied, that treason was charged in the warrant ; that the seizure, therefore, was not illegal; that not only prudent policy directed, but the most imperious necessity dictated, secrecy in their inquisitorial proceedings, as the very existence of parlia- Committees ment and the constitution was at stake. On the 12th of March, of both at the instance of ministers, secret committees were nomina- Mimedtr ted! and on lhe l6,D; the first report being read to the corn- examine the mons, Mr. Pitt stated at great length his view of its contents. papers. jje traced the history and proceedings of the societies for the the'commit- 'ast two years: they had adopted, he said, the monstrous doc- tees, trinesof the Rights of Man, which seduced the weak and igno- **r- f ¦'.' rant to overturn government, law, property, security, and whafe- viewof the ever was valuable ; which had destroyed whatever was valua- substance. ble in France, and endangered the safety, if not the existence, of every nation in Europe. The object of all these societies was the practical inculcation of such doctrines. A correspond ence prior to the enormities of France had subsisted between these societies and the French jacobin clubs. When the jaco bin faction, which usurped the government, had commenced hostilities against Great Britain, these societies as far as they could, had pursued the same conduct, expressed the same at tachment to their cause, adopted their appellations, and formed the design of disseminating the same principles. Their opera tions were chiefly directed to manufacturing towns. "They con sidered the convention at Edinburgh as the representatives of the people, asserted the innocence of those members who fell under the sentence of the law, and declared they could only look for reform in such a convention. But the chief attention of the house was required in considering a society, though composed of the meanest and most despicable of the people, who acted upon the worst jacobin principles, and. had within it the means of the most unbounded extension and rapid increase. This society, comprehending thirty divisions in London, was connected by a systematic correspondence with other societies scattered through the manufacturing towns. It had arrived at such a pitch of audacity as to declare its competence to watcb. REIGN OF GEORGE 111. 4? 5 over the progress of legislation: to investigate its principles; c^^f to prescribe limits for itsactions, beyond which if it presumed to advance, an end was to be put to the existence of parliament itself. Recently this corresponding society had laid before the constitutional society a plan for assembling a convention for all England. The evident object of the proposed meeting, in Mr. Pitt's opinion, was to exercise legislative and judicial capaci ties, to overturn the established system of government, and wrest from the parliament tbe power which the constitution has lodged in their hands. This plan was to be speedily carried into execution, and a centrical spote was chosen, to facilitate the meeting of their delegates. An assembly had been held on the 14th of April, and resolutions were passed which arraigned every branch of the government : threatened the sovereign, in sulted the house of peers, and accused the commons of insuffi ciency. Declarations were uttered, that if certain measures were pursued, whether with or without the consent of parlia ment, they should be rescinded; and that the constitution was utterly destroyed.*1 The proofs of these allegations were their own records ; and it farther appeared from the report, that arms had been actually procured and distributed by the societies.; and that, so far from breaking up this jacobin army, they had shown themselves immoveably bent on their pursuit, and dis played preparations of defiance and resistance to government. From all these facts Mr. Pitt inferred j there was a very danger ous conspiracy, which it became them, by seasonable interfer ence, to prevent from being carried into execution." In times of apprehended rebellion it had been usual to enact a tempora ry suspension of the habeas corpus law : that act had been sus pended when the constitution and liberty of the country were most guarded and respected : and such a suspension was more particularly called lor at this crisis, when attempts were made to disseminate principles dangerous to that constitution for the preservation of which the law had been made : Mr. Pitt, Mr. Pitt therefore, proposed a bill, •' empowering his majesty to secure proposes a •^and detain all persons suspected of designs against his crown ^|J1^d^si a and goverument."' Mr. Fox expressed his astonishment that pected per- the committee should solemnly call the attention of the house to sans y**- facts so long notorious : the persons in question had for two JJ^ the"2 years openly and publicly avowed the acts now asserted to benefit of amount to a treasonable plot. If this was a conspiracy, it was thehabeas the most garrulous conspiracy that was ever recorded in history. MrTfws Plots for overturning government had been published for two new of tbe years in the daily newspapers : the real transactions reported ^JJ^^°LCV by tbe committee were chiefly repetitions of stale advertise- ^^^- ' wents. What was the real amount, taken apart from the com ments of 3 It. Pitt's eloquence? Societies had been constituted *c Sheffield. d Ke;»i%of the secret csmnauee of the house of cwnnjocs c«iremiog tbe. s *6r ; vr; sm*-.1 ?s . * Pa-Ss^jentary Debaies. May l&h, 1794. 476 HISTORY. OF THE ' LIHP 'ft"" the purposes of parliamentary reform; these had ¦cornsv ^r^s^, sponded together; and they had corresponded with 'France 1784 when at peace with this country. To effect thejpurposes of ¦parliamentary reform, a convention had been held ia Edin burgh : all these facts were notorious and stale~; a convention was proposed for the purposes-of reform in England; and this was the only new information. The project was in itself con temptible and ridiculous, and could not really alarm the minis ter, or any man in his senses. The remaindererate. The emigrant corps, he hoped, assisting the La Vendeans, if powerfully and comprehensively supported by this country, would pave the way for a counter revolution. Messrs. Fox and Sheridan, with some others, op posed the bill : they alleged that it tended to render the war more ferocious, which must always be the consequence of arming citizewagainst citizen; raised a force that was totally inefficacious, and that would certainly be overpowered ; em ployed the votaries of the old government against the new go vernment; and thus, contrary to the professions of ministerSj really interfered in the internal affairs of France. They far ther represented the measure as inconsistent with humanity towards the emigrants themselves. The French government had declared that no quarter should be given to Frenchmen caught in arms against the republic. In its immediate opera tion it must encourage the most cruel retaliation and ferocious vengeance; in its ultimate result, from the immense force of the present government, it would expose the emigrants to the most dreadful butchery. On these grounds they opposed the bill; but their objections were overruled : it passed through; both houses with very great majorities, and was enacted into a law. Apprehen- In the course of the session a message from the king an ions of an nounce(j the avowed intentions of the enemy to invade this invasion. , . . ,. . ... . J -, it- kingdom. A great augmentation of the militia, and an addition; of volunteer fencible corps were accordingly voted : a letter from the secretary of slale to the lord-lieutenants of coun- Voluntary ties, solicited voluntary subscriptions to levy troops. The conmbu- solicitation was represented, by members of opposition, as an ,4;,: attempt to raise money without consent of parliament. Ife troops. was contended by ministers, that voluntary contributions of the subject for the purpose of asjislinrr levies, when the\ re ceived the sanction of parliament were perfectly legal, and consonant to precedent and practice ; and quoted the contribu tions and levies during the rebellion in 17 ao ; in the beginning of the seven years war; and in the American war, after thecap- ttrre of Burgoyne, The supplies for I lie present year w-re very great and expensive: eighty-five thousand seamen, and a' hundred and seventy-five thousand landsmen were vnied. Supplier Besides the usual ways and means, there was a loan of eleven and taxes. m;jj;ons . new taxes on British and foreign spirits, bricks -md tiles, slate, crown and plate glass, rv-< with little -opposition : duties on paper and on attorneys w^re represented as oppres-' sive, but on the whole it was allowed, that the imposts of Mr. Pitt, affecting the rich or middling classes, displayed nnam-ial ability and discrimination. Various subsidies were voted to. REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 479 ilueiga princes, and justified on the ground of contributing to tlll*l>- the great purposes of the war. But the most important of these was the subsidy to the king of Prussia. On the 20th ^^^^ of April his majesty sent to the house of commons a copy of Subsidies a treaty concluded by him with the states-general and the king to foreign of Prussia, for the purpose of more effectually carrying on the P0^^" war. By the stipulations with Frederick William, Britain 0f Prussia. had agreed to pay him 50,000/. a month ; 100,COOZ. a month for forage; in all, for the remaining nine months of the present year, thirteen hundred and fifty thousand pounds : the whole year would amount to t,80O,O00Z., out of which the states-ge neral were to pay 400,0002. Embarked (said Mr. Pitt) as we were in war so just and necessary, it was material for us to possess the aid of so powerful a force. The king of Prussia was certainly a principal in the war, but unable to carry it on without pecuniary assistance ; and his force, for which we were engaged to pay, was to be employed for our advantage, and the conquests to be made in the name of the maritime states. The astonishing exertions of France rendered efforts on our part additionally necessary ; and the object of the war being so important, it would be the most preposterous folly to slacken our exertions in order to spare expense.' Opposition reprobated this policy as the height of profusion, and contend ed, first, that from the efforts of the king of Prussia, no bene fit could accrue to this country which would compensate the cost ; secondly, that we had no security that when the money was contributed he would perform the engagements which he incurred. The king of Prussia had originally begun the war : this very beginning of his, whether through the French ag gression or his own, had ultimately involved us in the contest. Now, the king of Prussia having engaged other powers in the -quarrel, desired to withdraw himself, and must be bribed to persevere in a war, which, but for himself, would have never been begurkb His conduct contained such a mixture of perfidy, fraud, and meanness, as was unparalleled in all modern political history. No man of the least prudence could repose auy confidence in one by whom he had been deceived, yet were the people of this country to pay to such a person one million three hundred and fifty thousand pounds the return for which was to depend upon his own honour : let us not trust a prince whose good faith we had so much reason to doubt. But if the king of Prussia was to be considered merely as a hirer of troops, why were the soldiers which we paid to be commanded by himself? The direction of mercenaries should belong to the power which purchased their service. These arguments produced little, effect : a great majority of the house conceiving the proposed subsidy to the king of Prus» sia to be conducive to the purposes of the war, the advan- - i Parliamentary Debates, 29th April, 17S -t. k Dial. 480 HISTORY OF THE •cJ|jjF' tage-and honour of this country, agreed to the motion whici was proposed by ministers. While the British government adopted such measures as it' thought most Irkehy to strengthen our means of carrying on the war, it also endeavoured to impair the resources of the enemy. As the public funds of Britain afforded the most un questionable security to the proprietors of money : there very French sub- large sums belonging to French subjects were vested. Agree- being ™m_ ably to their general principles of converting private property ed by the to the use of the revolutionary government, the French rulers French ru- na(j turned their attention to this subject. They had formed a resolution, directing the use of every possible expedient to ascertain the property of French subjects in foreign funds, in order that it might be delivered up lo the state and become public property ; and that when the transfer was made, it- should be paid for in assignats estimated at par; Mr. Pitt dis cerned the object of this scheme, and proposed means to pre vent its operation. The purpose, he saw, was to supply the resources for carrying on the war by plundering individuals of their property deposited in foreign countries, as they had before grasped the property in their own country. A general principle of our laws (he observed) was, that the payment of any debt owing to an alien enemy may be suspended during the war ; and the king, if he thought fit, might attach it as be- longingtoan alien enemy: to continue, however, the benefits oi mercantile intercourse which were for the advantageof individu als, without trenching on public safety, the milder practice of modern times long suffered the rigour of this law to relax. In the present case Mr. Pitt proposed to secure the individuals by withholding their property from the grasp of the revolutiona ry rulers; and thus, whilst private advantage was promoted, resources sought by the enemy would be arrested. For this purpose he proposed a bill to prevent the application to the use of the present government of France, of all monies and effects in the hands of his majesty's subjects, the property of individuals of that country ; and for preserving such money and effects lo the use of its owners. The bill with very little opposition, passing into a law, answered the double purpose of securing their properly to individuals, and detaining from the- enemy means of carrying on the war. Repeated motions made in both houses for the restoration of peace, necessarily reiterated the arguments which were before adduced; and indeed, the purposes of the propositions on that subject appear to have been chiefly to procure from ministers- some declaration, or at least admission, of the specific objects for which the war was continued ;' at least to induce them expressly to disavow every intention of co-operation with the continental powers to dictate her internal government to* ! Sea Resolutions moved by the duke of Bedford and Mr. Fox, May 30lh. REIGN OF GfcORGE Hi. 48! France : they farther aimed at persuading the houses to disap- ^^.j*1* prove the conduct of the allies, especially of Prussia. Besides these indirect attempts, a direct effort was made to expose as _„. impolitic the principle, system, and series of our foreign trea ties. Mr. Whitbread, on the 6th of March, proposed an ad dress to his majesty, expressing the concern of the commons that the king had entered into engagements totally incompati ble with the avowed purposes of the present war; that he had made a common cause with powers, whose objects, though undefined, really appeared to be the restitution of monarchy ; and earnestly praying his majesty as far as was consistent with the national faith, to extricate himself from such engage ments as might impede the conclusion of a separate peace. Next to the subsidiary treaty with the king of Prussia, a treaty Treaty with with the king of Sardinia, by which we engaged to continue j*«j J^S <* the wm- till Savoy was restored, incurred the strongest and 1B' most explicit censure. Britain had stipulated a subsidy of two hundred thousand pounds a year, to assist the king of Sardinia in his efforts to defend his owu dominions. Mr. Whit bread and others maintained, that the advantage which Bri tain could derive from such exertions was by no means ade quate to the expense to be incurred ; and that the integrity of the ting of Sardinia's dominions was not in the smallest de gree, necessary to the secirity op Britain ; for which, ac cording to ministers, we were engaged in the contest. Minis ters eiideavoured to prove that the whole system and series of treaties subsidiary as well as others, were means necessary to promote the grand ends of the war. The address was negatived by the usual very great majority : and a similar motion on the same subject experienced in the house of lords the same fate. Having in vain endeavoured to procure the termination of Proposition the war, and the dissolution of alliances deemed by govern- ofaninqui- ment and the majority in parliament, essentially conducive to \%Jfa!t and its purposes, opposition proposed to inquire how far, in the success of late campaign, its objects had been attained, and what the Ule las^ probabihty ol success was from perseverance in the contest. Major Maitland, after a detailed review of the measures and events of the last campaign, and an estimate of the result, contended that the attainments of the French had been great er than their losses. They fiad been forced to evacuate Bel gium, but they had suppressed the revolt of La Vendee, a much more important event, since all their dangers arose from internal disturbance. The strength of the allies had been declining ever since the siege of Valenciennes. The empress of Russia made protestations, but took no active share in hosti lities; and the king of Prussia was manifestly meditating a secession. The military plans lately adopted by the allies deserved severe animadversion. While their armies were united, their efforts had been crowned with success r the YOfa m. tfl 482- HISTORY OF THE CriiV' seParatioa °f ^e forces he imputed to the influence of the British cabinet, as Britain alone was to be benefited by ^^7*"" the capture of Dunkirk. If the attempt upon that fortress by a detached force was expedient, the sole hope of success must arise from promptitude of execution, and the complete ness of preparations ; but neither of these attended the attack upon Dunkirk : four weeks elapsed from the taking of Va lenciennes before the siege of Dunkirk was undertaken. Nei ther artillery nor gun-boats were ready in proper time for covering the operation. To the master-general of the ord nance, and to ministry, the failure of that enterprise must be attributed. The evacuation of Toulon was still more severely reprobated : why were not other troops sent to preserve the conquest of Toulon ? or why, when it was found untenable, was not an evacuation at once determined upon, and the fleet brought away to save the unhappy inhabitants from the fury of those whom they had mortally offended ? On these grounds major Maitland " moved a committee to inquire into the caus- " es which led to the failure of the army under the duke of " York at Dunkirk ; and to inquire into the causes which led " to the evacuation of Toulon under general Dundas and lord " Hood." It was replied, that Dunkirk would have been to Britain a very important acquisition ; that it had every proba ble appearance of practicability ; that the attempt was there fore wise : that its failure arose from the enormous efforts of the French, which could not have been foreseen or expected* From the same cause proceeded the evacuation of Toulon : those who censured us for leaving that place ought to recollect^ that we had there given such an effectual blow to the French navy, that ages would elapse before they would be able to recover their losses as a maritime power. On a general re view of the events of the campaign, great glory was due to the British councils and arms. These arguments appearing to the majority valid, the proposed motion was negatived. About the same time a proposition was offered to the house of commons respecting sinecure places and pensions. Since a war was deemed necessary that called for all our resources, it was prudent and expedient to retrench every unnecessary Proposition expense : for this reason Mr. Harrison proposed a bill to places' and" aPP'v c^ain parts of salaries and pensions to the use of the pensions, public during the continuance of the war ; and also to appro priate part of the emoluments of efficient places, so that they Arguments should not amount to more than a specific sum. This motion was Burke severely reprobated by Mr. Burke, as similar to the proceed- against the ings which had occasioned the ruin of France. It was the proposition, peculiar province of the crown to measure and distribute the portion of rewards according to the merits of. its servants ; and 'he was astonished the house should be called upon to interfere in a matter not within the scope of their ordiuary functions. Mr. Sheridan attacked this doctrine as totally un- REIGN OF GEORGE III. 483 constitutional : did the crown possess the sole right of judging C^jjP' what rewards were to be bestowed upon the public servants ? v_-^v^x_, If it did, he would ask who was obliged to pay those rewards ? im The money belonged to the public : the commons were the servants of the people ; and as the people contributed, they had a right to expect and demand that the contributions should be applied for their good. Entering into a detail upon this general principle he gave a particular account of the emoluments enjoyed by certain individuals, which he appeared to think far surpassing their services ; and that it was but fair they should contribute part of the surplus towards the public exigencies caused by a war which they warmly supported. The opposite party replied, that the pension list and sinecure places, during the administration of Mr. Pitt, had been very greatly reduced, besides that it would be extremely unjust to subject one body of men to an exclusive tax : On these grounds Mr. Harrison's motion was rejected. Mr. Dundas, as president of the board of control, presented his annual statement of the finances of India ; the result of which was, that notwithstanding the late war with Tippoo, and the stagnation of commerce at home until measures were adopted for the support of mercantile credit, the affairs of the company were in a prosperous situation, and he augured great and rapid increase of their prosperity. The slave trade was this session again resumed by Mr. Wil berforce 5 whose efforts, however, for the present were limited to one branch of that traffic. He proposed to abolish that part of the trade which supplied foreign territories with slaves. The supporters of the slave trade rested their cause, on the ground of its being necessary to the well being of our West Indian possessions, which could not otherwise be suppli ed with labourers. They who were sincere in this objection to the abolition must warmly defend the present motion : for, instead of abridging that supply it tended to increase it, and to prevent us from raising the colonies of foreigners into a com petition with our own. A bill for the purpose being introduced by Mr.' Wilberforce, passed the commons, but was rejected by the peers. These were the chief subjects which occupied the attention The session of the house during this very important session, which wascloses- closed by a speech from the throne on the 1 1th of July. Before the narrative proceeds to the campaign of 1794, it is Internal necessary to take a short view of the internal affairs of France, proceedings which had a powerful influence on military transactions. We jacobl^ fee- left the jacobin faction triumphant by the downfall of the Gi- tion and Ro- rondines; Robespierre paramount by his command over theb€S')ierie ., populace; the system of terror completely established, andpa" producing the most direful effects within the country, but the most gigantic efforts against the enemies, of its revolutionary system. The government' of France was now become a go vernment of blood, tp be sustained by the terrors of the guilk>- 484. HISTORY OF THE- c?ifIP' tine. This fell engine was employed to remove the obnoxious, . -^^L*0- crush the suspected, and to destroy the unsuccessful. Mis* ,-g. fortune, though totally blameless, was consummated on the scaffold : thence Custine, a general of great ability and enter prise, was recalled from the northern army after the surrender of Valenciennes, and instantly committed to the prison of theAbbey. He was accused before the revolutionary tribunal of having main tained a traitorous correspondence with the Prussians while he commanded on the Rhine ; and of having neglected various opportunities of throwing re-enforcements into Valenciennes. No evidence was adduced to prove the allegations ; but proof was not necessary to sanguinary despotism : he speedily suffer ed death. Situation of The execution of Custine was soon followed by the trial of the queen. ^ne unfortunate queen. This awful instance of the instability. of human grandeur, after the murder of her ill fated husband, had been separated from her family in the Temple. On the first of August 1793, she was suddenly, and in the most cruel and insulting manner, removed to the Conciergerie, a prison destined for the reception of the vilest malefactors. In the midst of a nation recently so distinguished for loyalty, every effort of invention was employed in the most wanton and bar barous insults to the consort of their lately adored sovereign. In a metropolis, within a few years the centre of refinement, and devoted attention to the sex, the most brutal and savage ingenuity was exerted in oppression, insolence, and tyranny, to a poor, helpless, and forlorn woman. The cell in which she was immured was only eight feet square ; her bed was a hard mattress of straw, and her food of the meanest kind ; while she was never suffered to enjoy the privilege of being alone, two soldiers being appointed to watch her night and Iniiiuiious day, without the intermission of a moment.' Confined in this trial & con- loathsome dungeon, in such circumstances of aggravated bru- demnation. ^ on the 15th of October, she was brought before the re volutionary tribunal. The charges adduced against her were, that she had contributed to the derangement of the national finances, by remitting, from time to time, considerable sums to her brother the emperor Joseph : since the revolution continued to hold a criminal correspondence with foreign powers : at tempted a counter revolution, particularly by applying to the officers at Versailles in October 1789; and at the same time, through the agency of certain monopolists, had created an ar tificial famine. According to her accusers she was the princi pal agent and promoter of the flight of the royal family in June 1791 : induced the king to refuse his sanction to the decrees concerning the emigrants and refractory priests : in conjunction with a scandalous faction (the Gironde), persuaded the king and the assembly to declare war against Austria, contrary to 1 See Olridge'e Annual Register, 1793, p. S76. 1791 REIGN OF GEORGE III. 48S every principle of sound policy and the public welfare : war c^p- being commenced, she had conveyed intelligence to the enemy, and was the cause of the massacre of the 10th of August. To these allegations, some of which were totally indifferent, whe ther true or false, and the rest supported by no proof, one was added for a consummation to the rest, as physically incredible, as morally infamous : it was affirmed by these brutes, in con ception as well as in conduct, that she had an incestuous com merce with her own son, a child of eight years old.m The queen considered accusation by blood-thirsty despots as syno nymous with condemnation : though she disregarded such ac cusers, yet out of justice to herself, her origin, her family, and her fame, she exerted her abilities in rebutting charges so hor rid and flagitious. With the dignity of an elevated mind, attacked by the scorn and iniquity of the unworthy, she an swered serenely and calmly to all their asseverations. Retain ing, in this dreadful situation, that full possession of faculties which magnanimity secures to unmerited suffering, she, though totally ignorant of the allegations that were to be made, de monstrated their futility, and confuted the assertions of her enemies. Respecting the charge of incest, she appealed to those who were themselves mothers for the possibility of the crime. Though her defence completely overturned the evi dence for the prosecution, it was, as she well knew it would be, totally unavailing : she was pronounced guilty of all the charges, and doomed to die the following day. <¦ The queen heard with resignation a sentence which announ ced her speedy release from a situation of such accumulated misery. She had one consolation to which the diabolical ma lignity of her murderers could not reach : she was a christian : she believed in a future state ; and therein she looked for hap piness which no revolutionary tribunal could disturb, no athe istical assassins could destroy. Before she was reconducted to her dungeon, it was four in the morning ; and twelve the en suing day was the hour fixed for her decapitation. She was not allowed a clergyman of her own choice, but provided with a constitutional priest. At half past eleven the queen was brought out of prison, and, like the lowest malefactor, was conducted in a common cart to the place of execution. Her hair was entirely cut off from the back of her head, which was covered with a small white cap ; she wore a white undress ; her hands were tied behind her; and she sat with her back to the horses. They who had seen her in the zenith of magnifi cence and splendour, could not but contrast her former with her present condition : those who had admired her exquisite beauty, could not but observe the premature depredations of sorrow on a face so fair: but if the changes impaired the gloss of her juvenile charms, they, together with their causes, to m Otridge's Annual Register, 1793, p. 27G. 48d HISTORY OF THE ^J^P. feeling spectators (and all Frenchmen were not brutes) render- ._^_^ ed her faded countenance more interesting and impressive. She ,7g, camly conversed with her priest, exhibiting neither ostentatious indifference nor overwhelming anguish, but resigned submis sion. Casting her eyes to the Thuilleries. one scene of her former greatness, which called up so many tender associations and melancholy ideas, she indicated a sorrowful emotion ; but repelling this last intrusion of worldly recollection, she turned Execution, to the instrument of death. At half past twelve the guillotine severed her head from her body ; which the executioner exhi bited, all streaming with blood, from the four corners of the scaffold, to an inveterate and insatiable multitude. The body of the murdered queen was immediately conveyed to a grave filled with quick lime, in the church-yard called De la Made- laine, where the remains of Louis XVI. had been interred with the same privation of pious regard or decent ceremo nial. Brissot and The murder of the queen was soon followed by the death. of the other (j,e accused deputies. The trial of these persons was deferred toners put'from time to time, till the complete overthrow of their adherents 10 death, should give security to their prosecutors. They were charged with having conspired against the unity and indivisibility of the republic, by exciting a rebellion in the departments of the south, and in Calvados. One article of the charges respect ing foreign politics was, they were accused of having Caused war to be declared, first against Austria, and afterwards against England and Holland. Thus arraigned, at the in stance of the ruling party, they were all doomed to death > many others experienced a similar destiny, either undeservedly Orleans or illegally. The detestable and contemptible Orleans suffered' •iiares the the same fate which, at his instigation, had overwhelmed so same fate. many 0tbers. A decree had been passed under the present rulers for removing the Bourbon family to Marseilles; and Or leans, who had latterly assumed the silly and fantastical name of Philip Egalite, was included in its operation. From Mar seilles he was brought to Paris, on a charge of having aspired at the sovereignty from the commencement of the revolution. As this was an accusation which could scarcely admit of any evidence but conjectural, it was not substantiated so far as to justify the sentence of death to which he was doomed. Orleans experienced in his own person the tyrannic cruelty of the revol utionary system which he had been so ardent to promote ; and however deserving he might be of capital punishment, he, ac cording to the most probable accounts, suffered iUegdtiyi'c Pro fligate and despicable as the character of this man had been, his sentence excited neither horror nor commiseration in any party ; the last period of his life, however, appeared to indi cate sentiments less disgraceful than those which had manifest ed themselves in the invariable tenour of his former conduct. On the 6th of November he was conveyed to the place of hja REIGN OF GEORGE III. 487 execution, amidst the insults and reproaches of the populace ; c^f * and met death with a magnanimity less befitting the associate y^r^JSt_y and tool of Robespierre and Marat than the descendant of 1794> Henry. Two days after the ignominious catastrophe of Orle ans, the lovely and accomplished madame Roland was brought to the scaffold. To the distinguished talents, varied and ex tensive knowledge of this celebrated lady, her domestic virtues were not inferior. Her husband, hated by Robespierre on ac count of his attachment to the Gironde party, was included in the proscription that followed the decree of the 3d of May : ho accordingly quitted Paris, but his wife was apprehended and committed to prison. She was al length brought to trial, and the empty charge of a conspiracy was followed by a sentence of death. At the place of execution she maintained that firm undaunted spirit which had hitherto supported her ; and bow ing down before the statue of liberty, she exclaimed, " 0 li- u oerty, how many crimes are committed in thy name." To take away property, liberty, and life, to inflict anguish Dreadful and torment ; to produce to human beings physical evil, did fete of not satiate the inventive malignity of this extraordinary tyranny. unjJJrRe- Robespierre and his band, more comprehensive and more tho- bcspicm- roughly diabolical, ardently, studiously, and systematically sought the increase of moral depravation. Projects for dis seminating misery could not, they well knew, be so completely successful as by establishing the domination of sin. Sin could never attain so extensive an empire as by the total subjugation of religion ; therefore to annihilate piety, with all its external forms and assistances, was one great object of Robespierre's devices. To effect this purpose, one means was to destroy the reverence for all the institutions which are deduced from the scriptures, and tend so powerfully to cherish sentiments of religion. Of these, none had been found more effectual than the exclusive devotion of one day in the week to the social worship of God ; and the appointment of certain stated periods for specific commemorations. The calendar, in all christian countries, taking its first origin from the birth of our Saviour, and enumerating the years by an event the most momentous to the christian world, had regulated the divisions of the year by epochs in the history of our Saviour's mission upon earth, or some other seasons connected with scripture narratives ; and had intermingled religious associations with the several pro gressions of the seasons. Of these, the observance of the sab bath recurring most frequently is the most extensively beneficial, The government of Robespierre projected the abolition of these institutions, and actually effected a new calendar which de stroyed all reference to christian history and precepts, com menced theajra from the downfall of monarchy, annihilated all terms connected with christian history and establishments,. abolished tbe sabbath ; and instead of the seventh day, enjoined by the commandment of God to be kept holy, they appointed 488 HISTORY OF THE ^j^P. tne tentn aS a peri0f3 0f mere cjvii respite, to the total exclusion of all religious exercise. Having thus renounced Christianity, 17q. their new calendar partly adopted the phraseology and ar rangement of pagans, denominated every space of four years an Olympiad, in imitation of the Greeks, and the extraordinary day of every fourth year an intercalary, in imitation of the Ro mans.0 This innovation therefore, under the government of Robespierre and his agents, tended strongly to promote that impiety which the tribuniti&n government was so eager to establish. Robespierre and his junto had often declared their disbelief of the christian religion, and even denied the existence of a supreme being ; but they had not yet produced a formal and public renunciation of the God and Saviour of the world. An act so horrible remained for the legislature of a most eh- The revo- lightened nation, near the close of the eighteenth century. On shopTabulre tne ^tn °^ November, in the frenzy of impiety, the republican the name of bishop of Paris, and his grand vicars, entered the hall of the Christ, convention along with the constituted authorities, abjured the name of Christ, renounced the office of christian priests, their appointments as christian pastors, and their characters as chris tian men. Now they would own no temple but the sanctuary of the law, no divinity but liberty, no object of worship but their country, no gospel but the constitution. This abjuration was received by the convention with the most rapturous ap plause. A number of allegorical deities, liberty, equality, in divisibility, and many others, were consecrated as objects .of worship. .To promote this system of paganism, agents were despatched to all the departments to complete the change. In many parts the abjuration of religion, through the efforts of the clergy, was very warmly received, while its various commenta tors added to the impiety, according to the measure of their invention. One of the most zealous votaries of impiety was the republican bishop of Moulins. Trampling on the cross and the mitre, he assumed the pike and cap of liberty, and preached the doctrine big with horror to reflecting men, but and a future full 0f encouragement to diabolic natures, " that death is an " eternal sleep." A common prostitute was placed on the altar of the cathedral church of Paris, to receive adoration, as a substitute for Jesus Christ. The convention combined intole rance wilh atheism and blasphemy, and passed a decree order- Thechurch- ing the churches to be shut. Many of the priests who still es are shut, attempted to officiate at their altars according to the rites of Christianity, were thrown into dungeons. Renunciation of religion, as its abettors foresaw, promoted the most enormous crimes. The populace, who in consequence of these proceed- o They .divided the year into twelve months consisting each of thirty days, anu distinguished by names expressive of their usual produce, temperature or ap pearance ; while to complete the y«ar, five supplementary days nro added, and denominated sans culotides. REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 489 ings reckoned themselves authorized to plunder every place- of *^j^p> worship, public and private, divided with the convention large ^^^_^ heaps of shrines, figures, and vessels, hitherto used in the offi- ces of religion, while commissioners from the convention aided the sacrilegious pillage. The revolutionary frenzy had not totally overwhelmed every principle and sentiment of natural and revealed religion. The decree for shutting up the church es was received with so general horror and detestation, that the government found it necessary immediately to reverse it, and again to admit religious worship. Robespierre, though most active in enmity to religion, yet eagerly desirous to pre serve and increase his popularity, promoted the restoration of divine service. By the influence which he established among . the populace, he was able to acquire an ascendency over his associates. Of these, one of the ablest was Danton : this revo- Fall of lutionist, much superior to Robespierre in the talents and ac-Danlon- complishments which would have commanded attention in the Roman or British senate, did not equal him in the arts which conciliate an ignorant rabble. Conscious of his own- powers, he intended Robespierre for a tool : and was active in over turning the Brissotines, in order to elevate himself; but at length fell like many of his revolutionary predecessors, by the instruments of his exaltation. So contrary to the interest of an able man it is lo aggrandize a rabble that would level all dis tinctions. The Parisian populace loved and revered Robes- The Parir- pierre, because in manners, appearance, and passions, he was ad"^lR^ce one of themselves. His ruling affection was envy,P a desire of bespierre. reducing all others to the level of his own meanness. This H'8 real sentiment, together with fear, the natural passion of a despot 'cXl"^™-. without high talents, and greatness of mind, chiefly prompted all the enormities of this monster. He both hated and fearedi the aristocracy of genius, as a superiority over himself, and the means of effecting his downfall. But his tyranny, dreadful as it was to France, by its very terrors produced most gigantic efforts against its enemies. p See Adolphus's Memoirs of Robespierre. q Domitian w as the most timid of men ; tl.e fearlessness of Julius Caesar, ok the eontrary, hastened his assassination. VOL. If. tii 49« HISTORY OF THE CHAP. LIV Jealousy among the allies. — The emperor tries to raise his subjects in mass — is opposed by the king of Prussia. — Plan of the campaign. — Respective force of the belligerent powers. — The emperor joins the allied armies. — Energy of the revolutionary leaders in France. — Rebellion is quelled in La Vendee. — The confederates take the field.— Siege of Landreci. — Conflicts between (he allies and the republicans. — Battle of the 24th of April between the duke of York and the republicans. — Our prince and countrymen are victorious. — Landreci is taken. — Testimony of the convention to the heroism of the English. — Pichegm — his new plan of warfare — well suited to the state of his army .-r— System of incessant attack. — Co-operating line of French armies from the German Rhine to the sea — The French wisely avoid a close engagement with the British.— Separation of the confederates.' — Jourdain advances with an army in mass. — The prince of Cobourg attempts to oppose him without the assistance of the duke of York — receives a signal defeat at Fleurus, which decides the fate of llie campaign. — Pichegru in West Flanders attacks and defeats Clairfait. — Dangerous situation of the duke of York — who retires to Antwerp. — Earl Moira is ordered to Flanders wilh his army. — The prince of Wales offers to act under him a:- a volunteer — it is not deemed expedient to risk the person of the heir apparent. — His lordship lands at Ostend — finds the place surrounded by ene mies — determines to force his way to the duke of York — masterly execution and success of hi* design. — Advances of the French.- — The Austrians entirely evacuate the Netherlands. — Intrepid stand of the British at Breda. — The duke of York and the prince of Orange are obliged to fall back- — they retreat behind the Meuse. — Victories of the republicans on the Rhine. — The German troops cross the Rhine. — Address of the emperor to the German princes — is totally un availing. — Faithlessness of the king of Prussia. — Opinions on the operations and events of this campaign. — Suspicions unfavourable to the prince of Cobourg—- are not supported by proof. — Cobourg a man of very moderate abilities — Victo ries of the republicans over the gallant Clairfait. — The republicans reduce the whole left bank of the Rhine. — The British gain some advantages. — Winter campaign in Holland. — Sickness and mortality of the British troops, — intrepid efforts of the exhausted remains. — Immense superiority of numbers obliges our reduced army to evacuate Holland— which yields to the French arms. — Cam paign of 1794 peculiarly disastrous to the British army. — Strictures of military critics on the plan of operations. — Strictures of political critics on the executive councils of Britain. — Efforts of France beyond all evidence of experience or probable conjecture — the event therefore does not necessarily afford grounds of either military or political censure. — Signal successes of Britain when she fought alone— her fleets paramount in the Mediterranean — reduce Corsica, and protect Spain and Italy — in tbe West Indies she subdues Marlinico, Gua daloupe, St. Lucie, and part of St. Domingo. — Operations of earl Howe and the channel fleet — skilful manoeuvre to bring the enemy lo battle — battle of the first of June — numbers, force, and courageous effort.* of the enemy — unavailing against the British fleet — decisive, glorious, and momentous victory. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 491 THERE was a great and evident want of concert among CHAP. the German powers engaged in the combination against France. Llv- The duke of Brunswick was disgusted with the conduct of ge- ^**~v"*«' noral Wurmser in abandoning the lines of Weissembourg with- 179*' out risking a battle, whence his serene highness had been compelled to raise the siege of Landau. He had written a letter to the kins; of Prussia, complaining of the want of con cert, and extending his animadversions to the two campaigns. On the other hand the emperor though he was far from blaming the dnke of Brunswick individually, was by no means satisfied with the co-operation of tin- Prussian king. The truth appears jealousy to he that the jealousy which for half a century had subsisted among the between the houses of Brandenburg and Austria, and which at *"'"' the commencement of the war seemed absorbed in enmity to the French revolutionists, was still alive, and strongly opera ting.' The king of Prussia considered the continental efforts of the last campaign as aggrandizing Austria, without produ cing any benefit to him which could indemnify his own exer tions, or balance the accession to liis ancient and nearest rival. lie did not regard the operations on the frontiers of France as necessary to tho safety of the empire and security of his own dominions, and therefore conceived himself not fighting his own battles. If it was wise at all to combine against France, the expediency of such a confederacy must have arisen from some common object, which it imported the several members of the alliance to pursue; and if it was to be pursued, vigorous mea sures with concert of operations only could be efficient. If the king of Prussia apprehended imminent danger from the pro gress of French principles, or of French power, in sound poli cy In' ought to have made tin* repression of these his supreme object ; and to have restrained for the present his jealousy of the house of Austria. If he did not apprehend danger from France, prudence required he should withdrew from the con federacy ; honour and sincerity demanded that he should not pretend to be an ostensive member of the alliance, if he was resolved to be inactive in its service, and indifferent about its success. On the other hand, the same unity of object was the The empe real interest of the emperor, if it was his interest at all to be " JSiae" M**** member of a Combination against France. The separate ap- subject* ja propriation of fortresses could not indemnify him for his belli- mB«> gereut exertions, must disgust his continental ally, and ulti mately contravene the advancement of their common object. In the beginning of this year the emperor, extremely anxious to oppose fresh numbers of Germans to the republican host, actively endeavoured to induce the Germanic states to arm in m i<.s. This mode the king of Prussia declared he would never >» opposed sanction, and would withdraw his troops if it were attempted. $ j^hJf 1 Sfjur, vol. iil. chap. xiii. 4£2 HISTORY OF THE 9™^ He however professed himself still an active jnember of the ^^ ^_, confederacy, and ready to support every pnfileiit'and practi- j-q, cable project for forwarding its ends. Tbe emperor found it necessary to acquiesce in Frederick William's objections to a levy in mass, and to appear satisfied with his professions of zeal in the cause. The subsidiary treaty with England either empowered htm to make vigorous efforts, or induced him to promise such, and accordingly he was still deemed one of the chief members of tbe confederacy, and upon the conviction of his co-operation the projects and plans of the campaign were ,Han of ihe formed. The confederates proposed this year to press upon campaign. _^e ffonjjgrg 0f j,rance vtrith numerous forces on various sides, and also to co-operate with the insurgents on the coast of Brit tany. In the month of February the duke of York, and with him colonel Mack, came over from tbe continent to London to- bold a conference with the British ministers on the operations Bespectire of the campaign. Tbe emperor undertook to furnish two hun- beiiT rau* G're<* thousand men, the king of Prussia sixty-four, including. powers. thirty-two thousand in British pay, Britain forty thousand, the rest of the allies, the Dutch, German princes, and the Emi grants fifty-two thousand, so that the whole combined force to> operate on the frontiers of France should amount to three hun dred and fifty-six thousand men, besides the troops intended to be employed by Britain on the coast. The French army it appears at this time amounted to seven hundred and eighty thousand men, of whom four hundred and eighty thousand composed the armies on the frontiers, and the rest were em ployed either in watching the late scenes of insurrection, or oa the frontiers of Spain and the Alps. On the fifth of March thc duke of York arrived on the conti- Bent, to 'take the command of the British army ; on the seven teenth he proceeded with general Clairfait to Valenciennes^ where a conncil of war was held with the prince of Saxe-Co bourg, after which the generals returned to their respective head-quarters. It was determined that the emperor himself should take the field, and should be invested with the supreme command. The empe- On the ninth of April his imperial majesty arrived at Bnis- ror joins gg]^ anr] was inaugurated duke of Brabant. This ceremony, armies, performed with greai pomp and splendour, it was presumed would strike the imaginations and hearts of the people, and stimulate them to the most vigorous efforts, in his and then- own cause. The states in a body presented his imperial ma jesty with the keys of the Louvain ; on the gate there was the following inscription : " Cetsar adtst. trement GaUi f this sen tence was by the courtiers construed to mean the French re publicans tremble at the approach of the emperor Francis. Great numbers of children, decorated with white staves, drew the state coach solemnly along: at the principal church Te. Dium was chauuted ; verses were presented to the emperor} REIGN OF GEORGE III. 49a oongratulating his inauguration, and celebrating the achieve- r^{yP ments which he was to perform. His imperial majesty pro- v_^N^>_, needing to Valenciennes, was joyfully received by the allied m4 army; and on the 1 6th of April he reviewed the combined forces, previously to the commencement of military operations. Meanwhile the French government had made the most pow- ^crr»0,°u_ erful and efficient dispositions for opening the campaign. Hor-tionary _ rible as the decemviral system was, it possessed one quality so 'leaders fa momentous in war, that without it all other qualities supported by the most abundant resources are of little efficacy ; it was dis tinguished for extraordinary energy. Every latent power was called into action, its immense resources were not only employ ed, but converged into a focus. The immediate object was to repel foreign invasions and interference wheresoever they threatened, and wheresoever they were seconded ; to concen trate all the intellectual and physical force of France to this point ; to crumble ali opposition to this design and to the exist ing rulers who were carrying it into execution. Some embers of rebellion rekindling early in spring, troops were sent with the usual rapidity to the scene of reviving insurrection. These Rebellion is speedily subjugated the royalists, and punished them in the J^y^JJL most summary and cruel manner. Rebellion was crushed by the dispersion of the Vendeans; faction was extinguished ; and hostile operations against foreign powers engrossed the sole attention. General Jourdain was removed from the command of the northern army, and succeeded by general Pichegru, whose uncommon military talents proved him deserving of this confidence. As Jourdain was permitted to retire without dis grace, and indeed, in the express words of the decree, with honour to himself, and with the gratitude of his country, his retirement was but short, and he was afterwards appointed to command the army of the Rhine. On the seventeenth of April the confederates advanced in The confer eight columns to invest Landreci, a well fortified town in f^™^,131* Hainault, on the right bank of the river Sambre. The first Siege of column, composed of Austrian and Dutch troops under prince Landrerfi Christian of Hesse Darmstadt, advanced upon the village of Catillon, which was forced after some resistance. The second under lieutenant-general Alvintzy, forced the French intrench- ments at Mazinguer, Oisy, and Nouviou, and took possession of the whole forest of Nouviou. The third column, led on by the emperor in person and the prince of Cobourg, after carry ing the villages of Ribouville and Wassigny, detached for wards the advanced guards, which took possession of the heights called Grand and Petit BIocus. The fourth and fifth columns were intrusted to the duke of York ; the first of these w-as under his own immediate direction : and the latter was commanded by sir William Erskine. The objects of these co lumns were the redoubts and village of Vaux, and the strono- intrenchments of the French in the wood called Bois de Bou- 494 HISTORY OF THE Ct]\)F' Cnain- The sixth, seventh, and eighth columns, under the hereditary prince of Orange, were not engaged, being only a ( . corps of observation on the side of Cambray.' The duke of Conflicts - York endeavoured, notwithstanding the strong position of the beiween th&French army, to turn their right, and for that purpose ordered ^hereo"!)- tne wno'e column to move forwards under the cover of the licans. high ground, leaving only sufficient cavalry to occupy their attention. The fire of the republicans was at first severe, but finding the British troops eager to press them to a close engage ment, which they foresaw would terminate in their discomfit ure, they thought it expedient to retreat. These successes of the British troops enabled the confederates to commence the siege. The French assembled in considerable force at the camp of Ceesar, near Cambray, which as we have seen, they had occupied the former year. The duke of York, well know- - ing the efficacy of the British force, on the 23d of April sent general Otto to attack the enemy's position. Otto, finding the Frencli strong, and firmly posted, delayed the assault till tbe arrival of a re-enforcement, when, charging them with impetu osity, he soon broke their line, and after killing twelve hun dred drove the rest into Cambray, with the loss of their artil lery.' Pichegru, not disheartened by these repeated disad vantages, stiil directed his own movements against the most Baiile of formidable part of his enemies. On the 24th of April he at- Wii be- tacked the duke of York on all sides. The consummate gene- iween the ral of the republicans found in the British prince and his army chind crossed the Meuse, and took a position which had been previ- ' e MelWB' ously reconnoitred about three miles from Grave. So vigorous had been the resistance of the valiant British, that with twen ty-five thousand men they withstood the republicans who were more than eighty thousand, from the beginning of July to the middle of September ; in which time they made very inconsi derable advances, where they had the duke of York and his band to combat.b On the Rhine similar success attended the energetic efforts of the republicans. The king of Prussia hav- Faithless. ing' long manifested the coldest indifference to the confederacy, ness of the had early in this year announced to the German princes his de- &"& ?f termination to withdraw from the alliance. But Britain, judg- Flussia* ing of his good faith. by her own, had conceived that he would bring into the field the forces for which he had stipulated, and &r which he had been paid ; in short, that a monarch would 2 New Annual Register, 1794, [m"c400, n ibid. 401. I* See Maclarlane, vol, iv, page 4IJ3. 5-00 HISTORY OF THE ,. CUVP' not descend fo an artifice so totally unbecoming- a gentleman, . ^^__^ or an honest man, as to procure the money of other people bil" 1794 false pretences. But our government and legislature had pro ceeded on the supposition that Frederick William possessed virtues with which they found by experience he was not endued. The force which he furnished was very inferior to that which he promised, and their efforts were not such as might have been expected from a Prussian army, and were of little avail against the sincere, zealous, and ardent enthusiasm of the republican Victories of troops. On the 12th of July, general Michaud attacked the •cansronUthe Prussians near Edickhoffen ; and, to favour his operations in Rhine. that quarter, advanced at the same time upon the Austrians before Spires. The contest was long and bloody, and both parties claimed the victory. On the following day the French renewed the attack on the Prussians with redoubled vigour. The battle lasted from early in the morning till nine at night. • They attacked seven times, and at length carried by assault, amidst a terrible fire, the important posts fortified and occupied by the Prussians on Platoberg, the highest mountain in the whole territory of Deux Ponts.c The republicans captured great numbers of prisoners, and nine guns, besides ammuni tion, waggons, and horses. Continuing their series of attacks, the republicans successively defeated the German troops, and Address of compelled them to seek safety by crossing the Rhine.d The to^heTer?" emPerorj alarmed by such a multiplicity of successes, endea- man voured to stimulate the German princes to join him in efficacious princes, measures to defend the empire against the irruption of the re publicans ; and for that purpose he addressed a memorial to the circles. His own resources, he stated, were utterly inadequate : to the contest : the progress of the French was so rapid, that he must be inevitably obliged to withdraw his troops, and station them for the defence of his own frontiers, unless the empire is totally should think proper to oppose the progress of the French with unvailing. a sufficient force : these exhortations did not produce thede-. sired effect ; and no vigorous efforts were made by the empire to second its chief. The suspicion of treachery often springs from discomfiture ; and ideas of this sort were very prevalent during this ill fated campaign. Many of the Austrian officers Opinions of incurred the imputation : it was said that a considerable number the opera- Gf these were infected with republican principles ; and that evemsof not a few were corrupted with French gold. As,however, it this cam- would exceed the bounds of history to repeat the various sur- paign. niises of suspicion, concerning which proof was not adduced to ascertain the truth of the rumours, the narrative shall not follow their details. One result however, is, the conduct of the Austrians in many instances was so extremely inconsistent with the military ability which the officers of that nation have generally possessed in a great degree, that it implied either o New Annual Register, 1794, p. 401. d Otridge's Annual Register, 179$, REIGN OF GEORGE III. 6ty treachery or incapacity. The prince of Cobourg has been cII|£i'- -severely censured for the operations which terminated in the signal defeat at Fleurus, and the loss of the Netherlands. It ^^^ was said, that knowing the efficacy of the British troops, he should not have left them at Tournay when he marched to en counter Jourdain : that the addition of such a force would have insured victory : that the plan of separation in which the posi tion of the British troops originated, was very inimical to the objects of the campaign, and very unfit to oppose an enemy whose grand scheme was an extensive and closely connected line of co-operation : that the allies had stationed themselves at three angles of a triangle, while the republicans, by a seg ment of a circle, at once encompassed the whole, and broke the communication of the parts. These allegations, if true, Suspicions might be all accounted for without any charge of disaffection -^f*™"!." against Cobourg, and upon a supposition that will be veryprjncCof generally admitted, that Jourdain and Pichegru, especially the Cobourg, latter, far surpassed Cobourg in inventive powers which formed new combinations adapted to the case. Cobourg, indeed, ap-are not sup- pears to have been a man of mere tactical experience, without pried by genius, and therefore not fit to cope with skilful men of very pr great genius. This prince, after the evacuation of the Nether lands, was dismissed from his command, not without a rumour of imputed treachery; the truth of which I have no grounds to record as an historical fact ; and I myself disbelieve, as his character was fair and honourable ; as there is no evidence to Col>onr» a support such a charge, and as the disasters of the army under man of his command appeared to have arisen from the superior ability *"eMl£?~ of the French generals, commanding a much more numerous ties. force, inspired by the most ardent enthusiasm, which, whence- soever it arises, has always inspired men to efforts far beyond diplomatic calculation formed on the experience of common wars. The emperor certainly did not receive in the Nether lands, the assistance from his Belgian subjects, the hopes of which probably had a considerable influence in inducing him to visit these dominions. His exhortation to them to rise in mass was indeed very unlikely to be regarded, as they did not con ceive that, like the French, they were fighting their own cause. Their object was naturally their own security, and not the ag grandizement of the house of Austria : they did not choose to rise in mass to fight for a master, though the French had risen in mass to fight for themselves. After evacuating the Netherlands, general Clairfait, leaving Able efforts general Latour to cover Maestreicht, posted himself at Juliers. of Clair&k. Jourdain in the beginning of September prepared to march against Latour; but it was the middle of the month before he was ready for the assault. On the ISth the Freneh in four Victories of columns attacked the whole line, from the Aywaille to Emeux. tne republi- All the passages were forced with the bayonet, and the camps ca"' taken at full charge. The Austrians left two thousand meh 502 HISTORY OF THE ^JAP. dead on the field of battle, and several of their ballallionj were reduced to one hundred and fifty men. Seven hundred 1794 prisoners, twenty-six pieces of large cannon, three pair of colours, one hundred horses, and forty ammunition waggons, were taken, as well as the general's own carriage, his secre tary, and papers. The remnant of Latour's army was com pletely routed and dispersed : general Clairfait having endea voured without effect to assist Latour, with great skill and ability fortified himself at Juliers; and thither the republicans directed their efforts. On the 2^ ral Walmoden ; and an attempt was made to force the enemy 17g4 to repass the Waal. For this purpose ten battallions of Bri tish infantry, with six squadrons of light cavalry, commanded by major-general Dundas, assisted by four squadrons and four battallions of Hessians, amounting in all to about six thou sand five hundred infantry, and a thousand horse, advanced in three columns. At day break on the 30th of December, attack ing a great body of French at the village of Thuil, they car ried it with the bayonet, and drove the republicans across the river. This success, however, was only temporary ; the English army was from the dreadful effects of the climate and season, rapidly decreasing. Private liberality was added to public expenditure in sending plentiful supplies of flannel waistcoats, and other fences against the cold ; but the inele^ iiiency of the frosts was superior to every expedient : the chief part of the army was overcome with sickness. Accord*1 ing to the reports of officers who were engaged in this dreadful service, the professional attention bestowed upon the sick was by no means adequate to the effectual discharge of that momentous duty.e In the month of January the French again crossed the Waal with seventy thousand men. This formidable host attacked the remains of the British army, and compelled them, though still making the most gallant resistance, to retire. Without tents, and unable to procure cantonments, the distres sed heroes were obliged to pass the night, in this severe season, in the open tobacco sheds, or under the canopy of an incle ment sky. The Dutch now urged the stadtholder to conclude a peace with the French, and finding him unwilling, their pro vinces and towns successively offered terms to the republicans, which were accepted. Zealand, and soon after Holland, enter ed into a capitulation. The stadtholder with much difficulty escaped from the Hague with his family, sought and found refuge in England : by the beginning- of February the pro- Immense vinces had concluded a treaty with the French. As the repub- superiority Hcans now possessed all the country between the British army foices"therS and tne coast of Holland, it was impossible to retreat in that English to direction ; they, therefore, were obliged to take a much more evacuate circuitous route towards the north coast>of Germany. They which" ' repeatedly occupied strong positions, not with the vain inten- vieids to the tion of making a stand -against three limes their number,' but French to secure their retreat. Therein they had also to encounter e The details on this subject, not once or twice mentioned, but very frequent ly repeated through the periodical works«>f the lime, daily, weekly, monthly, and yearly, and never contradicted, charge the medical department with extreme- negligence. But candour must admit, that the prevalence of distemper was. much greater than was to be foreseen or expected when the medical appointments. were made* and that therefore a less minute attention could be bestowed ou everjjr- iridivkltial patient, than the case required. REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 505 many other difficulties. The partial thaws which occasionally c/]^p" took place only served to aggravate the misery of the troops, from the floods which succeeded these alterations in the tern- ^7^*" perature, and either impeded their progress, or obliged the sol diers to wade through torrents of mud and water, which some times reached even to their knapsacks. In this dreadful situa tion they were obliged to continue their march, ¦ or to be over whelmed by the enemy. After, a route perhaps unequalled' in the annalsof military hardship, thejexhausted remains of our army arrived at Bremen ; and having halted for some weeks they embarked for England. Such was the melancholy termination- of the British expe- campaign. dition to the continent: so little did the expenses, prepara-of 1794, tions, and military equipments of two years answer the; pur-^se%'J.°,"sj, poses for which they were undertaken. Britain had' gone to army. war to prevent an attack upon the rights of --Dutch na vigation : instead of? one river, the whole seven provinces were now commanded by the republicans. She had gone to war to prevent French aggrandizement .- one campaign had given France an accession of territory fertile, productive, and opulent, far surpassing all the conquests of her most ambitious and suc cessful monarchs. j In- Italy and' Spain, tbe republicans were successful as far as they employed their efforts : their exertions, however, in Piedmont, were not important. On the confines of Spain they made rapid advances : the Spanish government attempted to raise the subjects in mass :. but this was aji expedient that eould succeed only in countries where the people, either being or conceiving: themselves free, were inspirited by the ardour. pf liberty. ' - ' ¦ From such are issue to the efforts of tire- confederation^ per sons that did not exactly consider the specific case might very naturally draw unjust inferences. Such might conclude,, that because the combination in- question had been unsuccessful, that no future union- for suppressing dangerous ambition could be* ^successful, and therefore that the attempt would be vain. Were a concert to be proposed for reducing the exorbitant power of France, the events of 1794 might be quoted as warnings that the scheme would be impracticable ; and assur edly the same means and' conduct in. similar circumstances would be unavailing. If the continental •, powers, pretending to join, were really to pursue differentandeven contrary objects ; and if the French were inspired by the same spirit which, during their republican enthusiasm, animated and invigorated their exertions, the issue would certainly be discomfiture to the nominal coalition of really discordant parts. But if they were to unite in head, heart, and hand, to pursue an object which many might think more important for their ultimate safety than paltry indemnities; and if it were to happen that they had not to- contend against enthusiasm, but torpid indiffer- voi. lU 64 50$ HISTORY OF THE CHAP. L1V. 1794. Signal suc cesses of Brilainwhere she fought alone. Her fleets paramountin the Me diterranean.Acquisi tions in the West Indies. Operationsof earl Howe and the chan nel fleet. ence, it would by no means follow' that the events of 1794 would be repeated. Even respecting Holland singly, it would be extremely hasty to deduce a general conclusion from the untoward issue of this disastrous campaign. The reduction of Holland did not arise merely from the arms of Pichegru, but in a great degree from the Dutch themselves. The ma jority of them were democratical, and received the French not only without opposition, but with gratitude and joy, as their deliverers and , brothers. They might have withstood Pichegru when assisted by the gallant English, as without any assistance they withstood Turenne and Conde ; and with much, jess aid they disqomfited Alva and Parma. The Dutch have clearly manifested, that, if they exert themselves, no foreign power can keep their country in subjection, or even dependence. Should it ever happen that they choose to assert their independence, there is . little doubt that they . will be successful : whenever they have the will they have the power to be free. Signal as had been the disasters of the British armies on the continent, where she acted alone, unincumbered with allies, and on her appropriate theatre, her success was momentous, and her glory transcendent. In the choice of naval command ers, pur minister, through the war, has uniformly considered in strumentality ; fitness for discharging the duties, and accom plishing the purposes of Ihe appointment. The various com mands, supreme and subordinate, were conferred on professional ability and character. Three powerful armaments were pre pared for the campaign of 1794: one under lord Hood, com- ma'nded the Mediterranean, reduced the Island of Corsica, and protected the coasts of Spain and Italy ; a second, under sir John Jervis, with a military force headed by sir. Charles Grey, reduced Martinico, Guadaloupe, St. Lucie, and some parts of St.. Domingo. But the most illustrious monument of British naval glory was raised by earl Howe. During the preceding part of the war, France, conscious of her maritime inferiority to Great Britain, had hitherto confined her exertions to cruisers and small squadrons for harassing our trade. In the month of May, the French were induced to depart from this system of naval warfare. Anxious for the safety (if a convoy daily ex pected from America, conveying an immense supply of corn and flour, of naval stores and colonial productions, the Brest fleet, amounting to twenty-seven ships of the line, ventured to sea under the command of rear-admiral Villaret. Lord Howe expecting the same convoy,* went to sea with twenty ships of the line. On the 28th May he'fclescried the enemy to wind ward. Admiral Pasley in the evening gave signal to the van- most ships to attack the enemy's rear. Lord Hugh Seymour Conway attacked the Revolntionaire of 120 guns, and being soon supported by captain Parker of the Audacious, so damaged the enemy's ship that sjie struck ; but escaping during the night, REIGN OF GEORGE III. 507 $he was towed into Rochfort. The next morning the fleets re- C^|A-F- sumed the conflict, but the intermission of a thick fog prevented s_rf^_, its continuance. The fog lasted that and the greater part of lm the two following days. The sun occasionally breaking through the mist, showed to each Other the direction of the fleets ; and lord Howe employed this time in most masterly manoeuvres to Skilful obtain the weather-gage, that he might compel them to fight {^abn,!fnUg'18 when the atmosphere should clear, and at length he succeeded, the enemy On the 1st of June, the fog being dispersed, our admiral, from gjj^"1^ his former excellent dispositions, found an opportunity of bring- lhe i^ 0f ing the French to battle. Between seven and eight in the June. morning, our fleet advanced in a close and compact line : the Numbers, enemy, finding an engagement unavoidable, received our onset force, and with their accustomed valour. A close and desperate engage- ^.j^f us ment ensued, presenting the French as combatants worthy ofiheenemy;. occupying the naval heroism of England. The Montague of unavailing 130 guns, the French admiral's ship having adventured to en- bluish counter the Queen Charlotte of 100, was, in less than an hour, fleet. compelled to fly : the other ships of the same division seeing S6™1,^"5 all efforts ineffectual against British prowess, endeavoured to a»d mo- follOw the flying admiral ; ten, however, were so crippled that mentous they could not keep pace with the rest ; but many of the British vict0r5's ships were so damaged that some of these disabled ships of the enemy effected their escape. Six remained in the possession of the British admiral, and were brought safe into Portsmouth, viz. La. Juste of 80 guns, La Sans Pereille of 80 guns, L' America 74, L'Achille 74, L'Impetueux 74, and Northumberland 74 : these, with Le Vengeur, which was sunk, made the whole loss of the- French amount to seven ships of the line. The victorious- ships arrived safe in harbour with their prizes : the crews, offi cers, and admiral were received with those grateful thanks and high applauses which Britain never fails to bestow on her con quering heroes. Earl Hovfe was by'all ranks and parties ex tolled for his tactical skill, "steady perseverance, and determined courage; first, in forcing the enemy, after every evasion, to a closed action ; and then in obtaining so signal an advantage over a1 fleet superieir in its number of ships and of men, as well as in size and weight of metal.f The year' 1794, surpassing in dis aster by land the "unfortunate 1777s or" i781,h by sea equalled the glories oF*tT59. v . di **)}¦., f See Macfarlane's -History, vol. iv. p\ 461. g Capture of Burgoyne's army. h Cprnwallis'sarmy". - 508 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. LV. CHAP. LV. Internal affairs of' France. — The Cordeliers. — The tenure of -Robespierre'6 ry ranny, the fear of foreign enemies. — A powerful parly quickly formed against him — Doomed to death.— "-Perishes on the scaffold. — His most iniquitous de crees rescinded. — Jacobin clubs entirely abolished. — Dawnings of social order begin tore-appear in France.— tBrjlain.— Trials for treason. — Edinburgh. — Watt and Downie. — Walt's conspiracy not treason' hy ; the letter of Edward III 's statute — treason by the judicial interpretation of that statute.— Condemn ed and suffers death. — Alleged plot to assassinate the king— the allegation supported by no proof.— Trial of Thomas Hardy, John Home Tooke, and John Thelwal, for high treason. — Ability of the lawyers on both. sides. — Extra ordinary eloquence of Mr. Erskine. — The accused are respectively acquitted. — - Biots in Ihe metropolis.— Meeting of parliament. — Mr. Pitt augurs the down fall of the present system of France "from the exhaustion of her finances.-r- ¦Opposition contends,' that the enthusiastic energy of thefrench would discover new resources, and alleges 'France to be returning to social order.-r-Discussioh respecting the practicability of negotiation.— Sentiments and reasons of the whigs who had separated from Mr. Fox. — Motions for an inquiry into the ¦management of t-hewar, and state of the nation — is negatived.- — Parliament ary provisions for tire approaching campaign.- — Loan to the emperor. — Sup plies.— Taxes. — Plan of Mr. Pitt for manning the navy. — Plan of Mr. Wind- Jiam forthe improvement-of the militia. — Discussion of the late acquittals^— • Statement of the affairs of the India company. — Marriage of the prince of Wales to the princess Caroline of Brunswick. — Provision for the establishment -of their royal highnesses.— Arrangement for the payment of the prince's debts. — Application frem the West India merchants. — Motion of Mr. WHberforce for the abolition of the slave trade — is negatived. — Termination of Hastings's tn;-l hy an honourable acquittal. — Mr. Pitt declares his majesty's willingness to make peace, if attainable with security, without regard to the form of French government. — Irish affairs. — Lord Fitzwilliam viceroy .-Misunderstanding be tween ministers and him concerning the extent and bounds of his powers — he- is recalled and' succeeded by lord Camden. — Internal affairs of France,-r-Thes government of Robespierre the lowest abyss of revolutionary anarchy. — Com mencing return of social order. — Constitution of 1795 — two councils,,and,an executive directory of five. — French politicians now convinced, that a control of estates, is necessary. — Death of the late king's son. , .,.t-;-j ;v<-«; WHEN the victories of the French in the Netherlands re moved their apprehensions from foreign enemies, their attention was turned to internal tyranny. After the, jacobins had tri umphed over the Girondists, they were themselves divided into two parties. A division in opposition to Robespierre was head ed by Hebert, and called the faction of the Cordeliers j. these men carried jacobinism to an extremity that even Robespierre himself did not appro vjb, especially when he had. made such strides to single despotism. In the frantic wildaess of thefe REIGN OF GEORGE IH. 509 •civil and political doctrines, they somewhat resembled the fifth C^J>- monarchy men of this country. They proposed, without any ^^.^ exception, equalization of property, and a community in every 17g4 kind of goods or desirable, objects: but in point of religious doctrines they. were totally different, or rather their frenzy took a quite contrary direction. The English anarchists were pos sessed with, the madness of fanaticism, the French with the madness of atheism. Their inculcations of universal equality by no means suited Robespierre, they-'w;ere arrested at his in stance, accused',- and put to death. Anacharsis Clootz, one of the number, preached, to his fellow sufferers atheism on the scaf fold, and died blaspheming his God. The associates of Robes pierre next followed : fear and envy doomed Danton to the scaffold. The tenure of Robespierre's despotism was the Tenure of alarms of the people: and as these decreased, his power de- the despot- cayed. Rapidly susceptible in all their impressions, the French bs™°ei.re°" people no sooner began to consider the atrocities which he had the fear of been perpetrating, than they became enraged against the ty- foreign ene- -rant; his enemies stimulated the prevailing sentiment, and sug gested that he desired to establish himself as dictator. Fear, the most strongly operative of his two ruling passions, now goaded the tyrant to fresh proscriptions : he had still the armed force of Paris under his command, but he found that it was im bibing the sentiments of his adversaries. Encountering dan ger, his timidity palsied his usual sagacity. Billaud Varennus A powerful publicly accused him in the convention :> Barnere, his artful and £d agauwT" versatile associate, perceived that his dominion was drawing to him. an end, and supported the accusation. Robesfjjerre finding-so powerful a party to be formed for his destruction, endeavoured to interest the violent anarchists in his favour, and -imputed the charges- against him to the machinations of loyalists and En glish : but his efforts being destitute of firmness and courage, were totally inefficient. When he repaired to the convention, Tallien rose, and in a vehement speech, painted in the most vivid'colours all the atrocities under which France had groaned and ~of which he regarded Robespierre as the principle author. He recapitulated the manifold details of his bloody tyranny, all the crimes he had authorized, the atrocious laws of which he had' been the author, and the victims which he had sacri ficed, earnestly endeavoured to make the convention blush at so disgraceful a slavery, and turning towards the bust of Brutus, invoked his genius, and drawing forth a dagger from his girdle, he swore that he' would plunge it into the heart of Robespierre, if the representatives of the people had not the courage to or der his arrestation, and lo break their chains.k The tyrant tryed to reply, but he was not suffered to be heard ; the con vention doomed him and his chief associates to imprisonment. "ii'Segur, 111. 116. Otridge's Annual Register, and Nev.- Annual Register, 1794. k Segur, vol. iii. p. 117. :.,'..,: 510 HISTORY OF THE ££,AP- Attempts were made to excite an insurrection in hisbehalf; but ._^lh's own cowardice prevented success.1 Finding that all was l7g4 lost, Robespierre shot himself with a pistol : but the justice of heaven'would not suffer the scaffold to be deprived of so me rited a victim ; his wound rendered his punishment more linger ing and tormenting. During the twenty-four hours which preceded his execution, he beheld the universal joy inspired by his downfall, and the horror which his person excited ; he heard the reproaches of his colleagues, whom he had abased, and over whom he had tyrannized ; the cries of joy of the vic tims whom he still wished to strike; and the imprpcations of the whole people, whom he had for such a length of time de ceived and oppressed. An object of public execration, no kind remembrance to strengthen his courage, no friend by his tears to soften his torments, he was compelled to appear before that revolutionary tribunal, by which his fury had condemned his own accomplices. He was led to the scaffold, with his bro ther, Couthon, Saint Just, and Lebas, his colleagues, Henriot his general, and the members of the rebellious communes.™ An immense crowd followed him, reproached him with his crimes and his baseness, loaded him with outrages, and announced to him, by their acclamations, the judgment of posterity, which would place him in the list of the most odious and contempti ble tyrants. The executioner, tearing off wilh violence the bandage which covered his wound, drew from him a hideous shriek, exposed him for some time to the eager looks of ven geance and hatred, and at last despatched him by a death as infamous as his life. Robespierre attained his power neither by extraordinary abilities nor intrepid courage. All government and subordina- tion'being destroyed, the mere brutal force of the mob was pa ramount ; and he rose by the adaptation of his manners to the lawless rabble, and the coincidence of his disposition with the predominant savageness of infuriated passion. Terror for a time maintained the supremacy of this monster. Fearing and envying all excellence, he employed his dominion in the destruction not only of eminent and able men, but the very qualities which lead to distinction. The sway of such a wretch, though only temporary, is a warning lesson to abilities and gen ius enamoured of revolution, that by succeeding in its projects it is eventually a ladder for exalting the most execrable and contemptible of mankind. Robespierre having thus experi enced the merited doom op tyranny, the convention pursued measures which tended to alleviate the mischiefs that had ac crued from the reign of atrocity, and to prevent the recurrence of the system of terrorism. The banished and imprisoned remains of the Gironde party were recalled or released, the mos.t flagrant and infamous of Ro- 1 Segur, vol. iii. p. 118. m Ibid. p. 120. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 511. bespicrre's decrees were rescinded, inviolability1 was restored cT'l*p- to the members of the convention ; and, to crown the salutary changes, thc jacobin club, that perennial source of anarchy and Wg| overy flagrant enormity was abolished. From this moment ter- Dawnin'gs ror by degrees ceased to rule over France, and the dawnings of returning of social order began to re-appear : religion again lifted up her 0ldei'- hallowed voice, and a distant prospect of better days seemed to open to France. Tne internal events which chiefly attracted the public attention Britain.—- in 1794, were the trials for treason, both in Edinburgh and Lon- 'l^j01' don. In tho Scottish metropolis, a person named Robert Watt, Edinburgh. being a member of some of the corresponding societies, had Watt and offered himself to government as a spy and an informer, but Downie. not obtaining from the officers of the crown tho sum which he expected ana required, he seriously projected to seize by force the castle of Edinburgh, the banks, and the excise office ; also the persons of the lord provost, and of the judges civil and criminal. Tin's project he communicated in a paper to one Downie, a mechanic, and several other members of the societies. Downie appeared to uceede, but the others rejected the proposal, nml one of them being himself a spy, gaVe information to go vernment: Watt and Downie were apprehended and tried. By the union, the treason laws of England extend to Scot- Watt's con- lami Watt's conduct amounted to a conspiracy to levy war*Piracy "ot against the king, which though not treason hy the statute of Ed- Edward >y ward III. had been usually reckoned treason by judges interpre- H'-'s sta ting that stutule, as we have already observed"." The president ^llson bv of the court of session was head of o special commission appoint- the judicial cd to try these persons, and in hischargOj adopted the judicial interpreia- construetion,0 instead of the legislative definition, lie described Jla'tate. the crime to he treason, the jury admitted his explanation, and as the evidence of the fact wns unquestionable, brought their Verdict guilty. The defence set up for the prisoner acknow ledged most profligate baseness, but pretended that he had proposed the plan to procure accomplices, that lie might inform' agtlinst them, and betray their counsels. His most plausible defence Would have been the irrelevancy of the charge, and his counsel might hnve alleged, thai the dcclsionsof judges mi litating against the express definition of a statute, did 'not consti tute tho Taw of the land ; and as the treason law thou stood, a conspiracy to levy war was not one of its clauses : on this ground, howevw, Watt did not insist. Downie wns also condemned, but recommended to mercy, nnd being found to be misled by iscondem- ignorance rather than prompted by malignity, received a par- i10--' nnd don j but Watt was executed. ,5' **¦ n Sri- thc ncrount bflor,! Loughborough's charge to llie grand jury after the riots of riL'O, vul. iii. p. C:i-J. >< Po- loi-d iwidoiu Campbell's charge- le the jur.v of l'.din;.nrSh in Ansusl,17M. 512 HISTORY OF THE C^AP. About this time the public were greatly alarmed by the re»- ^^__^_^ port of a plot to assassinate the king. The persons accused of 1794 *!"s ne^ar'ous intent were Le Maitre, a watch-maker's appren- Alleged'plotti06; Higgins, achymist's apprentice; and Smith, who kept to assassin- a book-stall : the accuser was Upton, also a watch-maker's ap- king. 6 prentice. According to this person's account, an instrument was to have been formed like a walking stick, in the stick there was to be a brass tube, through which one of the conspirators was to blow a poisoned dart at his majesty, at a time and place The allega- to be afterwards determined. Such mischievous' machinations portedby nad really been discovered, and so many more were believed* no pi-oof. that the nation in general was in a state of alarm, and great numbers swallowed this improbable and absurd story. The men were committed to prison ; but ministers, after investigat ing the evidence, found it so contradictory and incredible, that the alleged conspirators were set at liberty. Trial of ^ut lne accused persons who chiefly occupied the thoughts Thomas of all parties, and drew the public attention from the successes Hardy, of the French, were Messrs. Hardy, Tooke, Thelwal, and their Tooke, and fello w prisoners in the Tower. During the greater part of sum- John Thel- mer and autumn they had been kept in close confinement. In Irish trea- September a special commission was appointed, and in Octobep boh. opened by the lord chief justice Eyre, who, in a charge to the grand jury, appeared to consider the alleged facts,-as, if prov ed, amounting to high treason.?* The grand jury forming the same opinion, found a bill of indictment against Thomas Hardy, John Home Tooke, J. A. Bonney, Steward Kydd, Jeremiah Joyce, Thomas Wardell, Thomas Holcroft, John Ritcher, Mat thew More, John Thelwal, R. Hodson, and John Baxter. John Martin, attorney, was afterwards indicted in a separate bill. On the 28th of October the trial of Thomas Hardy began: the oharge consisted of nine overt acts, the substance of which was,. that the accused had conspired to compass the king's death, by a conspiracy to hold a convention which should overturn go vernment ; and thus had conspired to levy war against the king, and to excite rebellion against his government, and that«they had procured arms for that purpose. The legal amount of the charge therefore, was, a conspiracy against the constitution and peace of the kingdom. A conspiracy to levy war, as we have repeatedly observed, is not treason by the statute of Ed ward III. though it had been construed as treason by many in terpreters of that statute. The evidence against Mr. Hardy was partly written, partly oral. Many of the papers charged as treasonable, had been communicated to the public in adver tisements, and none of them were peculiar lo him, but com mon to the whole corresponding society, in the name of which he acted as secretary; and none of them by any reasonable con struction could amount to treason; The oral evidence cou- p See jimIjp Eyre's charge to the grand jury of Middlesex, in October, 1121- REIGN OF GEORGE. III. 3.13 sdeted of two classes of men ;4he first, respectable persons of cllvp- unquestionable and unquestioned veracity ; the second, of hired ^^-^-^ spies, of course deserving no credit on their own account, l7a^ but to be believed or not according to the congruity of their testimony wilh other circumstances. The evidence of the first class proved little but what was more strongly expres sed in the written documents; the evidence of the second set, though very prompti in general assertion, yet, when by inter rogation chained down to specific facts, whatever they advanced, maintained nothing stronger than what had appeared from the manuscripts and printed papers. The project of holding a con vention indeed, was proved, but there was no evidence that the purpose was treasonable ; and the general result was, that the corresponding society, and Mr- Hardy -as its secretary, had been active in conduct of a seditious tendency, a proposition very well known before, but totally irrelative to a charge of high treason. The trial lasted, seven days, a period unprecedented in the history , of capital prosecutions. The attorney-general, Abilities of w-Lth a minuteness of detail, not only laudable but. necessary in ^^^ his professional situation, spoke for nine hours, and displayed sides. that candour of construction and liberality of sentiment which, he has uniformly manifested in the successive stations that he has been xjalled to fill.' The prisoner's defence was intrusted to two counsellors, both of distinguished ability. The one was Mr. Gibbs, eminent for extent and precision of legal. knowledge, for. clear and logical pleading ; who acquired very high repu tation by his efforts. The other, was the honourable, Thomas Extraordi- Erskine, .who, though, little more than forty years of age, and quench "if bred up to the profession of arms, for sixteen years he had been Mr. Er;,' the shining ornament of th,e English bar, and exalted the judi-kine" cial eloquence of his country to an equality with the best exer- Jions of either Greece or Rome ; and if in the Pitts, Fox, I3urk#> and Sheridan, these realms presented rivals lo Demosthenes and Cicero in. deliberative eloquence; they raised.a rival to the best pleading of Cicero, in the judicial efforts of Mr. Erskine. With professional knowledge and science, this celebrated ora tor embodied a wide range of history and literature, and a tho rough conversancy wilh human life, moral and political philoso phy : such attainments, invigorated hy genius, and adorned with, persuasive grace, spoke through the heads to the hearts of his hearers, in the most impressive eloquence. His exhibition pn this trial, not inferior to Tully's defence of Milo, constituted a brilliant epoch,in,tbe oratory of, the British bar. The jury haying "maturely weighed the law, allegations, and.The accusv proofs, returned a verdict, not guilty. Tbe acquittal of Hardy ed a'.e re" gave very general satisfaction : impartial friends .of the king ucquiiteZ and constitution were aware, that the best security of those q See evidence of Groves, Lingham, Gosling, and Taylor, in Carney's account o-X theSlale Trials, 1794. ¦;.„-, t,„ r See Slate Trials. vol,, i.r, 65 514 HISTORY OF THE CLVP' was '^ie "P1"'?^"* administration of law even towards their en*- v>^__niies; and were pleased that a person was acquitted, whose jjQ:( proven acts had not contravened the statutes, which only esta blished the crime of treason. Many who thought highly of -the ministers, yet did not wish liberty, property and lifefo be so much in their power,as attheir instance to subject freeborn Britons to capital punishment upon such vague and circuitous construc tion. The verdict in favour of Hardy was considered as a very favourable omen to the others who should be tried. After the intermission Of several days, Mr. Home Tooke was brought to the bar. The evidence for the crown, written and oral, con sisted of nearly the same materials that had been already pre sented on the trial of Hardy. It appeared, however, that the present defendant had been much more guarded and moderate than most of the other votaries of reform, and had censured them as exceeding wise and reasonable bounds. He indeed appears never to have approved of annual parliaments or uni versal suffrage ; and was friendly to the constitution of king, lords, and commons ; though he wished a change in the latter branch, which he conceived would -render it less liable to cor ruption. No treasonable act having been proved against the accused, the verdict of course was, not guilty. Mr. Tooke? adduced, as exculpatory evidence, the duke of Richmond, Mr. "Pitt, and others, who had been advocates of parliamentary reform. The questions put to these witnesses did not tend to produce any defence of Mr. Tooke's conduct, their substance related to the share taken by the witnesses themselves in parliamentary reform at a totally different period ; they are therefore lo be considered not as exculpations of the defendant but as charges of inconsistency against the witnesses themselves^ in their political conduct. As the innocence or guilt of Mr- Tooke did not depend on the facts which his majesty's ministers might, as ministers, either acknowledge or deny, their testimonies could answer no purpose relative to the charge, and were there fore unnecessary at his trial : other purposes, however, their adhi- bition might answer, by reminding the public, that they who were now inimical to one species of reform had once been favourable to another, they impressed that numerous class which, in estimat ing conduct often disregardscircumslances, with an opinion that the ministers were apostates. The call upon Mr. Pitt and the duke of Richmond to be witnesses at the trial of Mr. Tooke, was evidently not a measure of judicial exculpation, where none was required, but a political censure which so many were de sirous of heaping upon ministers. The pleadings by Messrs. Gibbs and Erskine, were worthy of their preceding efforts; but Mr. Tooke himself was a very powerful counsel in his own favour. After this acquittal which took place on the 22d of Novem ber, the attorney-general declined any farther prosecution of the remaining members of the constitutional society 3 and 011 REIGN OF GEORGE m. 515 Monday the 1st of December, a jury being imparmelled pro e^p- forma, Messrs. Bonney, Joyce, Kydd, and Holcroft, were acquit- ^^-^ ted and discharged. Next came the trial of Thelwal : it ap- Jm peared from the evidence that, in his conduct, and still more in his expressions, this person had been much more violent than the two others, but nothing which was proved against him. amounting to treason, he was accordingly acquitted. Whatever may have been the intentions of any of these in- Observa- dividuals, as their acts by no means constituted' legal guilt, their*'1™* °^ acquittal bearing so high testimony to the purity of trial by quittai. jury, manifested the excellence of our judicature, in constitu?- tion, and practice. No doctrine can be more inconsistent with- the security of a free country than constructive treason, and none has the discriminating justice of the English law more Severely reprobated. Constructive treason indeed is an engine Of tyranny, under whatever forms it has been established. When the anti-monarchical party predominated in England^ the first victim of its uncontroled injustice suffered for con structive and accumulative treason.8 Earl Strafford, however- morally culpable, or politically hurtful his conduct might be, was not legally guilty by any existing law, and was a sacrifice- to party rage. Under Charles II. Russel and Sydney, by con structive treason, fell victims to monarchical tyranny. Instan ces have, in much more benignant reigns, occurred of men suf fering from wrested interpretations, when obnoxious- to the rul ing party ; but under the equitable and enlightened principles- and sentiments of the present age, whoever might be the accus ers, the accused were assured of strict and legal justice. This summer there was great disturbance in the capital, Riots in on account of villanies and cruelties asserted to have been com-,h?me,"'°". mitted in houses employed for enlisting recruits. It was persons °cal- affirmed, that various persons had been kidnapped to these led crimps. abodes and confined until they consented to become soldiers. Some discoveries of this kind having been made, and many more having been reported, the populace became extremely outrageous, and destroyed various houses alleged to be the scenes of these atrocities. After being violent and riotous for about six days, the ferment of the people at last subsided. This summer a treaty was concluded between Great Britain Treaty be- and America, tending powerfully to promote the political amity tween Bri- and commercial benefit of both countries. Several changes ^erica, -took place in administration, making room for the whigs who had seceded from Mr. Fox at the commencement of the war : lord Fitzwilliam was made viceroy of Ireland, the duke of Port land third secretary of state, Mr. Windham secretary at war, and earl Spencer first lord of the admiralty. Parliament met on the 30th of December 1794 : his majesty's Meeting r,r Speech urged the necessity of perseverance in the war, not- parliament. s See trial of lord Strafford ; Hume's History vol, iii. 2. and State Trials. 516 HISTORY OF THE cp*p- withstanding our disappointments ; and augured the ultimate ^^j. " success of the allies, from the progressive and rapid decay of 17()4 French resources, and the instability of every part of that un- Mr Pitt natural system. The Dutch had, he observed, from a sense augurs the of present difficulties, made overtures for peace with the pre- fheVpresent va>'>ng Party »n France; but no established government could system of derive security from such a negotiation. The most effectual prance, means had therefore been employed for the farther augmenta- exhaiislfon t'on °^ tne forces; on whose valour, as well as on the public ofherfinan- spirit of the people, his majesty professed he had the utmost ccs- reliance. In .addition to the arguments frequently repeated for. the continuance of the war, the minister laid great stress on the exhaustion of the French finances. By a very copious de tail of their pecuniary proceedings, illustrated and embellished by his usual eloquence, he endeavoured to prove that France was in the gulf of bankruptcy, and that the ruin of the revolu tionary system was inevitable, if we pressed them with vigour: peace would be totally impolitic, even if attainable ; and with, Opposition the present rulers it could not be permanent. In recommend- J'°n'e"t's _ ing peace, besides dwelling on the most unfortunate events of thusiastic the last campaign, opposition contended, that the French were energy uf beginning to return to social order ; and that the hopes of sub» woulddi? duingthein by the exhaustion of their finances were chimerical. cover new What were the proofs of such a failure ? Was it their extra- resources; ordinary energy of efforts and abundant supply of clothing !"ranceeJoS anc' provisions ? The causes which brought a regularly go- be return- verned state to the last period of its military exertions, would, I!Jjl0S0C'al by no means, produce the same effect on a revolutionary go vernment, which possessed all the existing means and resources of the country. To reduce them to the last extremity, there must be no land, no productions, no labourers, no soldiers, in short, no faculties of any kind in the whole extent of the terri tory. France had been driven to unprecedented exertions by an enthusiasm, the efforts of which the pressure of the confe deracy had invigorated ; there being such a spring to their enterprise, all calculations of resources formed on usual principles, must be altogether erroneous. Whatever hopes of success there might have been at the beginning of the war, they were now entirely vanished ; and the confederacy was dissolved. Besides, let us consider the success of our arms r all our preparations, financial and military, had been totally useless. : Why should we carry on a war in which all our ef forts were to be wasted ? The French were now very materi ally changed : the terrible system had entirely ceased ;' jaco binism, so hostile to this country, was destroyed, and modera tion was at least the assumption of a virtue, which showed the real opinion of the people of France. The French repubiic- t This argument was chiefly employed by Mr. Wilberforce ; who, though he liad. voted for the war, was this sejsion the advocate of peace-. REIGN OF GEORGE IH. 517" ans were now probably not disinclined to peace ; let us there- ^'y p- fore propose a negotiation. Whether successful or not, it would ^^^L, be extremely beneficial to this country :¦ should our proffers be 1795 rejected, the consequence would be, that as we should then have right on our side, every person ivould unite in co-operat ing with government with the greatest vigour and firmness, in what then would be a just and necessary war. It was replied, that the disasters of the conflict arose from our allies : wherever we had fought alone, we had been signally successful. The balance of territorial acquisitions and pecuniary resources was greatly in our favour ; and France had lost more in per manent value and present means, than the losses of all the allies united together. The alteration which had taken place was only the change of a name, and not of a substance. The present government was no more moderate than the govern ment under Brissot, which had provoked this country to war. Peace with such a system could not be secure ; we must, on the contrary, increase our precautions. Hostilities would again be commenced by France, when the military force of her ene mies was reduced by a pretended peace. No treaty could be stable that should be made with a government so totally un fettered by every principle of religion and justice. In spite of partial disappointment, there was a moral certainty that we should ultimately prevail in the contest. These arguments were 'repeated in the discussion of sundry motions11 for the at tainment of peace; and the majority of parliament being de termined to persist in the war, the pacific propositions were successively negatived. Lord Grenville moved, in lieu of a conciliatory motion by the duke of Bedford, that a vigorous prosecution of the war was the most effectual means for produ cing a solid and permanent peace. In the course of those debates, the practicability of negotia- Discussion tion with the present rulers, was very ably discussed on both respecting sides. Ministers contended, that the French republicans en- cabS!tyC of lertained an irreconcileable hatred to this country and its in- negotiation. habitants; and that the principal motive of their willingness to make peace with the other members of the confederacy was, that they might convert their whole rage against Britain. The very principles of the French republic were such, that to ac knowledge its legitimacy, which must be done in case of a u By the earl of Slanhopn, on llie Glh of .Tunuary, for no interference in Ihe internal affairs of France. By Mr. Grey, on Ihe 20th of February, that the present government ought not to be considered as precluding a negotiation for peace. By Ihe duke of Bedford, on the 27lh of February, to the same purpose-, By Mr. Wilberforce, on the 27th of May, thai in the present circumstances of France, the British government ought not to object to proposals for a general pacification ; and thut it was the interest of thc nation to put an end to the war as noon unjust and honourable tai-ms could be obtained. See pm!iair:i?ntary, report; for 179S. 548 HISTORY OF THE c¥yP- treaty, was to confess all other governments to be foundec? upon injustice. A peace, built on such grounds, would be „g not only disgraceful, but fatal to our own constitution, by undermining its principles, and empowering its. many domes tic enemies to represent it as iniquitous and oppressive. Whoever carefully reviews the ministerial speeches of this- session, will observe a very striking and important difference between their general scope and that of the preceding years of war. Their objections to peace now much more frequently consisted of arguments taken from the internal constitution of France. Though they did not directly and avowedly state the restoration of monarchy as a condition of peace, yet professing" to make war for the sake of security, they very plainly intima ted, that they knew of no other means of security, but the re storation of monarchy." That they did not require the resto-. ration of monarchy as an indispensable condition, but as the means of another condition, was a nice and subtle logical; dis tinction, though in point of practical effect, there was little real difference ; as peace upon that supposition could not- be admit-*- ted unless the proposed means existed. This doctrine it may be observed, approached much nearer to the avowed doctrines- of Mr. Burke than any which ministers had before expressed. After the events of the last campaignr ministers could not really suppose the probability of such a restoration by external press ure to be increased. They could not imagine that Britain, and: Austria, after the loss of Belgium and Holland, were nearer the establishment of the house of Bourbon, through their sole! efforts, than when, in conjunction with Prussia and the greater part of Europe, they had been advanced on the frontiers, of France. Such expectations, if they at all existed, must have been built on other grounds than the relative state of France and the confederates ; and this change is to be accounted for from different causes. Sentiments The political objects and views of Mr. Burke, concerning and reasons the purpose of the war, as has been already shown,, were ma- who^sepa-SS teria% different from those which ministers professed at its »ated from commencement to seek. His opinions had been adopted in a Mr.Fox. considerable degree by those members of the old whig aristo* cracy who separated from Mr. Fox. They conceived the monarchical and aristocratical part of the constitution to be endangered from the dissemination of democratical principles. Mr. Fox's conduct they thought of a tendency too favourable to the preponderance of democracy. Whatever might be their diversities of opinion in other respects, Mn Pitt and his party agreed with them in supporting the privileged orders. Through French principles, combined with a corresponding government, x See speeches of Mr. Pitt, lord Grenville, and -Mr. Windham, at the begin ning of the session, and repeatedly afterwards when the subject was agitated. See parliamentary debates for 1703. REIGN OF GEORGE in. 519 they deemed the property, dignity, and privileges of the high- c?y p- er ranks endangered ; their ardent wish was to re-establish monarchy in France, as the means of preserving the monarchy ^^X^ and aristocracy of England. The introduction of so many of ' their members into the British cabinet evidently influenced the ¦sentiments, or at least the counsels, of their colleagues, and the support of the rOyal cause in France, probably in compli ance with their wishes, became one of the chief objects of military schemes ; and hopes were sanguine as wishes were ardent. These were warmly cherished by the representations of the emigrants, who, either in their conception or reports, or both, extravagantly magnified the number and force of the loyalists. Ministers, especially Mr. Windham and others who had recently come into office, appear to have believed the greater part of what the emigrants stated, and to have pro jected plans of powerful and effectual co-operation which , would, they fancied, promote the re-establishment of royalty in France. These accessions to the cabinet, with the political and military measures which they contributed to produce, had probably their share in effecting this difference in the ministerial reasonings of that session. Perceiving ministers and a very great majority of parliament Motions far totally averse to every overture for accommodation with France, an inquiry opposition proposed to inquire into the state in which the nation JJJ^age - was placed by the war.' The management of this momentous ment of the subject was undertaken by Mr. Fox ; and on the 24th of March ,var> an^ he moved that a committee of the whole house should be ap-nation. pointed to consider the state of the kingdom. After our dis comfiture at Saratoga, in the American war, 'he had made a similar motion/ and it had been received, though our situation was far from being equal in peril to the present. The most evident necessity now dictated an inquiry : the war had lasted only two years, and in that short period, the enemy had made a progress unknown to former seras ; they had overcome all re sistance, and acquired such an extent of territory as placed them in the most alarming state of superiority to the confede racy which had been formed for reducing their ancient power. The losses of Britain had been immense, both in killed and prisoners.2 Our pecuniary expenditure had amounted to se venty millions, and the permanent taxes which it had occa sioned, to three millions. What return was made to the nation for this enormous profusion of blood and treasure? Our sub sidies to our allies had "been equally- useless as our own exer tions. What did' England gain by subsidizing Sardinia ? Were the British constitution, independence, and power ; the liberty; property, and lives of British subjects, more secure from the guarantee of the king of Sardinia ? What had been the effect jcSee vol. i. p-558. - , / ¦- ¦ i,: z This pesitien he attempted to prov^ by. a detailed cnntnerjitmB. 320 HISTORY OF THE CLV F °^ our s,,DS'dy to the king of Prussia '( that our money had ^^^1 been paid, and that he had not performed the stipulated ser- 1795 v'ce- If the war continued, other subsidie* would be wanted, which would be equally unavailing. Affairs in Ireland also demanded investigation ;» the extreme irritation of the great mass of the people ought to warn ministers not to render them selves responsible for the very possible event of its dismember ment from the British empire, by the refusal of an inquiry into the discontents of its inhabitants. In England, dissatisfaction was prevalent: an idea pervaded the mass of the people, that the commons could not fairly be reputed the representatives of the nation,b from their undeviating compliance with every measure proposed by ministry, notwithstanding- the ill success with which they had conducted the war. What were the grounds for so extraordinary a confidence in men whose schemes were continually miscarrying ? Even suppose the war had been just (which he was not now canvassing), did the succes sion of plans and series of events afford reasonable grounds for reposing unlimited confidence in the present counsellors of his majesty, as wise, energetic, and effective war ministers/ If they really deserved trust, they would not resist inquiry ; men that dreaded a scrutiny into their conduct, afforded the clearest presumption that it would not bear examination. No man conscious of the able and upright discharge of his duty, will flinch from an investigation of his actions. Mr. Pitt ob jected to inquiry on the plan proposed by Mr. Fox, as too extensive lo be compatible with the other business of parlia ment. Parts of his objects were inexpedient and unreasonable : Mr. Fox had exaggerated our losses, and detracted from our advantages, and on the whole had exhibited an unfair state ment of our situation; and the inquiry at present would be productive of many mischiefs, and no benefit. It wag replied, both by Messrs. Sheridan and Fox, that Mr. Pitt, instead of meeting it, had shifted the question ; that if Mr. Fox had mis represented the situation of the country, the means of confuting his statements were not the assertions of the party concerned, but a lair investigation of conduct. These arguments, though it must be owned not entirely without weight, did not impress the majority of the commons. Credit was given to ministers arenega- on their claim-s of confidence, and Air. Fox's motion was nega tived, tived : a similar proposition by earl Guilford in the house of peers, was also rejected. Specific motions were afterwards made in both houses for an inquiry respecting Irish affairs, but with as little success. Parliament- The preparations for the ensuing campaign, early in the sioivior'the sess'on came under the consideration of parliament. One i«n- approach-uwr ,-arr,- aJt.F -x particularly alluded lo the recall of earl FittwiEiam, which »iaclude4 1 - ' ' in a subsequent port of Ihe narrative. b '-"e parliamentary debates, March 27th, 179$, RETON OF GEOROE 111. vi i fiorlant brn noli of these was to strengthen our allies. The em- rJ'y p< peror luul signified his earnest fiicfinntion to rnako the most s-^v^_, vigorous efforts ngnlmt the common enemy, but inllmnted the mij iieeeMlty of pecuniary assistance, in a loan of (bur millions, on the crerlll of the revenues, whioh arose from his hereditary do minions. Through such an accommodation he proposed to bring two hundred thouHnnd men into the field. His Ilritannic tntijeHly expressed his wish thnl the emperor should not only receive the desired supply, but nlno, thnl by menus of n similar lonn lo a greater extent, he might be enabled to employ a still more considerable force. A message to that effect was, on konn io ih« tliu -Ith of February, delivered to the house of commons, and l'"'l",|or- in ft" few days after to1 the house of peers. Mr. I'ilt made a mdtion for the loan required : in discussing this proposilion, the nnti-mlnlsteriril parly naturally, took a view of the Prussian Auhsidy, nnd its misapplication. The ministers, without justi fying tho conduct -of tho king of Prussia, contended that the present loon would be powerfully conducive to the purposes of the wnr; that there would he undoubted security from Austria for the performance of thc contract, and thnt the risk was not no grent as the probable advantage. Mr. Pitt therefore pro posed thnt Britain should gun.ro nteo the loan : o similar propo sition wns mnde in tho house of peers, and a law was passed pledging the national faith for ihe security of the sums borrow ed by trie emperor. A convention, ngreenble to the intimation of trrt king, wns concluded between his majesty and the em peror of t'Jerinnny, for enabling him to bring a still greater force against the enemy. The whole amount raised for Austria under the guarantee of pnrlinmcnt amounted to four million six hundred thousand pounds. Tho force required by Brilnin for tho service of 179"», nniounl- Supplies ed In one hundred thousnnd seamen, one hundred ami twenty thousand regulars for the guard and garrisons of the kingdom, siKty-six tlioiiMnnd milllin, and forty thousnnd men employed partly in Ireland and partly in the West Indies and the planta tions, exclusive ofTenc'ibles antl volunteers, loreign troops in British pay, nnd embodied I'Vench emigrants. The sums required to innintnin this force, with the ex trn ordinaries nml ordnance, for the Sardinian subsidy, and all the public services of the year, amounted to twenty-Hcvon millions, five hundred nnd forty thousand pounds, requiring n lotin of eighteen mil lions. '1 he taxes worn upon wine, foreign and British spirits, 'ruw'- lea, coffee, Insurances, foreign grocery nnd fruits, timber, in crease of post-oflico duty by abridging' tho privilege of Ira lik ing, and on hair powder. The loan having been raised by private contract and not by open competition, was severely censured ; tile terms were alleged to be, at least, live per cent moro favourable to tli« contractors thaii was necessary. In furnishing (he requisite force for the current year greatly surpassing tho demands of former exigencies, it wits ueccssniy vol. ir. % 522 HISTORY OF THE CLV V t0 C0l,sider tne most speedy and effectual means for levying soldiers and sailors. Mr. Pitt proposed a new plan for man- 1795 ning the navy, and instead of attempting to throw the burthen Plan of Mr. on any particular class of society, to call upon the public, by Pitifor requiring the contributions of all districts; he proposed as -rhe navy m"ch as possible to supersede the necessity of pressing sailors, which besides its hardships, was accidental and partial in its operation towards the owners of ships; he -therefore moved, that a supply should be required from the mercantile marine in general. The proprietors of merchantmen were tbe most -deeply interested in maintaining the naval -superiority, by whidh their valuable property was protected: Let them contri bute one man out of every seven, with smaller proportion from •the coasting trade ; and also a certain number from those who ¦were employed in inland navigation ; and that besides one man should be furnished by each parish. After a few modi fications the proposition was passed into a law, and officers were immediately -despatched to superintend the several kinds .wtndhan/ °f Jevy. Mr. Wyndham, as secretary at war, reviewed for the im-the means of internal defence, and -proposed to render the provement militia more eflicient, to augment its number, improve its dis- tia. cipline, and assimilate it as much as possible to the army. To effect this object it was necessary to employ expert subal terns, and to -encourage such to -offer their services, he propos ed an additional allowance to be made to their pay in time of .peace, and a bill for that purpose was introduced. Messrs. Fox and Sheridan opposed it as tending to increase the influ ence and patronage of ministers, and to placethe whole military strength of the kingdom under their immediate direction ; a step which was evidently preparatory to the complete esta- -blishment of arbitrary power ; but their objections were over ruled. With a view farther to promote the discipline of the militia it was judged requisite to introduce artillery into that body. The bill authorized the pressing into the regular corps, those militia men who should become expert in the manage ment of artillery. It also permitted those privates who were inclined to enter into the navy, or in the artillery, to quit the militia service. These and other clauses tending to encourage militia men to become soldiers, encountered strong objections ; but the bill was passed by a great majority. This year had been remarkable for scarcity and dearth ; the price of provi sions was so high that the pay of soldiers was insufficient, and great complaints prevailed. Government, without communi cating with parliament, had bestowed an extraordinary allow ance to make up for the high price of bread. Though the measure was not only humane but necessary in itself, yet the mode of carrying it into execution was disapproved, as tend ing to establish a precedent for tnaintaininjr soldiers without the consent of parliament. The attempt was represented as the more inexcusable, as parliament was sitting, competent 1795, REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 523 and disposed to provide supplies according to the circumstan- eA^p- ces of the case; and a resolution was proposed, declaring it _ 1 , illegal to augment thc pay of the army without tho consent of parliament. Ministers vindicated the measure as merely tem porary and the result of necessity ; that no increase was in tended, but a mere occasional supply. After a warm discussion, in which many constitutional topics were introduced, the mo tion was negatived.0 Motions were made by the opposition in both houses to re- Di«n*»oit' i .i • p . i i i mi i- • of the late poal tho suspension of the habeas-corpus act. I he discussion acquittals. of that- subject introduced a review of the prosecutions and trials for high-treason : the acquittals had been incidentally mentioned in various debates about the beginning of the ses sion ; but on the 5th of January, Mr. Sheridan made a direct motion on the following grounds: the preamble to the sus pension stated, that adangerous and- treasonable conspiracy existed in this country : but a verdict in court had- shown this conspiracy to be a mere fabrication. The parties had under gone the strictest trial, and no pains bad been spared for their crimination* What were the proofs of the supposed- conspira cy ? An arsenal furnished with- one pike and nine rusty muskets, and an exchequer containing nine pounds and one bad shil ling. These were the ways and means with which- the con spirators proposed to overturn thc government of Great Britain. No treason had in fact been brought to light, the alleged, ground of the suspension did not exist, therefore the suspension, which in fact suspended the whole British constitution, was an unnecessary infringement of the rights of Britons. Mr. Windham maintained, that tho favourable verdict in the late- trials arose from the ignorance and incapacity of thc juries to, discern the true state of the- case. The real objects of the societies was to overturn the constitution, and the principles imported from France would produce the worst effects, unless they were opposed with the strictest vigilance. Thc deter* mutation of a jury was no proof of the non-existence of a- conspiracy. There was, indeed,, the strongest ground for be lieving that a desperate conspiracy had existed, and still, exist ed. From their whole conduct was- it not probable that thc designs of tho societies were the destruction of the monarch and the constitution ? The guilty were often acquitted in courts ofjustice; not because they were considered as innocent, but merely because therp was no strictly legal evidence produced to confirm the truth. A doubt of their guilt was sufficient in the breast of the jury, but by no means to clear the character of the accused. The verdict in their favour could not, therefore, operate as a motive for repealing the act, even were we to admit that their indictment , for high treason had not been supported by legal proofs : if the judicious andun- c See Parliamentary Reports of 1735, , 524 HISTORY OF THE CtvP' D'asse*' public looked upon them as guilty of an attempt for ^^^L^ which the law had not provided a due punishment, it was the 1795 duty of parliament to make such provision. The motion for repeal was rejected ; and before the term of the act expired, it was renewed. Mr. Dundas brought forward his annual statement of the ofauTaf- affai'-s of the East India company, in the month of June. fairs of the The result of the details was, that the company's affairs were Indiacom- improved upwards of one million four hundred and twelve thousand pounds. Notwithstanding the discouragements and obstructions arising from the war, and while the European markets were shut against them, their sales were more extensive than ever. The surplus revenue would not be so large in future, on account of our appropriation of a part to the just claims of the army. There was now a great and necessary military establishment ; but the company had no higher rank in their service than colonel; this deprived eminent military charac ters of that rank in which they often repose as the best part of their reward : there was also, at present, but a slow pro gression of inferior stations. He proposed a certain propor tion of general and field officers at the different settlements. He farther moved, that whereas before officers returning from India received no allowance from the company, those who had served twenty years in the army should retain full pay for life. If sickness required the return of an officer, he thought he ought to be allowed upon the opinion of a medical man, to leave India without loss of rank or pay. Marriage of During this parliamentary session an event of great nation- ofVales06 a' importance took place, in the marriage of the heir apparent with the to the throne of these kingdoms. His highness espoused his princess royal father's niece, princess Caroline, daughter of the duke Brunswick. °f Brunswick, and his duchess Augusta of England. Lord Mahusbury was employed to conduct the royal bride from her fathers court. Arriving at Hamburgh, her highness was con veyed in a squadron commanded by commodore Payne. On the 7th of April she landed at Greenwich-hospital, and in one of his majesty's coaches attended by a suite of carriages, and escorted by a party of the prince's own regiment, she pro ceeded to town amidst troops of dragoons who were stationed on the road in honour of the princess. Hundreds of horse men and carriages, with immense crowds of spectators, testi fied their joy at the arrival of the young and beautiful stran ger. The people cheered the princess with loud expressions of love and loyalty, and she very graciously bowed and smiled at them as she passed along. Having arrived at St. James's, the people with the ardent eagerness of spontaneous loyalty, which flows from the generous and manly breasts of free- born Britons, continued their congratulations. Her highness standing with the prince at the window, addressed them con cisely, but impressively, in the English language: "Believe REIGN OF GEORGE III. 325 " me, I feel very happy and delighted to see the good and el'y p- " brave English people— the best nation upon earth."d The prince afterwards accosted his countrymen with the grace by .78_ which he is so eminently distinguished : both were received with the most rapturous applause. On the eighth of April the marriage of his royal highness George prince of Wales and the princess Caroline of Brunswick was solemnized in the chapel royal, by the archbishop of Canterbury. The nuptials were celebrated with a magnificence suitable to the rank of the illustrious parties. The income of the heir apparent was greatly inferior to the revenue of predecessors in that exalted situation, since his illustrious family was called to the throne. It had never amounted to more than 60,0002. in the present reduced value of money ; whereas the establishment of his grandfather and great-grandfather was 100,0002. when the value of money was so much higher. Hence the benignant liberality of his highness ' found it impossible to confine his expenditure within his annual receipts. On the 27th of April, a message from his majesty to the commons announcing the marriage of the prince, expressed the king's conviction that a provision would be made for the suit able establishment of the prince and princess. It also stated, that his highness was under pecuniary incumbrances, and jf™"*""' recommended to. parliament his gradual extrication, by apply- tablishment ing to that -purpose part of the income which should have of their been settled on the prince, and appropriating to that object hlShnesses- the revenues of the duchy of Cornwall. When the message was taken into consideration, it appeared that the debts of his highness exceeded six hundred thousand pounds. The civil list by no means could bear even the gradual liquidation of so heavy a.debt. It was notin the present state of publicaffairs proposed to call upon the nation for such a sum, whence was it then to be liquidated but by savings from the prince's income. It was fair, reasonable, consistent with the dignity and policy of the country, that his highness should be placed on an equal foot ing with former princes of Wales. One hundred thousand pounds, eighty years ago, constituted the whole revenue of his great-grandfather George II. then prince of Wales ; and the income of his grandfather, thirty years after, amounted to the like sum, exclusive of the duchy of Cornwall. A hun dred and twenty-five thousand pounds at present, was not more than a hundred thousand sixty years ago. It was pro- Arrant- posed that a hundred and twenty-five thousand, together with ment for the thirteen thousand arising from the duchy of Cornwall should gf/™en' °J be settled on the prince, of which seventy-eight thousand debts.1"06 pounds should be appropriated to the liquidation of his incum brances, and that an arrangement should be made to prevent the contraction of farther debts. This proposition encoun- d SeeOlridge's Annual Register for 1795, p. l.». 526 HISTORY1 OF THE cFy^- tered several objections, and various substitutes were propose ed : why might not the prince's life interest in . the duchy of ,7g„ Cornwall be sold? It would fetch three hundred thousand* pounds, successive ministers had appropriated the revenue of the duchy of Cornwall to the civil list : a contribution, there fore, from the civil list ought to have been made at present. It would not be a- gift from the civil list, but the payment of>' the balance of an- account. After repeated and various dis cussions the plan proposed by Mr. Pitt was adopted, and' commissioners were appointed to superintend the discharge of his incumbrances. Provisions were also made to prevent the farther contraction of debts; and a law was passed, to prevent future princes of Wales from being involved in similar difficul ties. A jointure of fifty thousand pounds per annum was settled upon the princess of Wales, if she should survive. his royal highness. fr^n'the'011 '^'n's sess'on ^e West India merchants, especially of Grena- West India da and St. Vincent's, laboured under great pecuniary embar- merchants. rassments. In consequence of insurrections and other cala mities, they were much injured in their property, and suffered' great inconveniencies in their commerce. From these gentle men a petition was brought to parliament, praying for such relief as might be judged most expedient. Mr. Pitt reminded the house of the very great benefits which had accrued to the mercantile world two years before, from the means devis ed for supporting commercial credit, and proposed- a similar plan to answer the exigencies of these merchants, by issuing bills of exchequer for their accommodation. Mr. Fox strong ly reprobated this interference of the public in private con cerns : it tended to create an influence over the great com mercial body, that would place it in the most abject depend ence on ministers. Hence they would become the invariable supporters of all governments, good or bad,, in expectation- of assistance from them in every pecuniary difficulty. Of the- many innovations lately introduced, this was one of the most dangerous and alarming : it would reduce a class- of people, hitherto remarkable for their independent spirit, to a situation- of subserviency, that would necessarily destroy all their for-? mer importance, and subject them entirely to the direction and1 management of future administrations. These considerations- not weighing with the majority of parliament, the proposed relief was granted. An attempt was made in the house of commons this session to attach blame to the conduct of sir Charles Grey and sir John Jervis ; but the subject being dis cussed, it was found that there was no reason for censure, and that every part of their proceedings had been highly me ritorious. The thanks of the house, voted in the preceding session, were confirmed. > Mr'wil-f ' Mr- Wilberforce this year recalled the attention of the house hei-ibrce for to a subject which appeared at present to he dormant ; this was' REIGN OF GEORGE m. is *h* slave trade, so acalouslv reprobated by one party, as equal- c"y p- Jy criminal and disgraceful : ami no less warmly justified by ^^^^ the other, as absolutely necessary in the actual situation of the 1W5 commercial and colonial affairs of Great Britain. He reminded the ahoii- -them, that a forma I resolution had passed in the session of 1 79?, ,wn «• ~ *« that after the expiration of the month of January 171)6, it should *Jave ""^ »o longer he lawful to import African negroes into the British colonies aud plantations. Resides repeating former arguments, he mentioned the manifest disposition of the newly imported negroes to rise against the while people, aud of the consequent necessity of maintaining a numerous military force to keep them in awe and subjection. He proposed a final abolition of the slave trade : but after a very warm debate, the motion was ne- is nega- gatived. Uved This session the trial of Mr. Hastings, after having lasted Termiiw.- seven years, terminated in his honourable acquittal. Out of "™ * H •"" twenty-nine peers who pronounced judgment on the occasion, \"^« , U- * twenty-three declared him innocent. Tbe East India company, namlfe conscious of the immense advantages which they had derived "^i^"' from the exertions of this extraordinary man, discharged the whole expense of the trial, and also presented him wnh a mo derate pecuniary gift, to prevent from indigence so illuslriotts a servant, who had always attended so much more effectuailv to the interests of his employers than to his own. Though every authentic and impartial historian must bestow high praise oa the political ability which saved India, yet he must allow, that there were certain portions of his conduct manifestly inconsist ent with the rules of justice which prevail in Britain. Whoever considers the Rohilla war, the administration of the revenues. the presents, the expulsion of Cheyt Sing, and the seizure of the treasures of the begums, with the documents, testimonies, •nd circumstances that appeared to the committee, ard after wards even mi the trial, may find sufficient grotwds for a man, tee'ing and reasoning as an English man. to impute culpability — -great culpability, to -Mr. Hastings, His sub-sequent josiiitca- lion of conduct, apparently blameable. does not render the in quirer into these appearances, and wry prominent appearances, of wrong, the object of censure. Men must judge from proba bility, until it be proved false : apparent culpability is a proper subject of investigaiioii. althongn. on inquiry, either proof should be «-.i iting, or even innocence or merit should be esta blished. Those who consider the imputation of unworthy mo tives lathe accusers of Mr. Hastings, confirmed by his acqui:- tai, reason vervinooriekisivelv. Where is the ev.deace for such allega tions? The discussion of the co induct cf toe governor- general came before a committee, in the unforeseen progress •f inquiry: Mr. Burke, a member of the conunitic-v agreed with all the other members in deeming oer.aiv. prooee -.i r^ sta ted hefore them, either in oral or written evidence* if true, ex tremely reprehensible. Ejramini £ the affairs of" India >fi?3 528 HISTORY OF THE LVAP- farther, and not discovering the exculpatory matter which Was v^»v^v_/ afterwards eslablished before the lords, he and many others Of 1795. koth" lne political parties which then prevailed, thought there were sufficient-grounds to justify parliamentary impeachment. We can ho more justly blame Burke, Fox, and Sheridan, for moving an impeachment on the chief subjects, and other gen tlemen on less important charges, nor the house of commons for agreeing to the motions, although the peers afterwards ac quitted the defendant, than we should blame an attorney- general for commencing a prosecution upon the probable grounds Of oral and written evidence: or a grand jury for finding a bill, although the person arraigned should, on' his trial, have a verdict in his favour of not -gidlty. The merit's of Mr. Hastings are intrinsically great, and do not require any extraneous exaggeration : and those who wish to enhance his character by censuring his accusers, manifest an incor rect and inadequate idea of the subject of their deserved applause. Such were the principal events during this Session, which terminated on the 27th of June. His majesty's speech contain ed one passage totally different from the generartenoi1 of minis terial reasonings, which had uniformly exhibited the existing government of France as incompatible with any ideas of se- Mr. Pitt cure peace. Mr. Pitt, indeed, had, in discussing one of the ^a'pSrtCy.,.hls motions for peace, declared his majesty's; willingness to termi- wiiiiiigness nate the war, on just and honourable grounds, with any govern- to mate ment in France, under whatever form, which should appear attainable caPable of maintaining the accustomed relations of peace and with seen- amity with Other countries ; but he had constantly represented ruy, with- tne government which then subsisted, as incapable of main- to the form taining such relations. His majesty expressed hopes, that of Trench peace would eventually arise from the internal state which had ment™' n<3w corr)menced- " R Is impossible to contemplate the internal " situation of the enemy with whom we are contending, with- " out indulging a hope, that the present circumstances of " France may, fn their effects, hasten the return of such a state " of order and regular government, as may be capable of main taining the accustomed relations of amity and peace with " other powers." Though this declaration afforded only a dis tant prospect of peace, yet intimating its attainableness without , the restoration of monarchy, it gave great satisfaction to all those, who did not think a counter revolution in France indis pensably necessary to British security. Bythe party which re probated every project of peace' wilh the French republicans', it was strongly disrelished.6 c To this declaration Mr. Burke alludes in the beginning of his Kegicide Feace: he construed it in tho following manner : " Citizens Regicides ! when ever you find yourselves in the humour, you may have a peace with us. That is a point you niay always command as secure. We are constantly yj attend- REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 529 Irish affairs at this season were extremely interesting and im- *?yAP' pprtant. When earl Fitzwilliam accepted the viceroyalty, as f he afterwards declared, he had been authorized to complete ._„ the catholic, emancipation ;f and as soon as he entered upon his jr;sn office he had prepared to put this popular measure into execu- affairs. tion. The chief members of the Irish ministry at this time L<',,d * ai' i t» p i i • - i William were the Beresford party, always inimical to the encourage- viceroy, ment of catholics, but ardent supporters of most of the mea sures recommended by the English ministers. Lord Fitzwil liam dismissed from their offices some of these persons, and chose in their place others favourable to the grand system which he had in view. The steps for accelerating the catholic eman cipation passed without animadversion from the English minisr try ; but the dismissal of Mr. -Beresford and his adherents gave misunde*- great offence to the cabinet of London. Lord, Fitzwilliam rer ?^ndinS fusing to change his arrangements, he was recalled, and lord hfm'and Camden, son tp the illustrious judge, was appointed his sue- ministers, cessor. Lord'Fitzwilliam arrivedin Britain, made his appear- a5.t0'he. . i- i n i - • ii • extent and ance in parliament, challenged ministers to- prove, that his mear bounds of sures deserved the blame which their conduct intimated, and jjj* powers/ demanded an inquiry. Ministers contended, that no blame was ^ \lf attached to lord Fitzwilliam, and therefore no inquiry was ne- succeeded eessary for his vindication ; and that there were reasons of |jy lord state which rendered the discussion altogether improper: the am en' motions in the respective houses for an inquiry were negatived. In the ardent enthusiasm of misunderstood Uberty, the French Internal had proceeded, as we have seen, with rapid impetuosity, to|,ffalrsof break down, one after another, all the embankments of order rance' and regular government, which reason and policy had con structed, or time had collected/or restraining the torrent of impetuous passion. Many of the first national assembly had proposed a wise mixture of democracy, aristocracy, and mo narchy ; but the visionary theories of fanciful metaphysicians, conceiving in mankind a perfection which mankind do not pos sess, inculcated new schemes of legislation, totally unfit for human beings; and excluded religion, the great moderator of .violent, and corrector of vicious passions. With these natural ^restraints upon the individual, they removed the artificial dis tinctions of rank and subordination, which, conduced to the welfare of society ; they destroyed tho aristocracy, which best attempers and controls monarchical dictation, and popular fury. Aliowing they- king too feeble a power, the constitutionalists of 17$9 rendered the multitude paramount, gave them unlimited sway, , after they had loosened the principles that might have checked the most inordinate and outrageous abuses of their power ; and thus th,ey sowed the seeds of all future excesses.. ance, and nothing you can do shall hinder us from the renewal of our supplieah tiotis.'' f See lord Fitzwilliam's letter lo lord Carlisle. vol. if. ej* 530 HISTORY OF THE t™^>' The republicans of 1792, pursuing the same levelling principle to a still greater extent, trusted that they could govern without ,„„s a monarch, as the constitutionalists of 1789 had governed with out separate orders and states. By the all-ruling mob, a junto of scholars and ingenious men, with learning, eloquence, subtle ty, and theoretical refinement, proposed to govern without a king; but the engine which they moved they could not com mand. The constitutionalists unmuzzled, and the republicans goaded, the wild beast that, though at first soothed by their caresses, was soon turned upon themselves, with the unbridled license of passion ; impiety and cruelty increased ; and demo cracy was swallowed up by anarchy. In five years, the French had experienced all the changes from arbitrary monarchy, through emancipation, liberty, licentiousness, anarchy, and The go- despotic terror. The sera of Robespierre, the season of atheism, vernment of anarchy, and terror, was the lowest abyss of the French revolu- the lowest "on. There is, as the firsts of modern historians observes, and abyss of re- oneh of the first repeats, an ultimate point of exaltation and anarchy"^ depression, which, when human affairs reach, they return in a Commen- contrary progress. From the destruction of Robespierre, the ring return proceedings of the French began to show some distinct ten- order! * dency to social order. The sway of the odious tyrant, terrible as it was while it lasted, was not without its salutary effects. It very clearly demonstrated the terrible consequences of a poli tical society without subordination, government, and religion. But the progress of the return from anarchy to social order, was- slow, and often interrupted by formidable conspiracies. The Mountain long predominated, and opposed, with all its might, changes which tended to strengthen the Girondine party, whose vengeance it dreaded." The Girondists, constitutionalists, and other enemies to jacobin anarchy, gradually coincided in one great object, the formation of a regular constitution, which should contain a diversity of states, with reciprocal check and Constitu- control. The chief provisions of this new system were two 1795^1 councils, both chosen by the electoral assemblies. The first, councils, consisting of five hundred members, was styled the legislative and an ex- council; its object was to propose laws : the second, consisting rectory of °f two hundred and fifty members, all above forty years of five. age, was termed the council of elders ; its object was to confirm laws. One-third of the members was to be rechosen every year. The executive government was vested in a director? of five members. The directory was to be partially renewed, by the election of a new member every year; none of the mem bers who thus went out could be re-elected till after a lapse of five years. The directory was to be elected by the two coun cils, in the following manner : the council of five hundred was to make, by secret scrutiny, a list of ten persons; from which g Hume, vol. ii. at the conclusion of Richard III. h Robertson, Introduction to Charles V. i Segur, vol. iii. REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 531 the senate, by secret scrutiny, was to select one ; the judicial c^p- power was to reside in the judges of the department, chosen by the electoral assemblies; with a tribunal of appeal, chosen by the same for the whole nation. The directors might invite the legislative body to take a subject into consideration, but could hot propose any topic of discussion, unless concerning peace and war. The directory was not invested with the power of assembling or proroguing the legislative bodies. This cOn- French Btitulion showed, that the French politicians had now formed politicians some idea of the utility of a control of estates. It was, how- "mcedthat ever, extremely defective in its executive function, which was control of not endued with sufficient power to prevent the encroachment e!tatesis of the legislative bodies. The bestowal of the executive power ne' ,sar^' upon five persons, necessarily produced distraction and contest. It was impossible, in the nature of man, that five supreme rulers„shoul(l long act with harmony. In its executorial effi ciency, this system bore some resemblance to the constitution of 1789; in its two councils, it manifested a tendency to sur pass the democracy royal. This year, the son of the late king, styled by the royalists Death of Louis XVII. died in the temple; and the king's brother, now'1}6'?16 , kin0" s soiiz representative of the house of Bourbon, assumed the title of " ? Louis Will. 532 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. LVI. Effects of the French successes upon other powers. — The grand duke of Tuscany and Ihe king of Sweden acknowledge Ihe French republic. — Character and views of the king of Prussia. — After receiving a subsidy from England, he abandons the alliance — and concludes a peace with France. — Spain compelled to receive peace from France. — German princes. — Extensive dominion of the French republic. — Renewal of the war in La Vendee. — The French emigrants in England fancy and represent royalism to prevail in France — plan of co operation with the royalists submitted to ministers — scheme adopted by them — expedition to Quiberon — disastrous issue of. — Requisition from Holland. — The French armies reduce the fortress of Luxemburg, and complete the conquest of Belgium. — Campaign npon the Rhine — -indecisive. — Armistice of ihreHrnonths. -^Naval operations.- — Engagement of admiral Cornwallis with a much supe rior French force — by a stratagem he impels the enemy to fly.— Lord Brid- port defeats the French fleet off L'Orient, and captures their larges ships. — Attempt of the French to recover their losses in the West Indies. — War' in Jamaica wilh the Maroon negroes. — Admiral Hotham defeats the French off Corsica.- — Admiral Elphinstone reduces the Cape of Good Hope. — Internal affairs of France, — Ambitious views of the leaders of the convention. — Efforts ofNapoIeone Bonaparte, a young Corsican officer, excite general admiration.- — The moderates at length prevail. THE successes of the French struck all Europe with as- , tonishment ; and it was evident, that the confederacy must be inefficient, without greater union of design, concert of counsels, and vigour of conduct. Some of the princes had avowed, that their object was the restoration of monarchy ; but separate and upon other private views had interfered with the successful prosecution pf powers. this purpose. It is probable that every sovereign would have preferred, in so very powerful a nation, ancient establishment to revolution. The effects and relations of the one were as certained ; of the other, could not be defined or comprehended. The French monarchy, when vigilantly watched, had been found compatible with the security of other countries : the principle of the new system was universal change. Hitherto no potentate bad acknowledged the French republic, which they either hoped or supposed must yield to so numerous and strong an alliance; but the extraordinary progress of the Gallic armies altered their opinions and policy ; reasoning from opera tions and events, instead of combining them with their causes, several princes conceived, that since the efforts of the confe derates, planned and directed as they were, had been unsuc cessful, no exertions could avail. Convinced of the stability of the revolutionary scheme, sovereigns now began to deprecate the anger and court the friendship of such a mighty people. ^To the great surprise of politicians, the emperor's brother, the REIGN OF GEORGE III. 53? grand duke of Tuscany, first acknowledged the French repub- CjHvAP- lie, concluded peace, sent the count de Carlctti as minister to Paris ; and, by a formal treaty, breaking his engagement with """^jC*"' the coalition, promised in future to observei,the strictest neutrali- T|1C "nd ty. One crowned head soon followed the example of this duke oi't us. prince: the regent of Sweden, in the name of his nephew, "lny."nd . sent the baron de Staal to Paris ; and that ambassador appeared Sweden uc- in the convention, and assured the French nation of the friend- knowledge ship which the court of Stockholm entertained for the republic. J^?,,,*!™ The king of Prussia, for two years, had been a very cold Character and inefficient ally : his jealousy of Austria had absorbed his and views apprehensions from France; and the participation of Polish °r preus8j^,s spoils engaged him much more powerfully than the restoration of monarchy. Prematurely despairing to be able to reinstate the heir of the Bourbons on the throne of France, he became disgusted with the war, and was not displeased that the he reditary rival of his family was weakened ; and did not reflect, that the power which overwhelmed the Netherlands, and humbled Austria, was extending her means of eventually re ducing Prussia. But examiners of conduct, who derive the measures and actions of princes uniformly from public policy, are apt to form very erroneous conclusions. Private passions and personal habits influence, the counsels of kings. Frederick William was distinguished for his love of pleasure, and though constitutionally brave, and occasionally active, a leading fea ture in his character was that indolence which is so usual a companion or follower of sensual indulgence.1' Like his uncle he was rapacious, but from very different views : the great Frederick sought and acquired territories and other pos sessions, for the aggrandizement and melioration of Prussia ; his nephew appears to have deaired the property of others, much more for the purposes of individual gratification. The extravagance that rarely fails to attend luxurious sensuality, had drained the coffers which the policy and economy of his predecessor had so very fully replenished. The plunder of Poland, and the sums which he received from England for making a promise that'he did not intend to perform, removed his pecuniary difficulties, and created a new fund for pleasura ble enjoyment : he could now revel in his seraglio without any apprehension of fiscal embarrassments. These circumstances and considerations, in the opinion of persons thoroughly ac quainted with the disposition aud private life of Frederick Wil liam, afforded an additional weight to the political reasons by which he was determined to separate himself from the alliance* '• The king of Prussia (says Segur),1 contented with his new *' acquisitions in Poland, and disgusted with the war, forgot, in k This account is strongly supported by Segur ; a man of penetration, who appears to have thoroughly comprehended the character ol Frederick William: See vol. iii. chap. xiii. I Vol. iii. p. 200. 534 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. « the arms of his mistresses, his former objects, his recent de* " feats, the danger of the empire, the dispute of kings, and the V*^XT^"' " interests of his sister, the princess of Orange." After re- During the year 1794, a negotiation was opened between ceiving a France and Prussia ; and, in April, 1795, peace was concluded. subsidy The articles of this treaty were entirely favourable to France j England, such, indeed, was the temper, as well as the situation of the heaban- French at this time, that no other would have been admitted. anhlnce' Tne Prussian territories on the left bank of the Rhine were and con- ceded to France, and those only on the right restored to Prus- tludes a sja. The regulations for the internal settlement of the coun-" France" tr'es which were thus ceded, were referred, for final discussion^ to the period of a general peace between France and Germany. It was agreed, that a cessation of hostilities should take place and continue in the north of Germany, which henceforth should be considered as neutral ground ; and that those princes whose dominions lay on the right side of tbe Rhine, should be entitled to make proposals to France, and to be fa vourably treated ; in behalf of whom, the king of Prussia Spain com- should interpose his good offices."1 Having thus accomplished pe.iled to re" by policy, peace with Prussia, the next object of France was fronT PeaC* to compel Spain to withdraw from the confederacy. The war France. of the republicans with that country had been uniformly suc cessful. Their armies had surmounted the defiles of the Py renees, hovered over northern Spain, and threatened to pene trate into the heart of the country, and advance to Madrid. The king of Spain saw no expedient to save himself from ruin, but the conclusion of peace. All resources had been exhaust ed ; the nobility, the gentry, the clergy, the monastic orders, had all contributed ; the orders of knighthood, which have large possessions in Spain, had lately made liberal donations to go vernment, besides a tax, laid on their revenues, of eight per cent." No class had been remiss in pecuniary assistance to the state ; but want of personal spirit, or discontent at the mea sures pursued by the ministry, seemed to pervade the mass of the nation. In such a situation, the court of Madrid formed a resolution to withdraw from the confederacy. Peace was accordingly concluded, agreeably to the dictation of France. The conditions were, that France should restore to Spain all her conquests in that kingdom, and that Spain should cede to France all its part of the island of Hispaniola in the West In dies ; together with all the artillery and military stores deposit-' German ed in that colony. France also concluded peace with-ihe> princes. greater number of the German princes. Holland was now formed into a democratic republic, on the model of France J' and the power and wealth of these provinces was henceforward' entirely at the disposal of the French republic. " Never (as- m See Otridge's Annual Register, p. 62. n Ibid, p, 60, REIGN OF GEORGE III. 533 H the able author" of the Annual RegistcrP observes) since the CHAP. " days of Charlemagne, had the empire of France extended " over so many regions and people." A list of recent conquests V"^X~V'' was printed, and affixed to a tablet which was hung in the hall Extensive of the convention, and copies of it were sent to the armies, to- dominion gether with an enumeration of the victories by which these ac-°f lhe quisitions were obtained. They consisted of the ten provinces public. of the Austrian Netherlands ; the seven united provinces ; the bishoprics of Liege, Worms, and Spires ; the electorate of Treves, Cologne, and Mentz ; the duchy of Deux Ponts ; the palatinate ; the duchies of Juliers and Cleves. These acces sions were all rich, fertile, and populous countries ; abounding with men as zealous in their cause as the French themselves. On the south side of France, their conquests were, the duchy of Savoy, with the principalities of Nice and Monaco in Italy. The population of all these countries was estimated at thirteen millions ; which, added to the twenty-four millions contained in France, constituted a mass of thirty-seven millions, inhabit ing the centre of Europe, and capable, by that position alone, if united under one government, to defy the enmity of all Iheir neighbours ; to exercise an influence amounting almost to uni versal sovereignty.") So completely did the pressure of the confederacy drive the French nation to military enthusiasm; and such astonishing effects did that sentiment, operating upon the genius and energy of this extraordinary people, produce against an enemy who acted without a common principle or concerted union. A disposition to insurrection still prevailed in La Vendee ; Rene,va) 0f and at length broke out in new revolt. The objects of the the win" French during this campaign were, entirely to crush intestine La Vendue. rebellion ; and, in contending with their two remaining enemies, o Generally believed to be Dr. William Thomson. See life of that gentleman ia Phillips's Public Characters, for 1S03. p OtriJge's. q The means by which they arrived at such an extent of power, the French exhibited in the following statement. In the space of seventeen months, they had won Iwenty-seven battles, and been victorious in one hundred and twenty ac- tionsof less note. They had taken one hundred and sixteen slrong cities and for tified places ; but what redounded chiefly to the reputation of the French, these Successes had been obtained over the best disciplined armies of Europe, elated with meir past triumphs over warlike enemies ; and commanded by generals of consummate experience, and Ihe most dazzling reputation. Their own armies, in the commencement of the contest, consisted of officers and soldiers, few of whom had seen service, and their commanders were very far from eminent in their pro fession. With these disadvantages, they resolutely ventured to face llie tremen dous combination formed against Ihem ; and in less than twelve months, from acting on the defensive, they assaulted their enemies in every direction, and struck them every where w-ilh so much terror, that several of them were medita ting a retreat from the fijd of action, and total secession from the confederacy, by uniting wilh which they had sustained so many losses. See Otridge's Annual Begister, for 1795, p. 54. Mff HISTORY OF THE CjHAP. Britain and Austria, to act on the defensive against the naval v^p^^/ efforts of England, and on the offensive against the military 1796 force of the emperor. Persevering in the policy which com mon sense dictates to the objects of a hostile and powerful con federacy, they uniformly sought to detach its members sepa rately and successively from the combination ; and where ne gotiation would not avail, they employed force. Aware that against Austria their efforts would be much more effectual than against England, they directed their principal exertions to wards their continental enemy. Luxemburg only remained in ihe possession of the Germans, on .the left bank of the Rhine. The republicans proposed to reduce that fortress ; afterwards, passing the Rhine, to make Germany the scene of war, and to press forward in Italy. Two armies were destined for the ope rations on the Rhine, respectively commanded by. Pichegru and Jourdain. A considerable force was also sent against the insurgents, now consisting of the Vendeans and Chouans, and commanded by Charette. Large supplies of money, sent from Britain, contributed to increase the number; and an expedition was undertaken from Britain, to co-operate with the French loyalists. Though this armament consisted chiefly of emigrants, the plan of operations was by no means conformable to their 1'he wishes and views. Certain emigrants represented to our mini- French sters, that La Vendee and its neighbourhood were far from be- in' England '"£ tne s0'e scenes of French loyalty : that in Guienne, Lan- fancy and guedoc, Provence, Lyonnois, and Alsace, there were numerous represent bodies attached to monarchy. They proposed a grand scheino prevaTin ° °f Connected co-operation,r by aii expedition in six divisions, in France, the maritime parts to consist chiefly of English, and. in the in- Planof co-]an(j 0r Austrian, invaders. The votaries of Mr. Burke's sen- with the timents and ideas eagerly seconded this proposition ; but that royalists part of the ministry which, to use the political language of lat- TriirSater^ -° ter l,mes> was rather anti-gallican than anti-jacobin, which was more intent on the annoyance of French power, than the dic tation of French government, was averse to so expensive and weighty an undertaking. Less ardent for the restoration of monarchy, they did not apprehend, that the numbers and force- of its friends was nearly so great as conceived in the sanguine hopes of the emigrants and Burkites. These observed, that if any attempt was made, it must be with a view to be effec tual ; that a small equipment would answer no useful purpose ; a scanty force could not expect to prevail against the numerous hordes of republicans ; and it would be belter not to send any expedition, than to send a handful, which, instead of really aid ing the loyalists, would only stimulate them to certain destruc- scheme tion. The majority of the cabinet, however, appear to have adopted by ¦them. r -j.ne pr0p0aw] p]an of operations, and ihe correspondence with which it was accompanied, was kindly communicated to mr-- by an emigrant nobleman of hij^bt distinction-, who bore a considerable part in the expedition. REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 537 intended merely a diversion, to weaken the efforts of the re- c^p* publicans in other quarters : to the re-establishment of mo- ^^^L> narchy, the preparations were so totally inadequate, that it is ng5 morally certain they could not be designed for that purpose In the bes-innino- of June, the expedition sailed to the south- Expedition &„ . ° ' , ,, ,r . j to inluiberon. em coast of Bntanny ; and as the vendeans possessed no sea port to afford their friends a landing, the squadron proceeded to the bay of Quiberon. Here a body of about three thousand men landed on the 27th, and dispersed a small number of re publicans. They besieged and took a fort garrisoned by six hundred men, and prepared to march farther into the country. A considerable number joined the expedition, and a great quantity of arms had been sent ; thence it was fondly expected, that an army would be formed in a short time, capable of facing the republican troops in the neighbourhood. Having increased to about twelve thousand men, they advanced up the country, and after gaining several skirmishes, attacking a large body of republican troops, they were obliged to. retreat. Meanwhile, Hoche having collected a numerous army, proceeded against the emigrant forces; a bloody battle ensued, and was followed Disastrous by a decisive victory on the side of the republicans ; scarcely issue of. three thousand escaped to their ships. The chiefs of the Chou ans for several months carried on a desultory war, were at length overpowered by the republican armies, and punished as rebels against the government which they had so lately ac knowledged. The unfortunate emigrants captured on this dis astrous expedition were also treated as rebels, and suffered on the scaffold. Such was the melancholy termination of an ex pedition, from which no direct success could reasonably be expected. In employing, however, the force of the enemy, this undertaking was not without a considerable influence on the events of the campaign. Those statesmen who supposed that by the continuance of The expect- the war the French would exhaust their resources, were in the ations of e.v- event proved to be erroneous reasoners. War carried on with Jv"*"hS the the energy which they exerted, and successful beyond all re- finances cords of history, was to them an instrument of acquisition : in proves the spoils8 of conquered countries they found their ways and Th'erevoTu- means : Holland and Belgium supplied the treasury of France, tionists find The Austrian Netherlands were formally incorporated with the new resour- French republic ; and to render this accession complete, they ronqupred besieged Luxemburg. With this operation they opened the-ountries. campaign ; the garrison, though strong, yet being completely ^o^iiol-" S This conversion of the property of Ihe conquered to the use of the conquerors has often been ascribed to jacobinism ; but ihe, slightest attcmion to history i- proves, that both the principle and practice are not new, but as old as ihe records of war and plunder. One ingredient in their system differed from Gre. cian and Roman plunder, a spirit of proselytism. But that spirit was not pecu liar lo tbe French plunderers; the Spaniards in Mexico and Peru werealmos' as eager lo convert as to rob, the unoffending Indians. vot. it. 08 538 HISTORY OF THE crtJ£p invested, and finding that no succours could approach, on the seventeenth of June capitulated. The French had only one place more to reduce, in order to Compass that object which The French was *° crown their military operations. This was, to make a armies re- conquest of the strong and important city of Mentz ; by the due-; the acquisition of which they would regain the ancient boundary Luxemburo-, between Germany and Gaul, the river Rhine. But the situa- and com- tion of Mentz was extremely strong, and. they found it neces- conquestof sary t0 convert tne siege into a blockade. During the early Belgium, part of the campaign, the French armies had been much less active than was expected from the successes of the former year. Their inaction, however, really arose from those Very successes. Their victories, splendid and momentous as they were, had been earned by great profusion of lives ; and though their armies were continually supplied with recruits, it required time to inure those to discipline. Though they might replace the numbers they were continually losing, they could not sup ply 1 heir places with an equal proportion of goOd soldiers. The French officers and commanders were fully aware of this defi ciency, and, for this reason, were become less adventurous and enterprising. Besides, a considerable part of the republic- Campaign an fprce was employed against the revolters. The operations upon the upon the Rhine were therefore, on the whole, indecisive and eisiVe. unimportant, compared with the events of the former year. It was not till the month of August, that Jourdain crossed the Rhine ; he captured Dusseldorf, and compelled the Austrians to retreat. Pichegru with his army followed a few days after, and haying reduced Manheim, occupied a position on the right bank, which intercepted the Austrian armies on thenorth and south of the Main, respectively commanded by generals Clair fait and Wurmser. A division of his army having attacked the Austrians with the usual impetuosity, put them to the route. But the spirit of plunder was so predominant among the French, that as soon as they had defeated this part of Wurmser's army, they dispersed on all sides in quest of pillage. The Austrian cavalry, informed of their disorder, returning, completely sur- • prised and defeated the plunderers, and compelled them to make a precipitate retreat. Clairfait meanwhile advanced up on Jourdaih's army, which had invested Mentz from the right bank of the Rhine, attacked and defeated its rear, and took a large quantity of cannon destined for the siege ; and after suc cessive victories, his adversary compelled the Austrian to re cross the Rhine. Pichegru also found the same retrograde movement necessary : the two Austrian armies, now enabled to form a junction, crossed the Rhine, obliged the republicans to raise the siege of Mentz, and reconquered the Palatinate and most of the countries between the Rhine and the Moselle. Alarmed at their progress, Jourdain collected all the troops that were stationed in thc proximity of the Rhine, and by ibrccd .marches r»a.ched, in a short time,' the scene of action. REIGN. OF GEORGE. III. 53j> United with Pichegru, he had the good fortune to put a, stop to Cj^p- the rapid- career of the Austrians. The successes of the Ger mans encouraged them to project the siege of Luxemburg, but ^^^ the vigorous resistance of the republicans prevented them from advancing so far. After various sharp conflicts, they were obliged to recross the Rhine. Meanwhile, on the right bank of the Rhinethey were employed in besieging Manheim, which a strong garrison of French so vigorously defended, that it held out till the end of November, when it yielded to the Au strians. Tbe. campaign concluded by common consent of the Armistice hostile generals, who agreed to a suspension of arms for three of tnJce months, which was ratified by the respective powers ; and the on 5" armies of both parties withdrew into winter quarters. The same languor marked the operations in Italy ; the French maintained their former acquisitions, but made no farther pro gress. Tbe .continental campaign of 1795 was, indeed, on the whole inefficient. The French however had subdued the revolters, and acquired Luxemburg. The French, at sea, confined themselves to defensive efforts against our navy, and depredations on our trade. ,The naval operations of Britain were necessarily much less Naval ope- important than in the former year, against an enemy that rations. would not face them with any considerable force. They were not, however, altogether deficient in brilliancy. Admi- Engage- ral Cornwallis had, this summer, been stationed on the west m?nt °'' ?<•* coast of France, to intercept the enemy's trade, and to corre- "ami with" spond with La Vendee : on the 16th of June, having only five a much sjt ships of the line, he met off Belleisle thirteen French ships of P,erior, the line. Against a , force so greatly superior he kept a run- f0[Cgm ning. fight for the whole of the next day, without suffering the enemy to.gain the smallest advantage. At length his repeating gya slrata, frigate, to deceive the French, threw out a signal that a large gem he im- British squadron was in sight. This ingenious stratagem ini-Pelstne.?nc" pelled the republicans to betake themselves to a precipitate Lord°Bnd- ilight. The Gallic, squadron, six days after, fell in with lord port defeats Rridport, who defeated them, and took three of their largest ''^r^-"0'! \- ff . r irt • . B ollL Orient ships, on port L 'Orient, and cap- • In the West Indies, the French formed a project of recover- tures 'heir ing the islands which had been ceded to the English after for- ^^l -mer wars. To promote this purpose, they sent emissaries to Attempt of St. Lucie, St. Vincent's, Grenada, and Dominica, Who had con- the Frencl« siderable success : St. Lucie was reduced through the efforts of lnej,. \0Ssls .the insurgents ; and the three others with difficulty preserved, in the West ,The French also reduced St. Eustatius, retook the island 0f,ndles- ..Guadaloupe, and the fort of Tiberon in St. Domingo. In J-a- ^Var .in maica, a war arose between the British and the Maroon In- w^the dians, a very hostile , and dangerous tribe, scattered in the Maroon ne» woods, and noted for robbery and murder. The militia and Sroes- soldiers turning out, completely subdued these savages ; and ft> trace the fugitives employed blood-hounds : the island was 540 HISTORY OF THE C/iiP' c'earea' °f lbese marauders ; the remainder of whom was transported to Upper Canada. v^^7*~' In the Mediterranean, admiral Hotham defeated the French Admimi off Corsica ; and on the coast of Africa, admiral Elphinstone Hotham de- Captured the Cape of Good Hope and a Dutch fleet. From £ats the the time that Holland became a dependency of France, an or- Corsica." der was issued for seizing all the Dutch ships in British ports ; Admiral and also letters of marque and reprisal were granted against the remices'the Batavian republic. Such are the chief events of the third year Cape of of the war in which Great Britain was engaged against the Coodaope French republic. Internrfl-a-f- The internal proceedings of the French republicans were at 'fairs of this time more active and energetic than the operations of their ranee. armies. Having formed the new constitution on the overthrow of the terrible system, the national convention was occupied in preparing for its practical commencement, and in endeavouring Ambitious to destroy anarchy, did not lose sight of ambition. Before they leaders>fofe surrendered their authority into the hands of the nation, they the conven- made provision for its renewal. They passed a decree, which tion. enjoined the electoral bodies to choose two-thirds of the depu ties of the nation that were to be returned onlhis occasion, out of the members of the present convention ; and ordained, that in default of an election of those two-thirds in the manner pre scribed, the convention should supply the vacancies themselves. The constitution, and these decrees, were formally transmitted to the primary assemblies. These acts were by many consider ed as violations of the undoubted privileges of the people, and attempts to perpetuate their own power against the sense of their constituents. The Parisians declared, that henceforth the convention had forfeited all title to any farther obedience. The primary assemblies in the city having met by their own appoint ment, in defiance of the convention, insisted that they had cho sen their electors, and that these being the direct representa* tives of the people, possessed a right to consult together as soon as they judged it necessary. The convention, in order to ter rify the refractory, employed a military force to disperse this assembly of Parisians. The Parisians forebore at that time opposing the soldiers of the convention, but continued to in veigh against their designs. Both parties became inflamed with the greatest rage. After warm and violent contests of reasoning, they prepared to have recourse to force. On the 4th of October, ihe Parisian troops proceeded against the sol diers of their antagonists : a conflict taking place, was fought with the greatest courage and ardour, when the skill and enter prise of a young Corsican gave a decisive victory to the conven- Efforis of tional troops. The officer in question was Napoleone Bona- jfapoleone partej wn0 on this the first opportunity of exerting his talents a "young'8' in military command, attracted the high admiration both of Corsican of- those for whom, and against whom it was employed. The generaTad- numbers that fell did not exceed a thousand ; and a great mu> miration. REIGN OF GEORGE IH. 541 Vitude was preparing from different quarters to join the troops cTt!Ap> of the Parisians, but were overawed by the success of the op posite party. The metropolis was subjected to the power of '"""^T*"' the convention, which made a very severe use of the victory, punished, without mercy the Parisian insurgents ; and in the apprehension of many of the more moderate republicans wero about to revive the system of terror. The jacobins began to regain an ascendency in an assembly whose chief objects, like those of Robespierre, appeared to be uncontroled dominion. They procured a commission to be appointed, consisting of five persons, who were empowered to consult together what mea sures were proper to be adopted in order to save the country. Such an arbitrary assumption of power alarmed all France : men were apprehensive that the days of Robespierre were about to be revived : but the circumstances were changed : the dread of foreign enemies being removed, the moderate republicans and constitutionalists were too numerous and powerful to sub mit to this new project of despotism. During the month of October, these contests were carried on with great warmth, ¦and affairs appeared drawing to some important crisis ; but they terminated favourably to the prospect of returning order. In the convention itself, the ablest men were among the mode- xi,e mode? rates ; and, though in a temporary minority, soon found means rates at to prevail over a considerable number of the others, and at length ^;?th t"'e" to overbalance the violent and Jacobinical junto. It was pro posed, in the name of the nation, that the commission of five should instantly be suppressed, and that the constitution de creed by the acceptance of the people should take place, and the convention be dissolved on the day appointed ; and the mo derate party being now predominant, these propositions were carried. The violent faction, aware of the odiousness of their conduct, and the decay of their power, endeavoured, by pro moting or seconding popular acts, to regain the public favour. On the 26th of October, this celebrated convention dissolved Dissolution itself, after having- sitten upwards of three years : and, in go- of the «m- verning France, produced effects more momentous to Europe vcnt,on> than any which had taken place for several centuries. Their and charac- character, operations, and efficiency, were astonishing, and stir- ler- passed all the experience and records of history. Their chief Collective characteristic was promptitude of intellectual and ac tive powers, which discovered and called into effectual opera tion all the faculties and resources of the country : and made every species of inanimate and rational beings engines for com passing their ends. Exempt themselves from all moral and're- ligious restraints, they destroyed or suppressed these principles- in others, in order to insure their instrumentality ; in all- quali ties and means, they regarded merely efficacy ; and in seeking their objects, they simply employed sagacity, invention, cou rage, resolution, and expedition. Genius, vigour of mind, inde fatigable and rapid exertion, moving directly on to their end, S42 HISTORY OF THE , S-vAP' and totally regardless of conscience, and of all the laws of God ^_J^ and man, making no account of human happiness or misery, 1793 may certainly do numberless acls in a private station, which must surprise all who, with equal power, have not thrown off the fetters of piety and virtue. Enormous however as their crimes might be, they were mixed with most extraordinary ef forts, brilliant actions, and astonishing success against the ene mies of their country. Never had a government greater obsta cles to surmount ; internal dissensions that rose to rebellion, extensive, powerful, and formidable ; a. confederacy of nations, two of which sent forth armies, that in numbers, courage, dis cipline, and military skill, were equal to the Roman legions ; and assisted by other states no less brave and hardy ; with a kingdom which commanded the fountains of silver and of gold; had been once the rival of France herself, and, of continental powers, was still the second in naval greatness : but, beyond all, an insular empire, which united the genius of Greece, with the persevering valour and constancy of Rome; the opulenc&of Carthage and Persia ; military prowess superior to any heroes of modern Europe," and a maritime force which far surpassed any related in the annals of mankind. Such a combination of resources and warriors never before had one state to oppose. Yet did the French convention, with the executive govern ments which it successively created, not only resist their im mense efforts, by crushing internal revolt, and driving the ene my from their frontiers, but acquired accessions of territory more extensive than any which have been procured by con quest in modern Europe ; whose fertility, industry, skill, rich es, and the means of force, far surpassed any conquest achiev ed by the Romans during half a century of their most warlike history. If in compassing objects of such magnitude, they were guilty of many enormities ; they possessed most uniform ly, and signally exerted, one quality, without which the highest intellectual and moral excellencies avail little, in the conduct ors of momentous and dangerous wars, or any other arduous situations in active life : — this was energy,11 constant in object, rapid in exertion, and decisive in effect. ¦ ¦ t If this should be thought an unfounded assertion, it must be hy those who do not recollect the pitched battles between the Brilish and any opponents, from Cressy to Alexandria : they never were beaten by equal, or nearly equal, troops, and very rarely by much superior numbers. . ., u This quality no observer of their conduct more explicitly and fully aUows, than one author, who will never be accused of partiality in favour of the Frcncjj revolutionists. See Burke on Regicide Peace .; and his other writings concern ing the French revolution) subsequent to the commencement of the war. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 643 CHAP. LVII. Britain.— Many who had approved of the war, tire of ils continuance — are dis-' appointed in its results — they conceive the advantages gained do not balance the loss incurred. — Scarcity and dearness of provisions. — Discontents. — Active endeavours of the innovating societies. — Multiplication of lecturers — who re present wars as ministerial jobs for plundering the people. — Frequency of sedi tious meetings. — Meetings of the corresponding society at Chalk farm and Co penhagen house.— Abuse of government. — Behaviour of the mob to the king in his way to and from parliament — a bullet is shot into the king's coach. — Indig nation of the public. — Proclamation.— Proceedings of parliament.— Lord Grenville introduces a bill for the safety of his majesty's person — principle and details — arguments against it — for it. — Mr. Pitt's bill for preventing seditious s meetings — objects and provisions of — arguments against it. — Mr. Fox repro bates the bills — exhibits the righls of the people to state their grievances — de clares thc bills intended to prevent the exercise of that right — andjto shield ministers— he alleges, they subvert constitutional freedom.— Active efforts of him and his coadjutors both in and out of parliament. — Petitions. — Arguments for Mr. Pitt's bill — required by the circumstances of the times — somewhat modifi ed, both pass into laws. — Impartial view of the new acts. — Restrictions on the freedom of the press. — Mr. Pitt apprehended to undervalue literary effort. — Majority of the literary class inimical to his administration. — Writers repre sent the series of his measures as more conducive to the power of the crowd than the rights pf the people. — Slate of ministerial popularity .—Ministers inti mate his majesty's disposition to open a negotiation for peace — remarks of Mr. Fox on this declaration — The conduct of the war is severely censured. — Sup plies — immense loan. — The taxes financially judicious, laid on the luxuries or corrveniencies, and not the necessaries of life. — Able speech of earl Moira on re venue. — Proposed remonstrance of opposition. — Dissolution .of parliament. THE war had been begun with the approbation, and even C,HAP- applause, of a very great majority of the British nation ;. and, during the first campaign, these sentiments continued to pre- V^nT'> vail : but the distresses of our army in Holland, and the appa- Britain.— rent hopelessness' of the contest at the expiration of the second, Many who began to damp their eagerness. When a third campaign was '™j a{? j5,™" concluded, many of the former promoters of war conceived, war, tire of that the exertions of three years had not brought Britain any its continu- nearer the purpose of hostilities, than they were at itscom-ance' mencement, and now became tired of its continuance. Its ex- ar? disap- penses retrenching the comforts of life, came home to their Ftsre^uiis" feelings: like the bulk of mankind, judging from the event, they con- they began to think that the war must have been wrong in the ce've lhe outset, which in its progress had so totally disappointed their gained do expectation ; at any rate, that it must be unwise in the contin- not balance uance, when, in their apprehensions, it produced no benefit to-{j*^(l> balance the very heavy loss. In addition to the pressure of j44 HISTORY OF THE cHAP. the war, a scarcity prevailed throughout the kingdom, and waa woefully felt by the poorer sort, several of whom perished for v"^^"' want. The means of procuring sustenance were narrowed Scarcity fr°m various causes : but the discontented attributed this evil and dear- to the war ; and the sufferers, through defect of employment^ ness of pro- Werc ready enough to believe those who represented all the Discontents, calamities that affected the nation, as proceeding chiefly, if not solely, from the hostilities. Multitudes, not only of the lower, but even the middling classes, very ardently desired peace, and began to cherish displeasure against ministers for not endea> Active en- vouring to procure that blessing to the country. The members the'Innova- °? iaG innovating societies were now extremely bold and ac ting socie- tive : the acquittals, at the trials for high treason, had swelled ties. i|leir exultation, and inspired their courage. They regarded the ministers as a junto, who had desired and plotted against them unjust death, without the power of perpetrating their de signs. The most zealous democrats eagerly stimulated disaf- Muitip'ica- fectioii to government. Declamatory lecturers multiplied in the nonoilec- metropolis ; th'1 demafrog-ues did not confine themselves to thc topics which had been so often agitated in democratic societies, addressed to their own peculiar cast ; but watched the tone of dissatisfaction beginning to be heard among persons who werc well affected to the constitution of their country : and pointed their invectives and sarcasms, not merely against what they called the aristocratic principles and objects of the war, but what came much more home to the hearts ofthe people, its ef- who repro- tecla on their purses and means of livelihood. Lecturers," both sent wars stationary and itinerant, represented wars, and beyond them riaij'.bC " a"> thi'-j war, as contrived by courts and ministers, to afford; for plunder- them pretexts for plundering the people, that they and their "jg'hepeo- adherents might wallow in luxury; while the multitude, by whose hard earnings their profusion was supported, were stint ed in the necessaries of life. These inflammatory arts opera ting on minds already sore wilh the pressure ofthe war and scarcity, brought nuny loyal nnd constitutional, though not considerate and discriiiiinaliriK men, into the vortex of discon tent. A multiplicity of publications, periodica] and occasion- l»reauencv a'> strong'y forwarded the same purposes ; but the most point- •fseditiout ed and effectually conducive to aversion against the present meetings, government, were the lettural and political conventicles which ' abounded in 1795, beyond all former periods ; the private ca bals of innovating associators ;i rid the numerous public meetings Meetings of t° which ther-/-. rrave rise. The corresponding society again the corres- meet at Chalk fbrm and other [duces, repeatedly in the course JTvaf 80' of the summer and autumn. A meeting, held at Copenhagen Chuik -arm ha"-en " ^ne ^'hor had Ihe curiosity lo ;."> to hear s'i.w. ofthe once noted John Thel- house. wal's effosiori^, and also to rendu < < r- iin production - i'hif, ayhd, The Tribune^, he recollect/, that the declamation u„ u';.,i,e4 i.-ithe text, cw,.,;ilaled the subsian-.t of both RFJGN OF GEORGE III. 64JJ house near Islington, of these conventions, wns tho most re- <;,VV|V,P- rnnrkttble. Tho numbers that attended, either through. zonl in ' ' the cause, or through curiosity, were computed at. about fifty ^^7*^ thousand. Some very daring addresses were mndo to the nml- Ahu^ la titude ; the conduct of ministers was arraigned in tho most un- k<>votu- qualified language,; and a reuaonslranco to tho king, oiithu"10"1' necessity ofpeaee, and it reform in parliament, wns universally adopted. The chief abettors ofthe proceedings against go vernment, 'Were apprehended to be emissaries from France,11 who, (hough natives of tlrent Britain or Ireland, had thrown off all attachment to their country, and were become its most violent and rancorous enemies. The difficulty of detecting in dividuals connected with our foes, enabled them lo assume tho appearance of patriotism, and to delude wilh facility the ma jority of their hearers into a persuasion, that they spoke and ac ted from principle, and had no other intention than to expose nbuses, and to induce the people to assert their rights.? Tho increasing frequency of those meetings, and the growing auda ciousness of their directors, called for preventive measures. The internal state of the kingdom, as well as its foreign rela- Br-lmviour- tions, deterniineil his majesty to call his parliament together l,|'lne'nol> at an earlier period than usual. It accordingly assembled on 1° hji ,",'»* the 29th of October; a memorable day on account of the to and from events which it witnessed, nnd the consequences which ensu- PurliameMK ed. A report had been spread, that an immense multitude of discontented people had agreed to take this opportuni ty of manifesting their sentiments to the king; in person. This of course excited the curiosity of the public, and the park was crowded in a manner unprecedented since his majesty's accession lo the throne. In his way to the house of lords through the park, his coach was surrounded on every side, by persons of all descriptions, demanding peace,* and the dismission of Mr. Pitt. Some voices were even heard, ex claiming, '•' No king ;" and stones were thrown at thc state conch as it drew near to tho horse guards. In passing through A i>u)1(,( is pnlnce yn nl, one ofthe windows was broken, it was snid, by a bui- shot imotlie let discharged from an air trim. These outrages were repeated on k'"^'s the king's return from parliament, and he narrowly escaped c°'ah the fury of the populace in his woy back from St. James's palace to Buckingham house. r Every loyal nnd patriotic Briton felt with indignation the Indignation tinineritml insult offered to his sovereign; and saw the neces- "' .l'1.e> sity of restraining tho rebellious spirit which such attempts \ Annual Kee-isior, 17tHi, chop, i. y Ibid. < s Kim in h melancholy, but soon after n menacing tone. As his iiinjcstvV •qvlniigft tinned 10 vurd-i tin- horse guni-di, ihe populace v> e re become v«-i-v inso lent. tTis nmjesiv displayed his usual magnanimity, and .-unversed with the lords without »pp«Nu-ing to notice Ihe disposilion to not. So far I was mi ire vvitnc.-» ; bin tippivlieudimr it tumult, I then left the park VOX. It. t\0 54r3 HISTORY OF THE 9vrV' indicated. -A- proclamation was published offering a largfe pecuniary reward for the discovery of the perpetrators; and also stating, that previously to the opening of parliament, a- meeting had been held in the vicinity of the metropolis, where inflammatory speeches were made, and divers means used to sow discontent and excite seditious proceedings ; requiring q,ll magistrates and other well affected subjects to exert themselves in preventing and suppressing all -unlawful meetings, , and the , dissemination of seditious writings. Pr reed- ^- conference was held between the two houses as soon as ings of par- his majesty had withdrawn, and witnesses were examined in liament. relation to the outrages that had been committed. Their testimony was communicated to the commons, and both houses unanimously concurred in the addresses which were pro posed. It was by no means deemed sufficient to investigate past guilt, and testify abhorrence of its treasonable enormity; it was necessary to prevent the recurrence of such dangerous wickedness. Im-d Gren- To secure his majesty against future effects of so disloyal ville intro- and unconstitutional a spirit, lord GrenviUe proposed a bill, fbTdieasafe-enl'l'ed; " An act for-the safety and preservation of his majes ty of his " ty's person and government against treasonable and seditious majesty's it practices and attempts." This law consisted of two parts ; Principles the first made, a very momentous change, and extension of the and details, crime of treason : it declared the commission, hy deed, or by wordsspoken, written, or printed, or -in any other open manner, or any act tending to the imprisonment, deposition, or death, of the king, or his heirs and successors, a conspiracy to levy war. in order -to overawe the parliament, and to effect a -change of counsels, or to instigate any foreigner. er stranger by force to invade any of the king's dominions, to be high-treason, during the king's natural life, and till the end of the next session of par iia ment, after the demise of the crown. The second part ex tended the crime, and aggravated the punishment, of sedi tion: to excite dislike, and hatred to the person of the king, or to the persons of his heirs arid successors, or to the govern ment and constitution of this realm as by law established, by deed, by advised speech, or by words written or printed, was, for the first offence, rendered liable to the penalties incur red by the commission of a high misdemeanor, and, for the second, to the usual punishments prescribed by law, or to trans portation for not more than seven years, at the discretion of the court. " The provisions (lord Grenville said) were conform- " able to the principles admitted in the acts of Elizabeth, and t: Charles II. and were as -similar as circumstances would per- " mit. Difficulties having arisen in the construction of the laws " relating to treason, already in force, the intent of this bill was " to explain and fix the meaning of those laws. It would "not prohibit any act allowed to be legal, but only provide r' a more suitable punishment according to the degree of cri- REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 54JF u minality, than that which was ordained by the laws now in ^^,K- * force ; as iii various cases, notwithstanding criminality was v^_v^_/ 'I evidently proved, an opposite law had not been enacted." ^^ This bill was strongly opposed, though but by a very small number in the house of peers. Its most active impugners were the duke of Bedford and the earl of Lauderdale. These-argumcnta lords expressed the utmost horror of the daring outrage which,aSa,nit " : had been committed against his majesty ; but alleged that the bill did not tend to procure more safety to the person of the sovereign than the laws that already existed; there was no sufficient proof that the outrages committed were connected" with the meetings to which they woi e attributed : the present law was evidently an innovation in the constitutio^and an abridgment of the liberty of the subject : it opened a «|mgerous latitude for constructive treason, one of the most pernicious instruments of tyrannical government. One of the strongest bulwarks of our freedom was the treason law of Edward III. hy which, accurate definition of crime fenced the liberties and lives of English subjects against the capricious displeasure, or arbitrary designs of a king or his ministers. This law had guarded former monarchs throngb barbarous ages and periods of turbulence and violence, and it was certainly sufficient to protect the king's life and safety in the present age of civilization and very general loyalty. But the proposed measure was neither calculated nor intended for the security of the king ; it was designed to deter the people from exercising their constitutional right of stating grievances, lest thereby they might incur, from the vengeance of ministers, prosecutions for high-treason, for acts, the tendency of which, by this new law, they might pretend to be treasonable. Ministers were aware that the eyes of the people were open to the folly and madness of their infatuated and ruinous war ; and that their measures had excited general disapprobation and discontent : they unhinged the laws ofthe land, threw down the strongest props of our freedom, to fright en a distressed people from declaring their sufferings and requesting relief. The same motives dictated the second part of the bill, by which the most innocent acts were declared to be sedition, and the punishment was aggravated far beyond its proportion to thc crime, and was totally inconsistent with the constitutional spirit of the English penal laws: our crimi nal code was to change its clearness, precision, accurate and enlightened justice, to accommodate either the wickedness, the imbecility, or infatuation of, minister.-;. These were thu argu ments of the opponents of this law. Ministers on tho contrary used thc following arguments : for i't. Jaws must be adapted to changing circumstance., ; the ingenui ty of human wickedness often devises modes of mischief, which lawgivers could not foresee in all their varieties; and hence, in human actions, instances of moral guilt and political injury, not provided against by law, occur in the history of depravity, 348 HISTORY OF THE tyy.f- a« flagitious in motive, heinous in circumstances, and hurtful in effect, as any which are described in the penal code. Ed- v>Jt^rx*' ward III.'s law had not been tbe only fence round the persons and rights of our kings ; various statutes had been- added as new occasions or circumstances of danger occurred '. acts had been passed in the time,of Charles II. as guards against the machinations of the republican party, because from them dan ger was apprehended : at subsequent periods, treason had been extended to conspiracies in favour of the pretender; be cause, from such, danger was then apprehended. It was certainly true, that hitherto a conspiracy to overawe parlia ment, by whatever overt act carried on, had not been made treason, and the law in that respect was new. In point of fact, a conspiflby to overawe parliament had never till very recent ly occurred : the remedy and preventive had not been devise ed until the disease had appeared ; but a conspiracy to control legislature was as inimical to the public welfare as the treasons already defined. The general principle was preserved, and the treason laws were extended to a new case which endan gered the public safety.8 The act imposed no restraint which loyalty and patriotism did not impose: its capital penalties were to be dreaded only by those who were conspiring to con trol the legislature, or to dethrone the king; and by ceasing to conspire, they avoided the penalties; and its subordinate enactments were dreadful only to the disseminators of sedition. Legal proceedings upon this law, as upon all others, were subject to an impartial investigation of a British jury. On these grounds, very forcibly urged by ministerial peers, espe cially lords Grenville and Loughborough, the bill after under going some modifications from the discriminating wisdom of Thurlow, passed the house of peers, was carried to the com mons, and underwent a similar discussion. *-\c.P\\x'% Meanwhile, a collateral bill was introduced by Mr. Pitt infc veathv' ee-* *^e ',ou;e °f commons, to root up a principal cause of thc ditiema' crimes described in lord Grenville's law, by preventing sedi- mcfciincjs : tions meetings. These assemblies, as we have said, had mul tiplied very rapidly under various forms and denominations ;• but most regularly and constantly, for hearing inflammatory* invectives against the government and constitution, under the" object and name of political lectures. To prevent such mischievous coti- provmoTu venticles, Mr Pitt's bill proposed that all assemblies exceeding fifty in number, and not already recognised by law, if convened for addressing the king or parliament, with the view, or on the pretext of considering grievances, or procuring an alteration in church or state, should be declared unlawful, and liable to dispersion by a magistrate, after reading a specific proclama tion ; unless the assembly were collected by a public adver tisement, signed by seven resident householders, and, a true aS'.c Priiamcnlarr Dc-ba'.es cif ??&»-. and He*. 1735. REIGN OF GEORGE III. !><& oopy of it subscribed by them, were left with tho publisher, uhai'- who, under n pemilty of fifty pounds, must deliver it to any ^0^s. iimlice of tile ponce liy whom it shoiiltl 1)0 demanded. It far- ,7a5 iher provided, t lint di'sobedit e for more than one hour to the magistrate's order to disperse, should subject any individual, Of n number uhove twelve, to the punishment of death j and 6vcn an asHimibly held hy regular iHlvertisenient, iii the same manner and with the so tne risk to tho disobedient, might be dispensed if" any measure subversive til' the constitution, oi' tending to Incite the people to hatred, or dislike, or contempt lo the royal family, or of tho parliament, wore proposed. To prevent certain political lecturers from gaining a livelihood hy preaching sedition, a house opened fur any political dis cussion, without a license, was to incur a penalty of a hundred pounds. Mr. Fox Was tho fust that rose 10 impugn this bill. There nrtsnmemsi was, ho ullogud, no evidence but the assertions of ministers, uB8msl >l : that the outrages, which he reprobated as much ns any man, arose from tho meetings described in the hill. Hut if the closest Mr. Fiw Chain of coniiiwiim could have been traced between certain l''T"'.1"l,e'i meetings, nnd the attack upon our sovereign, tho abuse did"1'" ' not justify the proscription of thc rights of the people. I'ttb- liu discussion ou national snhjeclji, was not only legal, but thc very life of the English coiiBtitiition : and withoul these no liberty could subsist.. Tito people had an unalienable right to raiui>ii« ih« delihenite on their grievances, nnd lo demand redress IVoni tlto rinln.-. ui'tlio legislature; hut. by this hill wero forbidden In exercise in««»i"h'i'',> '" stale lln-ir rights without the iitleuilauceofii magistrate, and previous notice si-h-vum-tv-i, to him of their intention. A i-nunon Arr-oiNTion hy hovkknmknt wns empowered to arrest any one present, whose words he might think proper to cull sedition, nnd even to dissolve the meeting at his own pleasure. Heboid the state of a free . , . , Englishman: before ho can discuss tiny topic which involves 'bill intend-* his liberty, or his rights, he is to send to u magistrate, who"1' '" 1'"' is to attend the discussion ; thnt magistrate cannot prevent V .',.1!iI "J-'"v" the meeting, hut he can prevent their speaking, because ho eauilmi ii:_;lit, allega that what is saitl has ft tendency to disturb the ponce of tho kingdom. Can a mooting, under such restrictions, bo'Xotd mi-. called a meeting of free people? Is it possible to make thenisien peoplt) of (his country believe that the plan is any thing hut :t total annihilation of their liberty ? If the people's complaints wero groundless, the less they were noticed the sooner they could cease, as false .surinisen would very soon be discovered and lose their etl'ect ; but, if well-founded, (he effort* made to repress them must terminate either in a base-minded submis sion of the people, or in n resistance liital to their rulers as well lis to themselves, devolutions were not owing to popu lar meetings, hut to the tyranny which was exerted to enslave men. Tho French revolution arose from ministerial oppres- noiwt, ttjid the arbitrary proceedings of a despotic government, 5jO HISTORY OF THE Vvt?*' ^,a*' ^e^ ^ie Pe0P^e 'n continual dread, and' silenced, their vor^ fears by the terror of the punishments suspended over those v**r^jr^"/ who dared to utter their sentiments. " Say then at once (ex- he alleges " claimed the orator), that a free constitution is no longer suit- they sub- " able to Britain : conduct yourselves openly as the senators t?' cd"51'* " °^ Denmark did : lay down your freedom, and acknowledge freedom. " and accept despotism : but do not mock the understandings? " and feelings of mankind, by telling the world that you are Active ef- "free." These strictures, seconded by all the brilliancy, in- and his co" £enuu\y> an(l acuteness of Sheridan, the constitutional and- adjutors, legal knowledge, and impressive eloquence of Erskine, being both in and added to the efforts of opposition in the house of peers against ^tm°ntpar" the' other hill, stirred up a great ferment in the country. Nu merous petitions flocked in from every quarter, deprecating the Petitions, bills as an annihilation of the liberties of the people. In pro moting petitions, the lead was taken by the whig club, con sisting of men in point of talents, rank, property, and charac ter, equal to any association of the same number in the king dom. On the other hand, addresses were presented in favour of the bills, which, though not near so numerous, came from. persons aggregately superior in rank . and property to the petitioners. fbr^ir1611'8 ^e arguments of the addressers and of the parliamentary Pin's bill .- supporters of Mr. Pitt's bill, were the wicked designs of those who directed the meetings which were proposed to be sup pressed, and their destructive tendency if suffered to continue. required bv 'pne pretence of these meetings was to petition the legislature I11C CII'CUIII- stances oi for rights withheld from the people ; but the real motive was, the times, to promulgate opinions that were inimical to government, and calculated to bring it into contempt. If the executive power were not invested with sufficient authority to control these meetings, they would finally endanger the existence of the stale. It was the indubitable right of the people to pass their judgmexit upon ministers and their measures, and freely to ex press their sentiments e-n all political subjects, as also to peti tion the different branches of the legislature ; but these rights; ought to be kept within their intended limits, and it was the; duty of parliament to prevent them from beccfming instrumental to the subversion of the established government. The rights of the people doubtless ought to be respected, but it was equally indispensable to obviate their abuse. A precise and acknowledged power was wanted in the magistrate to disperse such meetings as threatened disorder. The bill proposed t$. restrain no meetings, but those which were evidently calcula,- ted to incite ignorant and unwary men against the constitution. somewhat It permitted innocent and lawful assemblies, and only prohibit- modified C(j conventions hostile to the existing polity. These arguments into Jaws, convincing the majority in both houses, the bill was passed REIGN OF GEORGE III. 551 into a law: lord Grenville's bill also passed about the same Sfjy\p* iime.b These acts tended greatly to shake the popularity of Mr. ._„r Pitt through the kingdom. However eflicient they might be impartial ¦for remedying the specific evils that prevailed, yet even many view of the friends of government thought they did much more than thenewacls' necessity of the case justified. Persons unconnected with party admitted the expediency of extending the treason laws to con spiracies for levying war against the sovereign and constitution ; hut disapproved of the vague and general description of this new species of treason including in its overt acts whatever had a tendency to rebellion against the king, government, or legis lature. This clause they considered as a deviation from the epirit of English laws : it opened, they said, a door^For the ar bitrary and oppressive constructions which characterize abso lute and tyrannical systems; and was therefore contrary to the principles and objects of the British constitution. The restric- Restrictions tions upon the press, imposed by the same act, by many well ^/^T affected to government were deemed to admit also too much press. latitude of construction ; to subject literary effort to the control of ministers, and to enchain the freedom of the press. It was allowed by every candid and impartial man, that the harangues and lectures of demagogues, in periodical and occasional con venticles, were extremely dangerous, and required to be pre vented ; but, on the other hand, it was asserted, that the laws in existence were sufficient for punishing whatever sedition could be proved to have been uttered ; that the whole communi ty ought not to be debarred from assembling, because incen diaries had, in certain assemblies, violated the laws. The right of discussing public measures belongs to every free-born Briton; its exercise promotes his sense of personal importance ; the best nourisher of liberty and independence. Other Britons were not to be debarred from enjoying such privileges, because a foolish, virulent, or malignant lecturer, abused his exercise of the same right. The restriction tendevto enervate the spirit of freedom, and thus to effect a great, general, and permanent evil, in order to remedy a partial and temporary evil. The most solid and effectual answer to these very forcible objections was, that the obnoxious laws were only intended to be tempo rary. The abilities of Mr. Pitt often manifested themselves in turn ing public opinion into the current which best suited his politi- eal views : but one engine he appears not to have estimated with his usual perspicacity : Mr. Pitt laid too little stress upon litera- Mr. Pitt sp ry efficacy : while the press is free, literary power will produce prehended x a> , i_i- • ¦ of parliament ; the barrack system, by separating soldiers from the people, tended to destroy that coincidence of sentiment, without which soldiers would be the mere tools of the execu tive power, instead of being defenders of the community.2 Ministers defended the expedition of Quiberon, as the result of the best information and reasoning that could be derived from officers of experienced skill, and thoroughly acquainted with the country. In the West Indies, an ample supply of medicinal stores had been sent, but had fallen into the hands of the enemy ; they were, however, repairing with all possible ./expedition. "Xhe staff officers were numerous, but not more than » were re quired by the manifold exigencies of the service. The system ef barracks was neither new, nor unconstitutional while the •war lasted, it was necessary to hold men in readiness, and the present was the most convenient mode for that purpose ; they also prevented the inconvenience, trouble, and expense accruing to subjects from quartering soldiers. Men of opulence and distinction had been preferred to commands, in their respective counties, as more able to procure levies than others; besides, in a war of which so important an object was the defence of rank and property, it was consistent and prudent to employ persons who had so much at stake. The national expenditure was also a subject of discussion. Supplies. Besides the annual income of the country, two loans were this year required ; the first, including a vote of credit, consisted of twenty fiiillions and a half; and the second of seven millions Immense and a half. So enormous a sum added to the preceding debts Loan incurred since the war, made the additional amount of the na tional incumbrances near eighty millions in three years. The censurers of the war viewing this immense burthen, asked its supporters what benefit would accrue to the country to balance the loss ? To what end were we carrying on a contest of such unparalleled cost? the minister had asserted, we were warring for security and( indemnity ?.3bow was a repetition of disaster to strengthen security? Failing in our enterprises, whence were vve to derive a compensalion ? Ministers contended that the war had been undertaken for the most important objects, that the greatest and most vigorous preparations were necessary, not only for defending Britain if the war should continue, but for inclining the enemy to peace. Our commercial situation, notwithstanding the war, Was more prosperous than at any an- z These arguments were urged in repeated motions ; especially a proposition by Mr. Grey, on the state of the nation, on thc 10th of March ; by Mr. Sheri dan, lor inquiring into the mortality in the West Indies, on ihe 21st of April ; and try Mr. Grey, for an impeachment of his majesty's ministers on the 2-lth of April "fre Parliamentary Jteporr*. $5$ HISTORY OF THE ^Vlif' tecedent period- The average of exports, during the three last ^^^ years of peace, the most flourishing ever known in this country, 1796 vvas twenty-tWO millions five hundred and eighty-five thousand pounds ; and the same average for the last three years of war was twenty-four millions four hundred and fifty-three thousand. The expenditure of war was doubtless immense ; but the ex ertions to which it was applied were of no less magnitude. Never was the energy of this country so astonishingly display-*" ed, nor its resources so wonderfully proved ; our fleets and out? armies were in a far superior condition, both as to numbersand equipment, to those which were maintained in the American war. Besides, the -decreased value of money made a very great real difference in sums nominally the same ; and compared with the importance of the object, and the magnitude of our efforts, the amount was not excessive. The taxes Every impartial observer, reviewing the taxes both of the 'SliSS.^ Present and the former years of the war, admitted, that if po- J J 1* " 11 1 r* m laid on the Utically necessary, they were financially judicious. The pnn- luxmies cipal subjects were wines, spirits, tea, coffee, silk, fruit, tobao con%aen1(J co, hair powder, and various other articles of luxury, without lences, not on the any encroachment upon the necessaries of life. Opposition,' necessaries, however, contested the financial expediency of the imposts. Ab!e ' In the house of peers, the earl of Moira exhibited a very able speech of discussion upon the revenue, the taxes, the imports and exports, earl Moira anci tne other financial circumstances of the nation, at the close on revenue. c ., . , . . , ; Trn . r ot the American war, and at the present period. Ine infe rences from the arguments and statements produced by the re spective parlies were extremely opposite. The one represented the situation of this country as replete with the most arduous difficulties, and almost verging to ruin ; and the other described it as full of opulence and resources of every denomination ; and able, with proper management, to encounter and surmount every obstacle, and to flourish with more lustre than ever. Proposed Opposition, not understanding that ministers were taking any rem. .n steps for the attain mentof peace, charged them with insincer- strance. jty . an(j j(l ^th houses proposed a very strong address in the nature of a remonstrance, professing to exhibit the leading fea tures, principles, and character oFministerial conduct from the beginning of the war ; and attempting to prove that they had transgressed every rule of prudence and policy ; and praying his majesty to adopt maxims more suitable to the public exi gencies. On a review (this remonstrance set forth) of so ma ny instances of gross and flagrant misconduct, proceeding from the same pernicious principles^ and directed with incorrigible obstinacy to the same mischievous ends, we deem ourselves bound in duty to your majesty, and to our constituents, to de clare that we see no rational hope of redeeming the affairs of the kingdom, but by the adoption of a system radically and fundamentally different from that which has produced our pre sent calamities j unless your majesty's ministers shall, from a REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 557 real conviction of past errors, appear inclined to regulate their CH AP. conduct upon such a system, we can neither give any credit to the sincerity of their professions of a wish for peace, nor re- „ pose any confidence in them for conducting a negotiation to a prosperous issue : the proposed address was coinbatted on the is nega- usiial grounds, and negatived by a very great majority. tlvcd' Mr. Wilberforce, this year, made a new motion for the aboli tion of the slave trade, which, though supported by Messrs. Pitt and Fox, was rejected. On the 19th of May parliament Dissolution was prorogued, and a few days after it was dissolved. of pm-ha- 558 HISTORY, OF THE CHAP. LVIII. Views of the belligerent power.-, — French decree for the irrevocable annexation of Belgium to the republic. — Hopes of Britain and of Austria. — The governments of the contending countries are little disposed to peace — the people on both sided desire to terminate the evils of war — the respective governments profess a pa cific disposition — indirect overtures of Britain to France — the answer of the French for the present prevents negotiation. — Belligerent policy of the French government. — French objects of the campaign — La Vendee, Germany, and Italy.— Tjhe reduction of La Vendee.— Tendency of revolution to call forth abilities.— Numbers of able commanders who sprang up among the French.— This year displays an extraordinary general. — Bonaparte appointed to com mand the French army in Italy. — Numerous and well disciplined army of the emperor — assisted by the Italian princes. — Inferior force of the French. — Bo naparte commands the minds of his soldiers — he attacks and defeats the Au strians — repeated victories. — Bonaparte separates the Austrian and Piedmon tese armies. — By a victory at JMondovi he compels the king of Sardinia to yield at discretion — who receives peace from his dictation", — Bonaparte surmounts the natural ramparts of Italy — -wise measures to keep up the spirits of his troops.— Battle at the bridge of Lodi — signal exploit and victory of Bonaparte— he im itates the Romans in their rapacity as well as valour — but mingles conciliato ry policy- especially towards the populace, — Conspiracies at the instance of the nobles and clergy — arc disconcerted — and punished. — Bonaparte gains to his interest the men of genius and literature — and endeavours to bring every kind of talent into efficient action — result of his political efforts — he resumes military operations — marches from Italy towards Germany. — Wurmser takes the field wilh a fresh army of Austrians — is repulsed by the French. — Bona parte invests Mantua — Wurmser approaches to its relief. — Bonaparte is sur* rounded atLonado — he extricates himself by a stratagem, and induces a much superior army to surrender. — Successive victories of Bonaparte — decisive vic tory at Areola — capture of Mantua. — Commotions at Rome — conduct of the papal government — the pope attempts to make war against Bonaparte — the French general makes conciliatory overtures — reply of the pope. — Bonaparte invades the Roman territories, and compels the pontiff to sue for a peace. — Amount of the French acquisitions in Italy in this campaign. — Political admi nistration of Bonaparte, — Germany invaded by Jourdain and Moreau. — The archduke Charles — successive battles ofr wilh Jourdain — Danger of the em pire — is warded off by thc valour of the archduke — who compels Jourdain to evacuate Germany. — Progress and situation of Moreau — masterly and sue? cessful retreat in the face of the German host. — Britain continues sign aJJy sue? cessful where she fights alcne — retakes St. Lucie — quells insurrections in the; other islands — captures seven Dutch ships of the line in Saldanna bay — redu: ccs Ceylon and other Dutch settlements in the east — -judges it expedient to re linquish Corsica. — Ineffectual attempts of the French upon Ireland. — Internal events. — Binh of a princess, heir to the prince of Wales. — General election— ihe least contestcd;of any in the eighteenth century. — British government pro pose* to 'send an ambassador to Paris to negotiate a peace. — France ajp^es t/> receive a British ambassador* REIGN OF GEORGE IH. 559 CHAP. DURING the last campaign the efforts of. the French re- ^^^ publicans had been much less successfulthan from the victories ngg and acquirements of the former year, together with the diminu- views of tion of the confederacy, they had probable grounds for expect- the bellige- itig : they were anxious to recover their superiority of milita-rempowers; ry prowess, and with this view the directory made vigorous preparations to place ^he numerous armies of the republic on the most formidable footing. It was proposed to the legislature, French de- i * • i t cree tor tne and solemnly decreed to annex their acquisitions in the Low irrevocabie Countries, and on the left side of the Rhine, irrevocably to the annexation dominions of the republic. In the relative circumstances of°f ^l'^""1 the belligerent powers, a resolution of this nature precluded all pabiic. ideas of peace. The retention- of those fertile and spacious provinces could not be submitted to, without an evident altera tion of the political system of Europe, of which France would possess a control that would perpetually disturb the, peace, if not endanger the safety of all her neighbours. The,|nhabitants of Belgium, so long habituated to the sway of , the Austrian princes, which, though occasionally oppressive, had been gene rally mild, still retained a willingness to return to their obedi-^ ence, provided they could be secured in the enjoyment of their ancient customs and liberties. Sensible of this disposition, and Hopes of exaggerating the success of the last campaign, the Austrian Britain and cabinet preserved the hope of recovering those fertile provinces. The British ministers were no less bent on the restoration ofthe Austrian Netherlands to their former owner. The accession of such immense and valuable territories to France in so close a proximity, seriously alarmed all men who reflected on the power, energy, and enterprise of the French ; and their violent resentment against this country. The government of Britain The go. and her ally on the one hand, and of the French on the other, vernments were, from this contention of adverse purposes, little inclined Ending0 * to peace : but the people, in all the conflicting countries were countries anxiously desirous to be relieved from a war, the pressing evils "e 1,tu| of which they immediately felt ; and the eventual advantages peace. of which, if any, they either did not comprehend, or did not think sufficient to counterbalance the present burthens and losses. The belligerent governments, therefore, to gratify the people, The people found it expedient to assume the appearance of a pacific dispo on both sition ; in which, from the subsequent acknowledgments3 of our to terminate ministers, it is certain, and from the conduct of- the French di- the evils of rectors it is very probable, that thev were respectively inimical J,'pr- to peace. The French, men nwhile, were employing their usual tive govern- ingenuity and address, in endeavouring to detach various mem- ments pro bers from the hostile confederacy, and Basle, a considerable city. JJl880!™."^ . c... .-i ¦" .- . . .' ¦'.disposition,. in Switzerland, was on account of its neutral state and central a See Mr. Pill's, speech en (he first consul's proposals for peacr, in Jan. 1800. 669 HISTORY OF THE LVnF' Poslt'-n> tne scene °f their .negotiations. There the celebrated ^^^-^ M.Bartheleml had concluded the treaty with Prussia, and was 179g still engaged in diplomatic agency. Mr. Wickham, the British Indirect ambassador to the Swiss cantons, was instructed to apply to overtures of this gentleman, to sound the disposition of the French govern- Franc".'0 ment> atJd to learn whether the directory were desirous to ne gotiate with Britain and her allies, on moderate and honourable conditions, and would agree to the meeting of a congress for this purpose, and specify the terms on which it would treat, or point out any other method of procedure. The answer re- The an- ceived from M. Barthelemi, in the name of the directory, was, $wer of the that it felt the sincerest desire to terminate the war on such ihepresent conditions as, France could reasonably accept, and whieh were prevents specified in the answer ; but one of these positively insisted on negotiation. tjje retention of the Austrian dominions in the Low Countries, and assigned as a reason, their formal annexation to the repub lic by a constitutional decree that could not be revoked. This reply expressing a decided resolution not to part with their ac quisitions, displayed, in the opinion of the British ministers, a. disposition so arrogant, that the negotiation was suspended, and both parties proceeded to open the campaign. The French directory had now to contend with two potent enemies ; the one of which surpassed most nations, but was in ferior to France in land forces ; the other far exceeded all na tions, and even France herself, in maritime strength. With a Belligerent policy much more profound than that which dictated the belli- The'French gereilt measures of the Bourbon princes, the revolutionary ru- govern- lers employed their exertions in the scenes of probable victory, ment- instead of probable defeat : their armies, still superior to their valiant and disciplined opponents, occupied their principal at tention, and their fleets, subjects of only secondary considera tion, did not divert, as in former wars, to hopeless- efforts a grand portion of their resources. The directory had three objects in, contemplation : an in- French oh- vasion of Germany, another of Italy, and the complete reduc- >ct?. of the {ion 0f domestic insurgents. The subjugation of La Vendee la Sendee' wa£ indispensably necessary, before they could carry into exe-? Germany^, cution their grand projects against the Austrian dominions* and Iiaiy. "j^g connexion of the insurgents with the most formidable and dangerous rivals of France — the English, made it evident, that while the royal party subsisted unsubdued, is would probably $ as it had done in the preceding year, throw such embarrassments in the military operations intended against foreign enemies, as would clog and impede the plans that wpre proposed... The discomfiture of the expedition from England) and the severe punishment of its abettor?, had frightened the Vendeans. The leaders of the insurrection, however, found means to-excite the people to a new revolt, attended with all the disorders usual in civil war. Charclte and Stoflet published a manifesto charg— REIGN OF GEORGE IIL 5§l tag the republicans with breach of faith, and the most out- ^AP rageous cruelty. In consequence of the revolutionary enormi- ^^^^^^ ties, they declared themselves determined to take up artns again, 17g6 and never to lay them down till the heir of the crown was re stored, and the catholic religion re-established.b They held out every motive that had formerly been prevalent ; attach ment, to their religion, love of their king, and hatred to the present innovations. Many were induced accordingly to enlist again imder their banners : but the greater part remained quiet in their habitations, and the flower of the insurgents was not, as before, composed of the Vendeans, but of the mixed and nu-. merous (rass of the inhabitants of the several provinces of Bri- tanny, Poitou, Maine, Anjou, and others, which are situated on the banks of the Loire." Hostilities raged with great fury du ring the winter ; the republican government sent general Hoche early in the season against the insurgents : Charette was com pletely defeated, and his followers dispersed. The directory, wishing to adhere to the moderate measures which from the beginning of their power they professed to adopt, enjoined their commanders and troops to employ conciliation as much as pos sible ; and to abstain from all unnecessary severity. An am nesty of the past was accordingly published to;all who should return to their duty ; every district which surrendered its arms, and punctually conformed to the conditions prescribed, was immediately placed under the protection of the laws. Concili-.Tne re(jiu:. atory policy, the wisest that can be adopted in intestine insur- tion of La rections, for terminating revolt already broken by successful Vendee, force, proved ultimately effectual, and the rebellion was crush ed. The government was now at liberty to direct the whole force of its efforts against Germany and Italy. As the directors by personal efforts had reached the pinnacle df executive power, by success only could they hope to retain eminence. The insurance of success depended on the choice of instruments in the various departments of public service. In revolutionary governments which have levelled pre-existing Tendency establishments, promotion according to qualification, exclusive- °.' revolu- ly, is much more practicable than in old and regular constitu- |orth aDai- tions, which contain fixed gradations of rank and of orders, ti*. In the very best systems of polity that have been long settled, splendid ancestry, high rank, extensive property, or political connexions, attach to certain families or individuals such an au thority, that few ministers can avoid employing them in ser vices for which their talents and characters by no means render them the fittest that could be chosen. A British minister, even if he should be desirous, would find it difficult to fill either mili tary or political departments with the most efficacious men that could be found, without "respect to rank, situation, and influeDce : - b Otridge's Annual Register, 1796. c See Otridge's Annual Register, for 1796, p. 82. VOt, n-. 71 562 HISTORY OF THE £**AP. even Mr. Secretary Pitt, who carried the principle of employing men according to their respective abilities farther than ariy 37_R other English minister, in politics was obliged to admit the co operation of certain men of rank and influence, whom his pene trating judgment would assuredly never have selected, on ac count of their personal qualities, as his associates in great de signs. Forming his naval and military appointments without control, and choosing that class of executive servants on the simple principle of instrumentality, he obtained sueh brilliant successes both by sea and land. The French government, to tally unfettered from prescription and authority,"1 possessed •without control the power that might be instrumental to suc- Numben of cess. Thence sprang so many able generals, whose genius, able com- without nee-lecting the lessons of experience, disdained mere who sprang precedent, and invented new combinations of defence and at- up among tack, new modes of advance and retreat, to suit the circum- the French. stanceg of the;r s;Uiation. This year The campaign 1796 exhibited a young leader, who, in displays an prowess, energy, and exploits, equalled any commander that nary gene- ^e late vvar had discovered and exercised : this was Napole- rai. one Bonaparte, a native of Corsica, born about 1769- The Bonaparte. y0Uth possessed talents and qualities which peculiarly fitted him for attaining distinctions in the ferment of revolution, and the dangers of war. To a head sagacious and inventive, in stantaneous in comprehension, and rapid in efforts, he joined a heart that was ardent, resolute, intrepid, and courageous ; with an aspiring ambition, and an impetuous temper. One prominent feature of his character was determined persever ance in his purposes, and he would scruple no sacrifice to com pass his ends. His object being to exalt himself, he joined the parties that were successively paramount ; was a monarchist, constitutionalist, and terrorist. To Robespierre he adhered as long as fortune adhered ; and with no less eagerness devoted himself to that monster's successors, and became a prime fa vourite with Lepaux : he was at equal pains to win the Appointed attachment of the troops. The directors discerned the vigo- rnancTthe rous an<^ fertile genius of Bonaparte, knew his military ardour French ar- and energy, and his popularity among the soldiers. Such my in Italy, qualifications they conceived to overbalance his youth and limi ted experience ; and they conferred on him the command ofthe army of Italy. d Although it be a fact, that in revolutions abilities generally rise to a greater elevation than in established governments, yet it does not follow that it is a bene ficial fact, as the able heads which are thus raised, commonly attain and preserve their power by the most mischievous qualities of the heart : such possessors of supremacy, far beyond their original rank and station, have usually proved un principled adventurers, who regarded neither justice, patriotism, nor the good of mankind, in comparison with their own ambition. For instance, Caesar, Crom well, fcc. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 563 The emperor was joined by the king of Sardinia, the king ^ff- of Naples and the pope ; and during the three preceding ^^L, years, the French had in vain attempted to pierce through Piedmont into the interior parts of Italy. The immense bar riers of mountains which divide that country from Savoy seemed to oppose an insurmountable obstacle to their progress. The republicans were indeed in possession of the coast from Nice to Genoa; but the passes in Lombardy were guarded with such care that no apprehension was entertained by the court of Turin with respect to the future."5 The emperor's, Numerous forces amounted to eighty thousand well disciplined men, . uisoi ^Ti*iie<3 commanded by excellent generals and able officers, and pro- army of the yided with every species of warlike necessaries. The king of emperor, Sardinia's army was sixty thousand strong,, exclusive of mili- ^Italian tia : the pope and the king of Naples were occupied in embo- princes. dying as many troops as their circumstances would permit, and the latter had despatched two or three thousand horse to serve in the imperial army. Such obstacles opposed by nature, joined to so great a hostile army, only served to rouse the genius and spirit of Bonaparte. The whole force which inferior the French could afford to. this general, before La Vendee force of tbe was reduced, did not exceed fifty thousand, not so well sup- French- plied as the much more numerous host of his veteran adversa ries ; with this army he took the field in the month, of April. According to the common calculation of probabilities, in a, war stimulated by the usual principles of enmity among sove reigns, the project of forcing the passes of the Italian moun tains against such numerous and powerful foes, would have been extravagant and romantic. A tactician of mere experi ence,1' without penetration and invention, reasoning very fairly from Ats knowledge and views, would have concluded, that such an attempt must terminate in disappointment and disaster : but Bonaparte, penetrating into the French mind and springs Bonaparte of action, saw that the republicans were animated by an enthu- commands siasm which would overbear all the regular but phlegmatic {{je "'uf™'' valour of the Germans. The Austrian army was commanded by general Beaulieu, an officer of great military experience, though in the Netherlands, as we have seen, he had been overpowered by the republicans. The imperialists being in spirited with. the successes of their countrymen in the prece ding year, and histroops being so numerous, he did not hesitate to act on the offensive : and, in the beginning of April, he advanced towards the French lines. On the 9th he attacked an outpost with success; and, on the 11th, he attempted the e See Belsham's History, vol. v. p. 419. f A very common objection against the military efforts of Bonaparte was, that Ihey deviated from the established practice ; and with those judges who in MEANS regard usage more than adaptation to ends, the objection must have- \vcight. victories , 564 HISTORY OF THE Lvm*' otner intrench ments.e Bonaparte, by a rapid movement, tum- ' ing the enemy's flank and rear, assailed them with impetuous J796 v'gour at a place called Montenotta, and gained a complete Heatiacks victory, having killed fifteen hundred men, and taken two and defeats thousand prisoners. Like Caesar, Bonaparte was not only ener- theAustn- getjc> but rapid in energy : eager to improve his victory, he pursued the Austrians, who had retreated to a strong situa tion on an eminence called Millasimo ; but general Augereau having forced the avenues to their position, the imperialists retired to the ruins of an old castle, and having fortified them selves, they recovered from the disorder into which they had been thrown by their late defeat. Conceiving his forces, after this respite, still superior to the republicans, Beaulieu again, on the l6th of April, attacked the French army. The troops on both sides were animated with extraordinary courage,* the Austrians regarding with indignation their route at Mon--' tenotta, which they imputed to a stratagem, and not to thel prowess of the enemy, were eager to efface tbe remembrance Repeated of the disaster. The French elated with their victory, which had so auspiciously commenced the campaign, and operated so powerfully on their susceptible and impetuous minds, glow ed with an ardent desire of overwhelming the superior num bers of their enemies. The Austrian charge was extremely vigorous, but was withstood with an jntrepidity and strength that could not be moved. While the imperialists were bending the whole force of their attack on the front of the enemy's. centre, Bonaparte, with the most dexterous celerity, moved' his wings round the right and left of the Germans, and in a short time assailed them inboth flanks andrear. Thus unexpect edly surrounded, the imperialists sustained a dreadful defeat,' two thousand were slain in the field, and eight thousand- made prisoners. Among the killed were some officers of high distinction ; and of the taken, one was a general, and near thirty colonels, hesides inferior officers. Between twenty and thirty cannon fell into the hands of the French, with fifteen standards, and an immense quantity of stores and field equi page. Beaulieu, not disheartened by these disasters, collected as many as possible of his scattered soldiers, and the following day attacked the French, who did not expect, an assault from troops they had just vanquished, and were indulging themselves in that repose which comes so grateful after the successful completion of arduous labour. The onset at first disconcerted the republicans, thus relaxed in their vigilance ; but they soon rallied. . Bonaparte, agreeably to his plan already twice suc cessful, formed a large body in front of the enemy, to occupy their attention, while another division going round should charge them in flank. The celerity of the French movements g See Campaigns of Bonaparte for thc military details both of this and succeed . ing actions; and also Ihe Austrian accounts, as inserted in out gazettes of 1796. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 565 soon obliged the enemy to act on the defensive. Having long ImT' made a resolute stand, the Austrians were compelled to give ground, and leave the field to the French, with the loss of near V~^jT>"V two thousand men, of whom about fifteen hundred were made prisoners. On the side of the French, great numbers also fell, and among these Caussa, one of their best officers. In Bonaparte the course of these battles, Bonaparte effected a separation' separates between the Austrian and Piedmontese armies, and now di- aneandpied- reoted his efforts against the troops of the king of Sardinia imontese ar- On the 22d of April, he came up with the Italians at Mortdoviy™'^- and attacked them though strongly intrenched : the Pied montese ^ " vict0'ry made a very vigorous resistance, but totally unavailing against'atMondovi, the republican impetuosity and force. The royal army was|^ec'i1?lpelif completely routed, and the fate of the king's dominions decid- Sardinia to ed by the defeat.h His Sardinian majesty saw that his only yield at dis- means of escape from utter ruin was to accept peace from who°re- the dictation of the victorious general. He was compelled ceives to cede Savoy and Nice: to withdraw from the coalition j peace from to apologise ' for his conduct towards the French republication,1 and, retaining the name of king, to become a mere dependent on France. Thus Bonaparte, in the first month of his com mand, effected what his predecessors had for three years,' with out any misconduct, attempted in vain. He had stormed theBona n6 ramparts-of Italy, and, like Hannibal," had its delightful vales,' surmounts and fertile fields lying within his grasp. Their astonishing tne nalura' .successes could not fail to inspire the French armies with the i^uf"'5 ° highest degree of exulting joy ; nor did their commander for get to improve the sentiments of self applause and confidence manifested by them, into that disposition of mind which would lead them on to those farther exploits that he had in contem plation. He-issued an address, concisely and forcibly recapi tulating the achievements which they had already performed, and the objects which lay within the reach of their valorous efforts.15 They were come (he said) into Italy to deliver the- W]sc mea. inhabitants from the government of strangers, and the tyranny sures to of domestic rulers. Bonaparte being now freed from his Sar- ke.eP "P. the dinian enemy, advanced against the Austrians. The German troops°' h'S general and his troops, bravely as they fought, being repeatedly defeated, retired near Milan, the capital; of Lombardy, and made a stand at a very strong post at Lodi,1 determined toR venture a battle, which was necessary to save Milan and the bridge the whole Austrian interest in Italy. Between Bonaparte and of Lodi. the imperialists was the river Adda, over which there was a long bridge, that Bpaulieu had intended to break down, but was prevented by the quick approach of the French general. It was protected, however, by so numerous an artillery, that h Campaigns of Bonaparte, i See Livy, book xx\. Jc Annual Register, 1796, p. 91. 1 Ibid. p. 94-, and Campaigns of Bonaparte. 366 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. fhe Austrians did not imagine the French would be able to force a passage. Bonaparte saw the tremendous danger, but ..„„ instantaneous in reasoning, he perceived the exact predicament in which he stood. The astonishing successes which sprang from his direction of valorous enthusiasm, had been carried to their present pitch by the opinion that his troops entertained of themselves and their general; and failure in an attempt however arduous, by lessening their conception of their resist less force, would damp their glowing animation, and diminish the energy of their future efforts. In such circumstances the most adventurous boldness was solid wisdom. Guided by these reflections and sentiments, he determined to try every effort, and to encounter every personal danger, in order to carry a point on which such momentous interest appeared to Signal ox- depend. Forming together the selectest bodies of his army, victor°dof m tne m^st °f a most tremendous fire, he led them in person Bonaparte, to the attack of the bridge. His presence, and that of all the chief officers in the French army, animated the soldiers to- such a degree, that they rushed forward with an impetuosity which nothing was able to. withstand. They crossed the bridge and assailed the whole line of the Austrian artillery, which was instantly broken. They fell with equal fury on the troops that advanced to the charge, threw them into dis order, and put them to flight on every side; and the victory was complete. Bonaparte having thus defeated the principal army of the imperialists, after taking Pavia, proceeded to Milan, and, with its capital, subdued the greater part of Lom- bardy before the end of May. The Austrian army retreated towards the frontiers, and the imperialists being no longer able to protect Italy, the pope and the king of Naples sued for an armistice, which was granted to the king of Naples on condition of his observing a neutrality, but the pope was required to pay a large sum of money, and also to deliver a great number of pictures, busts, and statues. The victorious French required from the Italian princes, as a condition of iThe French peace, the delivery of the various monuments of art. Imitat- imitatethe jng. jne Romans in rapacity as well as valour, they sent the Romans in .", , , j i "1 .r .- i -. • their rafpa- pictures, statues, and sculptures, to the national repositories. city as well This spoliation of monuments, which bearing signal testimony as valour. j0 tjie (aste aild genius of the Italians, were regarded with national pride and veneration, and which had escaped the irruptions of all former plunderers, excited the most poignant regret and indignation among the conquered, and was univer sally condemned and execrated by all civilized nations.1" m In this part of his narrative, thc author of Otridge's Annual Register makes the following observations : " To deprive the poor Italians of objects so long en deared to them by habit and possession, seemed an act of tyranny exercised upon the vanquished in thc wantonness of power. Those oljecls had been respected by all parties, in thc vicissitude of those events that had so frequently subjected REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 56" Wherever Bonaparte carried his victorious arms, as soon as ^J*p- he had effected conquest, and exacted the contributions to ^^^^ which, as a conqueror, he deemed his efforts entitled, he en- n9f} deavoured to mingle conciliation," especially in his treatment Bonaparte f which receiv- 'S"cCioriesof e^ *ne enenly in front) whilst the other, having doubled the Bonaparte, right wing during the night, attacked them in rear. Wurmser, hemmed in by this dexterous stratagem, made, with his vete ran host, a most gallant and obstinate resistance ; but the impe tuous valour ofthe republicans bore down all before them, and obtained a still greater victory than even at the battle of Lodi- The losses ofthe Austrians amounted to seventy pieces of can non, all the carriages belonging to their army, more than twelve thousand prisoners, and six thousand slain. The Austrian go vernment, still unbroken by continued disaster, raised numer ous levies, and Wurmser once more made head against Bona parte in the field. A succession of conflicts ensued, in which the French, without gaining any signal victory, were greatly Decisive superior. At length, in the month of November, a battle was Areola ; fought at Areola, in which, after a vicissitude of attacks and re pulses, during the fifteenth and sixteenth, and a very obstinate and doubtful contest, the French finally gained a signal victo ry,? and the Austrians did not again encounter the French in the field, during the present campaign. This event was complete ly decisive : the troops, that were beaten, were chiefly vete rans ; those who came with Wurmser, were deemed tbe flower of the^Austrian army, that had so obstinately contended with the best troops of France upon the Rhine. Wurmser himself was reputed an officer second to no one in the imperial service, or indeed in Europe, for valour, skill, and experience, and was deemed the last hope of Austria for the recovery of Italy. The Austrians, their allies, and all the friends ofthe cause in which they were engaged, had conceived the most sanguine expecta tions from the military talents of Wurmser, and the force h^r which they were supported. Both he and his soldiers did all that courage, discipline, and skill could perform, but against the impetuous enthusiasm of the republican forces, and the overpowering genius of Bonaparte, their efforts were unavail ing. Throughout the whole course of this arduous trial, the powers and exertions of this leader astonished both friends and p See Campaigns of Bonaparte. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 5ft fbes. Surrounded by difficulties of every sort, he acted with, a ^fX- clearness of penetration that foresaw and obviated them all : he removed impediments as fast as they arose, and took his mea- sures with so much prudence and sagacity, that he could not be charged with having committed one false step. His body and his mind appeared reciprocally calculated for the support of each other: both were incessantly employed, the one in- planning, and the other in personally forwarding every design that was conceived.1) Of Austrian Italy, Mantua slill remained unsubdued ; thither the republican force was now bent, and the imperialists once more collected a formidable army for its preservation. Various conflicts ensued, in which Austrian firmness and intrepidity made a most vigorous stand against the impetuous valour and enthusiastic animation of the republicans. At length they at Rivtoli. again encountered each other in a pitched battle, at Rivoli ; the imperialists in valour and conduct equalled any of their former most heroic efforts, and once appeared to be on the eve of victory ; when Bonaparte, with the usual rapidity of his genius and energy, made an instantaneous movement, which surrounded a great body of Austrians, entirely defeated them, and facilitated the discomfiture of their principal strength : by this disaster all hopes of defending Mantua were vanished ; and Capture of the garrison was obliged to capitulate. Mantua. While the contest appeared doubtful between the imperial Common and republican generals, the Italian clergy, hoping the Aus- J™m^1 trians might prove successful, again rcirewed their machina tions to incite the people to insurrection ; but the victories of the French soon suppressed these attempts throughout the north of Italy. In Rome the anti-gallican party was much more vio lent and open in its proceedings than in other Italian districts. The pope, having heard that the siege of Mantua was raised, without waiting either to examine the reasons, or observe the consequences of this movement, sent a legate to retake posses sion of Ferrara, in direct opposition to the convention con cluded with Bonaparte, and to the wishes ofthe people, who ¦were noted for dislike to the Roman government. Priests and monks that swarm in the seat of ancient heroism, deviated from their habitual indolence, and were incessantly active in stimu lating their votaries to outrage against the Frencli republicans who happened to be in the papal dominions. Intelligence soon arriving ofthe victories ofthe French general, repressed these instigators of discord ; but Bonaparte was too much occupied in pursuing the Austrians for the present to attend to the coer cion of these puny opponents. As the season was too far advanced for continuing, warfare among the mountains of the Tyrol, Bonaparte now directed his iltt'ention to the internal settlement of Italy, and to the punish- q See Otridge's Annual Register for 1796, p. 103. 572 HISTORY OF THE LVm " ment of revo't- T1,e Power of tne French republic, over all Italy, now deserted by the Austrians, was so extensive and ir- S^J^X^ resistible, as to render opposition, however just, totally inexpe dient ; and not only useless, but ruinous. The secular princes „ of Italy had faithfully adhered to the treaties which they had concluded with the French republic, and were paying the sti- Conduct of pulated contributions. The court of Rome alone wasguilty o€> cover15-*1' tne most unwise violation of its engagements. In order more rnenY"" effectually to inflame the minds of the people against the re publicans,1" the pope and his priests, his only counsellors, had recourse to the stale artifices and despicable tricks known by the name of pious frauds. They pretended the intervention of heaven, and positively asserted the performance of miracles, in many of the churches, jn vindication of the catholic faith • and the papal supremacy, outraged and menaced by the conduct of the French. The streets were filled with processions of saints and images, who were to arrest the progress of the French * general. He who was fit to have combatted a Scipio or a Caesar, was to be overcome by friars ; he whom the Austrian eagle could not withstand, was to yield to a Romish owl. This ridiculous mummery, however, had its effect ; though eventu-i ally very pernicious to its contrivers. In the papal metropolis there is, as among all Italians, a considerable portion of saga city ; and among the higher ranks of the laity, no small share of literature ; yet, those who could most easily detect and expose these impostures, would not find it safe to interfere in baulking their clerical promoters. On such occasions, there- , fore, gentlemen and liberal scholars, including some of the cler gy themselves, carefully avoided attempts to counteract decep- Thepope tion that was practised on credulity. At present the zeal of- all attempts to c]asses an(j conditions was kindled ¦ the populace was impelled against Bo- lo the utmost fury against all who did not readily believe the naparte. asserted miracles, or presumed to trust more to reason and their senses than to the infallibility of the church; manifested the most , ardent eagerness to go to war against the republicans and infl»»- dels of France ; and, like the mahometan bigots, they trusted to supernatural assistance in combating the enemy ; a very great majority joined in preparations for war. The French en voy at Rome was active in endeavouring to convince the adinir. nistration, that by perseverence in hostility they would expose themselves and their country to very great evils, which they mightavoid merely by adhering tothe terms of pacification : but his admonitions and remonstrances were altogether unavailing. the Bonaparte desirous of conciliating the affections of the Italians, French ge- ardently wished for a pacification with the. head of the Romish coireih"-'or cnuron' a respcctful treatment of whom, he was conscious, overtures. i would be highly gratifying to all the Roman catholic states, and people. Resolved, therefore, to forbear coercive measures, he. bO:rid;e's Annual Rcgjitcr, 1797 REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 575 ¦wrote a letter to cardinal Mattoei. prime minister to his holi- 9SfAJ*- ness, requesting him to prevail on the pope to recommend pa cific negotiations, in order to prevent the inarch of the French armies into his territories, and to represent to him the inutility of arming his subjects against men who had overcome so many formidable enemies. To this letter no answer was made until after the battle of Areola had finally crushed all hopes that thc Austrians could save Italy from the French. The pope in- Reply of the stmcted his minister in his reply,' to state to the general the anx- F0^ iety of his holiness to remedy the disorders which had so long distracted France, and to restore amity between France and the Roman see : the French, elated with the success of their arms, had made requisitions incompatible with the dictates of his conscience, and subversive of all christian and moral prin ciples ; grieved at such intolerable demands, he had implored tbe assistance of heaven to direct him how to act in so difficult a situation : doubtless he was inspired on this occasion by that holy-spirit which had animated the primitive martyrs in the cause for which they suffered : having laboured in vain to bring the directory to a more equitable way of thinking, he thought it necessary to resist them by open force : the death that await ed men in battle was the commencement of eternal life and happiness to the righteous, and everlasting misery to the wick ed : though infidels and pretended philosophers ridicule the idea of assistance from heaven, yet, if providence were pleased to interpose, the French would contend in vain against the power of the Almighty : if the French were desirous of peace, the Roman see desired it still more, if attainable on conscien tious and equitable terms. Such a letter, addressed to a victo rious general at the head of a resistless array, that little regarded spiritual aid monitions, was not likely to interrupt the republican career, or change their resolution. The pope, meanwhile, per sisted in preparing for war, and endeavoured to interest those powers, to whose predecessors in former times, the will of a pontiff served for a Jaw. But now, both circumstances and sen timents were totally changed : even the court of Spain, hereto^ fore the chief prop of papal domination, sent an answer, re commending to the pope- the demission of all temporal power, and the confinement of future proceedings to the exercise of the heavenly virtues.6 574 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. Bonaparte, finding no prospect of overawing his holiness to submission, resolved lo recommence actual hostilities. Pub- s"- T^^ lishing a manifesto, he charged the pontiff with a breach of the Bonaparte convention ; and turned against the papal effeminate Romans, invades ihe genius, courage, and conduct, which the disciplined heroism of Roman ter- republican Rome, under her most consummate generals, would "es' have, found arduous difficulty in resisting, Bonaparte was too artful, wantonly to shock the religious prejudices of a country which lie wished to govern : having entered the Roman terri tories, he issued a proclamation, assuring the inhabitants that he would protect religion as well as property, and maintain the public peace : he warned them to abstain from all acts of- en mity, which would certainly draw down upon them vengeance and all the horrors of war : every town and village that sounded^ the tocsin on the approach of the French, was threatened with instant destruction : and it was denounced that every district where a Frenchman was assassinated, should be declared hos tile, and subjected to heavy contributions. The papal army having, ventured to encounter the republicans, was completely, smU compels defeated . Bonaparte compelled the pontiff to sue for peace,1 to thepontifr ce(je part 0f nis territories, and to pay a sum that would peace6. °r amount to thirty millions of French livres, on account of the last rupture, besides fulfilling the conditions of the armistice in the preceding summer. Amnnniof Thus, in one campaign, Bonaparte overcame four successive theFreneh armies of the bravest and best disciplined troops, much more in^aivin"8 numerous than his own, commanded by skilful and able generals: thi* cam- extended the territories of the French republic from the gulf paign. 0f Genoa to the Adriatic Sea, from the Alps to the Tiber, and her commanding influence over all Italy, where his versatile dexterity seemed to secure what his military abilities , had ac quired. Those who estimate conquerors merely by their war like achievements, without considering either the justness ofthe. cause, or the wisdom of the pursuit, must regard Bonaparte with high honour. He undoubtedly displayed all that combination of intellectual and active powers which rendered Ala*ic, Gen eric, and Attila, with their respective Goths, Vandals, and Huns, irresistibly successful in subjugation and plunder. But in one instrument of iniquitous acquisition, the Corsican surpas sed the northern invaders : they simply employed force, whereas lie used artifice aud deceit, as well as violence and rapine. But exceeding Attila, or any of his co-operators, in craft and versatility, he resembled them in sentiment. With all the in- der to secure the rights of the church, and to prove his disinterestedness, and the fervour of his piety, by nn example that would prove so edifying to all the chris tian world." — See Otridge's Annual Register, for 1797, p. 12. 1 This peace was not concluded till February 1767 ; but being part of a series of military and political conduct belonging to 17 J6, to preserve ihe unity of action unbroken, I hnve included it in the narrative of the present year. REIGN OF GEORGE III. .575 trepidity, resolution, and courage of a valiant combatant, he ?yjA,p- was totally deficient in elevation of mfnd, and bore no resem blance to the grandeur of a Roman, much less the Macedo- nian conqueror. Besides, Bonaparte found auxiliaries to which the lofty soul of an Alexander would have disdained to resort : he successfully employed money,™ as well as arms, in promoting his victories. In this his most difficult campaign, Bonaparte proved himself an able, energetic, and dexterous adventurer ; but in no instance manifested either the magnanimous hero, or the wise statesman. In Germany also the French generals displayed1 distinguished ?ermi"Jybv ability, and made very forcible exertions, though with less per- j0vurciain manent success. Jourdain entered the empire by the Upper and Mo- Rhine, while Moreau marched through Suabia. Charles of !£*"¦ Austria, brother to the emperor, a young prince of heroic cou- archduke rage, and great military enterprise, at this time headed the Au- Charles. strian army. At the village of Eltingen, the gallant prince en- Successive countered the republican general on the 8th of July, and, after battles with a very bloody battle, was obliged to give way to the impetuous valour of the French. Moreau was now master of Suabia, Danger of was penetrating into Bavaria ; Jourdain had entered Franco- the empire, nia, and from the confines of Bohemia to the mountains of Ty rol the advancing chain of the republican armies extended, me nacing the invasion of Austria itself, and the capture of the Austrian capita). The duke of Wirtemberg, and the other princes of the empire who had still remained in alliance with their imperial head, were now obliged to sue for peace, and to receive it from the victorious republicans on such terms as they chose togrant. The emperor, thus deserted by his auxiliaries, was in dreadful consternation; but for the present the efforts of his gallant brother relieved him from his fears. On entering the empire, the French forces had found the commonalty in general favourable to principles and projects which they con ceived would reduce their domineering tyrants; but the rapa city of their exactions," though in some degree necessary for the supply of the troops, yet oppressive and injurious to the forced m I am assured by gentlemen who resided at Vienna during a great part of the war, that it was generally thought there that many of Ihe Austrian officers were bribed. n Their levies of money and other requisitions, excited universal alarm. The duke of Wirlemberg had been assessed fdur millions : the circle of Suabia, twelve millions, besides to furnish eight thousand horses, five thousand oxen, one hundred and fifty thousand quintals of corn, one hundred thousand sacks of oats, a pro portionable quantity of hay, and one hundred thousand pair of shoes : eight mil- hons were demanded from the circle of Franconia, with a very large supply of horses : great sums were also required from [lie cities of Frajickfoi t, Wurtzburg^ Bamberg, and Nuremberg, together wilh an immense quantity of other article.*, for the subsistence and clothing of the French <'innp--.---Per- 'Olridge'-i AnnmA- Register f«r 1796, p. 13P. 576 HISTORY OF THE ^vm' contributors, changed their attachment into hatred. After bis adverse conflict with Moreau, the archduke Charles had lost 1796 "° t'me m recruiting, collecting, and rallying his forces. Jour- is warded dain's army was now advanced near Ratisbon : prince Charles, ofT by the leaving a strong body to watch the motions of Moreau, re- the°arch- Paired with Iits main army against Jourdain ; being daily re- duke, enforced, he after several bloody, but partial conflicts, on the who com- 28th of August, engaged Jourdain in a pitched battle, and com. Sain io"r Pelled him to retreat with considerable loss. The Austrians evacuate continued to molest him as he fell back towards the Rhine: Germany. Jourdain faced, and sometimes repulsed his pursuers, and at last arriving at the Rhine, repassed the river. Progress Moreau, deprived of the co-operation of Jourdain, was now and situa- exposed to the whole force of the German armies, and found it Moreau necessary to rel reat. A superior host assailed his rear, and a large detachment harassed his front, while the peasants rose in Masterly every direction and intercepted his convoys : but Moreau re? nnd success- pulsed his pursuers, defeated all the bodies that opposed his '"the face niarcn j with masterly skill and rapid execution, changing his of the Ger- front according lo the direction of the enemy, he by offensive man host, operations secured his defence. Latour, a very able and enter prising general, commanded the pursuers, and notwithstanding reiterated defeats, still continued to harass the French rear. Moreau now advanced to the middle of Suabia, but still at a great distance from the Rhine, he perceived that he must again resist a general action, and unless he again defeated the Au strians who were nearest, they speedily would be joined by such numerous re-enforcements, that all resistance would be vain. On the "d of October, a select body attacked the right wing of the Austrian army posted between Biberach and the Danube: after routing this division, they advanced upon the centre, which was at the same time vigorously assailed by tbe centre of Moreau's army. The contest lasted six hours, and was extremely bloody on both sides : at length the Austrians gave way, and were so completely defeated, that they retired with the utmost expedition to a great distance from the field of battle. Their loss amounted to near five thousand men killed and taken, twenty pieces of cannon, several standards and a quanti ty of ammunition.0 Still, however, there was a strong army be tween iMoreau and the Rhine. He proceeded with catnionand firmness through every impediment, and driving the Austrians before him, crossed the Danube. On the 9th, his army entered a defile called the Valley of Hell, from the frightful appearance of the rocks and mountains (hat hang over it on each side, and in many places are hardly the space of thirty feet asunder. At the outlet of the valley, a powerful body of Austrians were stationed ; behind was LatOur, who having again collected a considerable army, pressed the French rear ; and every inlet o See Otridge's Annual Register for 1796. p. 140. REIGN OF GEORGE III. Stf on each side. was lined with troops ready to assail the flanks of £^,A,P- the republicans as they passed. To guard against this multi- ^__^, plicity of dangers, Moreau disposed of his right and left in such 179g a manner, that the rear of them protected his entrance into that valley, by facing the forces under Latour ; and the van, by advancing upon Navaudorf and Petrasch on their respective wings, obliged them to divide their strength and attention. Having made these dispositions, the French marched in a com pact order along the valley. The enemy on the rear were re pulsed ; and, on the right and left, did not venture an attack of troops so prepared for terrible resistance ; the Austrians station ed in front, durst not attempt their molestation. Moreau pas sed the defile, marched on to Friburg, and brought his army in safety to the Rhine, by as masterly a retreat as any recorded in the annals of history .P During this campaign, the attention of the French was so Erilam SIV much directed to land efforts, that Britain encountered little ".^siy™0" opposition in her maritime exertions, and those military enter- where she prises which depended chiefly on naval co-operation. A con- fehl\rll°ne' siderable armament had been fitted out under general Aber- d;es crombie, to prosecute our successes in the West Indies. In General April, leaving Barbadoes, he sailed to the valuable settlement ^g^™^ Of Demarara, belonging to the Dutch, which speedily surren- St. Lucie, dered to the British arms. In the. month of May, he recovered ?nd and applied for passports, nominated Lord Malmsbury as an> bary isreni! Dassa THE.new parliament met on the 6th of October; and his majesty informed the houses that he had omitted no endea- '"ilx! vours for setting on foot negotiations. to restore peace to Europe-, v_*-^-»^' and to secure for the future the general tranquillity. But no- 1796. thing (he observed) could contribute so effectually to this end, Meeting of as to manifest that we possessed both the determination and l^"^^ . resources to oppose, with increased activity and energy, the the king an- farther efforts with which we might have to contend.* On the nounces 0 pacific m- q King's Speech, State Papers, October 6th, 1796. 580 HISTORY OF THE CHAr. general propriety of a negotiation, there was a division of UX opinion between those who had promoted the war and support - *~*^7*~' ed its continuance. We have already stated, that Mr. Burke, Difference in inculcating hostility against revolutionary France, fcon who kept ten horses, should be obliged to provide one horse, and one horseman, to serve in a corps of militia ; and those who kept more than ten, should provide in the same proportion ; and that those that kept fewer than ten, were to form themselves into classes, in which it should be decided by ballot, who, at tho common expense, should provide the horse and the horseman; these troops were to be furnished with uniform and accoutre ments, arranged into corps, and put under proper officers. The whole number of cavalry proposed to be raised by this mode was twenty-thousand: the other supplemental troops amounted to. seventy-five thousand men. Among the means proposed for fjaw lo], Internal defence, a bill was introduced by Mr. Dundas, for establishing raising and embodying a militia in Scotland, and an act for that a milltl a ,n purpose was passed without opposition. The whole land Army, na- forces of the country, intended for the year 1797, were to con- vy.and po- 6ist of one hundred and ninety-five thousand, six hundred and ^""'"-^ ninety-four; and the navy was to amount to a hundred and twenty thousand men., The pecuniary supplies of the year were thirty-one millions borrowed, besides the annual income. Mr. Pitt still continued to display great financial skill in ex- r , . , , , /¦ ^ i o i Imposts be- empting the very lower class from the severest pressure of the gin t0 be new taxes, though the principal part bore very heavily on the severely comforts and accommodations of the middling ranks ; the fresh \a^J^ imposts were upon tea, coffee, spirits, sugars, and various other middling articles of daily and general consumption; upon assessed classes. taxes, postage, stage coaches, and canal navigation; and in the i>82 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, minister's plans of finance, it began to be complained that the LIX: very high and opulent did not contribute so much more than ^"*"~v~*~' the lower classes, as the proportidn of their property would im have admitted. Negotiation While preparations were making for carrying on the war, Mahnlbury 'or<* Malmsbury was at Paris conveying from his court profes- at Paris, sions of a desire to negotiate a peace. The French govern ment, elated with the brilliant successes of the campaign, were far from relinquishing their determination to retain in their pos session the whole ofthe left bank ofthe Rhine ; this resolution they had intimated to Britain, and lo it they were resolved to adhere. Lord Malmsbury arrived at Paris on the 22d of Oc- Basis pro- tober. His first reception by the French government manifest- posed by ed a distrust of the sincerity of his employers;' the negotiation cip'rocai "" was -however opened by a proposition from lord Malmsbury for restitution, reciprocal restitution. Great Britain had made very valuable acquisitions, and had incurred no losses herself; seeking from war, not the possessions of her adversary, but the general se curity, she was willing to restore her own conquests, in lieu of the acquisitions which France had won from her allies, as a basis for a treaty : therefore Britain proposed a general princi ple of reciprocal restitution. The directory replied, that re ceiving the British ambassador as the agent of Britain only, and not understanding him to have a commission to act for the allies of Britain, they could not now enter into tbe concerns of those powers : the mode which he proposed of an intermixture of other discussions with a treaty, they represented to be cir cuitous and dilatory ; but to show their sincere and ardent de sire of peace, if he procured credentials from the other bellige rent states, they would take into consideration such specific proposals as he might then make. To these observations they' added an opinion, that the British court was insincere in its over ture; that its purposes were to prevent other powers from ne gotiating a separate peace ; and to facilitate the attainment of the supplies from the people of England, through a persuasion- that the French refused an accommodation. To this assigna tion of motives which, whether true or fanciful,was irrelevant to the discussion, the British minister, with becoming dignity, forbore to reply : confining himself to the answer, he stated, that he had not been commissioned to enter upon a separate treaty ; that Great Britain proposed to make in this transaction a common cause with her allies. The directory rejoined, that in a question pf reciprocal restitution, the chief object of con sideration was the. relative condition of the respective parties,' Of the original confederates, some were become the friends of France, and other%observed a strict neutrality. The remaining allies of Britain were now weakened by their losses, and the desertion of their associates. France, it was insinuated, would- not in a negotiation of terms forget the circumstances in which she was placed. Besides the assertions and replications con- REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 583 tainedin official notes, conferences were carried on between ^y?' lord Malmsbury and De la Croix, the French minister.8 In ^^^, these they respectively unfolded in more detailed statements ng& the objects and resolutions of their employers. The Netherlands constituted one of the principal topics of discourse. The British ambassador stated the restitution of Belgium as an indispensable article from which his Britannic majesty would not recede. From the outset indeed of the dis cussions, we find in his own letter, that he told the French minister that he must entertain no hopes that'his majesty would ever consent to see the Netherlands a part of the French do minions. From the same official documents it appears, that the French minister proposed several schemes of equivalent for Belgium, but that lord Malmsbury considered himself as bound by bis instructions to admit no proposition by which Belgium should continue annexed to France. On the other France hand, the French minister declared, that the republic was re-HnqU"shre' solved not to relinquish Belgium. In the course of their con- Belgium > ferences,lord Malmsbury delivered his opinions freely on certain effects of the revolutionary system, which, extending to the West Indies, influenced the conduct of some of the British islands, and produced confusion and disorder; at length the directory agreed to the general principle of compensation, but required a specific description of the reciprocal restitutions proposed by Britain. 'The British ambassador stated the terms abruptly in contemplation to be, the restitution by France of her con- ret!1"^5 the quests from the emperor, the inclusion of Russia and Portugal 0r me am- in the treaty, and the restoration of the stadtholderian govern- bassador, mentin Holland. To these outlines, containing propositions ^Jj'j^m*. so very contrary to the declared views of the French govern- diately em inent, De la Croix answered by requiring the whole of his final powered to demands, or, according to diplomatic language, hig ultimatum, T' to be delivered in twenty-four hours. To this peremptory re quisition lord Malmsbury replied, that it precluded at once all farther negotiation; that if they disapproved of his proposi- , tions, or refused to take them into consideration, they ought to bring forward their own, that he might lay them before his so^ vereign. But he received no other 'answer than, that they could listen to no terms inconsistent with the constitution, and the engagements that were formed by the republic. They farther signified to him, that since he was obliged to consult the British ministry previously to all replies and communica tions, it evidently appeared that his powers"were inadequate to the conduct of a treaty j and if the British ministry were in clined to pacific measures, and determined to treat on their pre sent plan, farther communications might be as well forwarded He ;sor^<„j by an epistolary correspondence: his residence, therefore, inedioquit Baris being totally unnecessary, they ordered him to depart in Franc*1 s See State Papers, December 20ih,179C. 584 HISTORY OF THE CflAP. LIX. 1796. British manifesto,charging Francewith the rapture. Dec. 30th. Splendideloquence of Mr. Pitt on this subject. forty-eight hours. This injunction was notified to him on thp 20th of December ; and thus terminated the first nega* ' tiation for peace between Great Britain and the French re public. The British ministers professed to consider the abrupt con clusion of these overtures as arising totally from France, and published a manifesto,' on the 27th of December, setting forth the pacific dispositions of the British government, and the ma lignant hostility of France. " The repeated endeavours of the " French government (this document states) to defeat thismis- " sion in its outset, and to break off the intercourse thus open- " ed, even before the first steps towards negotiation could be "taken; the indecent and injurious language, employed with a " view to irritate ; the captious and frivolous objections .'raised " for the purpose of obstructing the progress of the discussion j " all these have sufficiently appeared from the official papers " which passed on both sides, and which are known to all " Europe : the failure of the present negotiation arises exclu- " sively from the obstinate adherence of France to a claim " which never can be admitted ; a claim that the construction "which that government affects to put on the internal constitu- " tion of its own country, shall be received by all other nations "as paramount to every known principle of public law in "Europe, as superior to the obligations of treaties, to the ties " of common interest, to the most pressing and urgent consi- " derations of getieifal security." On these allegations minis ters justified the continuance of the war as Indispensably neces-. sary : they endeavoured to prove that the rupture of the nego tiation was to be attributed to a systematical aversion to peace in the governing party in the French republic. The manifesto being mid before the houses of parliament, ministers assumed this declaration as a text, expatiated upon it in eloquent and impressive comments and suitable exhortations, and animated the indignant resentment ofthe parliament and country against the government of France. Mr. Pitt addressed the house in that style of splendid amplification which tiis oratory so hap pily assumes when his object is to strike the fancy, or rouse the passions. The question (he said) is not how much you will give for peace; but, how' much disgrace you will suffer at the outset, how much degradation you will submit to as a prelimina ry ? In these circumstances, then, are we to persevere in the war, with a spirit and energy worthy of the British name, and of the British character? or are we, by sending couriers to Paris, to-prostrate ourselves at the feet of a stubborn and su percilious government, to yield to what they require, and to submit to whatever they may impose ? 1 hope there is not a hand in his majesty's councils which would sign the proposal ; tbat there is not a heart in this house wh.ch would sanction the t See State Papers, December 27lh. 1796. REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 5S& measure j and, ..that there is npt an individual in the British c^p- dominions who would act a3 the courier. In answering the ^-<*s speech of Mr. Pitt, tir. Erskine took a general view of the "" (m causes and consequences of the war with France," and endea- \]r, (.>.' Voured to prov.c that the ostensible was not the real grounds of » ne's the rupture; but that we were actually to be at war for Belgi- v'™e,a*\e ii'iii. Mr. Fox argued, that the whole amount of the minister's con»e- 'spletidid oration that night, was to admit that we had been four 'l'1*1^* of years engageH in a war unprecedented in expense and force, nra,„nj'n„ and had done nothing:, after, all the efforts so honourable to of Mr. Fox, Britons ; after, an addition of (to jess than two hundred millions to the national debt, and of nine millions to f.he permanent taxes of the country ; after an enormous effusion of human blood, land an incalculable addition to human wretchedness ; so far were we from having gained any object for which we had set out in the war, that the minister ha^this night come forward, in a long and elaborate speech, to show that the only effect of ali our efforts hadbeejn, that the enemy had, from success, bp- come more unreasonable in their pretensions, aud that all hopes of peace were rembyed to a greater, distance than ever. To persevere in an undertaking productive of such prodigious ex pense and loss, without the least probability of advantage, or even indemnification, w_as altogether inconsistent, not only with wisdom but with common prudence and common sense. In jprivate life, a person who should persevere in a ruinous under taking, which wasted large property, and incurred overwhelm ing debts, without receiving any returns, would be, by all men in their senses, deemed an infatuated projector. The nature and character of such public conduct was the same ; the only difference wab, that the madness of the former involved a few individuals: the madness of the latter, a great, populous, and powerful nation, in ^..destructive effects. Persisting in a hos tile spirit against the French republic, fondly wishing to restore their beloyed arbitrary monarchy, ministers, in the. face of the clearest'an'd most decjsive experience, still. cherished their delu sive hopes, embraced : the post futile, and often exploded the ories, arid sf ill conceived that France, exhausted by her efforts, would yield (pour dictates. With these ideas and views, they Jiad,re»olye,d to prosecute .this war, surpassing in Us miseries our pernicious project of subjugating and enslaving America. So .obstinate in madness, they had pretended to negotiate, merely :toind,u9e, the, people to acquiesce in the expenses which they so severely felt. The negotiation, as it appeared from its circum- u His reasonings and sentiments upon this subject were afterwards expanded in his celebrated and popular publication so very universally read, and called for in » many editions. On the acutene-ss, ingenuity, and eloquence of this pro- ductioni a» well aa iis candid and liberal spirit, all impartial critic; ' e- towed high jn-uife, whether (hey ngrcednr disagreed in his statement", reasonings, and in- Jhi-nrm, concerning the causes and consequences of the war. Vt>h. H. 74 5S6 ' HISTORY -OF THE CL1XF' stances and propositions, was never Intended to be conciliatory. ._^--, The British minister had categorically declared, that he could 1786 not recede from demanding the cession of Belgium; the French government as peremptorily declared, they would not recede from their refusal. The French, whether wisely or not, had merely availed themselves of the advantages which they had acquired in war. In denying to our demands the restitu tion of Belgium, they knew they could, by their power, support that denial ; whereas we insisted on a concession which we had no means to enforce. As a question of expedience, it was ex tremely absurd to continue, on account of Belgium, so dreadful a war, when we were morallycertain, that all our exertions to regain it would be unavailing. Our offers of compensation were totally inadequate to this valuable acquisition of the French ; therefore we could not reasonably hope that they would have been accepted. We already saw, in the unexam pled depreciation of the national funds on lord Malmsbury's re turn, the dreadful shock which public credit received'; and we might reasonably expect, that, as the pressure of the new in cumbrances came to be felt, the shock would be much greater : dejection and despondency were spread through the country j the nation was never in so deplorable and dreadful a situation. Motions for ^n lnese and similar grounds, Mr. Foxin the' house of com- ihe removal mons, and lord Oxford in the house of 'peers, proposed addres- of ministers, ^es to the king, representing the conduct o'f ministry, in the whole of the war, as ruinous; in this negotiation, as a com pound of folly arid deceit ; and describing the country as has tening to destruction, through their infatuated counsels. These are nega- addresses, however, were negatived, and opposite addresses', lived by approving highly ofthe general system of ministers, of the great ma- principles and conduct of the negotiation, and throwing the whole blame of the rupture upon the "French, were carried by most numerous majorities. ** The sentiments of parliament, however, concerning minis ters and the public affairs, were now very far from being gene ral. Instead of deeming the country prosperous, great num bers went into the opposite extreme, and thought it, from the Gloomv grievous burthens of the war, about to sink to ruin. aspect of In the earlier part of 1797? the aspect of affairs was gloomy affairs at atK\ dismal. We were involved in a war, distressing beyond all mencement historical record, without seeing any likelihood of an end j .of 1797. national credit seemed to totter from its base; rebellion was ready to burst out in the sister island; and, while foreign in vasion threatened, those who had so long been the champions of Britain upon her own element, refused to obey orders issued for her defence, and turned their mutinous arms against their country. ,., increase'of p^e rapid and enormous increase ofthe national debt, had, •he national for two years, created an alarm among many proprietors in the debt public funds ; and, under this impression, sums to a great REIGN OF GEORGE IH. 58£a amount were sold out ofthe stocks, and vested^in other securi- be true ; and denied that if it was found so, the bank cOuld be justly denominated insolvent and bankrupt. Money, whether^ in coin, metal, or any other material, was merely a medium of exchange, and an agreed representative of commodity : where there was abundance of effects, they would soon bring gold and silver, as Well as other merchandise to market.? The first step to be taken was to ascertain the assets of the bank : for that purpose, a second committee was proposed, arid appointed in both houses in the beginning of March. The result ofthe re ports was, " that on the 25th of February, the last day of pay- y See Smith's Wealth of Nations, vol. i. passim. REIGNs OF GEORGE III. 58'J "tag gold and silver, there was a surplus of effects belonging c^p- " to the bank^ beyond the total debts, amounting to the sum of .^^^ " 3,826,8901. exclusive of a permanent debt of 11,666,8001. due ng7 " from government ; that the bank of England had lately ex- " perienced an universal drain of cash ; that this drain was ow- " ing to drafts from the country, which arose from local alarms " of invasion ; that demands had been of late progressively in- K- creasing, but particularly in the last week ; and that there " was every reason to apprehend, that these demands, and ihe " consequent progressive reduction of cash, would continue, " and even increase, insomuch- that if it were to proceed in the " same proportion, the bank of England would be deprived of "the means of supplying the cash which might be necessary for " pressing exigencies of public service." Grounded on these Bill to ena* reports, Mr. Pitt proposed a bill, enabling the bank of England {Jank'to tb issue notes in payment of demands upon them, instead of pay in Cash, agreeably to the late order of council to that effect : and ll0le:j> >"" after various discussions, and several modifications, the bill was ^sh passed into a law. This measure savedthe credit ofthe bank, j and ofthe public funds, which had been injured by the alarm ;, recalled to circulation the concealed hoards ofthe valuable metals, and made money of the various denominations much more plentiful than before. The predictions ofthe ablest men in opposition, that bank notes would soon be sold at a great discount, proved totally unfounded ; and the interference of the privy-council in the affairs of the bank, on the alarming disappearance of the precious metals, has from experience been demonstrated riot only prudent, but indispensably necessary. Scarcely had the public alarm from the bank subsided, when Complaints Other imminent dangers occasioned dread -and consternation. oftnesai1" The soldiers and sailors of Britain had long complained ofthe smallness of their p£y> as totally inadequate to their comfortable Subsistence and accommodation, in the present diminished va lue of money : With these grievances, still unredressed, other causes co-operated to produce and disseminate discontents throughout the army and navy. The democratical doctrines A<-ti6ces of Of universal equality had been circulated by inflammatory agi- avatars'1 tators, but more especially in the navy ; great numbers of po litical innovators entered themselves aboard the fleet; they knew the principal grievances in the estimation of sailors, to be severe punishment when aboard, and the want of means of pleasure when ashore : they, therefore, directed their animad versions to the harsh behaviour of several ofthe officers, and to the striking disproportion observed in the distribution of prize money.1 This inequality they represented not only as unjust, but as a proof ofthe contempt in which sailors were held by their officers ; and yet it was evident, that, to the bravery of the seamen was principally owing the success in most engage- 2 See Anoual Register, 1797. a Annual Register, 1797. 590 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. LIX. 1797. Alarming mutiny at Porn- mouih. tnents. The promoters of these doctrines conducted their in" culcations and measures with such secrecy -and sagacity, ¦ as- 'showed very considerable ability and skill : the means employ-' ed were dexterously and comprehensively fitted to the end pro posed, — the incitement of a general mutiny through the fleet.*- With so much address were their schemes conducted, that the existence of discontent was not suspected by the oflieers until- mutiny was publicly announced. Several anonymous petitions- in the month of March, were sent from the channel fleet to lord- Howe, begging his interference^ procure such an increase of- pay as would enable them in those dear times to support their families. Earl Howe, then at London, wroteto tbe command ing officer at Portsmouth, lord Bridport, to inquire whether there was any dissatisfaction. His lordship, after examining his officers, reported that there was none ; and that it was merely an attempt of certain individuals to persuade government that the sailors disapproved of its conduct. The admiralty being informed by lord Howe of the petitions and -inquiries, drew the same conclusion. But at this time it was setled by all the sailr ors of the channel fleet, that no ship should heave an a-nchor till a redress of grievances was obtained. On. the 13th of April,. lord Bridport ordered the signal for weighing anchor : which, instead of obeying, the sailors in the. Queen Charlotte, lord Howe's own ship, set up three cheers, as the signal fir com mencing mutiny ; and every other ship followed the example. The officers exerted themselves to the utmost to recall the sail ors to obedience; but their attempts were unavailing. The sailors were now supreme masters ofthe fleet; every crew appointed two delegates to form a convention, which should carry on its deliberations in lord Howe's own cabin. On the 17th, an oath was administered to every man in the fleet, to support the cause in which they had engaged : ropes were then reefed to the yard arm in every ship, as the signal of punishment that would be inflicted on those that betrayed the cause ; and several offi cers were sent ashore who were particularly obnoxious to their respective crews. Meanwhile, though the admiral conld not lead his fleet to sea, both he and the officers were treated with the greatest respect and attention, and the whole routine of na val duties were regularly performed. On the 18th, two peti tions, one to the admiralty, and the other to tbe house of com mons, were drawn up, and signed by the delegates. The peti tion lo the commons stated, in very respectful language and correct composition, the inadequacy of their pay (unchanged since the reign of Charles II.) to their subsistence in the pre7 sent state of prices ; and their inferiority in various articles to the soldiers. Their petition to the admiralty, stated the low- rate of their pay, and the insufficiency of their allowance of provisions ; demanding an increase of both, together with the liberty of going ashore while in harbour ; and the continuance of pay to wounded seamen, till they should be enred and dis charged. a Annual Register, 1797. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 5.9J These proceedings so greatly alarmed government, that the cLf|^p' lords of the admiralty went down to Portsmouth to inspect the ^^^^s transactions ofthe fleet themselves : finding the firm delermin- ng7 ation of the sailors to persist in their demands, and aware of the dreadful consequences that must ensue if the defenders of our country continued refractory, they authorized lord Bridport to inform the ship's company, that they would recommend to the king to propose to parliament an augmentation of their pay, and a redress of their other complaints. The delegates answer- April 21st ed, that it was the determination of the crew, to agree to no thing that should not be sanctioned by parliament, and guaran teed by the king's proclamation. This declaration being made in a conference with several comma nders,-admiral Gardner was so irritated, that he seized one of the delegates by the collar, and sworisNhe would have them all hanged, with every fifth man throughout'the fleet. This conduct so much enraged the sail ors, that the brave'bfficer with difficulty escaped alive ; the ships loaded their? Ains, and put themselves in a state of de fence. The next day, however, they wrote a letter to the lords ofthe admiralty, stating the motives of their conduct on the preceding day ; and another to lord Bridport, expressing for him personally the highest respect and attachment. On the 23d, his lordship pathetically addressing his crew, informed them that he had brought with him a redress of all their griev ances, and the king's pardon for what had passed. These of fers being communicated to the other crews, after some delibe ration, were accepted, and every sailor returned to his duty. For a fortnight the fleet remained tranquil, expecting from par- On the: liament a confirmation of their demand.3, but finding no steps "th of hitherto taken for that purpose, they renewed their former me- Ma-y' naces. Alarmed at this intelligence, government sent to quell Uqulrtcl the tumult, lord Howe, an officer universally beloved through- ty lord out the British fleet. This illustrious commander having e"" pledged his word to the seamen that government would faith- folly keep its promises, they declared their unlimited confidence in lord Howe's assurance, and returned to their duty. A muti nous disposition which bad also appeared at Plymouth, subsided upon hearing of these transactions at Portsmouth. Parliament now proceeded lo consider the case of the sea- An an«* men: Mr. Pitt proposed an augmentation which was unani- mentaiiou mously agreed to as necessary both in justice and policy; but granicd* by Mr. Fox very strongly censured the procrastination of minis- parliament. try, to which he imputed the renewal ofthe disturbances. It was hoped that these compliances of government, sanctioned by legislature, would have prevented any fresh tumults; but More out- a mutiny broke out at the Nore, on the 22d of May, much ww ani more outrageous and dangerous than the proceedings of the f^f,','™* Portsmouth or Plymouth fleets. The sailors at the Nore the ¦Xr-p-, flamed those of Portsmouth, for having omitted to insist on- a 592 HISTORY OF THE - C/ixP' more eo,ual distribution of prize money. The crews took pos> session of thfir respective ships, chose delegates, stated (heir' " ._„_ '"' demands, including not only a much larger distribution of prize money,'1 but many privileges and exemptions from duty, which were totally inconsistent with thesubordination of the navy, and objects of the service. At the head of this mutiny, was a person Parker. named Richard Parker, a man of good abilities, not unedu cated, a bold and resolute character. The lords pf the ad miralty, directed admiral Buckner, the commanding officer at the Nore, to inform the seamen, that their demands were totally inconsistent with the good order and regulations necessary to be observed in the navy, and could not for that reason be com plied with ; but, that on returning to their duty, they would receive, the king's pardon for their breach of obedience.; To this offer Parker replied by a declaration, that the seamen had unanimously determined to keep possession of the fleet, until the lords of the admiralty should repair,, to the Nore and re dress the grievances which they had stated. Meanwhile, on the 6th of June, the mutinous fleet was joined by four ships of the line, from the squadron which, under admiral Duncan, was watching the motions of the Dutch in the North sea. The lords of the admiralty hastened to Sheerness,; and held a board at which Parker and the other delegates attend ed : but their behaviour was so audacious, that the commis sioners returned to town without the least success. Embolden ed by the strength of men and shipping in their hands, .and resolved to persevere; in their demands till they should extort qompliatice, the mutineers proceeded to secure a sufficiency of provisions for that purpose, by seizing two vessels laden, with The insur- stoj-es, and sent notice ashore that they intended to block up gent, block the -Thames, and cutoff all communication between London Thames. ar)d the sea, in order to force government to a speedy ac cession to their terms ; they began the execution of their me nace by mooring four of their vessels across the mouth of the river, and stopping several ships that were coming from the Alarm in metropolis. While these transactions excited great alarm in London. lne llatjon> they were violently reprobated by the seamen belonging to the two divisions of the fleet lying at Portsmouth and Plymouth ; each of them addressed an admonition to their fellow seamen at the Nore, warmly condemning their proceed ings as a scandal to llie name of British sailors, and exhorting them to be content with the indulgence already granted by government, and to return to their duty 'without insisting on more concessions than had been demanded by the rest of the navy. These warnings proved ineffectual: the delegates commissioned lord Northesk, whom they had kept confined in the Montague which he commanded, to repair to the king in the name of the fleet, and to acquaint him with the conditions h See Annual Register, 1797. REl&N W GEORGE' m. $9* tin which they were willing io deliver up the ships. The C^p' petition which he was charged to lay before the king, was ^^^, high -ty respectful and loyal t'o his rrfajesty, but1 verybitter against mJ., his ministers ; and they required an entire compliance with everyone of* their demands,' threatening,' on the refusal of any, to put immediately' to sea. ! Lord Northesk undertook to con vey their petition ;" but told tliem, that; from the unreasonable ness of its contents^ he could not flatter them' with the hope of success. No answer being returned tp the message, and Information being brought to the fleet that the nation at large Sighly'disapproved of their proceedings, great divisions took place among' the' delegates-, and several of the ' ships deserted the others ; not, however,- Without much contest and blbodshed. The mutineers, despairing now of accomplishing their designs, T1|e sailbw^ struck their flag of mutiny: every ship was left -at its own ^,lrn"| ^ command, alnd they all gradually returned to obedience. Par- dience. liter Was seized and imprisoned, and after' a solemn trial thaf^?1* *r 's lasted three days, ' on 'board the Neptune, he was sentenced executed. fo death. He suffered with great' coolness and intrepidity, acknowledging the justice of his sentence. With him the other chief ringleaders, after a full proof of their guilt, were condemned and executed; hut mercy either 'immediately, or at a more distant period, was extended to the rest. This mu tiny, so much more dangerous than the disturbances in the other fleets, attracted the very serious attention of parliament, to which it was communicated' by a message from hismajes- ty : measures were adbpted for preventing communication be tween the well affected and the present mutineers^ and also precautions were employed to hinder and punish future attempts to seduce soldiers or sailors frOln their duty and allegiance, or to excite mutiny and sedition. With this view, Mr. Pitt ? pro* I,a?r re"- poseda bill purporting, that persoris ; 'who should endeavour instigation to seduce either Soldiers or sailors frofn their duty, or instigate of mutiny a them to mutinous practices, or commit any act of mutiny, or "iphalfeto- form any mutinous assemblies, should on conviction, be deem- y' k ed guilty of felony, and suffer death.0 The duration of the » act was limited to one month after the commencement of the nextw session ; and the law at the present crisis^ was so evi dently necessary that it passed by an unanimous-vote-. Hav ing suppressed this insurrection of the sailors, government turned^ its> attention to the army, which complained of the smallness pf pay. An increase had been granted about' two years before, and now a farther augmentation was established by which every soldier was to receive a shilling per day. Great discontents prevailed at this time in Ireland, which state of ministers imputed to the dissemination of Jacobinical principles; Ireland. arid opposition to the system of government which had;, been adopted since the recall of earl Fitzwilliam. Ministers re- c See Acts of Parliament, 179T. VOL. Ur 75 394: HISTORY, OF THE ^A1*- presented the country as having been almost in a state af. rebellion : insurrection had been 'prevented by the firmness of ., t„ government, and could be hindered in future only by a con tinuance of the vigorous measuses which were now employed. The opponents of ministers denied that the Irish people were disposed to rebellion ; and declared there existed great discontents, arising from the arbitrary, coercive, and unconsti tutional system of the Irish government, tending to drive the lord Moira people of Ireland to rebellion."4 Earl Moira moved an address, ffiesfon" Pravlnl? nis majesty's interference to allay the discontents in the subject Ireland. The motion was resisted, first as an interposition to his ma- 0f tne British legislature in Irish affairs, contrary to the inde- ^HisMTiotion pendence of the Irish legislature ; secondly, as mischievous, is negativ- since it tended to render the Irish disaffected towards their own ** parliament and government, whose conduct was the most conducive to their welfare that could possibly be adopted. Motions of a similar nature were made in the house of com mons, and rejected upon simitar grounds. In supporting their respective propositions, lord Moira and Mr. Fox reprobated the present system of administering Ireland, described the various classes and' sects of men whom the system of terror tended to alienate, but especially the Catholics in the south,, < arid presbyterians in the north. The arguments however did' not influence government, ' which continued to approve of a, system that was styled by its supporters provident and whole-^ some firmness : by its opponents, violent, and impolitic tyranny *~ but the full illustration of the grounds of these contrary opinions^. will be found in the narrative of the Irish rebellion in the fol-^ lowing year. The ministers, since the rupture of lord Malmsbury's nego-^ tiation, had greatly declined in popularity, and numerous peti-j tions were presented to the king for their dismission. Induced by the calamitous events of the war, and encouraged by the . sentiments which were now becoming prevalent, their oppo» the removal nents proposed, in both houses of parliament, addresses" to of ministers, his majesty to remove .from his councils his present servants. The grounds both of attack and defence were the same that had been so often discussed in many propositions, and various forms, and included the commencement and continuance of war ; its conduct aiid events ; the rupture of the negotiation ; the management of finance ; the enormous addition of debt and taxes ; and the distresses of the nation ; with the replies d See Parliamentary Debates, 1797. e The respective motions were made by thc earl of Suffolk in liic house of peers, March 27th ; and by Mr. alderman Combe in the house of commons, May 19th. The former limited his proposition lo the dismissal of the first lord of the treasury ; the latter included al 1 thc cabinet ministers. See Parliamcr.tary Iteports for 1797. REIGN Ot GEORGE HI. 595 often repeated. The motions were respectively rejected by c^p- both houses. \^~v-*_/ Mr. Grey, this season, renewed his propositions of pariia- ^ mentary reform : and his scheme was more definite and expli- arenegativ- cit than at preceding periods: that the number of county ed members should be increased from ninety-two to a hundred "°5'i°me£ and thirteen, eligible not only by freeholders, but by copyhold- tary reform* ers and leaseholders ; and that the other four hundred mem bers should be chosen by all householders. The arguments fpr and against the proposition, were, with some new details and illustrations, the same that had been so repeatedly era- ployed. Near the close of the session, a motion was made in the house of peers for an inquiry into the slate of , the nation ; but opposed by ministers, as intended to produce a change of measures, which change they affirmed would be ruinous to the country. ^ In the course of this session, Charlotte Matilda, the princess Carriage of royal, a young lady of great beauty and accomplishments, the princes* aud. highly distinguished for ability, knowledge, and literary iov^- taste, was married to Frederick William hereditary prince of Wirteraberg. On the 18lh of May, the ceremony was per formed by the archbishop of Canterbury, assisted by the archbishop of York, in presence of the royal family. Our sove reign gave the hand of his amiable and beloved daughter to her destined husband. The domestic sensibility of that affec tionate and happy family, was very striking and impressive on an occasion that was to separate them from so dear a mem ber : fraternal, sisterly, and, above all, parental feelings, when combined with the character and relations of the illustrious per sonages, rendered the scene at once? solemn and pathetic. Her highness received a portion of eighty thousand pounds. Par- Parliament liainent rose the 20th of July, after having sitten between "«»• nine and ten months. 506 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. LX. Campaign of 1797. — Operations in Jlaly — settlement of Italy — displays the. political abilities of Bonaparte — Address and versatility of Bonaparte — at- „ tempts to revolutionize the minds of the people. — He marches against the ; Austrians. — The archduke Charles is appointed general of Ihe Austrians. — , Formidable armies of the archduke and Bonaparte. — After successive victo ries, Bonaparte advances towards Vienna — Bonaparte offers peace to Austria — a negotiation is opened.— Bonaparte changes the government of Venice — and ' of Genoa. — Treaty of Campo Formio — iniquitous disposal of the territories of Venice. — Britain only remains to combat the ambition of France — France pro poses to overmatch o'ur navy, exhaust our-finances, and excite rebellion — mighty preparations in the ports of Spain, France, and Holland — and plan of the naval ' 'campaign. — Distribution and disposition ofthe British navy — admiral Jervis encounters a Spanish fleet of superior force off St. Vincent's — able and dexle- ; rous scheme for dividing the enemy's force — bold and masterly execution — '- ' decisive and important victory — totally diconcerts the plans of the enemy .— ' Powerful armament equipped by the Dutch — proposes to join the French at .Brest — opposed by admiral Duncan — battle off* Camperdown — Duncan, fear- '•'¦ less of a lee shore, breaks the enemy's line — the British fleet gains a most ' .brilliant victory — admirals Jervis-and Duncan are called to adorn the peerage.-— > This year, repeating the lesson of former wars, shows France and her allies - the futility of contending with the navy .of England — Interna] slate of Franco ,- — the royalists revive — alleged conspiracy — arrestalion and banishment ofthe suspected persons without any proof. — New negotiation for peace — Lord : Malmsbury sent to Lisle. — propositions on the.part of Britain — preliminary re- . quisitions of France — farther demands — propose entire restitution without any equivalent. — Lord Malmsbury declares so unreasonable a proposition totally inadmissible — French temporize and pretend a disposition to modification — dilatory pretexts of, until their internal changes were fixed — resume their pro position of restitution without any equivalent — Britain refuses such dishonour able conditions — lord Malmsbury ordered to depart.— /.The^rupture of this ne gotiation unquestionably owing to France. — Causes of the hostile disposition of France. — Discontents in Scotland — misapprehension of the militia biH — riots — alarming tumults in Perthshire — illustrating the operation of democra tic principles — leaders fortunately ignorant, though daring — riots quelled. CHAP ENCOURAGED by the signal successes of the former LX. ' year, the French republic made most powerful dispositions for v^-v-^^ commencing the campaign against Austria. The progress 1797. which she had effected by her land operations, she apprehend- CamP?(j|n ed also enabled her to devote a considerable portion of her ef- 0 ' forts against the maritime power of England. Having the di- rectidn of the navies of both Spain and Holland, her plan was to employ the united force of these countries with her own, in an attempt to deprive Britain of the dominion of the ocean, whilst her military eaergies continued to be exerted in extend- REIGN OF GEORGE m. W wig the acquisitions of the former campaign. Italy had been °lvP' the great scene of her military success, though not the sole field of her military glory. In that quarter the republic determined -""*^7*"' most strenuously to push her advantages, without invading Germany on the side of the Rhine. Bonaparte, having driven Operations the Austrians from Italy, and quelled insurrection at Rome, be- '" Ilaly- "' fore he resumed his pursuit of the enemy, devoted his attention to civil arrangements. He proposed to give the northern Italian Settlement states such strength as would eventually enable them, in depend-1^? S^L' ence upon France, to sustain themselves against the attacks of the political Austria on the one side, or of Rome on the other. In the for- abilities of mertyear, a republican confederation had been framed under onaPalte- bis auspices, composed of the four cities of Reggio,f Modena,' Bologna, and Ferrara, on the southern confines of the Po. This scheme he now extended, and formed two republics on the njo- del of ;the French constitution; the Transpadane, consisting of the states on the north, and the Cispadane,of the states on the south, ofthe Po. The population of the countries on the north and south of the Po, that composed the two republics, was computed at upwards of four millions. This was amply ade quate to their defence against their neighbours, without requir ing the assistance of France, which would only be needed to protect them from the hostile designs of Austria ; and thus they •would soon be able to co-operate in resistance. The influence of France in, -Italy would henceforth be established on the sur est foundation, the necessity of adhering faithfully to it by those states that depend on it for their preservation. In order Address and to conciliate the minds of the people to republican institutions,'™!^^ Bonaparte carefully attended to those rules and mariners which paite°"a" republicans adopt and value. He cautiously avoided all osten tation, and, in his personal demeanour, readily put himself on „.„ a footing of perfect equality with all^ persons of decent situa tions in society: hence he acquired a. number of friends, not only among the French, but among the- Italians, who had hi therto experienced little of that condescension, especially from the Germans, who seldom studied to make their authority ac ceptable among the natives.s One great purpose of his expe- H ' dition was to revolutionize the minds of the Italians, the better tempts to to fit them for those changes in their various governments thafevolutiont'< would assimilate them to the system of France. This end he m?ndseof' completely attained, and established his influence very exten- tlilfpeoV'-, Sively in Italy. The solicitude he manifested, in effecting and ' consolidating the federal union between the republics, of which he had encouraged the foundation, more than any' other circum stance, raised his fame and credit among the Italian politicians, ; f The, geographical reader will recollect that there' is another Reggio, much "more-noted, in- the southern extremity of Italy (ihe ancient ' Tihegmm.) The Keggid, mentioned in the text, is a few leagues from Modena, ncctrer"uie Po.; f See Otridge's, Arnmat Register' M 1797, '-p. 21.' »-: --•' ' ¦•¦ V1'.- 593 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, who had1 long wished for thc revival of such systems in their country, recollecting how much it had formerly flourished uri- "^*^jTx"' der their influence. Having completed his civil arrangements, He marches Bonaparte now resumed military operations: he proposed to against the pursue the enemy in ihe Tyrol : to drive them before him to Austrians. Vienna, and either to dictate peace, or capture the metropolis and overwhelm the power of Austria. Meanwhile the Austrians were making preparations, not for longer disputing the empire of Italy, but for defending their country. Animated by that generous and indignant patriotism which strains every nerve to resist foreign invaders, they made most formidable efforts to vindicate their independence, which they now conceived to be at stake. Generals of ability, skill, and reputation, the Austrians possessed ; but as the first purpose was not to conduct armies, but to inspirit and invigorate the people, and to recruit the ex hausted force, the primary consideration was, from their many capable generals, to select one in whom the nation reposed tho The arch- greatest confidence. The conduct and successes of the arch duke duke Charles, in compelling the republican armies to evacuate Charles is Germany, raised the public voice in his favour. All their other appointed * 7 , 111 i *. i. i general of great commanders had been defeated ; he alone was victorious ; the Aus- to render his appointment supremely popular, this single cir cumstance was sufficient. He was nominated commander in chief against Bonaparte, and all possible vigour and expedition were employed in equipping an army adequate to the service. The patriotism, honour, and loyalty of the brave Germans, sti mulated them to flock to the standard of the gallant young prince." If this were to be their last effort in defending their country, they were resolved it should be an effort worthy of Formidable tr|e Austrian glory. In the end of February, prince Charles armiesof took the field. Valiant and meritorious as this young com- dnkeand lnanQer was; yet unequally was he matched when placed op- Bonaparte, posite to Bonaparte. He brought enterprise and heroism to- combat enterprise and military talents, supported by a victori ous army, elated with success, and confident of future victory. The soldiers of the archduke were chiefly new raised, whereas Bonaparte commanded veterans. New troops, however va liant, engaged against a disciplined army, inspirited by enthu siasm, and so long accustomed to uninterrupted triumph, were ; and must be inferior. The archduke Charles was unequal to ; his opponent because their respective forces were not equally habituated to war; commanding recruits against victorious* veterans, the magnanimous youth found himself overmatched, ''¦ Afterauc- like Hanibal in similar circumstances. After various conflicts, torieTBo- one batt'e was fought near Tarvis,1 in which the Austrians were napar'tead- completely and decisively defeated : a line of French armies, wTrdsV!- severa"y headed by Massena, Bernadotte, and Joubert, with the ' £>na. principal force under the immediate command of Bonaparto h Annual Register, 1797, chap, ii. i Annual Register 1797, p. 29. REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 599 himself, extending from the Tyrolese mountains to Carniola, cj*AP- rapidly proceeded towards Vienna. The Austrians, repeatedly ^^^ vanquished, renewed tbe contest ; the republicans still advanc- 1W ing, reduced the strong fortresses of Carniola and Carinthia; and having entered Stiria, were within a hundred miles of the Austrian capital. , Charles again made a stand at Hundmark, upon the river Murh, but was again defeated : this last army by repeated losses being entirely broken, no means appeared to remain of defending Vienna, but by terminating the war. With some renowned heroes war appears to have been an Bonaparte end; with Bonaparte, war seemed only a means; and when "fAr^face triumphant, he uniformly professed to offer peace. After the last victory, he wrote a letter to the archduke Charles, express- ino- his desire of accommodating a contest, which was(ruinous to the vanquished, and wasteful to the conquerors. " Brave sol- " diers made war, but desired peace : the war had now lasted "six years; men enough had been slaughtered, and evils K enough committed against suffering humanity." The arch duke declared himself equally desirous of peace, and sent Bo naparte's letter to Vienna : a suspension of arms was appoint ed. One part of the consummate policy of Bonaparte, con sisted in offering liberal terms to a vanquished enemy. With A negotia- a view to secure permanent peace with the emperor ; he pro- 1'0" >» posed such conditions as might have even satisfied alternate open victory : and a negotiation was opened at Campo Formio. Whilst this treaty was pending, Bonaparte directed his views Bonaparte to the situation and conduct of Venice ;k which republic had changes long yiewed with dissatisfaction the victorious progress of the jj*nf^fert" French in Italy. The house of Austria, though at all times Venice, formidable, had never been an object of terror to Venice, not even when it united Spain and Germany in the same family. The turbulent and restless disposition of the French, and their propensity to democratical innovation, alarmed the Venetian aristocracy,- which feared that the changes might extend to the subversion of* their authority : they took no open share in the contest, but they favoured the imperialists, and rendered them as much service as they could without avowing hostilities against their adversaries. Bonaparte was far advanced into Austria, and reports were spread that the French army had been drawn into a defile, and were about to capitulate : the Venetians believing this rumour, in an evil hour sent a large army of their desultory troops to attack the posts which Bona parte had left in Italy. In executing these orders, the Vene tians massacred the French wherever they were to be found. Being informed of the outrages, Bonaparte ordered a great body of troops to march into the Venetian territories. The republic ans easily defeated such opponents; and, on the 16th of May, took possession of the city of Venice. Bonaparte established a k Annual Register, 1797, chap. iii.. COO. HISTORY OF THE LX. 1797. CHAP, new government on thc French model, instead of thc aristo-1 cracy which had lasted for so many centuries, and acquired' ' such eminence among European nations : ha also compelled them to pay a contribution amounting to upwards of three mil lions sterling. ¦ ¦'. and of In Genoa also the nobles were friendly to the Austrian cause,. Genoa. ^u( tke peop]e were attached to the French, and desirous of a popular government : Bonaparte, soon after the revolution of Venice, established a democratical government in Genoa ; but as the nobles had never been active in hostility, and did not op pose the change, they escaped exactions. Meanwhile, the ne gotiation at Campo Formio was proceeding, the preliminaries were signed in the month of July, and the definitive treaty on the 17th of October*' Treaty of By the peace of Campo Formio, the emperor ceded in full FornSo. sovereignty to the French republic, the whole of the Austrian Netherlands; and consented to their remaining in possession of the Venetian islands of Corfu and Zante, Cephalonia, and ali their other isles in the Adriatic, together with their settlements -' in Albania, situated in the southeast of the gulf of Lodrino : he acknowledged the republic, newly constituted under the name , ... Cisalpine, to be an independent state; he ceded to it the sove--- reignty ofthe countries that had belonged to Austrian Lom- Iniquiious bardy, and consented to its possessing the cities and territories tilt-'ierriio- °^ Bergamo, Brescia, and others, late the dependencies of Ve- ricsof Ve- nice ; together with the duchies of Mantua and Modena; the nice. principalities of Massa and Carrara ; and the cities and territo ries of Bologna, Ferrara, and Romagna, lately belonging to the pope. The cessions ofthe French republic to the emperor were Istria, Dalmatia, with all the Venetian Islands in the Adri atic, lying to the northwest of the gulf of Lodrino, the city of Venice, with a large portion of the dominions of that republic, chiefly those lying between the Tyrol, the lake of Guarda, and the Adriatic. Besides these public articles, there was a secret convention, by which it appears the dismemberment of the Ve netian territories was determined, and the emperor was to com pensate his losses in the Netherlands by the iniquitous seizure- of dominions before independent. Here, indeed, the em peror chose for his model his neighbours of Russia and Prussia. Britain only Qtte enemy now only remained to oppose the victorious ca- combai the reer of the French republic, but that was the most formidable ambition or that they did or could encounter. Having now at their corn- t!von!if',„.n mand the navy of Spain as well as that of Holland, the French : X' Idlll.epio- •* » t r» • • i i pose to government proposed to combat Britain upon her own element : overmatch naval warfare, however, was only a part of their intended hos— exhansio'ur iilhies. Their objects in their contest with England were prin- - finances, cipally three ; to overmatch our navy, exhaust our finances, and r.'bemon6 exc'te rebellion. In the earlier part of 1797, the circumstances '¦ 1 See Slate Tapers, Oct. 17lli, 1797. REIGN OF GEORGE UL 6C& ntmyrt began," wherein admiral Duncan's division attacked the van of ae- the Dutch, and admiral Onslow the rear. The ship mounted by Duncan lay near three hours along side of the Dutch ad miral De Winter, and the conflict between these two brave commanders was remarkably obstinate and destructive. The latter did not strike his flag rill all bis masts were overboard, half of his crew was slain or wounded, and it was utterly ira- m See London Gazette extraordinary, for March 3d, 1797. ri Sec London Gazette extraordinary, Oct. ISth, 1797. REIGN OF GEORGE III. COS possible to make any more resistance. The Dutch vice-admi- CJ^P- ral yielded to admiral Onslow, after he had been reduced to ^^J^, the same condition ; and all the Dutch ships that struck had 17g? defended themselves with equal bravery, being almost every ' one totally disabled. About four in the afternoon the battle The British terminated in a decisive victory to British valour and.. British, ppstbril- ikill. Our fleet, by this time, was within five miles ofthe shore, liuntvic- and in no more than five fathoms water; so that the admiral's tory' chief care now was to prevent his victorious fleet from being entangled in the shallows. This necessary precaution, and the approach of night, compelled him to discontinue the pursuit, which saved a reninant of the enemy's fleet : no fewer, how ever, were captured than eight ships of the line, two of fifty-six guns, and two frigates. The loss of men, on both sides, in this bloody and well fought battle, was very great: in the Bri tish squadron it amounted to seven hundred ; but in the Dutch, to twice that number ; and they were the choicest of their sea men. Naval critics impute this victory to the united boldness and judgment which carried the British fleet between the ene my and the shore. It is indeed an instance of a position \yhich the series of facts in this history illustrates, that, to Britain UNOAhHD IN WAR, THE MOST ADVENTUROUS COURAGE IS THE wisest pomcy. This grand victory entirely overturned the naval projects of Fiance. The two illustrious admirals, who in Admirals their respective stations broke the maritime power by which d,™^",,,, France had expected to invade and annoy England, besides called to the praise and gratitude of the nation, received the honour of ndom the the peerage, with the titles taken from the scenes of their re- jrhuaycar spective victories : Jervis was created earl St. - Vincent, and repeating Duncan viscount Duncan of Camperdown. These were the [.hc !esrson of chief naval transactions of a year, that so strongly repeated Jars, show* the lesson of former wars, that France or her auxiliaries waste France and their efforts in seeking to humble the navy of England. [J^ "u'J[ifly During this year, great internal dissension manifested itself of contend- in France ; the royalists were becoming so powerful, as to rouse ingwiiiuhe the jealousy and apprehension of the republicans. At a new E^and. election of the national councils, a considerable proportion of Internal members friendly to royalty, was returned ; among these were Jj,a:eof Pichegru with his friends and adherents. Bonaparte on the Theroyal- otherhand, though at a distance from faris, was the strenuous istsrtvive. supporter of directorial government. Angereau, one of his generals, a brave and enterprising officer, and beloved by the soldiers, undertook to support the directorial leaders in their attempts to crush the royalists. Having concerted measures Alleged for striking a decisive blow, Barras, Reubel, and Lareveillere, consP,rac,v three of the directors, intrusted Angereau to repair to the na tional council, and arrest sixty of the deputies whom they charged with conspiracy for re-establishing royalty. Among the accomplices they included Carnot and Barthelemi, the two remaining directors. Angereau executed his commission on 604 HISTORY OF THE the 4th of September, with the most summ peditioii : the specified deputies were arrested, and also Bar- GHAF the 4th of September, with the most summaryand decisive ex- theletni; Carnot made his escape. The directory published Arrestation addresses to the French people, declaring that this arrestment and banish- was necessary to the salvation of the republic. As a great majo- suTected^ rity °^ tne PeoP'e was attached to a republican form of constitu- persons* tion, they were easily persuaded that the conduct ofthe directors without'a vvas right and expedient. The directors having ascertained their F"'oof' superiority and present stability, professed themselves disposed tb lenient punishment, and that they would not suffer any blood to be spilt ; but that the chief conspirators should be trans ported. In opposition to these professions of mercy, it was answered, that the directory grossly transgressed- the first prin ciples of justice ; that the alleged conspirators were never tried ; and that instead of a free constitution, the government was an arbitrary oligarchy, rendering the property; liberty, and life of every Frenchman dependent on the directors, and the army which was at their devotion. Meanwhile, attempts were made by the British government Wewnego- to renew the negotiation for peace: an official note, dated the tiaiionlor ist of June, was sent to the French minister for foreign affairs, peuce. intimating a willingness to enter into a negotiation for the re- establishment of peace, and for the regulation of prelimina ries, to be definitively arranged at a future congress. The an swer of the directory expressed an equal disposition to paci fic measures; but signified, at the same time, a desire that ne gotiations should at once be set on foot for a definitive treaty. The directory was anxiously intent upon giving the law to Eng land, as it had done to other countries, and was desirous, for that purpose, to remove all obstructions that must have arisen from a junction of the common interests of its allies together with its' own,. In transmitting the passports for the expected minister, they specified that he was to be furnished with full power,! to negotiate a definitive and separate treaty.f As the republican party and the army were paramount in France, the government depending upon their support for its own stability and power, it was necessary in conducting the negotiation to regard the opinion and sentiments of both. The republicans were solicitous that no concessions should be made favourable to the interests of royalty or its partisans, either in France, or even it's proximity. The soldiers and officers were no less anx ious, that the vast acquisitions made by their valour should be retained; and, that after so many victories, the fruits of their exploits should not be relinquished. Neither disposed nor able to thwart these inclinations, and guided by similar sentiments, the directory sent their minister to meet lord Malmsbury, at Lord Lisle. The British ambassador proposed the plan of pacifica- Malmsbury tion which his constituents had formed. This scheme demand- hs sent to gd from Spain a cession of the island of' Trinidad ; and from REIGN OF GEORGE III. 605 the iatavian republic a cession of the Cape of Good Hope, c^Pm Cochin in the East Indies, and its possessions in Ceylon. On v^^_^ these conditions,- an entire restitution would be made, on the ]7g7 part of Great Britain, of all that it had taken from France and pr0p0sit'ion its allies, in the course of the war. It required that the prince on ihe pan of Orange's property should be restored to him,. or an equiva- °f Brllaln- lent in money be allowed ; and that France should engage to procure for him at the general peace, a compensation for the loss of his offices and dignities in the united provinces. The queen of Portugal should also be included in this treaty, with out being subjected to demands of any kind. On the part of Prelimi- France the minister required as preliminaries toany treaty, first, "ar.v ,egu>- a full and unequivocal recognition of the French republic; se-prance condly; that the king of Great Britain should henceforward de sist from assuming the title of king of France ; monarchy hav ing been totally abolished by the French, they could no longer permit any claim, though merely nominal and inconsequential, to remainin the possession of any prince; and thereforeexpected and required that 'it should be relinquished by the British mo- narchs in future; thirdly, that the ships taken by the English at Toulon should be restored, or an equivalent for 'them, and those that had been destroyed. The French republic was ac knowledged in the addresses of the British ambassador to its plenipotentiary.? The renunciation ofthe title of king * of France, lord Malmsbury deemed a claim hardly worthy of se- ; riOus reasoning. The demand of the restitution of the captured Farther ships, was a matter of real importance; he, therefore, by the demands. instructions of his court, forebore giving any decisive answer, uhtil the French should state their propositions, or, in diploma tic language, their contre project. The French note stated ano- The ther preliminary, more important and comprehensive than ariy p™ose of the former ; tliat England should engage to make an entire res- restitution, titution of all the possessions it had taken, not only from France, wlll?out any butfrom Spain and the Batavian republic : they required the am bassador to accede to this proposal, and if already not sufficiently authorized, to despatch a messenger to the British court, in or der to procure the necessary powers. The argument on which they founded this peremptory requisition was, that the treaties between France and its Spanish and Batavian allies respect ively guaranteed to each other the territories they possessed previously to the war. Lord Malmsbury declared such an im- j^j perious and unqualified demand must speedily break the nego- Malmsbury tiation, as it proposed cession on the one side, without any com- declares so pensation on the other: if this Were the resolution ofthe direct- ble apropo- ory, the negotiation was at an end; and it only remained for fition totally Great Britain to persevere in maintaining, with an energy and"^11113* spirit proportioned to the exigency, ' a war that could not be ' p See successive State Papers between lord Malmsbury and the French minis- ters.at Lisle, in July, August, and September, 1797. calmly cxpostulat'edi ^^ ' with them on their conduct, and advised them to return to the1 occupations of the season. Many of his hearers were disposed to listen to this salutary advice, but others, more outrageous^ would persevere ; and some of them threatened to break into the grounds, and set the house on fire. Lord Henry Murray, brother to the duke, agreeably to the prompt execution of mili tary procedure, proposed an%nmediate attack upon the insur gents, with the servants, adherents, and guests of the family, and a small party of light horse that was at hand'; but his grace was averse to a measure which must have produced the"effusion of blood, and might drive the populace to desperation. Finding ihem about to enter the grounds, he gave directions to load and point cannon that were placed in the lawn for festive occasions, with all the arms of his house so be in readiness ; with much danger to himself, he walked to the paling, and told the rioters that, if one of them entered his grounds, he would order a gene ral fire. Finding them intimidated by his resolution, he,afler some time, resumed a milder strain, and appealed to feelings which, though suspended, he knew were not yet extinguished ; and at length they departed, though not without leaving an apprehen sion that they might be brought back by Menzies and Cameron, who were believed to intend coming to the same place the fol lowing day, with a very large body, from an equally populous district as Athol ; and the next was expected to be a very criti cal day ; but' the prompt measures which were contrived or adopted by his grace, disconcerted the insurgents. The ring leaders, apprehending no interruption from government, passed the night at their respective habitations with as confident secu rity as if they had returned to enjoy repose after the fatigue of t lawful business. The direct roads between their mansions and' > the station of any military force, were all- either possessed or observed by their friends and votaries. The duke, aware of this circumstance, sent the light horfce, not above twelve in num ber, by'a circuitous route across the mountains; which, not be ing suspected, he naturally conceived would not be watched; The party, with professional expedition, arrived, before day break, at the place of their destination, seized the fellows, and escorted them in a chaise along the road to Edinburgh. The intelligence spread instantaneously through the country, where the people were before hastening to the places of rendezvous*' And here I cannot avoid mentioning a circutribtance which shows how naturally men, totally unacquainted with military occupations, adopt the schemes of soldiers in circumstances that appear to them to require force, either for defence or aggres sion. The object ofthe populace was to rescue the ringlead ers : expresses were despatched to have the defiles seized, ?o tbat smaller bodies might detain the convoy until the great mass of the people should arrive. The different passes were beset with a skill worthy of regular soldiers ; and though the insur* REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 6" gents could not obstruct, they considerably rotarded the dr*" Lx ¦ goons, who were unwilling to proceed to extremities as long as s-^>^v, they could be avoided. The mob, with considerable judgment, ,707 spent no more time nt smaller defiles in opposing the escort, lliiiii to- enable grout numbers to press forward to that on which they fixed us llie chief position of resistance. This was a bridge over the Bran, a rapid river that falls into tho Tey, that may be considered as one of the entrances to the ghouts ofthe Grampians. There the insurgents, besetting the bridge, seiz ed tin' horses ofthe carriage. The mob wero many thousands in number: the commander used every ponceiible effort in his power to persuade the populace to let the party pass without opposition; but finding all unavailing, he ordered his men to farm font charge. The rioters seeing tho swords drawn and ready for action, and being hitherto the votaries of speculative error rather than of practical guilt, as much awed by the crisis that must begin bloodshed and rebellion as intimidnted by the dtuigw, suffered the carriage to pass on, and to proceed to the seat ofjustice. Tho ringleaders being seized, thc misguided peasants retm nod by degrees to their usual occupations. This insurrection caused a dreadful alarm, not only in tho scene of its operation, but throughout Perthshire and the neighbouring counties. Though being quelled in a short time, it was less memorable in event than nt one time it threatened, yet it .ap pears to me sufficiently important to deserve historical record : itdllustrntes the close connexion between levelling doctrines and revolutionary attempts. It farther proves that, in tumults which arise from mischievous error rather than criminal intention, im plicit concession is fur from being the most effectual policy; submission to even absurd claims of the ignorant, instead of giv ing satisfaction, encourages still more unreasonable demands. To meet such insurgents, the most successful means were, a prudent moderation that did not uselessly exasperate passion already violent, and a resolute firmness that would not yield to insolent and lawless demand. In individual cases the conces-, sions might bo nocessary, but it was firmness that proved effec tual to the public tranquillity. Menzies and Cameron were enrried over to Edinburgh, to be tried by the justiciary court ; but, by some unaccountable neglect, they were suffered to fly from prison, and thus escaped the punishment which, as there was abundance of evidence, they must have unquestionably in curred." » I have.d.oi-ivod ih.8 material* liir thii part of the narrative from various gen tlemen who losided in Athol nt the time ; uml, among olhor»j from my own ft- 'tier, ihe clergyman to whom 1 have alluded in tho preceding note, 6& HISTORY OF THE CHAP. LXI. ^ ft Slate of public-opinions and penlimenU ol thc meeting of parliamenl. — KffecUeS British viciories, and the haughty conduct of Tram e. — Discontent is much test prevalent tliun in former ycen, — ti.e nunon regard* the continuance of war a* unavoidable, and bravely resohse lo meet the exigency — llie king publicly slate* the progief., and rupture of ihe negotiation — the m-.tion in geneta! in di»- posi d to support government. — Meeting of parliamenl — encouraged by the public sentiment, the minister adopt* a r.ew itchenTe of finance — he propose- to alleviate ihe funding system by rai..-i..g a great part ofthe aupplie? ivith in the year — and projects a multiplication of as -c-sed taxe-", which he presume* to be a criterion of income — de'sil* — argument* against and for — voluntary contri bution!! proposed by Mr. Addin-: ori — me f nance scheme is pa^ed into a law — liberal contribution?, of all ranks and conoi'ion7 — redcrop'ion of the land 'iiz — object to absorb a large ouanlily 'of funded stock — plan of national defence in troduced by .Mr. Dunde= — roluntan a.-- ciriiions — ihe whole nation become* armed again i foreign and domestic cnemiei — revival of the alien bill— appre hensions of an inva ion. — Motion of the duke of Bedford for the 1-emovaPsJf triinblcrs — is negatived — prorogation ol parliament. — Rebel. ion in Ireland— treatment of Ireland from the latter yeare of Ihe American war — the penal sta tute against catholics repealed — the catholic* desire a participation of political privileges, which is refuted — effect* ofthe French revolution— united Irishmen —Wolfe Tone — prefewed objects, reform in parliament and catholic emanc*. pation — real object — proxies1* o! — counter association of Orange men — catho lic defender < — French mb-ion lo Ireland — proposed plan of insurrection to fa cilitate a French invasion— -apprehension of Jackson, andjrdfscoveries throttj^i him — hope* of ihe catholic . from the appointment of lord jfitzv. iii> nn — conse quences of hi* recall — iaruV-r progress ofthe united Irishmen — ihey synu .am bassadors lo France— vigilance o( tbe British government — martial law is pro claimed — ini-ision of Macne\ .a to France— hi* proj,o.ed scheme of military op- e rations ijtbe whig party propose conciliatory measures— » hich are rejected as inapplicable lo the case — proclamalionitfnd profleriof pardon — are totally di»- j -.yarded— *be ur.ilc-d Irishmen con-ert meai-ui e.^ ibr a ire eeral in'-urreuion — <'isap;|Ointed by Duncan's.defeat of the Dutch fleet — v. ant of concert between the Iridj con/piralors and Lie French republic — arre lation of ihe rWcv-,'ci — hnrrie. ojl rebellion before iheir de-.i^nii were ripe — rebellion— insurgent* near Du'/lin — are t-nbdued — alarming in-urreetion in Wexford — suce -<*o£ — al lengtli'arc deft-ale-l— rebelh^n is suppressed in the souih — insurrection in thc norm — aiUaooeS; but is subdued — lord Camden desire- lo he recall™! — mar- rjiiis Cornwallis is- appointed his succe-vor — wi-*fe policy of — 'tie F.-r r-'-h ar- tempt lo revive rev.ei!ion — are vanquished — -eiiridron de.'raod by «r Jo; i Borfa^e War-en — Irish Rebellion extinguished. -• chap. IN England discontent was much lees prevalent lhan in LXl. former year-. the ?i^al victories of 'our naval commander . >*^~s-*^ ni- ibe tiation ¦ and showing that its rupture was owing lo the unrea- '„'|'-"w^'.'",m?.e uonable demands of France ; calling on Britons to exert them- voidable, selves adequately to the difficulty of the contest, and the im- midbiuvely portmice and value nf the. objects at slake : he trusted that the „"",0,vihel° resources of his kingdoms, and the spirit of his people, would cvi^cmy. vindicate the independence of their country, and " resist with '|!lu k,DS "just indignation the assumed superiority of an enemy against 1,1^ ihe '¦ whom they fought with the courage, the success, and glory povess " of their ancestors : nnd who aimed at nothing less than to "'"-' j rupturo ... i .i , i "• l he ne- " destroy nt once whatever has contributed to the prosperity goiiution. " and greatness of the British empire ; all the channels of its '• industry, and all the Bources of its power ; its security from fl abroad, its tranquillity at home ; and above all, that consti- " tution on which alone depends the undisturbed enjoyment of "its religion, laws, and liberties."* Still his majesty was dis posed to conclude peace upon the sarin- equitable terms which lie had now proposed. This address, appealing to the best feel- The nation ings, most powerful sentiments, and dearest interests of Britons, !n Selicra! had n very general effect, which his majesty's speech at the ^ s'ipport opening of parliament, tended strongly to increase., Ministers govem- showed very clearly, that "the continuance of the war, by themem- rupture of the negotiation at Lisle, was owing to thc enemy, not to Britain ¦ thence they justly inferred the necessity of ex traordinary efforts. Parliament, in an address to the Ahrone, Meeting of said, WE KNOW THAT GREAT EXRUT10N9 AIUC NECESSARY : W13 ARE parliament. i'reparkd to make tiiem : and the public in general coincided in this opinion and resolution. Aware not only of the state and Encoum- circmnstances of the nation, but of the sentiments and deter- Kpd hy iim ruination which recent events had diffused through the country, {^jy5™^ ministers from the joint result formed their schemes of finance, minister of internal vigilance and defence, and external armaments. The adopts a ri i -itccedont efforts of Britain had produced immense expeudi-"|^nc™' a State Papers, Or'nlio,1 "J.3i]i, 17:^7, 614 HISTORY OF THE CHAP- ture, and an enormous increase of debt, which, added to the J ' burthen of taxes, contributed to thfe depression of the funds, . .„ rendered loans if not more difficult as to the attainment of princi pal, yet more disadvantageous as to the rate of interest ; this was one ground on which the enemy rested their expectations. To render these hopes vain, to prevent the necessity of such an additional loan as would farther depress the funds, and to confirm public credit, was one of the primary objects which cat led for the attention of the legislature. T|i£ funded debt was already so great, that to add to it all the supplies that were ne cessary for the year, would have been extremely inconvenient, and would have postponed an evil, that must increase by con- Heproposestinuance, instead of meeting it immediately and boldly. The to alleviate minister, therefore, proposed to raise a capital within the year, the funding ;n orflerto prevent that increase of, permanent debt from which raising' a'V the enemy expected the downfall of our credit. It was wise (he great part of said) to sacrifice a part, even though a considerable part, for wiirdn'the65 lne preservation of the whole. With this view he proposed, to year, and treble the assessed taxes ; the greatest contribution, he caicur projects a lated, would not exceed a tenth part of the income of the higbr tion'of as" est class of those by whom it was to be paid : to prevent eva-i- ?essed taxes, sion, not future but past assessments were to he made the basis which he 0f tjje new contribution ; because the most impartial evidence be aUcriteri- that could be obtained of the ability of each individual to con- on of tribute to the exigencies of the state, was the amount of his ex- mcome. penditure before he had any temptation to lower it that he Details. migblr elude the impost. The minister divided the assessed taxes, already paid, into different classes ; those who were charged fox male servants, carriages and horses, luxuries o£ life, were to pay for both these articles of luxury, and for their houses, windows, clocks, watches, the necessaries and conveniences of life, a sum varying according to their former amount from treble to quintuple. Those who paid for houses, windows,«locks, and watches, were charged an additional duty from one-fourth to five times the former amount, in proportion to its magnitude, from whence the abjlity ofthe contributor was inferred. Thus, he whose assessed taxes before amounted to one pound, was to pay for this new plan, only one pound five ; but he that before contributed fifty, by this new scheme, was to pay two hundred and fifty. But as large hquses and numerous win dows were, in many employments, instruments of profession or trade, a very considerable abatement was allowed in such cir cumstances ; and the ufmost contribution was not more than double the amount of the former assessments. There,was be sides, allowed, to persons whose income did not exceed two hundred pounds, a gradation of reduction j,the highest new as sessments were to be one-tenth of that income descending to sixty pounds, which was to contribute only a hundred and twentieth part ; and incomes below that sum were to contribute nothing towards the additional impost. Thus whatever the es- REIGN OF GEORGE Hi. <&tf tftblishment was, even if it included male servants, horses, and c££,p- carriages, a person whose income did not exceed two hundred V>^_JW pounds, was not- liable to pjay more than twenty pounds of ad- ng7 ditional assessment, j^ During the former (session, Mr. Fox had absented himself Arguments from parliament, together with several other gentlemen of op- against aria position, declaring their attendance totally unavailing : on ther or' discussion of the assessed taxes, however, both he and Mr. Sheridan made their appearance. The arguments of these il lustrious senators,11 as well as other opponents to government* embraced grounds not immediately relative to the subject Which was before parliament. Before they»investigated the proposed scheme of finance, they contended -that ministers throughout the war had demonstrated such incapacity and infatuation, that parliament ought to pledge itself 'to no measures for supporting government, until they received an assurance that ministers would be dismissed ; they ought not to vote such enormous sums to be levied from their constituents, without security that the present weak and wasteful stewards were no longer to be intrusted with the management. Their reasoning they follow ed with strictures on the financial merits of this new scheme of pecuniary provision : it was, they said, a requisition the sartle in principle with the exactions of Robespierre ; and from its re trospective operation, much more iniquitous ; it was a change of system imposing an immense burthen without promoting any advantage. The funded system was. not exhausted : the diffi culty attending great loans was, the difficulty of providing the interest; but how could ministers insist upon this,' when they were ready'to impose so large a sum on the country in one year ? The measure toould be as oppressive in its operation as it was unjust in its principle. Ministers answered, ' that the funded system was not abandoned, as only a comparatively smWl part of the supplied this year were to be raised by the new mode ; that assessed taxes resulting from probable expenditure; were a fair criterion of income ; and that the various modifications would prevent the apprehended inconveniences of the operation. An Volimiary additional clause was proposed by Mr. Addington, allowing coninbu- voluntary contributions, and adopted ; and the finance scheme, Josed' b'y ' after being farther combalted in the house of peers, with this Mr. Ad. annexation, on the 12th of January. 1798, was passed into a x^f "alice law. Voluntary contributions commenced from the most opu- scheme is lent classes and- individuals : the first personage in the nation parsed into manifested his love to his subjects and his country by a sacrifice a v' amounting to one-third of his personal income. The highesfin Liberal rank co-operated with the most" abounding in wealth : the no- c.0""'ib?' bility, the gentry, and "formers contributed Very liberally, ai> "iininlcs cording to their respective statipns and circumstances : the civil and condi- professions joined In the'patribtic effort : the navy and army lionli• b See FarliamcntcWy Debates, Dec. 1797. <3iG HISTORY OF THE CHAP. LXI. 1798. Rcdemp- lion ofthe land lax. Object to absorb u Ln-^e quan lily ul' fun ded stock. vied with each other in that species of exertion for a king ami country, which their professional services and personal dangers had so strenuously and successfully defended, secured, and vin dicated. Corporate bodies united with individuals ; tradesmen and mechanics :followed the example of bankers, merchants, Companies, and corporations ; journeymen and menial servants made such exertions as manifested their attachment to the king and constitution, under whom the fruits, of industryare as sacfed to the menial as to the greatest merchant ; hi&rights and property to the labourer as to the lord. Nor were the contri butions confined to men : the fair sex joined their donations foff the service of a country in which their. situation is pre-eminently respectable ; a pre-eminence arising from the superiority of their virtues and accomplishments, joined to the superior dis crimination of those who appreciate the British female charac ter.0 The highest personage set the example, an exampleithafc was liberally followed by her sex : even children sacrificed a great part of their means of gratification and amusement, to prove their zealous love for a country and constitution which they were themselves one day to suppoi t ; and as they were to receive it from their fathers, to transmit it unimpaired to their posterity.'1 The amount of this contribution, calculated at about a million five hundred thousand pounds, was of less con sequence as a fund of supply, than as a manifestation of the public resolution. Ccsides these supplies, there was a loaw.iof seventeen millions, and Mr. Pitt now proposed a financial mea-; sure for the redemption, or rather the commutation, of the land tax : its object was, to absorb a large quantity of stock, and it* the process lo transfer a great portion of the national debt into a landed security. The quantity of stock thus transferred was in its amount to equal, at least, the quantity of land tax, which* by this means, should be extinguished, atid become applicable tp the public service. The amount of the land tax is Iavo mil lions sterling ; the minister proposed to set it Up at twenty yeara purchase, when the three per cents, were at fifty with apropon linnable rise of purchasage according to their increasing price. Forty millions sterling, the present amount of the land tax, at twenty years purchase, would amount to eighty millions tbreo per cent, stock at fifty, affording an interest of '2.400,0001. and leaving a clear gain to the revenue of 400,0001. a year. To simplily to the operation, the purchase was to be made in stock, and not in money : the proprietor was'to have the opportunity ©f pre-emption, as the land tax was not to be offered to sate to c For u detailed ueeountof the sab.;ci-iplions, ice thc periodical, journal* of th«? irnie.-, r.yied horn the litis which were officially pnbli»hril utthe i-oyaU«honi"« Hiidiirot!.iei-|>urK , religion, and property. The bill was passed into Voluniary a law, and produced very speedy and extensive effects } loyal J^,„ ,a* associations to arm in their country's defence, which had before been confined* to particular places, now became universal. The whole kingdom, and every one of its parjs," exhibited The « hole those constitutional guardians, resolute to defend their king ,MU,on bo" . . ,? . , , . . , ., ' i ° comes nrm- antl country against foreign and domestic enemies, lo make edajramst their resolution effectual, the volunteers learned the use of f«ieisn a»d arms, and paid an equally implicit obedience to the officers of ^™^ their recommendation as if they had been under,. military law. While the members of the voUmtejRr. corps were zealous to increase their skill, utility, and numbers, zenl did not trans port them beyond the ^bounds of prudence : the use of the military exercise depended upon the character and dispositions ofthe persons that made it a study ; therefore a strict inquiry was instituted into the behaviour and political sentiments of thosn who proposed to be members. In London and the adjacent districts, two^bousekeepers of known integrity, re spectability, and constitutional loyalty, testified the qualifka- e For n minute and detailed. espUunUion ol" this subject, see Wriglu's Weekly EsRmincr, for llie li'lh of March, und the 7lli of May, 1TU8. vol.. rr. 7S 018 HISTORY OF THE c^l^'- tions ofthe candidates : throughout thc kingdom, 'that, or som» other mode of a similar kind, was adopted for ascertaining ._, .„ eligibility. The persons chosen after this investigation werc men, who in their variety of stations, had the welfare and honour of themselves, their families and friends, involved in the welfare and honour of their country: whose private and public affections and interests led to thc same conduct ; from whom their aged parents, beloved wives, and infant children, called for the same exertions as their king and country. An other measure of preventive policy, for thc defence of the kingdom, adopted in the course of this session of parliament, Revival of was the revival of the alien bill. It was introduced in the the alien fjouse of commons on the 2'.)\\\ of March, and having under gone some amendments, passed on the 27th of April. The clauses added to the alien bill, were for obliging the letters of lodgings to give regular accounts to government ofthe foreign**: ers who resided in their houses : and for enabling his majesty to detain foreigners; and to prevent aliens from landing in Great Britain, until the master of the vessel had authority to Apprehen- -let them come on shore. On the 20th of April, a message was *"""•"! an brought to the house of commons from his majesty, elating: invasion, . => . . , . „¦ *¦ • e * the advices he had received of great preparations for invading his dominions ; and that in this design the enemy was encou raged by the correspondence and communications of the trai torous and disaffected persons and societies of these kingdoms. fn such circumstances legislature deemed it expedient to renew a bill for detaining suspected persons. Mr. Wilberforce this session renewed his motion, for the abolition ofthe slave trade, but his proposition was rejected ; several regulations however were made for alleviating the sufferings ofthe Africans in their Moii-n of passage, and a law was enacted for the purpose. In the course thednieof ofthe session, the duke of Bedford made a motion for an ad- fcediordfor W restrictions which continued, instead of being favoured by the ^y*- relief bestowed; and desired a participation in the privileges ^^-^^ thut wero still withhold. The protestants, considering iho [7l)8 Catholics as still unaltered, conceived that the. admission of a -n,,. ,.,ithn- sect so superior to tlieir own in number, to uu equality of pri-iic «'- I'Vench illg countries. Whatever sentiments might be entertained of l"voluUon- the concomitant excesses, the revolution itself was imputed to the obstinate perseverance of tho old government in its abuses. When the extraordinary events happened, on the I Oth of Au gust 17!)2( which overturned (he I'Yendi monarchy, the hopes of tho reforming pnities, both in Kngluud nnd Ireland, were equally elated : Ihey now thought their wishes would infallibly bo accomplished, and that llie dread of the people would ope rate so powerfully upon their rulers, that these would hardly venture any longer lo reject their demands, wj,tb such terrify ing, consequences before, their eyes, of the, king of Fiance's opposition to popular demands. To promote tho changes United Which they desired, certain persons formed a society to which li-wlnnon. thoy gave the name of United Irishmen.*" This institution, projected and organized by Wolfe Tone, proposed to connect WnlfcTonc. tho whole Irish nation together, with thc professed purpose of l'l."u'SM,'\ a general melioration of their condition, by a reform pf pa r-^m in' par liament, and an equalization of catholic with protestant privileges, ii»'»™t, without any exceptions civil or political. The plan of uiiion ""^"i'm!."" was formed on unity of object, connexion of instruments, and lion. a co-operation of means, that combined secrecy of proceeding with efficacy of coitus^ and conduct. No mooting was to consist of more than twelve persons; live of these,, meetings were represented bv live members iu a committee, vested with the uuuingenieiit oi all their affairs: from each of these com mittees, which wore styled " baronial," a deputy attended iu it superior committee, thnt presided over till those of the barony or district.n One or twodoputies from each of these superior commit tees, composed one of the whole county, and two or three from every comity committee composed it provincial committee. Tho provincial committees chose in their turn five, persons to supeiin- toml the whole business ofthe union : they wero elected by ballot, f See re ports ut (In- «gnimUt||l-of tho Irish parliament, 17'.'". mid 1703. -4' See i-epnrM of the coiuniitioes, 620 HISTORY OF THE CnaF' anc* on'y 'nl0wn to ine secretaries of the provincial committees, who were officially the scrutineers. Thus, though their power ,793 was great, their agency was invisible, and they were obeyed ' without being seen or known. Whether the designs of these jeciand" associates were originally to effect a complete separation of progress of. Ireland from Britain, has not been ascertained as a fact; but there is no doubt that, in the progress of their concert, they had formed such a project ;'> and that parliamentary change, and catholic emancipation, were only pretexts with the heads and principal agents of this confederacy, in order to unite the greater numbers in the execution of their de-' Counter as- signs. The protestants, persuaded that whatever their pur- Oran'i0" °fPose might be, the ferment which they were agitating must men." be inimical to the existing establishments, under the protec tion of which they held their privileges and property, formed counter associations, and assumed the name of Orangemen, in ho nour of king William the vindicator of protestant security, and the; establisher of protestant property and power in Ireland. Thei Orangemen proposed to disarm the catholics. Bodies of these associated to resist the attempts, and assumed the name of Catholic defenders. Beiween the Orangemen and defenders various defenders, feuds took place, accompanied with great disorder, ferocity} and depredations, with some bloodshed on both sides. The united Irishmen did not 'immediately amalgamate with the defenders, who were rather violently outrageous than system atically designing. In tbem, however, ihey saw ready tand willing instruments, when their own deep laid schemes should be mature for open and avowed execution. Neither the pre- Freneh valent broils nor the several machinations, were unknown lo missento theFreneh rulers; they despatched one Jackson, a native of Ireland, and a protestant clergyman, but now an emissary of France, as. a spy, to Britain and to Ireland, in order to sound the dispositions of the people. Jackson, in Ireland, formed Proposed a connexion with Wolfe Tone, Hamilton Rowan, and some of plan of in- their associates, and proposed a plan of insurrection, in order t"r facilitate to fac'ntate a Frencli invasion. In England, Jackson had a French trusted his treasonable schemes to an intimate friend, one invasion. Cockayne, an attorney. This person communicated the pro jects to Mr. Pitt ; and undertook to accompany his friend to Ireland, in order farther to discover his intentions and plots to government, from which he was to receive the sum of three hundred pounds, if, through his means, the capital conviction of his friend should ensue.' Cockayne being thus engaged to accompany his friend to Ireland, and pretending to partici- h See reports of the -committees o'f the Irish parliament, especially Ihe commit tee of 1798. i From what has been already said about Messrs. Goslin, Taylor, Xic. the witnesses in the slate trials of 1794, the readers, I trust, have perceived the ab solute necessity often imposed in conspiracies, on the most upright ministers', 1" REIGN OF GEORGE III. 621 pate in tbe plot, was introduced to Rowan and other conspira- c&**- tors. A plan was formed for concerting a French invasion of Ireland : Jackson wrote several letters to correspondents ^ abroad, explaining the state of Ireland aud the outlines of the project. The letters being sent to the post-office, Cock ayne, whflrbad perused them all, gave information to govern- Apprehen- ment s the letters were seized; Jackson was tried ; Cockayne y^^ . was the sole oral evidence; but the papers coinciding wilh- and c'r<- - his testimony, rendered the case so clear, that tbe jury Witn,-I|™", ont hesitation found the defendant guilty. .Jackson was con-nilr ° demned to die : but by suicide anticipated. execution. By this., discovery the correspondence with Frabce was suspended : Tone and Rowan made their escape. Lord Fitzwilliam was now arrived in Ireland, commissioned, as he conceived, to ter- nrinat-i all disputes in that country, by making the conces- sionfewhich the Roman catholics demanded. Such also was gorMS ar the general persuasion of the Irish themselves : but as it was the'eatbo- frustrated, and lord. Fitzwilliam recalled, the discontents jjj=£j£ me became deeper and more extensive than ever. From this nlent of fo^ time the united Irishmen proceeded with more despatch and Fhztrii- decision in their arrangemems; a military organization took {jj^™,^. place in the several provinces; arms were procured, pikes ces of his re- fabricated, and every preparation was made to enter upon call. the execution of their schemes. The chiefs, and men of supe- -^j^, „( rior abilities and weight that had now. joined the association, ibe united intended nothing less than a thorough revolution, and anIrishmer abolition of all church establishments ; while Jhe^omraon peo ple sought principally to be discharged from the payment of tithes and ecclesiastical dues to the protestant clergy; in order to obtain which it was easy to persuade them that a total change of government was necessary. Tbfe .activity of tbe leaders was indefatigable, and most extensively successful : those of their -numbers who, had absconded on the discoveries made by or through Cockayne, were now in France, and had employ spies and informers. Cases may even occur, as Cicero has well shown in bis Offices, in which a person is bound by conscience and duty to become an nubrmer; but Dot far kin. Howfar .»ir. Cockayne's motives would come un der Cicero's moral exceptions may be best learned from his own evidence, a; recorded in the Slate Trials. Mr. Cockayne and Jackson had been very inti mate friends: in Ibe coarse of their intimacy, money transactions had taken place, rendering by Mr. Cockayne's account, Jackson his debtor three hundred pounds. When Cockayne communicated his discoveries to the minister, it was intimated that, as the matter must become a subject of legal investigation, it woold be necessary for him to substantiate the allegations : Mr. Cockayne was averse to give evidence against his friend, because, if the friend should be capi tally convicted, he would lose the sum that was owing; bat government agree ing lo liquidate this account, his scruples were removed ; he went to Dublin to become a witness for the crown, "^ee Cockayne's evidence on Jackson's trial , i-:«h State Triafe. 422 HISTORY OF THE ^HAP. settled a correspondence between their Irish associates and the French government. A proposal was made, by which the ..„„ French were to assist the Irish with a considerable body of forces, to enable them to throw off their connexion with Eng land, and form themselves into a republic.11' The offer was They send accepted ; and lord Edward Fitzgerald, and Mr. Arthur ambassa- O'Connor, were appointed to settle the terms of a treaty. j?^^ For this purpose they went to France, met general Hoche in the summer of 1796, and arranged the busin-.-ss of the project ed invasion, which was destined to be executed the follow ing November. In the latter end of autumn, intelligence1 arriv ed from France that the expedition was deferred to the follow ing spring, when England should be invaded at the same time. Hence it happened that, when the French armament arrived on the coast of Ireland, towards the close of the year, the Irish that were to second them, being wholly unapprized of their coming, were in no state of preparation, and the deter mined spirit of loyalty displayed by the friends of government, awed its adversaries : thence the French had not landed, but Vigilance had returned to their own coast. The government was.indeed of the Bn- very vm-daiit, and had, long; before this time, procured an act tisfi govern- ? i t • • i , • mem. to be passed authorizing the magistrates to proclaim martial Martial law Jaw, in case of imminent danger. A proclamation accordingly y*™" was made, and put in force at the arrival of the French. The disappointment of this expedition did not discourage the con spirators from prosecuting their plans. The chiefs of, the Mission of Irish association sent doctor Macnevin, an able man, of great Alaenevm importance in the combination, as minister to France. He in formed the French government that if they would invade Ire land, the numbers ready for insurrection were immense, that a hundred and fifty thousand would rise in Ulster alone."1 He His propos-also laid before them a plan of attack, demanded a supply of ed scheme anrls arKj rnoney and particularly recommended that the of military ,-, , 1 - . • • ,\ . - T • * • . . , , . , operations. * rencn plenipotentiaries, then treating at Lisle with lord Malras- bury, should be instructed to make the dismemberment of Ireland, from England a condition of the peace; he solemn ly engaged, that all the advances made for the service of Ireland, and all the expenses already incurred, should be k See reports of the committees of both houses of the Irish parliament in 1703, from which a considerable portion of the text is digested and formed. I "Whence this information came has never transpired : some have thought it a deception, fabricated by some secret partisan of the English : by others it has been attributed to the French themselves, with a view of lulling friends and foes into general tranquillity, thereby to effect their designs without opposition or interference. m To this expected insurrection may probably be referred the following verse — " In ihe north I see friends, too long was I blind oh !" in the celebrated song of Erin go brah ; in which pathetic music and seductive eloquence so powerfully propel ignorance to ou'.rage and revolt. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 623 reimbursed as soon as affairs were settled, and its indepen- r,'vV' dence secured. France agreed to their other requests, but the v_l^_v_/ government declared its inability at present to supply them ^ with money. Meanwhile this conspiracy proceeded with such secrecy, that, though the penetration of the Irish government discovered there were strong grounds for suspicion, yet no pre cise information was procured : they did not.till the month of April 1797', obtain certain intelligence of the transactions that were carried on in many parts of the kingdom. Government learned that, on the Mill, a number of seditious people were to meet at a house at Belfast : on this information, it was enter ed by a party ofthe military, and two of the association com mittees were found actually sitting: their papers were seized, and sufficient documents appeared to bring at once to light the nature and extent of the plot in agitation. This important discovery led to others in various places, and the danger and magnitude of the conspiracy was clearly ascertained. Govern ment immediately employed precautions of every kind ; enforced the act against illegal conventions ; searched for arms, and seized great1 quantities. In operations requiring military force and Summary execution, where there is a collision of attack and resistance, bloodshed is unavoidable; but the malcontents set tho example of atrocious violence, by plundering houses and murdering the innocent inhabitants. The soldiers were not slow in retaliation, nor always discriminating in punishment. Both parties of Irishmen were inflamed by reciprocal suffering, and the acts of both bore the stamp of infuriated passion, and unrestrained licentiousness. The conspirators, first in recent transgression, were the more atrocious in barbarous acts ; but their advocates imputed their conduct to the indignant resentment of men that had suffered long under systematic oppression, and in endeavouring by the most violent exertions to break their chains on the heads of their oppressors, little cured though these oppressors should be crushed in the strug gle ; and Ireland was now a scene of disorder, robbery, and massacre. In this situation of things, the whig parly, consist- The whr-r ing chiefly of men of similar sentiments both in general and Pait.v pro- temporary politics with those of Messrs. Fox, Sheridan, 1^™*"" Erskine, and their- coadjutors in England, in May, proposed measure'. the conciliatory measure of parliamentary reform, lnconlen- tions between government and numerous bodies of the govern ed, conciliation is generally the soundest policy, if adopted before the passions be violently inflamed, and the projects matured. Conciliatory measures when adopted, appeased America, and if the system had been uniform, there is a moral certainty, that the war and nil its dreadful consequences might have been prevented: spontaneous sacrifice on the pari of the French monarchy, if offered at the first appearance of a spirit of liberty, might have preserved the greater part of what by too long tenacity it was compelled to relinquish : but, con- (524 HISTORY OF THE LXI. 1798. CHAP, ciliation to be effectual, must be offered in the early stage of discontent, before resentment contracts inveteracy, and con- ' certed resistance requires force. After rigid rejection of sup pliant petitions, concession offered to men in arras, appears either the retraction of precipitancy, or submission of fear ; and, instead of restoring confidence and attachment, encoura- whichare ges revolt by representing it likely to succeed. Lenient SnappHcaWe measures were then too late ; government and legislature act- to ihe ease, ed wisely in rejecting them at so advanced a period ofthe conspiracy : thwarted in this attempt, the whigs withdrew from parliament. Ireland was at this time in a deplorable state : the occupa tions in civil life were deserted, and the people were intent every where on preparations for war : those who were peace fully disposed could promise themselves no security; they were plundered by the malcontents, who collected in numerous armed bodies, and committed every species of outrage and de- Froclama- vastation. Proclamations were issued, threatening severe tions and punishments on the offenders; but they were as little regarded Bardonare as lae °^ers °f pardon to those who forsook the rebellious asso- toially dis- ciations. The conspirators projected a general insurrection, lo regarded, take place in the summer of this year, and to be seconded by The united France. In July they received information that two armaments, Irishmen one from Holland and the other from Brest, were ready to sail concert for Ireland whenever they could elude the British fleets ; they for a gene- therefore postponed the intended rise, and waited with impa- ral insur- tience for the arrival of the promised auxiliaries; but the de jection. feat 0f tj,e Dutch fleet in October was a fatal blow to their hopes.0 France they knew had for maritime effort trusted chiefly to Spain and Holland, and their expectations from both Disappoint- had been blasted by Jervis and Duncan. But another fortunate ^y^"^ circumstance for the British interests in Ireland was, that the or ihe object of the malcontents and of the French republic were DBtch fleet, totally different. The Irish conspirators sought the formation concert be- °f tneir country into a republic, independent of Britain and tween ihe also of France. The French proposed to subdue Ireland, and »n8p"d"h to ^orm '* 'nt0 a g'overnnlent like the Batavian republic, depe.n- French dent on themselves. The Irish, considering their own object, republic, desired the directory to send ten thousand men, which would be a very efficient body of auxiliaries, without being danger ous to the principals. The French, to promote their purpose, proposed to send fifty thousand men, which they did not doiibt would be able to model the whole island according to Iheir views and pleasure. Finding the Irish, however, averse to their plan of invasion, they turned their attention to objects which they deemed more advantageous and more practicable. They now therefore received the propositions of the conspirators with great coolness ; and the Irish despairing of any effectual o See Reports of ihe Secret Committees of the Irish parliament. T798. REIGN OF GEORGE IH. 62$ assistance from the French republic, prepared for an insurrer> c-^l' lion, without waiting for co-operation from tbe continent. In ^^^^, spring 1798, they employed themselves in dispositions for war : im and meanwhile, in every part of the country, were guilty of the most savage atrocities. The benevolent spirit of lord Moira, still hoping that conciliation might be effectual, proposed pacificatory measures, but government assured his lordship thai any proffers of the kind would be unavailing, and lord Moira's conciliatory motion was rejected. Such was tbe secrecy of the chief conspirators, that though the plot was discovered, yet the names ofthe plotters were not found out. At last one Reynolds, who had become an united Irishman, reflecting on their atrocious designs, was struck with remorse, and communi cated their intentions to a friend, who prevailed on him fully to disclose the business and agents to government. On this dis- Arreeiation covery, fourteen ofthe chief delegates were seized in the of lh* dele" house of Mr. Oliver Bond.P Lord Edward Fitzgerald esca- ga es' ped, but being afterwards discovered, he resisted the officers sent to apprehend him, in the scuffle was mortally wounded, and djed a few days after.' The remaining conspirators, now hurrieson grown desperate, proposed a general insurrection, to be execu- rebellion ted in the night of the 24th of May:, but captain Armstrong, {jj^^. a militia officer, who had insinuated himself into their confi- signs were dence, and pretended lo be an accomplice, apprized govern- »Pe- inent of their designs. The two Sheares of Dublin, Neilson of Belfast, and several other chiefs, were arrested on the 23d of May, and the metropolis was put into a state of perfect se curity against any attempt. The conspirators thus deprived of their leaders, though scantily provided with arms and ne cessaries, determined notwithstanding to execute their project of general insurrection. They began rebellion, on the 24th of Rebellion. May, by attacking Naas, a town fifteen miles from Dublin ; but they were repulsed by a body of Irish militia, under lord Theinsur- Gosford. A band of insurgents at the same time took posses- gents near sion of the heights near Kilcullen, but they were dislodged by j^'ted"6 general Dundas, and beiween one and two hundred were killed and taken. To detail the various engagements which took place in this warfare, would exceed the space which ¦ the plan of the history allows ; I shall therefore confine myself to the chief agents, operations, and results. The insurgents fighting with undisciplined courage, werc frequently victorious over smaller numbers ; but inflamed by their furious priests, where they prevailed, they exercised a savage barbarity unknown in tho annals of civilized society.n The regular soldiers of the loyalists were not numerous, but the Irish militia fought with distinguished fidelity, valour, and effect, against the rebels. The English militia being at their own instance permitted by p See Annual Register, 1793. q Sec Narrative of the Sufferings of Jackson; published in 1798. VBL. Itr TO &6 HISTORY OF THE Cl%L an *$¦$ parliament to assist their loyal fellow subjects^ several ^^__^ regiments crossed the channel, and were most powerfully in- 179g strumental in supporting the cause of government. To pass Alarming °ver desultory skirmishes, the first great scheme of rebel opera- insurrection tion was in the counties of Carlow and Wexford: a large body. Vrd;of them having been repulsed at the former place, being re- enforced, proceeded to Wexford, amounting to fifteen -thou sand : part of the garrison marched out to give them battle, successes of; but they were surrounded and entirely defeated.' In a few days after the insurgents took the town of Wexford, and a great number of prisoners. In their farther progress being re pulsed, and infuriated by revenge and priestly instigation, tbey at length murdered their prisoners in cold blood. General Lake, on tbe '£p'a™j 21st of June, gained a complete victory, the consequence of Rebellion is wnich was, that this tumultuary insurrection was entirely suppressed crushed." In the north of Ireland a rebellion also broke out, insorreciion m,t l^e 'nsurgeDts were completely overcome at Ballynahinch, in the north and the whole rebellion was quelled before the end of June. advance*, After that time, various scattered parties, taking refuge in the doedi SOlH fastnesses and mountains, infested the adjacent country, but were rather marauding banditti that disturbed the police than insurgents that rebelled against the government. The most formidable of these parties was commanded by the daring and noted adventurer, Holt, who at length surrendered himself to government. The discovery and seizure of the principal con spirators prevented this rebellion being carried on with any effi cient concert, in the south, it consisted of detached multitudes driven by their priesls to desperate valour and savage cruelty; in the north, chiefly inhabited by protestant dissenters, it was by no means so general in extent, nor so merciless in operation. Lord Cam- The rebellion of Ireland, appearing both to the viceroy and to den desire? liis majesty to require a lord-lieutenant who could act in a mili- tel- mar^ * tarv as we^' as c'v'' capacity, lord Camden therefore requested qui'sCom- to be recalled, and the king appointed marauis Cornwallis his W*"'Lt*h^,V successor. The rebellion being finished, the new viceroy adopt- successor • ed a plan of mingled firmness and conciliation, which executed wise policy with discriminating judgment, tended to quiet Ireland, and pre- pare matters for a permanent plan to prevent the recurrence of" such pernicious evils, and to promote the industry and prosperi- The French ty of the country. The French with a small body attempted attempt to to revive rebellion in Ireland, and surprising our troops by their beHion!are unexpected appearance, gained a temporary advantage; but vanqnished. were soon overpowered and captured by lord Cornwallis. A def0at^d b French squadron of one ship of the line (the Hoche) and eight Sir John frigates, with troops and ammunition on board, destined for Borlase Ireland, was, on the Ist of October, taken or dispersed by a AVarren.Irish rebel lion enin- r O. idge's Annua! Register, I733: p. 103. guuned. t S^e letters of general Lake , datjd June £'-.! nni inserted jn (lie Lor.'--. -Gdzcr.e ex'.,-aordrasry of June 20- REIGN OF GEORGE III. Gtf British squadron under sir John Borlase Warren :« the whole CjJjAP' French equipment, with thc exception of two frigates, fell ( ultimately into the hands of the English. Among the prisoners taken in the Hoche was Wolfe Tone, who being tried and con demned, hastened out of life by a voluntary death. t 9w letier from commodore Wurren, in the Lowloti Gazette extraordinary, 0«t,21»l, 17HSI 1708? 628 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. LXII. ; French threats of an invasion — rouse the spirit, and stimulate the efforts of Britain — animated and energetic patriotism — the nation starts up in arms to" ¦defend their king, constitution, and country-— against a people so disposed and so powerful, Bonaparte sees all attempts must be vain, — France turns her ambi tion to less hopeless projects — grand scheme of distant conquest — expedition under Bonaparte— learned and philosophic attendants of the expedition — cap tures Malta, a neutral island — lands in Egypt — sir Horatio Nelson despatched in pursuit of the French fleet — traverses the Mediterranean— descries them in Aboukir bay — dispositions for attack- — emulous ardour of the British heroes- rapidity of movement — strong position of the enemy, and collateral advan tages—bold and surprising movement of the British — impetuous courage and extraordinary efforts of the French — in vain combat the naval heroism of England— decisive and splendid victory -of Nelson— -estimate of this achieve ment — political effects— extensive and momentous consequences of ihe battle of Aboukir — it stimulates all Europe to resist the ambition of France. — Affairs df 'Italy. — Russia— character of Paul — internal regulations; external policy: — Stale of the American republic, as affected by revolutions and contests in Europe. CHAP. LXII. 1798. THE inattention of the French to the affairs of Ireland, by no means arose from supineness : they were occupied with very grand and soaring projects. Their power was at this time enormous : Holland, Spain, and Italy, were appendages ofthe French empire ; Austria was prostrate at its feet ; the mountains and fastnesses of Switzerland had not escaped the invading am bition of this potent neighbour ; unprovoked by aggression, the republicans had entered, pillaged, and revolutionized those brave cantons. Ireland they saw was inaccessible to their schemes of subjugation : England, always terrible^ was in the year 1798, become a nation of soldiers. From Caithness to French Kent and Cornwall, the united nations were in arms : internal anluivasion conspiracies were quashed, and all hearts and hands were join- rouse the ed in defiance ofthe French. The leaders of opposition," who had so often predicted the evils that would arise from persistance in the war, were among the readiest to meet the enemy, if he invaded Britain. Bonaparte was aware that Britain contained spirit aud 'stimulate the efforts of Britain. Animatedand energe tic patriot ism. u No man showed himself more loyally and patriotically resolute lo combat in the field an invasion, than that illustrious nobleman, who in the vigour of a life devoted so warmly, wisely, and effectually, to the benefit of his 'country, has within these few days* been prematurely cut offin the middle of a benevolent and beneficial career, which entitled him to a much more estimable reputation, than any statesman or general could acquire by planning or carrying on aggressive pxar. See his proposed address to the king, March 1798, and- the speech by' which it was supported. * Written in March 1802, soon after the death of the di&e of Bedford. REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 629 Biore formidable opponents thtm he had ever encountered ; ^HAP. the defiles and precipices ofthe Alps and Apennines, guarded ' ' by myriads of Austrians fighting for their masters, could be sur- s""r^iCv"' mounted; but the plains1 of Sussex and of Kent, containing jhenation hands and hearts of free-born Englishmen, fighting for them- starts up in selves, would, he well knew, be impassable. Convinced ofthe fofffg £e" hopelessness of any direct attempt upon England, the French kin?, con- government, and the general,- formed a very grand scheme of stimilon -conquest, which Would ultimately extend to the richest possesr *" coutI" sions of Great Britain. The project was to subdue Malta, in- Against a vade and reduce Egypt, and establish theFreneh power in P?°P|e «> that country, with the double purpose of possessing the riches ans,j°0e ofthe Nile,, and extending their sway to the wealth ofthe Gan- powerful, ges : the empires of Turkey and Hindostan they proposed to Bonaparte render either parts or dependencies of the French republic, attempts The projects for an inyasipn of England were apparently con- must be tinued for a considerable time after the design was laid aside, p^1' -that iljeir real purposes might be the better concealed and ao- turns her CQBiplished. While certain bodies of troops, and stores, were ambition to drawn towards the coasts of Normandy and Britanny, others j*^ p°£.e" were , collected, at Toulon ; this, port was the nen.dezyo.us of thejects. expedition which sailed under the orders of Bonaparte, on the G'"and .20th of May, 1798. It consisted of thirteen ships of the line, of dttanTcon which one cawed a hundred and twenty guns, three eighty, quest. and nine seventy-four, seven frigates of forty guns, besides Expedition smaller vessels, making altogether forty-four sail. The trans- naparte,°' ports amounted to nearly two hundred, carrying about twenty s,1'|s from- thousand men, regular troops, with a proportionable number Touh>n- Of horses,an,d artillery, and immense quantities of provisions and military stores. ..Bonaparte in all his expeditions and designs Mjcjudfd the advancement of knowledge, the subjection of mat ter to mind, and the subserviency of mind to his own views ; with his physical artillery so tremendous to opponents, he car ried an intellectual and moral artillery, tending still more effectually to break down all opposition. In his fleet there Learned were scientific men and, artists of every kind : astronomers, ma- and philo- thematicjisfls, chemists, mineralogists, botanists, physicians, and S0Phl"al many qther, classes of ingenjops and learned men ; certainly a of % ex-* much more rational assortment of attendants, than bu (Toons, pedftioii. parasites, priests, and prostitutes, the usual retinue of French monarchs when heading their army.? A variety of conjec tures were, formed with regard to the destination of this formi dable armament : the largest that had ever been equipped in France, for any distant expedition. , Malta and Egypt were generally pointed out as its principal objects ; which they prov ed accordingly. The riches of the former were deemed a suffi cient temptation for France to seize thein, in its present need of resources, exclusive of the abundant supply of skilful mariners to be drawn from that island, were the French- to retain it .Mh'e< y See Cathpaignfrof Louis XV. in Flanders. 630 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. LXII. 1798. Lands in Egypt. AdmiralNelsonsails in pur suii of ihe French fteei. latter appeared an acquisition ofthe highest importance to thft commercial interest of France, which would enable it to inter- 'cept and ruin the trade of England in India, one ofthe princi pal resources of our opulence and naval grandeur. On the 9th of June, the fleet arriving at Malta, Bonaparte attacked that country, upon no better principle than Cyrus, Alexander, or Caesar attacked Babylon, Persia, and Gaul ; and annexed it to the possessions of France.1 Departing on the 20th of June, on the 1st of July he reached the bay of Alexandria. The project of seizing and colonizing Egypt had been sug gested by the count Vergennes, to tbe French government, dur ing the monarchy. At present its seizure was extremely desir able to the French, because, besides its commercial benefits both actual and prospective, it opened a probable opportunity of revolutionizing Greece, long and ardently desirous of break ing the fetters of Turkish despotism. The French command er sent to the Greek states the strongest assurances of powerful aid, if they would vindicate their liberties. His ability, how ever, to perform his promises, depended upon an element, the command of which Providence had bestowed on another ; a truth of which France had many warnings, but now was to re ceive a most fatally signal lesson. Lord St. Vincent commanded -this year, as before, the fleet destined to watch the coasts of the ocean, and was cruising off Cadiz when intelligence arrived of the departure and opera tions of the Gallic armament. While he himself continued to block the Spanish fleet, he detached a squadron in quest of the French expedition, and conferred the command on rear-admiral sir Horatio Nelson. This armament consisted of thirteen ships of the line and one of fifty guns.8 The captains were all men of unquestionable zeal and professional talents, assisted by offi cers who highly merited their respective stations ; and these were supported by crews who had been long practised in the habits of all that appertains to naval war ; and the greater num ber of the ships had been engaged in distinguished actions. The British admiral first sailed towards Naples, and on the ' coast of Sicily learned that the enemy's fleet had visited Malta. Thither he hastened : but on his arrival was informed, they had departed from thence a few days before, and steered to Ihe1 eastward. Conceiving that the French expedition was destin ed for Egypt, he proceeded directly thither : but arriving off i See details ofthe capture and voyage, in Denbn's Travels, chap. i. and ii. " ' a The ships were, thc Vanguard, 74, rear-admiral sir Horatio Nelson, captain Berry ; Orion, 7-1, sir .1. Saumarez ; Culloden, 74, Troubridge : Alexander, 7-t, Ball ; Zealous, 74, S. Hood ; Goliah, 74, captain Foley ; Bellerophon, 74, Cap- tain Darbv ; Minotaur, 74, captain Louis; Defence, 74, captain Peyton; Au dacious, 74, captain Gould ; Majestic, 74, captain Westcott ') Swiftsure, 74, cap- lain Hallowel ; Theseus. 74, captain Miller ; Leander, 60, Thompson, REIGN OF GEORGE III. 631 Alexandria, he heard that tbey had not appeared on that coast.' CH AP, Eager to meet the enemy, and confident that they were in the ' ' fljediterranea.n, he proceeded in a course which he had not hith- ]70g erto essayed; the British squadron was led northward toi-ieu-a-" Rhodes. iThf-re bearing no tidings ofthe enemy, Nelson again verses ihe returned to the westward ; sailing along the coast of Morea, ¦JJ„glJJIe-r" he learned from a Turkish governor that the French fleet had proceeded to Egypt, though they had not reached that country so soon as iheir pursuers. Sailing as quicklyas possible, the British squadron again arrived on the coast of Egypt. The- He descries Alexander and Leander, being before the rest, descried the. Aboukir Pharos of Alexandria, and, immediately after, the fleet perceiv- bay. ed.the armament of the enemy lying at anchor in a line cast-: ward from the point o,f Aboukir.1' The two ships which had first perceived Alexandria, by this lime had advanced- nearer the coast on the right hand, so that the others, which were far ther out, to sea, were before them in rounding the cape. -TMe Culloden being obliged to tow a vessel laden wilh wine, was somewhat behind the rest. The genius of Nelson united that comprehensive foresight Pisposi- which completely provides for every probable occurrence, with auackT the ready invention and prompt decision which meet unfore seen circumstances. Conceiving it likely Ihat the enemy would be moored near the coast for easy and expeditious communica tion with their land forces, and knowing that the dexterity and boldness of English seamen could venture nearer land (lianthe French would judge prudent, on this foundation lie concerted his plan ; and resoived that if it could be found at all practica ble, part of his fleet running between them and thc shore should attack them on the one side, while the rest should bear down- upon the oilier, and thus inclose the foe between two fires, Having formed this general design, and reposing the highest confidence in the ability and courage of his officers and sailors, he directed that in its execution the captains should exercise' their judgment in the time and place, and that every ship should- begin bottle whereshe could act most powerfully. On this oc-'Emulom casion, there were such displays of emulation by every ship to ardour of gain an advanced post in the attack, ns must have tended toin-n^oejl"81 spire each other with an invincible conlidcnce. So alert were litapidiiy of the whole, that no ship could get ahead of another that was in movement. the smallest degree advanced forward.' The admiral gave or ders for attacking the enemy's van and centre, and soon after hoisted a signal for close engagement. As the British fleet was closing upon the enemy, a cannonade was begun by the French ships, supported, by batteries from the castle of Bequires on Aboukir promontory., The enemy's fleet lay in a line with^Sirong po ll Donon says, ihat one oflhe Trench ships descried our flea!. anfj co||u. ' c Besides gazelles and olher documents, l have received many particulars terul nd- from gentlemen' who were prereul. ' vantages. 692 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. LXII. 1798. Bold and surprising movement of Ihe Bri tish. Tinpunoug courage and extra ordinary effortsofthe Fieuch,' their heads towards the west. Having on their left, or larboard,. the coast abounding with shoals, they had no apprehension that the British ships would make any attempt on that side, where; besides shallow water, they would be so much annoyed by the batteries on shore : their defence was directed to the starboard, where only they expected an attack: but one adven turous movement ofthe British totally disconcerted tbe Gallic plan of combat. Captain Foley, in the Goliati, leading the British van, darted in ahead of the enemy's vanmost ship, Le Guerrier, doubled her larboard side, and having poured a de structive fire into the Frenchmen, moved on to the second, whom he charged with tremendous fury. Next followed the Zeal ous, captain Hood, who attacked the enemy's vanmost ship, also on her side next the shore. Thirdly proceeded the Orion, sir James Saumarez, and took her station on the inside ofthe enemy's third ship. The Theseus, captain Miller, following the same example, encountered the enemy's fourth. Fifth came the Audacious, captain Gould, who moved round to the enemy's fifth. Sixth advanced the Vanguard, carrying the heroic Nel son, with his gallant Berry, and took his station opposite to the enemy's starboard, where, expecting the British efforts, they were prepared. The enemy's first and second, which hail longest encountered our ships, being considerably damaged be fore Nelson came up, the admiral assailed that which was still fresh ; the seventh, eighth, and ninth ships stationed themselves opposite to the fourth, fifth, and sixth ships of the enemy. Thus by the masterly seamanship and conduct, with the daunt less valour ofthe British commanders, nine of our ships wer» so disposed as to bear their force upon six ofthe enemy. The seventh ofthe French was L'Orient, a ship of immense size, be ing a hundred and twenty guns : this stupendous adversary was undertaken by the Bellerophon, captain Darby ; while the Majestic, captain Westcott, attacked an antagonist farther astern. Tbe British ships, thus arranged, played upon the ene my with the most tremendous effects. The heroic admiral himself was wounded in the head : but his soul animating his valiant countrymen, the ardour of their efforts was undiminish ed. Meanwhile the Leander and Alexander, captains Thomp son and Ball, though by liaving been foremost on the side of Alexandria, they were behind the others in passing Aboukir. yet reached the enemy in time to partake ofthe most dreadful dangers ofthe conflict. The enemy fought with a valour and impetuous heroism which no efforts of courage and skill could have withstood but the extraordinary courage and skill which they had to encounter ; they resolutely persevered in their ex ertions after the close of the evening till the approach of mid night. The conflict was now carried on in the darkness ofthe nighl in the southern latitudes, and the only light to guide their REIGN OF GEORGE HI. GS3 -operations were the flashes of"cannon. About twelve o'clock, 9'iA.P' the enemy's enormous ship, the L'Orient, was blown up with a terrible explosion, and a blaze that displayed at one glance the ^^C^^ promontory of Aboukir, the capacious bay, and the magnificence ;„ vajn ' of the Nile. The French now found all their endeavours hope- combat the less ; they however continued a languid fire, with increasing in- "^""Y* termissions, and at length entirely desisted from opposition so England. unavailing. Morning opened a view, exhibiting at once the in- Decisive trepid valour and obstinate resolution of the vanquished, the [}jd yfci0ar'y stupendous efforts and decisive victory ofthe conquerors. OfofNelsow the French fleet two ships only and two frigates escaped fire or destruction ; so complete was the victory of British heroism and , ability. The French transports in the harbour, and garrison hi Alexandria, waited, in suspense, for their personal doom, as well as the fate ofthe French navy. Even as far as Rosetta, distant about thirty miles from Aboukir, the battle, by the aid of glasses, was seen by French officers, from its minarets and towers."1 An interesting part of the prospect afforded by the dawning morn was, the adjacent shores all lined with natives, regarding with astonishment both in the conquered and conquer ors, the terrible heroes of the north. As a sublime effort of na- Estimate val genius, thc history of englAnd herself affords no instance achk-ve- more brilliant than the battle ofthe Nile. Tho head that pro-meni. jected the plan of attack, the hearts and hands that carried it into execution, deserve not merely the cold narrative ofthe his torian, but the ardent description of the epic poet. Were Ho mer to rise from the deadj he would find a subject worthy of his muse in the British sailors and the British officers, headed by the British Nelson. While the renown of this action reached every quarter ofthe PoiiiicJI globe, its political effects were instantaneous and surprising cl8k over all Europe. The enemies of France every where reco vered from the despondency by which they w<=re oppressed pre viously to this glorious event ; and an evident re-animation took place in all their councils, which were now occupied with the means of improving so signal a success. Reaching England, the news of this extraordinary victory filled the nation with joy and generous pride. Government, anticipating its political effects, were animated Extensive with the hopes of reviving and extending the combination mem"1,", against' France. There were various circumstances favourable eonsequen. to this expectation : the Austrians regarded the treaty of Campo £?* ^ "|? Fornlid as merely an armed truce, during which they were to Aboukic- make dispositions for renewing the combat." The emperor himself, a harmless prince, and intent upon frivolous amuse ment, little comprehended the political interests of his domi- Mionsj but extremely plastic, was guided by his counsellors,' and d See Dcnon's Travels, vol. i. e Annual Register, 1798, ch. is. ; and 1799, ch. viu. VOL. If. 80 634 HISTORY OF THE (lxiiP' acter* w'lse'y or unwisely according to the directions he receiv ed. His ministers having now time to recover from the conster-' v-7^>" nation under which they had concluded a peace 'that left to France such valuable possessions, and finding a great portion ofthe French force, with its formidable leader, by the late vic tory separated from the country, began to perceive the practi- fiimulates ca.bilitv of recovering: some of tlieir lost advantages. A con- alrL-urone / , , ",t, -,, ¦ . tore,ist Ihe gress had been opened at Rastadt between the various princes P«wer of ofthe Germanic empire and the French republic, for the adjust- Fiance. ment of their respective pretensions ; but the settlements went on very slowly, and many differences were eitherfound or made. Russia. Catharine, empress of Russia, at first had only been in name a member ofthe confederacy ; but after the secession of Prussia, had judged it expedient to become serious, and was preparing a great force, when suddenly arrested by the hand of death, Character Her successor and son, Paul, though weak, was extremely im- ofPaul. perious, and having the most despotic notions of kingly right, considered the Bourbon family as unjustly and iniquitously eject ed from a rightful possession, which they derived from heaven ; and not individuals, excluded from the executive office held by their ancestors, when the majority ofthe people conceived such an exclusion conducive to the public welfare : he therefore de- . . termined to attempt their restoration, which, after Nelson's reflations victory, he thought practicable. Throughout his empire, but and ex'er- especially in the metropolis, he was chiefly anxious to preserve nal pohej. the gradation of ranks, and to resist novelty. The minuteness of his arrangements for this purpose extended to orders for wearing cocked hats instead of round, coats without capes, waistcoats with flaps, stocks instead of stiffened handkerchiefs, breeches and shoes with buckles instead of strings ; prohibited half boots : and manifested a petty mind pursuing a great ob ject, which was in its careless ease and appendages to repro bate republicanism, and to cherish monarchy in its stiff and formal ceremonials. His proclamations about shoe buckles and neck handkerchiefs as clearly demonstrated the intentions of such a man, as an edict for preventing an influx of revolutionists. Paul very directly and explicitly avou-f-d his abhorrence of the French repuhlic, and indicated such dispositions to overthrow the present revolutionary system, and re-establish monarchy. The Turks also were incensed at the French invasion of Egypt, and manifested a determination to use their utmost efforts to drive them from that country, and lo combine with their ene mies. The British ministers were not slow in discoveringthese views, and endeavoured to form a confederacy more powerful than the preceding alliance : nor were their views confined to Europe, but extended to the American republic. Slate of France, considering herself as the nurse of American liberty, rie'm v"o- fr?m the C0nfecleracy o{ l77$, had cultivated a close connexion pu-XHu wi,h t-'ie new commonwealth. From the commencement ofthe affected by French revolution, the Gallic republicans had eagerly desired REIGN OF GEORGE III. f»3S to spread their own iicculinr doctrines beyond the Atlantic : ^"n1'" thoy had procured muuy voluries, but were not able to succeed l^L. with tiro more respectable) and powerful classes in the United 17a3 Stntt's : maintaining solid and beneficial lilicrly, property, and evolutions religion, those presented three potent bulwarks against the uml run- Frouch revoluiion. Tho necessary precautious of Britain for ^J" preventing importation of bIoivh into Friince, luul given uni- lirngeto llie Americans; but on fully considering the, necessity of tliu enso, and the fairness unci equality wilh which thc British government had acted, they had been perfectly reconciled ; and, in 17!'-J. hud concluded n trinity of amity and commerce. In ]?!)(), the haughtiness of the directory on the one hand, aud the prudence of America on the other, coincided with, the policy of Britain in drawing the ties of confederation closer between this country asd the United Stales. The French republicans, con sidering the United Slates, us indebted to France for thoir inde- pendQiK;o,.liore with impatience and indignation thnt so great a benefit should be overlooked, und thut, in this struggle for liber ty, with so nmuy powers combined against thetu from every quarter in Europe, they should bo forsaken by thut people, iu whose, cut.iso thoy had acted with so much zeal uud success. But limy were particularly displeased with the treaty of t/il-l, which thoy deemed inconsistent with the engagements bui ween Franco uml America. The Frencli government bieulhedi no thing but revenge ; and its agents were extremely, active in ex ertions to revolutionize America. Two parties now existed in the states, which, from their objects, mny be deemed llie con- Blitutionul, op supporters of the established government; and the revolutionary, or abettors of iiiiiovtilioiis on the model of tho French changes. Ofthe former were the greater uiiinber df men of property, cliuractur, anil importance in tbe stale, of the latter were demagogues ami their votaries, and llie saiiiu kind ol 'men that were agitators of discontent iu Great Britain, mul that are ngilalois of discontent in nil countries when- cir cumstances afford uu opportunity. The object of the constitu tional party was peace and neutrality, not lo bo interrupted by tho contests of Europe. These would, in the course of u low years, raise tho United Slates to a condition of prosperity and power, Unit must render thoiu formidable to nil ibe world, and .secure to them tranquillity nl home, nnd roped from abroad. The French having intercepted u letter from the United Slates to the ambassador ut London, expressing these sentiments, considered this avowal of neutrality us inimical to the republic of France, and hoped to i'l'i'vct such u change iu America os would render them dependent on Franco ; anil, by their agents, ardently endeavoured to spread principles of Jacobinical revo lution. Meanwhile, thoy made very imperious remonstrances to tho government of tho United Stales ; and al length passed a decree directing her privateers to capture t lie vessels of neur tral nations. In ooiisoijuonee of this decree, numerous captures 636 HISTORY OF THE LXII. 1798. CHAP- of American vessels were made by the cruisers of the FrencS republic, and of some of those of Spain, during the year 1797. ' A farther decree, on the subject of maritime affairs, was issued in January 1798, " Tbat all ships, having for their cargoes, in " whole or in part, any English merchandise, should be held " lawful prizes, whoever might be the proprietor of that, raer- " chandise ; which should be held contraband from the single " circumstance of its coming from England, or any of its fo- u reign settlements." It was also enacted, that the harbours of France should be shut against all ships, except in cases of dis tress, that had so much as touched at any English port ; and, that neutral sailors, found on board English vessels, should be put to death. The execution of this last decree was prevented by a declaration on the part of Britain, threatening retaliation. But these hostile proceedings extremely incensed the Ameri cans, and disposed them to enmity with the country that they considered as the universal disturber of other states, Convin ced^ however, ofthe policy of persevering in neutrality, the American government still attempted conciliatory measures ; and instructed their envoy to endeavour to re-establish harmony between the French and the American republics : but the di rectory haughtily refused an audience. Imputing to intimida tion the American desire of preserving peace, the directory re solved to make the most of their supposed fears ; and intima ted, that if a treaty was to be renewed between France and America, the states must contribute, in return for this friend ship, a very large sum of money ; and farther intimated, that it would be impossible for America to resist the power of France. The American government was well aware> that boasts of a power to be exerted by France on the ocean, where Britain was her opponent, were not to be dreaded as the means of conquest ; still however, should a rupture lake place, their trade they knew would be very materially injured : they there fore made such a reply as showed that they still desired peace^ though they would not be bullied to concession ; and they de clared themselves solicitous to avoid a contest with the French republic. One object only was dearer to them than the friend ship of France, their national independence : America, they observed, had taken a neutral station : to lend a sum of money to a belligerent power, abounding in every thing requisite for war, but money, would be to relinquish their neutrality, and take part in the contest. To lend that money, tinder the lash and coercion of France, would be to relinquish the government of themselves, and to submit to a foreign government imposed by force. They would make one manly struggle before they surrendered their national independence. America was not like the petty nations of Europe that had become subject to the Gallic yoke : they were competent to their own defence against all hostile attacks ; they could maintain their own rights, Tire. REIGN OF- GEORGE III. 637 French still continued to demand a loan/ to capture American ^xii!*" ships, and to employ the most imperious and insulting language, v-^v^, which a free, brave, and independent people, regarded with im equal indignation and contempt, and prepared to repel force by force. Liberty was granted by congress to individuals to fit out privateers to make reprisals : measures were adopted for forming and establishing a powerful navy, to protect and defend the American flag. The army was strengthened, and the com mand was bestowed on general Washington : the destruction ofthe French fleet at Aboukir spread joy over the constitution al Americans, and stimulated their preparations against a pow er which they had good reason to deem the disturber of all es tablished society ; and thus the exertions of America were ex pected by the European enemies of republican France, to co operate with their efforts. Amidst the signal successes of Britain in preventing invasion, suppressing rebellion, and crushing the naval force of the ene my, she experienced one disappointment : an'expedition was undertaken against Ostend, with a view of seizing the ships and stores there deposited by the enemy. The armament consisted of a naval force, commanded by captain Home Popham, and a body of troops commanded by general Coote. Their first ef fort was successful, but great numbers of republican forces hav ing been rapidly assembled at Ostend, overpowered the British troops, and compelled them to surrender ; but captain Popham brought off his department of the expedition. This miscarriage was but little regarded in a year of such extraordinary efforts, brilliant and momentous achievements, as the renowned 1793 was to Great Britain. f See the correspondence and conferences between the French minister and the American envoys, with the proceedings of the American government there on, asdclailed in State Papers, 1798. The publication of this correspondence (as the Annual Register observes) beiween Talleyrand and the American ministers of peace, made a lively and deep impression on all the nations of Europe. Not all (heir actual depredations in Germany, the Netherlands, Holland, Switzerland, and Italy ; no not their plunder of ihe Papal territories, afforded lo ihe minds -of meivso convincing a proof, that the French republic was governed not more by a thirst of universal dominion, than by a rage for plunder, as even.an attempt lo jabjeet the Americans to tribute. 633 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. LXin. Britain — effects ofthe late glorious campaign — discontent is silenced — ministers*- .recover a high degree of popularity. — Meeting of parliament — grand objects,. to provide for internal defence, strengthen the confederacy, and form a union with Ireland — supplies — income tax — objections and arguments for and a gainst — subsidy lo the emperor of Russia — arguments for and against — splendid speech ef Mr. Pitt on the advantages which might be derived from the einper- r Paul — powerful impression of on the house — the subsidy is granted — motion for peace — opposition reprobate a new confederacy — the motion is negatived — the professed object of war, security — great object of ihe British government lo ex cite and invigorate a coalition against France. — Measures for the better admi nistration of Ireland — Mr. Fill's plan of union with Ireland submitted to par liament — arguments for and against — proposed to the Irish parliament — discus sed — vehemently opposed in Ireland — literary efforts on both sides — renewed suspension of the habeas corpus acl — inquiiy into the state prisons— tartfeer provisions for internal defence and- security— parliament prorogued- , Discontent is silenced. Ministers i eeover a high degree of populari ty. .Meeting of parliament. AS the disposition of the nation had been much more favourable to the ministers, in the close of 1797 than at the end of 1796, so at the termination of 1798, they were more generally popular than at any period since the first year of the war. The assessed taxes, having undergone so many modifi cations, were not much felt but by the higher classes, who with few exceptions were favourable to government. Among the middling ranks, and also including some of the lower orders, the loyal associations superinduced a military character on the civil ideas and sentiments of their members, and had a power ful tendency to render them well affected to government and administration, with whom they naturally deemed themselves co-operators in defending their country from foreign invasion, and internal disturbance. Discontent was silenced; the sub jugation of rebellion in Ireland strengthened the power of the British government: the splendid battle ofthe Mile, so gratify ing to the generous pride of British patriotism, encircling tile whole nation with the rays of glory, reflected part of its lustre on those ministers who had furnished the force and selected the commanders. The contemplation of magnificent victory ac quired by national prowess, engrossing the thoughts ofthe mul titude, suspended all retrospective inquiry into the wisdom of the contest, the energy and tkill of preceding plans, the'eonse- quent events, and the general result of benefit to Great Britain. As our arras had been so eminently successful, the counsels of the ministers recovered a very considerable share of popularity and applause. Such was the state of thingrs and the disposition of the people, when parliament met November 20th, J798. Hi? majesty'; speech having bestowed the just tribute of agr REIGN OF GEORGE IH. 639 plause on thc glorious achievements of the campaign, mention- £xill"' ed his hopes that our efforts and successes would inspirit other ^_^J__, powers to such exertions as might lead to the general delive- 17gg ranee of Europe. He entertained great expectations from the example of Russia and the Ottoman Porte, which, joined to the disposition manifested almost universally in the different countries struggling under the yoke of France, must be a power ful encouragement to other states, to adopt that vigorous line of conduct, which experience had proved to be alone consistent with security and honour. The supreme objects of parliament- Grand ob- ary provision were propositions of finance and force for internal ''f^'^g for defence, and for invigorating the confederacy which was now Internal de forming; and propositions of permanent union between Great fence, Britain and Ireland. The army demanded forthe.year 1799, was "™fnfa somewhat greater and more expensive than for the former. For federacy, the navy, a hundred and twenty thousand were required, instead a"^ form,.a of a hundred and ten thousand. The assessed taxes, from the Ireland. number of modifications, had failed in productiveness : in lieu Supplies. of it, the minister therefore proposed a direct tax upon income, Tncomelax, requiring one-tenth on all incomes exceeding two hundred pounds. To this proposition various objections werc made: itobjections was said to be a requisition similar in principle to the reproba- and ar?tt" ', ,. p ., r- i 1 j i- p.i ments lor ted exactions of the trench rulers: and an application of theandagai)isi. revolutionary maxim, that all property belongs to the state. It compelled a disclosure of property, in many respects extremely inconvenient to mercantile men. To these general objections to the principle, were added more special arguments against the provisions ; that two hundred pounds was much too low a rate to admit a subtraction of one-tenth ; that the gradation ought to continue to at least five hundred, to be balanced by in creased contributions from large incomes. It was farther said, that the source of income ought to be considered ; that persons deriving a revenue from professional industry and skill, or trade, ought not to pay the same proportion as landed and monied capitalists ; because part of their income might be equitably a|lowed to be reserved for accumulating a capital. It was said that Mr. Pitt, in resisting modifications to those effects, rather employed that trimming dexterity which courted the favour of landed and monied capitalists, than the liberal and wise policy which sought the least burthensome mode of necessary impost. Having undergone these objections, Mr. Pitt's new scheme of finance was by a very great majority passed into a law. From thc incotnc tax he expected about ten millions, and the rest of the supplies were to be raised by a loan amounting to about fif teen millions. The taxes in addition to income were new im posts upon sugar and coffee, on bills of exchange and stamps. Tbe British government, deeming the co-operation of the Rus sian emperor against the French republic as of the first import ance, had so successfully made application to his present dispo sitions, that an alliance was concluded between the two powers-. 640 HISTORY OF THE rim*' ^ Prov'si°nal treaty was concluded between Great Britain and Russia, December 18th, l798,s the general object of which was to concert such measures as might contribute, in the most efficacious manner, to oppose the successes of the French arms, and the extension of the principles of anarchy, and to bring about a solid peace, together with the re-establishment of the balance of Europe. His Britannic majesty engaged to furnish the pecuniary succours: 225,0002. sterling for the first and most urgent expenses ; of which, 75,OOOZ. was to be paid as soon as the troops should have passed the Russian frontier ; and that Subsidy to the other two moieties of a like sum each It was also stipu- |£ejf""rerorlated, that his Britannic majesty should pay for a campaign of eight months, a subsidy of 112, 500Z. per month, two-thirds of the sum to be immediately paid, the other third at the conclu sion of a peace.11 The emperor, on his part, was to bring to the field forty-five thousand men, in cavalry and infantry, with the necessary artillery. The contracting parties engaged npt to make either peace or armistice, without including each other Arguments in the treaty. A message from his majesty stated this conven- against *'on t0 parliament, and the requisite subsidy was proposed by- ministers. The proposition did not pass without objection : the opponents of ministers asked what benefit was to accrue to England from the services of Russia, to balance a present of two hundred and twenty-five thousand pounds, and an annuity of thirteen hundred and fifty thousand. Might not Paul apply the money to his own purposes, like another prince who had so Splendid completely duped the ministers. Mr. Pitt, in a very eloquent speech of speech, enlarged on the merits of the prince who now swayed praise'or'the lne Bussian sceptre: he expatiated on Paul's magnanimity, zeal emperor for religion, justice, property, and social order. From this as- Paul. semblage of virtues, which the brilliant genius of the minister painted wilh his usual force of delineation and splendour of Powerful colour, he inferred fidelity and consistency in the emperor. His impressions striking eulogy made a most powerful impression upon the house. lhe house) and on the faith of Paul's pious, honourable, and con scientious character, the house, without any other security, Ihesnbsidy voted the sums which were 1-Qquired. Three millions more were is granted. . , , . . r ,? , ., granted to Ins majesty lor making ^ood >ucii other engagements as he might contract. The opponents uf administration, ap prehending thit such projei.-ts -l new alliance might continue hostilities, propo. ed an addiess to his n-j.^sty. deprecating a.vy Motion for negotiation that might be Mimical to the pecce. We were Imposition like'->* t0 De aSai" engaged in a crusading confederacy agaiust reprobate a new con- g See Slate Papers. IMeracy. h Russian subsidy — first expense IX.GOM. Morlhlv 75,0001. i^reighi months S.v.COO A balance of 37, 5001. for -aid eight months payable after Jfce peace .500,000 1,125,000?. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 641 France, which, we might be assured, would prove inefficient, fiSj)1'- If ministers, as they professed, did not fight for the restoration of the Bourbon family, what did they mean to effect ? They ^-C**" professed to fight for security; how were the Russian or Austrian efforts to produce the security of England ? The safely of this country depended on her own power, and espe cially her maritime exertions. The victory at Aboukir afforded, ' if properly improved, a most favourable opportunity for con cluding a peace : now was the time to offer terms of accommo dation to France, when she was so deeply impressed with the impossibility of encountering the navy of England These Jhe motion ¦arguments having no weight with the majorities in parliament, "m°salIve ' the proposed address was negatived. That ministers did not propose the restoration of the house of Bourbon, vve are assured by their reiterated professions and declarations. Since the re- establishment of monarchy was not their purpose, the historian, judging from their conduct, must find it difficult to discover what other object they could, by revising- a confederacy, pro pose to pursue. Here, however, the declarations of British ministers are uniformly consistent — we were fighting for secub.i- tv. ' If we subsidized Prussia, thc benefit which was to com pensate the price paid, was to be security. If we subsidized Austria and Russia, we were to be gainers by the additional security which their purchased efforts were lo produce. Se curity is a kind of metaphysical generality, the import and ap plication of which rrtight admit very different and contrary systems of efforts. If we proposed to go on in war until we attained what metaphysical politicians might call security, wis dom would of course examine the probable trouble and cost of the means, with the probable practicability n tid value ofthe ends; wisdom would ascertain, before she engaged deeply in support ing Russia and Austria by the resources of England, how far the advances of these powers, in a remote part of Europe^ were to make England more secure than vve could be, with less trouble and cost, through our own tinny and navy. Govern- Greil( b_ rnent and legislature, appeared however to think that immense 'en r ihe advantages might be derived from anew confederacy, and the Briti»h f»- great object of Britain in her foreign politics at present was to cvciiennd'" inspirit and invigorate a coalition of continental powers, to act invigorate a offensively against France in 1799. -coainioii While these schemes of external operation were forming, the France. ministers were actively employed in proposing measures for the Measures better management ofthe sister kingdom. Ireland had, for !"r !'T b*~ 1 - p , -, . . . . j,-. , , , .. teradnums- many centuries, formed one dominion with ''England, and, allow- traiion in ing to this country a superiority in the nomination of her king, Ireland. she claimed and enjoyed, in every other respect, an equality of rights with Englishmen. As the privileges of subjects iu both kingdoms were the same, the king's prerogatives were also the same. What the English parliaments were doing in England, the Irish parliaments imitated in Ireland ; but as different irt- VOL. 11. 81 642 HISTORY OF THE LXUI 1798. CHAP, terests and different views predominated in the' parliament 8f each kingdom, different commercial regulations followed of course, and the opposite shores of the Irish channel became, by degrees, mutually inimical. A wall of separation was raised between the two kingdoms, to the prejudice of both, and com mercial concerns, which, in the beginning, were directed by a law of uniformity, came thus to be directed by a law of diver sity. For want of a more regular and more defined system of connexion between the two islands, since the abolition of the feudal tenures, this undefined supremacy of the English par liament over Ireland was regarded as the sole remaining anchor that held Great Britain and Ireland together ; as the only prin ciple that made them one in political power and dominion. This system however was abolished under the Rockingham ad ministration, in 17^2; the motion for the abolition ofthe old constitution was followed by another proposition, declaring the absolute necessity of forming a new polity, which might con nect the interests and privileges of the two kingdoms. But though the wisdom and even necessity, of this connexion were admitted, yet no measures were adopted for carrying it into effect. The three great objects to be accomplished for the formation of a constitutional connexion between the two na tions were, an equality of interests, an equality of privileges, and an unity of power." The two first of these purposes were already in a great measure provided for, and very little remain ed indeed that could be urged by any peaceable and well dis posed Irishmen, as a subject of complaint against the British government; but the unity of power or unity of defence be tween Great Britain and Ireland remained unsettled. To the want of a close political connexion between Great Britain and Ireland, both eminent statesmen and political writers imputed the growth of disaffection to such an alarming height. The Reasoning following is the substance of their arguments : — If there had ofstatesmen j Deen a union between Britain and Ireland, we should not have. writers, fa- been exposed lo the evils of rebellion, co-operating wilh foreign vourable to enemies. Many as w-ere the political and commercial advan- tween Bri- ^o^ whicb must accrue to both countries from union, so as to tain and render such a measure generally expedient, the recent transac- lceland. tions rendered close connexion more imperiously necessary at the present time ; when the safety of the sister kingdom was assailed both by domestic treason and foreign force, what pre served the country but the aid of Britons ? The only effectual remedy was to identify the interests of the two countries, to se cure the same advantages in prosperity and in war, a free com munication ofthe bravery, the resources, and the power of tbe empire for its common defence ! The internal situation of Ire land strongly demonstrated the necessity of a union. While Ireland continued disjoined, any attempt to provide a salu- i ^antral Register for 1739, chap, jih REIGN OF GEORGE III. ' cannot be made to the catholics without endangering the ex- *< isting constitution ; but under a united constitution, privileges "maybe extended to the catholics with much more safety. M Ireland at present wants industry and capital : capital may be " imparted, and industry stimulated by close connexion with " England. It is like a co-partnery proposed by a great capitalist "with a small, upon equal terms, and which consequently must " be extremely beneficial to the poorer party :" for these rea sons, union between Great Britain and Ireland was ardently desired, not by government only, but by many enlightened Eatriots totally unconnected with administration. On the other and, many who were not in the general tenor of their conduct adverse to administration, were inimical to a union between the two countries : some of these were evidently actuated byArgumeBft the most generous motives ; they dreaded union, as the destroy- ofstatesmen erof Irish independence; they conceived that the projected an/' writer» connexion would be, not a relation of equality between two uni^nTfrom states agreeing to unite for common benefit, but a relation of patriotic superiority and dependence; that Ireland so joined to England, l?™^"'*" would be merely a province; that England would be the great receptacle of wealth, into which would be drawn all the pro ducts of Irish fertility, ingenuity, industry, and skill ; that the transfer of the legislature lo the British metropolis, would bring k This argument is powerfully enforced in Mr. Pitt's introductory speech, Which was published. 1 Arthur Young, passim. m :Mr., Pitt's speech on Ihe SJjt.Ian. I79T>. n JbR 644 HISTORY OF THE > Lxnf' *'le noD'"ly an(l gentry from Ireland to Britain ; that the proi ,-l^J, vincial towns of Ireland, and the metropolis itself, would be ,_„„ deserted ; -that capital, at present so much wanted to -commerce and manufactures, would become still more defective, because so great a portion of-its constituents would be absorbed into another country ; that industry, long so languid, and recently in some parts beginning to be excited, would, when such iucei> tives were withdrawn, become more languid than ever ; that Ireland would again revert to the idleness and barbarity from which, left recently to herself, she was emerging. While a dependent on Britain, she had been in the most miserable and ¦distressed state ; from the time that these fetters had been relaxed, she had begun to flourish : this recent and contrasted experience strongly forbade recurrence, to real vassalage, under the pretext of an 'equal union. Ireland, as an independent >¦ kingdom, though not supremely powerful, would be more re spectable and prosperous than as a tributary appendage of a great and extensive empire :° besides, Britain, with all her com mercial opulence and political power, was encumbered with an enormous debt ; must the growing enterprise and wealth of Ireland be subjected to burthens not incurred by herself,-, nor on her account ; must Irish agriculture, manufactures, and com merce, be taxed to liquidate the accumulated profusion of the British government in all its belligerent projects for more than a century ? As to a co-par-lnery, it was not like a very rich man admitting a poor -man upon his firm ; it was a man of very ex tensive concerns, including immense engagements and respon sibilities, proposing to take into his company an active, enter prising, and industrious trader, of growing prosperity, who might at once bear a share in his hurthens, and promote his trade. Ireland was likely to prosper much more by separate adventure, than by a joint stock company so circumstanced.. These were the sentiments and reasonings of Irish- patriots,. who, whether their conceptions or inferences were right or wrong, Avere actuated by regard for the honour and prosperity of their country. The citizens of Dublin were very hostile to a design, which they apprehended might desolate their beauti-, ful and flourishing metropolis; they indeed appeared to have imbibed the same fears respecting their city, that during the discussion of the British union, combining with a creative fancy, dictated the celebrated prophecy of lord Belhaven, so beautiful and eloquent as a poetic vision, and so totally falsified by experienced Irish imagination, not less vivid and fertile. than Scottish, conceived that by union, grass would grow on Selfish mo- the main streets of Dublin. There were others, who, without; ta^nptrties De'ng inimical to the British ministers, were averse to the union and classes. » These arguments were employed by earl Moira and Mr. Sheridan in par- liament; and by many writers, especially Dr. Duigenan. p See Somei-villes's History'of Queen Anne. ; REIGN OF GEORGE III. C4". from much less liberal and patriotic motives ; who did not so ^^p- much consider the honour and general good of Ireland, as the v^_-l_, exclusive advantages which their own parties and classes had long enjoyed. Many of the protestants conceived that a union was intended to be a prelude to catholic emancipation, which it would certainly facilitate. A junto of these, usually known by the name of the Beresford party, had long governed Ireland. and stimulated the most coercive measures in the various stages of progressive discontent : this combination was very inimical to union, which they apprehended might extend the supreme pow<;r and influence to other parties and denomina tions. Ireland indeed was ruled by an oligarchy, which very naturally reprobated a measure likely to produce a more ex tended and popular system of authority. Ofthe Irish law yers, many were inimical to a change of legislature, which, transferring the supreme judicial court to the metropolis of Britain, would, they apprehended, carry a great part of their parliamentary business to English counsellors. Whilst from different motives, totally unconnected with opposition to go vernment, great numbers of various classes and denominations deprecated a union between the two countries, the malcontents not only detested every additional scheme of connexion, but desired a total separation. The united Irishmen, who though Views ofthe repressed were still extremely numerous, desired a democratic- duafieeted ; al republic entirely independent of England; they concurred with the unionists in considering the proposed connexion as intended and fitted to counteract their project of complete disunion, and not only encouraged aversion to the scheme among their own associates, but very actively inflamed the other causes of dislike. To these different opponents of a,Jranii-miii' closer connexion between the two islands, may be added the uteriaii-t* usual party in both countries, which had been uniformly anti- ministerial; these professing to regard with jealousy and sus picion every important design of administration, reprobated the project of union as a scheme of ministerial patronage in the various branches ofthe constitution. While union wa? known to be in contemplation, and before its several impugners had arranged and disposed their respeciive arguments, one pre liminary position was advanced in which they all appeared to have concurred, though very different from the doctrines which some of them had maintained and practically exemplified in their late discussions with the votaries of disaffection ; this was, that the Irish parliament was not competent to conclude a treaty of union; that so important a resolution could not be sanctioned but by the general consent of the people. Such was the state of sentiments and affairs, when on the 22d of January, the king sent a message to both houses of parliament, stating the unremitting industry witb which our enemies persevered in their avowed design of effecting the •eparation of Ireland from this kingdom ; hi recommended to 646 HISTORY OF THE i xnf' tne lords and commons to consider Ihe most effectual means of finally defeating that design, by disposing the parliaments of X-CXT'*"' both kingdoms, to provide in the manner which they should judge the most expedient, for settling such a complete and final adjustment, as might best tend to improve and perpetuate a connexion essential for their common security, and consoli date the strength, power, and resources of the British empire. Mr. Pin's Mr. Pitt, in supporting the propriety of a union, exhibited a o^theacf- view of tho seU,emem of 1782,1' which he contended was not vantages of designed to be final, and had really been found by experience a union. totally inadequate to its purpose. Since that.time nothing had been attempted to provide for that defective settlement, but the partial and inadequate measure of the Irish propositions, which were defeated by the persons who framed the resolution, but who formed no substitute in their room. Was there no probable case iii which the legislatures of both kingdoms might differ? Had not one case actually arisen within the short space of sixteen years, the measure of the regency : the dif ference of object was evident, the Irish parliament had decided upon one principle, and the British parliament upon another. If in the present contest the opposition should have as much influence in Ireland, a vote for peace might be passed by the Irish parliament, and the efforts of Great Britain might be paralized by Ibe sister kingdom.i Ireland in such a state might neutralize its ports, prevent levies of recruits for the army and navy, and might endanger the very existence of the empire. Parliament undoubtedly wished to render the connexion be tween Great Britain and Ireland perpetual, but they would not promote a purpose so beneficial to both countries, if they neg lected to bring forward some proposition which might secure the safety and advance the prosperity of Ireland, aud. remedy the miserable imperfections of the arrangement which was formed in 1782. It had been asserted by persons inimical to a union, that the Iri-^h parliament was not competent to establish a measure which effected such a change in the constitution and relations of the country. He conceived that the parliament of Ireland, as of Britain, was fully competent to every purpose of legislation, and to enact laws for joining the two kingdoms as well as for any other purpose: a union was necessary lo the interest of both countries, to improve their respective powers of productive industry, and to defend each other against in ternal commotion and foreign invasion : very great impedi ments now existed to the prosperity of Ireland, which would be entirely removed by a union with Great Britain.' The union with Scotland had been as much opposed, and by nearly the same arguments, prejudices and misconceptions, creating simi- p Parliamentary Debates, on the 31st of January 1799. q Ibid. i Mr. Pitt's speech, Jan. 31st, 1799. REIGN OF GEORGE HI. <&f lar alarms, and provoking similar outrages, to those which had ^xil!*' lately taken place in Dublin ; yet the advantages which the ^^^^ tiorthern part of the united kingdom had derived from the 17gg> Union were abundantly apparent from the prosperity of the capital manufacturing towns, and of the country in general. After this introductory speech, he submitted to the house various propositions, the objects of which were to establish the advantages which might be derived from the union ; to explain the principles by which such a connexion might be more bene ficial; to present the outlines of a plan which he framed for the purpose; and to declare the willingness of the British par liament to concur with the parliament of Ireland in effecting a union between the two kingdoms. He proposed that the king- H- , f doms of Great Britain and Ireland, on a day to be appointed, union be- should be joined into one kingdom by the name of the United weenBri- Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland.' That the succession j^^ of the crown of the united kingdom should be limited and fixed agreeably to the present settlement of the crowns of the separate kingdoms, according to ihe existing laws, and con formably to the terms of the union between England and Scot land. That the kingdoms so united should have one parlia ment, to be denominated the parliament of the united kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland; that such a number of lords spiritual and temporal, and such a number of commons, as should hereafter be fixed by the contracting parties, should be appointed to sit in the united parliament, and that on the part of Ireland they should^be summoned, chosen, and returned as the Irish parliament Should fix before the destined union. The churches of England and Ireland, the doctrine, worship, dis cipline, and government thereof, should continue the same in both countries as was established by the existing laws. His majesty's subjects in Ireland should be entitled to the same privileges, and should be on the same footing, in respect of trade and navigation, in all ports and places belonging to Great Britainrand in all cases with respect to which treaties might be made by his majesty, his heirs or successors, with any foreign power, as his majesty's subjects in Great Britain. The import and export duties of Great Britain and Ireland should be reciprocally equalized. The expenses of the united king dom should be defrayed by Great Britain in proportions to be established by their respective parliaments previously to the union : tbat for tbe like purpose it would be fit to propose, that all laws in force al the time of the union, and that all the courts of civil or ecclesiastical jurisdiction within the respective kingdoms, should remain as now by law established within the same, subject only to such alterations or regulations, from time to time, as circumstances might appear to the parliament ofthe united kingdom to require. These are the outlines of Mr. s Parliamentary Reports', Jan. 31st, 1799. 648 HISTORY OF THE LXHl'' ^M's scheme of union between Great Britain and Ireland, ^_^^_ which he wished to be submitted to the Irish parliament, that 1799 if agreeable to that body it might be carried into effect. Union pro- While Mr. Pitt submitted these propositions to the English prosed to house of commons, the subject had been introduced into the parliament : Irish parliament, and a discussion had taken place, which hav ing given the tone to British opposition, it is proper to mention, before the narrative proceeds to the arguments adduced here against the minister's project. In the upper house of the Irish parliament, an address friendly to the union, was carried by a decisive majority ; in the lower it passed by a majority of one, a dver * an<^ a mo,'on consequent on it was afterwards lost. The oppo- vehemently nents of the measure, in the Irish house of commons, did not opposed, enter into a full consideration of the advantages or disadvan tages that might be likely to accrue from the scheme, inor prove that there was reason to induce the legislature to reject the pro position, but contented themselves with denying the competency of lawgivers to conclude such an agreement." To prove the incompetency of parliament, they did not reason from experi ence of fact and tendency, but from abstract principles, and the admission of theories that in no case had been reduced to prac tice : they rested their system on Mr. Locke's social compact, an hypothesis which, however well it might be intended by 'it's wise and benevolent author, is one of the principal sources of modern democracy. On these speculative grounds, they main tained the incompetency of the legislature to make such a con tract without consulting their constituents: they also' pressed the various arguments from expediency, patriotism, and nation- Opposition al honour which have been stated. The leading opponents in to this tne British parliament were, in their respective houses, Mr. the British Sheridan and Lord Moira ; and the ground on which Ihey parliament, principally rested, in the first discussion, was the declared dis- ofrSMrenlS aPPr°battorl of the Irish house of commons. As the commons Sheridan °f Ireland were avowedly averse to the project of union, it and lord oup;ht to be no farther ao-itated by Ens-land, until a more fa- moira. vourable disposition should appear in the other party. It was absurd to persist in pressing a union with a party unwilling to join, unless intimidation or force were intended. It was at present evident that there could be no voluntary union be tween Britain and Ireland, therefore it would be much more prudent to suspend the subject until the parties should have time coolly to reflect on its probable advantages and disad vantages. Afterwards, if the parties became willing to take it into consideration, let it undergo a fair and impartial discussion: no measures could improve and perpetuate the amity and con nexion between Great Britain and Ireland, unless their basis were the free and manifest consent and approbation of their respective parliaments. They who should endeavour, by cor ruption or intimidation, to obtain the appearance of cons -tit, i',ould deserve to be branded as enemies to the king and consti- s lriih Parliamentary Debates on Ihe union, January 1799. REIGN OF GEORGE III. $49 tutioi,. IJavuigdipavQwed, every intention of intimidation, Mr.. CHAP . Pitt strongly contended that the subject should be discussed at ^^^ present,. Let Ireland (he said) completely know what is pro- n9fl posed, thien, let her judge. By the judgment of her parliament we must intimately abide ; but w,e wish, to state every general principle, and every particular circumstance, on whjich we gro.imd our proposals ; and doubt not that, when, coolly and dispassion ately weighed, their ultimate decision will be different from their determination of the preliminary questions. With this view he proposed a committee for examining the articles, and the house agreed to his motion. In a more advanced stage of the busi-Mr. Dun- ness, Mr. Dundas very ably showed the beneficial effects of the j)as argues union between Scotland and England. He here took a, view of br™fici*i the evils apprehended by the Scotch. anti-,unionists, and, demon- effects of strated not only the complete failure of their predictions, DU^tg"i0°tJa^dU.h the immense advantages, that have accrued to Scotland, froip njs remarks its incorporation, witth.England.' 0,f these predictions lord Bel- °» 'he cele- haven's were the most remarkable, as they exhibited in one viewj™1^ f the apprehensions and arguments of theopposers of the union :ford Bel- .# I think I see," said hjs lordship,, " the royal state of boroughs haven in « walking their desolate streets,." So far, Mr. Dundas. said, p„Sw .are these prophecies from being yerifi^d, that most of the bo roughs are ten times increased iu population, industry, and wealth. To prove this, it is only necessary to mention the names of Edinburgh, Glasgow, Aberdeen, Perth, Montrose, Dundee, and, in short, every other town of any name or con sequence in that part of the united kingdom. These were strong facts, tending to controvert the reasoning of persons who asserted that a union would lessen the population, manufactures, and commerce of Dublin and other Irish cities and boroughs. The Scottish and anti-unionists had prophesied that a prefe rence would be given to Englishmen over Scots in every em ployment ; the event, as Mr. Dundas observed, proved totally different : natives of North Britain are almost exclusively cm- ployed in offices belonging to their own country, and a much greater number are established in England, than if no union had taken place ; we need only look into every profession through- Out England from the Scotch gardener, baker, and hair dresser, up to the Scotch merchant, physician, lawyer, general, and ad miral, to prove that, since the union, merit has been equally re warded throughout the whole island, whether its possessor was rocked in his cradle on the south or on the north side of the Tweed* The Scottish union tended to break asunder the bonds of feudal vassalage that had prevailed to so mischievous an e$. cess in that country, and had allowed separate tyrants to exer cise arbitrary power. The abolition of heritable jurisdictions, resulting from the union, had promoted agriculture" to a very t Parliamentary Debates, February 1st, 1799. ti la point of agriculture, Scotlund, as is obvious to every otic the least st* 1799. 650 HISTORY OF THE LXin' £reat an<* raP^'y increasing degree of improvement ; like <_^_^^ causes produced like effects ; beneficial consequences of a simi- ^ lar kind would result to Ireland from union. Agriculture, ma nufactures, and commerce, mutually and reciprocally advanced each other ; and whereas in the country of Scotland, there be fore existed only lord and dependent ; the improvements from the union conjointly formed that middling class which in Eng land had ever been found the most efficacious supporters of our laws, liberty, and constitution, from the oppression of feudal aristocracy in former times, and the licentiousness of democracy in latter. One of the chief causes of the evils under which Ireland laboured, was the want of this intermediate class : a parliament, with local interests and prejudices, was not likely to devise, at least steadily to employ, means for the establish ment of so important an order : by an imperial legislature only could so desirable a change be effected. The subject was also discussed in the house of peers, and great eloquence was dis played on hpth sides ; and both houses of British parliament concurred in approving Mr. Pitt's propositions of union, and, in an address to the king requesting his majesty to communicate to Ireland their views and resolutions. The king accordingly instructed the viceroy to lay the proffers and proceedings of the British before the Irish parliament. quainted with the country, has undergone most extraordinary melioration from the time that Ihe union completely operated, on pursuits of a much more gradual improvement than commerce : this change has, no doubt, arisen in a considerable degree from the increase of capital that flowed into the country, from the time that (he poor trader was admitted into partnership wilh the rich. It has not, how ever, been solely owing to commercial advantages, but in a great measure to po litical regulations resulting from the union. Whoever has spoken or written oa this subject, considers the destruction of feudal vassalage as an event that would have never happened had Scotland possessed a separate parliament ; because mo;t of the members of that parliament, by vanily, pride, and ambition,, would have been engaged lo oppose a measure which reduced Ihem from being petty princes on their own estates, to an equal submission lo the laws with their vassals, and even poorest tenants. The vassals had before bestowed a servjle attendance on their chieftain, at whose call they had been obliged to repair to his castle, and neglect their own private affairs. In that dependent state, they had estimated themselves, and each other, according to their place in the favour of their liege lord; and their chief occupation had been to court his good graces, by being lounging retainers about his mansion. Emancipated from their thraldom, they attended tr ine cultivation of their lands. The generous pride of pergonal independence sue- ceeded the contemptible vanity which had been gratified by second hand impor - tance. To independence the surest road was industry ; the subject for the emplo\ . ment of their industry was their hitherto neglected land : to their inferiors they communicated a portion of that independence which they themselves posscised, ^and began to enjoy ; they let their farms upon long leases, and dispensed with the most humiliating services. The tenant? were,- by ^e security of iheir tenures1 ¦stimulated to nnjtital industry REIGN OF GEORGE III. lijJft So important a subject occupied a great portion of literary LxiiF' ability* on both sides, and the press teemed with works on the ^^^^, justness and expediency of a union, with the means of carrying ngg it most effectually into execution. , The farther parliamentary proceedings of the present session Farther chiefly regarded external defence and internal tranquillity. {^'"Ynterrfal There was now very little ground for fearing an invasion, and defence the measures adopted respecting Ireland tended to prevent the and securi' recurrence of rebellion : still, however, it was necessary to be iy' vigilant. The supplementary militia, therefore, without being increased, were continued on the same footing as in the former years. The discontent and sedition which had so strongly pre- Renewed vailed, were now in a great measure dissipated j still, however, ofThe Sha" so much of malignity was by ministers and their supporters pre- beas corpus' sumed to remain, as to render the suspension of the habeas cOr- act- pus Still necessary to be continued. A bill for continuing to his majesty the power of detaining suspected persons was in troduced into parliament, and passed into a law. Mr. Wilberforce renewed his annual motion for the abolition of the slave trade, but his efforts were again unavailing : par- Parliament liament was prorogued on the 12th of July. npro- x Of these, oneof ihe most eminent was a treatise published by dean Tucker, many years before, strongly recommending union with Ireland. — It is lo be hoped that his predictions respecting that connexion will be as fully verified as the pro- . phecies which he ullered concerning America. See vol. i, of this history, p. 41Jh 652 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. LXIV. Congress at Rasladt — project of indemnities — principle, that the weaker shonhl :pay for the losses ofthe stronger through the power of the strongest — new re quisitions of ihe French — are resisted — war— French plan of the campaign — ¦ - plan of the confederates — the French armies invade Germany — and the Gri» sons — under Jourdain and Massena — battle between the archduke Charles and Jourdain — the French are defeated, and forced to evacuate Germany — advan ces of Massena to the Grisons — by the defeat of Jourdain he is obliged lo re. treat — Austrians invade Italy — successes — reduce the northeast of Italy — ar rival of marshal Suwarrow with a Bussian army — military operations and vic tories—affairs of Naples- — French evacuate the south, and concentrate their force in the north of Italy — battle of Novi — Italy all reduced except Genoa-i. -campaign in Switzerland and the Grisons — successes ofthe Austrians — -French driven from the Grisons — Massenabegins to restore theaffairs ofthe French— -defeats Korsakow the Russian general — Suwarrow marches into Switzerland— not properly supported by the Austrians — retires with the Russians towards Germany. — Naval transactions by (he British in do-operation with the allies -in Italy — the British fleets block up the ports of Holland, France, and Spain. — Expedition ofthe duke of York to Holland — its purposes — well grounded hopes of success — plan of co-operation between Great Britain and Russia — British armament sails— troops land at the Helder — battle and victory — Dutch fleet surrenders — successive battles and victories of the British troops — advance l» Alkmaer — battle at Limnen — indecisive — successes in the Zuyder Zee— .British armyobliged to fall back — difficult situation of the army — suspension of arms — British troops withdrawn from Holland — short meeting of parliament in Sep tember — supplies — prorogued. - CHAP. AT the treaty of Campo Formio it had been agreed, that LXIV. a congress should be held at Rastadt, composed solely of the "»^~v"-^ plenipotentiaries of the Germanic empire and of the French 1799. republic, for the purpose of concluding a negotiation between Rastadt? "l those powers; and this congress had met in December 1797'. To follow the meeting through the various details which occu pied their attention, would be foreign to the purpose of the present history and the accounts shall be confined to such pro ceedings as produced the rupture with France, and the renew al of the confederacy with Britain. Project of By the treaty of Campo Formio it was agreed, that the indemnities. Rhine should form the boundary between the French and German empires, and that a system of indemnities should make up to the princes ofthe Germanic empire for the losses which they should incur by this extension of the French empire ; the proposed project was to be the secularization ofthe ecclesiastical estates; but in applying this general principle, there was a Principle great interference of interests. Prussia and Austria proposed w'k'u* first the secularization of the chief ecclesiastical possessions; REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 653 in Other words, that because the great powers had sustained £"(*p- losses by the conquests of the French, the smaller should in- v_-1^_^ demnify them for these looses. The ecclesiastical electors nsB thought it vain to controvert the general principle of making shouH pay the weak pay tor the losses of the strong : but were for shifting % the losses the losses from themselves to a lower order: the electoral "'_^,_ archbishops proposed to be indemnified for their sacrifices to through the the higher powers, from the possessions of the prince bishops, j»w of^ The prince bishops required the suppression of abbeys, mo-eslsl'*15' uasteries, and the inferior prelacies. Simple as th* principle, of secularization was, yet the adjustment of such an intermix ture of pretensions was not without difficulty. France indeed Xew ream. was not to be charged with enhancing the difficulty by any ^fr^.^ intricacy of her own claims, these were very explicit and defi nite : she, in the first place, was to occupy all the left bank for her share, and was afterwards to assist the Germans on the other, in settling tlieir respective boundaries. The reason which she adduced for appropriating such an extent of terri tory was. not the love of dominion, bui tha convenience of demar cation. The Rhine was a natural boundary which the repub lic did not demand for the purpose of aggrandizement, but for fixing a secure and determinate frontier. Meanwhile the direc tory and its agents entered iuto the Germanic discussions of secularizations, and eagerly endeavoured to sow discord be tween the various states and members of the empire : they farther proposed to take under their own special protection the very opulent cities of Franckfort, Bremen, and Hamburgh, which thev alleged to be coveted by German potentates : and. tbat therefore it behoved the French republic to interpose- its powerful mediation in their behalf. For these and other purposes, it was necessary that France should posses a weighty influence beyond the Rhine. The king of Prussia continued to favour France, and she thoroughly accomplished the appro priation of the left bank. France farther proposed the free ^navigation of the river to the opposite bank as well ns her own, the re-establishment of commercial bridges, and a divi sion of the islands on the Rhine, by which France was to pos sess those which best suited the convenience of her own boundary. France, possessing the left bank, was to strensrth- en and fortify it as she pleased, while she required the demo lition of fortifications on the other bank, becuise they might interfere with the secure navigation of the French upon the -river.7 The fortress of Chrenbreitstein. situated upon the right bank of the Rhine, commands the entrance into Genua irroit the side of Westphalia, the Upper Rhine, and Hesse: this strong post the French desired to be destroyed. The evident ¦object ol this demand was to secure an entrance into ' y See note of ** Troth *CB;.f-«r= to ire Aswan?- •>•' th? <- i General Macdonald had been prevented from extending his Affairs of conquests in Naples, by the gradual diminution of his army. Naijles ; th« By the threats of descent from the Turks, the Russians, and SS^"* the English, who hovered over the coasts of the upper and south of Its. lower seas, he had been obliged to content himself with secur- ly' and con" ing the submission of the capital, putting the coast in a state their force of defence, and completing the reduction of the two provin-™ ihe north. ces of Abruzzo and Capitana, and ofthe two principalities. Such was the situation of Macdonald, when he received from the directory an- order lo evacuate the kingdom of Naples/ and join Moreau. i According to his instructions, he deposited! all power in the hands of the patriots ; leaving for their sup port, republican corps that had been raised in the country,, and the garrisons of St. Elmo, of Capua, and Gaeta. Havinw vtir». ti. S3 1799. n. whose splendid achievements had excited and invigorated, in various parts of the globe, the most courageous ' efforts for vindicating the independence of nations against the boundless ambition of revolutionary conquest! From Naples lord Nelson Fome.'rde" turned his attention to the papal territories, and sent captain thTrepu'bi'i- Trowbridge with a small armament' towards Rome. The in-C!lnsl>y habitants joyfully flocked to the standard of their deliverers : Jj.°H'P g Annual Register' 1799, chap. xv. 660 HISTORY OF THE CHAP- the republicans finding resistance hopeless, surrendered hy ' capitulation and evacuated the Roman dominions before the ^"t^T^"'' end of July. Tuscany was by this time completely recovered. Piedmont was chiefly in the possession of the confederates;. and the French, who in the end of March had been masters of all Italy,- now occupied only a small corner in the north west. In the beginning of August, Joubert was appointed to command in the place of Moreau, who was sent to head the army on the Rhine. The confederates were now employ ed in the siege of Tortona, the last fortress which remained to the republicans in Piedmont; and twenty thousand men were on their march from Alessandria and Mantua to join Suwar row. Joubert, desirous of making one attempt to relieve Tor tona, resolved to attack the Russian general before the re-en forcement should arrive. The French amounted to about forty thousand men : the combined force was more considerable ; and, besides the superiority of the latter in point of numbers, they were choice troops, better disciplined, and flushed with Battle of recent victories. The republicans, on the 15th of August, victory of prepared to offer battle : and with that view, were formed in Suwarrow. an encampment placed upon the hills which are situated be hind the town of Novi ; and, though not very high, yet are extremely steep. Notwithstanding the strength of this posi tion, Suwarrow, the next morning at five o'clock, advanced to engage the enemy. The republicans received the attack of the imperial troops with their usual firmness and intrepidity, and drove back their centre and right wing three several times. The French appeared to be immoveable in their position, and sustained with equal valour repeated charges: at noon they confidently expected the victory; but sixteen battallions of Austrians arriving on the right flank of the enemy, made such an impression, that it was thrown into confusion ; and general Joubert, endeavouring to rally his men, was himself mortally wounded. Deprived of their commander, and out-numbered by their opponents, the republicans were at length completely overpowered. Suwarrow obtained a most signal victory, which Italy is all finally decided the fate of the campaign. Tortona was cap- reduced ex- tured; Piedmont was entirely recovered; and of the acqui- cept enoa. amms 0r Bonaparte in Italy, there now remained to the French only the small territory of Genoa. Suwarrow having so effect ually accomplished the purposes of his command in Italy, pre pared to carry his victorious arms against the republicans in Switzerland. Campaign While the French by the combined armies were driven from iand'anT' lneir Cisa,P'ne conquests, Massena was engaged in the most the Gri- strenuous efforts on the Rhine. The successes in Italy invigo- s™s rated the allies in their operations among the Alps, and coin- French are Pelled Massena to act upon the defensive. He was driven dm en from the Grisons, and the Austrians, crossing the Rhine, es- 6ri"onT tablished themselves on the left bank. Advancing in the REIGN OF GEORGE in. 6(H ^career of victory, the Germans drove the French from the ??,*?• strong and important position at St. Gothard, established them selves in Switzerland, and opened with the army of Italy, a line of communication, which, on the other side extended through Successes Suabia to the banks of the Maine ; so that from Mentz to Italy, ofthe Au- there was a chain of forces advancing against the French re-slnans- public, of which the army of the Alps constituted the central link. During the month of June the imperialists proceeded rapidly into Switzerland, and after the most obstinate conflicts, made themselves masters of Zurich. But considerable detach ments of the Austrians having been drafted to Italy, and a very great body of Russians being still expected, the archduke, without farther pursuing his conquests, contented himself ,w^th preserving his acquisitions, until the allies should arrive. The present force of Massena being too much reduced for immedi ately resuming offensive movements, he employed himself in preparations. This state of inaction continued, with no impor tant interruption on either side, from the end of June till near the end of August. The exertions and successes of the con federates meanwhile produced accessions to the alliance. The duke of Wirtemberg and duke of Bavaria, the greatest second ary princes of southern Germany, joined the house of Austria in its efforts against the republicans. The soul of the combi nation was Eugiand, which afforded money to assist the Au strians, prompt the Russians, and stimulate the German princes. The great allied powers continued their attempts to induce the king of Prussia to take a share in a combination which they re presented as necessary to his own safety. This prince, how ever, still more jealous of Austria than of France, would not join. in exertions by which he conceived, that if successful, Austria would be ultimately aggrandized : and, if unsuccessful, the disasters would fall upon himself. Against revolutionary doctrines and designs, he thought that the best antidote was to preserve for his people the comforts of peace, which prevented the necessity of oppressive imposts, promoted industry and prosperity, and thereby precluded the most powerful causes of discontent : he therefore persisted in avoiding all interference in the contest. The secondary and other princes of northern Germany were retained in their neutrality by the influence and power of the king of Prussia. The elector of Bavaria and the duke of Wirtemberg, respectively engaged to furnish ten thousand and six thousand men, for which they were to be sub sidized by England. From this time, it is believed, that a difference subsisted be tween the courts of Vienna and Petersburgh concerning farther operations. The Austrians, considering their acquisitions as ends, wished to preserve what they had obtained.!1 The Rus sians, regarding their conquests merely as means of re-establish- h Annual Register, 1799.- chap. xv. 662 HISTORY OF THE LHVP" 'n= t'le ^ouse Dr" Bourbon, desired to pursue the successful ca^ reer. Britain, without avowing the same object as Russia, 1799 agreed in her policy, and was anxious to press as extensively and effectually as possible upon France. This diversity of views and schemes between the two imperial courts soon mani fested itself in the belligerent operations. The French srovernment, in order to preserve Switzerland, proposed to create a diversion on the western borders of Ger many, and the execution of this project was the object of the army which Moreau was called from Italy to command. In consequence of this project, a powerful host of republicans, passing the Rhine, invaded Germany near the end of August, and entering Suabia, levied various contributions. About this time, general Korsakow arrived in Switzerland, with a great bod^'of Russians; and Suwarrow, after his signal victories in Italy, was advancing to the same quarter. The Russian gene ral had expected that the archduke Charles was in Switzerland, to co-operate with his efforts ; but that prince, when the re publicans entered the empire, marched towards the Lower Rhine, in order to repress the incursion of the French ; and the defence of Switzerland was now chiefly left to the Russians. The force of the allies being so much weakened by the depar ture of the archduke, Korsakow, and Horze (left commander of the Austrians in Switzerland), contracted their plan of offen sive operations. It was now projected merely to recover the possessions of the small cantons, and compel Massena to retire to the Aar. Korsakow had several obstinate, conflicts with the republicans, with various success ; but in the course of the battles, the French had acted wilh so much skill in the ma nagement of their positioi.s, that the Russians, when they were apparently victorious by their intrepid and impetuous valour, were really surrounded from the masterly skill of their antago- Ma'sena nists. At Zurich. Korsakow was encompassed on all sides; bej-i'sto and Massena, knowing: the terrible prowess of the Russian sol- aHahi of diers, endeavoured toprofitby the advantage which he had zain- ibe ed, without drivingthem to desperation. He had it in his power n to intercept their retreat, but not wilh a force sufficient to over come them, if driven to extremity ; he therefore left, by the road to Winterlhur. one outlet unobstrne'ed. Meanwhile he offere'l to Korsakow a capitulm ion, by which he might quietly retreat to the Rhine ; but this proDOsal was totally disregarded. Konakow began his retreat by the outlet left for him ; and Massena, wilh much pleasure, permitted his departure without attempting any obstruction. The Russian, however, having merely b'-^un his march in the undisputed course, suddenly took a different direction, and attacked a great body of the re publicans who were advantageously posted on heights that com- wauoed the road. The French, though they had not expected nn attack, yet soon prepared themselves for skilful resistance. They suffered the Russians to approach, and then opened a Reign of george ni. m Iremendous fire of musketry and artillery. The Russians ' '1AP fought with astonishing courage, but without concert and de sign, and were therefore totally unequal to the valour, skill, and ^Z^*~ ability of their adversaries. Overwhelmed along the whole of ctcrCills ' their coluinn by the grape shot ofthe French, whose flying Korsakow artillery operated on this occasion with terrible effect, they the R"s"an rushed repeatedly with fixed bayonets on the enemy: and6 forced them, for some moments, to give way. But, as the pro digies of valour performed by the Russian infantry, neither were, nor indeed could be, turned to any account by the supe rior officers, in their present circumstances, they served only to render the defeat more complete, as well as sanguinary. Ge neral Korsakow, with the remains of his army, forced forward and passed the Rhine. Such was the situation of affairs when Suwan-ow marshal Suwarrow arrived in Switzerland, in the month of marches September. The Russian general having successfully executed zeP"an)i' his march into Switzerland, expected a very powerful co-opera tion, which would enable him to be equally successful as he had been in Italy. Not apprized of the circumstances which had compelled the retreat of Korsakow, he fully relied on the aid of that general, as well as of the Austrians ; and in that confidence advanced into the country which was now possessed by the enemy. But, on penetrating into Switzerland, he found not properly that his countrymen were departed, and that he had very little hyThc au- ccroperation to expect from the Austrians. He was now oblig- strians, he ed to act on the defensive, and to retreat towards the -Rhine.- relire* Korsakow, rallying his troops, reCrossed the river to support his Germain-. countrymen ; and various bloody engagements took place be tween the Russians and republicans. Suwarrow, though com pelled to retire, never suffered a defeat ; and at last, in October, seeing no assistance from the Austrians, passed the Rhine. Prince Charles having deemed it necessary, instead of co operating with the Russian generals, to march into Suabia, there had to encounter the French army. After various and indecisive operations, he was informed ofthe misfortunes in Switzerland, and departed towards Suwarrow. Between the army which he left, and the republicans, repeated conflicts took place, without any important event ; and the French re passed the Rhine : and thus the Rhine from its source to the ocean, again became the boundary of the republic. The departure of the archduke for Suabia was, by military critics, deemed unnecessary, as a detachment might have sufficed. This movement, however, was not imputed to an error of the commander, but to political jealousy of the cabinet. The event of the campaign in Italy was favourable to the allies ; but in Switzerland they lost in the end the advantages of the begin ning; and besides the causes and circumstances ofthe discom fiture, tended to break the combination through which only ihey could succeed against France. Paul, about this lime, publish ed a manifesto, declaring his intention to restore the ancient Q64 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, government of France, and to replace afl the conquests of the 11X1 republic on the footing which they were on before the war. If >-^~v~*'-' tbe German princes would co-operate with him, he would ex- *799' ert his whole strength by sea and land : bat if they withheld their assistance, he would withdraw his forces-' "The British While the allies were thus engaged in endeavouring' to make fleets block an impression upon France, Britain undertook an expedition *iYrl£T* to detach the Batavian republic from its connexion with the Spain, aid French : and to extricate her ancient ally from that domination H>i^.cd. which she naturally supposed a great portion of the inhabitant* to bear only from necessity. The efforts of our illustrious com manders, in the two preceding' years, had so reduced the mari time strength of France and her dependencies, that though both Spain and she had a great number of ships, they bad no efficient naval force : and their harbocrs, daring 1799, were under a state of blockade. Eroedjiion Thus free from the apprehensions of maritime interruption ©f the duke or invasion, government determined to send a powerful arroa- ^\I-'TKU> ment to Holland. The chief command was conferred on the dnke of York : the land force was to consist of about thirty thousand men, including a r-odv of Russian auxiliaries. On tbe ISth of August, sir Ralph Abercrombie set sail from Deal with the first part of the army, and a fleet commanded by rear-ad miral Mitchel, joining lord Duncan in the north seas, on the 21st they came in sight of the Dutch coast ; but from weather ex tremely boisterous. notwithstz.Tdioj the season of the year, j .. could not attempt to land till the *7\h . Admiral Mitchel, with badai ihe very great skill and abihty, covered the landing of tbe troops, Helder. which sir Ralph superintended with equal intrepidity and vi gour. Inspired by mutual confidence, sameness of wish, and a thorough reliance on the courage, professional knowledge, and wisdom of their respective leaders, both the army and the BaitJe and navy acted with the mc st perfect unanimity. ; Tbe enemy post-' nctsry. ed at theflelder, had made a vigorous opposition to our troops ; bnt were entirely defeated : and some days afterwards, tbe Dutch fleet Dutch fleet in tbe Texel surrendered to admiral Mitche!. From &JTeoderi this lime to the ISth of September, the rest ofthe British forces. together wilh the Russians, arrived: and his royal highness hav ing that day joined the army, found himself at the head of Briiifh thirty thousand men.1 The prince resolved on a general at- t«»:«af- tack; and on tbe 19th, advanced with his army, extending in Aiu^a^. four columns from the right to the let"'., towards the ene- Ba:Ce of my, who were posted at Alkmaer. The column to the ex- September tremity of the right, consisted chiefly of the Russian^, in twelve i See Su:e Papers, Pad's deriaraiios, Septexri:«r 15_, tenant-general De Hermann, and extended to the sand hills on ng9 the coast near the famous Camperdown ; on which heights a column of the enemy was very advantageously posted. The second division, commanded by lieutenant-general Dundas, con sisted of two squadrons of the eleventh light dragoons, two bri gades of foot guards, and major-general his highness prince William's brigade. Its object was to force the enemy's posi tion at Walmen-huysen and Schoreldam, and to co-operate with the column under lieutenant-general De Hermann. The third column, commanded by lieutenant-general iir James Pulteney, consisted of two squadrons of the eleventh light dragoons, ma jor-general Don's brigade, and major-general Coote's brigade. This column was intended to take possession of Ouds Carspel at the head of the Lange dyke, a great road leading to Alk- maer.D> The fourth and left column, nnder the command of lieutenant-general sir Ralph Abercrombie, consisted of two squadrons of the eighteenth light dragoons, major-general the earl of Chatham's brigade, major-gpneral Moore's brigade, major-general the earl of Cavan's brigade, first baltallion of British grenadiers of the line, first baltallion of the light in fantry of the line, and the twenty-third and fifty-fifth regi ments, under colonel Macdonald, and was destined to turn the enemy's right on the Zuyder Zee. To the attainment of these manifold and important objects, the most formidable obstacles presented themselves. To the right, on which side the Russians were to advance, the -country was almost covered with woods, especially near the village of Bergen, where the principal force of the enemy was placed. The Russians, advancing with an intrepidity that overlooked the powerful resistance they were to meet, were, by their impetuous courage, transported beyond the bounds of that order which would have insured safety and success ; and, after a most valiant contest, obliged to retire with considerable loss. Both the second and third columns had also great difficulties to encounter in the deep ditches and canals by which the scene of their operations was intersected. The se cond, under general Dundas, after renewing the battle with promising success, was at length obliged to retire. Lieutenant- general sir James Pulteney, with the third, effected his object in carrying by storm the post of Ouds Carspel at the head of the Lange dyke ; but the disappointment of the right prevent-. ing our army from profiting by this advantage, it became expe dient to withdraw the third column. The same circumstances led to the necessity of recalling the-eorps under lieutenant-ge neral sir Ralph 'Ahererombie, who Had proceeded without in terruption to Hoorn, of which city he had taken possession^to- m See the duke of York's letter to Mr. Dundas, London Gazette extraordinary, September 24th, 1799. VOL. ir. 84 666 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. LXIV. 1799. Battle of Bergen,October -Sd. gether with its garrison. The whole of the array returned td its former position. Autumn 1799 was remarkably rainy, and even tempestuous ; Such weather in a country naturally so wet, and also so intersected by canals and ditches, for some time sus- pendedrthe operations of the British army. On the 2d of Oc tober, the storm having abated, the British army commencedian attack on the whole of the enemy's line. A severe and obsti nate action ensued, which lasted from six in the morning until -the same hour at night. The right wing of the British army was commanded by sir Ralph Abercrombie, the centre division by general Dundas, and the left by major-general Burrard : all of whom eminently distinguished themselves on this day by their cool -courage and excellent conduct.8 The first impression was made on the adverse line by the right wing of our army ; the next by the centre ; and lastly, the left wing also overcame all re sistance. The enemy being entirely defeated, retired in the night from the positions which they had occupied on the Lange dyke, the Koe dyke at Bergen, and on the extensive range of sand hills between this last and Egmont-op-Zee. On the night after the battle, the British troops lay on their arms ; and on the 3d of October moved forwards, and occupied the positions of -Egmont-op-Hoof, Egmont-op-Zee, the Lange dyke, Alkmaer, -nnd Bergen. The enemy's force was computed to be about twenty-five thousand men, of which by far the greater part were French. The duke of York, in the account he gave of the action of the second of October, bestowed warm and liberal praise on the whole army under his command. " Under the Divine " Providence," says his royal highness, " this signal victory ob- " tained over the enemy, is to be ascribed to the animated, and " persevering exertions which have been at all times the cha- ¦" racteristics of the British soldier, and which, on no occasion, ,<( were ever more eminently displayed : nor has it often fallen, to the " lot of any general to have such just cause of acknowledge- " ment for distinguished support. I cannot in sufficient terms " express the obligations I owe to general sir Ralph Abercrom- " bie and lieutenant-general Dundas, for the able manner in " which they conducted their respective columns ; whose suo " cess is in no small degree to be attributed to their personal " exertions and example : the former had two horses shot un- " der him." Very distinguished praise is also bestowed by his highness on colonel Macdonald, lord Paget, major-general Coote, general sir James Pulteney, and many other officers. The loss sustained by the enemy exceeded four thousand men killed, about three hundred prisoners, seven pieces of cannon, and a great many tumbrils. But the victory obtained by the British army was dearly, purchased by the loss of about fifteen hun- n See letter ofthe duke of Tork to Mr. Dundas, London Gazette extraordina ry, October 24th, 1799. REIGN OF GEORGE 111. «W dred men killed and wounded." The exhausted state of the c{**£ troops, from the vast difficulties and fatigues they had to ^^^^ encounter, prevented the British commander from taking that im advantage of the enemy's retreat, which, in any other country, and under any other circumstances, would have been the con sequence of the operations of the 2d of October. The French general having taken post at the narrow isth mus between Beverwick and the Zuyder Zee, the duke of York. determined, if possible, to force him from thence, before he should have an opportunity of strengthening by works the short and very defenceless line which he occupied ; and to oblige him still further to retire, before he could be joined by the re-enforcements which he was informed were upon their march. Preparatively, therefore, to a general and forward movement, he ordered the advanced posts which the army had taken on the 3d, in front of Alkmaer and the other places al ready mentioned, to be pushed forward ; which was done ac cordingly on the 4th. At first, little opposition was shown,. and the British succeeded in taking possession of the villages of Schermerhoorn, Archer Sloot, Limnen, Baccum, and of a position on the sand hills near Wyck-op-Zee. The column, Battle^ of consisting of the Russian troops, under the command of major lmne general D'Essen, attempted to gain a height in front of their intended advanced post at Baccum which was material to the security of that point; but was vigorously opposed by a strong body of the enemy, which obliged sir Ralph Abercrombie to move up for the support of that column with the reserve of his corps. The enemy, on their part, advanced their whole force: the action became general along the line from Limnen to the sea, and was maintained on both sides until riight, when the Batavian and French army retired, leaving the British mas ters of the field of battle. This conflict was as severe as any of those that had been fought since the arrival of our troops in Holland ; and, in proportion to the numbers engaged, at tended with as great a loss. Of the British 600 were killed or wounded ; of the Russians, not less than 1200. The loss of the enemy was also very great, in the killed, wounded, and prisoners which fell into our hands to the number of 500. The post to which the British army directed its march was Haer- lem; but intelligence was received from the prisoners taken in this action, that the enemy, who had been just re-enforced by 6000 infantry, had strengthened the position of Beverwick, and thrown up very strong works in its rear; and farther, that they had stationed a large force at Parm-irind, in an almost inacces sible position, covered by an inundated country; the debouches from which were strongly fortified, and in the hands of the ene my ; and farther still, that, as our army advanced, this corps o Among tbe wounded was the brave and accomplished marquis of Huntley ; who for many months suffered very severely, but at length recovered. 668 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. was placecl ;n our rear. Informed of all these circumstances, the British commander naturally paused. The obstacles here v^7^^' enumerated might have been overcome by the persevering cou rage of the troops under his command, had not the state Of the weather, the ruined condition of the roads, and the total want of the necessary supplies, arising from the above causes, pre sented additional difficulties which demanded the most serious consideration. From the people, instead of co-operation, he experienced hostility ; indeed, if they had been disposed^- of which they manifested no appearance, fear of the French re publicans would have impelled Ihem to distress the British troops. The duke of York, therefore, having maturely weigh ed the situation in which the army under his command was thus placed, thought it adviseahle, with the concurrence of ge- The British neral Abercrombie and the lieutenant-generals of the army, to troops fall withdraw the troops from this advanced position, and fall back' back to Shagenbrug. There the enemy- harassed our line of defence by daily, though partial attacks ; the most serious of which was made by general Daendels in person. That general, on the 10th of October, assaulted the right wing ofthe British forces, upon an advanced post near Winckle, under the com mand of prince William of Gloucester ; and with six thousand men and six pieces of cannon, endeavoured to force this post by every exertion. To resist this formidable attack, the prince had only twelve hundred men, and two pieces of cannon ; yet he obliged the Dutch general to retreat, with the loss of two hundred men killed, and one French general. But general Daendels being almost immediately re-enforced by four thou sand Dutch troops, the prince of Gloucester was under the necessity of falling back to Cohorn. The loss of the English in this action did not exceed three killed and about twelve wounded. The prince, during the action, had his horse shot under him ; but he received no injury himself, though exposed to the greatest personal danger, under a heavy fire, being fre quently in the front of the line, animating the exertion of his troops by his example. Indecisive r^ne efforts of our marine, under the conduct of admiral surce«es in Mitchel, in the Zuyder Zee, and on the other parts of the coast, the Zuyder were continued, amidst these transactions on land, with una bated activity. Many gunboats, and several light ships of war, were taken from the enemy ; and an attack that, on the 1 1 th of October, they made on the town of Lemmer, which had come into our possession, as above related, was gallantly repulsed by the British sailors and marines, under the com mand of captain Boorder of the Wolverene bombship. Difficult On considering the various obstacles to his-* expedition, the situation of duke of York despatched his secretary, colonel Brownrig, to e army. Lonf]on, in order to give a circumstantial account of the state of affairs in Holland, and to receive his majesty's farther in structions. The colonel soon returned to the army, with or- REIGN OF GEORGE III. 669 ders for the immediate evacuation of Holland. Transports ^"fv" were sent for this purpose, and works were thrown up on thc S^^-J. commanding heights of Keckdown, to cover the embarkation 179g of our troops. On the 17th of October, a suspension of arms suspension in Holland was agreed on between the captain-general of the of arms. English and Russian army, on the one part, and the general's Brune and Daendels on the other. .It was stipulated by the parties, that all prisoners should be given up on both sides, those on parole, as well as others. It was further stipulated, as the price of permission to the British troops to re-embark on board their transports without molestation, that eight thousand of the seamen, whether Batavian republicans or French, who were prisoners in England, should be given up to the French government. The combined English and Russian army was to evacuate Holland before the end of November. No time British was lost in the, embarkation of the British and Russian troops; troops witu- and, together with these, a great number of Dutch royalists, h*^,^01" to the amount of near two thousand, came to England. The Russians were quartered In Jersey and Guernsey. The efforts of the British nation, in the contests with the Batavian republic, were, as usually in the history of Britain, more successful at sea than on land ; and not only in the north ern sea, but beyond the Atlantic* The rich colony of Suri- capture of nam, in which there is so striking an assemblage of luxuriancy Surinam. of soil, accumulation of riches, and luxury of manners, was added to our colonial possessions.? < This Dutch settlement Voluntarily surrendered August 20th, to lord Hugh Seymour, commanderin chief of his majesty's land and sea forces in the Leeward and Windward Caribbee Islands, who conducted against it a small squadron of ships, with troops collected front Grenada and St. Lucie. The principal articles of the capitu lation were nearly the same that, in an earlier period of the war, had been granted to French islands. The inhabitants were to enjoy full security to their persons, and the free exer cise of their religion, with the -immediate and entire possession of their private property, whether on shore or afloat. All ships of war, artillery,' provisions, and stores in the public magazines and warehouses, as villas the effects of every de scription, belonging to the pubL , were to be given up to his Britannic majesty, in the state they then were ; regular lists being taken by officers appointed for this purpose by each of the contracting parties. In case the colony of Surinam should remain in the possession of his Britannic majesty, at the con clusion of a general peace, it should enjoy every right and every commercial privilege enjoyed by the British colonies in the West Indies. )t The troops then in Surinam, as well as the officers belonging lo the different corps serving under its pre sent government, should have it in their option to enter into his p See London Gazette, October 15th, 1799. 670 HISTORY OF THE tv/h?*' Britannic majesty's service, on the same footing, with respect to appointments and pay, as the rest of his army, provided that V^J^*' they took the oath of fidelity and allegiance ' to his majesty, which they would be required to take. Short meet- The situation of affairs on the continent, and the part which of pariia- tjje Britjsn government had undertaken to act in the confedera- ment m . » September, tion against the French republic, caused a short meeting of parliament, at so early a season as the month of September- The object of this extraordinary convocation was to pass a law for extending the voluntary service of the militia, while the regular forces were employed on the expedition ; and also to vote some pecuniary supplies on account of the unforeseen expenses. The projected bill respecting the militia, permitted three-fifths of that body to enlist into such corps of regulars as his majesty should appoint ; each volunteer to receive ten guineas, to serve in Europe only, and to continue attached to the corps in which he first entered. If companies (not less than eighty privates) should volunteer together, they might continue to form the same corps, and either to be joined into separate battallions; or if their number did not admit of sucb an ar rangement, they were to be attached to regular regiments. Every officer belonging to such a company of militia should have temporary rank in the regulars equal to that which he had before held; if the corps was reduced, he should enjoy either half-pay, or permanent military rank, and full pay like any military officer. The bill, being accompanied with numerous regulations concerning the mode of its execution, underwent considerable opposition, as tending to diminish by donative the constitutional and patriotic force of the militia, and to increase the standing army dependent on the crown. The object of Mr. Pitt had uniformly been (his opponents said) to extend the influence and authority of the monarchical branch of the con stitution beyond its due and salutary bounds. His system of policy, in order to effect this general end, had been to propose some special or temporary evil to be removed, or good to be at tained, from the restriction of popular privileges, and the en largement of kingly force. The pretext for suspending the habeas corpus was the existence of a conspiracy ; as if a con spiracy, if it had really existed, might not have been discovered and crushed by the constitutional laws of the land. The pre text for extending the laws of treason, and controling popular assemblies, was the existence of seditious meetings and rebel lious designs, The pretended causes had totally ceased, but the laws, so conducive to the real purpose of ministers still con tinued. The ostensible reason for alluring the militia to be come soldiers was, to give effect to our military operations abroad; the real intention was, at once to increase the stand ing army and ministerial patronage. These objections, though strongly urged, were, by a great majority ofthe house, deemed futile : and the bill was passed into a law. The supplies REJGN OF GEORGE m. 67* grantftd at present amounted to between six and seven millions, CH 4P, iucluding two million live hundred thousand to be raised by ex chequer bills. Bills were also passed for granting relief to V-^J^"' West India merchants, and for supporting commercial credit. >H)»pReL Those were the chief acts of this short session, which lasted Parliament only from the twenty-fourth of September, till the twelfth of J^11*" October. 672 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. LXV. Ultimate purpose of the Freneh expedition to Egypt— their views concerning India. — Tippoo Sultan recovers a considerable part of his former strength- forms a new confederacy for driving the English from India — his schemes are discovered, and he is admonished by the British government to relinquish his projects — disregards the admonition — British armies from Ihe two coasts ti-ke the field- Tippoo retires into Seringapatam— British army storm that city— death of Tippoo, and reduction of Mysore — humane and wise policy of the Bn ish governor. — Proceedings in Egypt — situation of Bonaparte after the battle of Aboukir— -difficulties with which he had to contend— exercise his extraordinary genius — military progress — battle of the pyramids — headdresses the passions and prejudices of the Egyptians — he promises the French will protect them from the Mamalukes — he professes a respect for the Mahomedan faith — plan of Bonaparte to amalgamate (he prejudices of the Mahomedans with the preten sions of the French — his undertaking more difficult than the undertaking of Mahomet. — Civil and political administration — his innovations are disregard- " ed by many of the Egyptians — discontents — are quelled — Bonaparte proposes to march into Syria — object of this design — march and progress of the French army — Bonaparte defeats the Syrians — captures Joppa— advances* towards Acre — state and importance of that fortress — situation — the French army invests the city — sir Sidney Smith, with a British squadron, arrives at Acre — captures a French Hoiilla — he perceives the importance of here repres sing the progress of the French — his masterly view ofthe situation of affairs his first purpose to inspirit the Turks — he diffuses moral energy into then- physical strength — the French effect breaches in the wall — assaults on the town — inspirited and headed by the English, the Tucks repel the attack — . grand assault by the French — Smith employs his sailors as soldiers— effica cious efforts and example of Ihis heroic band — the French are entirely van quished — retreat from Acre— Bonaparte returns to Egypt — the Turks send an army to Aboukir, but are defeated — measures of Bonaparte for the improve ment of Egypt. . CHAP. LXV. 1799. Ultimate purpose of the French expeditionto Egypt ; concerningIndia . THE contest between the French republic and Britain and her allies was not confined to Europe and the contermi nous ocean, but extended in a diagonal line to India and its environs. The grand object of the expedition from Toulon was to give a fatal blow to the commercial and maritime great ness of England. Among the various measures pursued, or suggested for this end, none seemed to the French more ef fectual for the execution of their designs, than the formation of alliances with the native powers of India. Greatly as Tip poo Sultan had been reduced in the war with lord Cornwallis, he had not been entirely subdued. His ambition, 'though so severely repressed, was not totally crushed ; and he still che rished hopes of ultimately succeeding in its gratification. The humiliating conditions to which he had been obliged to" submit, inflamed his pride to resentment and revenge, and co-operated REIGN OF GEORGE III. 673 with-ijislove of power to stimulate hostility against England. ^^p' He watchfully observed every circumstance in the politics of Asia, or of Europe, which might be improved into the means ^^^ pf humbling the British power in India. Like the Carthage- nians, after the signal overthrow that closed their second war with the Romans, though compelled to deliver hostages, to pay a tribute, to confine themselves within much narrower limits than they possessed at the beginning of the war, instead of succumbing under misfortune, he employed peace in reco vering his strength aud improving his resources. It is custo mary for the princes of Hindostan, according to their faculties and views, to entertain different portions of European troops, for the purpose of training, animating, and conducting their own people in wars with their neighbours; in much the same manner that the different princes and states of Italy, enerva ted after a lapse of time since the irruption of their ancestors from the north, by a delicious climate and exuberant soil, were wont to retain leaders of bands,i with their followers, from the hardy regions beyond the Alpine mountains. Tippoo, very Tippoo soon after the pacification of 1792, began to increase his Euro- s"jjan re" pean military establishment. All European adventurers, espe- ^sidera- eially the French, found ready admittance into his service, and ble pan of as much encouragement as can be given under a despotic form n'8 foI™<* of government. The common enmity ofthe sultan and theslreng"' French to the British nation, formed a kind of tacit alliance between those two powers, and a predisposition to define and ratify it by express stipulation, whenever an opportunity should be presented iu the vicissitudes of Asia and of Europe. The preponderating power of Great Britain at sea, and h«-r domi nion in the east, by the cession of Mysorean territory at once more extended and compacted than ever, suppressed the hostile emotions and intentions that burned within the bosom of Tip poo Sultan, though naturally daring and impetuous, until the Unparalleled successes of the tremendous Bonaparte in Italy, and on the southern frontiers of the Austrian dominions, en couraged him to take some steps towards a formal confederation with the French against the English. The expanded genius Forms a of Bonaparte, seeking physical and moral instruments wherever.new con- they could be found, immediately, in the power and hatred of JJ^f8;^ Tippoo, perceived an engine and springs which might be di- the English. rected with effect against the commercial and maritime great- from India- ness of a nation, in enmity so formidable to the French repub lic ; nor was he slow in setting it in motion. Having corre sponded with the French general, Tippoo renewed his hopes And expectations of bein 674 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. LXV. 1799. Hisschemes are disco vered, and he is ad monishedby the Bri tish gov ernment to relinquishhis pro ject : disregardsthe aamo- Mahrattas, he had carried his plans of alliance to more distant powers, nnd projected an invasion from the northern kingdoms of Candahar nnd Cnbul, exlensive and populous countries situated between the river Indus and the southern extremities of the Caspian sea, and between the eastern confines of Persia, and great Bucharia or the country of the Usbeck Tartars; in cluding, besides, Lahore, land the celebrated province of Cache- mire, and governed by Zemaun Shah, a prince of great abili ties.1' Iu the mean time, Tippoo, while augmenting bis whole army, laboured to increase the army of the Nizam of the. Decan, though the ally of the English. A scheme was conL certed between the sultan and certain French oflieers, for gra- dunlly raising the European force in the army of that prince above his control, and for bringing over to the side of the. Mysoreans, this force, together with as many of the native troops as might be induced, according to the manner of the Asiatics, to join the party prevailing at the moment. The natural indolence of eastern sovereigns, acting in every thing by delegation, and the mode of subsisting the army by allot ments of land, and not by the disbursement of money from a treasury under their own inspection, conspired to facilitate con spiracy ; and above 10,000 Europeans, French, and others, were incorporated, and began to take the lead in the army- of the Nizam, when this circumstance was discovered to lord Hobart, governor of Madras, by colonel ilalcot, an officer com manding the military force in one ofthe company's establish ments, in the north western parts ofthe presidency of Madras. fn the mean time, two events happened, which contributed to disconcert the schemes of the confederacy between Tippoo and the French arms, against the British power in India. The dismission of the French faction from the Nizam's army, was happily accomplished at Hydrabad, and a new subsidiary treaty ratified with that prince : and a decisive and glorious victory had been obtained by the English over a French fleet on the coast of Egypt. The governor-general had discovered the machinations of Tippoo, and notified to the sultan that he was acquainted with his intercourse with the French nation. He mentioned the success of the British fleet against the French in Egypt, the re vival of our defensive alliance with the Nizam, and the destruc tion ofthe French influence in the Decan : he farther intimated the military preparations of the British on both coasts, and he admonished him ofthe danger which would accrue from pro ceeding in his hostile schemes. Tippoo professed to negotiate, rmt was really persevering in warlike preparations. The go vernor-general made repeated efforts to preserve peace, but finding his endeavours unavailing, determined to commence thc r Annual Register, 1799, chap. iv. REIGN OF GEORGE III. fiT* war as effectually as possible.' Lord Mornington ordered two c^^- armies from the coasts of Malabar and Coromandel, command- ^_^v/^_, ed respectively by generals Stewart and Harris, to meet in My- 17g9 sore. The Nizam's army took the field, and made the proper dispositions for forming a junction with that of Madras : this army consisted of six thousand native forces, nearly an equal number of the company's troops, subsidized by his highness, and a great body of cavalry ; it then joined ihat of Madras un der major-general Harris, about twenty-four thousand strong, which entered the Mysore country on the fifth of May, with or ders to proceed immediately to Seringapatam. In the mean B"tisJ? ar- tirae, the Mabrbar army equipped and put in motion with equal lhgtwo promptitude and judgment under general Stewart, on the 1st coasts take of February, marched from Cannanore, and ascended thethefield- lessin!;'tlie the other, would, he saw, depend on events : if Bonaparte after fi™^f^,"[, such signal successes in Egypt, were to continue in his course of advancing conquest, the Asiatics, deeming him invincible, would desist from farther opposition, and many of them would even join the French invaders, in the hopes of plunder. If, on the other hand, he were repelled, the Asiatics would unite with their enraged mahomedan brethren in harassing and an noying the subduer of mussulmen. The physical force of theHismns- Syrians, and their auxiliaries from Egypt and Arabia, was very terl.v vi considerable ; but their intellectual and moral energies were by °i01'h0efs' no means equal to the French. Both France and Britain knew affairs well, from the experience of India, that mahomedan valour, di rected, methodized, and fortified by christian genius and skill, formed very efficacious troops. Smith was fully convinced that lew iUKU> 684 HISTORY OF THE Clxv' t'ie s0'mers °f western Asia were naturally as brave as those of eastern ; and considered how their courage and prowess .„„ could be most speedily animated and directed to effectual ac- His first lion. The time did not admit of that regular and systematic purpose lo discipline which assimilates sepoys to British soldiers ; it was Turks" 'he necessary not only to stimulate exertion, but to prompt such speedy effort as would immediately influence Asiatic opinion : the first and grand object of Smith's comprehensive mind, was to infuse into the strength and courage of the Turkish soldiers, the energies of a British soul ; by a kind of mental alchemy to transmute gross metal into the purest and most valuable. This was. the great principle of sir Sidney Smith's policy: he sought to give unity of wish and pursuit to very great diversity of sentiment, prejudice, and views ; to make the mamalukes of Egypt, the Turks of Syria, the bedouins of Arabia, and the christians of Palestine, unite as instruments in the hands of En- He diffuses glishmen, for opposing the French. In moral artillery, so suc- energy into cessfully as we have seen prepared and employed by the French their pby- commander, the British officer also shewed himself supremely s'cal , conversant. He found that different as the various tribes were from one another, and immensely different as they all were from Englishmen, there were some principles which they had in common. They all regarded religion, their property, and their independence. Sir Sidney Smith very ably and eloquently called on believers to unite against infidels, on all who valued thpir own effects, their own country, families, and the govern ment which was most consonant with their habits and senti ments, to combine against systematic plunderers, invaders, and revolutionizers. These representations being strongly urged in all the cities and provinces of the neighbourhood, made a very powerful impression, and great bodies of natives were ex cited to approach to Acre. But Bonaparte so posted his troops as to render the arrival of succours by land very difficult. The English commander therefore, while by his political negotia tions, stirring up armies of Asiatics against the French, was obliged lo form his military plans from the garrison that was already at Acre : the co-operation of the Asiatics without would depend upon the effects of the efforts within. Bonaparte pressed the siege with his usual vigour and skill. The figure of Acre is rectangular, having the sea on the west and south sides. Though Bonaparte had approached from the south by mount Carmel, which is washed by the bay, he had carried on the siege on the north and east sides, both to inter cept the Syrian army from the country, ^and to be as much as The possible out of the reach of thc British ships. On the 3d of French April, having effected a breach in the wall on the northeast part bfe^ches in of the town, he attempted to take it by assault, but was vigor- thewafl. ously repulsed with very great loss. The British commander Assaults on made dispositions for a sortie, to be executed under the orders t,etown. 0f colonel Douglas, and thc direction of colonel Philipeaux. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 685 On the 7th of April it was proposed that the British marines c£ff- and seamen should force their way into a mine which the ^^s^s French were forming towards a tower thnt protected the north- l1g9 east angle of the wall ; while the Turks should attack the ene my's trenches on the right and left. The British seamen suc ceeded in destroying all that part of the enemy's preparations ; and great numbers ofthe French were slain. But a much inspirited more important advantage was attained than even the destruc- ™ lh^F^';d lion of the work : the example of the British forces inspirited Kiuh, the the Turks to the most determined and resolute efforts : they Turk* repei were filled with admiration of their valiant defenders, andueultux: ' wished to vie with them in prowess and skill. Bonaparte, meanwhile, was successfully engaged in repelling the approaches of the Syrian army, and his generals, Kleber and Murat gained repeated viotories in Syria ; while he himself continued before Acre. During the month of April, various sorties were made, in which the garrison was generally successful. In the begin ning of May, a fleet of transports appeared in the road of Acre, bringing a strong re-enforcement of troops, commanded by Hassan bey. Bonaparte determined on a vigorous assault Grand as- before those troops should be disembarked. The constant fire p"'^ thc of the besiegers was suddenly increased ten fold, and they had raised epaulemerits which shielded them from the fire of the British ships. Several batteries, managed by sailors, were planted on shore, which, added to the Turkish musketry, did great execution. Still, however, the enemy gained ground^ and made a lodgment in the second story of the northeast tower. The upper part being entirely battered down, and tho ruins in the ditch forming the ascent by which they mounted : day-light showed the French standard on the outer angle ofthe town. The fire of the besieged was much slackened in com parison to that ofthe besiegers, and the British flanking fire was become of less effect, the enemy having covered them selves in this lodgment, and the approach to it by two tra verses across the ditch. Hassan bey's troops were in the boats, though as yet but half way to shore. This was a most critical point of the contest, and an effort was necessary to preserve the place lor a short time till their arrival. Here the genius of Smil11 0,m- sir Sidney Smith, in the midst of danger and alarm, retaining ftl ''Is- t i t/* * ¦ olil lul 5 1116 the completest self possession and a thorough command of all soldier*. his faculties, devised one of those happy movements -which have frequently decided the fate of battles, and even of nations : he landed his crew at the mole, and, arming them with pikes, led them, to the breach, where the Turks, having made a very brave resistance, were fast becoming feeble and hopeless, and many of them, in despair, were leaving the conflict ; when the sight of such a re-enforcement re-animated their valour and in spirited the most astonishing efforts. The grateful acclamations of the Asiatics, men, women, and children, went feelingly home €86 HISTORY OF THE ' siege of Acre, after having lasted sixty-four days. The garri* son consisting originally of undisciplined troops, and possessing 17qq scarcely any artillery, must have soon fallen before the repub lican host, if the brave bands of England, with a Douglas and a Smith, had not intervened. But it was not merely the physi cal force, not exceeding fifteen hundred men, that could com bat the Gallic multitudes of victorious veterans, so command-1 ed ; it was the energy which their example infused into the Asiatic defenders,- that foiled the enemy. By this successful defence of Acre, it is morally certain that the able and heroic Smith saved the rich provinces and cities of Asiatic, and even European Turkey, from becoming a prey to the French re public ; swelling the possessions of our enemy, already so- enormous, with the addition of territory and its spoils, that would have afforded the means of farther aggrandizement and spoliation, dangerous to every other country. As sir Sidney Smith first showed that even Bonaparte was not invincible by ENGLISHMEN, he first effectually repressed Gallic schemes of boundless ambition, which invaded, revolutionized, and de spoiled unoffending nations. Such must impartial history trans mit to posterity, sir Sidney Smith, the defender of Acre, and the repeller of Bonaparte. Bonaparte, in the end of June, after being much harassed by The Turks the Asiatics in his retreat, arrived at Cairo. The successes of send on t[]e Turks, in defensive operations, encouraged them to attempt Aboukir, a plan of offence for the recovery of Egypt; and a considera- but are de- ble Turkish army landed at Aboukir. Bonaparte being at • Cairo, informed of the arrival of this armament, after making proper dispositions for the defence and peace of Upper Egypt and Cairo, and for preserving a communication with both, inarched to Alexandria; thence he proceeded to Aboukir, where the Turks were posted. On the 25th of July a battle was fought, in which, as thc French veterans had only to con tend with undisciplined Ottomans, they gained a signal victory. Measures of The Turks immediately left Egypt, and Bonaparte returned to Bonaparte civ;i arrangements. Having repelled this invasion, and also 1 1_ crushed several attempts of the mamalukes, he, during the rest of his stay, devoted his attention to the internal state of the country, natural, civil, and political; and to devising im provements. He was ardently desirous to promote the interests of literature and science, and to bring every kind of intellec tual ability into efficient action. With this view the learned men, whom he took with him to Egypt, were employed in de termining latitudes; examining the state, and taking the sur veys of canals and lakes ; in repairing canals ;m in examining and describing plants and animals, in mineralogical researches; and, what isnearly connected with these, chymical experiments; ih making observations, geological, nosological, and meteorolo- provementof Egypt. ,m See Deaon, passim. 17?9. REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 689 gical ; in drawing plans of towns, edifices, and various monu- ? ™P- ments of antiquity ; in improving agriculture : in erecting a _ _ chymical laboratory, founderies, windmills, and other useful works. Bonaparte formed a library, and an institution for pro moting art, science, and philosophy. He also paid particular attention to navigation and commerce. He took a very detail ed survey of the towns, and adjacent coasts, and ordered the construction of certain works for the defence of this important post. For the encouragement of commerce he lowered the duties paid to the bashaws and mamalukes ; and for carriage trust, and emolument, dependent on the chief consul. The abettors of this project enlarged the circle of their com munications, and gained over a considerable number of the council of elders, who either really deemed such a change ne cessary for the suppression of Jacobinical anarchy, or indivi dually hoped for a much larger share of emolument and power, now that the management of the nation was to be contracted into so narrow a circle. Though many were trusted, yet with such discrimination and caution was the confidence imparted, that the secret was kept inviolate, until the moment of intend ed manifestation. Having concerted their plan, the associates with firmness, energy, and consummate ability, carried it into execution. By an article of the constitution of 1795, it was established, that the council of elders might change, whenever they should think proper, the residence of the legislative bo dies; that, in this case, Ihey should appoint a new place and time for the meeting of the two councils; and that, whatever the elders should decree with regard to this point, should be held irrevocable. Paris, where the jacobins were still so nu merous, was not the scene for effecting the change with that ease and tranquillity which the projectors deemed most effec tual to the promotion of their scheme. A majority of the , council of elders were now gained over to their views. A committee of inspectors had been appointed to investigate the conspiracies alleged to be carried on by jacobins. This com mission being in the interests of the associates, represented jacobin conspiracies as about lo burst forth upon Paris. Early in the morning of the 9th of November, they sent letters of convocation to all tbe members of the council of elders, ex cept noted jacobins. The members thus convoked, not in the real secret, were told that a terrible conspiracy of jacobins was preparing, and that the most effectual measures ought to be adopted for averting the danger. Carnot expatiated on the impending mischiefs, and the necessity of speedy and effective measures for deliverance. Regnier adopted the same tenor of reasoning, as to the alarming plols of jacobins, but was more particular nnd specific in recommending the means of delivery. They ought to transport the legislative body to a place near Paris, where they might deliberate safely on the measures ne cessary for the salvation of the country. Bonaparte was ready to undertake the execution of any decree with which he might fbe charged: he, therefore, proposed that the councils should be transferred to St. Cloud; and the motion was carried by a great majority. It was farther moved and resolvedj that this translation should tyke place on the following day ; that Bona parte should be charged with the execution of the decree, and to take the necessary measures for the security of the national representation ; that, for this end, he should be invested with Bonapnrta is invested with the command o the army REfGN OF GEORGE Hi. cm the: general command of every kind of armed force at Paris; ^'f*r- that he should be called into the council' to take the requisite oaths ; and finally, that a message, containing the resolution of ._„„ the council, should be sent to the directory, and to the council of five hundred. An address was voted to the French people, stating, the right Y^'ieT- possessed by the council of ciders, to remove the legislative °aliVebodi' body to St. Cloud, and also the motives which had induced to St. them to use the privilege in the present circumstances." The cloud general avowed object of the council, was to repress the spirit of insubordination, faction, and commotion. The Parisians moved by this address, desirous of peace, and confident iu Bonaparte, waited calmly for the developement of the catas trophe. Bonaparte by the decree of the council invested with irresistible military force, appeared in the hall of the assem bly, accompanied by several generals ; he informed the coun cil that he would execute the decree in his own name, and that of his companions in arms: " assisted (he said) by my brave '*- companions, I will put a stop to the prevailing disturbances : " toe want a republic founded on civil liberty, or a national " representation ; we shall have it — I swear we Shall." The message of the elders being read at the bar of the council of five hundred, the deputies not intrusted with the secret were struck with astonishment, observed silence, and suspend ed all deliberation. Various proclamations were published on the occasion, by the supporters of Bonaparte's schemes : one Bonaparte's of these was by himself addressed to the- army, he therein address to informed the soldiers ofthe command which had been con- lne u"°- ' ferred on him ; inviting them to second'him with their accustom ed courage and firmness, promising them liberty, victory, and peace, and to restore the republic to the rank which two years ago it had held in Europe, and which incapacity and treason had brought to the verge of destruction : he announced to the national guard at Paris, that a new order of things was on the point of being settled ; that the council of elders was going to save the state, and that whoever should oppose their designs, should perish by the bayonets of the soldiers. Still the support ers of the intended revolution endeavoured to represent their project as, the result of rectitude and patriotism; and for' this purpose they employed various engines of conciliation, especially the press." n See Annual Register for T800, p. 14. o On the celebrated 9th of November, a pamphlet was distributed at the door ofthe two councils, entitled, " A Dialogue between a Member of the Council of Elders, and a Member of the Council of Five Hundred." This production was in the usual style of dialogues, written by a party author, beiween a champion of his own side, and of the opposite ; in which the former has ihe argument all his owuway ; or if his shadowy antagonist urges any objections, they are feeble, and easily overcome. Tbe advoeale of the elders endeavours to remove tlTe 696 HISTORY OF THE LXvV Bonaparte sent a considerable force to the council house of v_^_^. the elders ; he himself, with a great number of staff officers 17g9 repaired to the Thuilleries, the approaches to which were shut up from the public ; a strong detachment of cavalry was sta tioned near the hall ofthe council of five hundred : these dif ferent bodies were re-enforced in the morning by additional troops, and particularly by cavalry and artillery : the directo ry were invited to resign, but did not all immediately comply ; the refractory were put under a guard ; the decree was sealed for translating the legislative bodies ; the directorial guard join ed with Bonaparte : the general with an immense militaiy force repaired to St. Cloud, where the assemblies were to meet, under the superintending protection of the general and army. The directors now all resigned their offices ; motions were made for inquiring into the reasons of the translation, but these He enters were immediately overruled. Bonaparte now entered the ofelders"0'' council of elders, and in a speech informed them, that he was come with his brave companions in arms devoted to their ser vice, and to the good of their country ; he was not a Crom well or a Caesar, coming with bands of supporters to establish a military government ; but a friend to freedom aud his coun try, joined with his valiant fellow patriots, who had so often been crowned with signal victory, to save them from intestine destruction : conspiracies werc going forward ; cherished by these, rebellion was again rearing its head ; the nation was. in the most imminent danger; the most vigorous and decisive measures were necessary. The present constitution (he said) has been a pretext for all manner of tyranny : for the preserva tion of the republic it must be completely changed; the con stitution, too often violated, is utterly inadequate to the salva tion of the people : it is indispensably necessary to have recourse to means fitted to carry into execution the sacred principles of the sovereignty of the people, civil liberty, and freedom of speech as of thought, and in a word the realization ef ideas hitherto only chimerical. Some members ofthe couu- scruples and to allay Ihe fears of Ihe other, by observing, that the translation of thc councils wns a constitutional mcusure ; Ihat in Ihe present circumstances, it was necessary to the freedom of deliberation and debate ; that as to ensuring 'the execution of this measure by an armed forco, tlii-. nl?o must be considered as a thing constitutional, or clearly within the powers of ihe council of elders, who, if they could change Ihe residence of thc legislature, must nlso be supposed to possess the means of changing it in peace and safety. I'loir-ciion would be afforded lo liberty and property, the constitution would be restored, the reign of terror and jacobinism would be entirely overthrown. This reasoning convinces the advocate of thc five hundred, but he evpresses his apprehensions from thc interference of Bonaparle. These the other advocate removes by cvpaliating on Bonaparle's character, and quoting Bonaparle 's professions nnd conduct. 11U very acceptance of llie commission which he was called upon to execute, was an Unequivocal proof of his moderation and patriotism, REIGN OF GEORGE III. 601 ctl manifested a spirit of opposition to the general ; but in Lxvf' the council of five hundred, he had to encounter much more ^^J^ serious obstacles than that which he had experienced in the ]7gg elders ; and there was a very general cry of '' support the and is fa. " constitution, no dictators, we are not afraid of bayonets." vourably This last declaration was soon put to the test; while the as-Ji^pp'os. sembly was engaged in debate, the doof opened, Bonaparte ^ jnliie entered, accompanied by a party of grenadiers, while vast niul- council of titudes of soldiers beset the entrance. The assembly was in ("eed\un" an uproar; many called out, " dare armed men enter thelegis-i,ut is'se- « lative assembly of a free people ! down with thc dictator !" '""j}^1^ Many darting from their seats, seized the general by the col- j^™ bety0. lar, and pushed him towards the door; one person aimed a nets. dagger at his breast, which was parried by a grenadier. Gene ral Le Febre now rushed In with a much larger body of sol diers than had at first rescued Bonaparte. The president of the assembly was Lucien Bonaparte, the general's brother : the meeting being in a most violent ferment, the chairman was in imminent danger. Bonaparte himself meanwhile harangued his soldiers, who declared they would stand by him to the last extremity. A party entering the assembly hall, rescued Lucien from the enraged deputies, whom the general described as factious assassins, opposing patriotic efforts for the salvation ofthe republic. The president exhorted the general to deliver iho pani- the representatives of the people from conspirators of their own sans of Bo->, ' number, that they might deliberate peaceably concerning the p^g,* his destiny of the republic. To secure the peaceful exercise Of assistance their legislative functions to patriotic members, application t° cnable. was made to the grenadier guards. The soldiers were -order- libg"ate ed to re-enter the hall ; and.without firing upon the refractory peaceably. members, simply to charge bayonet : they entered according ly with drums beating, and marched up the hall. Before he The grena- .gave the signal for charge, the commanding officer of this diers re~ brigade took the speaker's chair, and first called out, citizens 1rcfl.actory representatives, this place is no longer safe; I invite you to members. withdraw. Plain as this hint was, it did not prove sufficient ; and his next address was still plainer. Representatives, with draw, it is the general's orders. Many of the members con tinuing reluctant, the officer's next address was still shorter, and directed his men to present bayonets; the drums beat to the charge, the house was immediately cleared, or to use a word more historically appropriate, was purged .p The council Dissolution of i Iders now declared that the factious assassins of thc other °a{^ cgl*" house did not deserve the name of representatives ; and there fore that they, the council of elders, were the whole of the national representation. They however invited those in the other council, who had -not opposed their measures, to resume p See colonel Pride's process in the house of commons, under the direction of Oliver Cromwell, voj*. u. 88 W$ HISTORY OF THE LXv/*' tne'r meelmS* Having accordingly met, they jeined in repro bating the factious malignity of their late Jacobinical brethren ; ,_„„ in bestowing the highest praises on the intentions, councils, and efforts of Bonaparte ; and in testifying the warmest gratitude to the officers and soldiers who, by repressing outrageous vio lence, had proved themselves such efficacious friends of mode ration and freedom. They farther declared their resolution to co-operate in the measures of the general and council of -elders for saving the country. In this harmonious disposition of the legislative bodies, was presented the project, of which the outlines are already exhibited : and after some detail of discussions and illustrations, very unanimously adopted. Those members of the lower council, who had so violently opposed the- projectors of the new revolution, were entirely excluded New con- f,.om a seat- i^g SUpreme objects of the new constitution were to be the re-establishment of tranquillity, virtue, prosperi ty, and happiness at home ; and to restore peace with foreign nations. The consuls chosen for executive administration, Bonapane were Ducos and Sieyes, two of the lale directors ; the chief is chosen consul, and supreme executive magistrate, now elected, was chiefconsul. Bonaparte. The first measures of this extraordinary man, now at the head of the French nation, were directed to con ciliation, both domestic and foreign. He had uniformly, when less exalted in station, professed himself determined to bestow peace upon Europe : he regarded the British nation with the warmest admiration of its character, enhanced by the astonishing exertions by which she combated the gigantic efforts of the French republic. He saw it was theinterestof the two chief nations of Offe.rspea.ee the world not to exhaust themselves in unavailing war. The tannic ma- first act °f foreign policy in his consular supremacy was to jesty. bring the two chief nations of thc world to peace. Britain. In Britain, the energy of 1798 had continued through a considerable part of 1799 ; the battle of the Nile re-animating Europe, had encouraged the imperial powers to hostilities. These hostilities had been attended in the first part of the campaign with signal success. The discomfiture of Jourdain in Germany, and the expulsion of the French from Italy, was imputed to the spirit and contributions of Britain, as the ulti mate cause and means of the operations. The retreat of Bo naparte from the siege of a fortress, which Englishmen under took to defend, being his first failure in any military attempt, added to the national exultation. He thai had conquered all with whom he contended, from Britons only found he was not invincible. It was not doubted but Britain and her allies would now succeed in repressing the ambition of France, driving her back within her ancient limits, and permanently securing her neighbours from future encroachments. Those who considered the restoration of the Bourbon family as ne- cestar} to re-establish in France, and maintain in other coun tries, religion, justice, property, and social order, trusted that^ REIGN OF OEORGE III. 699' nnder Providence, the Russians, wisely seconded and supported, ^Qvi' would recall civilization and humanity to France, and prove ^l^J^ the saviours of Europe from the barbarizing doctrines and con- ng9 duct of the republicans. Not those only who considered the revival of French monarchy as indispensably necessary to the safety of Britain, but the greatest number of the more moderate supporters of thc war, expected the campaign of 1799 would be decisively successful. The formidable armament prepared against Holland added to the general hopes. It was confi dently expected that such a force, co-operating with the multi tudes reported and supposed to be inimical to French supre macy, would recover the united Netherlands, and even co operate with the archduke in regaining Belgium. The failure Gloomy of this expedition was a gloomy disappointment. By far the ProsPect' greater majority, estimating plans and execution from the event, without allowing for unforeseen obstacles, supposed that an army of forty thousand men, supported by such a fleet, might have been much more effectual ; or that the difficulties might have been foreseen, and that, therefore, the expedition ought not to have been undertaken. They saw that British valour and skill had been exerted in the successive operations, but that the result had been disaster and injurious concession. They hastily and rashly concluded, that either the destination of so very powerful, gallant, and well officered an army, was unwise, or its conduct unskilful, merely because it had not been com pletely successful. Such precipitancy of judgment spread great dissatisfaction throughout the country : and severe cen sure was bestowed, before an investigation of fads could ascer tain its merits. Accounts also arrivino- in the close of the year, of the failure of tho Bussians in Switzerland, and tlieir re treat into Germany, despondency again began to prevail, the people revived their wishes for peace, because they again People conceived that no purpose could be answered by continuing a.£u,n Wl!,h- .1 „ * J ° lor pence. tno war. ' Parliament met on the 2d of February 1800. The First con- 1800. sulof France had at this time indicated to his Britannic iiiaies-^c.?'lnK»r!r i ¦ r -. i • , , , .. J . parliament. ty a desire of peace. In his letter declaring such a disposi tion, ho appealed to our king in the following terms: " How Proposals of " can the two most enlightened nations of Europe, powerful tho consul "and strong beyond what their safely and independence re- t00U,kl"S- '{quire, sacrifice to ideas of vain greatness, the benefits of " " commerce, internal prosperity, and the happiness of families ? " How is it that they do not feel that peace is of the first (< necessity, as well as the first glory ? These sentiments can- " not be foreign to the heart of your majesty, who reigns over " a free nation, and with the solo view of rendering it happy. "France and England, Ivy the abuse of their strength, may " still for a long time, for the misfortune of all nations, retard " the period of their being exhausted ; but I will venture to " say, the fate of all civilized nations is attached to the tcrini- 700 HISTORY OF THE ^MAP « nation of a war which involves the whole world." To this letter, conciliatory in spirit, concise and forcible in argu- 1300 nient> an answer was returned, much more copious in Answer re- detail, but by no means conciliatory : its purport was, that jectinghis the French government afforded no grounds for trust: the proposals; most effectua| wav t0 convince Great Britain that France was disposed to resume its former relations, would be the re- establishment of that line of princes, which for so marry centuries maintained the French nation in prosperity at home, and in consideration and respect abroad. The king, however, did not prescribe to France the disposition of her executive authority ; as soon as he saw that peace could be made with security, he should most readily concert with his allies the means of pacification ; but as, in the present state of France, he could not hope for the stability of any treaty, he with other powers must persist in a just and defensive war. The chief consul of France made another attempt at negotiation: Talleyrand, the foreign minister, in a letter to the foreign- mi nister of England, vindicated the conduct of France from the censures contained in lord Grenville's note, and proposed that a suspension of arms should be immediately concluded ; and plenipotentiaries sent to Dunkirk, or any other convenient place of meeting ; the reply to the second proposal like the first consisted of often repeated charges of French aggression, and declared that no peace could be made unless such as was submitted jjjjgjy to |w secure and permanent. The propositions of the meat. French government being laid before parliament, the rejec tion of the overtures was by ministers defended upon two grounds : the first was, that E ranee still retained those senti ments and views which characterized the dawn, and continued to march wilh the progress of her revolution: the second, that no safe, honourable, and permanent peace could be made with Arguments France in her present situation."! From a long detail of hi? °fm.,n?"sin conduct, they endeavoured to prove that no confidence could eeriiy and be reposed in the sincerity of Bonaparte ; and though he hitn- in-itability gelfwere inclined to preserve good faith, that there was no pane"3 security for his stability. The censurers of the rejection Of opposi- argued, that abuse ofthe personal character of the man whom tion, that tne contending nation had chosen for its head, was neither isdUpwed conciliatory nor beneficial : it was far from tending to procure and compe- peace, and certainly did not promote the purpose of war : our "ate* glorious successes in wars with France, had come from fight- •peaee. ing, not from railing; ministers (Mr. Fox said) in their rage against the adversaries of the old French monarchy, had formed a very indiscriminate idea, tbat they were all unani mously profligate and iiiipriiicipleii ; such accumulation of abuse had been often bestowed upDii the Americans, still we .had found it necessary to treat with them at hut. Of Bona- ^Stc- Parjiarn-.r/.i-y D^balef. «' REIGN OF GEORGE III. 701 parle's character they had formed a very inadequate estimate : (^yP- however, even supposing the chief magistrate of France to J f^ he as faithless and iniquitous as ministers represented, ho could wm see no iiifcrnm-u they could draw from the admission, justifica tory of their rejection : were wc to enter into no agreement with persons or states whose conduct was demonstrably unjust P Had we not made peace with the Bourbon princes, the tyrants of their own country, and plunderers of tlieir neighbours ? Did wc reject overtures with Louis XIV. and proclaim as our reason, thnt he had in the midst of peace, seized the provin ces of enfeebled Spain, and carried butchery and havoc into the peaceful I'alntinntc ?'' Did we forbear alliance wilh the plunderers of Poland ? What was our security for cither peace with one, or alliance with the other? Certainly their interest; not their faith nor their virtue. We had the same security with Bonaparte : he, like all other statesmen, no doubt, wished to make a peace advantageous to himself and the nation over which he presided. With regard to stability, whether Bona parte remained chief consul or not, peaco and not war was the interest of Franco. If ministers really wished to continue the war eternally, unless the Bourbon princes were restored, let them reflect on its practicability ; the external force of tho confederacy hail tried it in vain, and from internal efforts it was not to be hoped. The whole property of France, real or per sonal, in the hands of its present possessors, depended on the existence of the present, or some similar government: it was impossible to restore the princes ofthe house of Bourbon, with out restitution to those who had been exiled in its defence, which in effect raised up the whole property in the nation to support the republic, whatever they might feel concerning its effects: the attempt was as hopeless as the'inteution was un just; inconsistent with the objects ofthe British constitution, anil the rights of an independent nation. This country, from an accumulation of causes, principally originating in the war, was in very great distress: ministers had for seven years per severed in tlieir ruinous system; taught by woful experience, they ought to have at last admitted proposals for peace. These arguments might perhaps appear to many hearers or The i-ejoc- roaders not to be without weight, but they made little impres- lion of die sion on the majorities in parliament ; and addresses were voted, Unproved of highly approving of the answer returned by govenmient to by great Bonaparte. majorities , Perseverance in the war being still determined, prepnra- German tions for the ensuing campaign came under their consideration, subsidies. Messages to the respective houses from the king, stated that his majesty was at present employed in concerting such engage ments with thc emperor *of Germany, the elector of Bavarin,, ¦' Purlianii'iitnry Donates, Feb. !ld, 11100.^ i, I'nrliuim'ntary Debates, Feb. 13lh, 180p, 702 HISTORY OF THE Pt'y,*'' *and other powers of the empire, as might strengthen the ef forts of his imperial majesty, and materially conduce to the ad- ]of . vantage of the common cause, in the course of the ensuing campaign.' Certain advances would be necessary if the trea ties were concluded, and he recommended to his parliament to make provision for such eventual engagements. The argu ments against the proposed subsidy, were the inefficacy of all our former subsidies in the present war, and the distressed state ofthe country, from the enormous load of taxes, and the unprecedented price of the necessaries of life. It was also in ferred, that ministers were well assured ofthe secession ofthe Russians from the confederacy. The parliamentary majority overruled all objections, and the required subsidies were voted. The military and navai force appointed for the service of the year 1800, was nearly the same as in the former year. The income tax was continued ; and including a vote of credit, Motion for there was a loan of twenty-one millions. Amidst the arrange-, an inquiry ments for the future campaign, opposition proposed an inquiry into the ex- ;nt0 the past.' An army of forty thousand men had been em- {Tolland, ° ployed in Holland : had fought most valiantly ; but no good purpose, they averred, had been effected ; very great losses had been incurred, and very humiliating conditions had been accepted. Did the miscarriage arise from weakness of plan, or tardy preparations ? from defective execu'ion: or from re sistless bad fortune ? To ascertain the cause, they proposed an inquiry. If the disasters were entirely, owing to fortune, an in quiry would acquit both the planners and executors ; without an inquiry, tbe one or the other, or both, might be unjustly ac-. cused. Ministers endeavoured to prove that the proposers of the expedition had not failed ; as besides the ships that surren dered to our fleet, our army had caused a very powerful diver sion, and had no doubt contributed to the signal successes of our allies. As the expedition could not be properly said to have failed, an inquiry was totally unnecessary. The oppo-- nents replied, that the capitulation to an inferior force required rejected by to be investigated, both for the honour and interest ofthe coun- a0^eat ma" try ; but the motion was rejected by a great majority. "Progress The union between Great Britain and Ireland underwent art ofthein- • ample discussion in both houses of the Irish parliament ; eij-ht union wilh articles were proposed by the secretary of state as the founda- Jreland. tion of this measure. The first imported, that the two king- Proposed rloins should be united on the 1st of January 1801 : the second, that the succession to the crown should continue limited and settled, in the same manner as it now stands limited and settled according to the union between England and Scotland ; the third, that the same united kingdom should be united in one and the same parliament ; the fourtft^lhat four lords spiritual s Parliamentary Debates, Feb. 13th, 1.100. I Parliamentary Debates, 1'eb. 10lh REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 703 of Ireland, by rotation of sessions, and twenty-eight lords tetn- lxv/' poral of Ireland, elected for life by the peers of Ireland, should ^^^^ be the number to sit and vote, on the part of Ireland, in the 1800 house of lords in the parliament of the united kingdoms ; the fifth, that the churches of England and Ireland should be unit ed into one protestant episcopal church, to be called " The " united Church of England and Ireland ;" the sixth article proposed a fair participation of commercial privileges ; thc se venth left to each kingdom the separate discharge of its public debt, and arranged the proportions of national expense ; fifteen parts to be defrayed by Britain and two by Ireland ; the eighth ordained, that the laws and courts of both kingdoms, civil and ecclesiastical, should remain as they were now established, subject however to such 'alterations as the united legisla tures might hereafter deem expedient : all laws, at present iii force in either kingdom, which should be contrary to any ofthe provisions that might be ordained by any act for car rying the above articles into effect, from and after the union, should be repealed. Irish ministers supported the union as in its principle and objects mutually beneficial to the contracting parties ; in its articles, thoroughly consonant to these principles, conducive to the commercial and political improvement of both, and peculiarly advantageous to Ireland. The legislative weight of thc respective countries was, they said, apportioned to the compound result of the population and contribution, and a majority of the people was favourable to the union. The measure was opposed, as tending to render Ireland a depen dence upon England. The legislative portion allowed by these propositions to Ireland was inadequate. The two nations Argu- were now identified by this junction of legislature : the trans- menl8 r°.r fer of legislature from Ireland to England would drain the an aga"ie-1* country, without affording any adequate reflux to Ireland. No authentic documents had established the arguments ofthe unionists, that legislation was by this treaty apportioned to po pulation and contribution. It was merely an assertion without a proof, and therefore ought not to be the foundation of a poli tical arrangement. Before so great a change was permitted, an appeal should be made to the people : if the Irish in general did not oppose the new scheme, their inaction was owing* not to conviction of its utility, but to fear ofthe immense military force employed by government in Ireland. These reasons were urged both in debates and protests ; the project of union however was adopted by a great majority in both houses. The The plan concurrence of the Irish parliament with their plan of union be- of union ing communicated tojthe British, the respective resolutions a"c|,Umeof were reciprocally ratifiedjand a bill founded on them was in- mencement troduced. On thc 2d of Jpy, it received the royal assent ; and "™'i,m"y it was provided that the union between Great Britain and Ire- b^n p^v, . land shoitld commence on tbe 1st of January 1801, being the liam-ntf. 704 HISTORY OF THE ^WAP. grS{ jay 0ftiie nineteenth century. The suspension ofthe ha beas corpus wac, after a considerable discussion, continued. lsoo Provisions being during this session uncommonly high, at- Deamess oftracted the attention of parliament. Mr. Pitt, on the soundest provisions, principles of political economy, sanctioned by the authority of the ablest writers," had abstained from all interference in the corn market. The speculations of individuals he conceived were more likely to produce an adequate supply of foreign wheat at the present crisis, than any other measure that could be adopted. The legislature confined its attention to the contri vance of substitutes, and diminution of consumption. Commit tees appointed by both houses reported, that, although a consi derable importation of wheat from foreign countries had alrea dy taken place, and more might be expected, yet they felt they should not discharge their duty, unless they strongly recom mended to all individuals, to use every means in their power to reduce tiie consumption of wheaten flour in their families, and encourage in the districts in which they lived, by their exam ple, influence, and authority, every possible economy in this ar ticle. They farther recommended, that all charity and paro chial relief should be given, as far as was practicable, in any other article except bread, and flour ; and that the part of it which was necessary for the sustenance of the poor, should be distributed in soups, rice, potatoes, or other substitutes. They were of opinion that, if this regulation were generally adopted, it would not only, in a very great degree, contribute to econo mize at that lime the consumption of flour, but that it might have the effect of gradually introducing into use a more wholesome and nutritious species of food than that to which the poor were at present accustomed. From the evidence of bakers it appear ed, that the consumption of bread baked for some hours was _ , much less considerable than if eaten new. At the instance of r om and , ... . . . , . spread bill, the committee, a bill was brought in, prohibiting bakers from exposing any bread for sale which had not been baked twenty- four hours; and immediately passed into a law. In consider ing the scarcity, opposition, investigating it3 causes, derived them chiefly from the war ; and various incidental debates took place on the subject. Mr. Pitt from a detailed view ofthe price of provisions during the whole contest, argued that if the scarceness had arisen from the war, the increase would have been progressive ; whereas the prices in 1796, 1797, and 1798, had been as low as in peace, and the rise had not taken place till 1799 ; and was obviously imputable to the wet, late, and unproductive harvest. ¦Mill 0r lord With the necessaries of life, public morals occupied the atten- Auckland tion ofthe legislature. The crime of adultery being exlremelv concerning preValent, was bv many supposed to exceed in frequency the the mar- r ,../•/•" *• r. 11 • i- riage of dissolution ol (ormer times, it was conceived by various poli- divorced Vor-on°' ii ?« Wealth of Nations, on the corn law?. reign of. george hi. roa ticfll- moralists, that the permission granted to the offending par- £§$£• ties, after a divorce, lo intermarry, was one .powerful cause of V^F>^_/, the seduction of married women. To remove,; this incentive, mo lord Auckland proposed a bill, making it unlawful for any per-. son, on account of whose adultery a bill of divorce should be applied for in that house, to intermarry with the woman from whom the complaining party might be divorced. This restriction, his lordship observed, had always prevailed, and still did prevail in Scotland, where the parties, after being divorced, were never permitted, to marry. The diversity of the case here, in his opi nion) in a great measure accounted for the prevalence of tho crime. This bill was strongly contested in the house ; both the supporters and opponents admitted and lamented the frequen cy of a crime, cutting asunder the most important ties of social life ; both showed themselves friends of religion and morality j pursuing the same object, through different means. Lord Auck land reasoned, that tbe certain preclusion from subsequent mar riage would in many cases operate as a preventative ofthe crime ; the force of their reasoning obviously depended upon the admission pf a general fact, that tha hopes, or at least the pro bability, of a future permanent relation, facilitated the tempo-, rary success of a seducer. The opponents ofthe bill, the most j!1(1|^k0 active of whom was the duke of Clarence, took a different view rmcX of, the tendency of circumstances and situation, in determining view of th* female affections^ and conduct : the prohibition would not act subJect' as a discouragement of the vice ; the obstacle might inflame the passion, and furnish new materials to the dexterity of an accomplished seducer. Inefficacious to the prevention of the crime, it would produce the most pernicious consequences to the weaker of the parties concerned in the commission. Hei nous and. hurtful as this vice was, still it was possible that the seduced person might not be entirely profligate and abandoned. To the preservation of virtue, next in moral wisdom was re- Argu- covery from vice, before it became habitual and inveterate : the ™ie"t8 fy . present bill, if passed into a law, would drive the females to de- " agai s ' speratjon and unrestrained licentiousness. Lord Carlisle also very strenuously opposed the bill in question : the law lords, arid the bishops in general, supported lord Auckland's propo- i.sl'eJected: sition ; but ft. was' rejected by a considerable majority. This warmly en> bill attracted the, public attention much more than any measure fea£.es the which was introduced into parliament, in the course of the [emion? ' whole session. It wai^upported by tbe highest political, legal, , and ecclesiastical authority : was evidently devised from the best intentions, and framed with great ability : it may however be, doubted whether thje prospect of the restriction, would in many instances prevent the mine ; and- it was morally certain ttiat after it was committedTjthe restriction itself must power fully tend to drive a femaleto infamous profligacy. An incidient that happened near the close of this session ^"^P1 at- warmly interested the feelings, not only of both houses of par- ™ V01„ It. so 70G HISTORY OF THE IXVl ''allleul> but of the whole nation. On the 15th of May, his ma- ^^^1^ jesty went to the theatre royal Drury lane : as he was entering isoo xthe box, a man in the pit near the orchestra, on the right hand to assassin- s'de> suddenly stood up and discharged a pistol at the royal ate our so- person. The king had advanced about four steps from tire vereign : joor . on tiJe rep0rt 0f (ne pjstol, his majesty stopped, and stood firmly. The house was immediately in an uproar, and the cry of" seize him -!" resounded from every part ofthe thea tre : the king, not the least disconcerted, came nearly to the : front ofthe box. The man who had fired it was immediately dragged into the orchestra, and carried behind the scenes : his is (bund to name was found to be Hadfield. Being examined by a magis- lunacy. trate, he exhibited symptoms of insanity : -though some of his Anxious answers were rational. The veneration and love that the na- alarm of tjon oore (0 n{s majesty's person, was by this accident awaken- the public, r. • ;. „i ¦ • • . l- j ,, . .. c ed into an enthusiastic joy at his escape ; even the spirit of faction was lost in a general stream of loyalty and exultation. Addresses of congratulation on the king's escape were pre sented by both houses of parliament, the universities, the cor poration of London, and, in a word, by all the other corpora tions as well as the counties. Hadfield was tried in the court of king's bench for high treason ; and it was proved that he had been for some years insane, chiefly in consequence of wounds received in his head, when he acted as a serjeant in the army, in 1794, in Holland: he was therefore acquitted, but not dis charged. In consequence of Hadfield's act, and repeated in stances of insanity, being directed against a personage whose safety was so dear and important to the state, two additional clauses, by way of amendments, were added to the insanity menuo the D'"* The first was to hinder individuals confined for alleged insanity lunacy, from being bailed, in any circumstances, without the bill. concurrence of one of the magistrates who committed him ; ex cept by the judges, or at the quarter sessions of the peace. The second clause proceeded on a principle similar to the first, namely, security. The second clause provided more especially fOrthe personal safety ofthe sovereign, repeatedly endangered Parliament bj- insane persons. These provisions were the last important rises. acts of this session of parliament, which was prorogued on the 29th of July. REIGN OF GEORGE III. ?07 CHAP. LXVU. France— conciliatory efforts-of Bonaparte—he invites the emigrants to return— insurrection not enlirely crushed — he reduces the royalists— army of reserve — state of the confederates and of Francer-plan of the campaign— state of affairs in Italy— the Austrians invest Genoa— assisted by the British fleet— gallant de fence of the republicans-^-Massena is permitted to evacuate Genoa. — Bonaparte prepares to restore the French affairs in Italy — Moreau invades Germany — his able manoeuvres to divert the enemy, while he assisted the army ofltaly . — Bonaparte lakes the field to retrieve the affairs of the French in Italy — rapid and astonishing march over the Alps — progress in Italy— battle of Marengo — danger of the consular army — means of extrication — signal victory — decides the fate of Italy — armistice between the chief consul and the Austrians.com- . mander — Italy surrenders to Bonaparte — measures of Bonaparte for settling the country — having effected his purpose, Bonaparte returns lo Paris. — Mo reau advances into Bavaria — armisticf and overtures for peace. — Thc emperor receives anew subsidy from England — proposes to include Britain in the nego tiation — Bonaparte refuses — prolopgation ofthe armistice — expiration, and re newal of hostilities — operations — partial successes ofthe Austrians — battle of Hohenlinden — the French gain a decisive victory — the emperor sues for peace — review of this extraordinary campaign- — war Is terminated between France and Austria. — Operations of Ihe British forces — expedition on the coast of ' France — attempt on Ferrol — on Cadiz — reduction of Malta — Egypt— conven tion for the evacuation of it by the French — guaranteed by sir Sidney Smith- ministers, not knowing this guarantee, refuse to ratify the convention — Kleber, ¦ the French general, rerte\v.s hostilities — new negotiation. is broken off. — West J Indies— capture of Curacoa. — East Indies — wise administration ofthe gover- ' /nor-generaL , THE principal and most memorable events of 1800, arose CHAP. from Bonaparte. The glory of the French arms, had in the LXVI1- absence of the conqueror of Italy, begun to decline : he now s-^Vv"^-' appeared, on his return, to be the only arbiter who could F .J^' change the course of affairs, and the destinies of France ; and. the name of king or emperor alone was wanting to Bonaparte. With a senate appointed by himself, and recruited from year fo year by his sole influence ; he possessed the nomination of all Officers, civil, political, military, and naval ; the command and distribution ofthe whole military and naval forceof the empire ; the power of foreign negotiation on peace, war, and commerce ; a complete, though indirect, control over the treasury ; the sole privilege of proposing laws, and withdrawing them in any stage of deliberation or discussion. Being establislied as exe- ConciH»- cntive magistrate of France, he perceived the staggering state oJrBona-rt° of the interior parts of the republic, and learned' the con se- parte. quence of the defeats which the French had suffered in Italy. Encouraged by the late failures ofthe republicans, the royalists 708 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. LXVII. 1800. He invites the emi grants to return. Insurrection entire ly crushed. He reduces the royal ists. Army of reserve. State of the con federates, and of France. in Britanny and Normandy had again taken arms ; and their numbers in November amounted to sixty thousand. Bonaparte saw that effectual as a force might be against the internal ene mies ofthe republic, conciliation was much more beneficial. His general plan was to conciliate as many enemies of the re public as possible : he and all the members of the new govern ment expressed a desire of peace, not only with the royalist ar mies of France, but even emigrants ; and published a procla mation, inviting exiles to return. Great numbers of loyalists, on the faith of government, daily came back to France; among these the constitutionalists, or favourers of mixed monarchy and democracy, were permitted to come back : the greater number of those that fled in the time of Robespierre, or at the convul sion in September 1797, were invited to their country : even estates were restored so far as the restitution did not violate the new tenures of landed property. Notwithstanding the anxious endeavours of Bonaparte, the Chouans still persisted in revolt, and cultivated a correspondence with the British fleet. In the beginning, of the year, the chief consul detached a considerable part ofthe insurgents from the hostile confederacy against the French republic : where pacific measures did not succeed, he very effectually employed force and severity, and early in spring entirely crushed the insurrection. Having established intestine tranquillity, and endeavoured in vain to negotiate a peace with foreign opponents, Bonaparte prepared for prosecuting the war. He published a proclama tion in February, complaining of the obstinate resolution ofthe English to continue hostilities, and inviting the French to furnish the subsidies and men that were necessary for acquiring peace by force of arms. It was also at the same time deemed expedi ent by the cpnsuls, that an army of reserve should be raised, to consist of sixty thousand men, composed of conscripts, and to be assembled at Dijon, where the first consul himself was to take the command of it in person. The Austrians had now re covered all Italy, except the small republic of Genoa,and their army was distributed in winter quarters through Piedmont and Lombardy. The Austrians, seconded by the English, prepared for, military operations with great alacrity and vigour : even the abettors of peace, and among these the archduke Charles knew, that the most effectual instruments of a fair and favoura ble accommodation, were an immense body of troops ready for action. The armies were recruited, and a very strong and nu merous force was prepared. The imperial forces of Switzer land and Italy occupied a semicircular line of communication, extending from the frontiers of Suabia to the coasts of the Me diterranean. The republican armies occupied the positions facing their enemy in an irregular line from Genoa to the val ley ofthe Rhine ; but the. army of Genoa being blockaded by an English fleet under lord Keith, they were extremely strait ened for provisionsj and were in number very much inferior REIGN OF GEORGE III. 709 to the enemy: from the Var to Genoa, there were scarcely CHAP. twenty-five thousand, almost all infantry. A re-enforcement of ^^^^ fifteen thousand men from Switzerland and France were on lg00 their march to join the army of Italy ; others were likewise promised ; but those which had arrived, were few in number ; and so great was the void in the ranks of the French army, produced by an epidemic fever, and by desertion, that Masse na, in the month of April, had not more than thirty-five thou sand men in the whole extent of the country of Nice, and of the state of Genoa : the distresses of the troops, during the ri gours of winter, were very severe, and many of the soldiers were either dispirited or discontented. Notwithstanding those ca^npaign! unpromising appearances, Bonaparte proposed a bold, vigo rous, and comprehensive plan of offensive operations : to in vade Germany, drive the enemy from Switzerland, and recov er Italy, by a co*6perating line of armies. Moreau command ed the army ofthe Upper Rhine, which, by the indefatigable activity ofthe chief consul, amounted to 100,000 men, extend ing from Switzerland to Mentz ; on the left wing was secured by Prussian neutrality, on the rear was protected by its com munication with France and Belgium, and on the right was covered by the Helvetic Alps : with this formidable host he directed his course towards Vienna. Ill health, together with court intrigues, obliged the archduke Charles to resign the chief command ofthe army ofthe Rhine, and he was succeeded by general Kray, an officer well fitted for so high and important a trust. Bonaparte .iu his efforts on the side of'Germany, had a double purpose, and intended not only to make an impression on that quarter, but to draw off the attention of the enemy from his plansTor the recovery of Italy : which j by those who in considering military situations had not included extraordina ry genius, was supposed desperate. The chief consul appoint ed Massena, who had so eminently distinguished himself in Switzerland, to maintain the French positions there, until he should put his own grand designs in execution. Melas, early State of afi in spring, made dispositions for investing Genoa, which was j^j*"1 already so closely blockaded from maritime intercourse by lord Keith. Massena endeavoured to obstruct their approach, and effected all that skill, valour, and discipline could perform against skill, valour, discipline, and superior numbers. He re pulsed them in various conflicts : but was more frequently over powered, and at length compelled to retreat ; and on the 30th of April, the Austrians appeared before the city. On land the The Aus- French were pressed by the German army ; from the sea, the trians in- city was bombarded by the English fleet ; within the walls, fa-'™' Ge" mine, and its never failing attendant pestilence, joined with assisted by conflagration in making the people loudly clamorous for a sur-'he British render, and with difficulty they were restrained from actual in- Qa\\mt ,je. surrection. Amidst these complicated evils, the republicans fence of during the whole month of May, not only resisted, but often ^cea™p,lb" no HISTORY OF THE CHAP. J*XV1I, 1800. jVlassena is permittedto evacuate Genoa. Bonaparte prepares to relieve ihe French af fairs in Italy. Moreau in vades Ger many. His able manreuvres lo di vert the enemy,while he assists the army of Italy.Bonaparte takes the iield to re- defeated the Austrians, until they were at length exhausted? by their own victories. Massena, aware that relief was ap proaching,, wished t6 maintain it much longer, but found it im practicable ; he accordingly opened a negotiation with the- British admiral and tbe Austrian general, and obtained very favourable and honourable terms. He was permitted to evacu ate Genoa with his troops, and, procured provisions and a safe conduct. In his conference, the sagacious Frenchman penetra ted into the acuteness and intelligence of the English com mander, and bestowed a just tribute of praise on the superiori ty of the British character, and the efficacy of the British- force. By the fall of Genoa, many politicians considered the fate of Italy, as entirely decided, and the hopes of France as totally destroyed ; but the imperialists had still another general to encounter, whom they were destined never to combat with out defeat and discomfiture. In stationing his army of reserve- in the plains of Burgundy, the chief consul intended to afford assistance either in Italy or Germany, as occasion might re quire ; but he was chiefly anxious to direct his efforts to Italy,. where they were most wanted. With Moreau he had concert ed the plan of the campaign, according to which their opera tions, though distant, might be managed in concert, on a great scale, and with as much precision as the evolutions of the two wings of the same army. The object of Moreau's expedition was, by a series of feints, not less than attacks, to occupy the attention of general Kray, to strike terror into the heart of Germany, to alarm the Austrians for the safety of the capital,. and, at the same time, to maintain a communication with the French army in Italy, and send seasonable re-enforcements. To execute his part of the plan, Moreau, on the 25th of April, crossed the Rhine in four divisions, and formed a junc tion of the whole army in Suabia, with the lake of Constance on his right : by various feints and other manoeuvres he turned the right wing of-the enemy's army ; and in a series of engage ments very bravely fought on both sides, he was so successful in the result, as to command Franconia and Suabia oh the left, lay both under contributions, and intercept supplies, and de stroy magazines. In front he occupied the attention of the whole Austrian army, while on the right he was able to send detachments to the south. He kept Kray so completely em ployed in counteracting his pretended designs, that he did not dive into his real intentions ; and for near two months, Moreau sought nothing, further than to amuse general Kray ; by march es and counter-marches, by threatened sieges, and feigned ir ruptions, to alarm the Austrians for the safety ofthe hereditary states, and prevent them from paying any attention to the af fairs of Italy. While professional experience and tactical skill were thus, in Germany, overborne by the paramount power of genius; in Italy its efficacy was still more forcibly, brilliantly, and sue- REIGN OF GEORGf: III. tU cessfully exercised. Informed of the critical situation of Mas- ^^jy sena, the chief consul resolved to march into Italy with the ut- v_)<__/j most expedition, and to surmount every difficulty in the passage , ]800 of the Alps', in order to attack the rear of the Austrian army, lrj<>vc iho On the 15th of May, his army reached St. Bernard, where the affairs of transportation of the artillery was extremely difficult : but by mieitajync1' soldiers inspired with enthusiastic admiration for their renown- Rapid und ed general, the difficulty was speedily overcome; every piece astonishing of cannon was dismounted, and placed in troughs hollowed out tne ^ip«. of trees cut down for the purpose. These were drawn by five or six hundred men, according to the size and weight of the piece ; the wheels fixed to poles, were borne on men's shoul ders; tumbrils were emptied, and placed on sledges, together with the axletrees. This difficult march he executed with such rapidity, that notwithstanding an immense train of artillery, Tie had made his way through all the defiles in spite of the op posing enemy, by the 2Gth of May. The Austrians were Progress in obliged to evacuate Milan and Pavia. The French vanguard "ol.v- having crossed the Po, encountered an advanced corps of im perialists, and defeated them, with considerable loss at Monte- bello; not however decisively. The main body of the Au- -strian forces now arrived from Genoa, and fixed its head quarters at Alessandria. Bonaparte came forward into a plain between Alessandria and Tortona, and both sides prepared for a general engagement. The French commander with the van of the army, on the 15th of June, had advanced- as far as the village of Marengo. Early the following morning, he saw the Battle or Austrian line extending opposite to him, about six miles in Murenjrp^ length. Dessaix, with the rear division of the French, was not yet arrived. About noon the battle began : Bonaparte, though with so inferior a force, withstood the weight of the Austrian -column with equal intrepidity and' ability. The immense host, Iiowever of the imperialists was making a very powerful im pression. The left wing of the French began to give way, the centre and right to follow the example, and disorder was- evident through the whole line. The Austrians perceiving the advantage, pressed forward, with an impetuosity which was inspirited by confident expectations of certain victory, to strike a finishing blow. The garrison of Tortona, seeing the confu sion of the enemy, sallied out, and nearly surrounded the con sular troops. Every movement appeared to forebode the total Danger of overthrow of Bonaparte. Undismayed by the impending dan- iheeonsu:*-- ger, the general was foremost among the ranks, rallied his u"n-v- troops, and led them again to battle : his grand purpose was to prevent a route, until Dessa|x, who was now near, should ar rive. To render the overpowering numbers of the enemy less j, .. efficient, he seized a defile flanked by the village, there made a evince t inn.' firm stand, bayonet to bayonet, though the Austrian infantry were seconded by a battery of thirty* pieces of cannon, that played with, tremendous effect. This unyielding resistance- 712 HISTORY OF THE fxvir ' Proo,uced the consequence which the general, had hoped J th* rear division now arrived; theFreneh combatants revived, by "*!^7X"' this re-enforcement, and assisted by a fresh corps, charged the enemy with enthusiastic ardour : but still the event was ex tremely doubtful, when a movement of the Austrian general gave, a fatal turn. Melas found he could not force the defile j but elated with success, and not informed that the re-enforce ment was arrived, he extended his line in order to surround the enemy. Bonaparte, perceiving this change. of position, in stantaneously saw how it might be improved : hastily he aban doned the defile; and, formed into a strong column, the consu lar troops pressed on the Austrians where their front was weakened by extension. Of the French, besides the strength of their disposition, a great portion was quite fresh ; the Au strians, besides their weakened arrangement, were fatigued and Signal exhausted, by the preceding efforts of the day. The French victory, broke the line of the imperialists, bore down all before them, put the enemy completely to the route, and. obtained a victory decides the which decided the fate of Italy. All the united efforts of ha\y. Suwarrow and his Russians, of the Austrian generals and. their gallant troops, which had rendered the Italian campaign of 1799 so signally successful to the, confederates, were now un done by the overwhelming genius of Bonaparte. The fruits of all the British subsidies which set those, operose bodies in mo tion, were blasted at Marengo. Armistice The Austrian general finding it impossible any longer to de- hetween ihe fgjjr] Italy, applied for aii armistjee until a message should be and ihe Au- ser't- *° Vienna. Bonaparte granted his request, on agreeing to sirian com- a conditional convention, the validity of which was to depend wanders. Up0n the ratification ofthe emperor, and the consul sent an envoy offering peace. The. terms proposed by the conqueror were, in the relative state ofthe belligerent powers, wisely mo-. derate,. The Austrian army should retire within the line esta blished by the treaty of Campo Formio; the Austrians should, occupy the northeast corner of Italy, bounded by the Po on the south, and the Mincio on the west : Tuscany was to be a neu tral state., .Whatever answer should be returned from Vienna to these propositions, it was agreed that the armistice should !mly sur- not be broken without ten days previous notice. MeanwhUe lenders to tne fortresses, cities, and country, in the north and northwest onapar c. qp jta[y^ a|j surrendered to his arms. . Measures of Having reconquered Italy, Bonaparte next considered its Bonaparte political settlement. He now resolved that Lombardy and that coun? Llguria should form, instead of two, one very powerful repub- trv. lie ; and declared that resolution in a speech at Milan. , He es-. tablished a provincial administration, and a cow 'it for prepar ing for the republic a constitution and legislature : he gave orders for respecting religion, and the, property of, all citizens without distinction. Citizens, who had fled fn. ui their coun try, were invited to return ; with the exception of such as had REIGN OF GEORGE1 III. 718 taken arms against the Cisalpine republic, after the treaty of fPA*" Campo Formio. The chief consul having effected ihose momentous changes in the state of affairs in Italy, returned V-*^T>" to Paris. Having ef- Meanwhile Moreau, in co-operation with Bonaparte, resumed fericd his an offensive campaign. Having already manifested his genius ^"'npD0S";tf in the dexterous and consummate prudence which suited his reu"rnTto situation, Moreau now showed enterprise as active, energetic, Paris. and decisive, as his caution had been wise. The republicans Me0'r'"^ were now arrived at Blenheim, so fatal to their monarch when resumes contending with a British hero. To cross the Danube, the offensive French general had neither bridges nor boats, as both had been °i)ortu""^ destroyed by the Austrians; who possessing the opposite bank, rendered it apparently impossible. To remove this obstacle, Moreau bethought himself of an expedient, manifesting that combination of courage and genius, which has so eminently distinguished the republican warriors of France in this arduous contest. Eighty soldiers undertook to swim across the river ; and when armed with muskets and knapsacks, sent in two small boats for their use, to secure the bank. This enterprise they effected : they took possession of the villages of Grensheim and Blenheim, seized several pieces of cannon, these they manned with artillery men, who had passed upon ladders, placed on the Wrecks of the bridge. The republicans thus oc cupying the left bank, maintained their positions with extra ordinary courage, while a great number of miners and bridge builders, though exposed to the enemy, completed the repairs, and enabled the army to cross the river. The republicans having succeeded in their attempt, the Austrian army fell back fromUlm, and retired towards Bavaria. Moreau took posses- ji0,.eau afl. sion of Munich, and laid the Bavarian territories under heavy vances into contributions: the elector was compelled to pay to the French Bavmia- a great part of the subsidy of five hundred thousand pounds which he had received from Britain : the republicans also laid ,the duchy of Wirtemberg under a severe contribution. The light wing, commanded by Lecourbe, drove the Austrians en tirely from the Grisons, and entered the Tyrol ; while on the left, a new army of French and Batavians were preparing to enter Germany, to penetrate into Franconia and Bohemia. Animated by the exhortation and example of Britain, and sup plied by her treasures, the emperor had hitherto refused the terms offered by the republicans; but, as their armies now menaced the very heart of his dominions, he judged it expe dient to sue for an armistice, which Moreau, with the approba- . . . tion of Bonaparte, granted on the 14th of July. On Hie 28th aniW™' of the same month, St. Julien, envoy from Francis, in the name tines ibi- of his imperial majesty, signed at Paris the preliminaries of lKaw peace, on the basis of the treaty of Campo Formio; on the part of the French, they were signed by the minister of foreign affairs, thc ex-bishep Talleyrand. Meanwhile, thc emperor vo> n. oo 714 HISTORY OF THE Fyvh' rece'veQ' a subsidy of two millions sterling from England, and had concluded a new treaty, by which the contracting parties ^T^T"*"' stipulated for the one not to make peace without comprehending The empe- the other : the emperor, adhering to this engagement, endea- ror receives voured to include Britain in the negotiation. But it was the sidnef onf" un'f°rm policy of Bonaparte, to detach the members of the England, confederacy, and to listen to no terms but of separate peace. Proposes to The emperor refused to ratify the preliminaries, alleging that tain^ihe'" St- Jul'en had exceeded his powers. The armistice was to ex- negotiation, pire on the 7th of September; theFreneh government directed Bonaparte its generals to begin hostilities that day. Tfee emperor ira- r^use.-. puting the rupture to the French, put himself at the head of the army, and endeavoured to rouse the force of Germany in defence of the empire; but the king of Prussia, in neutrality hostile, kept the whole north of Germany in the same inaction with himself, and intimidated its weaker princes from sending assistance to the head of the empire, and contributing to the repression of such formidable invaders. His imperial majesty proposed the prolongation of the armistice : the chief consul declared, that he would not waste the rest of autumn in idle conferences, or expose himself to endless diplomatic discus sions, without securities for the sincerity of the enemy's inten tions : the securities which he demanded were Philipsburg, Ulm, and Ingolstadt, with their dependent forts. This condi tion, though it laid the hereditary dominions of Austria in a great measure at the mercy of the enemy, being agreed to at Prolonpa- Hohenlinden, a suspension of arms was concluded for forty-five armistice6 days, commencing from the 21st of September. This interval was occupied by both parties in formidable preparations. Moreau's army was seconded on the left by Angereau, prepar ed with the French and Batavians to invade Germany, from the Maine; and on the left the army of the Helvetic Rhine, commanded by Macdonald, advanced as far as the entry of Expiration, the Tyrol, and was ready to proceed on the first signal. The and renewal arraistice expiring, the army of the left crossing the Rhine, Ses '" defeated the Austrians in a series of engagements, penetrated Operations, through Franconia to the confines of Bohemia, and ascertained partial sue- ;ts communication with the army of the centre in Bavaria. Austrians. Macdonald, defying the severities of an Alpine winter, pushed forward from the Grisons to the Valteline, drove the Austrians before him wherever he came, and supported by the army of Italy, was ready to advance to Austria, menaced by a slill more formidable danger from the west. Moreau, with tbe grand and centrical army, resumed offensive operations on the 29th of November. The Austrians commanded by the archduke John, fourth brother of the emperor, making a very powerful resistance, repulsed the French army, and in their turn atlack- They as- ing their posts, obtained considerable advantages. Encouraged sauit the Dy tnese successes, the young prince ventured a general assault lies. on the lines of the enemy at Hohenlinden, on the 3d of De- REIGN OF GEORGE TIT. 715 eember. The archduke had no sooner begun his march, than £^,p- there fell a heavy shower of snow and sleet, by which he was .^-^^ so much retarded, that only the central coluinn had arrived at la00 the place of destination, at a time when all the divisions ought to have been ready for action. A division of the French, con- Baitir or ducted by Richepanse, pierced between the left wing Of the Hohcnlin- >Austrians, and the centre, reached the great road behind the den' centre, and assaulted the left flank and rear of that column, at a moment when it had formed in front, and commenced^ an at tack." The Austrians with their usual courage maintained the The French conflict for several hours, but were at length ' broken hy the ?.am * deel_ impetuosity of the French, thrown into irretrievable confusion, suevlc and entirely defeated with the loss of fifteen thousand men killed or taken prisoners. The battle of Hohenlinden decided the contest: the emperor found it impossible to stand against the rapidly advancing line of armies, every where victorious. The British court, sensible of the alarming situation in which the emperor was placed, released him from his engagements: he renewed his negotiations with the French, which have since The empe- terminated in the peace of Luneville: and thus ended a cam- ror sues ibr paign between Austria and France, in which German valour, ^eeav™'wof discipline, tactical skill, and military experience, having to con- this extra- tend with French valour, discipline, experience, and skill, in- °rdlnar.v vigoratedand guided by genius, demonstrated the inefficacy 0fcampais"' mere customary expertness and precedented usage, when, in new combinations and arduous circumstances, they had to con tend with rapid, fertile, and energetic invention. The grand de sign of Bonaparte comprehended every vulnerable point of the enemy ; uniform in object, and consistent in plan, he, with rapid versatility, varied operations as circumstances changed ; choos ing his generals and officers according to their fitness ; he brought or sent with the mass of French courage and force transcendent ability to guide it to its ends; and thereby com.- *• pletely effected his purposes: he recovered what had been Wai. -iS tert ' lost, and compelled his enemy lo sue for peace, which had minaied been constantly "and avowedly the object of his stupendous ef-£elweei1 , forts in war. _ AuS.™* While the chief consul thus crushed every hope that Bri- Operation tain had derived from continuing the war on the continent, this of the Bri- Country undertook several expeditions, either entirely mari- llsn r°rccs- time, or in which her naval power could co-operate with her efforts by land. A squadron, under the command of sir Ed- Expedition* ward Pellew, attacked the southwest of the peninsula of Qui- on the coast beron, on the coasts of Bretagne, silenced the forts, and clear- of Frai,ce- ed the shore of the enemy ; a party of soldiers then landed and destroyed the forts.? An attack was afterwards made on va rious posts, and six brigs, sloops, and gun vessels, were taken, v Sec Annual Register for 1800, p. 203. y Annual Register, 1800, p. 213. 710 HISTORY OF THE LXvii' a corvette burned, and a fort dismantled. This success was ^^^.^ soon followed by an interception of supplies destined for the 188ft use of the French fleet at Brest. On the 8th of July, an at tempt was made to take or destroy four frigates in the road of Dunkirk : captain Campbell,1 of the Dart, took the La Desiree, but the other ships, in number three, escaped, though not with out considerable damage. An exploit performed by lieutenant Jeremiah Coghlan, about this time, excited high admiration, and is a signal instance of the personal prowess, energetie courage, and unyielding intrepidity which combine in British heroism. This young gentleman was commandant of the Viper Cutter, under the orders of sir Edward Pellew, and watching port Louis, near L'Orient in Britanny : he conceived a design of cutting out some of the gunboats that were at the entrance of the harbour : with the permission of Pellew, he made the attempt in a ten oared cutter : with- a midshipman and eighteen sailors, the gallant youth determined on boarding a gun brig, mounting three twenty-four pounders, and four six pounders, having her full complement of men, and within pistol shot of three batteries. On the night of the 29th of July, he and his valiant comrades undertook the enterprise : they boarded -the brig, and though her crew consisted of eighty- seven, charged the enemy, who made a gallant resistance, and repeatedly repulsed their assailants; but the British handful returned to the charge, and with the loss of one killed and eight wounded, including the commandant himself, our twenty countrymen overpowered their eighty-seven enemies, and made a prize of the brig.a Sir Charles Hamiltonb appearing with a small squadron near Goree, on the coast of Africa, the govern or surrendered, and a British garrison took immediate posses sion of the forts, and of Joul, a dependent factory. In Au gust, a fleet under the command of sir John Borlase Warren, with a military force under the orders of sir, James Murray Pulteney, set sail ou a secret expedition. One object of this was, the conquest of Belleisle ; but the strong works that had been provided for the defence of that island, discouraged the Aiiempton attenipt. The armament therefore proceeded to the coast of J-Jen-pi . Spain ; and on the 25th of August, arrived before the harbour of Ferrol. Our troops effected a landing, but finding, on ex amining the ground, that an attempt to storm the place would be impracticable, they re-embarked. Sir Ralph Abercrombie, with an army of about twenty thousand men, and a fleet of twenty ships of the lino, commanded by lord Keith, appeared off Cadiz. An epidemic disease now raged in this city with pestilential violence. The governor of Cadiz sent a letter to 2 See London Gazelle, July 12th, 13)0. a See loiters of sir Edward Pellew and lord St. Vincent, in the London Gazette of August 9th, 1"00. b London Gazette, July 8th, 1S0O. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 717 the English admiral, stating to him the situation of the inhabi- £^£ tants,and the universal odium which must attend an attack on ^^y^s a city so afflicted by the visitation of heaven. The British im commander replied, that as the ships in the harbour were to be employed in increasing the naval force of the French republic, they could avert an attack only by surrendering the vessels. To this requisition the governor would not agree, and declared a resolution of defending the place to the last extremity. The works were very strong ; the strength, however, of the place was much less formidable than the dreadful distemper, which indeed was a species of plague. The armament proceeded to ihe Mediterranean, where as it afterwards appeared, it was principally destined to act. A detachment reduced the island Reduction of Malta: there, and in Minorca, lately captured from Spain, of Malta- the troops were chiefly stationed, until dispositions were made to carry into effect the ultimate purpose of the expedition. When Bonaparte left Egypt, in the close of 1799, he had Egypt. conferred the chief command of the army on general Kleber. Before his departure he had made overtures for a pacification with the Ottomans; and a convention for the evacuation of Convention Egypt was settled between the French republic and the Turks, f°*^°a €0f-a" January 24th, 1800, and agreed to by sir Sidney Smith.0 The Dy tile British ministers heard of the convention before they were in-Irench, formed that it was guaranteed by sir Sidney Smith; and ap- ^"ds™.ns™. prehensive that if the French army returned, such a force ney SmiiU. might powerfully affect the war in Italy and Germany, they ordered lord Keith not to ratify any convention formed for that purpose. Kleber having demanded from lord Keith a safe conduct for the return of his army to France, the British ad miral, agreeably to his instructions, declared he would not suffer him to pass unmolested. Meanwhile the grand vizier, with a Turkish army, having taken possession of many posts which the French had evacuated, demanded the immediate surrender of Cairo. General Kleber, urging that the English ]j|ebCT tne were hostile to the convention, refused to deprive his endanger- French ed army of so important a station, and announced his inten- genera' re.- news nosti" tion of renewing the war. On the 18th of March, he attack- mies. ed a body of Turks, and routed them : he then engaged the grand army, and obtained a complete victory. The British court, understanding that the convention had been sanctioned by sir Sidney Smith, though not pleased with an act in which they considered him as having exceeded his instructions, to preserve the character of British faith, ordered the treaty to be ratified. Kleber consented to renew the negotiation ; but be-Newnego- fore matters were brought to a conclusion, he was himself as- 'ia,j°n isff sassinated by a Turkish aga, and succeeded in the command by general Menou. From this time the negotiation appears to have been discontinued, and Menou to have resolved to defend c See State Papers, January 24th, 130ft 71S HISTORY OF THE CHAP. LXVII. 1800. West In dies, cap ture of Curacoa. East In dies, wise administration of the governor general. Egypt to the last. Such was the state of affairs in that quar ter of the world at the end of 1800. In the West Indies, the important island of Curacoa, belonging to the Dutch, was re duced by Britain. In the East Indies, the remains of the war with Mysore were completely crushed, and earl Mornington, now created marquis Wellesley, was wisely and successfully employed in promoting the civil, commercial, literary, and poli tical improvement of a country, which he had so effectually freed from the great military disturber of its peace and hap piness. REIGN OF GEORGE lit. 7t0 CHAP. LXVIH. Britain— high price of provisjons^-riots in September— disturbance in Condon vigour and activity of the volunteer associations — the tumults are quelled without bloodshed. Negotiations for peace with France— French propositions deemed inadmissible by Britain.— Last meeting of the British parliament- inquiries concerning the price of corn— the scarcity is, by opposition, imputed tf sound policy, and must arise from envy, jealousy, or some illiberal or unwise motive, and not from well digested projects either of accumulation or ambi tion : yet, not Paul only, the dupe of every whim and caprice, but Other monarchs of much more respectable understanding, were persuaded, or impelled from jealousy, to seek hostility, which both indirectly and directly must impair their com mercial resources, and diminish their naval power. Denmark Northern and Sweden manifested a determination to co-operate with confadera- Paul. c^' The discussion with the northern powers was one of the The sub- principal subjects which occupied the attention of the first ses-^tidls1^!"' sion of the united parliament. The question which thence united par*-. arose, called forth on both sides very ingenious and able inves- liament., ligations of the maritime public laws, which both parties en deavoured to ascertain from natural jurisprudence, and consi deration of the end of all laws, the mutual and reciprocal pro tection and benefit of the parties concerned from general and acknowledged usage, and definitive and specific contract. A great majority of both houses concurred in thinking, that the pretended claims of the states in question violated the law of nations ; that it was, therefore, just in England to resist their attempts ; and considered the assistance which this illegal traffic might convey to the enemy as so important as to render it expedient to employ force for its prevention. In the month of February, a very unexpected alteration took place in the British cabinet by the resignation of Mr. Pitt and his principal11 coadjutors. For this unforeseen change, various causes were alleged ; a prevalent and popular opinion was, that in the present situation of the country, peace was deemed necessary, and that ministers who had manifested such hostility against the rulers of France, could not consistently be ostensi • h Except Ihe duke of Portland.. 1801. 72G HISTORY OF THE LXVm' k'e counsellors of peace : this, however, was an hypothesis that displayed neither a discriminating nor comprehensive view '^ of the objects and policy of Mr. Pitt. From the commence ment of the war, the minister uniformly professed to seek secu rity, and to desire peace whenever it should be attainable with security : he had repeatedly tried negotiation with the French republic, ministers even had made overtures lo the chief consul. When Bonaparte, in Ihe beginning of 1800, proffered negotia tion, the chief ground of rejection was the instability of the new government. In autumn, 1800, after the events of the summer had ascertained the firmness of the consular establish ment, our cabinet offered to treat, and the negotiation was broken off merely by a difference about terms. Before the close of the year the power of the French rulers, from signal1 success, acquired additional strength. Britain being left by her continental ally, and likely to be engaged in new hostilities, there were more forcible reasons to incline Mr. Pitt to peace, than at any of the periods when he made overtures for concili ation j recollecting and considering these circumstances, I can see no sufficient reason to justify the theory that Mr. Pitt re signed his office from unwillingness to be the adviser of peace ; and his subsequent conduct contradicts, instead of confirming the supposition. Of the other ministers, arguing from their former'mea,sures and policy, I can find none that could be fairly inferred to be hostile to conciliation with France, except Mr. Windham, the friend and votary of Mr. Burke; The grounds alleged by ministers themselves for their retreat from their posts, have a much greater share of intrinsic probability, and are sup ported by various evidences direct and circumstantial. In the discussion of union with Ireland, Mr. Pitt and his sup porters repeatedly mentioned the satisfaction of the catholics, as more practicable under an extended and united legislation^ than a confined and separate ; and he either by express stipu lations had pledged himself, or by general assurances had im pressed many others with a persuasion, that when the union should be effected, he would be the advocate of the catholic claims. I have indeed unquestionable information, that many before adverse, were induced to support the union by a convic tion, that Mr. Pitt would speedily follow it by a proposition palisfactory to the catholics ; that strenuous unionists consi dered Mr. Pittas bound to introduce and support such a mea sure ; and little doubt was entertained that a project which should be proposed by such a minister, would be finally' adopted. But another difficulty arose which proved to be unsurmount- able; the virtues by which our monarch is distinguished, are not mere effusions of pleasing temper, or even amiable dispo sitions ; his is a benevolence confirmed by moral principle, arid conscience, at once expanded and directed by religion : in his relations and conduct to man, he regarded his duly to God ; and in contemplating the engagements which he had incurred, 1801. REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 727 he considered the Being to whom he had called as a witness ; PS™: by his coronation oath, he bound himself to maintain the pro testant religion, established by law ; the proposed changes he "* regarded as inconsistent with that oath, and would agree to no project of policy which was not sanctioned by his conscience. Mr. Pitt, it appears, was so far engaged to support the claims of the catholics, that when unable to execute such an impor tant measure, he deemed it expedient to resign ; and this is the mostprobable and best authenticated account of the motives and causes which terminated one of the most eventful admini strations that English history can record. I trust that the narrative, regarding neither panegyrists nor detractors, but viewing conduct, has not altogether failed in presenting to the reader a just picture of the late ministry ; a short parting view shall now therefore suffice. From the time of Cecil, except sir Robert Walpole, none was so long prime minister of England as Mr. Pitt, and without excepting any statesman, none had to encounter such arduous and trying situations. To direct the counsels of a great nation in difficult circumstances, requires chiefly patriotic intention, wise delibe ration, and energetic execution ; all fortified by a magnanimity, which will be deterred by no paltry, or ignoble motives from beneficial pursuits, plans, and conduct. That William Pitt possesses transcendent talents, none of his most virulent oppo nents, who have any talents themselves, will venture to deny ; but it is on the exercise of his powers, and the co-operation of his moral qualities, that the ministerial character of the statesman rests. To an understanding which unites extraor dinary sagacity, force, and compass, to comprehend the situa tion of affairs in all their bearings and circumstances, to see' what objects ought to be pursued, he unites that combination of invention and discernment which readily discover and esti mate apposite means, with an unyielding firmness, that will act according to his own judgment and choice : his mind is in a high degree endowed with self-possession ; he is neither to be impel led to speak or to act in any other way than he thinks suita ble to the occasion : and perhaps there never was a minister, who, in all the contentions of debate, and the irritation of in vective, so completely retained the command of his own powers and passions: neither the poignancy of a Sheridan, nor the strength of a Fox, could move him from the spot on which he resolved to stand. The integrity of William Pitt the second. as of William Pitt the first, was unimpeached. After seven teen years, he retired from office, with an annuity scarcely five thousand pounds ; an infinitely less provision than his talents might have secured by the exercise of his original profession : but to such a mind, money must be a very secondary object : a passion much more appropriate than avarice to superior minds is ambition. Mr. Pitt, at a very early age, sought power. and acquired it by the fame of his personal qualities ; how hr 728 HISTORY OF THE Sg^l' employed it may be best seen from results. When he became minister, he found the country in a very exhausted state, he ,80, readily perceived that the extension of commerce, improve ment of finance, and promotion of public credit, were objects of the most urgent and immediate concern : justly conclud ing that peace was much more favourable to trade and reve nue than war, he set out as the votary of a pacific policy.' During many years of his administration, commerce, finance, and credit were extremely flourishing : his scheme for paying off the national debt, was very effectual during the continu ance of peace, and diminished the burthens of the war.' His principles of foreign policy were those which his ablest prede cessors had adopted; that the interposition of Britain in the affairs of the continent is expedient, so far as it tends to' preserve the balance of power, for the security of Britain, and the independence of Europe : the application of this principle to Holland, was by all approved ; in the case of the imperial confederacy, the vigour and energy of Pitt repressed, and in a great measure dissolved, a combination that was extremely dangerous to neighbouring stales. No part of his policy was more discriminately wise than his conduct in the first years of the French revolution ; he carefully avoided not only interpo sition, but even the expression of an opinion concerning the new system and doctrines, while they did not disturb this country. Even when they became prevalent here, while he adopted the most effectual precautions for preventing their pernicious operation in Britain, he carefully forebore any allu sion to their consequences in France; he and his coadjutors observed the strictest neutrality between the internal parties of France, and the contending powers of France'and of Germany. In the war, on a fair view of the evidence1' on both sides, there now remains little doubt that the French were the aggressors ; but on the broad question of expediency, the possibility and prudence of avoiding a war, there still exists a great diversity of opinion which must influence the estimate of the administra tion from that time. On the supposition that war was una voidable, its conduct becomes the test for appreciating Mr. Pitt's talents, as a war minister ; and here we must again refer to the results ; where Britain acted in confederacy with other powers, she and they failed in most of the objects which they sought ; going to war to defend Holland, and to prevent the aggrandizement of France, we suffered Holland to become a province, and France to acquire a power unprecedented in the annals of modern Europe ; but where Britain fought alone, and where the councils of her ministers, as well as the efforts of her champions could fully operate, she was uniformly victorious : 1 See accounts presented to the house of commons, of the public funded HebK pnd the reduction thereof, No. 0. p. 8. k ?-ee ihi.- vplmne. rhup. 1. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 720 if, therefore, war was necessary, as far as Mr. Pitt's tajents ^xviii" could operate, it was successful : his plans animating the spirit, ^^^^, for invigorating the energy, and promoting the resources of the lg0) country, were unquestionably efficient. During his belligerent administration, Britain was instigated to efforts which she had never before exhibited. After a contest which reduced the other contending nations to be dependents on France, Britain alone preserved her power and importance. One of the most alarming evils with which Mr. Pitt had to contend, was intesr tine disaffection, arising from the contagion of revolutionary principles : the means which were employed to repress such agitators, were in Britain completely successful, and sedition Was restrained before it ripened into treason. In vigorously pursuing an object right within certain bounds, it is extremely difficult not to overstep the limits. The extravagant projects of the corresponding societies required vigilance and counterac tion, but it appeared that both ministers and parliament misap prehended the case in supposing such machinations to be trea son by the English law : to prohibit the daily utterance of in flammatory lectures, Was certainly necessary in the state of the popular mind : but the laws for imposing the restrictions proba bly outwent the professed purpose. The watchfulness of government respecting Ireland, brought to a premature explo sion the rebellion, that might have proved tremendous had it been allowed time to be fully charged: not satisfied with efficacious remedy to existing evil, Mr. Pitt extended his policy to pre ventives, and endeavoured by union to identify the sentiments as well as the interest ofthe Irish and British. The union be tween Britain and Ireland, one of the most momentous measures of Mr. Pitt, even as to present effects, will probably, in future ages, be much more distinguished, when the consequences of British and Irish connexion are experimentally ascertained, as are now the consequences of English and Scottish. Persons who deny the necessity or prudence of the war, may probably little value the abilities which it has called forth, and if they give credit to Mr. Pitt for genius and energy, may deny him wisdom, and assert, that for the last eight years his great powers were employed in remedying evils which he might have before prevented : this, however, is a mere matter of opinion, that resolves itself into the original expediency of the war, combined with the opportunities of afterwards making peace. It is less the province of the historian to obtrude upon his readers his own judgment, than to furnish to them facts on which to ground theirs : without therefore presuming to solve so very contested a question, I cannot help declaring my tho rough conviction, founded on an impartial and accurate view of his whole conduct/that Mr. Pitt, in advising the commence ment of the war, and at various stages of its continuance, acted conscientiously, and according to the best of his judg ment ; and sought the benefit of his king and country, whose vol. ir. -f)2 730 HISTORY OF THE LXViii' a^a"'s be so long administered. Whether unbiassed posterity .,__. shall regard the war of 1793 as a necessary or unnecessary lg0] measure, peace in 1796 and in 1800 as attainable or not attain able, they must account Mr. Pitt, in the whole series of his administration, a statesman of great ability and strength of mind, who rendered momentous services to his country ; and must allow that never was the force of the British character tried by such dangers, or graced by more splendid achieve ments, than under the administration of William Pitt. This celebrated statesman was supported by able and effi cient colleagues ; of these the first for practical talents, readi ness of useful plan, removal of obstacles, and expeditious des patch of important business, was Henry Dundas, supreme in devising and executing the most effectual schemes of national defence, and for the improvement of British India. For assi duity, research, information, firmness, and perseverance, lord Grenville was highly esteemed. Acuteness, ingenuity, and literary ability, with erudition and taste, constitute the princi pal features in the intellectual character of William Windham ; while his prominent moral virtues are honour, justice, sinceri ty, and benevolence, though not without a tinge of enthusiasm ; and probably this loyal and patriotic senator, like his proto type, Burke, was fitter for acquiring eminence by speculative genius, learning, and eloquence, than the arts of a practical statesman. A most respectable member of the late adminis tration, was the earl Spencer, formerly known as a munifi cent patron and ardent votary of literature and the arts ; but by his recent conduct destined to be transmitted to posterity, not only as proprietor of a most valuable collection of erudi tion, but as the minister who supplied the means for those hero ic naval efforts, of which adequate recital will in future ages be the brightest ornament that can adorn a British library ; and when some descendant of the present Spencer, in a here ditary reservoir of learning, shall dwell on the splendid exploits which Britain performed in the last years of the eighteenth century, with proud pleasure he may say, my ancestor presided in preparing the fleets with which a Jervis, a Duncan, and a .Nelson conquered.1 Mr. Pitt was succeeded by Mr. Addington, who for many years had held the office of speaker of the house of commons, to the very great satisfaction of the house ; lord Grenville, By lord Hawkesbury, eldest son to the earl of Liverpool ; and the other members by gentlemen or noblemen w.ho had belonged to the party of the late administration, except the earl St. Vincent, who was appointed first lord of the admiralty. 1 The fleet which obtained the splendid victory of Howe, was prepared under the auspices of lord Chatham. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 731 In the end of February, the nation was extremely alarmed ^"viii by a fit of illness which seized the king, and tended if possible ^^^^ to manifest more strongly than ever the patriotic and affection- lg01 ate loyalty of alhranks of his faithful subjects; to demonstrate Alarming the tender and anxious love of his queen; the affectionate, illness ofthe and dutiful attachment of the royal children ; and to place A'"fiol]S in a most striking light, the filial piety, judgment, prudence, concern of and delicacy of his eldest son and heir apparent. Less decid- ihe public?: ed in nature, and much shorter in duration, than his former malady, the illness of the king did not severely afflict his ma jesty more than a fortnight ; though • followed by a languor and lassitude which gradually giving way to returning vigour, in a few weeks more totally disappeared, and enabled the monarch to resume his executorial and legislative functions. Inquiries were proposed into the expedition to Ferrol and Ca- Inquiries diz, and also concerning the convention of El-Arish, which if concerning observed by England, it was said, might have prevented campaign. the necessity of sending troops to Egypt : but all these motions were negatived by the usual very great majorities. The sup- supplies. plies additional to those which were voted before the meeting of the united parliament, included a loan of twenty-five mil- Loan. lions, four hundred thousand pounds ; the taxes were numerous xaxei in detail, embracing various conveniences, and indeed by habit; necessaries of life ; especially tea and sugar ; one of the most severely felt by numerous classes, was the tax upon paper of Additional ten per cent, additional duty. This article was before so impost on extremely dear, from the war enhancing the price of materials, PaPer; that the impost operating as a prohibition, very much diminish- effects of. ed the productiveness of the tax. In the first session of the united parliament, a peer of both Liberal and realms, the humane and generous Moira, at length succeeded in Tiseljil,fro''f procuring an act for relieving all such insolvent debtors as insolvent ° without fraud had incurred debts not exceeding 1500Z. and debtors. demonstrated their willingness to do every justice in their power to their creditors, by a complete surrender of their effects. The general principle was to relieve the debtor from a confine ment which could not promote the payment ofthe creditor, and to surrender to the creditor the debtor's funds ; from which only, and not from abridgment of his liberty, the creditor could receive any portion of his demand. Such being the scope of the bill, the clauses and provisions were framed with equal benevolence and discrimination, to relieve misery, without Farther re- granting impunity to guilt. In the course of the session, vari- Ku,ations ous new regulations were made for farther encouraging the ragm'g'the importation of wheat, American flour, and rice, to lessen the importation growing pressure of scarcity. On the 1 st of July, the session of The^sioa parliament terminated. rjses. ?32 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. LXIX. The king of Prussia promotes the northern confederacy---short sighted policy of an attempt to intimidate Britain. — Project of Britain respecting the northern powers — expedition to the Baltic under sir Hyde Parker and lord Nelson— dis positions and force of the northern confederates— our armament arrives in the Cattegate — passes the Sound — Parker resolves to attack the Danes — Nelson offers his services lo conduct the attack — battle of Copenhagen — and victory of Nelson— the victorious admiral proposes an armistice — the prince of Den mark agrees — amicable negotiation. — Sweden. — Russia — death of Paul— ¦ conduct of Alexander — his negotiation wilh Britain — amicable adjustment be tween Britain and the northern powers. — Proceedings of Bonaparte — Germa ny — Italy — naval campaign— enterprise of sir James Saumarez — threats of an invasion— destruction of the gun-boats. — Egypt — the French still keep pos session — Britain resolves to dispossess them — expedition under sir Ralph Aber crombie and lord Keith for that purpose — arrives at Rhodes— ^proceeds to Egypt — lands at Aboukir— battle and victory — storm the fortress — advance towards Alexandria — Menou projects a night attack — executes it, March 21st— surrounds the British forces — Bonaparte's invincibles — British 42d regiment- character of that corps — surprised and encompassed — ralry — cut their way through triple their number — exploits of other regiments — heroism ofthe whole army — death of sir Ralph Abercrombie — enemy repulsed wilh dreadful slaugh ter — never afterwards venture to face the British troops in the field — general Hutchinson succeeds lo the command — operations of— Cairo surrenders to the British arms — capitulation of Alexandria, and the evacuation of Egypt, final ly accomplish Ihe purposes ol the expedition. — Measures ofthe new ministry — they are disposed to peace — negotiations — progress of — believed about to ter minate unfavourably — the nation apprehensive of the continuance of war — preliminaries of peace signed — national joy, though general, not universal. — Conclusion of this work. CHAP. THE king of Prussia earnestly promoted the northern ' confederacy, in hopes, as it afterwards appeared, of deterring v"*7^m"*"' the British government from proceeding with the expedition, Thekingofar,d impelling them to liberate the Swedish and Danish ships; Prussia pro- and with this view sent an army to Hanover; and the king of "onhern6 Denmark also sent a body of troops to Hamburgh, where there confedera- was British mercantile property to a great amount. Short £7- sighted was the policy which supposed that Britain was to be ed policy of intimidated by any confederation, from vindicating her rights. an attempt Finding the hostile disposition of the northern powers, his tointimi- majesty resolved on measures at once decisive and pacifica- tain. fory, somewhat resembling the proposition of Mr. Secretary Project of Pitt," forty years before, for enforcing diplomatic ultimatum snectins-The ^rom t'le mouths of cannon ; our king determined in the present northern dispute to employ a policy consonant to the combined justice powere. m See vol. i. p, 1H7. REIGN OF GEORGE: III. 733 and power of the British nation. This scheme %vas to send CHAP. negotiators for peace to Copenhagen, and to second their nego- ^^^ tiations by a strong fleet, which should beset the sound. The 18Q1 armament destined for this service consisted of eighteen ships of the line, four frigates, and a great number of bomb and gun boats; it amounted in all to fifty-two sail, and had on board several regiments of marines, and of riflemen. The command Expedition of this equipment was bestowed on sir Hyde Parker : second J?11^^" was the hero of the Nile, who went to seek fresh glory in the sjr'Hyde Baltic. On the 12th of March, the fleet sailed from Yarmouth Parker and Roads and proceeded towards the Cattegatc. The northern E^'l80'1, confederates made dispositions for their reception, with a tions and vigour and precaution worthy of wiser policy than that which force of the dictated their hostility against the mistressof the ocean. Aware "°nl^d™ that no naval force was fit to contend with the British, where rates. they had plenty of sea-room, they endeavoured to obstruct our progress, by seizing the straits, and guarding them on both sides with tremendous batteries. The Danish navy consisted of twenty-six ships of the line, with a considerable number of frigates, bomb-ketches and gun-boats. The Swedes posses- Bed eighteen ships of the line, with a proportionable number of smaller vessels. The Russians had forty-seven sail of the line in the north, neither so well equipped, manned, or officered, as the Danish and Swedish ships. The first force which the Bri tish had to meet, was the navy of Denmark. The wind being contrary during part of their voyage, the 0l'r a>™<»- British armament did not reach the Cattegate, till "the 25th ; mv"s Tn'the and proceeding to the Sound, on the 27th, sir Hyde Parker Cattegate ; wrote to the governor of Cronberg castle, which commands the entrance into the straits, desiring to be informed whether he had received orders to fire on the British fleet as it passed into the Sound ; and intimating that he would deem the firing of a gun a declaration of war on the part of Denmark. The Danish governor replying, that he was instructed to oppose such an entrance,0 on the 30th they entered the Sound. The passes the admiral, together with the vice-admiral lord Nelson, and rear-Sound- admiral Graves, reconnoitred the formidable line of ships, radeaux, pontoons, galleys, fireships, and gun-boats, stationed in the road of Copenhagen ; they were flanked and supported by batteries on the two islands called the Crowns, the largest of which, batteries was mounted with from fifty to seventy pieces of cannon. They were again commanded by two ships of 70 guns, and a large frigate, in the inner road of Copen hagen; and two 64 gun shipsj without masts, were moored on the flat, on the starboard side of the entrance into the arse nal. The day after, the yvind being southerly, the admiral Parker re solves to al- n See in London gazette extraordinary of April 15th, copies of four Letters, ~ck lhe No. 1, 2, 3, 4, that passed between sir Hyde Parker and Strieker, commander 0f Danes' Gronberg castle ; and transmitted by sir Hyde lo thc admiralty. 734 HISTORY OF THE LXIXP' a£am examined their position, and came to the resolution of attacking the Danes, from the southward. Lord Nelson having lg01 offered his service for conducting the attack, after having ex- Nelson or- amined and buoyed the outer channel of the middle ground, %s his sei- proceeded with twelve ships of the line, all the frigates, bombs, due? the at- fire?hips, and all the small vessels ; and on the same evening of tack. the 1st of April, anchored off Draco Point, to make his dispo sition for the attack, and wait for the wind to the southward.* Battle of In the morning of the 2d of April, lord Nelson made the signal Copenha- for the squadron to weigh, and to engage the Danish fleet, con sisting of six sail of the line, eleven floating batteries from twen ty-six 24 pounders to eighteen 18 pounders, and one bombship, besides schooner gun vessels. These were supported by the Crown islands, mounting eighty-eight cannon, and four sail of the line moored in the harbour's mouth, and the batteries on the island of Amack. The bomb ship and schooner gun ves sels made their escape ;, the other seventeen sail, being the whole of the Danish line to the southward of the Crown islands, after a battle of four hours,- were sunk, burnt, or taken. "»d victory iji^g resuit 0f tf,e success was, that the remaining ships ofthe enemyj and the batteries of Copenhagen; were iu the power of Nelson. The narrow passage which was the scene of their efforts, prevented admiral Parker's division from taking a share in the conflict.P The* damage suffered by Nelson's division was very considerable, and three of our ships, the Bellona, Russel, and Agamemnon^ were aground, and exposed to the batteries of Crown islands; With his squadron generally vic torious, and these ships in imminent danger, the ready genius of. Nelson immediately formed a project which should at once give effect to the victory, and extricate the ships from their pe- Thevictori-rilous situation. As soon as the cessation of Danish resistance ous admiral enabled him to descend to his cabin, he wrote a letterto the armistice3" Pr'nce roya'' representing the expediency of allowing a flag of truce to pass ; and stating, that if this were denied, he should be under the necessity of destroying the floating batteries, now in his power, while it would be impossible to save those brave men by whom they were defended."! The note was addressed The prince to " the brothers of Englishmen, the Danes." The application! olDenmark of. Nelson produced an interview with the prince, the imme- nsrrees on , . , J /. , ¦ , . . i • , . amicable diate consequence of which was an armistice, which termt- ngrees on amicable negotiation o See gazette extraordinary, April 15th, 1801. p See London gazette extraordinary for April ISth, the. letter of admiral, Par ker to the admiralty, dated on the 6th pf that month off Copenhagen roads. q I have been informed of a circumstance, attending the letter, which admira bly displays the self possession and coolness of our magnanimous hero. Whea the letter was finished, the secretary, from the urgency ofthe case, was going to put a wafer in it, to save the time that would have been occupied by sealing-wax. " No (said Nelson) it must be properly and correctly sealed ; lest, by the appear- * ance of hurry, we indicate our anxiety, and thereby defeat our purpose. REIGN OF GEORGE HI. ?s'S aated in an amicable convention. The Swedish fleet was c!?.yP- detained by contrary winds from joining the Danes; and the successes ofthe British at Copenhagen, strongly impelled them V^XT^' to unite in conciliation : and an event, the intelligence of which now reached both Denmark and Sweden, determined them to Sweden. renounce the northern confederacy. On the night of the 22d of March, Paul, emperor of Russia, Rassia.— was found dead in his bed. His son and successor, Alexander, ^^ ot no sooner ascended the throne, than he demonstrated his de termination to abandon the late projects of his father, and tread in the steps of his renowned grandmother. One of the first Conduct of acts of this prirjce was redress for violated justice ; by retnov- Alexander ; ing the embargo on British shipping and property, releasing Jionn^ft°^ia" British sailors, and sending them to the several ports from which Britain. they had been taken. He immediately despatched an envoy to Britain, expressing his desire to have every difference ami cably terminated ; and a negotiation was opened for that pur pose, in which Sweden and Denmark were now very willing to be included. Both these powers had received fresh warn ings of the impolicy of a contest with Britain : the capture of the valuable islands of Santa Cruz and St. Thomas, with other settlements of smaller note, belonging to Sweden and Denmark, showed that hostilities wilh Britain were no less destructive to their commerce than to their marine. The negotiation ter- Amicable minated in an amicable convention between Britain and Russia,1" adjustment concluded on the 17th of June 1801 ; to which Denmark' ac- Briudnand ceded on the 23d of October 1801 ; and Sweden' on the 30th the north- of March 1802. By the settlement between Britain and theern P°WCTS- northern powers, all tire contested points were so clearly ascer tained, as to preclude any likelihood of future contest : the right of search was accurately defined, and the enumeration of contraband articles was more definite and specific" than at any former period. Such were the effects of seconding nego tiation by formidable force. After the month of April, there were no actual hostilities ; and the British fleet, having effected its purpose, returned to England. Disappointed in his expectations of being seconded by a Proceed- northem confederacy, the chief consul was engaged in conclud- in£s of B*" ing the treaty of Luneville, and arranging the internal affairs of Germany with the emperor and king of Prussia ; he also settled Italy ; prepared to invade Portugal : and attempted to amuse England with feints of invasion, to prevent the British from sending re-enforcements to Egypt. After the treaty of Germans Luneville was' completed, a diet was held at Ratisbon, where in the emperor received full powers, in concert with the courts of Berlin and Petersburg, to adjust the secularizations. Innau-. r-See Slate Papers, June 17th, 1801. s Oc'.eber SOth, 1801. t Stale Papers, March 30ih, 1802. u See the respective convention..; above quoted. 736 HISTORY OF THE LXdP 'ta'y> Peace was concluded between the king of Naples and the French republic. The ecclesiastical territories were restore lg01 ed to the pope. If the emperor had -agreed to the first pro posals made by the chief consul at Marengo, Tuscany would have been permitted to remain governed by a prince of the house of Austria: but being invaded and conquered by the French troops, it became subject to the disposal ofthe repub lic : Bonaparte, erecting it into a kingdom, conferred the go vernment on the youngest branch of the house of Bourbon, under the denomination of the kingof Etruria; a title which has probably been dormant ever since the time of Porsenna, who entered into a confederacy for the restoration of monarchy in republican Rome. Naval cam- Britain, finding Portugal menaced with invasion on account paign. of her fidelity, generously released her from engagements, adherence to which must involve her in ruin. She at the same time granted her a subsidy to defend herself until peace could be safely and honourably concluded. Unable to cope with such powerful enemies as Spain, assisted and headed by France, she prudently entered into a negotiation. Various British squadrons, both in the Atlantic and Mediterranean, watched the motions of the French and Spaniards ; but taught by the events of former years, the enemy's fleet prudently avoided encountering us in open seas. It was theobject therefore of our commanders, to attempt the destruction oftheir force in harbour Enterprise or near the shore. A very signal exploit of this sort was per. of sir James formed by sir James Saumarez: finding some French ships at Saumare2. ancf]0r near Algeziras, he attacked them ; but the wind rising very strong from thc sea, and the water being very shallow in that part of the bay, the Hannibal ran aground, and was taken. The British commander in these circumstances found it necessary for the present to desist. A few days after he at tacked the Spanish ships, sent from Cadiz to convoy the prize from Algeziras : he took a seventy-foUr gun ship, and set fire to two first rates, which were consumed, and near two thou- 1'hreats of sand four hundred men perished. The French continued to a « invasion. menace an invasion; and were reported to have assembled great numbers of gun-boats on their north coast. Lord Nelson undertook an expedition to Dunkirk and Boulogne where the greatest number were understood to be collected. In this under taking, though he incurred considerable loss, yet he was on the whole successful. Destruction The splendid successes of the British arms during this war, ofthe gun- },ad hitherto arisen principally from her navy. Her soldiers indeed had fought with as much valour and skill, as at the most brilliant periods of her military history; and in the campaigns of 1793, 1794, and 1799, efforts of heroism had been exhibited, which fully equalled the glorious seras of Blenheim, Ramilfies, and Quebec ; but the event was very different. In the recent war, onr champions were encumbered, not assisted by allies; •Reign of george ih. rn where we acted alone, we were victorious : in concert we were ^xtx*' not vanquished, but were compelled to relinquish our objects. ^—^J. The. history now comes to exploits and achievements of the ls0] British army, which rhave never been surpassed in the annals of war. - < The death of Kleber, and the succession of Menou toEsyP'- the command, prevented the evacuation of Egypt. The French general resolved to violate the treaty, which had been concluded by his predecessor, and actually kept possession of the. country, which.it had been stipulated to abandon. Justi fiable reasons for transgression of compact are not to be found ; but the motives for a deviation from good faith, were easily dis covered. Egypt was well known to be a favourite object with Bonaparte, and that he attached much more importance to it, than the directorial government. Kleber had concluded the con vention of El-Arish before intelligence had arrived that Bona parte was supreme magistrate, with uncontrolled power ; and was no sooner informed of the elevation of the general, than be -began to make dispositions for retaining possession of Egypt. aiif keeri The misunderstanding with the British government respecting possession. the capitulation allowed him a pretext for re-possessing strong holds. The British ministers, agreeably; to the good faith of the nation, ratified, the treaty as soon as they were assured that it had been actually concluded. The negotiation had been renewed, as we have seen, but the. assassination of Kle* her intervened before any decisive measure was effected. Besides the views of Bonaparte, the wishes, of Menou himself were eager for retaining Egypt: he had declared himself a ronssulman, married an Egyptian lady, was desirous of erect ing Egypt into a colony, and extremely hostile to all who pro posed to return to France. Some asserted, that he even in tended to render Egypt an independent principality, of which be, himself might be the head. This opinion is not very probable ; because without the protection of France, he could have no reasonable hopes of being able to maintain his ground ; and there are no proofs that he ever had such an object in contemplation. But whatever might be, his purpose in keeping Britain re possession of Egypt, it was an end of the first importance to^™]^ the British government, to drive theFreneh enemy from a set-. them!'* tlement which was in itself advantageous and productive; and might pave the way for enabling them to annoy British India. To achieve such a momentous purpose, was the ulti- mate.oaject of the expedition, in which sir Ralph Abercrom bie commanded the army, and lord Keith the fleet. - After our v ,. . armament had- withdrawn from Cadiz, in October 180O, they ofsv ^ Ralph entered the Mediterranean, and during some time anchored inAberc-rom- the bay of Tetuan. On the 3d of November, part of the fleet b;e and lord sailed for .Minorca, and. the remainder, with sir Ralph Aber- thai P'a£r crouibie to Malta, where it arrived on the 30th, and was join- Pos«- fid by lord Keith, with the other division, on the 14th of De- Vof.. it. 93 738 HISTORY OF THE Lxix' cemDer- At Malta, the troops disembarked, while the ships ^^^^^ were cleaning : the abundance of fresh provisions, the comforts 1801. °f tne beautiful city of la Valette, and the luxuriancy ofthe scenery soon re-animated the troops, and rendered them com pletely fit for service. On the 20th and 21st, the first and second division sailed from Malta, and instead of proceeding directly to Egypt, bent their course to Asia Minor, and an- Arrive at chored in Marmorice bay; between the continent and the isl- 1Marmorice.and of Rhodes. The object of this diagonal movement was to be assured of the military co-operation of the Torks, and also their assistance in furnishing horses, gun-boats, and other necessary articles :* here also they procured supplies of fresh provisions. During the month of January, and a considera ble part of February, the expedition continued in this station, and every endeavour was employed to learn the nature and local circumstances ofthe country, the force and disposition of the enemy. On the first subject, the only ¦ officer that could give them any information was sir Sidney Smith; the coasts that commander had seen, surveyed with his usual accuracy, and comprehended with his usual ability; but to the interior parts of the country his knowledge did not extend. Captain Boyle, who had been wrecked off Damietta, and, contrary to the usages of war, was made a prisoner, had omitted no op portunity of learning the number, condition, and situation of the French army ; but it appears the intelligence actually re ceived by the British commanders, from such confined sources, was extremely imperfect,'' and the power of the enemy was much greater than they had any reason to apprehend. The French force which now possessed Egypt, it was after wards found, amounted to thirty thousand, besides natives, who were reckoned about fifteen thousand more. The Gallic troops were habituated tb the country, elated with success, inured to danger, aware of the importance of Egypt to their govern ment, determined to defend the possession of it, and encoura ged in this determination, no less by the assurance of speedily receiving1 effectual succours, than by the promise of reward, and the love of glory. The English army that was to dis* possess this formidable force, amounted to fifteen thousand, of whom 'from sickness only twelve thousand were effec tive; and thus twelve thousand troops, totally unacquainted with the country, and unused to the climate, were to attack what thirty thousand of the best troops of the continent of Europe, thoroughly conversant in all the local advantages, and familiarized to the climate, were to defend. Such was the rela tive state of the parties : let us now follow them to their conduct in that state. Proceed to On the 23d of February, the fleet weighed anchor ; the *^},pt' number of vessels of every kind amounted to about a hundred * Sir Robert Wilson, p. 3.. • REIGN OF GEORGE IH. 739 and seventy-five sail; and, says the historian of the expedition; l^ni Va nobler sight could not be beheld. The greatness of the ^^-^j u armament, the gaiety of the brave men on board, exciting lg01 "reflections on the awful destiny of the expedition, not only as "relating to those immediately acting in it, but as affecting the *' dearest interests of Great Britain, afforded a scene for con- " templation, in the highest degree gratifying and impressive."y The armament steered a southern course: on the 1st of March the leading frigate , discovered land, which proved to be the coast near Arabs Tower ; and on the next morning the whole fleet .nfjoored in Aboukir bay, and the. men of war occu pied the very ground on which had been fought the battle of Nelson. The coast from Aboukir bay round to the Nile presented an Attempt to- appearauce at once picturesque, striking, and formidable. The 'jjjjjjjjj,. sea full of shoals rendered disembarkation extremely difficult, aud even dangerous, though it should not be interrupted by an enemy. The, shore and the adjacent country were covered with sand hills ; among these the- French were disposed in very great numbers and force, with batteries in front ; towards the Nile to the left extremity of the British ; and on our right along the promontory of Aboukir. The batteries and sand hills afforded to the artillery and musketry such positions' as could dreadfully annoy our troops in their attempt to land, and> be secure themselves : while they* fired on our soldiers, our ships could not return the fire, because thereby they must bear upon their friends more than upon their foes. Tremendous as were; these obstacles to landing, they served only to rouse the energy -of British heroism : but for some -days the extreme roughness of the surf prevented an attempt to disembark. On the 8th of March, the weather being less boisterous, it was resolved on that day to effect a landing. Early in the morning, the first divi sion, of the army, consisting of the reserve under the -orders of major-general Moore ; the brigade of guards under major* general Ludlow ; and: part of the 1st brigade,, com posed of the royals,. 1st battallion of the 54th, and two hundred ofthe 2d baltallion ; the whole amounting to about five thousand five hundred men, under the command of major-general Coote, as sembled in the boats ; the remainder of the 1st and 2d brigade being put into ships close to the shore, that a support might be quickly given after the first landing was effected.* At nine o'clock the signal was. made for the boats to advance, and the, troops proceeded towards the shore. The French, postediBnU]ean)j among the sand hills, and forming the concave arch of a circle, victory. looked with wonder at the preparation ; and, as they after wards confessed, did not believe such an adventurous attempt ;y Jiir Rpber,! Wilson, p, 7. <-.-,.., !- . > z General Abercroinbie's Letter, dated March 16lh, 1801, iii the LondoE Gazette of Muy 9th ; sir Robert Wilson, pjige 12. 1801, 740 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. couid be made: but when they saw the boats moving with ex- traordinary rapidity, they were convinced that the British were " in earnest, and they immediately poured from the heights, and Aboukir castle, all the shot and grape-shot that their musketry and artillery could issue : the effect was tremendous ; in a si tuation in which they could not return the fire, and seeing their comrades fall about them, under these fell messengers of multi plied death, instead of being dismayed, our heroic soldiers were the more indignantly eager to reach the shore, where, bringihg arm to arm of Briton against Frenchman, they knew they would soon avenge their fellow countrymen. The boats arriv ed at the destined point : springing on land, in the face of camion, our champions formed on the beach, and advanced in a line, which, in the deep sands, piles of sand hills, and in the face Of the enemy, was as well observed as if they had been exercising on a parade.8 Marching coolly and steadily up to the foes, they were enabled to use the surest instrument of vic tory to British courage, supported by British muscular strength ---the bayonet. And now the artillery from our ships could operate against the batteries of Aboukir, without exposing our soldiers to danger. The French made a stand Worthy of their national heroism : but. when British sailors can use their can non, and British soldiers their bayonets, the most valiant Frenchmen are destined to yield. In the conflict beiween such combatants, the battle was obstinate and bloody: but our heroes prevailed. The French found they had more formida ble foes to encounter than even those whom they had met sit Lodi and Areola ; and that a British handful at Acre had mere ly given a specimen of what they might expect from a British army. The country in which this astonishing landing was effected, is an oblong peninsula ; having on the east a branch of the Nile; on the north the ocean ; on the south the canal of" Alex andria, called by the French lake Maadie ; and on the west, si tuated on the isthmus, the city of Alexandria. The peninsula was from two to three miles in width, from the sea to thecanal": from the vanguard of the army, now facing the west, to Alex andria, the space was about sixteen miles, but full of ruins, and other posts of very strong defence. On the right was the sea, with the British fleet at anchor in the bay ; behind was the Nile; on the left the canal; and in front sand hills, terminat ed by the metropolis, flanked by its sublimely towering Pharos. On the 9th of March the army advanced to the westward, leaving two regiments to blockade Aboukir, Which refused to a Lieutenant-colonel James Stewart, of the 43d regiment, told me he had never seen the ranks more exactly dressed, or a better and more harmonious line on a review day, than was here formed and maintained in the face of so many obstacles and dangers. Thai gentleman himself, with colonel Dickson, the first lieutenanl-colone), were wounded in- this engagement, REIGN OF GEORGE III. p4l surrender. The 10th and 11th were employed in reconnoitring CHAP. the enemy, bringing stores from the ships, and forming hospi- LXIX- tals and depots., On the L2tli some partial skirmishes took v"*T!m"W place, but with no material consequences. The French army was posted on a ridge of- heights, about four miles from Alex andria; the British resolved to attack them in this position : and on thp, 13th commenced the assault, by the left of our Battle of army, hoping to, turn the right flank of their antagonists. The Melrlc'lth of enemy made a very, vigorous resistance, and by their cavalry aud artillery cut off a great number of our men, and prevented us from attacking them in flank ; but the British, forming in two lines, made such a charge in the front, as compelled them to retire, ,to the heights, , before Alexandria. Ardent to pursue their victory, the gallant British pushed on to force the strong position of the enemy ; hut the French artillery played with such tremendous .effect, that it was found prudent to desist ; 4nd the loss of our troops in this arduous enterprise was very .considerable. The detachment that was employed in the siege of Aboukir proceeded in its operations, and on the 17th day .that turtress surrendered. The army was meanwhile employed in getting their heavy cannon on shore,, and procuring supplies of water and provisions. Menou was now arrived from Cairo, and the whole force of the French was concentrated at Alex andria,.. By his memorable defence of Acre, sir Sidney Smith had obtained very great influence among the Arabs, who com municated to him every information which they deemed im portant., On the evening of- the 20th, an Arab chief sent a Menou pro-. letter to this commander, acquainting him that general MenonJJjJkamg&t was arrived, and intended the next morning to attack the Bri- tisii camp. Sir Sidney believed the intelligence:0 the com manders did not think it probable that such an attempt would be niade: but the. information proved authentic. y The British army, at this time was encamped across the peninsula, about lour miles from Alexandria; the right con sisted of variousjregiments, in front of which, on the extremity, was -the 28th; in a redoubt the 42d to theleft,.a little more advanced,* with Stewart's foreign regiment on the left in front J immediately behind, the 28th, the 23d, and 58th, and about five other regiments farther back. Such was the plan of our right division : between which and the left there intervened a considerable space. Between the right of the British and the beach there was a narrow tract of ground ; iu day-light covered by the British frigates and gunboats that were nearest the shorte, but at night, without such a collateral defence. Menou propo sed to turn the right flank of our right division on the one hand, and • attack the left flank -of the same division on the other, so as to surround that part of the army ; and cut it off b Sir Roherl Wilson, p: 29. c See Sir Robert Wilson's-plan of athe Battle of the 21st. 742 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. LX1X. British 42d regiment.Bonaparte 'i Jnvinciblcs Surprised and en compassed, Heroism of ihe whole army. from the support of the left : to facilitate the intended assault; on the right, the French made a feint on the other division. At half past three in the morning, some musketry, was heard on the extremity of the left; and when anxious attention was turned to that quarter, loud shouts were heard on the right : a roar of musketry succeeded, and the action became general. The enemy had turned our right flank, and the 28th, from its position, bore the first brunt of the battle, and maintained their ground against unequal numbers with the intrepid heroism < of British soldiers. The 58th and 23d, which were behind the 28th, with equal intrepidity, marched to its assistance, but the numbers of the French were extremely great. Colonel Alex ander Stewart marched the 42d to support their fellow soldiers, and became engaged with a corps, styled by the French, In visibles (and till that morning they had deserved the name); THE HIGHLANDERS COMPLETELY VANQUISHED THE INVINCIBLES, and took their standard ; but while pursuing their victory, a body of cavalry coming round, charged them in the rear, while a, fresh column marched up to them in front. In this double danger, Stewart* made every disposition that the exigen cy could admit ; and the highlanders at the same time fought in front, flank, and rear. The company of major- Robert Bis set was first engaged with the French cavalry; and, after a most intrepid resistance, their commander being first wounded with a pistol, and afterwards mortally with a sabre, a great part of the company was cut to pieces; and, combatting quad ruple their number, the whole corps performed the most splen did efforts of prowess worthy of their heroic character so long earned and uniformly maintained ; but they were oppressed by numbers, and in very imminent dangers: yet, though broken., the gallant band was not defeated : individually its heroes re sisted, and the conduct of each man exalted the renown ofthe regiment.*- — But why, in recounting the extraordinary feats of British heroism, should we dwell on the achievements of one part: fighting for their king and country, every column, Low land, English, and Irish, had the hearts and hands of Royal Highlanders. Nor were the efforts of the army, at this critical juncture, confined to the native subjects of his majesty: foreign troops displayed equal valour, and gave an important turn to the contest. The 42d and 28th were almost overpowered, when general Stewart with the foreign brigade, consisting of d Alexapdcr Slewart, first major of the regiment, and then commander.}-, Dickson, and James Stewart, the two lieutenant-colonels, having been wounded on the 8lh. Alexander Stewart, though but little turned of forty, has- been twenty-eight years an officer in thai regiment : he is the eldest son of a very re spectable gentleman, Robert Stewart, esq. of Clochfollidgh, in the county .«£ Perth. James, his younger brother, was on this expedition, captain of Idift, Keith's ship. e SirBobert Wilson, p. XZ REIGN OF GEORGE III. f&: three regiments;* advanced to their assistance, and poured iii ^U^T* such a heavy and well directed fire, that nothing could with stand it: the enemy fled in confusion. Though the battle was v"-^m~S"' hottest in the front division of the right wing, yet the attack of the enemy extendted to the rear, and part of the left was en gaged: but the valour of our troops was every where propor tionate tb the dangers by which it was assailed. Next to the regiments that have been already mentioned, the 40th, 44th, 30th, and Queen's, appear to have been chiefly exposed in the battle. Soon after daybreak, the French were repulsed on every side. A fresh column attempted to turn the right flank of Enemy re- the guards, who were in the right extremity of the left wing, Pulsed wllts but the steady and vigorous fire of those troops soon compclled-siaughter. the enemy to fly, and the repulse was complete. During the charge of cavalry, the veteran hero, sir Ralph Abercrombie, received his mortal wound. On the first alarm he had hastened to the scene of combat; and having despatch ed his aides--du-camp with orders to tbe different brigades, he was alone when some French dragoons attacked him, threw him from his horse, and attempted to cut him down with a sword ; the gallant old man sprang up to defend himself;- and wrested the sword from his antagonist, who was immediately bayonetted by a soldier ofthe 42d : but our general himself had received wounds, which at the time he little regarded, and he kept the field, givinghis orders with his usual coolness and in trepidity. When the flight of the enemy rendered exertion no longer necessary, his spirit yielded to nature, he became faint, and was placed in a hammock. Hailed on every side by the Death ef blessings ef his soldiers, he was carried to a boat, and conveyed-si'' Ralph on board lord Keith's ship; and after languishing for several j^61'01'0"'" days, died on the 28th. .- * Sir Ralph Abercrombie was one of the most distinguished generals in the British service. His commands were impor tant, and uniformly successful ; the means which he employed were indeed the most efficacious for ensuring victory. To his officers and soldiers he united every practicable and useful in dulgence, with the strictest discipline and the most rigid exac tion of professional duty. He was beloved and revered by the armyj'and they went on with the assurance of victory when he wasat their head. In private life, he was as amiable and esti* mable as in public meritorious and admirable. To his family/ friends, and connexions, of every rank and degree, he was en deared by the habitual practice- of all the relative and social f Sir Ralph Abercrombie was the representative ofthe very ancient and respectable family of Tulibodie, in the couuty of Clackmannan ; he married miss Menzies, of the family of Castle Menzies, and cousin-german to sir Robert Menzies, head of that name and house. . As a testimony of his majesty's regard, his widow has been crealed a baroness, t"ic honours lo descend to.fheit son anfl jheir. ^44 HISTORY OF THE S!xix' *'"t*es> *be agreeableness of his manners, the warmth and fen> v— ^_^ demess of his affections, the honour and integrity of his con- joqj duct : but to use the words of an illustrious judge ;B " it is some "consolation to those who tenderly loved him, that, as his life " was honourable, so was his death glorious : his memory will "Rerecorded in the annals of his country, will be sacred to V every British soldier, and embalmed in' the recollection of a " grateful posterity.?' Of officers of rank, major-general Moore was wounded in the head, but not dangerously ; brigadier- general Oakes was dangerously wounded ; colonel Paget,- of the heroic 28th, was wounded at the first onset, but less severely than general Moore. The field officers killed were, lieutenant- colonel David Ogilvy,11 of the 44th ; lieutenant-colonel Peter Dutens,' of one of the foreign regiments ; and major Robert Bisset.1*- The other officers killed and wounded were not nume rous, but in their respective ranks also merited and earned high commendation. Invincible As every circumstance belonging to this momentous and glo- standard. rfous day must be interesting to readers, it may not be deemed improper to say a few words on a subject which has greatly engaged the public attention : the capture, loss, and re-capture, of tbe invincible standard. Of the various statements that have been presented concerning this trophy, the following, admitted by sir Robert Wilson, is in itself the most probable, reconciles different testimonies, and shows that evidence which has been represented as contrary, is merely a variety of 'parts which easily harmonizes into one whole. Major Stirling, of the 42d, took the standard,' just as they had marched to the relief of the 28th, delivered it to serjeant Sinclair, and directed him to retire to. the rear. By the surrounding cavalry, Sinclair was wounded, and lost the standard :ra here ends the evidence of the capture g See general Hutchinson's letter to Mr. Dundas, dated the 6th of April, 18Q1 , and inserted in the gazelle extraoi dinary of the 15th of May . h An officer of very high character, whom 1 knew from a, boy ; he was my class fellow at St. Andrew's college, with captain Charles Campbell,»hp^»enty- two years before (as I mentioned in the account of ihe campaign 1779,^ fell iu an earlier slage'of the same honourable course. Colonel Ogilvy was the son of the late sir John Ogilvy, head of a very ancient and honourable family in lh ate peace more distant throughout Loudon, than during the greater part of the 1st of October. Such were the opinions that prevailed, when the next day opened with intelligence that peace was concluded between Great Britain and the French republic. The tidings spread through the country a joy that was natural and just, on the supposition that the peace would be secure and permanent ; and that supposition was founded in an idea that the chief consul of France would regard the real interest and w;elfare of the people, and would not provoke dis-* jnission from his office, by rendering it the instrument of na- 750 HISTORY OF THE LXIX 1801. CHAP, tional misery. The reasoning was fair; the hopes -of durable tranquillity were founded on probable grounds, 'and the rejoie- ' ings were general.1 They were nothowever universal, asfrbnr the situation and character of the chief consul, a small number augured inveterate hostility to Britain. The objects which the former ministers had professed to seek by war, and in the successive negotiations, were, the security of Britain, restitution to her allies, and the independence of Em-ope. From the events of .the war, and the separate trea ties which had been concluded by her first confederates, it was impracticable for Britain to provide for their independence any farther than they chose to co-operate themselves. Restitution to allies was become a much narrower proposition than before, because allies were so few : it now comprehended only de mands for the evacuation of Egypt ;> and for the restoration of places which were taken from the queen of Portugal. The conquests of France had been immense, but ceded by theic former possessors, could not wilh .any hopes of success be re claimed from her by Britain ; and all the restitution which We sought to our allies was obtained. Respecting Britain her self, ministers did not think it necessary to insist on retaining all the acquisitions of our valour : we did not fight to subdue the possessions. of others, but to secure ourselves. We agreed to restore all our acquisitions, except the island of Trinidad, and the Dutch possessions in the island of Ceylon. TheCape of Good Hope was to be opened to both parties : and the island of Malta was to be evacuated by Britain, but to be placed on such a footing as to render it totally independent of France.1 As a mere question of terms and equivalents, it may be doubled whether we might not have commanded greater extent of ter ritory, if acquisition had been our object ; but acquisition was- an object which the present, like the former ministry, uniformly disclaimed ; and the retention of a plantation more or less was held to be a very inadequate ground for incurring the expense and loss of another campaign. The preliminaries, signed at London, on the first of October, were-ratified by the chief con sul on the 7th ; and so terminated the memorable war between- Great Britain and the French republic. The treaty of Amiens opened new subjects of discussion^. which for the reasons mentioned in the preface, appear to me x I must acknowledge that I was one who rejoiced at the peace. I thought it would be lasting, because it was the interest of France, and the chief consul him-- self, that il should be permanent ; andv Bonaparte had repeatedly declared his re- gret that the two first nations in the world should waste their resources andpowej: in enmity. y The news ofthe capture of Alexandria, as our readers will recollect, had not reached Britain ; though by many it was supposed lo have reached the chief consul ; and that he readily consented to evacuate a country from which he knew his troops had been driven by force. 7, See State Papers, October 1, 1801. 1801. REIGN OF GEORGE III. fSl ftp .belong more properly to a subsequent period, which shall ^*p- -embrace the history and progress of that pacification ; the state a.nd sentiments of the two countries, and of other nations du ring the peace ; the rise and progress of the rupture, with the events which may ensue until hostilities be brought to a perma nent conclusion. The most important object which Britain as certained at the termination of the late war, was her own se curity : for this valuable blessing, under providence, she was indebted to her own extraordinary efforts during the whole of the contest, but especially since the rupture of the first negoti ation at Paris. She had proved, even beyond her own exer tions in former times, that she was superior to the whole naval world combined against her in war. Every attempt to disturb her rights, to invade her dominions, either directly or indirectly to impair the sources of her commercial prosperity and politi cal greatness, have recoiled on the authors : never had hep commerce been so flourishing, or her power so resistless, as during the most arduous war which her history has to record. Threatened, and actual rebellion only demonstrated paramount loyalty and patriotism : attempts on her finances," displayed beyond former conception, the extent of her resources ; leav ing their bounds far beyond calculation ; resources exhaustless, because flowing from minds which afford perennial supply : menaced invasion served only to show the number and force of her voluntary defenders: Every means that fertile genius could devise, or gigantic power execute, was essayed against our country : if she could have been subdued by any human effort, in the late arduous contest she must have fallen : the' stupendous exertions that were employed against Britain, but employed in vain, demonstrate her invincible. Here rests OUK SECURITY, IN THE MANIFESTATION OP RESOURCES NOT TO BE EXHAUSTED, A SPIRIT NOT TO BE BROKEN, AND A FORCE NOT TO BE SUBDUED : OUR SECURITY IS INVULNERABLE WHILE WE CON TINUE WHAT WE HAVE BEEN, AND ARE TRUE TO OURSELVES. a From Ihe account presented to the house of commons, it appears that the na tional income amounts lo the wonderful sum of sixty-three millions two hundred and forty -five thousand five hundred and fifty-nine pounds four shillings and eight pence, exceeding the expenditure by six hundred and seventy thousand and eighty pounds six and eight-pence, besides the annual million. From the same vouchers it appears, that so rapid has been the operation of Mr Pitt's plan for the reduc tion of the national debt, that in sixteen years and a half, sixty-seven millions two hundred and fifty-five thousand nine hundred and fifteen pounds have been paid off. — See Wo. 6, Accounts respecting the Public Funded Debt, p. 8, column se? cond. INDEX. [N. B. Hit Roman Numerals direct to the Volume, and the Figures to the Page,] A. ABERCROMBIE, general, appointed to command in North America in 1758, i. 121. Expedition against Ticonderoga, 122. Unsuccessful, ibid. Subsequent suc cesses, ibid, i lieutenant-colonel, killed at Bunker's Hill, i. 430. — — — — — • general Robert, commands the Malabar army against Tippoo Saib, ii. 369. Progress of, 370. Prevented by the floods from joining the main army, ibid. Co-operates in the siege of Seringapatam, ibid. Success in the West Indies, 577. , general Ralph, efforts of, in the Netherlands, ii. 446. Commands the first division ofthe expedition to Holland, 664. Landing at the Helder, ibid. Subsequent conduct in Holland, 666. Testimony of the duke of York in his fa vour, ibid. Commands an expedition to the Spanish coast, 716. Proceeds to Egypt, 737. Conduct on the 21st of March, wounded, 743. Death, ibid. And character, ibid. Abstraction in politics. See Parliament. Aeadians, or French neutrals, i. 96, 97. Acre. See sir Sidney Smith. Adam, William, esq. abilities and character, i. 628. His speech on the influence of the crown, 629. Adheres to lord North, 766. Proposed inquiry concerning the trial of Muir and Palmer, ii. 467. Masterly view of Scottish law, 469. Eloquent speech on the conduct ofthe Scottish judges, ibid. Motion on the penal law of Scotland, 470. Able and profound reasoning, ibid. captain Charles, son to the former, brilliant naval achievement, ii. 743. n. Adams, Daniel, secretary to an innovating society, ii. 472, Arrested, 473, ¦ ¦ Samuel, president of the congress. See Congress. Addington, Henry, esq. is appointed speaker ofthe house of commons, ii. 192. Pro position of, respecting the slave trade, 366. He proposes voluntary contributions, 615. Is appointed prime-minister, 730. Adultery, bill respecting divorces for. See Auckland, and Parliament. Agricola, effect of his conquest of Britain, i. 8. Albanians, ii. 686. Albemarle, commands the expedi tion to the Havanna, i, 184. Alexander succeeds his father Paul, ii. 735. Character and pacific dispositions, ibid. Adjustment between him and Britain, ibid. Alfred, genius and wisdom of, i. 12. Extricates his country from imminent danger, ibid. Perceives the security and aggrandizement of Britain to depend chiefly upon her navy, ibid. Founder of English jurisprudence, navigation, and commerce, 13. Allen, Ethan, proceedings of, on the lakes, i. 433. America, Americans, and American colonies. America, discovery of, i. 21. First voyages to, by England, 22. Farther discoveries in, 25. Voyages to, for disco vering the northwest and northeast passages, 34, 35. By sir Francis Drake, ibid First projects of colonization in, by Gilbert and Raleigh, ibid. Colonies planted in under James, 42. South colony of Virginia, and north colony of New England. Vol. ii. 95 INDEX. Genius of republicanism in New-England, i.ibid.h43 Different political principles ofthe southern and norlhern colonics, 49, 50. Navigation act for securing to Bri tain the commerce of the colonies, ibid. New colonies in the north, south, and middle, 52. Progress of the American colonies under William, 62. Under queen Anne, 73. Under George 1. 82. Opinion of Walpole on the taxation of America, ibid. Slate of colonies at the peace of Aix-la-Cbapelle, 93, 94. Encroachments of the French, 94. Settlement of Nova Scotia, 95. Further aggressions of Ihe French, 98. Internal slate of the colonies, 100. Hostilities in America, 101. Campaign 1755 in, 102 to 104. Campaign 1756 in, 109. Of 1757, 117. Expedi tion to Louisbourg, ibid. Unsuccessful, ibid. Result of that campaign unfortu- nate, ibid. Campaign 1758 in, 121. Objects and plans of, ibid. Conquest of cape Brelon, ibid. Disappointment at Ticonderoga, 122. Capture of French forts, ibid. Result of the campaign successful, ibid. Campaign 1759 in, ibid. Amherst com mander in chief, ibid. Expedilion under Wolfe to Quebec, 123. Difficulties ofthe undertaking, 124. Battle of Quebec, victory, and death of Wolfe, 125. Quebec surrenders, ibid. Result of the campaign glorious, 126. Campaign 1760 in,iHH. Complete subjugation of Canada, 127. Contraband trade in, 217. Projects of Mr. Grenville, respecting our colonies in, ibid. Innovating scheme of taxation in, 218. State, character and dispositions ofthe norlhern, middle, and southern colo nies respectively, ibid, and 219. Plan of taxing America, 225. Stamp act, 227. Effects ofthe new system in America, 229. The people threaten to abstain from British commodities, 231. Violent proceedings in, 237. Especially in the north, ibid. Nonimportation agreements of the colonies, 238. Policy of the Rockingham ministry, respecting, 240 Repeal of the stamp act, 248. Law declaring the Bri tish right of taxation, 242. New imposts on, 260. Colonies of, displeased at the new imposts, 287. Massachusetts foremost in discontent, ibid. Lord Hillsborough's letter to assemblies of, 288. Outrages at Boston, ibid. Revival against the colo nies of the statute for trying, within the realm, treasons committed beyond seas, 294. Discontents in, 300. First policy of lord North towards the colonies, 311. Tumult at Boston, 312. Trial and acquittal of captain Preston, 313. The colonic!. become tranquil, 319. Diversity of sentiment between New-England and the other colonies, 326, 327 Is not sufficiently regarded by ministers, 327. Southern colonies tranquil, northern turbulent, 342. Massachusetts disavows the authorities of the British constitution, ibid. Tranquillity and prosperity of the colonies, 355, Export of lea to, 358. Alarm at Boston, ibid. Lexers of the governor discovered, ibid. Tea arrives at Boston, 359. A mob throws the cargo into the sea, 360. For the proceedings thereon in England, see Parliament and Britain. Effects of the new British measures in the colonies, 383. Ferment through the provinces, ibid. Resolution of thc provincial assemblies, 384. Solemn league and covenant, 386. Meeting of a general congress at Philadelphia, 388 Proceedings of, see Congress. Spirit of colonial proceedings, 392. Military preparations, 393. • Massachusetts the hinge of peace and war, ibid. Provincial congress of, assumes the supreme power, 394. Farther proceedings respecting, in Britain, see Britain and Parlia ment. State of affairs and senliments in the colonies at the beginning of 1775, 421. General enthusiasm, ibid. Warlike preparations, 423. Commencement of hosti lities between the colonies and the mother country, ibid. Battle at Lexington, 424. Attempt on Ticonderoga, 428. Battle of Bunker's Hill, 429. Washington ap pointed commander in chief, see Washington; Expedition to Canada, see Mont gomery, Car/ton, fee. Pioceedings in Virginia, 438. Scheme of lord Dunmore for exciting negro slaves, 439 Project of Connelly in Pennsylvania, 440. Mary land, and the CarolinaSjiWrf. Campaign 1776 : for British efforlSj see Howe, Bur- goyne, Clinton, he. Internal proceedings of the the colonies, 466. Declaration of Independence, 468. Was independence their original aim, 470. The provincials INDEX. refuse offers of conciliation, i. 474, 475. Defeated at Long-Island, but escape, 476. Burn New- York, 479 Partially defeated at White Plains, but escarc, 480. Con sternation of, on ihe successes of Cornwallis, 483. Expecl Howe at Philadelphia, ibid. But are agreeably disappointed by his termination of the campaign, 484. They are animated to offensive operations, ibid. Surprise Uie Hessians at Tren ton, 485. Defeated on the lakes, 488. Their privateers annoy our Irade, 4li9. Dis tressed situation of their army during the winter, 509. Nevertheless their hopes and spirits are high, ibid. Dispositions of, to oppose the British ut Brandywine, 512. Their fortifications on the river, 514. Their distressed situation at White Marsh, 516. And Valley Forge, ibid. Their galleys destroyed at Skeensborough, 519. Stratagem of their general Schuyler, 520. Th'ey surround the British at Saratoga, 525. See Gates. They conclude a treaty with France, 556. Skir mishes with the royalists in the commencement of 1778, 569, 570. Refuse to treat with the British, but as an independent nation, 572. Operations in the Jerseys, 573. Their attempt on Rhode Island, 577. They are dispossessed of Georgia, 607. But assisted by ihe French, 610. They besiege Savannah, ibid. But are re pulsed, 611. Their defence of Charleston, 648, 649. But are conquered, 650. Ope rations of their detached parties, 652, 653. State of their army at New-York, 656, 657. They are deserted by general Arnold, 660. Defeated at the battle of Guil ford, 709. Besiege Ninety-Six, 711. Their successes against Cornwallis, 713, 714. Inaction in 1782, 739. Their independence is acknowledged by Britain, 758. And peace concluded, ibid. Stale of, at the peace, 763. Claims of loyalists from, ii. 134. American republic, as affected by the Revolutions in Europe, 635. Their spirited conduct respecting the French, 636, 637. Amherst, appointed commander in chief in America, i. 122. Progress in Canada, ,ibid. Amsterdam. See Holland. Andre, major, his character, enterprise, and fate, i. 659. Anne, queen of England, popular among the contending parties, i. 66. Though a tory in principles, is long governed by the whigs, ibid. Her successful war, 67. Rejoins the church party, 71. Her ijeign favourable to commerce and navigation, 74. Anson, lord, with Hawke, destroys the trade ofthe enemy, i. 128. Anstruther, John, appointed one of the committee for prosecuting Mr. Hastings, ii. 103. Distinguished himself on the question of Scottish criminal law, 469. Distin guishes himself on the questions about Muir and Palmer, ibid. Antwerp, hopes, through the emperor Joseph, to re-open the Scheldt, ii. 23. Yields to the French, 396, 397. Argyle, duke of, voluntarily raises two thousand men, i. 550. Armada, Spanish, discomfited by the English, i. 38. Arnold, general, marches to join Montgomery, i. 434. Arrives opposite Quebec, 435. Joins Montgomery in the siege, 436. On the death of Montgomery raises the siege, 437. Disgusted with the Americans, 658. Enters into a secret correspondence with the British general, 659. Which being discovered, he saves himself by flight, 660. Incursion into Virginia, 710. ( Arthur, murder of, destructive to his uncle king John, i. 15. Artillery, see different wars and battles. Moral, see Acre and Egypt. v Assembly, general of Scotland, debates concerning patronage, i. 534. National, see France. Athol, the duke of, cedes the Isle of Man to government, i. 230. Duke of, (son ofthe former) voluntarily raises a thousand men for the service of his country, 550. Firm and prudent conduct of, during the militia disturbances, ii. 609 to 611. Auckland, lord, see Eden. INDEX. Austria, depressed under the first war of Maria Theresa, i. 83. -Assisted by Britain 87. Confederacy with France, 113. War with Prussia, and operations, 119, 120 . The Austrians are defeated, ibid. Prove successful, 142. Again defeated, 145. Campaign 1761, 161. Of 1762, 191, 192. See Frederic and Russians. Joseph of Austria is chosen emperor of Germany, 262. He supports the catholics of Poland against (he dissidents, 286. Dismemberment of Poland. See Catharine. Charac ter of Joseph opens, 670. He aspires at the possession of Bavaria, ibid. But is opposed and baffled by Frederic, 671. Peace of Teschen, ibid. Death of Maria Theresa, and ambitious schemes of Joseph, ii. 21 to 28. Opposed and baffled by Prussia, 47. Operations of Joseph's armies against the Turks in 1788, 152 to 154. Unwise and unsuccessful, 165. Proceedings of Joseph in the Low Countries, see Joseph and Netherlands. Successes ofthe Austrians in 1789, 202, 203. Leopold dis posed to peace, 300. Peace between Austria and Turkey, 301 . Policy of Leopold caused by the French revolution, see Leopold. War between Austria and France, 380. Campaign 1793, 444. 449. 453. 456. See Britain and Frederic. Campaign 1794, 493 to 500. Campaign 1795 indecisive, 538. Campaign in Italy 1796, 564 to 574. Campaign 1797, 596 to 600. Treaty of Campo Formio, ibid. Congress at Rastadt, 652. Encroachments of the French, 653. The war is renewed, 654. Campaign in Germany, ibid to 656. Progress in Italy, 657. In Switzerland, 660. Siege of Genoa, 709. Capitulation, 710. Campaign in Italy, 711, 712. In Ger many. 713, 714. Decisive defeat at Hohenlinden, 715. Peace, ibid, B. BACON, the pride of English philosophy, described, i. 55. Balloons, air, invention of, ii. 34. Essayed in England, 35. Bank. See England, and Britain. Banks, Joseph, esq. ability, and laudable employment of an ample fortune, i. 284. Accompanies captain Cook to the south seas, ibid. Bannat, the, overrun by the Turks, ii. 155. Barrington, admiral, commands in the West Indies, i. 604. Wounded 605. Inter cepts a French convoy, 751. Barbadoes, dreadful hurricane at, 701. See West Indies. Bavaria, see France, and Austria. Beckford, noted reply of, to the king, i. 319, 320. Barre, colonel, speech of, on American affairs, i. 370. Character of his eloquence, 398. See Parliament. Bedford, duke of, ambassador from Britain concludes the peace of Fontainbleau, i. 201. Takes a lead in the GrenviUe administration, 210. Severely attacked by Junius, 304. , . duke of, grandson of the former, opposes the war with France, ii. 480. n. Strenuous opposition of, to the treason and sedition bills, 547. His speech on the threats of an invasion, 628. Beaufoy, Mr. See Parliament and Dissenters. Belgrade, besieged by the Austrians without success, ii. 154. Captured, 203. Bender, captured by the Russians, ii. 203. Birmingham, riots at, ii. 352. Bishops, English. See Parliament, and their respective names, Horsley, Walson, fee. Bisset, captain James, answer of a French privateer to, ii. 444. n. major Robert, killed at Alexandria, ii. 744. Blair, Dr. character of, i. 538. Blakeney, general, his gallant defence of Minorca, i. 108. Bollingbroke, directs his genius against sir Robert Walpole, i. 88. INDEX. Bolton, duke of, proposes an inquiry into the admiralty, i.'682. Bonaparte, Napoleone, a young Corsican, distinguishes himself in France, ii. 540. Commands the French army in Italy, 562. Victories of, 565. Battle of Lodi, ibid. Rapacious plunder, 566. Policy of, 567, 568. Fresh victories of, 571. Reduction ofthe pope, 574. Campaign in Italy, 597 to 600. Treaty of Campo Formio, ibid,. Iniquitous disposal of the Venetian territories, ibid. Expedition to Egypt with a great army and fleet, 630. Account of his fleet, see Nelson. Proceedings of, in Egypt, 676. Military progress, 677. Professes a respect for the Mahomedan faith, 678. Compared with Mahomet, 679. Civil and Political administration, ibid. Marches into Syria, 680. Progress of, 681. Invests Acre, 682. Operations and events, see sir Sidney Smith. Vanquished the first time he ventured to encounter Englishmen, 687. Returns into Egypt, and beats the Turks, ibid and 688. Civil administration, ibid. Sudden departure for Paris, 691. Popularity of, 693. Espe cially with ihe army, ibid. Plan of a new constitution, ibid. He declares himself the advocate of freedom, 696. The national representatives adverse to the change, 697. He enters their assembly with grenadiers and bayonets, ibid. Who remove opponents to the will of the general, ibid. And establish unanimity, 698. He is chosen chief consul, ibid. Offers peace to Britain, ibid. Civil proceedings of, 707. 708. Preparations for the campaign, ibid. March over the Alps, 711. Progress in llaly, ibid. Battle of Marengo, ibid. Danger of the consular army, ibid. Means of extrication, ibid. Signal victory, 712. Italy surrenders, ibid. Settlement of that country, ibid. Proceedings of in 1801, 735. Boscawen, admiral, commands a fleet against the French, i. 101. Commands in the Mediterranean, 128. Victory off cape Lagos, 129. Braddock, general, sent to command in America, i. 103. Character, ibid. Surprised, defeated, and killed, ibid. Brissot, and other revolutionists. See France. Bristol, city of, voluntary contributions for the war, i. 550. Britain, early history of, i. 7 to 9. Under the Saxons, see England and Scotland, till the union. Union, 72, Beneficial to both kingdoms, ibid. Accession of ihe Ha nover family, 75. See George I. Violence of the whigs, 76. Septennial parlia ments, 78. Growth of ministerial influence, ibid. Intercourse of with foreign pow ers, 79. Reciprocal benefit to France and England from long peace, ibid. Policy of Walpole, 82. See George II. Expense of subsidiary treaties, 83. War with Spain, 87. Interferes in German politics, 88. War with France, Hid. Effects of Ihe rebellion, ibid. Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, 91. Prosperity under Mr. Pelham, ibid. Encroachments of France on American territory, see America. Commence ment of hostilities. 101. France the aggressor, ibid. Seizure ofthe enemy's mer chantmen, ibid. Campaigns in America, see Amherst, Wolfe, Sic. Sends Byng to the relief of Minorca, 107. Behaviour, trial, and execution of Byng, 108. Dis^ sensions in the cabinet, 115. Mr. Pitt is appointed secretary of state, 116. See Pitt. Concludes an alliance with Prussia, 118. British operations in Germany, ibid. Convention at Cloister-Seven, 119. Expedition to the coast of France, ibid. Successes of Hawke, 128. Battle and signal victory, ibid. See Haioke. British af fairs in the East Indies. See India. Clive and achievements of our armies, in Germany* 140. Battle of Minden, 142. Representation of Britain to neutral pow ers, 145. State of British affairs in October 1760, 147. Death of George II. ibid. Accession of George III. 152. See George III. National unanimity, 155. Achieve ments of the British in Germany, 159 to 161. Negotiations for peace, 162. Pro posed interference of Spain, 165. Refused by Britain, 166. Change of ministry, 169. Marriage of the king to the princess Charlotte of Mecklenburgh, 171. Fa mily compact, 175. War with Spain, 176. Capture of Martinico, 181 to 183. Capture of Havanna, 187. See Havanm. Of Manilla, ibid. Victories in Porlu- INDEX. gal, 189. Capture ofthe Hermione, i. 187. Birth ofthe prince of Wales, 194. Peace of Fonlainbleau, 197. Discussed, see Parliament. Unpopularity of the Bute mi nistry, 201. Change of administration, 203. Prosecution of Wilkes, 207, 208. Financial schemes of the new minister, 217. Taxation of America, see Parlia ment and America. Indisposition of the king, 231. Change of ministry, 235. Sentiments of Britain on American affairs, 239. Object and spirit ofthe Rocking ham administration, 2-13. Grafton ministry, 255. Weakness of, 267. Irish af fairs, 269, See Ireland. Prevalent discontents, 280. Return of Wilkes, 281. See Parliament. Declared ineligible, 294. National ferments, ibid. Popular writings, 301. See Junius. Petitions, 305. Remonstrance, see city of -London. Change of ministry, 306. Conciliatory attempt of Lord North, 311. Dispute with Spain about Fauklatid's island, 316. Adjusted, 319. Discontents begin to subside, 327. Death of the princess dowager of Wales, 335. Treatment of Ma tilda of England, queen of Denmark, 341. Rescued by her royal brother, ibid. See Matilda. War wilh the Caribs, 351. Discontents subside, 355. National prosperity, 356. Riseof the war with America, 357. King's message, 360. See Parliament and America. Impression in Britain from the American disputes, 395. Literary efforts of, on both sides of the question, 418, 419. Campaigns in Ameri ca, see Gage, Howe, &c. Internal proceedings, see Congress. Legislative mea sures of Britain, see Parliament. Majority of the nation favourable to the minis terial system, 441. The American, a popular war, 443. Apprehension of Sayer for high treason, ibid. He is discharged, 444. The nation continues favourable to war, 490. Causes, reasonings, and motives, 491, 492. Party violence, ibid. Conspiracy of John the painter, ibid. Conduct of France and Spain in the Amer rican contest, 540. Efforts on the fate of Burgoyne, 548. Voluntary levies of men, 550. Britain compelled to go to war with France, 556. Naval operations under Keppel and Falliser unsatisfactory, 584. See Rodney, Hood, he. The nation is roused by difficulty to strenuous exertion, 587. Rupture wilh Spain, 601. Spain the aggressor, 602. Warlike operations in the West Indies, 604,605. Indecisive,-ifa'rf. An immense armament menaces our coast, 614. Patriotic and loyal unanimity of Britain when the country is threatened, 615. The resources and efforts of the country rise with her difficulties, 618. - Ministers become unpopular, 630. Spirit of association, ibid. Protestant society, ibid. Riots of 1780, 632. Dreadful con flagrations, 633. They are crushed, 635. The successes of Rodney restore our naval supremacy, 645. Capture of the merchantmen, and censure of ministers, 646. Proceedings against the rioters, 666. See lord Loughborough, Wedderburne. Political effects of the riots, 669. General election, ibid. Hostile jealousy of the continental powers, 672. Armed neutrality, ibid. A treaty discovered between the Dutch and Americans, 676. Rupture with Holland, 677. The Dutch the ag gressors, ibid. Campaigns in India. See India. Flan of the combined maritime powers against Britain, 693. Invasion of Jersey, ibid. Gibraltar, siege of, see Elliot. Operations in the Atlantic, 698. In the north seas, 699, Action off the Dogger Bank by admiral Parker, 700. Dissatisfaction prevails, 716. On the capture of Cornwallis, the nation becomes adverse to the war and to the ministry, 717. Dismission of the North administration, 722. Flan of the new ministers, ibid. Mr. secretary Fox endeavours to make peace with Holland and America, 728. Change of ministry, ibid. - Naval and military operations, see respective admirals and generals. Hostile ambition against Britain frustrated, 756. Over tures for peace, 757. Treaties, 758. Review of the contest, 759. Lofty genius and invincible spirit ofthe British nation, 762. Administration of Lord Shclburne, ¦ 765. Deficient in strength, 766. Coalition between Fox and North, 770. Change of ministry, 774. Constituents and strength of the coalition ministry, 784. Dis- INDEX. missed, i. 794. Causes of its dismission, see Parliament. Mr. Pitt, at twenty- five years of age, made prime-minister, 799. Popular opinion favourable lo the new minister, ibid. Commencement of Mr. Pitt's administration, ii. 5. Stale of the country, and objects to be pursued, ibid and6. Britain resumes her attention to the affairs of the continent, 17. Disposed to protect the rights of Holland, 28. Recovers from the distresses of the war, ibid. Great and increasing prosperity of, 48. Confidence of ihe monied interesl in the minister, ibid. Alarming attempt against the king, 71 Alarm of all ranks, 72. Commercial treaty beiween Britain and France, 75. Popular sentiments respecting Hastings, 94, 95. Causes of a chan ge, ibid. Interposes in the affairs of Holland, 118. With effect, 119. Re sumes hercharacter of defender of Europe, 157. Thwarts the ambition of Catha rine, ibid. Illness of the king, 167. See George III. and Parliament. Soy and rejoicings at his recovery, 186. Defensive confederacy wilh Holland and Prussia, ibid. Caused by the confederacy of Catharine and Joseph, 199. Assists Sweden, 207. Effects ofthe French revolution in, 273. Dispute with Spain about Nootka sound, 290. Spain yields to the demands of Britain, 294. Efforts for counteract ing imperial ambition, 296. Liberal and wise policy of, 301 . Better understands the French revolution, 315. Ministers forbear discussion of its merits, ibid. Ef fects of Burke's work on the subject, 317. Dispute with Russia, 321. Principle of British interference in continental politics, 322. Effects of Paine's works, 351. Riots at Birmingham, 352. Political enthusiasm, 353. Wide diffusion of superfi cial literature, ibid. Multiplication of political clubs, 359. Projects of reform, ibid. Friends of the people, ibid Rise and progress of the corresponding societies, 361. Second part of Thomas Paine, ibid. Proclamation against seditious writings, 363. State of the police, 364. Britain anxiously contemplates the French revolution, 373. But will not interfere, 374. English societies address the French national convention, 392 And send them a present of shoes, 393. Anti-constitutional fer ment, 397. Association against republicans and levellers, 398. Discussion hetween Britain and France at thfe close of 1792, 403. France the aggressor, 405. France de clares war against Britain and Holland, 415. Public opinion favourable to war with France, 418. Objects of Britain,419. Campaign of 1793 in Holland, 435 to 439. See Frederick. In the Netherlands, 444. Soldiers of, excell in close fight, 445. Operations of, 447, 449. 455. See Frederick. Successes in the East and West Indies, 457. Pro gress of revolutionary doctrines, 459. Facts and causes, 460. Progress of democratic societies, 472, 473. Trials for treason commence, 511. Conclude, 513. Treaty between Britain and America, 515. Marriage of the prince of Wales to the prin cess of Brunswick, 524. Campaign, 1795. Disastrous expedition to Quiberon, 537. Britain victorious by sea, 539, 5sM). Discontents from the war, 643. Scarcity of provisions, 544. Seditious meetings, ibid. Insults lo. the king, 646 See Parlia ment. Campaign of 1796. Britain successful where she fights alone, 577. Birth •fan heir to the prince of Wales, 578. Sends an ambassador lo Paris, ibid. Cam paign on the continent, see France and Austria. Negotiation for peace commences, 582. Concludes unfavourably, 583. Gloomy aspect of affairs, 586. State ofthe bank, 587. Rapid decrease of cash, ibid. Order of council to suspend payment of coin, 588. Found to be in a flourishing state, 589 Mutiny ofthe sailors commences. Hid. Quelled, 593. Marriage ofthe princess royal, 595 Naval preparations of eur enemies, 601. Victory of Jervis, 602. See Jervis Of Duncan, 603. See Duncan. Second negotiation for peace commences, 604, 605. Concluded, 606. Public opinions and sentiments after the victories of 1797, 612, 613. Loyal and patriotic energy, ibid. Voluntary contributions, 615. Voluntary associations, 617. The whole nation becomes armed, ibid. Threats of an invasion, 628. Rouse the spirit and stimulate the efforts of Britons, ibid. Naval operations, see Warren. And splendid victories, see Nelson. . Effects of ibe battle of Aboukir, 633. Govern- INDEX. ment is very popular, ii. 638. Scheme of alliance with Russia, 640. Projected union wilh Ireland. 642. 643. See Union and Pitt. Her fleets block up the ports of France, Spain, and Holland, 664. Expedition to Holland, see Frederick. Cap ture of Surinam, 669. War with Tippoo Saib, see Mornington and India. Gloomy prospect at ihe close of 1799, 699. Wish for peace, ibid. Refuses Bonaparle's overture for negotiation, 700. Campaign 1800, 715 to 717. High price of provi sions, 719. Alarming illness ofthe king, 731. Expedition to the Baltic, see Nelson. Expedition to Egypt, see Egypt, Abercrombie, Hutchinson, and Keith. Peace, 749. Conditions, ibid. Britain ascertains her security, 751. Through the manifesta tion of resistless strength, ibid. The tenure of British security, wisdom, loynlty, patriotism, and force, ibid. So protected, Britain is invulnerable, ibid. Brunswick, duke of, commands the combined armies of Germany, ii. 382, Procla mation, 383. Invades France, 395. Retreat of, ibid. Burgoyne, general, successes in Portugal, i. 189. Commands in Canada, 518. Manifesto, ibid. Progress and success of, 520. Difficulties begin, 521 . Distress ed situation, 524. Surrenders at Saratoga, 525. Inquiry into his conduct, see Parliament. Burke, Edmund, esq. supports the Rockingham party, i. 289. Speech of, on Ameri can taxation, 366. Extensive acquaintance wilh American affairs, 367, 368. Par liamentary character of, 398. Plan of, for conciliation, 414 to 416. Conciliatory motion of, 453. Motion on the employment of Indians, 553. Presents a petition in favour of the suffering catholics, 600. His part ofthe attack on ministers, 620. Bill for the reform of public economy, 626 to 627. Resumes his plan of economical reform, 680. Proposed enquiry into the capture of St. Eustatius, 717. Made pay master-general ofthe forces, 744. Celebrated speech of, on chartered rights, 790. Remonstrance on the dissolution of parliament, ii. 7. Speech on the debts ofthe Nabob of Arcot, 39. Opens an inquiry into the conduct of Hastings, 60. Proposes impeachment, 61. Opinion of, on imprisonment for debt, 88. n. His speech on the commencement of the trial, 138. Libels against, 196. Declares his disappro bation ofthe French revolution, 278. Deems the dissenters bent on the downfal of the church, 285. Writes on the French revolution, 316. Effects of, on the public mind, 317. Dispute with Fox on the French revolution, 325, 326. Final separa tion, ibid. Real difference with Mr. Fox on the French revolution, 357. Burke's view ofthe war with France, 416. Opinion of, on objects and conduct ofthe war, 447, 448. Deems peace with regicides impracticable, 463. Treatise against a re gicide peace, 580. Bute, earl of, educates the king, i. 151. Made a privy-counsellor, 153. Secretaryof state, 156. Administration of, commences, 172. Character, ibid. Public mea sures, see Britain. Unpopular, 177. Haughty deportment, 195. Tolally unsuit able to Ihe English, 196. His peace reprobated, 198. Impartial estimate of, 200. Resigns, 203. Supposed by the people the prompter of the prosecution of Wilkes, 213. Charge of secret influence never proved, ibid. The stamp act imputed to his influence, 229. Supposed to have prompted the dismission ofthe Grenville ad ministration, 232. The alledged influence never proved, ibid. CABOT, voyages of, i. 21. Cadiz. See British wars with Spain, Calcutta. . See India. Caledonia, an asylum to thc Britons against the Romans, i. 7 & 8. Colon ne. See France. Cambray, treaty at, an epoch in political history, i. 27. INDEX Camden, lord, see Pratt. His son, earl Camden, lord-lieutenant of Ireland, ii. 529'. Measures of, for repressing the Irish discontents, 624. Resigns the viceroyaliy, 626. Camden, in America, battle of, i. 652. See Cornwallis. Campbell, Dr. defender of Christianity, i. 536. Campbell, colonel, expedition of, lo Georgia, i. 607, 608. Victory and reduction of the province, ibid. Canute conquers England, i. 13. Policy nnd benefits of his reign, ibid. Carribs, war wilh, i. 351. Carleton, general, defence of Quebec, i. 463. Progress of, on the lakes, 487. Crown point taken, 488, Resigns, 518. Appointed commander in chief in America, 739. Carlisle, earl of, heads a commission for offering peace to America, i. 556. Arrives in America, 571. His offers are refused, 572. Directs thc evacuation of Phila delphia, 573. Returns to England, 581. Lord-lieutenant of Ireland, 725. Able speech of, on the commercial treaty, ii. 80. Correspondence between and earl Fitzwilliam, on the state of Ireland, 529. Arguments of, against lord Auckland's divorce bill, 705. > Carolina, see America. As one of the southern colonies, also Clinton, Rawdon, Corn wallis, he. Caroline, queen of England, i. 82. Ability and policy of, ibid. Caroline, princess of Brunswick, married to George prince of Wales, ii. 524. Catharine, spouse of Peter, emperor of Russia, ability and conduct, i. 193. Is ap pointed imperial sovereign, 194. Her lofty character begins to unfold, 224. She raises her creature to be king of Poland, ibid. Supports the dissidents and con firms her influence in Poland, 286. Rupture beiween, and Turkey, ibid. Military operations, 313. Wisely courts connexion with Britain, 314. Her victories by land and sea, 315. Alarms Austria and Prussia, ibid. Her farlher successes, 336. To remove their fears, proposes to dismember Poland, 337. To which they accede, ibid. Execution of the scheme, 353. She concludes pence wilh Turkey, 380. She unwisely adopts a policy hostile to Britain, 672. Stimulates ihe armed neutrality, ibid. Hostile lo Britain, 673. Offers her mediation to llie maritime powers, 757. Political concert of, with the emperor, ii. 27. She unwisely avoids connexion with Britain, 51. Her views upon Turkey, 144, 145. Endeavours to stir the Turks to revolt, 146. War with Turkey, 149. Operations of her armies in 1788, 156. In 1789, 202 to 204. Against Sweden, 210. In 1790, operations against the Turks, 302, 303. Againsl Sweden,304, 305. Peace with Gustavus, ibid. Peace wilh Turkey, ,337. Motives and views, 338. Her designs against Poland, 341. Stimulates hostility against France, 374. Effecls a new partition of Poland, 457. Death, 634. Cavendish, lord John, motion of, for the removal of ministers, i. 721. Made chaiv- cellor of the exchequer, 724. Resigns, 728. Again appointed, 774. Charles, archduke, successes against Jourdain, ii. 575, 576 A second lime drives the French from Germany, 656. Charlotte, of Mecklenburg, married to our king, queen of Britain, i. 171. Crowned, 172. Dignified and affecting answer of, lo an address of parliament, during the illness ofthe king, ii. 181. Maternal (feelings of, exhibited al the marriage of her daughter, 595. Conjugal anxiety, 731. Charlotte, princess royal, eldest daughter of the king and queen, ingenuity and ac complishments, ii. 188. Display of her talents on the recovery of her royal father, ibid. Married to the prince of Wirtemberg, 695. Chesterfield, earl of, his remark on the patriotism of Wilkes, and the piefy ofthe earl of Sandwich, i. 213. n. Churchill, the poet, object and charactor of his writings, i. 221. n. Clairfait, and oilier Austrian generals, sec Aitslriu. VOL. II. 96 INDEX. Clarence, duke, see WilHam Hettfy. Clinton, general, campaign in Souih Carolina, and siege of Charleston, i. 465, 466. Expedition of, up the north river, 517. Appointed commander in chief, 571. Eva cuates Philadelphia, 573. March through the J.-rseys, with the battle of Freehold court-house, ibid and 174. (1779.) Carries on a war of detachments, 611,612; Expedition against Charleston, 647. Siren jth, siege, and capture of that town, to-, C50. Returns lo New-York, ibid. Operations at New- York, 656 lo 653. Over reached by Washington, 712. Attempts to relieve Cornwallis, 714. Too late, ibid. Resigns the command, 739. Clive, account of, i. 134. Achievements of, ibid. Receives the Command of the Bri tish, 135. Campaign 1757 of, begins, ibid. Ends, 137. Battle or Plnssey, and revolution of Bengal, ibid. Deposes Dowla, and makes Jaflfier viceroy, ibid. Lord, returns to India, 251. Restores peace, ibid. And obtains to the English an annual revenue of one million, seven hundred thousand pounds, ibid. Defends himself" from attacks in parliament, 334. Inquiry into his conduct, 350. Terminated, 351. Cloolz, Anarcharsis, heads an embassy from the whole human race, ii. 313. Preach es atheism on the scaffold, 509, And dies blaspheming his God, ibid. Coghlan, lieutenant, heroic enterprise of, ii .716. Commerce and navigation, English, founded by Alfred, i. 13. Promoted by the Danes, ibid. Advances of, under Edward III 16. Promoted by Henry IV. 17. Repressed by the civil wars, 18. Begins to flourish under Henry VII. 21. Ad vances under Henry VIII. 25, 26. Under Edward VI. 32. Urider Elizabeth, 34-. Voyages of trade and discovery, ibid and 35. Commercial companies, 37. East India, ibid. Under James, trade flourishes, 41. Plantation of colonies, 42. Ad vances under Charles I. 48. And thc protectorate, 49. Advances ol, under Charles and James, 52. Under William, 61. Under Anne, 73. Principles of political economy not thoroughly understood, 74. Commerce, British, in connexion wilh 'finance and funds — Enthusiasm of avarice. £0. South Sea bubble, ibid. Rapid advances of trade notwithstanding, under George, and his minister Walpole, 81. Advances of, under Mr. Pelham, 91. Increased by successful war, 152. Measures of Mr. Grenville for the promotion of trade and revenue, 216. Measures for the suppression of smuggling, 217, Principles and system of British colonization fa- ¦vourahle to trade, 226. Commerce injured by the disputes with America, 239. Influence of our acquisitions in Hindostan, 253, With America, revives, 319. Mercantile failnreF, 343. Change of mercantile character, ibid and 344. Cap-' tpre of Ihe mercantile fleets, €46. Revival of trade with America, 774. Rapid increase of, in Britain, afier the peace, ii- 18. Unprecedented prosperity, 287. Ra pid increase, 367. Congress, general, of America, first meelingand acts, begins, i. CKO. End, 392. Se cond meeting and effects, 420, 427. Proceedings of and effects, 466 — 471. Conway, general, opposes the stamp act, i. 227. Secretary of state, 235. PJan of conciliation wilh America, 629. His motion for terminating the American war, 720. Cook, James, lieutenant, lands Ihe trooos for ascending the heights of Abraham, i. 124. Heads an expedition of discovery and science, 284. Cooper, sir Grey, character of, i. 397. C'-oolc, sir Eyre, commands in the Carnatic. i. 689. Successive victories, C90, 691. Eatile of Porto Novo, ibid. Splendid and decisive event, 692. Campaign, 1782, 746, 747. Victory at Redhill, ibid. Complete success of, ibid. Death, 749. The military saviour of India, ibid. Cordeliers, French parly. See Frances. Cornwallis, successes of, in the Jerseys, j, 481. Ordered to retire into winter quarters, 482. Distinguishes himself at ClujrlesWn, 650. Left in Carolina, t'iirf. Wise ad- INDEX. Sliinistralion of, i. 651. Obliged to take the field, ibid. Battle of Camden, 652. De cisive victory, ibid. Marches towards Virginia, 708. Battle of Guildford, 70B. British victorious, wilh considerable loss, 710. Enters Virginia, 712. Is surround ed, 713. Expect succours from Clinton, ibid. Skilful and gallant defence, 714-, Receiving no assistance, he is forced to surrender, ibid. And capitulates on ho nourable terms, ibid. Governor-general and commander in chief of India, ii. 369. Invades Mysore, ibid. Piclates peace to Tippoo, 371. Generous conduct of, ibid Appointed viceroy of Ireland, 626. Cornwallis, admiral, battle with the French, ii.539. Corresponding society, formation of, ii. 361. Proceedings of, 472. Meeting al Chalk farm, ibid. Plan of national convention, 473. Ringleaders arrested and papers seized, ibid. Corsica, gallant resistance of, against the French, i. 298, 299. Captured by.the En glish, ii. 506. Courtenay, John, esq. member ofthe North party, i. 766, and satire of, 791. Craftsman, character, scope, and effects of, i. 86, 87. Cumberland, William Augustus, duke of, commands in Germany, i. 118. Resigns his command, 119. Death, 236. And character, ibid. Eminent for private vir tues, 237. , Henry Frederic, duke of, his majesty's brother. Marriage, i. 332i D. DALTON, genera], minister of Joseph's tyranny, ii. 221 — 225. Drives the Nether lands to revolt, 226, 227. Obliged to leave the Low Countries, 228. Darby, admiral, endeavours lo bring a superior fleet lo battle, i. 698. Which they wisely elude, ibid. Dempster, Mr. character of, i. 398. Denmark. See Matilda. New revolution in, ii. 68. Dispute with Britain about the rights of neutral ships, 722. See Northern powers, Dessaix, general, joins Bonaparte at Marengo, ii. 712. Devonshire, the beautiful duchess of, active and successful canvass of, in favour of Mr.Fox, ii. 4, Dickson, colonel ofthe 42d, wounded in Egypt, ii. 740. n. Digby, admiral, commands in a fleet for the relief of Gibraltar, i. 685. Attempts thc relief of Cornwallis, 714. But too late, ibid. Dissenters, apply lo parliament for relief, i. 330. Through sir Henry Houghlon, ibid. Apply for the repeal ofthe test act, ii. 83. Their attempts to gain the favour ofthe public, 84. The application is rejected, 87. New motion for the repeal of the test act, 188. Fresh application, 281. Favourable ciscumstances, ibid. Their caitsfe is undertaken by Fox, 283. But is unsuccessful, 285. Dowdsewcll, chancellor ofthe exchequer, i. 235. Drake, sir Francis, voyage and achievements of, i. 34, 35. Dumourier, the French general, successes of, ii. 396. Invades Holland, 434. Pro* gi-ess, ibid. Evacuates the Netherlands, 436. Leaves the French, 439. Duncan, admiral, brilliant and important victory at Camperdown, over the Dutch, ii. 602, 603. Dundas, Henry, parliamentary character of, i. 397. Chairman of a committee for investigating India affairs, 682. Speech on the attempted removal of ministers, 721. Able and indefatigable exertions of, in the investigation of India affairs, 730. Result, ibid. His comprehensive view ofthe country and political characters, 766. Conceives Mr. Pitt to be the man destined lor saving his country, ibid. His far ther investigation of huffa alfy&rs, 777, 778, This examination first displayed (tie INDEX. -force and extent otitis talents, i.779. Proposes a bill for the rcgulationof British India, 778. His opinion of the duty of a member of parliament, i. 779. Opposes Fox's East India bill. See Parliament. Procures the restoration of the forfeited estates, ii. 15. Bill for improving ihe government of British India, 63. Presents a view ofthe financial state of India, 104. India finance. See Parliament. Bill for facilitating wages and prize money to seamen, 367. State of India under his direction, 368. View of Indian prosperity on the established system, 423. He pro poses its continuance, and Ihe renewal ofthe charier. See Parliament. Speech of, in defence ofthe Scottish criminal law, 471. Plan of national defence, 617. Pro duces voluniary associations, ibid. Supports union with Ireland, 649. Demon strates the beneficial effects of union witb Scotland, ibid and 650. Character of his administration, 730. Dundas, Robert, lord advocate of Scotland, nephew to Henry, able speech of, on the criminal law of Scotland, ii. 469. Defence ofthe Scottish judges, 470. , general, one ofthe commanders in Holland, praised by the duke of York, ii.666. Dunning, Mr. opposes ministry, i. 306. His opinion on libels, 321. Parliamentary character of, 398. His part of Ihe attack on ministers, 620. Motion of, concern ing the influence ofthe crown, 628. Created Iqrd Ashburton, 724. EDEN, William, a commissioner for negotiation with America, i. 556. Propositions in favour of Ireland, 725. Negotiates and concludes the commercial treaty, ii. 75. Created lord Auckland. Negoliation with Dumourier, 415. Bill for the prevention of adultery, 704. Edinburgh, voluntarily raises a regiment, i. 550. Edward I. king ofEngland, see England. Egremont, appointed secretary of slate, i. 172. Able answer to the Spanish manifes to, 176. Egypt, French expedition to. See Bonaparte, Kleber, and Menou. British expedi tion to, under Abercrombie and Keith, ii. 737. Arrives at Marmorice, 738. Pro ceeds lo Egypt, ibid. Landing, 739. Formidable force and obstacles, ibid. Battle and victory, ibid. Battle ofthe 13th of March, 741. Night attack by the French, ibid. Tremendous dangers, 742. Bonaparte's Invincibles conquered, ibid. And standard taken, ibid. British heroism triumphant, ibid. Loss of their gallant com mander, 743. And other distinguished officers, 744. Arduous difficulties ofthe march to Cairo, 746. Patient fortitude of the army, ibid. Justice of our troops. British soldiers', not robbers, ibid. Reduction of Cairo, 747. Of Alexandria, 748. Complete success of the expedition, 749. Leaves a lesson to the enemies of Bri tain, ibid. Elder, Mr. lord provost of Edinburgh, activity of, in dispersing the convention, ii, 463. ... Elliot, caplain, captures Thurot, i. 131. — — , sir Gilbert, character of, i. 397. Charges against sir Elijah Impey, ii. 140. , general, defence of Gibraltar, i. 697. Masterly dispositions, ibid. Sally of Nov. 27th, ibid. Completely destroys Ihe preparations ofthe enemy, ibid. Second attack, 753. Numerous and formidable force, and extraordinary machinery of thc enemy, 754. Invention of red-hot balls, ibid. Entirely destroys their preparations, ibid, and 755. Elphinstone, Keith, captain, distinguishes himself at Charles'on, i. 650. Made admi ral, reduces the cape of Good Hope, ii. 540. C-rptures seven Dutch ships of the line, 577. Becomes lord Keith. Blockades, 709. Attempt of, on Cadiz, 716, 717. INDEX. Expedition to Egypt, ii. 737. Disconcerts Gantheaume, 74-7. Efforts before Alexan dria, 748. -, captain Charles, gallant exploit of, ii. 747. n. Another captain Charles, naval reputation, 748. n. England, little intercourse with southern Europe before the Norman conquest, i. 13. Effecl of the conquest on her laws, constitution, and manners, 14. Intercourse wilh continental Europe, ibid and 15. Origin of wars between her and France, ibid. See her several kings. Edward I. establishes a complete system of jurisprudence, ibid. Edward III. discovers the importance of manufactures and commerce, 16. And di- rects the genius ofthe English to those objects, ibid. England under him imbibes a spirit of hostility against France, ibid. And acquires considerable influence in the affairs ofthe continent, ibid. Henry IV. promotes national prosperity, 17. Force and importance ofthe country, under Henry V. ibid. Civil wars impede the arts and civilization, 18. Institutions of England favourable to the maintenance of liberty, 19, 20. Henry VII. reduces the feudal aristocracy, ibid. And promotes nau tical and commercial adventure, 21, Result of Henry's reign on ihe constitution and character of the people, 24. Henry VIII. under him the interests of England become more involved with those ofthe continent, 26. His continental policy, ibid Vigorous, but unwise, 27. Principle of English interference in foreign affairs, 28. Henry holds the balance of Europe, ibid. Displays the strength of England, but not judiciously, 29. Reformation, ibid. Effects of, on the commercial, political, and moral character of Englishmen, 31. Edward VI. promotes commerce and na vigation, 32. Establishes a moderate and judicious reformation, 33. Mary for, bad purposes admits good laws, ibid. Elizabeth promotes trade and navigation, ibid. Forms an English navy, 34. See Commerce and Navigation. Her wise in ternal policy, 36. In arduous circumstances preserves England, 38. And first ren ders her mistress of the ocean, ibid. England, under Elizabeth, first attains the character of protector of Europe, 39. Her wars seek only security, ibid. Wise moderation; of ecclesiastical reform, ibid. 40. This reign, though not immediately, eventually friendly to liberty, ibid. Result of this glorious reign, 41. James I pa cific character, ibid. Raises commerce to an unprecedenretL.height, ibid, 42. See Commerce and American Colonies. Judicious settlement of IrelaM^ 43. Continen tal policy, ibid. Internal government, speculatively arbitrary, without being prac tically tyrannical, 44. Growing spirit of liberty among the commons^ ib'd. They ascertain their rights, 45. Progress ofthe contest between Charles I. ai\d Ibe com mons, ibid to 47. Noble efforts of Hampden, ibid. Spirit of freedom becomes ex cessive, 47. Degenerates into Democracy, ibid. Terminates in regicide and mili tary despotism, 48. See Commerce and American Colonies. Continental policy of Oliver Cromwell, 51. Vigorous but unwise, ibid. Literature and science, ibid. Arbitrary conduct of Charles II. 53. Rouses parliament to, salutary laws, and the important improvement of the constitution, ibid. Whigs, ibid. James II. 55. Fol ly and infatuation of his conduct, 56. Revolution, ibid. Progress of commerce and navigation under Charles and James, see Commerce. William III. forms a confederacy against France, for the security of Europe, ibid. Crushes Ihe French navy, 57. England the most efficient foe of French encroachment, ibid. Finance, 59. Establishment of the bank, ibid. Funding system; ibid to 61. Progress of commerce, see commerce. The grand source of English prosperity, the constitution, 64. Parties, whigs, Jacobites, and tories, 65. Anne attached to lories, but em ploys whigs, 66. Victories under Marlborough, ibid, to 68. Whigs zealously sup port the protestant succession, 72. Union between England and Scotland, ibid. Henceforth for England, see Britain. Erskine, Mr. joins the party of Mr. Fox, i. 766, Supports the freedom ofthe press, :i,330. Defence of Hardy, 513, Equals Cicero in judicial eloquence, ibid. Op- INDEX. poses ihe treason and sedilion bill, ii. 550. His view ofthe causes and consequences of the war, 585. Estaing 'D, operations of, on Ihe coast of America, i. 574 to 578. Operations of, in the West Indies, 604, 605. Siege of Savannah, 610. Insolent bravadoes, ibid. Totally discomfited, 611. FERDINAND, prince of Brunswick, commands the allies in Germany, i. 140. Gains the battle of Minden, 142, Further operations, 143. And successes, 161 and 191. Fergusson, major Patrick, invents a new species of rifle, i. 512. Distinguishes himself at Charleston, 650. Made Colonel, expedition, exploits, fate, character, 653 to 656. , Dr. Adam, character of, his philosophy, i. 538. Secretary to the com missioners sent to America, 556. George, brother to colonel Patrick, governor of Tobago, i. 705. Kind and judicious treatment of negroes, ibid Gallant and able defence of Tobago, ibid. Fitzwilliam, earl of, viceroy of Ireland, ii. 529. Misunderstanding wilh ministers, ibid. Is recalled, ibid. Opposes peace with republican France, 580. Flood, Mr. proposition of parliamentary reform, ii, 285. Fox, Charles James, enters parliament, i. 294. n. Opposes the coercive laws against America, 371. Parliamentary character of, 398. Describes the inspiring effects of liberty, 408. Proposed inquiry into the war, 457. Proposes an inquiry into the state of the nation, 544. Which is partially granted, 545. Progress and result, 551,552. Inquiry into the state of the navy, 558. Into the conduct of the war, 559. Motion of, for censuring lord Sandwich, 594. For removing the same, 596. His part ofthe attack on ministers, 620. Speech of, on the influence ofthe crown, 829. Chosen member for Westminster, 670. Attacks the administra tion of lord. Sandwich, 678, 679. Heads a general attack against administration, 719. Mo- lions by him or under his auspices, to 722. Effects his purpose, ibid. Appointed secretary of state, 724. Plan of the administration which he heads, ibid. Offers peace to the Dutch, 728. And Americans, ibid. Resigns, ibid. His account of the reasons of his resignation, 729. Details the reasons of his conduct, 768. Coali tion wilh lord North, 770 to 772. His grand view of public credit, ibid. Made se cretary of state, 724. Constituents and strength of his party, 784. His Easl India bill. See Parliament, for discussion. Unpopular, 792. Alleged to be disagreeable to his majesty, ibid. Reputed interference, see Temple. Character of his India bill, 794, 795. Its author becomes extremely unpopular, 796, Impartial estimate of this scheme, to 799. Short sketch of Mr. Fox's character and conduct, 800. Classes hostile to him, 802. Contest for Westminster, ii. 3, 4. His views of continental alliance, 51. , Opens a charge against Hastings for his proceedings towards Cheyt Sing, 62. His opinion of the means of supplying the deficiency from Ihe illness of the king, 169. Contest with Mr. Pitt thereon, ibid. Determined against Mr. Fox, 173. Praises the French revolution, 276. His speech for the repeal of the lest act, 283. Contest of, with Home Tooke for Westminster, 317. His efforts to prc- jgnt war with Russia, 323. Altercation with Burke on the French revolution, 325. Final separation, 326. Motion of, concerning the law of libels, 329. Sup ports the abolition of the slave trade, 335. Real difference between, and Burke, on the revolution^ 373. View of the war with France, 417. He predicts it will be unsuccessful, 421. Arguments of, against the continuance of the war, 463. Pre dicts the dissolution of the confederacy, 466. Denies the alleged acts of the re formists to amount to treason, 476. Reprobates the treason and sedition bills, 549_ Speech on that subject, ibid. Speech of, on the failure ofthe first negotiation, 585. Fox, Henry, father to the former, resigns administration, i, 114, Vigorous talents off. 178. But yields to his inferiors, ibhi. INDEX. Prance, feudal inslilutions of, conducive to arbitrary power, i. 19, 20. The monarchy strengthened by ihe wars with England, 23. Phreray of theological bigotry, 37. Rapidly increasing power of, under Richelieu and Mazarine, 50. Under Louis XIV. 54. The impetuous ardour of the French operates in excessive loyalty, ibid Louis renders the profligate Charles of England, his tool, 55. Folly of France seeking maritime power to attack the mistress of the ocean, 53. Louis raises his grandson to the throne of Spain, 59. Which provokes a new confederacy, 66, Humbled and reduced, 67. Connexion ol, with Britain, under George I. Prospers by long peace, 87. But returns to ambitious projects, ibid. War with England, 88. Peace, 91. Encroachments upon British America, see Britain and America. Renews hostilities, 101. Captures Minorca, 106, 107. Treaty with Austria, 113. Defeated by land and by sea throughout the war, see Britain and America. Dis tress from the war, 222. Rising spirit of freedom, ibid. Disputes between the king and parliaments, 261. Death of Louis XV. 381. Character, ibid. Situation of his kingdom, ibid. Changing sentiments of Ihe French people, 540, Hostile intimations to England, 556. Acknowledges the independence, ibid. Warlike operations against Britain, see Britain. British generals, and admirals Rodney, &x. also French commanders, d'Estaing, &c. Plans of, in combination with the Spa niards and Dutch, 693. Her troops invade Jersey, ibid. Repulsed, ibid. Opera tions in Europe, America, the East and West Indies, see British or French admi rals or generals. Peace 757. Consequences of the war momentous and fatal, 763, 764. Internal state, ii. 47. Prevalence of infidelity, 48. Commercial and political pursuits of, 70. Commercial treaty, see Britain and Pitt. Revolution, view of the old government, 230. Under Louis XIV. 231. Commencing change under Louis XV. 233. Infidelity, ibid. Voltaire, ibid. Instances of, 234. Begin ning of anti-monarchial doctrines, 235. Rousseau, &c, ibid. Co-operating causes,, ibid. Impolicy and burthensome expense of wars against Brilain,'t'Z»7'tf. American war, 236. Pectin iary distresses, ibid. Schemes of extrication, ibid. Convention of notables, 237, 238. Calonne disgraced, ibid. Brienne minister, 239. Disputes between tlje crown and parliaments, 239 — 241. Ardent spirit of freedom, ibid. Becomes excessive, 243. Arbitrary measures of the court, 244. Ferment, ibid. Scarcity, 245. Neckar recalled; 246. Who counsels the convention of the states- general, 247. The commons display a licence inconsistent with useful liberty, 249. Meeting of the states, 250. Component parts, ibid. Clergy and nobles disunited, 252. The commons declare themselves a national assembly, ibid. Popular vio lence, 253. The orders meet in one chamber, 255. The soldiers catch the popu lar enthusiasm, ibid. Troops approach Paris, 256. Neckar dismissed, ibid. Pa- pular alarm, 257. An army of national guards raised, ibid. Capture of the Bastile, 259. The king comes to the national assembly, ibid. Declaration of rights, 261. Basis, rights of man, ibid. First proceedings ofthe French revolutionists, 262. Ob ject, subversion, ibid. Literary men, ibid. Clubs, 263. Jacobins, ibid. Extend their influence by application, ibid. Reduction of the privileges of nobles, 264, Confiscation ofthe property ofthe church, ibid. Annihilation of parliaments, ibid.. The law and policy of the kingdom subverted, ibid. Complete and comprehensive revolution, ibid. ' New constitution, 265 — 267. Entertainment at Versailles, ibid. Rage and alarm at Paris, 268. A mob proceeds to Versailles, 269, Outrages, to 271. The king is brought to Paris, 272. Farther proceedings of the revolution ists, ibid. 1790. Farther proceedings, 310. New and comprehensive principle of financial legislation, 311. Progress of subversion, 312. Boundless power of Ihe mob, ibid. Abolition of nobility, 314. Summary of changes, ibid. Confedera tion ofthe 14th of July, 314. Progress of confiscation, 342. Invasion ofthe rights of German princes, 343. Flight ofthe king, see Louis. Inviolability of the king's person decreed, 347. Dissolution of the assembly, 349. Result of its acts, 350. Proceedings contrary to the law of nations, 376. Character of the French, 377, INDEX. Progress of republicanism, ii. 378. Declares war against Ihe German powers, 3S0. Stale of Ihe armies and first operations, 381, 382, Proceedings at Paris, 385, 886. Riots, 387. Insurrection of ihe 10th of August, 388, 389. Massacre of September, 391. Meeting ofthe national convention, 392. Congratulations from English clubs, ibid. Wilh a gift of shoes, 393. Schemes of depredation, 394. Victories, 396. Decree of the 19lh November, 397. Opens the Scheldt, ibid. Discussion wilh Britain, see Britain. Parlies and leaders, 408, 409. Prosecution and trial of Louis, see Louis. Declares war against Britain, 415. Operations, see Dumourier. Proposes peace to Britain, 440. Unavailing, 443. Alarming stale of, 444. In testine contests, 449,450. Astonishing efforts, 451. Forced loans, requisite ns, and levies en masse, 452. Effects, 453. Successes ip the close of the campaign, -154. Fall of Robespierre, 510. Commencing return of social order, 530. New constitution, ibid. Effects of her victories, 532. Extent of territory, 535. Cam- pign 1795 indecisive, 538. Internal affairs, 540. Figst appearance of Bonaparte. ibid. Dissolution and character of the convention, 541, 542. Campaign 1796. See Bonaparte, Jourdain and Moreau. La Vendee reduced, 561. Negotiation with Britain, see Britain. Campaign 1797 in Italy, 597 to 600. Naval opera tions, see Britain, Jervis, and Duncan. Parties, 603. Negotiation, see Britain. Finds projects of invading Britain chimerical, 629. Scheme of distant conquest, see Bonaparte. Renewal of war with Austria, 655. War against Russia, 657. Operations, see Moreau, &c. Ullimale purpose of the expedition to Egypt, 672. Internal-State, 690. Change of government, see Bonaparte. Campaign 1800, 709. Peace wilh Austria, 715. Francis, Philip, -esq. discussion ofthe propriety of his being a manager ofthe prose cution of Hastings, ii. 136. Able speech in his own defence, ibid. n. — , emperor, tries lo raise his subjects in Antwerp, ii, 491. Opposed by Frede rick William, ibid,- Joins the allied armies, 492 Franklin, Benjamin, discovers the governor's letters, i. 358. Character of, 541, Ambassador to France, ibid, Frederic, prince of Wales, imbibes English ideas, i. 89. Instils the same into his son George, ibid. Frederic, second son to his majesty George III. Appointed bishop of Osnaburg, i. 222. Education and character of, ii. 173. Duke of York, 174. Differs from mi- nislry, ibid. Marriage wilh the princess of Prussia, 355. Campaign 1793 in Holland, 435 to 437. Victory at Vicoigne, 445. Famars, 446. Capture of Conde, ibid. Besieges Valenciennes, ibid. Strength of the fortress, ibid. Operations, 417. Capture, ibid. Victory al Lincennes, 454. Siege of Dunkirk, ibid. Con certs the operations ofthe campaign 1794, 492. Arrives on the continent, ibid. Defcals Ihe French, 494. Farther operations lo, 503. Expedition to Holland, 664. , Battle of Alkmaer,iWd. Victory at Bergen, 666. Conflict at Limnen, 667. The British fall back, 663. Difficulties ofthe army, ibid. They withdraw from Hol land, 669. Frederick II. king of Prussia, character and efforts of, i. 110, 111. Invades Saxony, 113. Splendid achievements of, in campaign 1757. begin 119, end 121. Admira- tion of his character in England, 13*. His campaign 1758, 141. His campaign 1759, 142, 143. Campaign 1760, 143, end 145. Campaign 1761, 161, 162. Campaign 17C2, 191. Slale of his country at the end of Ihe war, 223. Coincides in the politics of Catharine, respecting Poland, 224. Improvements of his king dom, 262, 2C3. Interference in the Polish disputes, 286. Dismemberment of Po land, 337. Jealous of the progress of Catharine, 381. Opposes and disconcerts the ambitious projects ofthe emperor, ii. 27. Again opposes the aspiring schemes of Joseph, 47. Death and character, 65. Frederick William, nephew and successor to tbe above, interposes in behalf of the prince of Orange, ii. 114. With effect, 119. Defensive alliance wilh Britain and INDEX. ..Hpllsnd. ii-, 189. War with France, .180. Campaign 1792, ?oc flrni: wicbf,. 170S, 449 and 450. Shares the spoils of Pul-wid, 457. Character ol, 533. Abandons the alliance, 534. . Friends of the people, see Grey. Frosl, John, attorney and reformer, ii. 393. Presents shoes to tbe national conven tion, iiirf. G. GAGE, general, efforts to allay the disturbances in America, i. 3f;G, 337. Remon strances lo, of congress, 392. Hostile operations, 423. Battle of Bunker's Iii!', 429. Thc British are blocked up at Boston, ibid. Gales, general, successes against Burgovneyi. 523 to 525. George I. king ofBritain, attached to the whigs, i. 75. Suspicious ofthe tories', ihid. Partiality of, to his native'dominions, 80. George II. adopts the internal and foreign policy of his father, i. 82. Subsidies to German principalities, 83. Partiality of, to Hanover, 87. Natural in his circum stances to be partial to the whigs, 89. Concludes an alliance with Prussia, ll2. Dealh, 147. And character, 143. George III. education of, i. 151. Sentiments and character, at the death bfhis grand father, ibid. Formed and determined to be king of a country, and not of a. party, ibid. .Accession to the throne, 152. First proclamation, 153. First speech lo parliament, ibid. National satisfaction, 154. Recommends to parliament to ren der Ihe judges independent ofthe crown, 155. Act for the purpose, ibid. Express es his regret at ihe resignation Of Mr. Pitt, 169. Marriage to the princess Cliat- lotte of Mecklenburg Streliiz, 171.. Coronation of the king and queen, 172. His majesty proposes to choose his servants without respect to their party connexions, according to their talents and merit, 173. Success of his majesty's arms, 191 to 189. Birth ofthe prince of Wales, 194. Who is named George Augustus Frctk: ic, 195. Overtures fo^a negotiation, 196. In the career of victory our king is dispos ed to peace, ibid. Impartial examination of the peace, 200. Change of ministry. 203. Praise due to his majesty for the principle of his choice, 205. Attempt of the sovereign to engage the services of Mr. Pill, 209. Unavailing, 210. The king's second son, prince Frederic, is nominated bishop of Osuaburg, 222. His majesty's eldest sister, the princess Augusta, is married lo the hereditary prince of Brunswick,, ibid. Indisposition of the king, 231. Plan of regency, 232. Dismission of mini sters, 233. The king continues to desire a ministry unconnected with party poli tics, 235. Rockingham administration, ibid. Well meaning, but inefiicient, 244-, Mr. Pitt forms an administration, 255. Of which the duke of Grafton is nominally the head, ibid. Marriage ofthe princess Matilda, the kind's youngest sisler, to llie kin£ of Denmark, 256. Proposes to govern Ireland without respect of part}-, 276. Visited by the king of Denmark, 283. Favourite studies of his Britannic majesty, ibid. Voyages of discovery, ibid. Plans and orders an expedition for the advance ment of science, 284. Insulting letter of Junius, 304, 305. Reply to the city of London, 309, Dignified answer to a London address, 319. Protects his injured] sisler, 341. Message from, to the parliament, on the riot at Boston, 360.. Speech to parliament, 399. Message, 409. Speech, 444. Speech, 494. Speech, 542. Dignified speech of, on (he unprovoked aggression of France, 568. Speech, 587. Intimates dissatisfaction witli the events af the campaign, 1778, ibid. Speech, 619 Speech to the new parliament 1780, 677. Speech, 717. Speech, 767. Sends a message to parliament about the establishment ofthe prince ol Wales, 777. Speeohf 735. Reply to ttn address of the Commons for the removal of ministers, 811. De clares his intention of taking the sense of the people, 012. And dissolves parliament, 813. Speech to the new parliament, ii. 6. Speech, 37. Speech, 59.'S^eenh,e3.AlarKt-. Vol. ih. 97 INDEX. ing attempt against, by Margaret Nicholson, ii. 71. Providentially prevented, ibid. Magnanimous humanity ofthe sovereign, ibid. Anxious affection of all ranks, 72. Speech, 76. Message to the commons respecting the prince, 93. Speech, 121 . Distemper, 167. General alarm, 168. Opinion of the physicians, 169. Second examination, 177. Report thai the illness is temporary, ibid. Recovery of the king,, 182. Joy ofhis grateful people, 186. His majesty at St. Paul's offers thanks to Almighty God, 187. Festive rejoicings, 188. Speech, 275. Message to parlia ment about Nootka Sound, 291. Speech at the close ofthe session, 292, Speech to the new parliament, 319. Speech, 356. Speech on thc extraordinary convoca tion of parliament, 401. Speech, 515, 516. Message to the commons, on the mar riage of the prince of Wales, 525. Scandalous behaviour to, on his way to parlia ment, 545. Birth of a princess, heir to the heir apparent, 578. See Britain. Speech to the new parliament, announces pacific intentions, 579. The princess royal married to the prince of Wirtemberg, 595. Speech of, staling the progress and rupture ofthe negotiation wilh France,, 613. Speech on the lale splendid vic tory, 639. Attempt against, in thc theatre, 706. Magnanimous coolness of, ibid. The attempt found to arise from lunacy, ibid. Alarming illness of, 731. Anxious concern ef the public, ibid. Indisposition providentially short, ibid. George, prince of Wales, eldest son and heir of George III. His abilities and cha racter, i. 776. Provision for his establishment, 777. Magnanimous sacrifice by, of splendour to justice, ii. 90. Situation of his royal highness, 91. Affairs are happily accommodated, 92. Consulted by Mr.Pitt on the plan of regency, 174. Ex. presses his disapprobation and reasons, 175. Testifies his zeal for the British con stitution, 363. Eloquent and impressive speech thereon, ibid. General satisfac tion, 363. Proposes to serve as a volunteer, with lord Moira, on the continent, 497, Marries the princess Caroline of Brunswick, 524. Provision for the establishment of iheir royal highnesses, 525. Birth of a princess, his heir, 578. See Britain. Filial piety exemplified in the illness of Ihe king, 731. Germain, lord George, character of, i. 397. Secretary of stale, concerts the expedi tion of Burgoyne, 518. Created a peer, 724. Strictures thereon, ibid. Gibbon, the historian, character of, i. 538. Gibraltar, invested by the Spaniards, i. 616. For defence, see Elliot. Blockade of, 694 to 697. Gifford, John, answer of to Erskine, ii. 696. n. Gironde, French party, see France. Glasgow, city of, voluntarily raises a regiment, i. 550. Gloucester, duke of, his majesty's brother, marriage, i. 332. , prince William of, son to the duke, valiant exploit, ii. 668. Gordon, duke of, raises a regiment, i. 550. Gordon, lord* George, character of, i. 630. Becomes an enthusiast against popery, 631 . Proceedings of, to 632. Committed to the tower, 635. Gower, earl, character of, i. 399. Grafton, duke of, adminislration of, begins, i. 255. Weakness of administration, 267. Poignant invectives against, 304. Resignation, 306. And character, 307. Con ciliatory proposition, 459. Granby, marquis of, achievements of, in Germany, i. 160 and 191. Grattan, the celebrated Irish orator, address of, i. 725. Greene, American general, commands against the British in the south, i. 711. Grenville, George, Hon. his administration commences, i.206. Closes, 233. Public measures, see Britain and Parliament. Qualifications of, 209. His schemes of finance, 216. Regulations for preventing smuggling, 217. Projects respecting America, ibid. Dismissed, 233. Character, 234. His bill for regulating contest ed elections, 31 1, Death 32 1 . INDEX. Grewlle, William Windham, son of the former, able speech on the commercial Ihea- ly, ii. 80 Bill of, for neglecting contested elections, 141. Chosen speaker ofthe house of commons, 174. Able speech of, on the plan of regency, 179. Appointed secretary of state, 192. His views of interference in continental politics, 323. n. Created lord, discussion of, with Chauvelin, 403 to 407. Treason bill, 546,547, Character of his administration, 730. Grey, Mr. able speech of, on the commercial treaty, ii. 80, Education and character, 360. Heads a society, entitled the friends of the people, to procure parliamentary reform, ibid. Object, composition, and proceedings of that association, ibid Mo tion for parliamentary reform, 425. Rejected, 427. Grey, sir Charles, father to the former, victories of, ii. 506. Guichen, French admiral, operations in the West Indies, i. 662 to 664. Departs for Europe, ibid. Gustavus, king of Sweden, effects a revolution in his kingdom, i. 338. Catharine in- terferes in hjs government, ii. 159. Dispute with Catharine, 204. Genius and courage of the king, 205. Suppresses mutiny and faction, 208. 1789, warlike operations against Russia, 209, 210. 1790. Campaign against Russia, 304, 305. Peace, ibid. Preparations of, against France, 379. Assassinated, 380. Cha racter, ibid. H. HALIFAX, earl of, colonizes Nova Scotia, i. 95. Secretary of slate, 206. Viceroy of Ireland, 277. Prudent and popular administration, ibid and 288. Hamilton, duke of, voluntarily raises one thousand men, i. 550. Hamilton, sir Charles, captures Goree, ii. 716. Harcourt, earl, wise administration in Ireland, i. 530. Hardy, sir Charles, commands the channel fleet, 1799, i. 614. Operations, see Britain. Hardy, Thomas, shoemaker, secretary to a society for new modelling the constitu1 tion, ii. 361. Congratulates the French convention on the abolition of monarchv, 393. Apprehended, 473. Tried and acquitted, 512, 513. Harland, admiral, commands under Keppel, i. 582. Hastings, Warren, governor-general of India, i. 643. Genius and character, ibid. Scheme for dissolving the hostile concert, ibid. Implicated in the reports of Ihe Committee on Indian affairs, 730. Scheme of, to procure supplies for the war, 740. Proceedings respecting Cheyt Sing, from ibid, to 743. The begums, ibid, to 744. Detaches the Mahratta princes from the confederacy, 744. Puts an end to the India confederacy, 748. The political saviour of India, 749 Returns to England, ii. 49. Commencement of inquiry into his conduct, see Parliament and Burke. His speech at the commencement of his trial, 137. Slow progress of his trial, 195. Trial of, 289. Evidence for the prosecution closes, 336. Impressive speech of the defendant, ibid. After seven years, the trial terminates in his honourable acquit tal, 527. Havanna, expedition to, i. 183. Fortifications and strength, 184, 185. Capture of, 187. Hawke, admiral, expedition of, to the coast of France, i. 1 19. Willi lord Anson, de stroys the trade of the enemy, 128. His signal victory over Conflans, 129. See Britain, naval operations. Hayne, general, distinguishes himself at Charleston, i. 650. Highlands of Scotland, state and improvement of, i. 532. Hillsborough, earl, secretary of state lor the American department, i. 267. letter o'f to thc governors of colonies, 288. Character of, 399. Holland, unfriendly to England in her neutrality, i. 145. Favours the revolted colo nies, 675. Accedes to the armed neuftalily, 076. Treaty wijh the Americans. LNDEX. fa Rt.pl ure wilh Britain,!. 677. Holland the aggressor, ibid. Operation.,.** Bntnh admirals. Peace, 759. Effects of the war on, 762, 763. Internal contest between *he French parly and the house of Orange, including a review of its causes and progress, ii. 105 to 10«. Encroachments on the constitutional power ofthe prince, Und. to 111. Rebellion, 1 12 Mediation, see Frederic William and Britain Restoration of ihe stadtholder, 119. Defensive alliance wilh Britain and Prussia, 199. Vfelds lo France, 504. Obliged to be hostile to Britain, 540. Operations, see Elphimtone, Duncan, he. Home, John, introduces the tragic muse to the Scottish woods, i. 538. Hotham, commodore, commands in ihe North river, i. 517. Defeats the French off Corsica, ii. 540. Houghton, sir Henry, sec Dissenters. Hood, sir Samuel, efforts of in thc West Indies, i. 733, 734. Horsley, Dr. defends the trinity against Priestley, ii. 33. Learning and ability, ibid.. View of the dissenters, 282. n. Howe, lord, killed at Ticonderoga, i. 122. n. Howe, Richard, lord, brother and successor to thc former commodore, commands an expedition to the coast of Normandy, i. 127. Commander in chief of the fleet, 474. Pacific overtures, ibid. Maritime operations against Ihe French and Americans, 575 to 578. Inquiry into his conduct, sec Parliament. Relieves Gibraltar, 755. Splendid victory, ii. 507. Quells a mutiny, 591. H-^we, colonel, William, brother to the two former, commands in ascending the heights of Abraham, i. 124. Efforts at Bunker's hill, 429. Appointed commandei- in chief, 461. Arrives at New-York, 472. Pacific overtures, 474. Takes the field, 475. Battle of Long Island, ibid. 476. Caplui e of .New- York, 479. Battle of While Plains, 480. Capture of loll Washington, 481. Retires into winter quarters, 48i. Surprise ofthe Hessians at Trenton, 485. Occupations ofy during wimer, 508, Opens the campaign by detachments, 510. Expedition to Philadelphia, 51 1. Bat tle of Brandywine, 512. Capture of Philadelphia, 614. Baltle of Germantown, ttid. Farther operations of, 516. Retires inlo winter quarters, ibid. Begins cam paign, 1778, by detachments, 569. Resigns the command, 570. Mischienza in honour ol) 571. Departs for Europe, ibid. Inquiry into his conduct, see Parlia ment. Hughes, sir Edward, destroys Hyder's flcel, i. 693. Reduces the Dutch settlements, ' ibid. Naval operations, 744 to 746. and 718, 749. Hume, David, character of, i. 537. Huntley, marquis of, wounded in Holland, ii. 667. u. Ilunl, bishop, defender of Christianity, i. 536. Hutchinson, general, succeeds to Ihe command on ihe death of general Abercrombie, ii. 745.. Arduous difficulties of llie task, ibid. Progress of, in Ihe inferior country, to 747. Capture of Cairo, ibid. Returns to the coast, 748. Capture of Alexandria, and the expulsion of Ihe French from Egypt, ibid. See Egypt. Hyder Ally, talents and character of, i. 297. His first war wilh the English, ibid, to 298. Instigates a combination against Britain, 643. Prepares to invade the Car natic, 644. Invades Ihe Carnatic, 688. Successes, fo 689.. Discomfited by Coote, 692. Again defeated, 747. Deuth, ibid. I. IMPEY, sir Elijah, charges against, ii. 140. Negatived, 141. India, British, stale of, at the peace of Aix-la-Chapclle, wilh the designs and proceed ings of Ihe French, begin i. 132, end 134. Sou Rajah Dowla, viceroy of Bengal. captures Calcutta, ibid. Shuts the Briii.-h officers iu the black hole, 135. The INDEX. British commander, Clive, avenges Ihe cause of his countrymen, see Clive, Signal successes and acquisitions ofthe British, i. 137. Operations in Southern India, ibid , to 139. Conquest of Arcot, ibid. Naval operations, 138,, 139. Farther operations against the French, with the reduction of Pondicherry, 158. Conduct of colonel Coole, ibid. Affairs of Bengal, ibid. 159. French entirely conquered in India, ibid. Transactions in, from the close ofthe French war to the appoinlment ofthe company to the collection Of the revenues, begin 244, end 254, New revolution in Bengal, 246. Jaflier deposed, ibid. And Cossim Ally Cawn appointed viceroy, 247. Revolts from the English, 243. War, ibid. Cossim deposed, 250. And I Jaffier reslored, ibid. Lord Clive returns to India, 261. Restores peace, 252. And obtains the Dewanee for the English, ibid Spirit of English transaclions, 253. First war wilh Hyder Ally, 296 to 298. Proceedings at Madras by, and respect ing lord Pigot, 501 to 504. In the India house thereon, 503. War in, 639. Cap ture of Pondichem, 640. Confederacy against the British, 641, War with the Mahrattas, 642. Treaty of Poony , ibid. Invasion of the Carnatic, 688. Defeat of colonel Baillie, 689. Sir Eyre Coote takes the command, see Coote. Naval ope rations, see Huglves. Political adminislration, see Hastings. Peace, 750. New war, ii. 368. See Cornwallis. Third war with Tippoo, 674. Complete reduction of Mysore, 676. Administration of, see Mornington. Indies, West, successful cultivation, i. 62. Operations in, 131, 132. Farther opera- lions, see Britain, Martinico, Havanna, &c. see the names of commanders, Rodney, &c. and islands, Jamaica, Barbadoes, &c. — D'Estaing departs to, 578. Hostilitioa 1779, 604, 605. Operations 1780, see Rodney. Tremendous hurricane, TOl to 703. Campaign, see Rodney and Vmiglwn. Attack of Tobago, soc fergusson. Danger ous situation of, 733 to 735. Extrication, see Rodney- See sir Charles Grey. Ireland, retrospective view of, lo tho commencement of the present reign, begins i. 269, ends 276. Viceroyally of lord Halifax, 277. Oflord Townshend, 278. Octen nial law, ibid. Affairs of, from 1768 lo 1777, 527 to 530. State of, considered in the British parliament, 620 to 623. Independence of parliament acknowledged, 725. State of, ii. 42. Commercial propositions, 43. Unpopular, they are relinquished, 45. Parliament offers the regency to the prince of Wales, 185. Projects of politi cal change, 459. United Irishmen, ibid. Convention bill. ibid. Affairs of, 593, 594. Objects and projects of the united Irishmen, 619. Correspondence with France, 622. Advances of democracy and discontent to rebellion, 624 Arrestation ofthe delegates, 625. Rebellion, ibid to 626, Projects of union wilh, Britain, see Union and PUt. Jamaica, terrible hurricane in, i. 702. Danger of, 734. Extricated by Rodney's vic» tory, 747. Jenkinson, Charles, character of, i. 397. Vindicates himself from a charge of secret influence, 774. Created earl of Liverpool, assists in the formation ofthe commer cial treaty, ii. 75. Able speech thereon, 80. Jenkinson, lord Hawkesbury, son to thc former, able speech of, on parliamentary re form, ii. 427, Succeeds lord Grenville as secretary of state, 730. Jervis, captain, gallant exploit of, i. 751. Become admirat, obtains a signal and decisive victory oyer the Spanish fleet, ii. 601, 602. Jesuits, expulsion of, i. 264 to 266. John, the painter, a spy, singular instance of depravity, i. 492. Johnson, doctor Samuel, his " False Alarm," a pamphlet, i. 301. " Taxation no Ty ranny," 419. Death, ii. 29. Character, fo 31. State of literature at his decease, ibid, to 34, Johnstone, governor, his great knowledge of American affairs, i. 372. Character of, 398. One of the commissioners for treating wilh America, i . 556. Charges against by the Americans, 579. Returns to England, 581. Severe accusations againsl the Americans by, 589. Expedition of, to the cape of Good Hope, 700. INDEX. Ames, Paul, depredations by, i. 584. Conflict with two British frigates, 615. -Joseph of Austria, see Austria. Character and projects of, ii. 18. Connexion with Russia, ibid. Innovating schemes respecting the church, 21, 22. For naval and commercial aggrandizement, 23, 24. Claims on the Scheldt, 25. Designs on Ba varia, 46. Disconcerted, 47. He abandons the navigation of the Scheldt, ibid. War with Turkey, and military operations, see Austria. Violent desire of innova tion, 212. Progress of, in the Netherlands, ibid to 214. Confiscation and tyranny, to 216. Remonstrances ofthe people, and pretended redress, 217 to 219. Increased oppression and tyranny, 221. See Dalton. Directs the general not to spare blood, 222. Effects theological changes by musketeers, 223. Drives the Flemings to re bel, 226. His troops are expelled from the country, 228. See Netherlands. Death, 297. And character, 298. Jourdain, victories of, in the Netherlands, ii. 496 to 499. Campaign in Germany, 575,576. Junius,ability, object, and character of his writings, i. 301 to 301. K. KAUNITZ, negotiates and forms an alliance between Austria and France, i. 112, Profound policy and momentous effects of that measure, ii. 198. Kempenfeldt, admiral, intercepts a French convoy, i. 699. Lost in the Royal George, 753. Character of, ibid. Kenyon, created lord, succeeds lord Mansfield as chief justice, ii, 166, Ability and character of, %IA gotiation wilh France, 584. Recovers a great share of popularity, 613. Forms and proposes a new scheme of -finance, ibid. By alleviating the funding system and raising a great part ofthe supplies within the year, 614. Popularity after the successes of, the campaign, 638. His plan f»r thc administration of Ireland, 641. Proposes union, 646, 647. See Union. Unexpected resignation, Charactei;, 726 to 730. Poeocke, commands the British fleets in India, i. 138. Poland, parlies in, i, 285. Dismemberment of, see Frederick, Catlmrine, and Austria. Wise and magnanimous efforts for recovering liberty and independence, ii, 338. New constitutidn of, 339. Portland, duke of, dispute between, and sir James Lowther, about a crown grant, i. 268. Lord-lieutenant of Ireland, 725. Made first lord of ihe treasury, 774. Portugal, invaded by the French and Spanish troops, i. 188. Who are defeated and driven off by the British, 189. Pownal, governor, his knowledge of colonial affairs, and sentiments, i. 371. Charac ter of, 398. Pratt, loud chief justice, his opinion on the case of Wilkes, i. 208. Created lord Cam den, and made chancellor, 255. See Parliament. His opinion on the dispensing power of the crown, 257. Opposes ministers, 306. Controverts Mansfield's doe- trines on libels, 321. Opposes the coercive system of ministers against the colonies, 371. Opinion of, on literary property, 377, 378. Parliamentary character of, 399. Price, Dr. political writings of, i. 420 A votary of the French revolution, ii. 315. Priestley, Dr. political writings, i. 420. Attacks the doctrine of the trinity, ii. 32. Answers Burke, 351. Predicts thc diffusion of virtue and happiness from the French revolution, ibid. Destruction of his library, 352. Correspondence thereon, 353. V/revost, -expedition of, to assist Campbell, i. 007. Pulteney, sir James, son-in-law to the former, a general in Holland, praised by the duke of York, ii. 666. Expedition of, 716. Attempt on Ferrol, ibid. Pulteney, sir William, his able treatise against Mr. Fox's East India bill, i. 802. n. R. RALEIGH, sir Walter, achievements of, i.35. Rawdon, lord, signalizes himself at the battle of Camden, i, 652. Commands in Ca- INDEX. ,r«lina, i.710. Battle of Hobkirk-hiH, ibid. Masterly movement and victor}', Mil. -711. Drives the Americans from Ninety-six, ibid. Farther enterprises, ibid. En lightened and liberal policy of, ii. 88. Bill for the relief of insolvent debtors, ibid. Postponed, new proposition, 366. Postponed, ibid. Become earl of Moira, heads an expedition intended for France, but is ordered to the Netherlands, 497. Ar rives at Ostend ; masterly march to join the duke of York, ibid. 498. Able speech of, on finance, 656. Liberal and wise bill of, in favour of insolvent debtors, 731. Reid,' Dr. investigates the human mind, on principles of common sense, i. 53S. Richmond, duke of, Character of, i. 399. Proposed address to Ihe king, 560. Op posed by lord Chatham, see Pitt. Motion concerning the profusion of public mo ney, 623. Strictures of, on the execulion of colonel Haines, 723. Contest wilh lord Loughborough, 775. Plan of fortifying the dockyards, ii. 52, 53. Discussion, see parliament. Rigby, Mr. character of, i. 397. Robespierre, character, ii. 409. Becomes ruler of France, 450. Abolishes Christian ity, and abjures Ihe Supreme Being, 451. Extensive and ferocious tyranny, 452. Terrible system, ibid. Murderous cruelties, ibid. Progress of atrocity, anarchy, and atheism under, 487 lo 489. Overthrow and death, 509, 510. Robertson, the historian, character of, i. 538. Deprecates the agitation of a question about popery, 600. Rochambean, commands the French in America, i, 714. Rockingham, marquis of, made prime minister, i. 235 to 243. See George III. Bri tain and parliament. Supported by the duke of Cumberland, 236. Who dies sud denly, ibid. Plans of, respecting America, 239. Popular measures, 243. Treaty wilh Russia, ibid. Adminislration terminated,- ibid. Character of, ibid. 244. Op poses the coercive system respecting America, 371. Weight in parliament, 399: Appointed first lord ofthe treasury, 724. Death and character, 728. Rodney, admiral, commands against Martinico, i. 181. Success, 183. Sails to re lieve Gibraltar, 644. Obtains a signal victory over the Spaniards, ibid. 646, And retrieves the naval glory of England, ibid. Proceeds lo the West Indies, 662. Forms a new plan of attack by breaking the enemy's- line, 663. Endeavours to draw the French to battle, ibid. But they will not venture a close engagement, 664. Reduction of St. Eustatius, 703. Offers ballleTfothe French, 704 They avoid a close engagement, ibid. Returns lo England, 706. Goes back to the West Ipdies wilh a re-enforcement, 735. Pursues the enemy, 736. Battle~of the 12th of April, 737. Signal victory, ibid. Important advantages, ibid. Summary of- his exploits against our three naval enemies, 738, 739. He is created a peer, ibid. Rome, influence of, diminishes, i. 285. RumboU}, governor, charges against, i. 730. S.' SANDWICH, earl, prosecuted Wilkes for impiety, i. 213. Parliamentary cha racter of, 399. Motions against, see Fox. Saumarez, sir James, gallant enterprise at Algesiras, ii. 736. Saville, sir George, character of, i. 398. Proposes ihe repeal of an act against Rod man catholics, 566. Scotland, affairs of, i. 527 lo 539, Loyal levies of men, 550. Riots in, from zeal against popery, 600. Projects of political change, ii. 460. Muir and Palmer, ibid. lo 462. Convention, ibid. Misapprehension of the militia act, 607. Riols in Perthshire, ibid, to 611. s x Scott, sir John, the attorney general, bill against traitorous correspondence, ii. 419. ., v_, major, challenges Mr. Burke to an inquiry concerning Hastings, 4. 60. INDEX. Shelburne, earl, adheres to lord Chatham, i. 290. Opposes the ministerial system respecting America, 371. Parliamentary character of, 399. Motion of, concern ing the profusion of public money, 623. Secretary of stale, 724. Succeeds Rock ingham as prime minister, 728. His administration deficient in strength, 766. His conduct censured in parliament, 773. Resigns, ibid. Made marquis of Lansdown, able speech of, on the commercial treaty, ii. 80. Sheridan, Richard Brinsley, his genius and fame, i. 681. Enters parliament, ibid. A member of Fox's party, 766. Eloquent and witty speech on the duke of Rich mond's fortifications, ii. 54. Controverts the financial plan of Mr. Pitt, 58. Splen did eloquence of, on the begum charge against Hastings, 96 to 102. Disputes Ihe financial calculations ofthe minister, 193. Praises the French revolution, 280, Proposes an inquiry into the alleged sedition, 424. Arguments©!', against the con<- tinuance of the war, 466. Inquiry concerning the alleged treason, 523. Opposes' the treason and sedition bills, 550. Shorchnm, singular confederacy for bribery in, i. 323. Sieyes, character and projects of, ii< 691. Plan of a new constitution, 693. Sinclair, sir John, character and pursuits, ii. 430. Procures the establishment of a' board of agriculture, 431. Slavery, negro, begins to occupy the public attention, ii. 130. Arguments against from religion, justice, and humanity, to 133. See Wilberforce. Opposite, argu ments, ibid. 134. Slave trade, motion for the abolition of, 191. Postponed, 192. Abolition carried in the commons, 366. But rejected in lords, ibid. New motion by Mr. Wilberforce for the abolition of, 526. Negatived, 527. Smith, Adam, his philosophy of political economy, i. 538. Smith, sir Sidney, arrives at Acre, ii. 683. Perceives the critical situation of affairs. ibid. His first purpose to inspirit the Turks, 684. Assaults by the French, ibid.' Inspirited and headed by the English, the Turks repel the attack, 685. Grand as sault by the French, Hid. Employs his sailors as soldiers, ibid. Bonaparte entire ly defeated, retreats, 687. Efforts of, in the expedition to Egypt, see Egypt. Spain, makes war with England, i. 87. After the peace, cultivates a close connexv ion with that country, 91. Maintains her connexion till the death of her king Fer dinand, 146. Becomes hostile to Britain, 165. Declares war against Britain, 179. Defeated by sea and land, see Britain. Expulsion of jesuils, 264. Dispute about Falkland's Island, sec Britain. Restricts the inquisition, 382. Rupture with Britain, 601. Spain the aggressor, 602. Warlike operations, see Britain and France. Attempts to storm Gibraltar, 696. Mighty preparations and incessant efforts, ibid. Event, see Elliot. Reduces West Florida, 706. Captures Minorca, 751. Renewed preparations of, against Gibraltar, wilh the assistance of France, 753. Immense forc^, new and tremendous machinery, 754. Event, see Elliot. Peace, 758. Result of the war to 763. War with France, ii. 444. Compelled to receive peace from France, 534. War with Britain, see Britain&nd Jervis. Spencer, earl, character and efforts of his administration, ii. 730. Stanhope, earl of, motion for the relief of nonconformists, ii. 190. Stirling, major ofthe 42d, captures the invincible standard, ii. 744. Slewart, lieutenant-colonel James, of the 42d, wounded at the lauding in Egypt, ii, 740. n. , Alexander, lieutenant-colonel, commands the 42d, on the 21st of March, ii, 742. Valour and conduct, ibid. Stuart, general ofthe foreign brigade, important efforts of, on the 21st of March, ii, ibid. 743. Surrey, earl of, motion of, for the removal of ministers, i. 722, Suwarrow, marshal heads the Russian army against the French, ii. 657. Campaign of, "in Italy, to 660. Marches into Switzerland, 663. Not properly supporieti, withdraws into Germany, ibidl INDEX. Sweden, revolution in, i. 338. Discussion with Britain abouE neutral ships, ii. 723 See Norlhern powers. T. TARLETON, colonel, distinguishes himself at Charleston, i. 650. Exploits of, 652, Expedition and progress of, 709. Overpowered by numbers and defeated, ibid. Temple, earl, in council agrees with the opinion of Pitt, i. 168. Supports Mr. Wilkes on constitutional grounds, 208. Disagrees with Mr. Pitt about the new appointments, 255. Opposes the coercive system respecting America, 371. Earl, nephew ofthe above, alleged to interfere against Mr. Fox's East India bill, 793. Secretary of state, 794. Resigns, ibid. The! wall, John, lectures of, ii. 173. Apprehended, ibid. Tried and acquitted, 515 . Resumes his lectures, 544. Thomson, William, his able writings in the Political Herald, on the contest between messrs. Fox and Pitt, i. 792. n. Masterly view ofthe French revolution, ii. 315. Thurlow, heads the prosecution against Clive, i. 351. Parliamentary character oT, 398. Created lord, able speech of, on the profusion of public money, 624. Opposes Fox's East India bill, 791. Opposes the liberation of insolvent debtors, ii. 89. Re gards the acts of the innovating societies, sedition, but not treason, 476. Thurot, exploits of, i. 130, 131. Tippoo Saib, son to Hyder Ally, i. 692. Defeats colonel Braithwaite's corps, 746, Surprises general Mathews, 750. War wilh lord Cornwallis, ii. 369 to 371. Forms a new confederacy against the British, 673. War, 675. Fall of Seringapatam, 676. And dealh of Tippoo, ibid. Tooke, Home, his comparison of messrs. Fox and Pitt, i. 803. n. Contest of, wilh Mr. Fox, ii. 318. Arrested on a charge of high treason, 473. Trial of, 512. Acquitted, 514. Townshend, general and lord, compels Quebec to surrender, i. 125. Viceroy of Ire land, 278. , Charles, brother to the former, joins the Grenville ministry in the stamp act, i. 227. Chancellor of the exchequer, 255. New project respecting America, 260. Dealh and character, 266. UNION with Ireland, arguments of statesmen and writers, for and against, it. 643, 644. Motives and views of certain parties and classes, ibid, 645. Mr. Pitt's reasoning on the subject and plan of union, 646 to 648. Pnaposed to the Irish par liament, ibid. Vehemently opposed, ibid, Arguments in favour of il from the Scotch union, 649, 650. The plan, and time of commencement, are finally fixed, 703. VAUGHAN, general, defence of the Leeward Islands, i. 662. Commands at the capture of St. Eustatius, 703. Voltaire, see France. W. WALES, prince of, late, see Frederic. Present, see George. Princess dowager death, i. 335. Princess of, see Caroline. Young princess, see George HI. and George, prince of Wales. Warrants, general, see parliament INDEX, Warren, sir John Borlase, defeats a French squadron, i i 626. Expedition unde^ 716. Washington, colonel, masterly retreat of, with the remains of Braddock's troops, i. 104. Appointed commander in chief of the American fortes, 431. Dispositions during winter, 509. Devises, means of rendering their armies efficient, ibid, See Hoive and Clinton. Operations of, in conjunction with the French, 658. Dex terous stratagem of, overreaches Clinlon, 712. Joins the forces in Virginia, 713. And effects the surrender of Cornwallis, 714. Webster, colonel, distinguishes himself at Charleston, i. 650. Death and character, 710. Wedderburne, Alexander, defends lord Clive, i. 351. Parliamentary character of, 398. Created lord Loughborough, 667. Charge to the grand jury on the rioters, ibid. 668. Splendid ability of, ibid. Doctrines on treason, ibid, Trial of the rioters, 669. His speech on the appointment of judges, 775. Supports Mr. Fox's East In dia bill, 791. Able speech on the commercial treaty, ii. 80. Weymouth, lord, letter to ihe Surry magistrates, i. 289. Whitbread, Mr. ingenious speech of, on pariiamenlary reform , ii. 426. Wilberforce, talents arid character, ii. 132. Benevolent zeal for the abolition of sla very, ibid. Motion lor the abolition ol the sla\ e trade, 191. Wilkes, character, i. 206. Writes the North Briton, No. 45. 207. Proceedings against, i_ 208. Popular enthusiasm in his favour, 209. See parliament Expelled the house, 212. Retires into exile, 213. Returns, 281. Chosen member for Middlesex, ibid. Object, 292. And measures, ibid. Proceedings respecting, see parliament. Col loquial talents, 398. William Henry, prince, third son to George III. Created duke of Clarence, ii. 336. Masterly view of the slave trade, 366. Reasoning on lord Auckland's bill for the prevention of adultery, 705. Williams, David, esq. application to by the Gironde rulers, ii 441. Windham, Mr. distinguishes himself by a speech on the commercial treaty, ii. 80. Speech on parliamentary reform, 285. Secretary at war, plan of, for improving the militia, 522. Genius and virtues, 730. Wolfe, general, heads an expedition to Quebec, i. 123 Achievements of, begin, ibid. Close, 125. He dies in the arms ol" victory, ibid. In Ihe circumstances of his death. resembles Epaminondas and Gustavus Adolphus, ibid. n. Wolslonecraft, Mary Anne, Rights oi Women, ii, 354. YORK, Edward duke of, dies, i. 266. X «rk, Frederic duke of, see Frederic. FINIS, vet, ir. ^9 SUBSCRIBERS' NAMES. AlSOP, ROBERT, Albany. Adams,Williatn H. Canandaigua. Anderson, George, Batavia. Anuin, Joseph, Le Roy. Adancourl, F. Troy. Alien, A. Salem. Adams, Wm. K. do. Adams, Charles, Burlington, Vt. Alfred, Chauncey, Elizabethtoum, Adams, John, Catskill. [JY. J. Andrews Ferdinand, Saratoga Springs. B. Bleecker, Barent, Albany. Bay, William, do. Beck, Romeyn T. do. Buel, Jesse, do. Beach, John H. Auburn. Bacon, John F. Albany. Beck, Abraham, Schenectady. Belknap, James, Neivbwrgh. Bender, H. R. Rochester. Brown, Rufus, Pittsfield, Ms. Brackett, James, Cherry- Valley. Beekman, William, Jun. do. Beardsley, Levi, do. Bacon, Charles Akin, Oxford. Brush, Piatt, Chilicothe, Ohio. Birdsell, Samuel, Ovid. Bellinger, F. Herkimer. Bennett, Ambrose, Onondaga* Badger, Luther, Manlius. Beebee; Alexander M. Skeneateles. Burns, Andrew, Geneva. Beais, Thomas, Canandaigua. Brunson, Henry O. Batavia. Barker, Jacob A. Buffcdoe. Beardslee, James, Auburn. Brown, Henry, Springfield. BttUerfieldjJnstiu, Sacketf 'sharbor. Beardsley, Samuel, Rome. Billings, Moses, Jackson. Brown, Seth, Salem. Billings, J. L. do. Bird, G. A. Caldwell. Beebee, John, do. Butler, Simeon, Northampton, Ms. Bigelow, Alpheus, Weston, Ms. Bliss, Moses, Burlington, Vt. Boyd, David, Schenectady. Bo wen, George, Middlebury, Vt. Buell, Frederick, Burlington, Vt, Bishop, Isaac, Granville, Bal\ard,Beroth, SaratogaSpringst Berry, Simeon, Jun. Sandy Hill, Bayley, Joseph, New-York. Buell, Horatio, Glen's Falls. C. Cuyler, John C. Albany. Campbell, Archibald, do. Carson, Thomas, do. Clifford, John, do. Clark, Aaron, do. Cobb, Sandford, do. Croswell, H. New-Haven, Ccui. Cuyler, Joseph, Johnstown. Center, Ebenezer, Pittsfield, Ms. Childs, Henry W. do. Chamberlain, John, Jun. Dalton^ Clark, Thomas E. UHca. [MsY Coventry, Alexander, do. Cady, John W. Johnstown. Cooley, Eli F. Cherry- Valley. Clark, Israel W. Cooperstoicm Clark, Cyrenus, do. Clapp, James, Oxford. Crafts, Willard, Bridgewatir. Chainberlin, B. Johnstown. Chase, Samuel, Richfield. Childs, P. E. Cazenovia. Childs. Timothy, CanandaigWt, CQteroa.D, S. Bhomfiehi. SUBSCRIBERS' NAMES. Commins, J. J). Lima. Cotton, Rowland, Buffaloi. Cole, Abner, Palmyra. Caswell, D. J. Delphi. Collins, Ela, Lowville. Clark, Charles E. Watertdwn. Campbell, David, Jackson. Curtis, Philo, Salem. Clapp, Otis, do. Clark, Asahel, Queensbicry. Chase, Ariel, Hoosick. Curtis, Lewis, Burlington, Vt. Cassedy,George, Hackensack,N.J. Chtprndn, Nathl. Tinmouth, Vt. Cleveland, Geo. Middlebury, Vt. Chittenden, Giles, Burlington, Vt. Child, Caleb, Troy. Cowen, Esek, Saratoga Springs. D. De Witt, Surveyor-General, N. Y. Simeon, Albany. De Lainater, Jonathan, do. Davis, Nathaniel, do. Dixey, John, New-York. Dorr, Alexander, Pittsfield, Ms. Dorchester, E. Utica. Dodge, William I. Johnstown. Drake, Chandler W. Burlington, Dearborn, David, Cazenovia. Dixon, Abraham, Homer. Dwight, Henry E. Onondaga. Dox, Abraham, Geneva. Day, David M. Buffahe. Doty, Barnn S. Lowville. Dobbin, John, Jackson. Darrow, J. Hebron. Davis eJ-Glenson, Hoosick. Deuel, Jasper, Fort Edward. Dorr, Elisha, Albany. Datiforth, Isaac E. Barnard, Vt, De Zeng, William S. Geneva. E. Eights, Jonathan, Albany. Ely, Noah, New-Berlin. Enos, Thomas O. Little Falls. Ely, Elisha, Rochester. Eager, Samuel W. U'ardslridge. EJlis, John, Dnjdeii. ' F. Ford, Masa, Pittsfield, Ms. Flagg, Hezekiah, Cooperstoum. Fenton, Joseph S. Norwich. Feeler, George H. Little Falls. Fitch, Benjamin, do. Ford, Lawrence, Herkimer. ,; Fortnan, Samuel S. Cazenovia. Fish, Joseph, Onondaga. Forman, Joshua, do. Fields, James, Geneva. Fitch, L- C. Bloomfield. Farlino;, Andrew, Ovid* Fitch, Asa, Salem. Foot, L. T. do. Foot, E. A. Hebron. Fort, A. J. Hoosick. Frisbee, Simeon, Elizabethtoum, N. J. 6 copies. Finn, William, Fort Edioard. Ferriss, John A. -Glen's Falls. G. Gold, Thomas, Pittsfield, Ms. Granger, H. L. Manlius. Griffin, Saml. Jun. Cherry-Valley. Graves &. Nichols, Cooperstown. Gray, Reuben, Nero-Berlin. Gear, Ezekiel G. Manlius. Garrow, Nathaniel, Auburn. Gorhani, N. Canandaigua. Grosvenor & Heacock, Buffaloe. Gibson, J. B. Salem. Graham, James, do. Guppy, B. F. Hebron. Gross, E. C. EMzabelhtown, N. J. 8 copies. Gove, Jesse, Rutland, Vt. Gadcomb, Sanford, Burlington, Gaylord, E. T. Catskill. * [Vt. Gosman, John, Kingston. II. Hammond, J. D. Cherry-Vallef. Hoskins, Ebenezer, Auburn. Hayes, Isnac, Unadilla. Ilvtlop, Robert, Albany. Hitchcock, 1\S. Vtka. Ho\vi , Adin. Madison. SUBSCRIBERS' NAMES. Haring, Aaron, Johnstown. Hudson, William, Clierry-Valley, Hall, Jonathan, do. Hatch, Asahel, New-Berlin. Harrington, Amasa, Laurens. Hurd, J. N. M. Cazenovia. Hoyt, David P. Utica. Hyatt, Samuel, Manlius. Hyde, David, Auburn. Hills, Horace, do. Hudson, David, Geneva. Hortsen, William, do. Hallett, J. W. Pulteneyville. : Howell, Nathaniel W. Canan daigua,. Hart, Reuben, do. - Hunt, Flavel, Bloomfield. Hosmer, George, Avon. Hibbardj Enoch H. Rocliester. Hogarth, Richard, Geneva. Holton, Amos, Sackett's Harbour. Henderson, Thomas, Pittstgwn. Hay, Wm. Caldwell. Hascall, Ralph, Essex. Huntington, Daniel, Shaftsbury. Higley, Erastus, Castleton, Vt. Harris, John W. Rutland, Vt. HodgeSjHannibaljiSytmustan/,^.Hough, John, Middlebury, Vt. Hager, Luther, do. Haight, Leonard, New-Baltimore. Hyde, A. W. Burlington, Vt. Hickok, Samuel, do. Hudson, Horace, Waterford. J. James, John, Pittsfield, Ms. Jarvis, Wm. C. do. Jenkins, Mayor of Albany, Hon. EJisha. Judd, Oliver, Cherry-Valley. Johnson, Caleb, Onondaga. Johnson, Ebenezer, Buffaloe. Judson, Eli, Lansingburgh. Josliu, William J. Hoosick. Jones, Alex. Jun. Burlington, Vt. K. Kitteridge*, Abe-!, Hinsdale, Ms. Kennedy,. John, Lansingburgh: ' Knickerbacker, H. Schdghticoke. Kittle, Simon, do. Kirtland, John, Granville. Kimball, Harvey, Kellogg, John, Benson, Vt. L. Lansing, Sanders, Albany. Leney, Wm. S. New-York. Low, James, Albany. Lawrence, Wolcott, Pittsfield,Ms. Lathrop, Horace, Cherry-Valley. Lacy, William B. Oxford. Lasher, Frederick, Manlius, Lewis, George, Ovid. Lathrop, Alfred, Champion. Livingston, William, Hebron. Lathrop, J. B. Kingsbury. Lee, Jesse S. Argyle. Loomis, Warren, Burlington, Vt: Lake, Daniel, Castleton, Vf. Loomis, Luther, Burlington, Vt. Lawrence, Wm. Moreau. Luce, Vinal, Albany. M. M'Intyre, Comptroller of New; York, Archibald, Albany. M'Elroy, Samuel, do. Meads, John, do. Morris, John C. Butternuts. Mathews, John II. Painsville, 0. M'Martin, Duncan, Jun. Broad- albfyi. Martin, Calvin, Pittsfield, Ms. Mack, David, Jun. Middlefield. Morrell, Abraham, Johnstown. Morris, Charles, do. Munson, Levinus, Waterville. Morse, James Otis, Cherry-Valley^. Magher, Peter, do. Morell, George, Cooperstoum. Morehouse, E. B. do. Milner, Thomas, Norwich. Markell, Henry, Manheim. Meikles, Nicholas, Onondaga, M'Donald, Daniel, Auburn. Marvin, Dudley, Canandaigwt. SUBSCRIBERS' NAMES. Mastic, John, Roohester. March, Alvan, Manlius. Masters, N. 1Y1. Troy. Mallory, James, do. M'Dougall, William, Greenwich. M'Farland, Wrn. M. Salem. M'Farland, Wm. do. Morrison, W. F. do. M'Whorter^ George, do. Martindale, H. C. Kingsbury. Mussey, Reuben, do. M'Naughton, J. Melfens, Dexter, Belchertown, Ms. Marcy, Marvin, Cambridge, Ms. Mallary, R. C. Castleton, Vt. Moore, Lewis, Hackensack, N. J. Miller, Stephen, Neiv-York. Masters, Josiah, Schaghticoke. Meacham, John, Castleton, Vt. Meigs, Charles R. Pawlet, Vt. Megraw, Jared, Benson, Vt. Mattison, Henry, Hebron. N. Nortbrwn, A. Skeneateies. Nelson, Samuel, Salem. Nicholson, Norman, Elizabeth- town, N. J. Newell, Pollas, A. do. Nicholson, John, do. Noble, William, Charlotte, Vt. O. Odell, A.. W. Ballston Spa. Ogden, Henry, Vnadilla. Osborn, Isaac, Manlius. Oli-phant, Robert, do. Olmsted, Charles G. Buffaloe: Oroisloti, Robert,, Springfield. P. Parker, Philip S. Albany. Porter, Jaines, Skmeateles. Peniberton, Thomas L. Albany. Paine, B. Utica. Porter, Ira, Albany. 'Pmvel, Thomas, Schenectady. . Porter, Abraham, Dalton, Ms* Phelps, Ralph R. Manlius. Price, William, Owasco. Potter, Heman B. Buffaloe. Perine, A. M. Albany. Penniman, S. J. Lansinghtrgk, • Paddock, J. W. Caldwell. Putnam, Schuyler, Williams- town, Ms. Pomeroy, J. N. Burlington, Vt. Penniman, Jabez, Colchester, Vt. Phelps, Samuel S.Middlebury, Vt Peirson, Edward, Shelbume, Vt. Perrigo, John, Burlington, Vt. Peck, John, do. Pinckney, J. Catskill. Porter, A. do. Palmer, George, Stillwater, Phillips, Gabriel N. Philipsburglt. Parsons, Andrew, Patterson, N.J. Potter, Richard. R. Richards, John, Johnsburgh. Robison, H. Albany. RandeJ, John, Jun. do. Rollinsou, William, New-York. Raymond, B. Potsdam. Rust, David, Johnstown. Randell, Henry, Burlington. Randell & Harris, Norwich. Rathbun, Ransom, Oxford. Ross, Samuel, do. Rathbnn, John, do. Rose, De Witt, Onondaga. Rochester, John G? Rocliester. Roberts, S. B. Rome. Reab, George, Jun. Troy. Robertson, AVilliam, Jun. Green wich. Reynolds, J. P. Bookseller, 100* copies, Salem,. Russell, David, do. Rogers, Halsey, Caldwell. Russell, David, Burlington, Vt* Rogers, Walter, Sandy Hill. Ruggles, Lemuel Wamei-, OsweS go Village. t Reed, Roswell, Coxsackie. Red field, L. H. & Co. Onondaga? SUBSCRIBERS' NAMES. Starr, Chandler, Albany. Smith, Solomon, do. Storrs, C. Porter, do. Southwick, H. C. do. Shepherd, George? do. Steele, Julius, Bloomfield. Schuyler, H. P. Hermitage, "near Schenectady. Swift, Philetus, Phelps. Smith, A. D. Vtica'. Sizer, Asa B. Madison. Stautenburgh, T. A. Johnstown. Stewart, Daniel, Broadalbin. Stebbins, Chester, Galway. Seelye, Isaac, Cherry-Valley. Story, William, do. Starkweather, Samuel, Coopers- town. Smith, Elisha, Norwich. Southwick, J. Johnstown. Seymour, Henry, Pompey. Smith, J. H. & R. L. Auburn. Stevens, John A. Canandaigua. Seymour, Z. do. Sickels, Daniel, New-Yorlc. Storrs, Juba, Canandaigua. Stone, Simon, 2d. Pittsford. Smith, A. G. do. Spencer, John C. Canandaigua. 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Tilden, Daniel, Sullivan. Tupper, Samuel, Buffaloe. Trobridge, Josiah, do. Tiffany, George A. Le Roy. Taylor, Henry G. Pittsford. Ten Eyck, Egbert, Watertown. Turner, Horace, Troy. Tracy & Bliss, Booksellers, Lan singburgh, 4 copies. Treehouse, P. D. Caldwell. Temple, Robert, Rutland, Vt. Taylor, John & Ziba, Saratoga Springs. U. Usher, Luke, New-York. Upham, Thomas, Sturbridge, Ms. V. Van Rensselaer, late Mayor of Albany, Hon. Philip S. Van Vechten, Teunis, Albany. Van Der Lyn, Henry, Oxford. Van Benthuysen, Benj. Albany. Viele, Charles, Piltstown. Van Benthuyseu, O. R. Albany.. SUBSCRIBERS' NAMES. Van Buskirk, P. V. N. Cambridge. Van, J. B. Elizabethtoum, N J. Viele, John A. Schaghticoke. Van Ness, C. P. Burlington, Vt. Van Den Berg, A. L. Glen's Falls. W. Wing, Joel A. Albany. Wendell, H. Jun. do. Warner, John, Florida. Westbrook, Cornelius D. Fishkill: Worth, G. A. Albany. White, Joseph, Cherry-Valley. Walton, Joseph B. do. White, Delos, do. Williams, Silas, Cooperstoum. Wilcox, Ira, Oxford. Ward, Aaron, Mount Pleasant. Wing, Walter, Butternutts. Wattles, James O. Manlius. Washburn, John, do. Wilson, Ebenezer, Jr. Onondaga. Wright, Ebenezer, do. Wilson, Jered, Canandaigua, WardeH, E. Buff aloe. Watson, William W. Geneva. Woolsee, Melanckton T. SacketPs Harbour. Wilson, E. Jun. Troy. Walker, J. C. Greenwich. Warford, Samuel, Salem. Warford, Charles, do. Williams, William, do. Webster, George, Hebron. Walworth, R. H. Plattsburgh. Waters, Worthy, Hoosick. Washburn,Luther, Lanesboro' Ms, Williams, Charles K.Rutland, Vt. Williams, Charles R. do. White, Samuel, Hudson. Wood, Jonathan, Hartford. Wills, Thomas, Patterson, N. J. Y. Yale, Elisha, Johnstown. Youngs, William, Coeymans. E. fy E. Hosford....JPrm1iers....JIItany\ 9£88 86l£0Z006 Auvaan AiisdaAiNn iivA